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MEMOIES
OF
BAEOi^ LEJEUNE
VOL. II.
MEMOIES
OF
BAEON LEJEUNB
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO MARSHALS BERTHIEB,
DAVOUT, AND OUDINOT
TRANSLATED AND EDITED PROM THE ORIGINAL FRENCH
BY
MES AETHUE BELL (N. D'ANVEES)
AUTHOK OF 'the ELEMEKTARY HISTOHY OK ABT '
THE 'SCIENCE LADDEES SERIES' ETC.
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
MAJOE-GENERAL MAURICE, C.B.
IN TWO VOLUMES— VOL. IL
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1897
All rights reserved
CONTENTS
Oi-
THE SECOND VOLUME
..-HAPTEK PAQB
I. Retukn to Vienna — Ckacow — The Eeview — Retuhn to Paris
— The Divoece — December 31, 1809 . . . ... 1
II. Mission confided to 5ie by the Empehok Napoleon — General
DORSENNE at BuRGOS KiNG JoSEPH AT MADRID — GRENADA
Cordova — Seville — The Battle op Chiclana, opposite
Cadiz — Marshal Victor at Santa Maria — Marshal Soult
at Seville ........... 37
III. I A3I TAKEN PRISONER AND ALL BUT HaNGED . . . .77
IV. My Stay at Forton — I le.we Ashby — I arrive at Boulogne —
Prince Berthiek 124
V. Passage of the Niemen — Witebsk — Polotsk — Smolensk
WlASMA . 146
VI. Battle of the Moskwa — Moscow— Beginning of our Eetreat
— B.ITTLE OF MALO-.I.iEOSL.AVITZ 174
VII. ViASMA — Krasnoe — The Beresina Disaster — The Emperor
LEAVES THE ARJIY WiLNA 208
VIII. The Arrival of the Emperor at Paris — The Campaign op
1813 — LuTZEN — Badtzen — The Armistice, Dresden — Kulm,
Leipzig — Hanau— My Eetuhn to Paris 260
INDEX 299
MEMOIRS
OF
BABON LEJEUNE
CHAPTBE I
EETTJRN TO VIENNA — CRACOW — THE REVIEW — RETURN TO
PARIS THE DIVORCE — DECEMBER 31, 1809
I LEFT General Eusca at Klagenfurt, and set out once
more for Vienna. The journey back was one long delight
to me, for I was now able to examine at comparative leisure
the interesting places I had had to hasten past all too
rapidly on my way to the Tyrol. I had scarcely passed
the quaint little town of Friesach, picturesquely situated
at the foot of the lofty chain of mountains separating
Carinthia from Styria, when I was overtaken by another
of the storms of such frequent occurrence in these lofty
districts. On August 1-5, the Emperor's birthday, which
is generally oppressively hot, I was in such a deluge of
rain that I thought I should be washed away. This was
succeeded by a heavy fall of snow, which lasted several
hours, but I at last reached and passed through the ugly
little town of Leoben, where the preliminaries of peace
were signed, which saved the town of Vienna from the
VOL. II. B
I'-
2 ME.M01i;S OF BAKOX LEJEUNE
entry of the troops of General Bonaparte in 1797. Leoben
is situated on the Mur, which winds backwards and
forwards in a remarkable way, as if loth to leave the
lovely valley it waters. At Burg, the Mur, the waters of
which are as clear as crystal, widens out at the base of a
huge rock, whose foundations it is graduallj' eating away.
This isolated mass of stone, rising up like some defiant
giant, is covered with venerable trees, the mighty, sombre-
hued, drooping branches of which are reflected in the
placid mirror of the waters beneath, as they gently lave
the marble they are powerless to overturn.
At the Sommering pass a wall of rocks rising up into
the clouds seems so completely to shut in the valley, here
extremely narrow, as to leave absolutely no means of pass-
ing out of Styria into Austria. But for all that the
traveller is able to reach the summit of the pass crowned
by an ancient manor house, the walls and towers of which
have been partly destroyed by the storms which have
swept over them. The view from this point is magnifi-
cent, embracing as it does the rich plains of Austria and
the banks of the Danube, with the towers and belfries of
Vienna rising up against the horizon.
When I got back to the Emperor at Schonbrunn, I
found him engaged in distributing rewards to those who
had served him in the arduous campaigns just over. He
could not without disorganising the whole army give pro-
motion to all who deserved it ; and, moreover, many of
his bravest soldiers were illiterate men, whom it would not
do to make officers. Anxious, however, to confer some
real distinction on those brave fellows who had taken part
in the actual defence of the flag, the eagle of their regi-
ment, he conceived the idea of giving them a costume
and equipment which should mark them out as specially
THE ORDEIl OF THE THREE ELEECl'.S 3
honoured, and at the same time be suitable to the duties
they had to perform.
The Emperor, therefore, sent for me, and asked me to
make a sketch of a costume such as he wished to give to
what he called his Eagle Guard, or those non-commissioned
officers whose office it "was to surround and defend the
actual standard bearer. The chief weapons of each one
were to be a pistol, a sword, and a lance, so that in the
heat of the battle they would never have to trouble them-
selves about loading a gun. There was to be gold on their
epaulettes, sword belts, and helmets. I made a drawing
and took it to the Emperor, and he sent it with his own
instructions on the subject.
Napoleon then asked me to draw, under his own eye, a
design for the new Order he intended to institute. ' The
Order of the Golden Fleece,' he said, ' was typical of
victory ; my eagles have triumphed over the Golden
Eleeces of the Kings of Spain and the Emperors of
Germany, so I mean to create for the French Empire an
Imperial Order of the Three Golden Fleeces. The sign of
this Order shall be my own eagle with outspread wings,
holding in each of its talons one of the ancient Golden
Fleeces it has carried off, whilst hanging from its beak it
will proudly display the Fleece I now institute.' He then
took a pen and roughly marked out the size I v/as to make
my drawing. He also said he wished the chain on which
the Order would be hung round the neck to be of very
rich workmanship, with martial designs. ' The chain
of the ancient Orders,' he explained to me, ' consists of bits
of flint which emit fire when they rub against each other ;
the new chain must be made of gleaming splinters of burn-
ing grenades.' I made the drawings as desired, and he
issued his orders accordingly. The institution of the new
4 MEMOIliS OF BAKON LEJEUNE
Order was duly announced in the 'Moniteur,' but the terms
of the treaty of peace compelled him to suppress a distinc-
tion the chief aim of which had been to humiliate the
conquered countries of Spain and Austria.
Peace had already been' signed on the 14th, and the
Emperor now returned to France.
Major-General Prince Berthier remained in Vienna at
the head of the army. The important arrangements for
the withdrawal of our troops, and the various precautions
taken in case of any infringement of the conditions of the
treaty, did not prevent us from devoting a good deal of
time to amusement. The wives of several generals came
to rejoin their husbands. The Countesses of Daru and
Bertrand had also lately arrived in Vienna, charming
every one about them with their grace and courtesy.
Fetes and balls succeeded each other rapidly, leaving us
little time for repose. The young Viceroy, Prince Eugene,
who was just at the age when pleasure is so fascinating,
was not the least active in promoting the festivities.
Eight days had passed happily away in amusements
when Prince Berthier sent me to Prince Poniatowski,
at Cracow, to inform him of the additional clauses of the
treaty of peace, to tell him where his future cantonments
were to be, and to ascertain from him the condition of his
troops, the state of his fortresses, and what his require-
ments were.
When the first news of the armistice of Znaim reached
Prince Poniatowski, his army had already ascended the
Vistula beyond Cracow, and he was master of the strong-
holds of Modlin, Sierosk, and ZaixLoski, which he had placed
in a good state of defence. I went to Galicia by way of
Briinn and Olmiitz, the latter a strong fortress, where the
Austrians put considerable difficulties in my way, detaining
PRINCE P0XIAT0W8KI 5
me for five hours, and passed thence by way of Teschen
into Austrian Silesia, finally arriving at Cracow, where I
found the Prince.
I had already frequently met him at Warsaw during
our campaigns, and he now receiyed me with all courtesy
and honour. Prince Poniatowski was much beloved by
the Poles, who all hoped the Emperor would place him
on the throne of Poland. His handsome person was set
off by his easy, graceful manners, the outcome of the truly
chivalrous nature which made him the hero he was in war
and in gallantry. No soldier was ever braver than he, and
though perchance others may have been more faithful,
no lover was ever more respectful. Very often was he
to be seen sleeping on straw at night, as did the rest
of us. He was always most careful for the welfare of
his soldiers, and I used to see him sometimes in the midst
of his cares toying with a very small gold ring, which
he tried to get on to his little finger. No doubt when he
took this ring from the willing hand which had bestowed
it on him, he had promised never to part with it ; and as he
could not wear it, he was in constant dread of losing it.
I dismounted at the Prince's quarters at Cracow, and
found him surrounded by many of the chief nobles of
Poland, who had flocked to his banner. Amongst them
were Princes Lubomirski, Eadzivil and Czartoriski, Counts
Potocki, Kaminski, Sarekowski, &c., who all loaded me
with attentions. The Eussian General, Prince Suvaroff,
son of the General who had fought against us in Italy, was
at Cracow with his division, supposed to be there to co-
operate with the Polish army in the interests of France ;
but the probability is that these troops were really waitnig
to profit by our defeat rather than to aid in our success,
and everything Ruvaroff did pointed to this conclusion.
(i MEMOJKS OF J'.AliOX LE.TEINE
For all that, the Poles and Eussians lived together in
Cracow on very good terms, and Prince Suvaroff, to whom
I went to pay my respects, received me as a friend. Near
him, stretched out upon a big rug of sable fur, was a very
beautiful ^^'()man, to whom he presented me. Her long
black hair, into wliich were twisted strings of large pearls,
hung about her shoulders in studied negligence, and her
snow-white neck and arms were also decked with chains
of magnificent pearls. The expression of her face was
pleasing and gentle. I thought she was the Princess, wife
of the General, and I began to address her, when the
Prince said : ' She does not understand you ; she is a Cir-
cassian, whom I bought not long ago.' He then acted as
interpreter, and I had quite a long chat with her, feeling
as if I were transported for the moment to an Eastern
seraglio.
On Kovember 3, Prince Joseph Poniatowski held a
review of 20,000 of his Poles on a fine plain six leagues
from Cracow. We went to see it, escorted by more than
a hundred of&cers. The Prince had sent me a magnificent
and richly caparisoned horse, the only white one in the
army ; and when we arrived opposite the troops I noticed
that the donor of my steed drew back a little, so as to give
me the place of honour. I manoeuvred in the same way
to give place to him, and not succeeding, I begged him to
excuse me from going first. Then with perfect grace and
dignity he said, as he reined in his horse to allow me to
pass, ' You are here as the envoy of the Emperor.' ' Prince,'
I replied, ' your orders must of course be obeyed ; ' and
giving the reins to my horse, I let him show off his gxace
and docility before the eyes of the whole army, as I rode
between Prince Poniatowski and Prince Suvaroff, but
■ slightly in advance of them.
I REPRESENT THE J-L\IPEROR AT A ^.E^-IE^^' 7
Before the march past the Prince had several man-
oeuvres executed, and I congratulated him on his skill in
achieving evolutions so much more rapid than those of
our infantry, which always loses an incredible amount of
time in deploying. This slowness of movement may add
to the precision of a manoeuvre, but it is dangerous under
the fire of the enemy. I fought against it whenever I
had anything to do with manoeuvring troops, and I re-
joiced greatly when, as long afterwards as 1840, the corps
known as the Chasseurs d'Orleans was formed, and the
so-called ' pas gymnastique ' with greater rapidity of for-
mation was introduced into the French army.
The 20,000 Poles, whether infantry, artillery, or cavalry,
all wore uniforms similar to those of the French, and they
seemed delighted at being reviewed by their Prince in
sight of a French officer sent to them by the Emperor.
I had been charged by him to congratulate them on the
courage they had shown in the campaign, and to distribute
rewards, such as increase of pay and crosses of the Legion
of Honour, all of which were received with loud cheers.
Our return to Cracow after this fine review was like a
cavalry charge, for we dashed at full gallop through the
deep raud of Poland, which just now was at its worst ;
and when we arrived we were so completely coated with
mire from head to foot, that we could only recognise each
other by our voices. We had started all gleaming with
gold — we came back reduced, men and horses alike, to one
uniformly hideous state of chocolate colour. We all had
baths and changed everything, so that when we appeared at
dinner no traces were left of om: mad ride ; and our cos-
tumes at the ball after it were by no means the least
brilliant there.
On the 4th I took leave of our allies and of their fair
8 ^iIEMOIES or BAEON LEJEUXE
companions. A little later I met the Archduke Ferdinand
at the Poaoritz posting station, and he did me the honour
of chatting with me for a few minutes. He asked me
how I liked the country' and if I knew it well, and I an-
swered, smiling, that I had bivouacked in the garden of
this very house on the eve of the battle of Austerhtz.
The Prince frowned as he looked round on the memorable
scene, but for all that he asked me to explain certain
points, and as I did so I vividly recalled the glorious
and interesting memories of four years before, over which,
however, I could not very well gloat in the Archduke's
presence. The damage to his carriage, which had delayed
him, having been repaired, he resumed his journey, and I
went on to Briinn, where I found Austrian troops. I got
back to Vienna on the 7th, having traversed 300 leagues
going and returning.
The few days I had at Vienna were spent in fetes given
by Prince Eckmiihl, the Countesses Daru and Bertrand,
the Princess Czartoriska, and others, and when I left the
city I had but just come from a ball. A little incident of
my departure will give an idea of the Viennese mode of
speeding" their parting Prench guests. A coach-builder had
made for me, and duly delivered, a handsome barouche, for
which I paid him two hundred florins before I started in
it for Cracow. The paper money I had given him had
lost a twentieth part of its value during my absence, and
on my return, hearing that I meant soon to be off again,
the man demanded a hundred francs to make up for his
loss. I refused, and the matter seemed at an end ; but as
the carriage — which was to be drawn by four horses — was
to start before daybreak, my postillion went to look at the
wheels, to see whether they were well greased, so that we
might go at a good pace. Great was his surprise at dis-
MY RECEPTION AT THE BAVAPJAN COUPtT 9
covering that the coach-builder had removed the screws of
the wheels, evidently intending me to break my neck the
first time the horses felt the whip. How these good
Germans did love us, to be sure ! And we fully returned
their feelings. I sent some guards to the coach-builder
to take all the screws he had, and having picked out those
which fitted my wheels, I started.
I had the pleasure of meeting my brother with his
regiment en route, and I reached Munich on November 14,
where I joined Major-General Prince Berthier,- now the
Prince of AVagram.
The Prince of Wagram presented me to the Queen of
Bavaria, and the King assigned me apartments in his
palace next door to those of the sister of the Prince of
Linange, whom I had met, as related above, in the Tyrol.
The King, who was always good to me, showed me his
fine pictures, and invited me to dinners and fetes at Court,
where I heard the celebrated Mademoiselle Longiu play
the harp, and Mademoiselle Blangini, the well-known
amateur, perform on the violin. The King congratulated
me on having got back my nose, which he had heard had
been shot off at Saragossa, and I took leave in very good
spirits of my amiable host, to follow the Major-General,
who was returning to France.
I was scarcely back in Paris before I found myself in
a perfect whirl of fetes, balls, and festivities of all kinds.
On the 4th the Municipality of Paris gave a grand ball
at the Hotel de Ville in honour of the Emperor. More
than 6,000 persons were invited to this fete, and it was
kept up until long after daybreak.
On the 6th the Prince of AVagram invited to his hunt-
ing seat, known as the Chateau de Gros Bois, all the kings
and foreign princes who were in Paris, and during the few
10 MEilOIlJS OF BAEOX LEJEUXE
hours devoted to the chase the neighbouring forests re-
sounded with the blowing of horns and the firing of guns.
A splendid repast, a theatrical entertainment, and a ball
concluded the day's festivities.
Many of the attendants of the guests had on this occa-
sion partaken too freely of the good things provided for
their masters, and we soon discovered that our drivers
were dead drunk. In fact, my men fell off the box of my
carriage. It would have been inhiiman to leave them
lying helpless on the road, so, with the aid of a friend who
was with me, I picked them up and put them inside,
whilst he and I took their places outside, and drove them
back to Paris. Many of the royalties would have been wise
to follow our example, but of course they did not dare to
do so, and they ran great risk of losing life and throne by
being turned over or smashed up through the overpowering
of their coachmen by the fumes of champagne.
On the 7th there was a grand theatrical entertainment
at the Tuileries, and, as the Emperor expressed it a little
later at Erfurt, ' There was a regular 'parterre of kings.'
Talma, Crescentini, and Grassini were the chief stars of the
evening, and surpassed themselves. I have some cause
to remember that night, for I seem to have been so much
absorbed in contemplation of a particiilar box that the
Emperor asked the Prince of Wagram, ' Which of your
aides-de-camp is it who turns so persistently towards that
one box ? '
It was not till the entertainment was over that the
Prince could see my face, tell the Emperor my name, and
ruake fun of me.
Pour days later, on the 15th, the divorce took place.
It was a regular day of m.ourning to all who loved the
Emperor and the Empress Josephine, whose very name
RETIREMENT OF THE EMPRESS 11
was synonymous with grace and benevolence. Public
opinion agreed in looking upon the union between that
Princess and the Emperor as a talisman indispensable to
the fulfilment of his lofty destiny. When the Empress,
with her gentle grace and her ever ready sympathy for the
unfortunate, descended from the throne, the star of the
Emperor lost soiiiething of its lustre, and his prosperity
perhaps received something like a check. That was, at
least, the opinion of all the good-hearted men of the time,
who looked upon Prince Eugene, the son of the Empress,
and the adopted child of the Emperor, as the possessor of the
right qualities for carrying out, after the Emperor's death,
all the grand schemes which that great man might leave
unfinished. Politicians, on the other hand, considered a
grand marriage and a union with some one of royal blood
and long descent indispensable to the consolidation of the
Empire and future fortunes of France. The Emperor,
too ambitious from his very childhood, was greatly flat-
tered at the idea of the Emperor of Russia being willing
to give him his sister, and the Emperor of Austria his
daughter. The latter was of the same religion as
Napoleon, she was descended from the old Hapsburg
famil}', and it was to her that French politicians wished
the Emperor to pay court. The winning of such an ally
as the Emperor of Austria could but increase his power,
and there seemed no longer any doubt as to his choice.
On the 17th the Empress left the Palace of the
Tuileries, and retired to the Chateau Malmaison, whilst the
Emperor went to Trianon near Versailles, whither he was
accompanied by his three sisters and their ladies-in-wait-
ing. The Prince of Wagram followed him thither with
a few officers, including myself. During the ten days
Napoleon spent at Trianon he gave up his mornings to
12 MEMOIKS OF BAl;OX LEJEUNE
visiting the late Empress Josephine at Mahnaison, and
■we witnessed a renewal of the heartrending partings, ac-
companied bv protestations of an eternal affection sacri-
ficed in the interests of the Empire alone. The men were
full of admiration for the courage and strength of Xapoleon
the politician, the women were astonished at the incon-
stancy of Xapoleon the ambitious conqueror, but for all
that they did their best to please him.
During my stay "ndth the Com-t at Trianon, a little
episode occurred in which I did not figure exactly as a
hero. A lady to whom I took all the greater fancy
because she had reason to complain of her husband's in-
constanc}', but who had hitherto repelled my advances,
had at last consented to grant me an interview.
I was very much afraid of being prevented from keep-
ing my appointment with her, and did my utmost not
to fail her. On the day named I mounted my fleetest
steed, got to Paris in capital time, took up my post
in a half-open carriage, drew back out of sight, and
aw^aited events. Some twenty paces off, in the same
avenue of the Champs-Elysees, a second hired caiTiage
drew up, evidently also waiting for some one. Our two
coachmen were on the watch, and the first person to
appear was my fair one, who, trembhng and so closely
veiled that I did not recognise her, sprang furtively into the
carriage she thought was mine, and was driven off at a
brisk trot. I waited for two hours, but no lady came. I
learnt afterwards that she had flung herself into the arms
of her husband, who was waiting for another lady, and
that each had explained the rencontre by expressing
jealousy of the other. The peace thus restored remains
still unbroken, so that I had my journey and lost my time
for nothing. Anyhow I have the pleasure of knowing
A ^<TEAXGE GAME OF CHESS 13
that I aided in re-establishing harmony in a somewhat mi-
settled home. I got back to Trianon before I was missed,
but, as may be imagined, I felt somewhat crestfallen.
On the 28th the Emperor returned to Paris, and until
December 31 our time was spent in Court festivities,
parades, brilliant reviews of the corps returning from the
army, or in balls given by the Queens, sisters of the
Emperor, and others, at which the display of costly mate-
rials, embroideries, jewels, &c., gave an immense impulse
to the trade of Paris.
Amongst these balls a very remarkable one was
given by jNIarescalchi, the Italian Minister, at which a
grand quadrille was danced, representing a game of
chess, the thirty-two dancers being dressed in exceedingly
rich costumes, as the kings and princes of Egypt and
Persia with certain of their subjects. On account of my
height I was told off to be Sesostris or the great Ptolemy,
the lovely Madame de Barral was my queen, and om'
purple and gold garments sparkled with the rubies with
which they were lavishly sprinkled. The beautiful Duchess
of Bassano, her costurue one blaze of lapis lazuli and
sapphires, and M. de Legrange, who was called Apollo, sat
side by side opposite to us on the throne of Persia, which
was assaulted, taken, and checkmated by the soldiers of
Pharaoh. These soldiers were the most beautiful of the
princesses and duchesses of the day. My pawn was the
Princess of Aremberg. These charming battaUons, who
had no offensive weapons but the bewitcliing glances from
their eyes, were attacked, supported, and defended by men
dressed up as fools, bells and all, who gambolled about
in true fool's style ; and by horsemen mounted on docile
yet fiery steeds, caparisoned in silk and gold, whose card-
board feet were not likely to trample any one down, whilst
J 4 MEMOIRS OF BAliOX LEJEUNE
behind them rose frowning but gilded towers with battle-
ments unmanned b.v archers, representing the ramparts
of the Empire. The brilliant actors of the scene man-
oeuvred on a floor marked out to represent an ivory and
ebony chess-board. The Queen advanced in a cold, im-
perious, and threatening manner ; and the good King,
coinpelled to submit to the laws of the game, greatly
regretted not to be able to advance more than one step at
a time in the direction of her pretty soldiers.
The news of the divorce and of the approaching
marriage of the Emperor was received with considerable
grief by the army, and great was the dismay when it was
found that his choice had fallen on a foreign princess.
But no notice was taken of this feeling of regret ; diplo-
matic notes were exchanged between the French and
Austrian Courts, and the marriage of the Emperor with
an Archduchess was definitely arranged.
The Emperor now named the ladies who were to form
the household of the new Empress ; and the Duchess of
Montebello, widow of Marshal Lannes, who had been
created Duke of Montebello before his death, was made
one of her maids of honour. On the same day the
Emperor addressed a message to the Senate to announce
that he was sending the Prince of Neuchatel (Marshal
Berthier) to Vienna as ambassador extraordinary to
represent him at the ceremonies of betrothal and marriage.
The Prince did me the honour of taking me with him,
and I started for Vienna once more on February 24.
This time I arrived in a carriage drawn by six horses,
and not, as before, on horseback with drawn sword. The
cannon greeted us yet again, but only to do us honour.
I took my friend M. le Paillot with me, for I wanted him
to share in the festivities ; and as it was carnival time,
AWKWARD RESULTS OF MV CURIOSITY 15
we had a good deal of amusement of one kind and
another.
I ahghted at the Imperial Palace, where apartments
had been prepared for the ambassador ; and when I took
possession of my quarters in the evening of the same day,
a little accident occvirred to me which gave me a strange
insight into the real nature of the apparently rich appoint-
ments of the Emperor's grand residence.
Mj' rooms were adorned with a profusion of gilded
bronzes, and the chandelier of the salon was of specially
elegant design. I noticed the rich gleam from it and its
delicacj' of finish, and an unlucky impulse made me think
I should like to try and lift it to see how much the twenty-
four branches of which it consisted weighed, for the
golden chain from which it hung looked very thin. I
climbed a chair, and what was my surprise at finding,
when I lifted the chandelier, that it weighed no more
than pasteboard or the lightest wood ! I was so taken
aback that I was perhaps not quite careful enough in
removing my hands, and the four chains all gave way at
once ; the magnificent chandelier, falling with a crash,
broke into a thousand pieces on the floor, revealing that
the material of the whole thing — ornaments and all — was
nothing more than larchwood. There was a fire burning
in a magnificent grate, so I hastened to fling all the
rubbish which had thus fallen a victim to my curiosity
into the flames, and I never heard another word about
the matter. But my thoughts iuA-oluntarily tm-ned to
the illusions of one kind and another which had led our
Emperor to fix his choice on a foreign princess, and I
feared that some day worse deceptions would be practised
on him by the Court of Austria than that which on this
16 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
occasion at Vienna made me realise so sadly the truth of
the old proverb, ' All is not gold that glitters.'
I afterwards learnt that the Tyrolese have made quite
an industry of copying French bronzes in wood, which
the Germans buy at a small cost as decorations for their
residences, the brilhant imitations passing muster except
when tampered with by clumsy visitors.
Soon after I got to Vienna I had to go and officially
inform M. Otto, the French Ambassador, and all the
principal personages at the Court, of the arrival of the
Ambassador Extraordinary. A few hours later the Prince
of Neuchatel, who had to make a public and ceremonious
entry, went with his suite to the palace of the Prince
von Schwarzenberg in the suburb of Carinthia, whence
he was escorted with a pomp worthy of the heirs of
Charlemagne — his party, all in gala costumes, driving in
some twenty or thirty gilded chariots, each drawn by six
horses and surrounded by valets and footmen running
before and beside them. Hungarian squadrons formed
the escort, and the procession traversed the most densely
populated quarters of the town, between two lines of
regiments, who presented arms.
Arrived at the castle, where the staircases were lined
by the halberdiers, the Imperial Guard, the lifeguardsmen,
the arquebusiers, and the Hungarian ' Noble Guard ' in
their antique costumes, the Ambassador was ushered into
the anteroom ; the wide folding doors between it and the
Great Hall, which had been prepared for the audience,
were flung open ; and with equal ceremony he was
announced to the Emperor, awaiting him surrounded by
his entire Court.
After the three salutes prescribed by etiquette, the
Ambassador made a short speech to the Emperor, to which
A 81':ries of solemn interviews 17
that monarch rephed ; Prince Berthier then presented
each of us in turn as the gentlemen of his suite. From
this audience the Ambassador went to the apartments of
the Empress, where the same ceremonial was observed.
That Princess, one of the most remarkable women of the
day, distinguished for the highest qualities alike of head
and heart, though suffering greatly just then, did not
refuse to receive us. Her Majesty replied to Prince Ber-
thier' s speech with such purity of language and in terms
so flattering and touching that we were deeply moved.
We were all presented to her, and she addressed a few
most gracious words to each one of us.
The Ambassador Extraordinary then passed to the
apartments of the five young Archdukes, four of whom
had commanded the armies with which we had been at
war. These four wore the white field marshal's uniform,
but the fifth and j^oungest was dressed as a cardinal.
Their Imperial Highnesses were ranged in a row according
to their age and rank on a dais covered with green cloth
and raised some two feet above the body of the hall.
They looked not unlike motionless wax figures. The
Prince of Keuchatel addressed a few complimentary
remarks to them, and the eldest replied but could find
little to say to us. They had provoked the war in the
hope of conquering France, and had not yet forgiven us
for their defeat.
After all these solemn interviews the Ambassador
went to the palace of Prince Charles, where I had the
good fortune to see that illustrious warrior, who during
the last fifteen years had caused us to pass so many
anxious nights by the Ehine and the Danube. There
was nothing in his quiet face with its grave and gentle
expression, or in his simple, modest, unassuming manner, to
VOL. II. c
18 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUXE
denote the mighty man of war ; but no one who met his
eyes could doubt him to be a genius.
The Ambassador asked his Imperial Highness if he
would represent the Emperor Napoleon at the marriage
ceremony, and in a voice the genuine tone of which went
straight to our hearts, he replied, ' I accept with pleasure
the proposal made to me by the Emperor of the French.
I am flattered by his choice of me, and feel convinced
that the projected alhance will result in a happy future
for the two nations so worthy of each other's esteem. I
shall count amongst the happiest moments of my life that
in which in token of a frank and loyal union I shall offer
my hand to the Archduchess Maria Louisa in the name
of the great monarch whose delegate j'ou are. I beg of
you to convey to the whole French nation my desire that
this union may cement for ever the friendship of our
sovereigns and assure the happiness of their people.'
In the evening there was a public ball in the Apollo
Hall, to which 6,000 persons were admitted. This Apollo
Hall is a good-sized building used for public gather-
ings, and the Emperor is often there with his family,
mixing as a friend or rather as a good father amongst his
subjects. Every one dresses just as he likes on these oc-
casions, some going masked or otherwise disguised, others
with faces uncovered, but the members of the higher
nobility keep their hats on and wear a false nose ; they
also sport a little black cloak on their shoulders — these
three peculiarities signifying that they are incognito. The
conversation is as free as if they were completely masked.
The people are all so full of respect and affection for the
upper classes, that the Emperor, his ministers, and indeed
his whole Court, mix familiarly with the lower orders
without ever meeting with anything to annoy them. A
GRAXl) liALL IN THE APOLLO HALL 19
band played the minuets, waltzes, and quadrilles, and
nothing amused us more than the exceeding gravity with
which the good Germans danced the melancholy minuet
they are so fond of. Several rooms were decked out to
represent groves full of flowers and shrubs, caves with
fountains playing, or Chinese summer houses. Eivers of
beer were poured out on every side, and the roast chicken
and ham, without which no fete can be held in Vienna,
were washed down with tokay.
There were plenty of seats everywhere, but neverthe-
less many young ladies sat on the knees of gentlemen
(probably of very low degree) , and no one seemed to think
it at all bad manners to behave in this way in public. It
all appeared to amuse the Emperor very much, and like
any good citizen he received the congratulations of his
subjects on his daughter's approaching marriage without
showing the least annoyance at the indiscreet zeal dis-
played by some few.
On March 6, after having paid a great many visits and
admiring the extraordinary collections of curios belonging
to the Count of Fries, which included ancient and modern
violins, valuable on account of the great performers who
had played on them, fine statues by Canova, &c., we re-
turned to the Palace, where the Emperor received us at a
grand gala banquet.
Hitherto only those who could prove thirty-two quar-
terings of nobility, which involved a genealogy to be traced
back for seven or eight centuries, had been admitted to
the Imperial table, but victory had broken through this
superannuated etiquette, and here were we, twenty children
of the people, raised up by the fortunes of war, courted and
petted by the descendants of Charlemagne and Charles V.
After the meal the salons were thrown open, in which
c 2
20 ME:\roiES or baeon lejeuni':
were assembled man)- noble dames in disguise, whilst the
beauty and grace of others who remained unmasked made
us feel how much we lost in not being allowed to look
upon the charms of those who had disguised themselves.
The salons presented a most dazzhng appearance.
Several rows of gleaming white stucco columns upheld
the ceiling, from which hung a great number of chande-
liers formed of oblong-shaped pendants of Bohemian
crystal, in which the light of countless candles was re-
flected in rainbow hues. I had never seen any illumina-
tion in France to compare in brilliancy with this. Equally
unrivalled were the variety and richness of the costumes
worn by the ladies, whose necks, waists, and arms were
encircled with strings of the finest pearls I ever set eyes
on, and who together made up most bewitching groups.
The Hungarian ladies especially excelled all others, and
amongst them I may name the beautiful young Countess
Zicky, the Princess Kraschalkovitz, and Princess Ester-
hazy, whose hair was golden and whose shoulders were as
white as alabaster. Her husband wore the rich Hun-
garian costume which is handed down in his family from
father to son. Prince Ludwig von Liechtenstein, who was
good enough to tell me the names of the chief people at
the ball, called his friend Esterhazy to his side and said to
him, ' Turn round so that the Colonel can see your clothes.'
We had met before in Paris, and the Hungarian Prince
was very polite to me, allowing me to examine in detail
the huge pearls and diamonds forming the buttons of his
pelisse, dolman, and even of his boots, and he assured me
that the harness and trappings of his horse were even
more valuable. The complete get-up was said to be worth
more than six million francs, for which sum it had been
several times pledged. I asked him to meet me at the next
Till', FORMAL PROPOSAL OF MARRL\GE ,21
battle, and he promised laughing to do so in that very
costume.
The Emperor, Empress, and the Archduchess Maria
Louisa spent several hours at this fete, the young Princess
attracting all eyes.
On the morning of the 7th the French Ambassador held
a grand reception, and at tvi^o o'clock he went to dine with
Prince Charles. At this dinner I saw many of the illus-
trious men whom I had learnt to know and honour in our
wars. All these princes and veteran field marshals, whom
I might well have dreaded meeting in the camp, now re-
ceived us as friends. I sat near the old Marshal, the Prince
von Eigne, who was in his eighty-seventh year. He was
still very handsome ; his white hair was brushed up and
curled as if he were still but thirty years old ; he was
full of life and spirits, and his memory was excellent.
The conversation turned on his extraordinary journey in
the Crimea with Potemkin in the suite of Catherine, Em-
press of Russia ; and on the bombardment of Lille, when
his only son was killed beside him. I reminded him of
that son, as I was about the same age as he had been at
his death, and the old man's eyes filled with tears. He
also spoke a good deal of his friend the Duchesse de
Coigiiy, a very witty woman, whom I also had the honour
of knowing.
On March 8 there was a great gathering at the
Palace for the ceremony of asking the hand of the Arch-
duchess in marriage. The Emperor, surrounded by all
the chief dignitaries of the Court, received the Ambassador
Extraordinary, who made the formal proposal of marriage,
which concluded in the following words : ' The Princess
called to a great throne will make the happiness of a great
people and of a great man.' The Emperor made a gracious
22 MEMOIRS OF BAKOX LEJEUNE
reply, ending with the words, ' I grant the hand of my
daughter to the Emperor of the French.'
The Empress then appeared leading the yomig Arch-
duchess, to whom the Ambassador addressed a few
courteous words, concluding by saying, 'Pohtical con-
siderations may have influenced the decision of the two
monarchs, but the Emperor Napoleon cares more to win
your heart, Madame, than anything else.' To which the
Archduchess replied, ' I have always made my father's
will my own. I consent with my father's permission to
my union with the Emperor Napoleon.'
The Prince of Neuchatel then took the portrait of
Napoleon, set in big diamonds, from the hands of the
Comte de Laborde, and handing it to the Emperor begged
him to give it to our future Empress, who seemed pleased
to receive it. After this interview there was a grand
matinee in the fine hall known as that of the Columns.
The next day the Court went in state to the Grand
Theatre, the Emperor having the Empress on his left and
the Archduchess on his right. The Ambassador and his
suite were admitted to the Imperial box, where the light
was as strong as sunshine. I was very near the Arch-
duchess, and without being seen by her, for I was hidden
by the feathers of the ladies, I made a drawing of her
profile. My neighbours made signs to me that they
thought it a capital likeness, whilst we listened to the
music of Gluck in the opera of ' Iphigenia in Aulis,' and
admired the easy grace of the Viennese dancers.
On the 10th, part of the day was occupied in witness-
ing a far more interesting scene, recalling the days of
chivalry, for there was a solemn distribution of the orders
of chivalry of the Empire. The Emperor, wearing the
robes, mantle, and big antique cap of the Grand Masters
GRAND CHAPTER OF THE ORDERS 2o
of the Teutonic Order, went attended by a huge retinue
to the palace of the Grand Master, there to hold a chapter
of the orders. When I entered the great hall enriched
with the beautiful armour, banners, portraits, and em-
blazoned escutcheons of the great barons of the Empire,
with the quaint antique arm-chairs, now occupied by some
fifty knights, each wearing a robe and mantle of purple
velvet similar to those of the Emperor, I felt for a moment
as if I were transported back ten centuries to a feudal
gathering of the Middle Ages. The speeches were made
in Latin. The diplomas, written on parchment, to each
of which were appended the huge sigillum of the Order
and the seals of the Empire, were given to the recipients
as they knelt before the Emperor, who then placed the
chain of the Order round their necks.
Then came the knights who were to receive the Order
of the Golden Fleece, succeeded by the Grand Cross
Knights or cordons bleus ' of the Order of St. Stephen,
originally instituted as the National Order of Hungary,
now adopted by the Imperial Family and the grand
dignitaries of the Eoyal Order of Leopold of Hungary
for personal merit, of which I was made a Knight.
More interesting than anything else in this grand
spectacle was, however, the distribution of the decorations
of the Maria Theresa Order, founded by the Empress of
that name for officers distinguished in war only, which
could be given to none but those who had performed some
brilhant feat of courage in the service of their country,
duly recorded in the official army reports and attested by
incontrovertible witnesses. The account of the historic
' The expression cordons bleus as applied to^ese knights, even if
intended as symbolic only, is somewhat inappropriate, as their ribbon was
crimson with green stripes.— Teans.
24 MEMOmS OF BARON I.EJEUXE
deed which has merited the decoration is read aloud in
German in the presence of the whole chapter of the Order,
and no one ever becomes a Maria Theresa knight without
the whole nation being informed of what has won him
that great honour.
On the 11th we all went in a grand procession to the
Imperial Palace, and thence to the Cathedral of St.
Stephen, where the marriage ceremony was performed with
the greatest solemnity beneath a canopy in the presence
of the Imperial Family, the Prince Archbishop, his
numerous clergy, and the whole Court. A drawing room
was then held in a vast gallery, at which from eight to
ten thousand persons were present, the greatest silence
and decorum being preserved. The Imperial Family sat
on a raised platform, the newly made Empress of the
French occupying the seat of honour in the centre of the
group, and wearing the brilliantly set portrait of Napoleon.
We were presented, and the ceremony of kissing hands
began, the young Princess taking off her glove. The
Ambassador was the first, and I was the fourth or fifth, to
have the honour of doing reverence to our Empress.
In the evening a drawing room was held at Court in
the big Throne Eoom, after which there was a grand
supper at the Imperial table, the good burghers circulating
about the room meanwhile in the most respectful silence.
Thus ended the marriage ceremonies at Vienna, and
the departure for Paris of those of us who were to precede
the Empress was fixed for the next day.
Just as I was getting into my carriage, a dealer in
precious stones came up to me, and asked me to take to a
fellow merchant in Paris a little green round box about
the size of an apricot. I consented with great readiness,
but thought I would just ask him what was in it. ' There
GKAND FiETES AT STUTTGAET 25
are two diamonds,' he replied as he opened the box ; ' this
one is worth 30,000 francs, and that one, though not so
large, is worth 100,000 francs.' 'Oh, indeed!' I ex-
claimed. ' Well, take your box back ; I should not like
you to risk losing all that, and I might be robbed on the
way.' He insisted, however, on my doing as he asked,
adding that I should be rendering him a very great service.
Much against my will, I consented at last, and fortunately
the only inconvenience I experienced was that of being
afraid of thieves for the first time in my life.
I arrived at Stuttgart before the Empress on the 20th.
I find that my notes made when in that town express my
astonishment at the luxury and magnificence displayed
at " the Court of Wiirtemberg, which resembled that of
Louis XIV. at Versailles, though on a very much smaller
scale. The richness of the uniforms and accoutrements
of the bodyguards, the splendour of the furniture, table
services, illuminations, &c., the extraordinary eclat with
which the grand opera of ' Solomon ' with Winter's music
was put upon the boards, all alike appeared most remark-
able at a German Court of secondary rank. We were all
received, lodged, and feasted at the palace as if we had
om:selves been grand princes.
In the midst of the pleasures of the Court, when I was
thinking of anything but my duties, I was suddenly sum-
moned to the presence of Caroline Murat, then Queen of
Naples, and the Prince of Neuchatel, who had arrived at
Stuttgart with the Empress. They entrusted me with a
message for the Emperor, and before daybreak the next
morning I was rolling along in the midst of clouds of dust
in a carriage drawn by six posthorses, taking with me a
note from the Queen and many regrets of my own. It
was March 20, a day I never forgot.
26 MEJIOIKS OF BAROX LEJEUNE
The Prince of Bauveau, one of the old nohlesse of the
former Court of France who had raUied round the
Emperor, and was now his Grand Chamberlain, was also
on his way to Paris with a letter from the Empress. I
joined him at Strasburg, and we travelled together, finding
the Emperor at Compiegne, where he was awaiting his
new bride. The Emperor received the Prince with great
honour in the salon, and then took me into his private
apartments, where, altogether laying aside his regal manner,
he began chatting away with the most delightful abandon,
making me tell him all about the festivities at Vienna,
Munich, and Stuttgart. He had the portrait of the
Empress brought to him, and asked me if was really like
her. I showed him also the profile sketch I had made,
and he exclaimed at once, ' Yes, she has the regular
Austrian lip of the Hapsburgs ! ' Then he pointed out
the same peculiarity in some medals, and making me
stand close to him, he leant over the table so as to get the
light of the lamp on the portrait, with which he seemed
quite in love. He asked me yet again if I thought it like
her — if it were flattered. ' And are her eyes really like that ?
as blue as that ? Is not her nose smaller ? ... It really
is the Austrian lip, isn't it ? ' he went on, as he pouted his
own lips a little. ' Is she taking at first sight ? Has she
a bright smile ? Is she as tall as that ? (indicating his
own height). Is she this, that, and the other ? Tell me !
tell me ! tell me everything about her ! '
' Yes, sire ! Yes, sire ! ' I kept on repeating ; and
then, rubbing his hands together like a thoroughly happy
man, he began again. ' "Well, how did the Vienna fetes
go off? I hope those we are going to give will please
every one still more. We mean to astonish them.
France is the only place for real good taste. So the King
CIVIL MARRIAGE OF THE IMPERIAL COUPLE 27
of Wiirtemberg had a fine display too ? Yes, he has the
grand manner, he is a regular Louis XIV. in miniature ;
he'll ruin himself. The people of Germany seem very
pleased about the marriage, then ? ' In a word, his Majesty
was in a most charming mood, and would have liked to
ask me a great many more questions, showing how eager
he was to see the Empress, only some one interrupted us
to tell him that a wing of the Palace had caught fire, and
he dismissed me.
A few days later the Emperor's longing was fulfilled
by the arrival of the Empress. He rode out unattended
for several miles to meet her, and as soon as he caught
sight of the procession he galloped up to her carriage,
sprang off his horse, made the attendants open the door,
and flinging his arms round his bride embraced her
tenderly, much to the surprise of the Princess, who was
in the singular position of finding herself being kissed by
a stranger who had given no one time to introduce him.
When I got to Paris, I really had had enough of
festivities, and I enjoyed being able to take up my brushes
again. In the ceremonies which now rapidly succeeded
each other, I only took the share forced on me by my
position. The civil marriage of the Imperial couple took
place with great pomp at Saint-Cloud on April 1, and I
remember that some of those who had opposed it from the
first whispered to me that they looked upon the perjury
of that day as a very ominous augury for the future.
The Emperor wore his imperial robes, and the Empress
had on her head the crown set with diamonds.
After the ceremony of the civil marriage there was a
grand banquet, and in the evening Paris was brilliantly
illuminated.
On April 2, a day of bright sunshine succeeding a night
28 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
of storm, the religious marriage was celebrated in the
grand salon of the Louvre, which had been converted into
a chapel consecrated and decorated for the occasion. On
their way to it the august pair walked through the great
gallery of the Louvre, lined on either side from end to end
by platforms on which were seated several rows of ladies
in full dress. It would be impossible to imagine a more
brilliant scene, and I for one never saw anything equal to
it. Temporary staircases were erected along the quays
and on the Place du Carrousel to facilitate the exit of the
crowds invited to the fete.
A calm and very dark night added to the lustre of the
millions of cressets,' variegated lamps, Bengal fires, and
other illuminations, which outlined ahke the form and the
ornamentation of every building, the arches of the bridges,
&c. At a great height above the towers of Notre-Dame
rose a brilliant Temple of Hymen, and the whole of Paris
resembled a sea of fire which was reflected in the waters
of the Seine. The Place de la Concorde, especially sur-
rounded as it was by richly decorated and illuminated
buildings, presented a most extraordinary appearance.
The Champs-Elysees were crowded with bands of music,
dancers, and various shows. But when daylight came
every one had dispersed, and nothing was left of the
magnificent display but the memory of it.
This great 2nd of April was marked by a happy inno-
vation. It had been the custom in Paris for centuries on
all occasions of public rejoicing to have the fountains run
with wine, and for all manner of good things to eat to be
flung from platforms and balconies to the crowd below.
Horrible scenes used to take place amongst the people
' The.se are old-fashioned illuminations, consisting of open iron baskets
filled with combustibles. — Tkaxs.
DAVID GIVES ME GOOD ADVICE 29
jostling each other round the fountains and beneath
the platforms, the strongest of course getting the best of
everything, whilst the weak were often trodden under foot
and rolled over in the dust amongst the men who had
fallen down dead drunk. For many a long day the ignoble
spectacle of broken glasses and tipsy men stained with
wine had been an inseparable adjunct to every outdoor
fete ; but the Emperor, who was most anxious to raise
the tone of public manners and morality, determined that
there should be no coarse vulgarity about the largesse he
bestowed, although it was in fact on a more liberal scale
than had ever before been known. He ordered good food
to be taken to the homes of the indigent, and organised a
distribution of lottery tickets, the thousands of prizes
including such things as pies, hams, loaves of bread,
&c. The distribution took place in perfect order, very
little liquid was spilled, and I only saw a few men stag-
gering about tipsy who had brought nothing to receive
their wine in, and had drunk their share off at a single
draught.
The panorama of the battle of Wagram from my
sketches was making rapid progress, and I received orders
to put in the movements of the troops. I was already
looked upon in Paris as the chief historical painter of our
campaigns, and I received the kindest advice from the
celebrities of our day, especially from David. Not depend-
ing as so many did on my art work for my daily bread, I
was never afraid of giving too much time to details. One
day, when I was making an excuse to David for having
been so long over a painting, he reassured me by saying,
' What is quickly done is quickly seen, and would not bear
the test of careful examination.'
The Imperial Guard was anxious in its turn to give a
30 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUNE
fete in honour of the Empress. The vast plain of the
Champ de Mars, the buildings of the Military College,
and the great courts connected with it, were crowded
with those invited to witness the display. The grand
balcony and all the apartments of the College, which was
a regular palace, were richly decorated for the reception
of the Imperial pair and their Court, who were to witness
during the day numerous chariot and horse races, great
numbers competing at a time, the winners amongst the
drivers and riders, got up in gala array, coming up to
receive their prizes from the hands of the Empress. All
manner of equestrian games and tournaments were
organised to amuse the crowds, and one excitement
succeeded another for several hours. At last as the sun
began to set a number of balloons, launched at a consider-
able height, were seen to traverse space, catching and
reflecting the dying beams as the twilight gathered about
us. The atmosphere was perfectly clear and calm, and we
could distinctly follow the course of the balloons through
the air. Then, as a climax to the whole fete. Mademoi-
selle Blanchard, the celebrated aeronaut, having received
the signal to start, had the cords cut which held down her
huge balloon, richly decorated with mottoes and various
devices, and as it rose majestically into the air she flung
down amongst the spectators baskets of flowers and
thousands of light silk scarves, handkerchiefs, fichus, &c.,
which as they fell assumed the appearance of many-
coloured flames. The deHght of the people below at
receiving these dainty ornaments of the toilette knew no
bounds. Night soon fell, and from the balloons, which
still slowly floated above us, were flung fireworks repre-
senting luminous meteors, which lit up the whole sky
for a great distance and fell in golden showers. The
THE EMPKESS SETS FREE THE FIERY DRAGON 31
beautiful face and figure with the courage of the fair young
aeronaut excited the greatest interest among us, and we
trembled for her when we realised the danger she ran of
setting herself on fire as she lit the many fireworks
launched by her. Fortunately, however, she escaped this
time, though she met a terrible fate later, for having
ascended above the clouds she was flung upon a roof in
Paris and killed on the spot.
After the grand display of fireworks, Marshal Bessieres,
as president of the fete, went to beg the Empress, as he
presented to her the golden wand of Medea, to act as the
enchantress and by a touch from it set free the dragon
who was to light up all the palaces of fairyland.
At this every one around the bride began to laugh, and
the Emperor with the warriors of his suite shouted with
merriment as they saw the terrified hesitation with which
the young Princess received the alarming request that she
would set fire to a dragon, for she evidently thought that
was what was meant, and that the animal would go off
with a roar like that of a cannon. The Emperor, how-
ever, insisted on her complying, and guided her trembling
little hand. She shut her eyes, and when she opened
them again there was a magnificent dragon just flinging
itself like a thunderbolt from the balcony, to go to the
Champ de Mars and with the flames issuing from it
light up one after another the grandest illuminations
ever seen, including representations of palaces and temples,
allegorical scenes, inscriptions, all manner of devices in
coloured fire, sheafs of flames, showers of stars and sparks,
and one huge volcano, by the light of which we could see
as in broad day the crowds, numbering some 600,000
persons, drawn to the slopes of the Champ de Mars
by the magnificent spectacle. It was eleven o'clock
32 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
before we could tear ourselves away, and retire to the
rooms prepared for dancing.
The courts of the College were transformed for the
nonce into grand halls, in one of which supper was
served, whilst a ball was held in the others. The decora-
tions, all of a martial character, were very effective and
tasty. Every one of note in Paris was present, and the
most perfect order was maintained.
My evenings were now all happily spent at balls, now
at the house of Count Daru, now at that of one or another
of the Ministers, and I spent the days working at my
pictures, which many distinguished visitors came to look
at, encouraging me very much. Amongst those I should
like to name with gratitude on account of the interest they
took in me were Prince Eugene, the Prince and Princess
of Wagram (Marshal Berthier and his wife), the Princesses
Jablonowska and Sapieha, &c.
At last came the fete given by the Prince von
Schwarzenberg,' then Austrian Ambassador at the Im-
perial Court, in honour of the august marriage he had
done so much to bring about. The Prince's mansion,
situated in the Hue de Montblanc (now the Eue de la
Chaussee d'Antin), was surrounded by a beautiful garden,
in which were represented many of the places where the
young Empress had passed her childhood, in each of
which some of the dancers connected with the Opera,
wearing Austrian costumes, acted scenes from the early
life of her Imperial Highness. This delicate attention
made the first part of the fete very charming to the
Empress, who was evidently greatly touched.
' He fought against the French at Wagram, negotiated the marriage
between the Emperor and Maria Louisa, commanded the Austrian contin-
gent on the French side in the war with Russia, defeated the French at
Leipzig and Dresden, and finally took Paris in 1814.— Tkans.
TEKliLBLE CATASTliOPIIE AT A BALL 3:>
For the reception of the twelve or fifteen hundred
invited guests the Prince had had a big room run up of
boards, which was richly decorated with mirrors, flowers,
pictures, and draperies, and lit up by an immense
number of candles. The ball had been going on for
about an hour, and in spite of the stifling heat a Scotch
reel was being vigorously danced. The Empress, the
Princess Borghese, the Princess von Schwarzenberg,
sister-in-law of the Ambassador, and a hundred other
ladies, were eagerly engaged in treading the energetic
measure of that dance, when a candle in one of the lustres
near the door fell and set fire to some drapery. Colonel
de Tropbriant rushed with one bound to the curtain to
try and drag it doviTQ, but his sudden clutch at the drapery
only spread the flames, and in less than three seconds
they had reached the ceiling, which had been smeared
with spirit to make it dry quickly, and was moreover
baked with the heat of the July sun, and further heated
by the immense number of lighted candles. The flames
rushed from end to end of the ceiling with the rapidity of
lightning, and with a roar like that of thunder. In a
moment all present found themselves beneath a vault
of fire.
When the Emperor saw that there was no hope of
extinguishing the conflagration, he calmly took the
Empress by the hand and led her into the garden. The
rest of the guests imitated the example of his coolness —
there was not a single cry of alarm, and many of the
dancers were still ignorant of the cause of the great
increase in the light and heat. There seemed at first to
be plenty of time to escape, and the company went
towards the entrance to the garden without any hurry
or crowding. Presently, however, the heat became in-
VOL. IT. I>
34 ^[EMOmS OF BARON LEJEUXE
supportable, and those behind began to press on those in
front, which led to several persons being thrown down
on the steps leading to the garden. Fragments of
the ceiling now began to fall, burning the hair and
shoulders of the ladies, and setting fire to their clothes.
In the terrible struggle which ensued the thicker garments
of the men also caught fire, and many even of the
strongest were flung down and trampled on. The sight
of all these people in flames was truly awful. I had been
able to get out easily amongst the first, escorting the
Countess Sandizelle and Madame de Mathis, who were
not hurt in the least, and having placed them in safety I
made my way back to the entrance to the dancing room
to try to help others. One of the first I was able to drag
out of the fiery furnace was Prince Kourakin, the Bussian
Ambassador, who was in a horrible condition. One of his
hands, all burnt away and bleeding, rested on my breast,
and left its impress on my uniform. Beneath his body
lay several half -burnt ladies, whom it was very difficult to
extricate from the flames, as the swords of the men had
got entangled in their clothes, and greatly hampered our
efforts. On every side rose cries of agony and terror —
mothers calling to their daughters, husbands to their
wives. The garden, which was as light as at midday, was
now full of distracted men and women seeking those they
loved with heart-rending shrieks of despair, or flying with
burning garments from the fiery furnace, struggling to
extinguish the flames consuming them. Two mothers, the
Princess von Schwarzenberg and the Princess de Layen,
who had escaped to the garden and could not find their
daughters there, impelled by their maternal love, heroically
flung themselves back into the burning room to seek
their children. The roof fell upon them, and only one,
FATE OF PRINCESS VOX SCIIWAKZENBERG 35
the Princess de Layen, got out alive. She died an hour
afterwards, and the Princess von Schwarzenberg was
never seen again until at the close of the awful scene her
body, so terribly disfigured that it was only recognised by
her diamonds and other jewels, was found amongst the
debris left by the conflagration. Her diadem had been
melted by the heat, and the silver setting had left its
mark in a deep groove on her skull. Several ladies died
the same night from their injuries, and others a long time
afterwards, all in dreadful suffering. The men, whose
clothes had protected them more, escaped better. Prince
Kourakin, one of those who were the most hurt, did not
fully recover for six months, and it was not till a year
after the fire that the Countess Durosnel was able to
leave her bed.
As soon as the Emperor had seen the Empress into
her carriage he hastened back to the scene of the disaster
to aid the sufferers, and remained until the morning,
eagerly superintending all that was done on their behalf.
Amongst the victims was a lady, whom my friend
Colonel Bontemps and I succeeded in dragging out of the
flames on to the steps going down to the garden. She
was so terribly burnt that her body was one wound, pre-
senting a shocking spectacle. She bore the pain with
marvellous courage, but we could not carry her or place
her in a carriage, so we supported her one on each side
by placing our arms under her armpits, the only part of
her whole frame which was not burnt, and succeeded in
getting her to her house in the Eue Eoyale after a most
arduous and painful walk. One of her people ran off to
fetch a doctor, and waiting for his arrival, which might
be long delayed at this time of night, the happy idea
occurred to my friend of sending for some olive oil, some
D 2
36 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
fresh water, and the white of an egg. These he had all
beaten up together, and then, soaking some rags in the
liniment, he ordered them to be laid over the wounds.
When the doctor came, long after we had left, he said we
could not have done better. Our treatment was continued,
and at the end of six weeks our patient had completely
recovered. She turned out to be the wife of one of our
best friends, M. Prevost, then holding a post in the War
Department.
Ten people died from their injuries in the fire, and
some hundred others were very badly hurt. The dismay
in Paris was extreme when the news of the catastrophe
was received ; and all the veteran officers of the army, who
had so regretted the union of the Emperor with the
daughter of the hereditary enemy of France, did not fail
to look upon the tragedy as an evil augury for the future,
and to compare it with the catastrophe on the evening of
the marriage of Louis XVI. with Marie Antoinette, when
3,000 persons were crushed to death or wounded in the
Place Louis XV.'
' This accident really happened a fortnight after the marriage, and was
the result of a panic during a display of fu'eworks in its honour. — Tkans.
0(
CHAPTEE II
MISSION CONFIDED TO ME BY THE EMPEEOE NAPOLEON
— GENERAL DORSENNE AT BURGOS — KING JOSEPH AT
MADRID — GRENADA — CORDOVA — SEVILLE — THE BAT-
TLE OF CHICLANA, OPPOSITE CADIZ — MARSHAL VICTOR
AT SANTA MARIA — MARSHAL SOULT AT SEVILLE
On the evening of February 14, I was at a grand masked
ball at the house of Prince Cambaceres, Lord High Chan-
cellor of the Empire, when a black domino of medium
height and in a very simple toilette, who was standing
near me, fixed his eyes on mine in a meaning manner, put
one hand on my shoulder, and with the other raade me a
sign to keep silence. He then said, in a low voice, ' Hush !
you are to go to the Tuileries at ten o'clock to-morrow —
the Emperor wishes to speak to you.' I bowed respect-
fully, but gave no answer beyond an affirmative sign.
The black domino, who was Prince Berthier, returned to
the crowd of pleasure-seekers, and I purposely avoided
watching him. I was extremely anxious to know what
the Emperor could want with me, but I passed the rest of
the night in amusing myself at the ball, and the next
morning, February 15, 1 went to the Tuileries to keep my
appointment.
The aide-de-camp on duty at once ushered me into
the Emperor's room, where Napoleon, in uniform and
evidently just going out, said to me without preamble, ' It
38 MEMOIIJS Ol' B-^lEOX LEJiaXE
is a loDg time since I left Spain, and news comes slowly
and with difficulty ; go and see ni}' brother. Remind him
that with the forces I have placed at his disposal he ought
to second me energetically. I insist on that point. In-
form yourself as to the feeling in the country and the
needs of the army. Examine the state of the troops, see
Marshal Soult, with the other marshals and generals. Tell
Dorsenne at Burgos to beware of K. X . He is to
give an account to the Duke of Istria of what he hears
about him. You will go to Granada and see Sebastiani's
army. You will tell that General to take as much quick-
silver as he can get from the mines of Almaden to the
magazines at Malaga. I'll send a man-of-war at once to
Malaga to fetch the quicksilver, of which we are beginning
to run short in France. The business must be conducted
with all secrecy, lest the English cruisers should get wind
of it and intercept the retiurn of the vessel. Visit the
arsenal at Seville, press on the siege of Cadiz. Examine
everything in detail, men and stores ; take note of every-
thing, come back without loss of time, and give me such
an account that I shall feel as if I had seen everything
mj'self. Go to the Luxembourg and ask my sister-in-law
if she has any messages for her husband, and then start
at once. Berthier will give you his despatches.' Then,
as he dismissed me, the Emperor added graciously, ' Go
and win your promotion ! '
As requested by the Emperor, I went to take leave of
the Queen of Spain, who was a perfect angel of beauty
and kindliness. She sent for her pretty children, so that
I might tell the King about them. I then went to receive
my instructions from Major-General Prince Berthier. I
filled the belt of my valet de chambre Williams with gold
pieces, and took with me the son of a friend of mine, for
I ENTEll SP Alls' ON A PERILOUS MISSION 39
whom I promised to find a good appointment at Bm-gos. I
felt well, for I had had a good rest since the war and was
really almost tired of peace and festivities. My prepara-
tions were quickly made, and I started the same evening.
At Bayonne I left my carriage, to continue my journey
on the good posting nags which can be had everywhere
in Spain. The Baron de Soulages and M. Clouet, two
engineer officers, friends of mine, who were going to join
Marshal Ney, went with me, and our little cavalcade took
the road to Madrid. As far as Tolosa the country was
quiet and the road pretty safe, but beyond that we were
warned by the postilions, wherever we changed horses, of
the dangers by which we were threatened. We soon dis-
covered that they were right, for the band under Mina '
fired at us, and when we reached Pancorbo, where the
road winds between huge perpendicular rocks, at the foot
of which a stream has hewn out a narrow channel so wild
and forbidding that it resembles the entrance to a dungeon
or to hell, some twenty brigands belonging to the guerrilla
band under the chiefs nicknamed the Bourbon Brothers,
who lay in ambush amongst the rocks, fired upon us, but,
taken by surprise through the rapidity of our march, not
one of them succeeded in hitting us. Several other bands
made the approach to Vittoria very dangerous, and no one
attempted to reach it without a strong escort. The road
was no longer the beautiful camino real which but two
years before had been strewn with flowers and shaded by
thousands of triumphal arches made of laurel branches
and set up in honour of the Liberator by the people of the
country, who lined the route in eager enthusiastic crowds
to see the Emperor go by. Now the road looked melan-
' There were several able guerrilla leaders named Mina, of whom an in-
teresting account is given in the Marbot Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 69, 70.— Teans.
40 MEMOIRS OF LAKOX LEJEUNE
clioly and deserted, and was encumbered with fragments of
broken carriages, shreds of clothing, the bleaching bones of
the miburied dead, the bodies of horses which the vultures
were tearing to pieces, the effluvia from which poisoned
the air, whilst here and there the corpses of brigands or
peasants who had been taken with arms in their hands
hung from the trees, and swayed to and fro in the wind.
We got to Vittoria in very low spirits, for the state of
things made us anxious and depressed. General Joseph
Caffarelli, one of the Emperor's aides-de-camp, gave us a
hearty welcome in that town, where he was much loved
and respected. I left my travelling companions here, and
the General gave me a strong escort for the next stage of
my journey.
It was always very annoying to me to have to wait for
these escorts, or to give the men I had secured time to
rest at every posting station. I was impatient to arrive
at Madrid, and when I did at last get them to start they
would creep along at a foot pace. When I heard a favour-
able account of the state of the country, I always galloped
on without waiting for my escort, so that the enemy's
spies should not have time to give notice of my coming,
and this boldness was nearly always successful. I got to
Burgos without accident, and dismounted at the residence
of General Count Dorsenne, commanding a brigade of the
Imperial Guard. Wlren I arrived, the Count, who was
preparing to give a fete to the people of the town, which
was to include a ball, a lottery, &c., was in the hands of
his hairdresser, who had so far only curled half of his
beautiful long black hair, but he received me with open
arms and begged me to allow him to finish his toilette.
He asked me a great many questions about friends in
Paris, and then inquired if the Emperor had sent him any
special message. 'Yes,' I replied, ' I will tell you about
AN I^mSClJEET GENEUAL 41
it later.' ' Oli, tell me — tell me now ! ' ' No,' I said,
pointing to the valet, who was watching and listening with
eager eyes and ears to our conversation, evidently deter-
mined not to lose a word ; ' no, no. I'll wait till you have
finished.' ' Well,' replied the General, ' you might just
as well speak before him ; he is a trusty fellow.' I knew,
however, that it was thanks to just such trusty fellows,
who abused the blind confidence of the French, that the
enemy was informed so promptly of all our movements, so
I repeated, ' No, it is a serious matter.' ' Oh, never mind ;
speak out.' ' I have no right to let any one but you hear
the message, but you can tell your valet what it is after-
wards if you think fit to do so.' This remark, made with
great gravity, seemed to surprise him, and he regretfully
dismissed his man. I then informed the General of the
Emperor's intentions, and dwelt upon the way in which
the army had suffered from the indiscretion of those by
whom the generals in Spain were sm-rounded, and of
whom they apparently had themselves no suspicion.
I spent the night at the ball given by General Dor-
senne, but I met none of the people I had known at
Burgos two years before, for they had all emigrated. I was
pressed to remain, but instead of doing so, I started early
the next morning, when every one thought I was asleep.
The further I went in this unhappy country, the more
cause I had for anxiety, and I was everywhere told, ' Yes-
terday or the other day such and such a courier or escort
was assassinated . . . let us get on as quickly as we can.'
The men would say, ' Beware of that wood, look out on
that plain,' and so on. I got to Valladolid after many
such alarms, where General Kellermann was then in com-
mand. It was even more dangerous to leave this town
than it had been to enter it, so well organised was the
system of espionage of the numerous guerrilla bands in the
42 MEMOIRS OF BAi;(JN LEJEUNE
surrounding districts. I had great difficulty in finding a
postilion who would brave the chance of meeting the
brigands, and it was not until I had secured an escort of
200 Swiss soldiers that I managed to persuade a boy to
go with me to bring back the posthorses.
When we got to Valsequillas we found the whole
place in an uproar after a struggle which had just taken
place between a French battalion, escorting a number of
prisoners, and a guerrilla band which had endeavoured to
rescue them. The French, who had been terribly ha-
rassed on their march, had had to fall back on Olmedo, or
they would certainly have lost their prisoners ; and though
my Swiss were very tired, I found they were willing to
join in the fray, so I gave them plenty of bread and wine,
which I was able quickly to secure on the spot, and led
them in pursuit. The guerrillas, who were still fighting as
we advanced, were thus between two fires, but as they
had been strong enough to repulse a whole battalion they
might easily have turned back and annihilated our little
party. God did not, however, give them the courage to
attempt it, and at sight of our 200 bayonets gleaming
in the sunshine as our men advanced at the double, they
separated like a flock of frightened birds, and ran away in
every direction, leaving many wounded on the ground.
AVhen we entered Olmedo, every one rushed out to embrace
us as so many liberators, and we were congratulated on
having escaped the imminent danger we had braved. The
next da}' the Swiss went back to rejoin the rest of the
garrison of Valladolid, reinforcing on the way the bat-
talion escorting the prisoners ; and as I thought that
the brigands of the daj^ before were not likely to venture
out of their retreat again directly, I started with one
postilion and my faithful Williams, who was in a great
PEKILS OP THE RO.VD IN SPAIN 43
fright for his own safety and for that of the contents of
his belt. A^'e siDed hke the wind across the wide plains
leading to Coca, near to which I noticed the grand ruins
of a great Moorish palace, which had belonged to some
wealthy sultan. I wanted to go and examine the ruins
more closely, but my guide stopped me with the Spanish
proverb so applicable to the ways of his country just then,
' The spider hides in ruins to dart out on flies.' He urged
me rather to pass them as quickly as possible, and he was
evidently more than ever on the alert as long as we were
near them. I, too, felt uneasy, but my real reason for
crossing the plains in broad daylight was that I had been
told the brigands themselves generally retired to a dis-
tance for their siesta, lest they should themselves be in
their turn surprised. I reached Segovia without mishap
before night.
There I found the old Count de T. acting as French
commander of the province of the same name, who was
powdered and frizzled in the style of the generals of the
army of Louis XVI. He had served in the American
war. His great delight now was to give fetes in honour
of the French who happened to visit Segovia. He over-
whelmed me with courtesies and offers of service. I knew
that the old gentleman was unfortunately like a child in
the hands of a lovely woman of Piedmont, who had him
so completely in her power that she was able to betray
him with the greatest ease to her handsome young lover,
Don P., chief of the bands surrounding the town. Thanks
to the information she gave him, this Don P. carried off
nearlj- every courier or convoy which left Segovia, in spite
of their escorts. I therefore pretended that I should like
to remain some days in such pleasant company and to
examine the various objects of interest in the town, such
44 MEMOIES OF BARON LEJEUXE
as the well-preserved Koman aqueduct, which is still in
use. I passed the evening with the happy couple and
sonae officers, and started, without a word to any one, before
daybreak, with no escort, to cross the dangerous Fonda San
Raphael passes and the Guadarrama mountains, which are
almost always infested by brigands. I was again fortu-
nate enough to escape all dangers, and arrived at Madrid on
March 5, having met no living thing except the numerous
vultures quietly waiting by the roadside for the booty
which the war— waged apparently in their interests — was
sure to bring them every day. In spite of all the haste I
could make, it had taken me eleven days to get from
Bayonne to Madrid, whereas three years before I had done
the same distance in forty hours.
I alighted at the residence of General Beliiard, chief of
the Staff to King Joseph, and went thence to the Boyal
Palace, where I was at once taken to his Majesty. That
monarch, whose fine face reflected all his amiable qualities,
had always loaded me with benefits, and he now did me
the honour of receiving me as a friend. I little thought
then that I should become his nephew a few months
later !
After his Majesty had heard the news I brought him
from Paris, he took me aside, and walking up and down
alone with me in a spacious gallery, he gave me a most
piteous account of his position. ' It is simply untenable,'
he said ; ' gladly would I consult the happiness of the
people of Spain, over whom my brother chooses me to
reign ; I try to induce them to do as the Emperor wishes,
but everything is against me. The exchequer is exhausted ;
the national debt is immense. The distress here is ex-
treme, and discontent is on the increase. To try and win
friends I have granted largesses, and the ungrateful reci-
KING JOSEPH'S TROUBLES 45
pients have simplj- gone over to the enemy with their
hands full. My protection is absolutely powerless to save
the Spanish from extortion, and as a result no one is in
the least disposed to back me up. These disorders are the
cause of the dilatoriness of which the Emperor complains.'
The King then, with very great reluctance, gave me the
names of those he complained of, with an account of the
acts of insubordination which troubled him the most.
' My good Spanish subjects are irritated,' he added, ' and the
number of guerrilla bands desolating the country to the
very gates of Madrid is daily increasing. The beautiful
provinces of Andalusia submitted voluntarily, and now they
are oppressed. I suffer from this state of things more than
I can express. Misery and famine will reduce my good
Spanish subjects to despair. Unable to govern them as I
wish, I am compelled to let them suffer. Still, I do not
mean to abdicate. No ; I will never abdicate. I will do all
I can to ameliorate the lot of the Spanish, and I will remain
faithful and devoted to the Emperor, to whom I owe every-
thing. But make haste, I entreat you, to report to him all
the sad details I have told you, and to describe to him the
melancholy position in which you found me. Assure my
brother that his presence here would put everything right,
and that I beg him to return.' I explained to the King that
all France was at that moment awaiting the accouchement
of the Empress, and that the Emperor was not likely to
be able to leave her immediately, so that he must not hope
to see him yet awhile ; that I too must also continue my
journey, and complete the mission entrusted to me, so
that I could not take his Majesty's messages to France
till I had had the honour of seeing him again at Madrid
on my way back. The King expressed his very great
regret that he could not write all the details he had given
46 MEMOIRS OF B.^Jiox lejeu>:e
me to his brother, explaining that if he did so and his
letter were intercepted, it would only make his position
worse than ever. He therefore made me promise to get
back as soon as possible.
A good many of those I had to visit, amongst them
some even of the Josephinos, as the friends of King Joseph
were called, added to what he had told me other details
which left me in no doubt whatever as to the cause of the
misfortunes of the country.
'Your generals,' they said to me, 'are young, hand-
some, and already covered with glory ; they win the
hearts of our women, and under their rule all the laxity
of morals is reproduced which led to the revolt against
Don Godoy and Charles IV. No one fails to recognise the
amiable qualities and good intentions of the King ; every
one appreciates the benefits which ought to accrue to the
country from the introduction by him of the French Con-
stitution. In speaking of the King the people say in their
naive way, " This foreign prince is a good fellow and governs
us as if he meant to stop here all his life ; we like his
pleasant manners, he is good-looking and well set up ; we
are already fond of him, but we dare not attach ourselves
to him too much, for he has a certain look about him which
makes us think that he really wants to be off and will soon
abandon us." The dread of the terrible reprisals we are
threatened with by the Junta of Cadiz damps the ardour
of those Spaniards who would otherwise loyally adhere to
the cause of Don Joseph : some fight with the courage of
despair, others fling down their arms at the first encounter
with their opponents. The brave fellows would serve the
Emperor better anywhere else than in their own country,
torn asunder as it is by the various parties.'
From yet further confidences I learnt all about the
CAUSES OF THE MISERY IN SPAIN 47
opinion in Madrid of the army serving in Spain. The
courage of the French troops, I was told, is incontestable,
and they are now well inured to guerrilla warfare. The
foreign soldiers, too, serving with them are as brave and
skilled in war as the French. Amongst others, the Nassau
infantry regiment has specially distinguished itself. The
Poles are simply terrible in their gallant intrepidity. The
men from Baden are also very brave, and they are humane
and well disciplined ; but unfortunately they all hate
being sent away from their own land to fight in the service
of France in a cause about which they care nothing, and
the authorities, instead of sending regular conscripts, make
up the numbers of the regiments by buying men from the
very dregs of the people. These substitutes bring their
vices and their habits of insubordination with them, and
many desert to the enemy. Those that are left are indig-
nant at the way they are treated if they fall into the hands
of the guerrilla bands devastating the country, and when
their turn comes they are guilty of the cruellest reprisals
on the banditti. ' The war,' my informants added, 'has
in fact assumed an atrocious character, which can, however,
easily be removed if, instead of punishing with death in-
surgents taken vnth arms in their hands, the Government
were to send them all to France, or, still better, if there
were an exchange of prisoners after each battle. Many
of our soldiers die of misery in the hulks of Cadiz. Ex-
changes of prisoners would save their lives, and they would
return to our ranks more eager than ever to defend them-
selves bravely.' I also learnt that the guerrilla bands are
chiefly made up of escaped convicts, who, assuming the
name of insurgents, join the smugglers and choose the
boldest amongst them as their chief. Deserters from both
armies flock to these lawless bands, iKeferring their wan-
48 :\rE:\[()Ti!?^ of baijox lejeuxI':
dering, bloodstained life, with the many opportunities for
pillage it offers, to the regular discipline of the camp.
After collecting all this very far from satisfactory in-
formation, I left Madrid on March 7 to make my way
into Airdalusia. I went without escort again, and was
fired at in several passes. Twice my guide pointed out to
me the clouds of dust behind me raised by a party of some
dozen horsemen riding in my pursuit, and each time I
only escaped them by making a detour round the next
posting station, so as to double on them and let them pass
me. Harassed in this way, I was only able to get a
passing glimpse of the battle field of Almonacilde, between
Ocana and Mora, which was still covered with debris. At
Man9anares, where I paid a flying visit to General Lorge,
and Santa Cnaz, where I also halted for a moment, I had
scarcely time to taste a glass of the celebrated wine of the
beautiful Penas Valley, the rocky picturesque districts of
which I was traversing.
I had a strong escort assigned to me for crossing the
narrow richlj' wooded passes of the Sierra Morena. Whilst
my troops were examining the ground and cautiously ad-
vancing, so as to guard against surprise in the narrow
defiles, where the road was dotted with the dead bodies of
brigands hanging from trees, I was free to enjoy the wild
beauty of nature in these mountain solitudes, which re-
semble the Pyrenees in their geological structure, but are
even more beautiful, as thej^ have not yet been deprived
of their prima' val forests. I was told that I was very lucky
to reach the top of the pass without being attacked.
At Andujar I took the Granada road, which passes
through Jaen, where I found Colonel Tinseau, who had
just beaten General Black's corps. I pressed on now
across deserted districts, where we rode sometimes for ten
A INAREOW ESCAPE FEOM DROWNIXC^ 49
leagues at a time "\\'ithout passing a single cottage, though
the soil evidently only needed culture to be very fertile.
I should have made much of the annoyance caused me by
the tremendous downpour of rain which drenched me to
the skin on the 12th, if it had not been for a still greater
trouble which befell me on the same day. The Guadalbolo
torrent was so swollen that we had to choose between
going back some eight leagues to avoid it, and trying to
cross it as it was. We were already wet through, and I
did not therefore hesitate to plunge into the muddy waters ;
but my guide's horse and mine both stumbled over a rock
and fell. The torrent swept us down with it, and my
clothes, being heavy with the rain they had absorbed,
weighed me down and greatly embarrassed me. I was
already half choked with water, and should certainly have
been drowned had not Williams, who had kept his feet,
managed to save both me and himself. I am, however,
so passionately fond of nature that, though I was as satu-
rated with water as a sponge, I could not think of any-
thing but the marvellous beauty of the cloud effects and
of the colours of the rainbow spanning the mountains,
amongst which the storm was still raging. The wind
soon dried us, and in the evening we arrived at an isolated
stronghold on the road commanded by a young Alsatian
officer named Kat, who spent all his time shut up in it
with his garrison, except when he had to lead his men out
to the pursuit of brigands — a perilous task enough. He
assured me that but for the rain, which had dispersed the
robbers, I should have fallen into the midst of a band who
would have killed me, or at least have stripped me of
everything. Kat also told me that hardly a day passed
without his having to give chase to brigands, and practice
had made him quite an adept at this kind of warfare.
VOL. II. B
50 .^lEMOIRS OF BAROX l.EJEUXl^
The next morning at daybreak I arrived at the point
from which I ought to have a grand view of the beautiful
amphitheatre of Granada, at the base of the Alpuxarras
range, the summits of which are crowned with snow and
ice, whilst its strata are rich in veins of silver and of mer-
cury. How ardently I longed for the wind to tear aside
the veil of mist which hid everything from me ! and pre-
sently Heaven did deal kindly with me, for a scene of
absolutely divine loveliness was spread out beneath me.
The atmosphere became warmed by the sunbeams, and
the mist rose like steam from a boiling lake, breaking into
a thousand light and airy columns, which in their turn
changed into floating wreaths and garlands of fleecy clouds,
soon dispersed by the wind, till there was nothing left
between me and Granada but a luminous atmosphere,
through which I could make out the ancient ramparts
once owned by the Abencerrages, and the minarets of the
Alhambra, where they met their fate. As soon as ever I
got to Granada I went over the Alhambra with several
ofiicers, and I really do not know which I admired more,
the beauty of the site or the wealth of delicate ornament
in this ancient monument, which has been preserved for
six hundred years, and much of which still looks as if it
had been built but yesterday. My companions gave me
some plans and views of the finest aspects of the Alhambra,
and deplored with me the barbarism of the Spanish, who,
to destroy the verses from the Koran, which they could
not understand, engraved in Arabic on the walls, smeared
whitewash over all the mural decorations.'
' This remark from a Frenchman is amusing, considering that a great
portion of the Alhambra was blown up by the French in the fourteenth
century, and that it was no fault of theirs that it was not entirely destroyed,
as they had undermined the whole — Teaxs.
A BROKEX-HEARTED A\'ID(JA\^ 51
It was not without deep emotion that I strolled through
the rooms where my friend General Franceschi had been
shut up after being taken prisoner by the Spanish. That
young sculptor, who had joined the Compagnie des Arts
at the same time as I did, and later risen to the rank of
General of Division, married the daughter of General
Matthieu Dumas. A short time afterwards, in a cavalry
charge, he fell into the hands of the Spanish, who im-
prisoned him in the Alhambra. Franceschi, separated from
his country and his bride, wrote some touching verses on
the walls of his prison, and the air of the now deserted
room seemed to be vibrating still with the heartrending
lament he had addressed to the wife he was never to see
again. He had made no fewer than twenty sketches repre-
senting the different phases of his captivity. The officers
with me were as interested as I was in these drawings
and verses, and were eager to help me make copies of
them. The elegies in which he bade farewell to her and
to his friends were seen some time later by Madame
Franceschi herself, who directly she heard of the death of
her young husband shut herself up in her own room,
which she had draped with black cloth like a mortuary
chapel, and lit only by a funereal lamp. There, refusing
all nourishment, she spent her time in prayer awaiting
the death which should reunite her to her beloved. She
was inexorable to the pleadings of her father and sister,
repelling their caressing attempts to console her ; and until
she needed its aid to look at my drawings, she never
admitted the dayhght to her sanctuary. She had no tears
left to shed, or she would doubtless have wept afresh over
these toirching words of love from the grave, and she died
almost immediately after she had read them.
I also visited the arsenal, the army stores, and many
52 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
fine Moorish buildings in Granada, some of them still re-
taining in their gardens groves of laurels said to have been
planted by the Abencerrages. I greatly admired these
■well-preserved and graceful Oriental residences, vs'hich
seemed to me to need but a few curtains and carpets to
make them most comfortable ; and I v^as struck by the
beauty of the white marble fountains, from which silvery
mercury had once gushed forth, now replaced by water
pure as crystal. My obliging guides then took me to the
points of the town commanding the best views, and I
made a few hasty sketches before returning with them to
head-quarters, where, as I had expected, I received a very
hearty welcome.
Before I left Granada, I climbed on to the ramparts to
take a farewell look at the beautiful view, which quite
fascinated me, and which I stiU recall with delight.
There, picturesquely perched on the slope of an isolated
mountain rising from the plain, was the little village of
Atarfe ; there was the river Jenil, fed by some twenty little
streams flowing amidst an almost African vegetation,
including regular forests of oleander trees laden with
masses of bloom, pomegranates and fig trees weighed down
with fruit, all alike draped with tropical creepers and vines
bearing the famous Corinthian and Malaga currants, &c.
&c. All this charmed me so much that it was with diffi-
culty I tore myself away from a scene so fraught with
pleasure of the purest kind, when I was told that my
horses were ready. The direct road for Cordova via
Alcala was so infested with brigands that I was advised
to avoid it, and I went back to Benalva by way of Jaen
and Andujar. Being overtaken by the darkness, I took
refuge at the castle already mentioned, occupied by Com-
mander Kat, who was waited on by three old women in
A ROMANTIC MEAL 53
the ruins of what had once been the home of their ances-
tors, with a gateway emblazoned with thirty-two quarter-
ings. As the three old creatures, who reminded me of the
Parcte, moved about preparing our supper of podrida
flavoured with pimento by the light of a lamp hung from
the wall and of a small fire, I imagined myself to be
transported back for several centuries, and the illusion
was heightened by the accounts given me by my host of
his various pursuits of the brigands and of the danger he
ran of being surprised and strangled by them some night.
The precautions taken to make all secure before I was
allowed to retire to the rush mat which was the only bed
Kat could give me, lent quite a touch of romance to the
situation.
'After you left me the other day,' said my host, 'I
went and placed myself in ambush with thirty of my
men in a deserted ventana de cahillas, where I knew
the brigands often go to rest. After waiting some thirty
hours, I saw about fifty of them arrive. I let them un-
harness their horses before I stirred, and then opened fire
on them before they had discovered our presence. Seven
fell dead, and the others, all more or less wounded, got off,
but I took thirteen horses, and you shall have one of them
when you leave.'
I left Kat the next morning, and the only living things
I saw in the mountains I had to cross were numerous
vultures quietly resting on the trees near the road. At
Jaen, Colonel Tinseau, of the 55th Eegiment, received me
as kindly as before, passed his troops in review for my
benefit, and gave me a plan of the town, with some views
taken from it. At Andujar, the Marquis de Contadero
had his horses saddled and accompanied me for some
distance along the road to Cordova, where I arrived on
Oi ME.MOIIiS OF BARON LEJEUNE
March 19, to find the inhabitants celebrating the birthda}'
of King Joseph.
General Godinho was anxious that I should have my
share in the festivities going on, and took me to the fine
mosque which is now the Cathedral of Cordova, a perfect
specimen of Moorish architecture. The first building in
which the characteristic horseshoe arch was largely em-
ployed, the Cathedral owes much of its beauty to the
massive pillars, which originally numbered twelve hundred,
and are now reduced to about a thousand. Most of these
pillars came from Rome, from Greece, and Carthage, and
were the spoils of old heathen temples ; others were sent
from Constantinople by the Emperor Leo, and yet others
from France, whilst a smaller number are of Spanish
origin. These pillars form more than fifty naves, and
their arcades uphold a number of cupolas and domes
which may perhaps be described as resembling an onion
in form with the point upwards. The onion has long
been largely cultivated as an article of food in the East,
and it is not unlikely that it may have suggested the form
of the Moorish cupola, which harmonises well with the
other details of the same architectural type.
I also went to have a look a^t the antique marble bas-
reliefs on the old Roman bridge still spanning the Guadal-
quivir, which represent the tragic death of the two sons
of Pompey, and are appropriately placed at the entrance
to the town as a warning to conquerors.
I brought good news from the Emperor and the King,
and a place of honour was assigned to me at the banquet
and the ball succeeding it. The General proposed the
toast of the King of Spain and the Indies ; the Prefect
that of the Emperor of the French, King of Italy ; and as
for myself, I drank to the happy deliverance of the Em-
MY PARTNER AT A BAL[. FAINTS AAV AY
0-J
press Maria Louisa and the birth of a prince. I httle
thought that only fifteen hours after I expressed this
wish the most ardent desires of the Emperor and of all
France would be realised, and that volleys from hundreds
of cannon would be announcing and celebrating the
happy event throughout the length and breadth of the
Empire.
As a special favour I was introduced at the ball to
Dona Luisa Plateres, the most beautiful young woman in
all Andalusia, that district in which the beauty of the
women is proverbial. My partner, whose height suited
mine admirably, had, however, never M'altzed before, and
she seemed greatly distressed when she found herself
being carried along by a stranger to the music of the
orchestra. One of her little hands trembled in mine, and
she scarcely dared to rest the other on the shoulder of the
man who seemed to be saying, ' Have no fear ! I will
support you.' After we had taken a few turns in vie^v
of a large concourse of spectators, I saw a kind of mist
gather over her eyes ; her cheeks, which had before been
flushed with pleasure, grew pale ; her steps faltered, her
beautiful head fell upon my breast, and I felt that she had
fainted. I supported her to the door leading to the garden,
so that she might breathe the fresh air. Several ladies
hurried after us, and as there was no seat near I knelt on
one knee and supported my fair burden on the other.
Salts were brought and placed to her nostrils, and after
a few moments of the greatest anxiety she began to shov/
signs of returning animation. Her father, who haa
brought her to the ball, ran off to fetch a chair, and I
was obhged to place her on it. We waited thus till her
carriage could be fetched. Then, escorted by lacqueys
bearing torches, the flickering hght of which made her
o6 MEMOIRS OF BARON LE.TEUNK
sweet and languid features look more beautiful than ever,
her father and I supported her trembling steps till the
door was reached. It was opened, and I had to leave her.
Her father shook hands with me, and the carriage drove
off. I was too much agitated to return to the ball, which
seemed dull enough after the thrilling emotions I had
experienced ; I was too much preoccupied to hope for
.sleep, so I went and asked for an escort and horses, and
long before daybreak I was on the way to Ecija.
The beautiful Andalusian sky, as blue and clear as that
of Naples, was spread out above a smiling landscape look-
ing so peaceful that I felt secure from attack. Whether
from eagerness to get back to Cordova as soon as I could,
or from any desire to reach Seville quickly, I found my
escort went far too slowly to please me, so I soon dismissed
it, and thinking of something very different from any
danger to myself, I set off at a gallop, arriving at Seville
before daybreak, having seen nothing of brigands except
between Ecija and Carlotta, where I was pursued by a few
rogues. I met Colonel Chateau at the gates of Seville,
just starting for Paris, so I told him to take news of me
there, pointed out to him the dangerous spots on the
road where he would have to be careful, and went to fulfil
my own mission.
Marshal Soult received me with all honour. After
talking to me for a long time about the position in which
he found himself and offering me the most lavish hospi-
tality, he told some of his aides to go with me on the
round of visits I had to pay to the various French army
departments. I stopped three days at Seville, reviewing
the troops, and examining the arsenals, foundries, hospi-
tals, and in fact all the establishments, whether civil or
military, connected with our service. Everywhere I found
THE CATHEDRAL OF SEVILLE 57
the greatest activity and the most complete order prevail-
ing. I then went to see the old Alcazar and the celebrated
royal tobacco factory, which is really a model of a big
public manufactory. I never sneezed so much in my life,
and I shall not forget in a hurry the huge piles of tobacco
powder, which rather resembled red pepper, or the hun-
dreds of workmen engaged in the making of cigars.
I also visited the fine mosque, now the Cathedral of
Seville, which is surrounded by a garden still retaining
the white marble fountains at which the Arabs performed
their ablutions before entering the sacred building, the
waters now moistening the roots of the venerable
orange trees always laden with flowers and fruit, and of
the stately palms which now give shade to Christian
worshippers in the court of what was once a Moorish
temple.'
The principal entrance of the cathedral is surmounted
by one of the finest Moorish rose windows in existence.
The interior, like that of the Mosque of Cordova, is a
perfect forest of columns of various antique orders, sym-
metrically arranged beneath the Oriental arcades.^ The
precincts are enclosed within an enceinte flanked by
crenelated towers, one huge square minaret ' rising to a
' This description is no longer accurate, for the cathedral buildings are
now surrounded on all sides by wide streets. On one side only, the north,
there is an inner court called the Court of Oranges, which formed part of
the original mosque and still retains the fountain used by the Moors for the
purpose alluded to in the text. — Teans.
'■* The author appears to have confused the Cathedrals of Seville and
Cordova together. Much of this description applies rather to Cordova than
to Seville. As a matter of fact, only a small part of the original mosque
remains at the north-eastern end of the cathedral, which is a typical Late
Gothic structure. The patio or court at Cordova answers exactly to the
description of the surroundings given in the text as those of the Cathedral
of Seville Tbans.
' This is the Giralda formerly connected with the mosque — Trans.
•38 ^[EjroiRS or barox lejeune
great height with a terraced platform at the top command-
ing a grand view of the beautiful country round Seville.
Within this tower is a gently sloping passage, up which
the sultans used to ride on horseback to enjoy the view,
and it can still be used for the same purpose.
Generals Senarmont and Euty, of the artillery. General
Lhery, of the engineers, with some twenty of my fellow
officers, made a great fuss over my visit, and complained
greatly of being left in this remote isolated spot away
from all chance of reward or promotion. They all begged
me to get back to Paris as quickly as possible, so as to
give the Emperor a true account of the state of things,
which they believed had been misrepresented to him.
Marshal Soult was especially bitter at having to
command men of equal rank with himself, -and said he
was often very much worried by being obliged to show so
much consideration for them. ' Of course,' he said, ' I feel
greatly flattered at having Marshals de Treviso and de
Belluno under my orders, but I should much prefer
generals on whose passive obedience I could rely.'
This remark led me to suggest to Marshal Soult that
he should grant to the Duke of Treviso the leave I knew
he had been trying to get for some time, and he consented.
I now left Seville to go to Cadiz, then besieged by our
troops. The road from Seville to San Lucar not being
very safe, I had to embark on the Guadalquivir, and I
went down that river without any disagreeable encounters.
At San Lucar, I was warned against the great danger
of crossing the w"ide plains between it and Santa Maria,
for I was told three men belonging to an escort were
killed yesterday. This, however, led me to suppose that
as the brigands had had a tussle so recently as the day
before, there was less chance of meeting them on the
I VISET THE FORTS OUTSIDE CADIZ 59
road to-day, so as I was able to secure some good horses
I again started without escort. About halfway across
Williams suddenly shouted, ' Oh, sir ! sir, do stop ! I
entreat you to stop ! ' but I pushed on. He galloped
after me, crying, ' Oh, sir ! my belt has come undone, and all
the money has run out.' ' Come on, come on,' was my
only reply. ' But, sir, we shall lose everything.' ' Never
mind, never mind, let's save our lives ; we can get some
more money later.' ' Oh, sir ! everything is gone now ;
do stop ! ' 'So much the worse, but come on.' At last,
two leagues further on, when I had got to the other side
of a brook and felt pretty safe, I stopped. Williams, now
in a regular temper with me, said, ' And high time you
did, for I have lost simply everything.' We dismounted,
and I said, ' Look in your boots, man ; perhaps a few
pieces have slipped into them. I helped him to pull them
off, and sure enough there was all the money except
two napoleons. We congratulated ourselves en having
lost so little, and on escaping what raight have been
an awkward fix.
Marshal Victor gave me a very hearty welcome at
Santa Maria, told me all about the operations at the
siege of Cadiz, and gave me a detailed account of the
battle which had first taken place opposite Chiclana and
Barossa. General Garbe, of the engineers, General Nourri,
of the artillery, and Generals Leval, Barrels, and Beau-
mont, of the infantry and cavalry, shewed me all their
troops and the important works they had constructed, of
which they also gave me plans. I visited at their request
the whole line of forts, including those of St. Catherine,
Porto Eeal, Santi Petri, &c., opposite Cadiz, occupied by
our forces. The enemy cannonaded us hotly from the
island of Leon whilst we were visiting the Matagorda and
60 MEMOIKS OF BAEON J.EJEUXE
Trocadero forts, where the French had placed the cannon
and Villantroi mortars, with which they were bombarding
Cadiz, and which were capable of sending hollow pro-
jectiles to the very end of the port, that is to say for some
6,500 to 7,500 yards.'
As we went along the beach, my guides pointed out to
me the shells, more than half burned, of three decked
vessels stranded at about two hundred paces frorn the
shore.
Many of om- soldiers were still engaged in diving into
the submerged remains of these vessels, and often brought
up objects of considerable value. M. d'Herize, one of
the officers who were with me, said to me, ' I owe my
deliverance from captivity to those vessels having been
wrecked.' This roused my curiosity, and I begged him
to tell me what he had to do with English ships. As
we walked on he showed me the wrecks of two other
vessels stranded at a short distance from each other, some
few hundred paces from the shore, and gave me the
following account of what had happened.
' Those old hulks,' he said, ' are all that is left of the
Argonaut and the Castile, from which two thousand
French prisoners managed to escape some five weeks ago,
after braving the most terrible dangers.
' For two years we had languished in those floating
prisons, deprived of money, of clothes, and almost of
provisions. Nothing could have been more miserable
than our condition. Officers and men were mixed up
together, and we had not even the melancholy consolation,
which has so often cheered those in captivity, of inter-
course with others as well educated as ourselves. A
' This must be an exaggeration, a it would be a a ery long range now. —
Tkans.
SUFFEEINGS OF PRISONERS IN THE HULKS 61
number of women and children, who had been arrested
during the Eevolution, were shut up with us, and their
wealiness made them less able to endure their sufferings,
whilst the sight of those sufferings added to ours. Every
day death carried off several victims ; mothers lost their
children, children their parents, friends were torn from each
other. The chance of any amelioration of our lot was so
remote that it could do nothing to sustain our courage.
' We were, in fact, in a position so xerrible as to baffle
description, when one day one of the three vessels over
there was torn from its anchorage by the force of the
wind and carried by the current to the beach, where it was
stranded, as you see, in spite of every effort on the part of
the crew to turn it in another direction. This incident
was as a flash of light to us, and what was dreaded as
certain destruction by others became the most earnest
desire of our hearts. As we watched the rising of the
tide we began to feel a hope of our own salvation ; we
flung bits of straw or anything which would float into the
sea, and eagerly watched them drift away to the shore, on
which they would be flung. When, however, we examined
the cables and chains with which our vessels were fastened
to their moorings, our hearts sank again, for it seemed
simply impossible to detach them. Moreover, a Spanish
guard kept watch as border police, and we had no weapons.
' On board the Castile, however, where I was, the
desire for liberty was so strong, that some new idea
occurred to us every day, and we managed by hook or by
crook to collect a lot of hatchets, which we stole from the
carpenters who came to patch up our old hulks.
' The possession of these hatchets did not seem much
towards silencing the two hundred cannon which might
open fire on us at once, but it was enough to set our brains
62 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
to work and oncourage us to further efforts. Six officers
and I tlierefore concocted a plan of escape together.
We took Captain Derolles, of the navy, a man of high
courage, into our confidence, and he fell in with our views,
suggesting a yet more audacious plan than our own, which
we carried out.
' We kept our secret religiously, for we knew that it
was not given to many to await calmly a moment fraught
vdth such consequences, and the fears of the more timid
of the prisoners might have undone us. We decided that
the time to get off would be at four oclock in the morning
six days later, when the highest tide of the month just
beginning would occur. We sent news of our intention to
the bravest officer on the Argonaut, wrapping our message
up in a ball of bread, which we flung on to the deck of his
vessel. He accepted our proposal eagerly on behalf of
himself and those with him, and we spent the intervening
days in trying to make every one desire and believe in the
success of our venture, even threatening with death any
of those to whom we communicated our intentions at the
last moment if they either opposed or betrayed us.
' The day agreed upon arrived at last, and while await-
ing the decisive moment we all pretended to rest. It was
a fine night, and everything was perfectly calm except
our own hearts. When we saw how eagerly every one
had joined in our plot, our only regret was that we had
doubted the courage of some few. Our eyes were now
all fixed upon Derolles, who was armed with the best of
the hatchets. When he saw that the tide was at its
height, and the current strong enough, he made us a sign
to follow him in silence.
' He was the first to climb on deck, and the sentinel on
guard tried to push him back, but he felled him with a
A SUCCESSFUL TLAX OF l-:sCAPE 63
blow from the hatchet, and flung him upon the great
cable, which he ciit with two strokes of his weapon. The
guards shouted, ' To arms ! ' but they were strangled or
flung into the sea, and whilst several shots gave the alarm
to the town and its batteries, all the moorings were cut,
and our two vessels, without masts or rigging, slowly
drifted with the tide. Several cannon shots were at once
fired from the ramparts, and one of our women was struck
down by a ball. Two or three others, terrified at this
sight, screamed to us to take them into port, and we
should all have been glad to do so, but it was quite im-
possible. All our men shouted at the tops of their voices,
in the hope of attracting the attention of the French on
shore, and our courage and resolution seemed to increase
with our danger.
' The two hulks were a little distance from each other,
and the strong current had already taken us for about
half the distance we wished to traverse. The absence of
wind was a help to us, as it retarded the progress of the
gunboats, which were firing at us, though a good many
were killed by the shots from them. At last day began
to break, and we could see our fellow countrymen hurry-
ing down to the beach to hel]3 us.
' As soon as they had heard our cries, and recognised
that we were French, they had flown to our aid, some
bringing planks and ropes, and running far into the
water, so as to make out our signals better, they waved
their hats to us, as we did to them. Others dragged
cannon into the water to bridge over the space be-
tween us and safety, and we soon found ourselves slowly
advancing between two fires, one aiming at our defence,
the other at our destruction. When we got near the
shore, all who could swim, and many who could not, flung
(i4 MEMOIKS 01' ]!A1!(»X LEJEUNE
themselves into the water. At last, after an hour and a
half of terrible suspense, we saw the Argonaut stop near
enough to the land for ever}' one on her to jump out and
land in safety.
' AVe, on the Castile, were a little hehind, and from this
moment the enemy concentrated all their fire upon us. Still
we felt our vessel touch ground a few minutes later, and the
shock made us all shout for joy, though we were still in
eight feet of water, and more than two hundred paces from
land. In spite of that, every one who was not wounded
jumped into the sea, not hesitating a moment between the
risk of being drowned and the certainty of being taken or
killed. Many tied their children on their shoulders, others
dragged their wives along by the hands, determined to
save them or to perish with thein, while many intrepid
swimmers quietly gained the shore in spite of the hail of
grapeshot poured into us by the enemy. Some brave
fellows saved as many as twenty others besides themselves.
' The shells now set fire to our hulk, and Derolles with
a few others, hatchets in hand, rushed to extinguish the
flames wherever they broke out, and their noble courage
saved the lives of many of the wounded, whom they
dragged out of danger. "SYhen we at last got to shore we
had the grief of finding that but half of our numbers
had escaped, but the delight of finding ourselves safe
and the generous ^^■armth of our reception by the
French forces soon made us forget our regrets. We
■were literally overwhelmed with the clothes, the money,
and the eager attentions lavished upon us by our fellow
countrymen.'
As M. d'Herize concluded his narrative his eyes were
wet with tears, and he pressed the hand of an officer near
whose share in this noble treatment he was about to re-
THE FEEXCrr ARE ATTACKED IN THE REAR 65
late ; but his friend, who was as modest as he was gene-
rous, would not allow him to go on.
As we strolled along the lines of our army whilst M.
d'Herize was talking, all the Spanish batteries continued
to fire at us, hoping to destroy our little group, and the
warlike sound fell pleasantly on my ears, for it was now
more than a year since I had heard it It was with con-
siderable anxiety that I recognised the difficulty our forces
would have in traversing the deep mud of the beach on
our side of the canal of Santi Petri ; but for this obstacle
the canal could have been crossed as easily as a river, for
we had boats and everything necessary for the transit.
Thousands of wading birds, such as cranes, spoonbills, and
flamingoes with scarlet plumage, circulated in security on
these swampy tracts, a sure proof that they were inacces-
sible to man. In addition to all the usual contrivances
for crossing a difficult river, a number of rafts were pre-
pared made of square pieces of leather joined together and
inflated with air, which were connected by light wood-
work and were broad enough, though drawing little water,
to carry troops across the mud. Cork belts were also
made to help the swimmers, who were to form an advanced
guard. The copper pontoons of the artillery were to
serve as bridges over the Santi Petri canal itself, and a
French fleet was to come from Toulon or Brest so as
to engage the English cruisers during our passage and
attack, which there would be no hope of achieving without
some such diversion. Our batteries had been ready for
action for some time. The aiTival of the French fleet had
long been anxiously expected, when, on March 5, an unex-
pected attack called the attention of Marshal Victor to
the rear of his army.
The English, to the number of some five or six thou-
VOL. II. F
66 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUXE
sand, commanded by General Gi'aliam, came from the
camp of Saint Eoch near Gibraltar with 15,000 Spanish
under General Lapina from Algesiras, who, leaving Cape
Trafalgar on their left, attacked the French army, which
was scattered on the heights of Santi Petri, Chiclana, and
Porto Eeal, hoping by falling upon our centre to force us
to abandon our redoubts, and by destroying our batteries,
which were bombarding Cadiz, to make us raise the siege
of that town.
In the first moment of surprise our rearguard was
compelled to fall back upon the main body composed of
the Eufin and Leval divisions, which were able to keep
the enemy in check. Marshal Victor, promptly informed
of this attack, hurried to the scene of the struggle, with
all his available forces, and the battle which had begun so
suddenly at once becarae a very serious affair. The head
of the Spanish force, thrust back at the outset, as our
rearguard had been, and the rest of the column giving
way also, the English general immediately pressed into
the front line.
The Eufin division met the shock of the English attack,
and both sides fought vidth extraordinary valour amongst
the trees of the wood above Chiclana. Twice in succession
the Eufin and English regiments met face to face and
charged each other with the bayonet, a melee ensuing
such as is very rare in modern warfare, for as a rule one
of the corps engaged is demoralised, to begin with, by the
firing, and draws back before the enemy is near enough to
cross muzzles.
The lines occupied in this glorious struggle remained
marked out by the corpses of numerous heroes, which
looked as if, having dispensed with burial, they were
awaiting the erection of monuments to their honour to
SAD PATE OF GENERAL KUFIX 67
transmit their names to posterity. There was one pecu-
liarity about this sanguinary struggle, and that was, that
when the English had broken their weapons by striking
with butt or with bayonet, they never seemed to think of
using the swords they wore at their sides, but went on
fighting with their fists. Their officers, too, kept up the
old custom of angrily striking with their canes any of
their men who fell out of the ranks, whilst our non-com-
missioned officers, placed as a supernumerary rank, crossed
their muskets behind their squads, thus forming but-
tresses which kept the ranks from giving way. On
this occasion the French officers picked up the muskets
of the wounded and flung themselves into the gaps made
in the ranks of the common soldiers.
It was in one of these terrible melees, in which the
95th Regiment was engaged, that Colonel Mengarnaud was
killed, and General Eufin, one of the handsomest men in
France, was mortally wounded. His horse had received
several wounds, and the furious animal carried his master
into the English ranks, where he was thrown on to the
points of the bayonets. He fainted away and was taken
prisoner. The General's handsome features, set off by
his long curling hair, and his fine figure aroused the
admiration of the English, who did all they could to
restore him and took the greatest care of him on the
way to England, but he died Just as he was about to
disembark.
The English cavalry furiously charged ours, and were
received with equal valour. At last their squadrons were
driven back, and they were obliged to withdraw to the
beach by the same narrow gully which the Spanish had
taken in their retreat on Cadiz. During the struggle the
Spanish threw a bridge of boats from the island of Leon
68 MEMOIES OF EAROX LE.TEUNE
across the narrowest portion of the Santi Petri Canal in
spite of the cannonade from that fort. The Spanish column
m^der General Lapina flmig itself upon this bridge in its
retreat, and some of our detachments pursued it to the
other side and beyond. Meanwhile General Graham, who
was very badly supported by the Spanish, having recog-
nised the impossibility of penetrating further into our lines
and making us raise the siege, took up his position on the
height crowned by the Barossa tower, and there success-
fully repulsed several attacks from the Leval division, thus
covering until nightfall the retreat of the English army.
Our advanced guard, therefore, having the English in their
rear, retired from the further side of the bridge and con-
tented itself with cannonading the passage. The English
finally retired to the island of Leon and boasted as of
a victory, which they call the battle of Barossa, of the
advantage they had gained in sending to the relief of Cadiz
the ten or twelve thousand men who were all that were
left of the combined forces.
On their side the French, weakened by the vast extent
of the coastline they had to defend, taken by surprise by
this attack on the scattered outposts of their rear, and
arriving as they did in small detachments on the battle
field, might with equal justice look upon the issue of the
struggle as a brilliant victory, in which, their courage
making up for the absence of any settled plan, they
baffled the schemes of their enemies, and compelled them
to retreat. They gave the name of the battle of Chiclana
to the affair.
Amongst the many remarkable incidents of this day,
the following were related to me. During the preceding
days some five or six hundred Spanish had been taken
prisoners by the French, and were crossing the battle field
A BRAVE 7<lND generous VIVANDIERE 69
when the EngHsh attack was made. The prisoners
thought this gave them a good opportunity for escape, and
they all refused to go on, but the officer in command made
them lie flat on their faces, left a few of his men to
guard them with orders to shoot the first who raised his
head, and marched against the enemy with the rest of his
troops. At the end of the battle he had not lost a single
prisoner.
Some other officers told me how a vivandiere of the
95th Regiment, Catherine Baland by name, ran about
through the French ranks during the battle giving the
soldiers brandy to raise their spirits, as she gaily said to
them in a bright encouraging tone, ' Drink, drink, my
brave fellow ; you can pay me to-morrow.' She must have
known full well, however, when she saw so many men
falling around her, that most of her debtors would not
ansAver the roll-call the next day. The fair Catherine,
who became quite a celebrated character in the army,
and whose praises were sung by Beranger, was never
wounded. She received the Cross in 1813 for many
such acts of disinterestedness and courage as that above
described.
From the heights of Barossa and Chiclana I could see
the towers of Tangier rising up from the coast of Africa,
beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, the whole of the island of
Leon, the monuments, forts, and roadstead of Cadiz, with
the far-stretching salt marshes, where thousands of heaps
of salt at regular intervals looked like long lines of troops.
The picturesque beauty of the site, and the extraordinary
character of the struggle in which I had lost my dear
friend the brave and handsome General Eufin, with whom
I had made my first campaigns in Germany, decided me
to try and paint a picture of the battle at some future
70 MEMOIltS 01' r.AliOX LEJICUXE
day, and I made a number of sketches on the spot so as
to give to my work the stamp of truth.
The claims of all the different corps were entrusted to
me, to be put before the Emperor, and I took care to make
myself thoroughly informed in every case so as to secure
the rewards deserved. Before leaving, I mrged on the
operations of the siege, which ought not to have been
delayed by the brilliant affair related above, although of
course the troops had been a good deal fatigued. I got
back on March 27 to Santa Maria, where Marshal Victor
gave me a long account of the necessities of his army, and
told me how important it was that the Emperor should
come in person to settle the affairs of Spain. I left with
regret the delightful residence assigned to me by the Duke
of Belluno at Santa Maria, the windows of which, always
open in the mild climate, looked down upon the roadstead
and Cadiz, which I could see in the distance through the
orange trees laden with flowers and fruit. The branches
of these trees came into my very room, so that I could
enjoy the fragrance and eat the fruit on the spot. This
fascinating residence appealed alike to every sense, and I
shall never forget that, in addition to the beauties of natural
scenery, the fortunate inhabitants of Santa Maria enjoy
the presence of some of the loveliest women in the world.
Of course my visit was too brief for me to make their
acquaintance, but what I did see of them fully con-
firmed all that I had heard of the charms of the ladies
of Andalusia.
After our interview Marshal Victor gave me his des-
patches for France, and I started for Seville with an
escort, arriving the same evening at San Lucar. There
I hired a decked boat in which to ascend the Guadalquivir,
y,nd whilst waiting for the escort assigned to me, and
ASCEKT OF THE GUADALQUIVIl; 71
for the tide to float our boat, which was still high and
dry, I strolled about on the sandy banks of the beautiful
river. It was a dark night, and I was much interested in
noting two phosphorescent phenomena of which I had
previously been told. As I was hesitating which road to
choose amongst the many on the beach, the sand dis-
turbed by our footsteps emitted a brilliant light of the
colour of flames, and for a moment I fancied I was walk-
ing over still glowing cinders. At the same moment I
saw some hundreds of tiny gleaming lights circulating
round the boats, and I thought they too were on fire.
But my boatmen caught several of the lights to let me
look at them closely, and I then saw that they were fire-
flies, which, when they move their wings, give out a much
stronger light than do the glowworms of France. Fire-
flies also abound in Italy, where they are called lucciole.
All these details of natural history were of great interest
to me, and I made a collection of insects and plants, and
of specimens of minerals, sulphur, &c., from various dis-
tricts, which I kept with my sketches of the places where
they had been found, as aids to my memory, intending to
study them closely when I reached home.
Our progress up the river, easy enough at first, became
difficult as the tide rose, for the wind, being against the
current, lashed the water into great waves, which seemed
bent on driving us back. With all sails set, however, our
bark ploughed its way on, but we were all too sea-sick to
care to look at the sun rising over the beautiful landscapes
on either side. We had already got about a third of the
way, and had not once raised our heads from our pillows
to look about us, when our crew warned us of approaching
danger. They had caught sight of a sentinel, who at our
approach had hidden himself in a little grove of orange
72 MEMOIRS OF BAKON LEJEUXK
trees on the left bank. We were already close upon him,
and it was necessary to guard against a surprise, a fact
which roused us all to action. When we were about half
musket range from the grove, two armed men came out,
and seeing no one but a boatman at the helm, shouted to
him to come ashore. He took no notice, but calmly pur-
sued his course. Then the two men were joined by
several others, also armed, who threatened to fire if our
boat did not stop. I then called up my little guard of
fifteen men, and as soon as they showed themselves on
deck, the brigands, whose numbers had still further
increased, fired a volley at them. They did not, however,
wait for their reply, but, turning tail, took refuge amongst
the trees. We were threatened with several similar
attacks, but none of them realty came off, and our worst
danger was from the wind, which now amounted to a
regular gale, the waves dashing over the deck and threat-
ening to swamp our little boat. We were so much
knocked about that we made our boatmen land us at a
village some two leagues from Seville, where M. Blagnac,
an officer in the service of King Joseph, supplied me with
horses. I got to Seville that same evening, but the boat
did not arrive until the next daj'.
I wound up this stormy and fatiguing day by supping
with Marshal Soult, and going to the theatre with him.
AVe had a good deal of talk together, and he grumbled at
being hampered in everything he undertook. He was, he
said, perfectly hemmed in by enemies, having to contend
not only with the English, the Portuguese, and the
Spanish, who were in front, on the right and on the left,
but by the guerrilla bands, which harassed him in the rear,
and circumvented him at every turn. He added that the
sinews of war were wanting, that the country was drained
-MAliSIlAL SOULT'S DIFFICULTIES 73
of its supplies, provisions being very scarce and very dear.'
' The reinforcements promised me never arrive,' said the
Marshal, ' for Belliard keeps them at Madrid. The siege
operations at Cadiz drain my feeble resources. There are
no medicines at the hospitals. The army of the Junta
has appropriated all the horses suitable for cavalry, and I
can get none for my men.' Then, his excitement increas-
ing, Soult added in a voice full of emotion, ' AVould you
believe it? I am surrounded by jealous men, eager for
my recall, I am badly seconded by officers of too high
rank to obey me without criticism, and I have not a single
friend in whom I can confide, for I have long been sepa-
rated from my family, who are all in Paris.'
The Marshal did not, as so many others had done,
express a wish to see the Emperor come in person to take
the command of his army, but from all I saw and heard
I felt sure that it was absolutely necessary that some very
decided step should be taken to reconcile all these jarring
elements. Until something was done there could be no
hope of the campaign being brought to a successful issue.
I determined, therefore, to hasten back to France to tell
the Emperor how things stood, and I obtained a strong
escort. Five or six couriers with despatches, and several
travellers, availed themselves of this opportunity of travel-
ling safely, and started with me.
I got to Ecija the same evening, and put up at General
Dijon's quarters. The next day my friend Colonel
Lallemande, of the 27th Dragoons, escorted me with his
regiment as far as Cordova. There General Godinho
entrusted some jewels to me to be taken to his wife, and
I packed them with many other tokens of affection which
' It was throughout this war the ijolicy of the English and Portuguese
to make the inhabitants desert their homes and destroy all the provisions
and stores they could not carry with them. — Trans.
74 MEMOIKS OF BAl;OX LEJEUNE
were confided to my care. Many were the hearts I was
to rejoice with good tidings of those they loved when I got
to Paris, and everything combined to make me eager to
reach the end of my journey. General Godinho told me
that a few days before my fair partner Dona Lnisa had
left Cordova with her father, who had been appointed to
a position of great trust in another province. The terrible
news of the massacre of the whole family by brigands,
which I heard on my way to Madrid, had not j^et reached
Cordova. They had fallen into an ambush by the way,
the father was shot as a Josephino, and the poor daughter
perished after the most infa:xL0us treatment. It was at
Consuegra that I learnt with horror all the revolting details
of this hideous crime.
When he took leave of me and sent his loving greetings
to his wife, General Godinho probably knew that he would
never see either her or me again. Soon after I left Cor-
dova I heard that, having received a severe and very unjust
reprimand from Marshal Soult, the General, unable either
to avenge or to endure the insult put upon him, went
straight down to the sentinel at the door, and said to him,
' Is your gun loaded '? ' Then, on the man replying in
the affirmative, he added, ' Give it to me.' And resting
the butt-end on the ground, he put his foot on the trigger
and blew out his own brains before any one had time to
stop him.
The melancholy accounts I everywhere received as to
the state of the unhappy country of Spain were not calcu-
lated to reassure me as to what I might expect on my
return journey. I left Cordova on April 1, at a time when
the fine weather and the warmer nights encouraged the
brigands to leave their mountain hatmts and lie in wait on
the roads for parties of travellers with escorts smaller than
A TIRESOME DELAY 75
their own bands, when they would spring out upon them
with the cruelty and treachery of wild beasts. At Andujar,
at Baylen, and at Caroline, where I changed my escort, I
was warned of the presence of these guerrilla bands and of
the necessity of constant vigilance on the march. At
Santa Cruz the officers of the 13th Dragoon Eegiment told
me about a battle they had had that very day with a pretty
large part}' of brigands, whom they had beaten ; and
agreeing with me that the enemy would be likely to keep
quiet for a bit after this defeat, they approved of my wish
to push on during the night. This we did, arriving
safely at three o'clock in the morning at Val de Peiias,
at six o'clock at Mancanares, where we called on General
Lorges, and at noon at Villa Eubia. There we learnt that
the escorts were all out, and as the state of the countrj'
was too threatening for us to risk travelling bj^ day with-
out a strong body of troops, we were obliged, much to our
regret, to wait till they had come back and had a rest.
I availed mj^self of this delay to send a message to General
Neuenstein, of Baden, then at Consuegra, by a Spaniard
in his service, telling him to have an escort ready for me
when I should arrive. The day seemed very long to me,
for there was absolutely nothing of interest in the town
but a number of donkeys of a peculiar breed, which were,
vdthout exception, the biggest, the ugliest, and the worst-
tempered brutes I ever saw. I could not have believed
that a donkey could attain a stature of more than four
feet ! Looking at these animals was not a very cheerful
recreation for us, preoccupied as we were in thinking of
how best to get out of a very awkward position.
All the talk of the couriers and merchants who had
Joined my party was about the dangers they had run owing
to the atrocious guerrilla warfare which had been going on
76 MEMOIES OF B-iHON LEJEUNE
for the last two years, and though they were all brave
enough and ready to defend themselves, they could not
help grumbling at the injustice of being subjected to all
this worry and suffering in a bad cause. Williams sadly
counted the louis d'or still in his belt, and found he had
now only 150 left. The men and horses I was waiting
for did not come back till sunset, but I did all I could to
hurry them o\er their supper, begging them to be quite
ready to start as soon as my messenger came back ; and
then, very much worried at the delay and worn out with
fatigue, I stretched myself on a bench with my cloak for
a pillow, to try and get a little sleep.
My repose was not long, for I had scarcely sunk into
oblivion of my woes before a horrible nightmare came on,
making me start up, tumble off my bench, and run in the
dark into the next room, where Williams was sleeping.
I called him several times before he answered, for he was
in a profound sleep, but at last he replied, ' Here I am ! '
That was all I wanted, and, reassured as to his being still
alive, I felt sorry I had disturbed him ; but in my horrid
nightmare I had fancied I heard him crying out to me for
help, and had seen him fall dead at my feet in the midst
of a terrible struggle. I was still feeling melancholy after
this horrid dream, when my express messenger returned
from Consuegxa to tell me that the road seemed clear, and
that troops were awaiting me there. My escort of dra-
goons was ready soon afterwards, and we started again
at two o'clock in the morning.
CHAPTEE III
I AM TAKEN PRISONER AND ALL BUT HANGED
A¥hen I got to Consuegra, General Count Neuenstein, of
Baden, dissuaded me from taking the Aranjuez route, in-
fested by guerrillas, with whom he had to fight every day,
and the escort of cavalry he gave me took me to Mora,
where I arrived the same evening. Here I was again
delayed; and was not able to start until one o'clock in the
morning ; and though the road was anything but safe,
forty dragoons were all the escort I could secure. I ar-
rived at Toledo with them a little before daybreak. The
old general in command there could only spare me twentj^-
five dragoons, who had returned during the night after
marching all day, and I was obliged to let them rest for
a few hours before resuming my route.
AVhilst waiting for my little escort to be ready to
start I had a look round Toledo, most picturesquely
situated at the summit of a number of lofty rocks, with
the Tagus, by which the site is surrounded on three sides,
flowing at their base. The number of fine old buildings
gives the city a dignified appearance, and I was specially
struck by the cathedral, which I entered at six o'clock,
just as day was beginning to break. It was the 6th of
April, and Easter time. A grand service was going on,
in which a regular orchestra with a number of singers in
"galleries were taking part, and the angelic voices of the
78 MEMOIRS OF ]iAR()X LEJEUXE
children in the choir seemed to those in the nave to be
coming straight from heaven.
The body of the church, but for a few flickering torches,
was still wrapped in the twilight of the dawn, and the
solemn service, with its exquisite music and clouds of
incense, through which the figures of the numerous clergy
loomed dimly, combined with the utter stillness of the
nave, where but a few scattered women, completely hidden
in black woollen mantles, giving them the appearance
of spectres, knelt on the stones, made a deep impression
on me. But one solitary man in military uniform
appeared suddenly amongst the prostrate worshippers
waiting at the foot of the altar for the benediction, for I
also felt impelled to say a prayer and bless God for having
brought me safe and sound so far.
In those few moments of meditation, when I thus
performed a religious duty, the petitions I put up seemed
to calm my spirit, still vibrating with the agitation result-
ing from the many struggles in which I had been engaged.
I thought to myself then that it is at moments such as
these, snatched in the midst of war, that the heart of a
soldier is more sensitive to the influences of religion than
at any other time. I, too, in the very depth of my soul
tasted that indefinable and soothing sense of peace and
serenity which comes from prayer. Nor was there a
man in our army who would not have felt as I did, for in
all our wars I never saw one of our brave fellows, whether
amon-gst the common soldiers or the elite of the army, be-
have like an atheist or an infidel or commit sacrilege, for
they were all ever ready to do homage to God, who alone
gives courage, victory, and honour. I put up a prayer for a
happy issue of my journey, and then I went to join my
feeble escort, leaving Toledo at eight o'clock. The officer in
BRIGAXDS SCOUR THE PLAIN IX SEARCH OF ME 79
coniraand of my twenty-five dragoons, Duhamel de Bellen-
glise by name, warned me that the district we were about to
cross had for the last eight or ten days been infested with
an immense number of brigands, all the different bands
having joined forces, and said that it was therefore very im-
prudent to travel with so few troops. I quite agreed with
him, but I knew how important it was that I should
get to Paris quickly, and how dangerous it would be to
lose time by any further delay at Toledo. So we started,
keeping, however, well on the alert, and neglecting no
precaution as we went along. It was a splendid day, and
we got to Cavanas before noon without any adventures or
hearing anything of the brigands, except in the stories
about their daily fights with them with which M. Duhamel
and his dragoons enlivened our march.
Cavanas is a big village surrounded by a weak wall,
and standing quite alone in the centre of a plain. The
commandant had had this wall loopholed to aid in the
defence of the place against the guerrilla bands occupying
the surrounding districts, who had made several attempts
to take the village. The commandant blamed me very
much for my imprudence in attempting to reach him with
such a small escort, and as he could not spare me any
mounted men just then, he tried to persuade me to remain
with him.
I was, however, so near Madrid, where I hoped to
arrive that evening, and so anxious to push on, that I
could not bring myself to lose any time. Moreover, the
commandant told me that six or eight hundred men of the
band under one Dr. Padalea, surnamed El Medico, feeling
sure that I must return soon, had been scouring about on
the plain looking for me for the last eight days and nights,
and had only moved off the evening before, weary of the
80 MEMOIRS OF JJAIiOX LEJEUXE
long waiting. The commandant insisted on sending an ex-
press messenger to ascertain the whereabouts of this band,
and make inquiries about the state of the district to be
traversed, before I left, and I employed the time whilst wait-
ing for the man's return in resting and feeding the horses of
my twenty-five dragoons, so that they might be able to go
as far as the next halting-place with me. The peasant
sent out returned to say that he had gone a considerable
distance across the plain, and seen no sign of any one, and I
set out with my same party of dragoons, who were all well-
seasoned troopers, and who were supplemented by sixty
good infantry soldiers with their officers, belonging to a
Baden regiment. I arranged my little party in the order of
an army corps, sending nine dragoons on in front to recon-
noitre as an advanced guard, placing the couriers and
travellers, all of whom were armed, in the centre of the
rest of the dragoons, and making the infantry bring up
the rear as a reserve.
It was a beautiful day, and we were marching peaceably
on in this order, without our advanced guard having noticed
anything alarming of which to warn us, when I noticed the
dead bodies of several men and horses on the road. The
Baden officer with me then told me that a very short time
ago eighty French grenadiers, who were escorting a courier,
were attacked by the band under El Medico, and, compelled
to yield to superior numbers, they took refuge in a square
chapel some three-quarters of a mile from Illiescas, where
they were besieged for two days, refusing to surrender.
Every effort they made to get out was frustrated, and all
who ventured to leave the chapel were at once struck
down dead. The brigands then fetched ladders, and great
quantities of straw and faggots, from the village. With
the aid of the ladders, they put the straw and wood on the
MYSTERIOUS SIGNALS 81
toj) of the chapel, and set fire to them. The burning roof
fell on the grenadiers, who flung themselves in a body on
the enemy, but, like the cowards that they were, the
brigands opened their ranks to them, and then shot them
all down, not a single one escaping. During this melan-
choly recital we had reached a little wood consisting of
about a hundred olive trees, some eight or nine paces
from the chapel. The quiet bearing of our advanced guard,
and the utter stillness of the plain before us, added to our
sense of security as we passed the scene of this tragedy,
and I was turning over in my mind what would have
been the best thing for the luckless grenadiers to do
under the circumstances, when I suddenly saw two
priests in cassocks and broad-brimmed hats spring out
from behind the walls of the chapel and wave their hand-
kerchiefs vyildly. There was nothing to be seen on the
plain, and it seemed as if these signals must be meant for
us. We were too far from the priests to hear what they
said, so I told one of my dragoons to gallop up to them,
and ask them what they meant. He obeyed, but his
horse was very tired, and he did not go half quickly
enough for our impatience to find out what it all meant.
As the man approached them the priests gesticulated
all the more wildly, and, eager to understand what they
were aiming at, I sent a second better mounted dragoon
after the first. But he was as slow as his comrade, and,
unable any longer to control my eagerness, I set spurs to
the fresh horse which I had secured at the fort, and in a
very few seconds I had traversed the space dividing me
from the priests. Their gestures now expressed the
greatest horror, and I began to suspect mischief, especially
when I came up with a young peasant who was cutting
the harness of his oxen in his terror, so as to get them
VOL. II. G
82 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
out of the plough more quickly. I asked him why he was
unharnessing in the middle of a furrow, but he did not
answer, and the wild, fierce expression of his eyes as he
looked at me made me think it would be wiser to return
to my people, so I wheeled round after another good look
at the priests and the peasant. As I rode back to my
escort, I remembered the dream which had made such a
vivid impression on me a few hours before. I may have
been wrong, I said to myself, in ignoring the presentiment
of coming evil I had had then, because silly cowards are
disposed to attach too much importance to dreams. I
had, however, no time to make up my mind on the point, for
I had scarcely ridden a few paces before I heard again the
cry of distress which had roused me from my sleep. It
was no nightmare delusion this time, but the most terrible
reality.
' Master, master, we are lost ! ' screamed Williams as
he rushed up to me. I looked at him, and as I did so I
saw advancing upon us in a circle from every quarter of
the plaiA some six or eight hundred horsemen, who,
though still at a distance, completely surrounded my
escort. "Williams went on screaming, ' Oh, master, master,
what shall I do ? ' 'Go behind me,' I replied, ' draw your
sword, and do as I do.' But, alas! neither getting behind
me nor drawing his sword saved him, for he was struck
by a bullet the next minute and fell dead without uttering
another word. The fatal omen of the dream was fulfilled !
The brigands had let our advanced guard pass without
showing themselves, and then closed in upon us, firing
as they came.
Our infantry were able to reach the olive grove, aiid
placed themselves in battle order amongst the trees which
afforded them some little shelter ; they fired in their otvn
TEKRIBLE STRUGGLE "WITH BRIGANDS 83
defence, but they could do nothing to protect us, for if
they had aimed in our direction they might have killed
some of us. The enemy saw this, and getting between
our foot soldiers and us they rained bullets upon us, not
venturingto approach nearer than the length of the weapons
with which they were armed. I tiu^ned aside the spears
with my sword, but I could not get at any of the assailants.
Only three or four dragoons remained near me, and those
few fought like lions. We managed at last to pierce
the ranks of the enemy, and we should have got off and
joined our infantry if the brigands had not prevented it by
concentrating their fire on our horses, shouting, 'Bntrega,
entrega Usted ! ' (Surrender, surrender !) My horse,
which was very strong, was the last to fall. He had
already been hit some thirty times, and at last, covered
with wounds, and no longer able to feel the spur, he rolled
over dead amongst his comrades. I managed to struggle
out of the crowd of fallen horses and men, and had de-
fended myself for a short time with my sword, when I
received a blow from a spear which was quite enough
to kill me, but it only cut open my right hand, causing
me such terrible pain as to paralyse my sword arm. My
weapon fell, I was disarmed, and my assailants, athirst
for blood and plunder, flung themselves upon me and
began to tear off my clothes. In four seconds I was
stripped naked from head to foot, but I was fortunately un-
wounded except for a few cuts from spears. Those of the
brigands who were not too much encumbered with the spoil
they had taken from me, now raised their muskets above the
shoulders of their comrades and pointed them at my breast.
I made no effort to shield it, but rather exposed myself as
much as possible, my only hope being that I might die at
the first discharge, and not have to endure a lingering
6 2
84 MEMOIRS OF BAEON LEJEUiXE
anguish. But, strange to say, though seven or eight
primings flashed, the charges did not go off ! In their rage
at having missed me, four of the brigands, threatening to
have done with me in a moment, took fresh cartridges from
their belts, and having loaded again they pointed their
weapons at my breast, which I once more presented to them
without flinching. But the primings hung fire again !
Recognising the divine protection in this extraordinary
incident, I seized with both hands one of the muskets
which were being banged about my head, and with it
parried the blows which would otherwise have killed me,
for they bent out of shape the weapon which protected
me. The terrible struggle sent a rush of blood to my
heart, my strength failed me, and I was on the point of
succumbing, when a man on horseback, wearing some of
the insignia of an officer, dashed into the fray, shouting
down to me from above the heads of my assailants,
' Quien es Usted ? Quien es Usted ? ' (Who are you,
who are you ?) I was too much occupied in parrying the
blows from the butt-ends of muskets which were raining
on me from every side, and from which I was all but
stunned, to answer him, and it was not until he had com-
pelled his rearing horse to come close up to me, and re-
peated again and again, ' Quien es Usted ? ' that I
answered, ' A colonel.' ' Ah ! es un coronel,' he cried ; ' no
matad le ! ' (Ah, it is a colonel ; do not kill him). The
men were, however, so furious at my long resistance, that
it was all he could do to make them listen to him, and
spare my life. The officer was Don Juan Padalea or El
Medico, the chief of the band, who got his name from
the fact that he practised medicine before he became a
leader of brigands. Seeing how done up I was and that
I was about to faint, he shouted out to me, ' No tenga
I AM IffiSCUED BY EL .MEDICO 85
Ustedmiedo!' (Don't be afraid). At the word 'afraid,'
which wounded my self-respect, I raised my head proudly,
and whilst he kept on saying, ' No ten miedo,' I kept on
replying, ' No tengo miedo ' (I am not afraid) . Again and
again he set spurs to his horse, making it rear against the
men, who still wished to kill me, and finally told two
mounted men to carry me off the field of battle. My
little band of infantry saw the whole struggle without
being able to interfere, and continued to fire in their own
defence. The two brigands told to take me away each
seized one of my hands, and as they galloped off I had
to run between them They cared nothing for the suffer-
ing this inflicted on me, compelled to rush along with bare
feet and legs over the rough ground and through hedges
and ditches. What pained me still more, however, was
passing the dead bodies of my dragoons stripped as I was
of all clothing, whom the miscreants had literally hacked
to pieces. They had evidently not dared to face them
even when they were dying, but had stabbed them from
behind with the long swords they had robbed them of.
The poor fellows had died in my defence, and I was filled
with despair at their fate.
After dashing along for a league or two we approached
the mountains, and my two brigands halted for a moment
to allow the rest of the band to come up. The Medico,
who seemed in very good spirits, told his men as he
joined them, with a view to enhancing the value of their
capture, that I was the sohrino del Bey Pepe (nephew of
King Joseph). He ordered them to show me every
attention, and assured me that he was too generous to ill-
treat his prisoners when they no longer had arms in their
hands. My two horsemen now vied with each other in
their generosity to me, and offered to give me back some
86 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
of the booty they had just taken from my party. As the
band, now reassembled, galloped off again, one of my
guards gave me a big pair of boots, and the second threw
me a shirt, soaked and dripping with blood, shouting,
'You can wash it in the next stream.' Never did I
receive a more horrible gift, and I shuddered with
disgust. Still, I kept it in my hand, and as I was
hurried along again I felt the blood from it mingling with
that from my own wounds. I did not, hoA\'ever, have to
carry the revolting burden long, for the guard, whose
name was Dorringo, soon snatched it away again, not
liking, after all, to part with it, and the only advantage I
derived from the gift was a fresh access of horror. I had
to run on like this between the two horses till we got
to the village of Casarrabis, where the band passed the
night. There I saw four others who had been taken
prisoners, namely. Lieutenant Duhamel de Bellenglise, of
Lille, who had commanded the dragoons, M. Massart, a
merchant, a French dragoon, and a soldier from Baden.
The rest of the mounted men had apparently all perished.
I learnt afterwards, however, that the Sieur de Laval, a
courier in Government employ, who had been left for dead
on the scene of the combat, had survived his many wounds
and managed to drag himself to the road, where he was
succoured by some passers-by. He recovered and returned
to Paris a year later.
The terrible emotions we had all gone through, and
the long run under such horrible circumstances, had made
us dreadfully thirsty, and a charitable peasant woman,
who was rather like and quite as beautiful as her
celebrated fellow countrywoman Madame Tallien,' was
• The wife of the Eevolutiouist, Tallien, the Countess Ther^se de
Fontenay, daughter of a Spanish banker, who was famed for her beauty,
WE ARE SHUT UP IN A STABLE 87
generous enough to bring me a big earthenware pitcher
containing a couple of quarts of water, with a dash of
vinegar. I should quickly have drunk it all if my com-
panions' sufferings had not been as great as my own. I
tore the pitcher from my lips and offered a share of the
refreshing beverage, which reminded me of that offered to
Christ on the cross, to my fellow captives. The kind
woman filled the pitcher for us again, and showed no
embarrassment at waiting on perfectly naked men.
Don Juan Padalea and his band passed the night in
the village, and we were shut up in a stable with a
sentinel to guard us. Massart, Duhamel, and the soldier
from Baden yielded to their despair, and it grieved me to
see them give way before such contemptible enemies as
oturs, so I urged them to follow my example and that of
the dragoon, who still held his head up proudly, though
he was much weakened by his wounds. The sentinels
were relieved every hour, and some of the men told me
that but for the fact that the humiditj' of the last eight or
nine nights had damped the powder of their cartridges,
not a single one of us would have escaped the massacre of
the preceding day. They spoke of this as a contretemps,
but we thanked God for it.
Just before daybreak Don Juan sent us a little bread
to eat, and a mule for me to ride, with the order to start
at once, for he wished to get to a village some dis-
tance off, where he would be more secure from being
surprised by the flying column, under the commandant
Soubiran, which had been in pursuit of his band for
several months.
As we went along I had the mortification of seeing
and was surnamed Our Lady of Pity because she saved so many of those
condemned to death by her husband. — Tkans.
88 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
various brigands sporting my uniform, my decorations,
my cap and my epaulettes, and they added insult to injury
by riding up to tell me how much they regretted not
having been able to kill me. Presently their anger
against us became greater than ever at hearing that the
French general in command at Avila had just had two
guerrilleros, as they called their comrades, whom he had
taken prisoners, hanged a couple of leagues off. Don Juan
had the greatest difficulty in preventing them froixi killing
us on the spot, and the march was resumed. A little
further, however, fresh accounts reached them of the
tragedy, and Don Juan was compelled to yield to their
eager desire for our blood. They made us enter an
orchard, where the low trees afforded plenty of branches
on which they could easily hang us, and, abusing us all
the time for the cruelty of the French to their comrades,
they took off the thongs for tethering their horses ready to
hang us with them. Approaching death and the touch of
the running noose already flung round my neck gave me
an eloquence in speaking the Spanish language which I
had never had before. I told them what a shame and a
dishonour I thought it was to add to the inevitable horrors
of war those of needless cruelty, that I agreed with thera
in thinking the French general very wrong to set them
such a horrible example and provoke them to such terrible
reprisals, and I tried to induce them to think it their duty
to put an end to such deeds on both sides. ' You know,'
I went on, ' from my insignia with which I see you decked
out now, that I hold high rank in the army ; make haste
to exchange me for some Spanish prisoner, and I give you
my word of honour that I will use all my influence with
the King and with the Emperor himself to stop such
extreme measures on our side, so that there may be no
IIAmBEEADTII I-.SCAPE PEOM HANGING 89
further justification for the reprisals which those measures
lead you to make. Then if the war must continue, it will
at least lose the ferocious character which is a disgrace
to men who ought only to bear arms in defence of their
country and of liberty. None but public executioners
should ever hang their fellow men.'
This harangue, which strangulation nearly cut short,
did but make the human tigers hesitate a little, and our
horrible position only provoked a ferocious laugh from
them. Several of them had already climbed into the plum
trees to begin operations, and though Don Juan seemed
to think there was something in what I urged, the fatal
moment was evidently close at hand, and there seemed no
hope of escape from a violent death. The rest of the
men formed a circle round us, all eager to see us die.
I held the running noose round my neck tightly with
both hands to prevent it from strangling me, and went
on talking. The other end of the thong was actually in
the hands of one of the men in the tree above me, and
"l could get no hearing. In fact, a good many of the
spectators were shouting angrily, ' Horcad los ! Horcad los !
al cornielo, al cornielo ! ' (Hang them ! Hang them ! To
the plum tree ! to the plum tree !) Then in my rage I in
turn shouted with a mocking laugh, ' Que malos ciruelos
haran ustedes ! ' (What bad plums you are going to
make !) This cry of mine in extremis made them all
laugh in a ridiculous way, and stopped the terrible
preparations for a moment, but whether they would have
resumed them or not I cannot say, for just then five or six
shots were heard in the distance.
All the men shouted together, ' Soubiran ! Soubiran ! '
Those in the trees jumped down, the band remounted, and
Don Juan told off twelve men to guard us, saying in our
90 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
hearing, ' You will kill them if we have to run away ; they
would only hinder our escape.' He then rode off at the
head of his hand in the direction of the firing, the sound
of which alternately approached and receded for more than
an hour of horrible suspense for us, during which our
hearts were torn by cruel anxiety, and I mentally bade
farewell to my old father, to all who were dear to me, and
to France, which my safe return to Paris would have done
so much to serve. It was indeed hard to be cut off from
friends and country in the very springtide of my life. No
night immortalised by Young in his celebrated ' Xight
Thoughts ' was as long as that one hour of alternations of
hope and fear during the night of April 6, 1811, to us poor
prisoners condemned to death, and with nothing to serve
as our shrouds but the splashes of dried blood on our naked
bodies.
We now learnt that a courier and his escort on the
way from Escalona to Madrid had been surprised by the
scouts of El Medico, whom they had imagined to be far
away from the district at the time, as they were quietly
winding along by the Alberge, intending to turn off for the
capital at Valmojedo. El Medico's men seeing that the
escort was but a small one threw themselves upon it, and
we now found ourselves in the cruel position of not know-
ing what to wish. If the escort were beaten it would
mean death to Frenchmen, and we dared not hope for
that ; if, on the other hand, the French were victorious, our
guards wotild have to take flight and our doom would be
sealed. At the end of an hour, which seemed two to us in
our terrible suspense, we had to look upon a scene more
horrible if possible than anything which had yet met our
eyes, for the escort was beaten and driven back to Escalona,
leaving many dead and five or six wounded on the ground.
A HORRIBLE MASSACRE 91
Three of the poor \\'retches, who were stripped naked, were
dragged to where we were waiting, but the dread with
which Soubiran had inspired the brigands was such that
they dared not hnger, and therefore decided to kill those
too much hurt to go with them. The next moment in
spite of my entreaties the poor fellows were massacred, and
as they fell I caught them in my arms. The points of the
swords which were driven through their shoulders actually
pricked my breast, and the unfortunate creatures were lite-
rally hacked to pieces in my hands, all powerless to help
them.
It is thirty-five years ago now, but the sound of the
blows rained upon the unhappy victims, with the cracking
of their bones, still rings in my ears, and the remembrance
of the scene makes me shudder with horror.
The blood they had just shed seemed to have satiated
the brigands' lust for slaughter, as they said no more about
hanging us. The mule I had ridden before was led up,
and Don Juan, whose features wore an angry frown, gave
the order to start, riding on again in silence.
During the further journey three or four of the brigands
kept close to me to protect me from their comrades, who
with many insulting gestures kept expressing their regret
at not being allowed to kill me. On the other hand, our
guards began to talk to us in quite a friendly way, and we
began to indulge in hope once more. I was now able to
observe the men about me a little more closely. They
were all dressed in a fantastic manner, in a most hete-
rogeneous collection of garments, and presented a very
wild and ferocious appearance. Their complexions were
swarthy and sunburnt ; their black eyes, of the Arab type,
were shaded by heavy eyelids ; their hair, shaved away on
the forehead, was allowed to grow long elsewhere, and was
1)2 MEMOIRS OF 15AK0X LEJEUNE
_gathered at the back into a mass called a catogan, which
hung down on the nape of the neck. All of them, chiefs
and men alike, wore a coloured handkerchief knotted about
"the head, and hanging down the back in a neglige
manner. Above the handkerchief was worn a round felt
hat, with a high pointed crown, varying in colour from
black and russet-brown to grey, according to its state of
decay, and decorated with a few cock feathers and a twist of
red cord. The chest and one shoulder, black or red from
constant exposure to the weather, were left bare. Some
of the men wore jackets like those of our hussars of
different colours, and others brown, black, or blue vests ;
but all had broad red silk or woollen sashes, whilst many
had belts over the sashes which could hold several dozen
cartridges, as I had good cause to remember. The short
black velvet or leather breeches were open at the knee,
and the calves of the legs were protected by leather gaiters
coming down over Spanish sandals or big shoes with spm-s
on the heels. The men all shouted at the top of their
voices, showing their pointed white teeth, which looked
like those of angry wolves.
The clumsy saddles had wooden stirrups, the bit was
fastened on to the reins with bits of twine, and the steeds
wdth these primitive trappings resembled the quaint and
shaggy nag of Don Quixote. The men who had rather
better horses were very proud of them, and kept saying to
me : ' Mira que buen caballo por una retirada ! ' (Look
what a fine horse to run away on !) These words were a
very good revelation of the character of the speakers, and
whilst I had the honour of being dragged along amongst
them, I always heard them say when they approached an
enemy, ' Son muchos, salvemos ' (There are a lot of them,
let's escape), or, ' Son poca gente, acometamos ' (There are
THE BRIGAIS'DS DIVIDE THEIR BOOTY 93
only a few, let's attack them !) On the present occasion
they trotted along in good spirits, rejoicing at their success.
After crossing a forest and climbing up a steep rocky
ascent, we came down to the hanks of the Alberge. The
ferry boat was broken, and the river was deep and difficult
to ford ; but the fear with which Soubiran inspired him
made Don Juan wish to put the water between him and
the French. He noticed a herd of oxen grazing in a
meadow some distance off, and sent some men on horse-
back to fetch them. He then had the oxen driven to the
edge of the water, and his men forced them to enter it by
pricking them with their lances. The poor beasts tried to
escape by swimming, and when they were all about twenty
paces from the bank and had broken the force of the
current, the guerrilla band forded the stream, their horses
having to swim part of the way, whilst the prisoners were
dragged along by the hands to save them from being
drowned. The torrential mountain streams are very cold
at the beginning of April, but that was the very least of
our woes. The bath was really a good thing for us, and
we came out looking a little less hideous than when we
went in. We pushed on through forests and amongst
rocks, and arrived, as darkness was beginning to gather, at
the village of Prado, where the robbers thought they would
be safe. We were again put into a stable, and the division
of the booty took place almost under our eyes. I recog-
nised with grief the clothes of my poor Williams, the
faithful servant from Auvergne, whose real name was
Guillaume Bariol, but whom I had christened Williams so
as to be in the fashion. The savage fellows who had killed
him were puzzled by the collections of small stones,
minerals, bits of sulphur, and other geological specimens
which I had made Williams pack in his valise, and asked
94 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNK
me what in the world they were for. Nothing which
would not bring in money seemed of any value to them.
Don Juan understood a little French, hut he pretended
not to know a word, as it would have roused suspicion if
he had talked to his prisoners in a language unknown to
his men. In looking over the despatches seized with my
other effects he recognised their importance, and sent them
in all haste to the head-quarters of the Spanish army.
He then ordered me to be brought before him, and still
retaining his severity of manner, he gave me leave to
write to France to arrange for my exchange. I wrote
immediately on the subject to General Belliard, who had
already received and passed on the false report of my
death. I was also extremely anxious to inform the
Emperor of the melancholy condition of his armies in
Spain ; but I did not dare to say anything which Avould
be understood by our enemies, and lead to my letter being
intercepted, so I merely wrote these few lines to my friend
Baron Leduc, secretary to Prince Berthier : ' Tell the
owner of the " Pavilion de Flore " that I have seen the
person of whom he asked me to obtain news, and that I
found his numerous children in a condition demanding
the presence of their father at once.' Don Juan sent these
letters open to Madrid, and that to Baron Leduc reached
Paris safely and was understood at the Tuileries. Don
Juan now gave me the remains of an old cloak, such as
shepherds wear, to cover my nudity, and was actually good
enough to say to me, ' I have no doubt they will consent
to your exchange at Madrid, so I shall send you to the
head quarters of Don Julian, where you will await the
reply to your letters.' The next day, in fact, he ordered a
dozen men to take me to Don Julian, chief of the largest
band then infesting Old Castille, and he instructed my
AV]-: BEGIN TO HOPE A LITTLE 05
escort to treat me with respect. The savage fellows
henceforth softened their tone a little, and always addressed
me as Excellency or Signor, and so on. One of them, who
was wearing my handsome cap with black plmnes, even
gave me an old pointed soynhrero made of some grey linen
stuff, which had been dangling by a torn fragment from his
saddle bow. It was clothed in these mean rags that I had
to make my entry into the towns on our route, and now
began a series of vicissitudes, the recital of which I will
spare my readers, for after having described the experiences
of a fortunate officer on many a glorious battle field, I
think it is only natural that I should vdsh to draw a veil
over my humihating sufferings as a prisoner.
At one o'clock in the morning of April 7, we started
on our way to the head-quarters of Don Julian under the
escort of Sobrechero, who was chosen from the band to
lead om- part5^ For three days we climbed laboriously
along the steep banks of the Alberge till we came to its
source. The ascent was very difficult but most pic-
turesque, and at the sight of the wild beauties of nature
around me I awoke to fresh enjoyment of the life which
had been so nearly ended. The exertion of climbing up
and down the rocks, hunting about for the paths through
the woods, or scrambling and sometimes tumbling over
into the numerous torrents which flow into the Alberge,
was really good for us, and our bodily fatigue relieved the
tension of our minds. Our escort, too, cheered us by
showing their anxiety to bring about our exchange as
soon as possible, so as to put an end to the terrible re-
prisals on either side. The hope of being once more of
some use to humanity revived our courage and aided us
to bear up, all but naked though we were, against the
'bitter cold of ihe mountains, and to rally from the many
96 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
accidents which befell us in spite of the fact that we never
got enough to eat.
We passed the first night at the house of a Spaniard,
who heaped reproaches on our escort for not having
killed us and so saved themselves the trouble of bringing
us so far, and him that of having to receive us. The
next night we spent with a more hospitable host, a priest
named Don Pablo, who killed for us, he said, the last
fowl left to him by the French, but, as you see, he bore us
no malice. The third night we were received by another
priest, one Don Mauricio, who, poor fellow, was very well
educated, and enjoyed a chat for once with civilised
people. He insisted on my accepting two or three of his
shirts before I left. I appreciated this gift greatly, for to a
naked man on the crest of a mountain covered with snow
a shirt is worth more than a lot of gold on a plain !
At last, in a heavy downfall of snow, we reached the all
but inaccessible village of Piedra Lavez, the head-quarters,
I had almost said the den, of our brigands, perched at the
top of lofty rocks. At the sight of this spot, which resem-
bled the eyrie of an eagle or the stronghold of some feudal
noble of the middle ages, in the keep of which he hoarded
his treasures or the booty he had seized in his raids, we
expected to be received in a manner as coarse and rude
as the appearance of the place, and as cold as the flakes
which were falhng on our shoulders. Imagine, then, the
effect produced on us when the leader in command at this
wi'etched robber haunt came forward, and, addressing us
in a friendly way in French, said, ' Welcome, gentlemen.
I was a prisoner of war for three years in France, and
during that time I was so kindly and generously treated
that I consider myself fortunate in getting a chance to do
something in my turn to help Frenchmen whose evil
A COURTEOUS EOBBER CHIEF 97
fate has brought them to me. I am sorry that my
position in these poverty-stricken mountains prevents my
giving you the reception I should have hked, but I vs^ill
do my best to alleviate your sufferings.'
The robber chief, vifhose name was Joseph Eibero, was
captain of a band he had levied in the hope of replacing
Ferdinand VII. on the throne of Spain, and though he
was of course our political enemy he treated us as if we
were his brothers. He gave us a hat, some neckties,
pocket handkerchiefs, and even a few piastres, but he had
such a very poor opinion of his own men that he advised
us not to let them see the money, as they would be quite
sure to take it away from us.
Eibero treated me especially with very great respect,
for I had been brought to him as the nephew of King
Joseph. He said I was sure to be exchanged soon, and
added, ' The chances of war may turn in your favour, and
I may be your prisoner some day ; be good enough to
remember, if that day ever comes, that we are enemies only
on the battle field.' At the frugal repast which was all he
was able to put before us, the monk Ursulo, who was one
of the chief instigators of the insurrection, did full justice
to the wine provided, of which a large quantity had been
brought with us on a mule in goatskin bottles. The
manners of this monk justified the contempt which the
brigands with us seemed to have for all the Mendicant
Friars.
Before we left, Eibero again expressed his great regret
at not being able to supply us with clothes or to enter-
tain us better, and he also earnestly recommended our
escort to treat us well.
On the 8th we reached Naval-Donda, near the source
of the Tormes, where we put up at the house of an old
VOL. II. ^
98 ]MEMOIES OF JiAliOX LEJEUXE
woman who was more bitter against us than any one else
had yet been. Furious with rage at having to provide
for Frenchmen and for our escort of brigands, she would
have murdered us if we had not been protected by our
guards. We dared not touch the food she offered us for
fear of being poisoned ; and not content with urging our
escort to complete the work of destruction which divine
intervention had arrested on the field of battle, the old
fury hurled curses after us as we rode away. Needless to
add that there was nothing in our calm and resigned
demeanour to provoke such treatment.
After a long weary journey, with many a detom' to
avoid the French outposts, and many an adventure, the
recital of which would only weary the reader, we reached
Placenzia on the 17th. Our arrival in that beautiful city
was expected, and all the inhabitants were at the windows
or in the streets to witness the entry of the sobrino del
Bey (the King's nephew). The women were far more
incensed against us than the men, but fortunately our
guards had orders to protect us from the fury of the
populace. Well-dressed women filled the balconies, and
angrily brandishing their fans they shouted to our brigands,
' Ahorcadle, degollad le ' (Hang him ! Cut his throat !) .
The women of the lower classes yelled at us in an even
more furious manner. When the execrations were at their
worst I looked up at the ladies in the balconies, and said
with a smile, ' Muchas gracias, senoritas, sois deliciosas,
hechizas ' (Many thanks, fair demoiselles, you are charming,
fascinating). This unexpected reply, which I gave with
an imitation of Castillian grace and animation, this gay
demeanour instead of the shrinking tremor they had
expected, astonished them all so much that the balconies
now literally shook with the thunders of amused applause,
THREATS OF OUli GUARDS 99
and every one cried, ' No, no, no ahorcad ; tratad le muy
bien ' (Don't hang him, don't hang him. Treat him very
well !) . Fans and handkerchiefs, held in pretty little Spanish
hands, were now waved so vigorously in token of the
favour of their owners, that they would have created quite
a breeze if the soft April wind had not already been blow-
ing pretty strongly, making the simple linen shirt, which
I owed to the good priest Mauricio, and which was the
only thing that saved me from appearing before all these
ladies in the garb of Paradise, cling closely to my hmbs.
This very light apparel scarcely reached to my knees, and
floated behind me on the back of my steed, who, proud of
figuring in such a triumphal procession, halted to bray
with joy at every street corner.
Don Julian had already received an answer from
General Belliard, who proposed sending to him in exchange
for the French Colonel Baron Lejeune, Colonel MacMahon
and General Obledo, both prisoners at Madrid. This pro-
XJOsal, which was as honourable as it was generous, made
Don Julian think the French attached great importance
to getting me back, and to gain time he ordered my escort
to take me across the Tagus to the head-quarters of
the Marquis de Castanos, Commander-in-Chief of the
Spanish army, where a fresh series of woes awaited us.
Our guards told us every day that if one of us should
escape, the other three would be put to death. We knew
only too well that it was no good hoping for any mercy
from the brigands, and this cruel announcement took away
the last consolation of our miserable condition, for as long
as we could occupy ourselves in making plans for each
other's escape, our situation did not seem altogether
desperate. Twice certain generous, kind-hearted eccle-
siastics had seemed wilhng to co-operate with us in evad-
h2
100 MEMOIKS OF BAliOX I.EJEUXK
ing our keepers. The priests at Coria and at Minofol on
the Tagus very nearly compromised themselves on our
behalf, but the vigilance of our guards had frustrated their
efforts. Then again at Caceres our hostess, whose name
was Mariquita, was much distressed at seeing four young
men, in the flower of their life, going about with scarcely
more clothing than they had had at the hour of their
birth ; and when our guards boasted of having charge of
the nephew of the King, she secretly determined to restore
me to my uncle, the good Eey Pepe, whose generosity and
kindness she extolled to me. ' This very night,' she said
to me, ' my husband will take you to Truxillo, and you
will be with your fellow countrymen the French before
daybreak. I've planned the whole thing. I mean to hide
you in my daughter's mattress ; she will lie down on it
with you beneath her, and even if any one went into her
room no one would guess you were there. I will come
and fetch you at the right moment. My daughter will
then get into the bed I shall pretend I have given to you ;
she will be taken for you, the guerrilleros will not have the
slightest suspicion of your escape, and you will be in safety
before they are ready to start again. There are no troops
in the town, and you will find it quite easy to get away.'
' But can I take my three companions ? ' I asked. ' That
would never do,' was the reply ; ' the brigands watch you
all very closely, and it would be impossible for four to
disappear at once.' ' But, dear lady,' I answered, ' if I go
alone my flight will be their death-warrant ; I could not
make such an odious sacrifice as that, my remorse for it
would haunt me all the rest of my life.' ' Come, come,' she
said, ' no more of that ; I can save 3'ou, but it is quite
impossible to save four.' This short talk was several
times interrupted by our very vigilant guards. I passed
WE TRY TO EAT SNAKES 101
a night of cruel agitation, and when we left the next
morning I could only express my gratitude to Mariquita
by pressing her hands, for our brigands watched us,
jealously. She understood this mute language, however,
for her eyes filled with tears.
A few leagues further on we passed through a burnt
village, the inhabitants of which wished to strangle us,
our guards having the greatest difficulty in preventing it.
Be3^ond this village the country was deserted, and we
often suffered from hunger, having nothing to eat but a
few lettuces and a little chicory, which we found in the
fields. One day our guards, worn out with fatigue and
also suffering a little from hunger, though, thanks to the
habitual abstinence of the Spanish, not quite so much as
we did, halted in a little hovel beneath the shade of one
of the very biggest chestnut trees I ever saw. The fruit
had all disappeared, but the ground was completely covered
with little snakes, which tried to escape at our approach.
Though the idea of eating them made us shudder, famine
drove us to attempt it, and we caught a number, which
we proceeded to grill. They were, however, so emaciated
that when they were skinned there was nothing left but
their backbones and a few eggs, so we threw them away.
We heard that the Spanish and Portuguese armies in the
border districts were suffering as much as we were from
dearth of provisions.
Although very much weakened for want of proper
nourishment, our spirits rose as we approached the end
of our journey, and I enjoyed the beauties of the country
we were traversing perhaps more than I should have done
in a state of repletion.
We arrived the same evening at Albuquerque, where
we were lodged in a palace occupied by the descendants
102 MEMOIliS OF ]!Al;(iX LEJEUNE
of Pizarro, who rivalled Hernando Cortes in cruelty to the
peaceable inhabitants of the New World. The stern cha-
racter of the chief of the race had been transmitted to his
descendants. AVhen we got to a palace we hoped we should
be better received than we had been by peasants ruined
by the passage of our armies. But it was not so. The
great-great-granddaughters of the conqueror of Mexico
were laughing with some Spaniards, who, as they looked
at us in a menacing way, said to our escort, ' You had
Isetter have killed tlieiu instead of bringing them to us.'
And these young ladies, in spite of the rich coat of arms
carved above the entrance to their home, approved of the
bloodthirsty suggestions of their companions, and behaved
in such a manner that our very guards were indignant.
But so great was our misery that we rejoiced indeed when a
few hours after our arrival some food was brought to us in a
big tureen. It was only a little coarse army bread, over
which a few drops of oil with a lot of red pepper were
sprinkled in our presence, whilst a quantity of boiling
water was poured over the whole, but to us it seemed a
delicious meal after our eight days of abstinence.
The only notes I made on the three days it took us to
get from Albuquerque to Merida were : ' Scarcely anything
to eat,' ' Nothing to eat,' for the district was an entirely
uncultivated desert, in which we met only a band of
ragged peasants who wanted to kill us. We followed for
several leagues the ruins of three Eoman aqueducts
covered with the nests of storks which lived on the
numerous snakes frequenting these wastes. The largest
of these aqueducts still retains three rows of arches one
above the other, so that it rises to a great height. They
served to conduct the water from the mountains to the
circuses and naumachiae, of which many ruins still re-
COURTESY OF ENGLISH OFFICEKS 103
main, about three-quarters of a mile from the town of
Merida, built by Titus, and given by him as a reward to
the legions he left behind him in Spain. It was long the
capital of the Roman Lusitania.
Near the ruins of the Temple of Mars, opposite the
triumphal arch begun by the soldiers of Titus in his
honour, but not completed, some twenty English othcers
were awaiting the arrival of the French Colonel and his
companions, of whose capture they had heard. They
came forward and received us in quite an affectionate
manner, and offered to do me any service in their power.
It would be impossible to describe the delight I felt in
finding myself once more amongst civilised men, but it
may be imagined when it is remembered that I had for
the last twenty days been with some of the roughest
characters in the world, about whose very care for and
protection of us there was something wild and ferocious.
To give but one example of their ways, I will quote a
solitary but very significant custom of theirs. Their
abstinence makes them often a prey to low spirits, and to
relieve their depression thej' would plunge one of their
hands in very hot water ; it, of course, at once became
swollen, and then with a sharp razor they would open the
most prominent vein. When enough blood had been lost,
they cauterised the wound with a bit of burning tinder, and
feeling better, they remounted and rode on. This re-
minded me of the wild horses of Hungary, which I had
often seen bite a vein in their own necks near the
shoulder. The copious bleeding which ensued seemed to
do them good.
The English officers, with the considerate courtesy of
true gentlemen, brought me underlinen and clothes enough
to cover me from head to foot. They were also generous
]04 MEMOIES OF EAROX LEJEUNE
to my companions in misfortune, and took me to their
orticer in command, who received me most cordially.
Major-General Sir William Lumley, who still limped in
consequence of a severe wound, made much of me, kept
me to dinner, asked me to stop at his house, and, in fact,
loaded me with kindness. Having learnt from the papers
and despatches which had been taken from me that I was
an engineer, and interested in the fine arts, he instructed
his officers to take me to see the numerous antiquities,
such as the Roman bridge over the Guadiana, the porticos,
monuments, Eoman fortifications, &c., which render the
town of Merida so interesting.
In the evening the 3'oung officers asked me to go and
have some punch with them. They had nearly all been
to Paris, and asked me a great many questions about it.
The evening was spent in telling each other amusing
stories, and I contributed my share, forgetting all about
the misery of the preceding days. Far more abstemious
than I expected to find them, not one of the officers took
too much wine. The witty chief of the staff and the
worthy commissary officer. Hook and Wilkinson by name,
with the rest of the officers escorted me back to my
quarters. We parted very good friends, and they all
promised to come and see me in Paris after the war.
Several kept their word, including Hook, whom I intro-
duced to a friend of mine, whose daughter he married.
She was perhaps the prettiest girl in Prance at the
time.
Good heavens ! what a contrast there was between the
manners of these Englishmen and those of my keeper
Sobrechero, to whom I had now to return to resume my
journey with the barbarous brigands under him ! The
English officers lent us their horses, and we soon reached
OUR IJECEPTION BY THE MAKQUIS BE CASTANOS 10-3
Almendralejo, where we were received by Lieutenant-
General Lord Beresf ord, commanding the Anglo-Portuguese
army, who treated me with the same kindness and cour-
tesy as his fellow countrymen had done at Merida. His
staff of officers were equally eager to make up to me for
my misfortunes. The Marquises of Mello, Lima, and
Alva, all scions of noble Portuguese families, with Colonels
Walker, Wilson, and other Englishmen, seconded their
General in his efforts on my behalf ; but noticing that all
these delicate attentions to me aroused the jealous sus-
picion of Sobrechero, who visited his spleen on my three
•companions in captivity, they appeased him by giving
large bribes to his brigands.
At last, on the •27th, we reached the head-quarters of
the Marquis de Castahos at Santa Maria, where our guards
left us. I gave them some of the things I had received
when I was at Sir William Lumley's, and thanked them
for having preserved our lives. Their departure took an
immense weight off' my heart, and when they were gone
I felt able once more to breathe like a free man.
The Marquis de Castahos, who was a very intelligent
man, with prepossessing and dignified manners, had three
generals with him, namely, G-eneral Curera, Don Martino,
chief of the staff, and Don Carlos, now a marquis of Spain,
who was, however, really a French emigre, descended, as
he told me himself, from the Comtes de Comminges, and
connected with the Montesquieus. Don Carlos made me
stop with him for several days, treating me like a brother ;
and he provided clothes for my fellow prisoners at his own
expense. During this quiet resting time, the Marquis
de Castahos sent for me again and again, less to. talk about
my exchange — for which he was arranging — than to im-
press on me how anxious the inhabitants of the Peninsula
106 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
were to put an end to the war, which was ruining Spain
for the benefit of England. At the same time Lord
Welhngton was writing, ' What folly it would be to risk
anything further for the deliverance of Spain whilst the
inhabitants, for whom we have done ten times as much as
the}' ever deserved, hold themselves aloof in tlie midst of
the storm ! ' Don Carlos also sounded me to find out
whether I would be discreet enough to take a message to
the Emperor from the Junta of Cadiz unknown to the
Enghsh. ' It will be possible for us,' he said, ' to let you
embark for Erance under the pretext of an exchange,
and you shall propose to the Emperor the restoration of
Ferdinand VIL, to whom he should give in marriage one
of the princesses of his family. Spain wo aid then become
his most devoted ally, and will aid him against all his
enemies, even against England, whose behaviour wounds
the self-respect, and is really against the true interests, of
the Spanish.' I was certain that the Emperor would
never consent to withdraw his brother from the throne of
Spain and replace Ferdinand. I was bound by the com-
mission I held to work against any such arrangement
between the contending parties, but I disguised my real
sentiments in the presence of the enemies of Erance, and
gladly hailed the chance of being the bearer of messages
tending to conciliation and peace. Whether in bona fide
belief in my consent, or as a stratagem to catch me, I
never knew, but Don Carlos told nae with an air of great
frankness on the third day of these conferences that
the Marquis de Castahos had despatched a courier to the
Junta of Madrid to assure them of my willingness to
undertake this pacific mission.
' The Marquis de Castanos,' said Don Carlos, ' in so
doing has met the desire several times expressed by the
DON CARLOS Lii^m US HORSES 107
Junta of making advances to the Emperor in an indirect
manner, but by means of a trusty messenger, before treat-
ing with England.' Whilst waiting for the reply of the
Junta, I must be kept away from the operations of the
army, and should be sent to Elvas. So I had to resign
myself to fresh delays. We all went together to take
leave of the Marquis de Castaiios, who had copies given
to me of the letters he had written to Marshal Berthier
and General Belliard, urging my exchange. In this inter-
view the Marquis spoke of Generals Dupont, Marescot, and
Vedel, expressing his regret and making excuses for the
melancholy results which had ensued, as he said, quite
against his will.' He also alluded to Marshal Soult, and
expressed his great veneration for Marshal Mortier. In
taking leave of me he said cordially, ' We shall meet
again soon.' Don Carlos begged me to take with me an
impression of his seal, on which was his coat of arms, and
to recall him to the memory of his family in Erance. As
an escort to Elvas he gave us his aide-de-camp, Captain
Don Jose Cabrera, vdth four non-commissioned officers of
dragoons of the Sagantum Regiment, who treated us with
the greatest courtesy, and we started all mounted on horses
lent by Don Carlos.
The English Governor of 01iven9a, commanding the
PortugTiese forces there, received us and gave us rooms in
his own residence. It was now May 1, and the sun was
very hot. It amused me to see the English officers riding
about in uniform holding parasols above their heads. The
fact that they use parasols and umbrellas, though it is not
' For a very interesting account of the disaster at Baylen see the Marhot
Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 322-S28. When Lejeune was at Santa Maria the sur-
vivors among the French prisoners were still languishing on the desert
island of Cabrera, off Cadiz, where all who did not fall victims to disease or
hunger remained until the peace of 1814 — Teans.
108 MEMOIRS OF BAR(^X LEJEUNE
the fashion to do so in the French army, does not prevent
them from being very brave soldiers in battle ; but for all
that, I must say that I wa-s surprised and amused when T
looked out of my windov^r to see several groups of officers,
on their way back to their quarters, followed by a very
picturesque though unusual suite. First came the captain
in his scarlet uniform, mounted on a very fine horse, and
carrying a big open parasol ; then came his wife, in a
pretty costume, with a very small straw hat, seated on a
mule, holding up an umbrella and caressing a little black
and tan King Charles spaniel on her knee, whilst she led
by a blue ribbon a tame goat, which was to supply her
night and morning vdth cream for her cup of tea. Beside
Madame walked an Irish nurse, carrying slung across her
shoulders a bassinet made of green silk, in which reposed
an infant, the hope of the family. Behind Madame's mule
stalked a huge grenadier, the faithful servant of the captain,
with his musket over his shoulder, urging on with a stick
the long-eared steed of his mistress. Behind him again
came a donkey laden with the voluminous baggage of the
family, surmounted by a tea-kettle and a cage full of cana-
ries, whilst a jockey or groom in livery brought up the
rear, mounted on a sturdy Enghsh horse, with its hide
gleaming like polished steel. This groom held a huge
posting whip in one hand, the cracking of the lash of
which made the donkey mend its pace, and at the same
time kept order amongst the four or five spaniels and
greyhounds which served as scouts to the captain during
the march of his small cavalcade.
The sketch from nature I made of this party was
later the subject of one of the best of the little com-
positions which I inscribed with the two words, ' Utile
dulci.'
MY LAST HOPE DESTROYED 109
The fiction which made me the nephew of the King
and of the Emperor had preceded us at Elvas, and when
we arrived on May 1 many curious spectators hned our
route. General Leyte, governor of the town, gave me the
best room in the Dominican Convent, and the mayor and
the municipal officers spread a repast for us, to which the
chief members of the garrison were invited.
The next morning the officers of the Portuguese army
came one after the other to greet the captive French
Colonel. A grand meal was again served us on this occa-
sion, and I noticed several persons in black who circulated
to and fro behind the guests. I took them at first for the
stewards, but their aristocratic bearing puzzled me, and
presently I inquired who they were. ' The mayor and
municipality, who are doing the honours of their sump-
tuous hospitality,' was the reply ; and I at once got up to
beg them to excuse my mistake, nor would I sit down
again until they took places at the table with us.
In spite of the courtesy of all these people and of the
interesting books which were lent to me to read, the time
passed sadly, for from my window I could see in the dis-
tance the smoke rising up from the besieged town of
Badajoz, and I could hear the roar of the cannon which
was probably killing some of the French defending that
fortress.
Lord Beresford had probably been informed of the
scheme the execution of which the Junta of Cadiz had
wished to entrust to me, and he hastened to foil the con-
spirators b,v ordering me to be taken to Setubal, beyond
reach of the Spanish. This unfortunate contretemps sent
me off once more on my travels, and destro^'ed my last
hope of liberty.
General Leyte now ordered Captain Sassarmento, of the
110 MEMOIRS OF BARON LE.TEUNE
Portuguese dragoons, and four non-commissioned of&cers
to take me to Setubal.
At Estremos we received a grand welcome in a fine
convent, where there were only three monks left, who had,
however, kept four first-rate cooks, and we were served
with an abundance and variety of well-dressed dishes.
A little further on, as we were passing Arrayolos, we
noticed a telegraph station of three square compartments,
having four divisions giving twelve combinations and their
multiples ad infinitum} Beyond Montemoro we came to
Vendas Novas, where we passed a great underground
room, or rather cellar, crowded with French prisoners,
who were absolutely naked and who cried out to us to
help them. I was of course powerless to protect them —
all I could do was to put into the hands stretched out
to me through the bars the few things which had been
given to me by the English. The thought of their ter-
rible fate, which might soon be our own, saddened our
march across the far-stretching desert plains between
Vendas Novas and Aiias de Mora, a miserable hamlet,
but the only place where we could halt after a pretty
long tramp.
In the three or four huts which composed the hamlet
of Afias de Mora, we found no one but a young and slightly
deformed girl, with rather a pretty face, who was preparing
food against the return of her absent brothers, and it was
with a very bad grace that she set to work to add
enough for nine extra people. Whilst waiting for our
meal we went and sat down at the edge of the lake which
' The use of the electric telegraph did not really begin until 1837 ; but
many contrivances, to one of which the author evidently refers, were re-
sorted to in the early part of the present century, shadowing forth the future
system. — Trans.
A PLOT TO MUltDER US 111
gives its name to the hamlet, and as we were admiring
the beauties of the smiset reflected in the quiet waters,
the brothers of our hostess and some workmen passed us
on their way home, carrying with them their guns, hatchets,
and agricultural implements. When they caught sight
of us, they glared at us with the fury of tigers. They did
not speak a word, but the silent scowl of hatred on their
faces, blackened with exposure to the sun, was more elo-
quent than any speech could have been. Our reception
when we got back to the hut showed us that the young
girl had aroused against us the bloodthirsty passions of
her brothers. Our very frugal repast passed over, how-
ever, without a quarrel, though the eyes watching our
every movement were full of bitter if taciturn rage. When
the meal was over Sassarmento, foreseeing an outbreak,
told me it would be prudent to withdraw, and we all
went to the next room with the non-commissioned officers,
who had been looking after the horses. They now flung
themselves on the ground as we did, and were soon asleep ;
but Sassarmento and I, who were equally anxious, dared
not close our eyes. We listened to the whispered conver-
sation of the eight or nine peasants with the young de-
formed girl, and we both heard her say to her brothers,
' Stanitza is reckoned as good as a man since she helped
her husband to cut the throats of three Frenchmen. Well,
I'll do even more than she did, for I will dig my ufladas
(nails) into the eyes of the big one ' (that meant me !)
' whilst you cut his throat with your cuchillo ' (knife) .
Then, just like the general of an army, she assigned to
each of those present the part he was to take in our mur-
der when we should be asleep, and it would be easy to
overpower us, whilst her hearers encouraged each other
by sajdng, ' The dragoons won't interfere,' &c.
112 MEMOIES OF BARON LEJEUNE
Sassarniento was very indignant at what he overheard,
and made a sign to me that one of the non-commissioned
officers had left his rifle in the room with the peasants.
Without hesitating a moment, I got up and boldly fetched
the weapon, cocking it as I withdrew in sight of the peasants,
who were simply trembling with rage. We then loaded
the pistols belonging to the captain and the dragoons, and
shut the door. Sassarmento lay down across it, and we
awaited events. Sleep, however, soon overpowered our
enemies as it did ourselves, and they forgot their lust for
bloodshed, so that we were able to rest in peace. We left
before sunrise the next day, giving the deformed girl a few
piastres to make up to her for having deprived her of the
glory of excelling Stanitza.
Beyond Afias de Mora the wide plain was deserted
and uncultivated, but covered with regular forests of
marshmallows in flower, beneath which were millions of
green lizards and little yellowish snakes, the sand being
quite ploughed up by their numerous trails. They retreated
slowly and with difficulty at our approach.
At noon on May 8 we reached Setubal, a pretty little
town on the river Sadao, which flows into the wide and
deep Bay of Setubal, an admirable harbour, then full of
vessels which had come to take in cargoes of wine and oil
for Eussia and America. The contrast between the dreary
tracts we had just crossed and the bright picturesque scene
now before us was very great. The town with its many
belfries and ancient fortifications stood out against the
sea horizon, which is bounded on the right and left by
lofty heights covered with gardens, vineyards, and woods,
dotted here and there with pretty summer houses and
mills each with eight triangular sails. The port is crowded
with a forest of masts, whilst in the roadstead hundreds
A POLITE GOVERNOR 113
of sailing vessels of various tonnage are constantly arriving
from their ocean voyage.
Captain Sassarmento took its to an inn called the
' Etalaga Nova,' belonging to a Frenchman, now detained a
prisoner in Lisbon, as he was suspected of being in com-
munication with our army. His daughters, however, glad
to see fellow countrymen once more, were eager to wait
upon us, and the English Commissary, Eobert Boyer by
name, who had been at once informed of our arrival,
hastened to offer us his services and to bring us all we
needed. We were then taken to the Governor, and Captain
Sassarmento took leave of us. The Governor, with a
politeness which we took as an earnest of the liberal
hospitality we might expect, ordered a boat to be prepared,
and we were rowed out to the lighthouse, about an hour's
distance from the shore. The Governor showed us the
tower of this lighthouse, and with a friendly smile assured
us that the air was so pure there that his prisoners had
lived in it for fifteen years without ever having so much
as a headache. ' Fifteen years ! ' I cried in horror. ' Yes,
fifteen years at least,' was the reply. The boat now
touched at the fortress known as the Torre d'Othon, which
was to be our abode, and the Governor always with the
most exquisite courtesy installed us in two little casemates
of hewn stone, which he honoured with the name of rooms,
containing one table, one bench, and three old mattresses,
the last-named peopled with crowds of the most disgust-
ing and voracious vermin Spain or Portugal could produce.
When he took leave the friendly Governor promised often
to give himself the pleasure of paying us a visit, and
expressed a hope that we should enjoy the beautiful air.
He also gave us leave to walk about on the topmost
terrace of the fortress.
VOL. II. I
114 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUNE
We were immediately assailed by swarms of jumping
and crawling brown insects, who were famished for want
of food ; but without losing courage in spite of the vigour
of the bloodthirsty assault, we at once began in our turn
to make war on them, and treating them much as we
should a conflagration, we poured quantities of cold water
on to them, hoping to sweep our enemies into the sea, their
battalions being too numerous for us to be able to crush
them all on land. Then having to some extent remained
masters on the battle field, we went out on the terrace to
rest a little after the struggle. For the last thirty-five
days we had been the playthings of hopes continually
disappointed, and of circumstances generally, to say the
least of it, rather depressing than reassuring. AVe had no
longer any hope of regaining our liberty, and there was
nothing left for us to do but to make the best of the position
in which we found ourselves. One thing, however, which
made us almost happy was that we no longer had the
prying and menacing eyes of our gaolers constantly upon
us, and were free at least to gaze unmolested on the
beautiful view spread out before us, which, leading us as
it did to raise our eyes to heaven, did something to console
us. We could still think of our lost country, and dream
of some day finding means of returning to her.
The next day Robert Boyer came to see us, bringing
with him an American merchant, named David Meyer.
They were both laden with baskets full of oranges, wine,
and dainty loaves of bread. Meyer wanted to bring us a
lot of under-clothing, but we would not accept it. AVhen
we refused he spoke with gratitude of the kind and generous
reception he had several times met with at Bordeaux, and
repeated that he was glad of the chance of serving French-
men wherever he met them. Boyer also renewed his
A VALUABLE PRESENT 115
offers of service, and promised to get me the paper with
the brushes and colours for which I asked him.
At the same time the following day he brought me a
complete set of colours carefully labelled, and all I wanted
for writing or painting. This present was indeed a valu-
able one, and I hastened to show my gratitude by making
him then and there a sketch of the scene when I was taken
prisoner, with likenesses of the brigands who had attacked
me, for their faces were indelibly graven on my memory.
In working at my painting once more I regained some-
thing of resignation, for, attractive at all times, it is im-
possible to describe what an immense resource wielding
the brushes became in my dreary captivity.
Talking with my fellow prisoner Duhamel also made
a break in the days, which no longer seemed so endless.
We drew a chess-board on our table, and made white and
yellow pieces with the outer and inner rind of our oranges,
and Duhamel often had the pleasure of beating me at the
game. Massart, who, though an excellent fellow, cared
more for the pleasures of the table than for intellectual
pursuits, looked after the kitchen department ; we lived
on dainty cooked dishes made of the so-called giltheads,
which are very delicate eating, and other fishes from the
bay, quantities of which were daily brought to us by the
fishermen.
Our days passed quietly away in work, and in the
contemplation of the grand view of the mountains which
protected us from the cold north winds, and of the far-
stretching bay, with its many vessels going to and fro
under the guns of our fort. The height of our terrace and
its pecuhar construction enabled me to make a plan of the
fortress and its surroundings. I had not the proper
instruments for the work, but I made a quadrant and a
I 2
116 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
compass in wood, and by means of the intersections of
my principal lines I succeeded in drawing a very exact
plan, which surprised the Governor and made him rather
uneasy.
The Governor, who was an original character if ever
there was one, just the eccentric fellow to figure to
perfection on the boards of a theatre, came to see us
nearly every day, to ask how we were getting on. He
would chat with us quite confidentially, but stop suddenly
every now and again with an access of reticence. How-
ever, he let out that the Marquis de Villeneuve, a French-
man, and his wife were shut up in one of the rooms
of our fort. The Marquis was an emigre, who was
serving in the Portuguese army when Junot entered
Lisbon with the French forces, and the Marquise de Ville-
neuve, who had not been able to get away in time, re-
mained in that city. Her husband, becoming uneasy on
hearing that she was in a house full of young aides-de-
camp, ran the risk of leaving the Portuguese army and
got into Lisbon, where he concealed himself. He was
discovered, and Junot, taking him for a spy, ordered his
arrest. The Marquis could not have evaded capture by
the police had not a young officer whom he specially
suspected, and had accused of being his rival, come to the
rescue and aided him to escape. The French soon after-
wards abandoned Lisbon, and the Marquis de Villeneuve
decided to remain, thinking he could now rejoin the
Portuguese army, but he was arrested by the Anglo-
Portuguese and shut up in the fort of Setubal with the
young wife who had been the innocent cause of his mis-
fortunes.
On Sundays we used to go down to hear mass, and
we could see the other prisoners in the chapel, though we
A TEEEIBLE DISAPPOINTMENT 117
were not allowed to speak to them. We thought the
young lady very beautiful, and we in our turn took to
sighing for her notice. We used to go every evening to
the very end of our terrace, from which we could see the
windows of her apartment, and we all three sang together
nocturnes, barcarolles, and love ditties, such as Eichards'
' Burning Fever,' &c., and everything else we could
remember. Our only recompense was to see the tips
of a white-gloved hand waving through the tars, as if in
applause of our clumsy and discordant efforts.
David Meyer, the American, not only brought us
provisions, but seconded our efforts to obtain our ex-
change. He even tried to help us to escape, and one
day brought a long rope wound round his body under his
clothes, for us to let ourselves down with from the fort.
He had arranged a plan for our escape. A boat was
waiting for us at a point he described to us, where it
would be easy for us to embark, and we were to be taken
in this boat to his vessel, of which the cargo was novi^
complete. He would hide us on board till he started, and
the American flag would protect us. At last everything
was arranged for that very evening, and our escape seemed
sure, when by order of Lord Beresford an officer and eight
men came to escort us to Lisbon. There was no help for
it — we had to follow our new guides. We were allowed
to go, en passant, to bid farewell to Robert Boyer and
David Meyer. The latter, much put out by the presence
of the witnesses to our interview, could only say in an
expressive manner, ' I shall be there with my boat this
evening. We shall start before daybreak — do you see,
do you see ? ' and an expressive pantomime made us
understand that he advised us to evade our guards and
keep our appointment with him, for he would wait for us.
Ii8 MEMOmS OF BARON LEJEUNE
We answered him with our eyes to the effect that we
should do our very utmost to get away, and after shaking
hands with him we started with our officer on good mules
and surrounded by the eight soldiers. After we had been
marching some time, we pretended to admire the country
greatly, and begged our guides to let iis stop to look
round. Duhamel, Massart, and I then turned the pause to
account to make out our bearings. We noted the rock at
the foot of which the boat was waiting for us, and the
stretch of ground between us and it, and we could see
David Meyer's ship, on which he had purposely hoisted
the American flag. We decided how to act, and continued
our route, awaiting the moment to carry out our plan.
We had scarcely marched an hour, before, as we were
going down from Palmela in the direction of Lisbon, we
met a Portuguese escort taking some twenty men to
Setubal, all fastened by the neck to one long chain. It
was no surprise to us to see amongst them two of the
men who had wanted to cut our throats in the house of
the deformed girl at Arias de Mora ; but what did
astonish us was to hear that these twenty young fellows
chained together were merely recruits being taken to join
their regiment. Their escort, which was on foot, stopped
to chat for a few minutes with ours. Our officer, how-
ever, continued to press on, and we were presently some
eight paces in advance of our soldiers. The officer
noticed this, and begged us to wait. We dismounted at
once without hesitation, and thinking that the favourable
moment had come for us to get off into the wood, we had
already stooped to fill our hands with dust to throw in the
officer's eyes so as to escape whilst he was blinded by
it, when, alas ! a courier from Lisbon dashed up at a
gallop, and drew rein to exchange greetings with our
AVE ARE TREATED AS CONVICTS 119
leader. This gave our escort time to come up. Our
chance was gone, and with infinite regret we dropped the
sand which might have purchased our liberty.
Arrived at Moita, we embarked on the Tagus, and a few
hours after we landed at the royal town of Lisbon, and
our officer took us to a fine building which I thought was
a palace. After crossing two beautiful rooms I was
pushed towards a low narrow opening, rather like a
chimney, and told to stoop down and go through it. This
curious-looking aperture aroused my suspicions, and
I inquired where it led to. ' Oh, to the convict prison,
the galleys, where the prisoners are kept.' I knew well
enough the shameful way in which prisoners sent to the
galleys were treated, and at the words ' convict prison ' and
' galleys ' I turned upon my guides and swore that they
would never get me to enter the infamous place alive.
' You are all,' I added, ' soldiers like myself, and it
concerns the honour of every one of you not to allow
soldiers to be confounded with criminals.' ' Es verdad !
Es verdad ! ' (It is true ! It is true !) cried all the men
together, but the officer continued to insist. ' Very well,
then,' I said, ' kill me if you like, for I don't go in alive ! '
'I have no orders to kill you — only to leave you here.'
' You can have received no such orders, sir,' I replied,
' for your superiors have promised that I should be treated
with every honour.' Then, seeing that he hesitated, I
went on, ' Go and find the Governor, and tell him of my
resistance.' The officer, seeing that he would not be
supported by his soldiers, whom my appeal had aroused to
indignation, went to see the Governor, leaving us where
we were to await his return. He had scarcely left us
when we heard the noise of chains, and in came some
hundred convicts with horribly ruffian-like faces, who were
120 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
being brought back from work, yoked, so to speak, two
and two to a long heavy chain dragging behind them on
the ground. When they reached the narrow opening the
convicts went down on all fours, and creeping through
the infernal aperture they disappeared. The soldiers,
whom I continued to ply with arguments in my favour,
were altogether indisposed to take part against me. When
the officer returned he made many apologies to me, telling
me that Lord Beresford ordered us to be taken on board
the English frigate stationed in the port. We were
escorted thither in a boat, and the officer took his leave.
The English captain and his officers left me in the state
cabin whilst a meal was prepared for us. The evening
was spent in very pleasant company, and the next day we
were taken on to a three-masted vessel called the Thetis,
which was about to start with a convoy for England.
Here again a state cabin was given to me, and we shared
a first-rate table throughout the voyage. Captain Bobert
Stolf, who had all the reserve of manner characteristic of
the English, always addressed me with a politeness which
would have been remarkable even in a Paris salon, and
not a day passed without his assuring me that I should be
far better treated in England than it was possible for me
to be in his ship. I believed all he said to me, and my
only regret was that my companions in captivity could
not share in the good things I received, but orders had
been given that they were only to have the rations of
ordinary prisoners.
The voj'age took nine days, and the wind being high
the sea was so rough that I constantly fancied there was
a storm going on. This was the first time I had ever
made a voyage, and the creaking of the timbers of the
ship alarmed me greatly, for I thought again and again
AllRIVAL AT PORTSMOUTH 121
that she was breaking to pieces and would be swallowed
up by the waves. Once I said to the captain in my
anxiety, ' Is this a storm ? ' and he replied coldly with a
smile, 'I do not think so.' We passed the coast of
Normandy in the distance, and I thought of my father
mourning for my death, which had been falsely reported
to him. Perhaps, I said to myself, he is at this moment
walking up and down on the beach indulging in the grief
he disguises at home so as not to distress my mother, and
I was thinking what a joy it would be to go and comfort
him, when " we entered the Solent, dividing the Isle of
Wight from the mainland. That very day the last
honours were being paid by the English, in the form of
volleys of artillery, to my friend General Eufin, who had
been wounded at Chiclana, was taken prisoner by the
English, and died just as the vessel he was on reached
Portsmouth. The Thetis entered Portsmouth harbour,
and I witnessed a singular scene. A few minutes after
the vessels of the convoy had cast anchor, and the
bells of the various ships had announced their arrival,
some hundreds of row-boats full of women appeared,
making in our direction, the various crews all shouting
and whistling together. I was told that these ladies were
the wives and sisters of the sailors, with whom were also
some members of the demi-monde of Portsmouth, who
were allowed to come on board to welcome their relations
or their friends.
Captain Stolf, who was so sure that I should be
honourably received in England, hastened to go ashore
and ascertain what was to be done with me, and it was
indeed with a sinking heart that I looked into his face
when he returned, for he appeared very sad and was
evidently much upset. 'Let us go down into the boat,'
122 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUNE
was all he said, and I dared not question him, dreading to
hear too soon the bad news he had to tell. We were all
as silent as he was in the boat, and our uneasiness
increased when we passed some twenty old vessels full of
French prisoners, most of them wearing only yellow vests,
whilst others were perfectly naked. At this distressing
sight I asked our captain if he was taking us to the hulks.
To which he replied with a frown, ' Yes, just as a matter
of form.' At the same moment our boat drew up along-
side of the San Antonio, an old eighty-gun man-of-
war. We climbed on to it, and there, to our horror, we
saw some five or six hundred French prisoners, who were
but the third of those on board, climbing on to each
other's shoulders in the narrow space in which they were
penned, to have a look at the newcomers, of whose arrival
they seem to have been told. Their silence, their attitude,
and the looks of compassion they bestowed on me as I
greeted them en passant, seemed to me omens of a terrible
future for me.
The captain of the old hulk entered our names on
his register, and then apologised for having no better
quarters to offer us than those assigned to the other
prisoners, for, as he said, he had such an immense number
on board. I could scarcely believe my ears, and made
hira repeat what he said. Then, my rage getting the
better of me, I seized Captain Stolf by the arm, exclaim-
ing,' You have betrayed me ! You promised I should
be well treated. I would rather have been killed than
have allowed myself to be brought hither, and now you
shall die with me.' My violence alarmed the captain and
the two or three soldiers with him. I then drew back a
step, so as to have my back against the cabin and face all
my enemies. I snatched a sword from an Irishman
I ESCAPE FROM THE HULKS 123
standing near, and threatened to kill Captain Stolf or any
one else who tried to detain me on the vessel. Stolf
assiired me he had nothing to do with it, and the other
captain endeavoured to calm me, but in the twinkling of
an eye all the prisoners on board catching my excitement
began shouting, ' Bravo, bravo ! ' They climbed on each
other's shoulders till they towered above the little group of
disputants, crying out, ' If every one behaved as you do,
the English would not dare to ill treat us so.' The noise
emboldened me still further, and the captain of the vessel,
who being close to me was in more danger than any one
else, became alarmed at the rage of the twelve or fifteen
hundred prisoners, who seemed likely to break down the
barriers dividing them from us, and to overpower the very
small guard. So he hastened to say to Captain Stolf,
' Eid me of this furious fellow ; take the French devil to
Forton ! ' Captain Stolf, whom I still held by the
arm, needed no second bidding, and quickly making for
his boat insisted on my getting in first. The soldier
whose sword I had seized called out to me to give it
back to him, and I flung it on deck as I went down to
the boat. I was thus separated from the two com-
panions who had shared my captivity so long, and I did
not see them again till after peace was concluded.
124 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
CHAPTEE IV
MY STAY AT TOETON — I LEAVE ASHBY — I AEEIVB
AT BOULOGNE — PEINCE EBRTHIER
FoRTON, which is close to Gosport, was then a depot
for prisoners in connection with that at Portsmouth.
Before taking me thither Captain Stolf, thinking we
both needed something to soothe us after the painful
emotions we had just gone through, took me into a public-
house and ordered a glass of what he called grog for each
of us. This very simple beverage, consisting of rum
mixed with warm water with a lump of sugar in it, cer-
tainly had a beneficial effect upon us, and as soon as we
had drunk it we started for the depot for prisoners at
Forton.' Arrived there, Captain Stolf told the Com-
mandant that he had orders for me to be treated with
every respect during my stay, and at his recommendation
a decent lodging was assigned to me for the few days I
should be at Forton. Here Robert Stolf left me. A
few minutes after my arrival a French captain named
Garat, who had been taken prisoner in India, and was
confined to his bed in a hospital at Forton, sent by
the hand of one of the attendants a bag containing 1,200
francs, which he begged me to accept, though he did not
' At the time referred to by Lejeune, there was a prison at
Forton. — Teans.
I LEAVE FORTON EOR ASIIBY 125
yet know me. I sent it back to him at once, and hastened
to go and thank him for this very kind thought for me.
IJe assured me that he would really be grateful if I would
take the money, and even larger sums which he pressed
on me, for he was himself in danger of losing them. I
remained three days at Forton, during which I drew
up an account of my journey for Major-General Prince
Berthier, sending it to him by the hand of a wounded
French officer who had obtained his exchange.
I had also had time to have some clothes made to fit
me, when orders came for me to be sent to Ashby in
Leicestershire. Without any previous warning a public
coach was brought up to my door at Forton, and I
was made to get into it after having been told to sign a
paper in English, which I was not allowed time to read,
with my full name and rank. I was not even permitted
to go and bid farewell to Captain Garat, but I had to get
into the coach in all haste. In fact, every one was in such
a hurry that my not having signed the paper after all was
never noticed. As it was probably a form giving my
word of honour to remain in England till I was exchanged,
I thought this oversight very lucky, and I determined to
turn it to account the very first time I got a chance.
I found myself now quite alone in the coach with a
very pretty young girl, and like a true French cavalier I
of course began to talk to her. She answered me brightly
and gaily. It was a very long time since I had enjoyed
any feminine society, and this meeting dehghted me. I
could not make out, however, why the girl remained
so motionless, but I concluded that Enghsh . etiquette
demanded a rigid demeanour, and I was thinking that I
would make a note of the fact in my account of my
journey, when about a dozen miles from Forton the
126 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
coach stopped, and four men got in who laid the girl down
on a mattress and carried her to her relations, who were
awaiting her arrival near by. Before they left, the good
people thanked me in a manner I certainly did not deserve
for the attention I had shown the j'oung lady during the
drive.
Near Andover I saw the residence of the exiled
Bourbon priiices. I little thought I should so soon see
them again in Paris, and during my stay in England I
collected many details about them which were very inter-
esting to me, who as a child had known them at Versailles.
I went to Blenheim, near Woodstock, and saw the resi-
dence of the Duke of Marlborough, erected by the people
of England as a reward for the victorious general. The
vast park in which the fine castle is situated is laid out on
the plan of the battle field of Malplaquet, the clumps of
trees representing the battalions and squadrons which
took part in that terrible conflict, whilst statues of the
various commanders are placed here and there. The
trees which once stood for soldiers have now grown to
such a height, and the swaying green foliage which once
represented the plumes worn by the combatants, and the
flags they carried, has spread out so widely, that it is
difficult to make out the original purpose of the grouping
or to read the lesson it was intended to teach to posterity.
Nevertheless, I could not help admiring the national
spirit of gratitude which had led to the working out of
this singular and ingenious idea.
After a very pleasant journey, occupying a good many
days, during which I visited various manufactories, picture
galleries, collections of curiosities, and even several theatres
in different towns, I arrived at Ashby-de-la-Zouch, where
I was to reside. There were already about a hundred
COURTESY OF GENERAL HASTINGS 127
French prisoners in the town, some of whom had been
there for fifteen years. I went to report myself to the
agent in charge of the prisoners, who was a wholesale
grocer of the name of Farnell, certainly the tallest, thin-
nest, most cadaverous looking seller of dry goods in the
world. This worthy man, who seemed to move by clock-
work, bowed politely, and proceeded to explain to me the
routine to be followed by the prisoners. He gave me
leave to lodge where I hked, and I was free to walk out
of the town for one mile in any direction, but no further.
Amongst the prisoners I found several distinguished naval
officers, including Captain Hulliac, brother of a friend of
mine. Captain Kergrise, with M. Boulan and Colonel
Stoffel, who had been his brother's second in the duel at
Astorga related above, with many others. I determined
to lose no time in mastering English, and I was working-
very hard at it when I received an invitation to form one
of a party of guests at the residence of General Hastings,
about a mile from Ashby. General Hastings was the
brother of Lord Moira, the intimate friend of the Prince of
Wales. General and Lady Hastings had given a home
to Miss Moore, daughter of the celebrated General Sir John
Moore, who was killed in Spain at the battle of Corunna.
The young orphan, who was a very bright, interesting, and
charming girl, was quite the life of the circle which her
host and hostess gathered about them. The courtesy and
kindness with which I was received did much to cheer
my spirits, prisoner though I still was. Lord Moira was
even good enough to say he would try and get me permis-
sion to live in London, and I was about to profit by this
generous concession, when an unexpected circuinstance
changed all my plans.
A man came to me one morning and said to me
128 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
privately, ' The Duke of Eovigo, Minister of Police in
France, authorised by the Emperor, has sent me to pro-
pose to you that you should let me arrange for you to get
out of England and back to Prance.' The proposal he pro-
ceeded to make sounded most tempting, but it would mean
a very great risk, and I mistrusted the fellov^'. Without
actually refusing to do as he suggested, I replied that I
expected to be exchanged, and begged him to see Colonel
Stoffel first, and come back to me in a few days. I told
Colonel Stoffel about it, and he made the inquiries necessary
to assure us that the man vv^as not a spy trying to find out
my plans. After a few days' delay, the Colonel came to
me and said, ' It is a bona fide offer, but the emissary has
brought no money with him, and it will probably cost a
couple of hundred guineas.' We had between us only a
very small portion of that sum, and we must manage to
get it somehow. So I went to a merchant named Baudins,
who had been very civil to me, and whose frank ingenuous
countenance had inspired me with confidence. I said to
him straight out, ' I have come to show you how I trust
you.' ' And what might that mean ? ' was his reply.
'There is a plan afoot for taking me back to France.'
' But that would be a great risk ; there are a thousand
dangers in the way.' ' Yes, I know, but I have decided
to brave them, only I have not enough money. Can you
lend me some ? ' ' How much do you want ? ' ' Five
thousand francs ! ' With a frown he replied, ' I have not
the whole of that sum by me, but come to me to-morrow
morning, and perhaps I shall be able to let you have it.'
I took my leave, and after saying good-bye, I added, ' You
have my secret, but I feel quite easy in my mind.'
There was a ball that same evening, at which my
friend Mr. Baudins and his daughter were present. When
I BOPtKOW TWO HUNDRED GUINEAS 129
he caught sight of me, he nodded his head twice as if to
say, ' Yes, yes,' and I answered him by signs only, for fear
of compromising him. For the same reason I did not
go and speak to him all the evening. But I danced with
his daughter. Mr. Farnell the grocer was there too, and
never did I see anything more comic than the appearance
this provincial dancer presented, with the air of proud
reserve suitable to a man who had charge of the French
prisoners. It was really quite worth a journey to England
only to watch him.
I was very punctual at the rendezvous the next morn-
ing, and Mr. Baudins gave me two hundred guineas, saying
as he handed them to me, •' I have given them to you in gold
to avoid the delay of changing paper.' I begged him to
name the rate of interest I was to pay him, but he would
not do do so, assuring me that he lent me the money to
oblige me, not with any idea of profit. The day and hour
were now arranged with the emissary of the Due de
Eovigno, and Colonel Stoffel saw to everything without
my appearing at all. I was invited to a grand dinner by
General Hastings the very evening we were to start, and
I duly appeared at it. The evening passed by very
brightly, and at dessert, after the ladies had retired, the
men remained behind to drink wine together, beginning
with a toast to the ladies. As a matter of taste as well
as by design, I kept my head clear, and when my com-
panions were sufficiently exhilarated by the fumes of the
claret they had drunk, they returned with somewhat un-
steady steps to the drawing-room, where tea had been
prepared by the ladies. The light-hearted way in which
I answered the thousand questions put to me about the
customs of Paris, and the entertainments given there,
would never have led any one to guess the serious under-
VOL. II. K
130 MEilOIRS OF BAROX LEJEIXE
current of my thoughts at a moment when I was about to
risk my hfe on the faith of an unknown emissary. Every
one, in fact, was so pleased with the French Colonel, that
when I took my leave at the time required by the regula-
tions the prisoners had to comply with, every one begged
me to come again the next day.
It was eleven o'clock at night and very dark, so that I
found it difficult to make my way through the park to the
place where I was to find Colonel Stoffel and the emissary.
There was no one there, and I was afraid I had mistaken
the way. I dared not make the least noise to betray my
presence to them if they were in hiding. An hour passed
in terrible suspense, and my heart was beating very
quickly, when I at last heard a rustling amongst the
leaves near me. I hid myself behind a bush, and waited
till I recognised Stoffel and the guide. The latter led us
to the first posting stage, and two minutes later we were
in a good carriage, rapidly dashing along over the first of
the hundred miles between us and the sea. We passed
through Northamptonshire, the north of Middlesex, Lon-
don, and Eeigate, arriving at Hythe in Kent, five miles
from Folkestone, at night. The coast was guarded here
by troops and custora-house officers, and our guide told
us we must pretend we were invalids come to take sea
baths. Whilst the horses were being changed, he carried
first one and then the other of us in his arms to place us
in the fresh carriage, calling to the custom-house officers to
come and help him. Just imagine the dangerous position
of two French officers in perfect health imitating fretful
invalids in the arms of English custom-house officers, who,
fortunately for us, never dreamt of asking for the pass-
ports of such sufferers. A little further on our guide dis-
missed the posting carriage, and had tea served for us in a
A SINISTER-LOOKING COUPLE 131
public-house, whilst he went to make inquiries about how
to get to Folkestone. He came back a few minutes after-
wards with a terror-stricken look in his face, and unable
to get out a word, he wrote on the slate belonging to the
inn, ' Pay at once, and let us be off ! ' His gestures were so
alarming that I gave the girl in attendance a guinea, saying,
' You can keep the change.' This generosity astonished
her so much that she thought we must be criminals run-
ning away from justice, and looked ready to denounce us.
There was no time to be lost, for we had to get through
the village, which was full of troops. The guide made me
a sign to lay aside the erect bearing of a French soldier,
and stoop as much as I could. Thanks to our energy and
to our round backs, we escaped without attracting notice ;
but as the country outside Hythe was very open, we should
have been clearly seen from a long distance, and I thought
it safer for us to hide amongst the wheat for the rest of
the day. The guide went on alone to Folkestone, after
noting our bearings, so that he could find us again in the
evening.
He did not return for seventeen hours, and the night
was over when he at last appeared and gave the signal agreed
on, to which we replied. He then took us to Folkestone,
and introduced us to a man named Brick, a surly, ferocious-
looking smuggler, who was to take us over to France.
The door of the room in which Brick awaited us was
hidden by tapestry, and when we entered a woman was
pouring out a glass of porter for him. The sinister ap-
pearance of the couple made our hearts sink, and we
dreaded placing ourselves at the mercy of such people.
Brick vdth a villanous smile accosted us with the words,
' Let's see the money you have brought ! ' I had paid for
the post carriage, and still had the two hundred guineas.
k2
132 MEMOIRS or BARON LEJEUA'E
He insisted on taking the whole, though the price agreed
on was rather less. It was of no use trying to beat him
down, so I let him have it all. He then searched us to
make sure that we were hiding nothing, looked if we had
any rings on our fingers, and when he had quite made up
his mind that we had neither money nor anything of value
left, he said to us, ' The wind is contrary this evening ; I
will lodge you in a safe place, and to-morrow night I will
fetch you to take you to Boulogne.' The delay was
dreadfully trying, but we were in the man's hands, and
had to submit. Our emissary now took us to the house
of a woman who gave us a decent room and fed us well.
She showed us a trapdoor under our beds, through which
we could escape at the least alarm. For thirteen days in
succession Brick came to say, ' The wind is contrary, and I
cannot take you.' But the wind had been blowing our
curtains about in every direction. My patience was at
an end, and unable to endure waiting longer, I begged
Brick so earnestly to take us that very night, that he at
last said with a forbidding and treacherous smile, ' Well,
follow me,' and as he left the room he added with an air
of ferocity to the sailor with him, ' Like the others ! ' At
these terrible words the woman who had looked after us
for the last thirteen days began to tremble, and seeing me
about to follow Brick, she flung herself before me and
whispered with a timid glance after him, ' Don't go with
him ! ' Colonel Stoffel and I, however, insisted, and the
poor woman then, catching hold of our clothes to detain
us, repeated in accents of the greatest terror, ' Do not go
with him ! ' Surprised at her behaviour, I guessed there
was some danger in our embarking that night, and
Colonel Stoffel said to me, ' This is very extraordinary ; let
us wait.' We therefore allowed Brick to go on with the
A TIMELY WARNING 133
sailor, who was evidently his accomplice, and remained
with the woman.
The men had hardly disappeared when the poor crea-
ture, almost insensible with fright, exclaimed as she drew
us towards her, ' my God ! what are you going to do ? '
We pressed her with questions, but terror prevented her
from answering, though we guessed there was some
terrible mystery behind. We learnt later that Brick had
already taken prisoners on board his boat some twenty
times, promising to land them in France. He hid them
under nets to evade the vigilance of the coastguards, and
as soon as they were in the offing he murdered them and
flung their bodies into the sea with stones tied round their
necks. If he had been caught aiding in the escape of
prisoners, he would have been himself condemned to the
galleys. He never had any intention of saving the poor
fellows who bribed him to help them, and many French
officers, whose love of their country made them foolhardy
and who were less fortunate than we were in finding a
friend to warn them, fell victims to his atrocious mode of
evading a great responsibility.
When our hostess had recovered a little from her
emotion, we begged her to try and find some other means
for us to get to France. We had no more money, but for
all that she did find a sailor willing to take us without
even naming a price. Seeing what a good fellow he was,
I said to him, ' I will give you fifty louis at Boulogne.' On
the evening of the fourteenth day of our detention at
Folkestone the man brought us some sailors' clothes, which
he made us put on, and took us some distance along the
beach, replying to every challenge from the sentinels of
' Who goes there ? ' with the one word, ' Fishermen ! '
We came at last to a little boat drawn up on the sand. It
134 MEiUOIKS OF BARON LEJEUNE
was shoved off, and we jmnped in, but three times the
waves flung it and us back on the shore, wetting us to the
skin. It was really impossible to get to the fishing smack
which was awaiting us a few yards from the beach, so that
we were compelled reluctantly to return to our hostess.
She was very much put out, too, for she was running a
great risk in harbouring us, especially now that our escape
was known, and a reward of thirty pounds had been
offered by the Government for our recovery. She was,
however, loyal to us to the end, and the next night she
brought the good sailor to us again. The sea was no
longer so rough, and we were able to get off in the little
boat which quickly brought us to the smack, a bark some
four feet long, in which two fishermen with their nets were
waiting for us. We passed under the very bowsprit of the
police boat, those on board her taking us all for fishermen.
To avoid exciting suspicion, however, for those on the brig
might have watched us through their glasses, we man-
oeuvred with the nets as if we were about to fling them
overboard. In this way we managed to get out into the
of&ng, and when there we unfurled a little sail, for the sea
was now quite calm. Five or six hours later we were in
sight of Boulogne with nothing more to fear than being-
sunk by balls from the cannon of the advanced battery of
the fort, which, we were warned through a speaking
trumpet, would open fire on us if we came any nearer.
Colonel Stoffel and I therefore hastened to wave our hand-
kerchiefs as we advanced straight upon the mouths of th§
cannon. So near the French shore, we would rather have
been killed than go back. The battery did not, however,
fire on us, and we happily ran our little bark ashore on
the beloved soil of our native land, where we were soon
actors in a charming little episode.
I GET BACK TO FRANCE AT LAST 135
At tliis time the English sent many smugglers over to
France, and the comitry was simply inundated with incen-
diary pamphlets brought over by them, which the coast-
guards had orders to seize. We no sooner touched land,
therefore, than we were surrounded by some sixty men
of various ranks, including custom-house officers, gen-
darmes, soldiers of the line, &c., who, crossing bayonets,,
made a perfect circle around us, in the centre of which we
had to walk as if we were plague-stricken, and it would be
dangerous to touch us. We were marched in this way
before the various authorities, coming at last to General
Vandamme and the Chief Commissioner of Police, M. de
Villier du Terrage, now a peer of France, who was a
friend of mine and had fought side by side with me in our
first campaigns. These two gentlemen welcomed me
most heartily and placed their purses at my disposal, so
I bade farewell to my sailor, giving him the fifty louis
I had promised.
I then booked for Paris, arriving there at much the
same time as the telegraphic despatch which had an-
nounced my return. It was only just five months since
I left Paris, but the many vicissitudes which had been
crowded into the time made it appear twice or three times
as long, though I had been far more fortunate than thou-
sands of my fellow countrymen, for I had soon cut short
my time as a prisoner, whilst many of them had been
exiled for fifteen years.
I alighted at the residence of the Prince of Neuchatel
(Prince Berthier), and he at once took me in his carriage
to the Emperor, who was just then engaged with the
Duke of Bassano, but he left him and took me out in the
park. After he had asked me how I had managed to get
back to France, the Emperor inquired if I had seen anj^
136 ME-^[o^;s of baron lejeune
of the Bourbon family when I was in England, in what
style they lived, in what kind of consideration they were
held, &c. He seemed very much interested in everything
connected with them, and they were evidently a good deal
in his thoughts. It really seemed as if their being so
near to France made him distrustful, but he spoke of them
all with the greatest respect. He was also very much
exercised in his mind about the bitter feeling against him
in England, and asked me if I could explain the insulting
invectives in the press, which seemed to him to be the
outcome of the personal rather than the political hatred
of John Bull. He seemed both flattered and surprised
when I told him that John Bull was very far from hating
or despising him, as asserted in the newspapers. I added,
' I did not enter a single cottage or mansion in England
without finding at least one portrait of "Bony" as they
call you, Bony being short for Bonaparte. These portraits
of your Majesty, moreover, are not caricatures, for every
one wants to know the very features of the extraordinary
man who is changing the face of Europe. At Lord
Moira's, for instance, I saw a life-size likeness of your
^Majesty on foot, copied from Gerard's picture. Lord
Moira gave two hundred pounds for that copy three months
ago.' ' But,' was the reply, ' if that is how the English
feel, whj' does the press inveigh against me so implacably ?'
' Sire,' I said, ' the English find it difficult to get troops
to fight against you, and this kind of thing seems to them
quite fair in war.' 'Did you see my brother Lucien'?'
' No, sire, he is in Wales, many miles from where I was.
I was promised permission to go and see him, but the
chance of escape, which I owe to your goodness, prevented
me from having time to do so. I know, however, that he
is allowed considerable hberty. He has a whole county
TNTEEVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR 137
as a prison, and he is eagerly working at his poem on
Charlemagne, the first cantos of which are finished.'
' How could he be so stupid as to risk being taken prisoner
for the sake of romancing about Charlemagne, when he
might have been a Charles XII.' himself, and have re-
mained with me to second my efforts '? ' The Emperor
was very fond of his brother Lucien, and wished him to
employ his brilliant talents in the service of France. ' And
did you see Lefebvre-Desnouettes ? ' ' No, sire, but I
wrote to him. He is intensely anxious to get back to
you, and is beginning to lose hope of being exchanged.
He would do as I have done if he were not afraid of your
Majesty's displeasure.' ' Oh, let him come, let him come !
I shall be very glad to see him.' ' Does your Majesty
give me leave to tell hiixi so in your name ? ' ' Yes, yes ;
don't lose any time.'
I may as well add here that I told Mme. Lefebvre-
Desnouettes of what had passed. The young wife at once
went to get her passport, and left Paris to rejoin her
husband. Her presence did much to distract the attention
of the officer in charge of the prisoners, and made the
escape comparatively easy. She shared all the dangers
of the journey with heroic courage, and three months after
my return she and her husband were both back in Paris.
The Emperor asked me a great many questions about
the condition of the French prisoners in England, and a
little later the appearance of Colonel Pelet's book con-
firmed the terrible description I gave. I made several
efforts in this same interview to turn the conversation on
to the necessities of Spain, and was told that King Joseph
himself had been in Paris, but had returned to Madrid a
' Lucien's first name was Charles, ancT be refused to be made a king^
though he accepted the nominal title of Prince of Canino and Musignano.—
Teass.
138 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
few days before I got back. I noticed with regret that
the Emperor no longer took much interest in the affairs
of the Peninsula, and that he left them entirely in the
hands of subordinates. I concluded that the state of
things had improved since I left Spain, or else that the
country was to be evacuated ; but neither of these sup-
positions was correct, for far greater schemes than the
amelioration of the condition of that unhappy country
were now absorbing the thoughts of the Emperor. The
woes of Spain, the neglect of which was to have such
tragic results for the whole of Europe, were made no
more of than some slight ailment which can easily be cured.
My urgent report on the state of the French army in Spain
had been duly handed to Prince Berthier. He thought
my strictures on the generals in command, who were
most of them friends of his, too severe. He knew that
the Emperor's mind was full of other schemes, and he
sent my report back to me without making any use of the
information it contained. I could not help regretting
having lost so much to gain absolutely nothing.
When after my talk with the Emperor in the gardens
we returned to the palace, I offered him my congratula-
tions on the birth of the King of Eome. He looked
pleased, and took me to see the infant prince in his cradle.
He was a very fine little fellow, and was already surrounded
by a court of ladies of honour, governesses, chamberlains,
&c., and had a grand equerry of his own in the person of
the Count of Canisy.
Major-General Prince Berthier was good enough to
drive me back to Paris, and the next day I went with
him to join a hunting party at Grosbois, where he and
his family were just then staying. This journey of six or
seven leagues with the Prince was of deep interest to me.
DRIVE A\'iTH PRINCE BERTIIIER 139
for in it I really got to know something about the
General's kind heart, which I should perhaps never other-
wise have done, for he made a point of always appearing
grave and severe with his young officers. He looked at
me now again and again with a happy, almost eager
expression of affection, such as a father would wear who
had regained a beloved son whose loss he had mourned.
He maintained, however, the dignified silence of a com-
mander, only breaking it now and then with an eager
question, showing how great was his interest in what I
was saying, and how much he felt for the sufferings I had
gone through. Prince Berthier was very different in this
respect from the Emperor, who was always very free and
easy when he wanted to get information, and only put on
a solemn manner when dismissing those he received.
The Prince maintained, on the other hand, a dignified
reserve with those under him, concealing with difficulty
the promptings of his generous nature, and never yielding
to the gaiety which really was part of his character,
except with those over whom he had no authority.
Prince Berthier' s career had really been more brilliant
than that of any of the officers immediately surrounding
our Csesar, but he never assumed any special distinction,
for he was always simple, modest, polite, and natural in
his manner. He was never known to utter a word
which could wound the self-respect of his subalterns, but,
on the contrary, he tried to the utmost of his power to
increase the dignity of their position. Only once did I
see him out of temper, and that was with his young
brother, whom he overheard asking me very politely to
hold his horse for him for a minute. ' For whom do you
take my aides-de-camp ? ' he cried with an angry gesture.
His ordinary expression was one of benevolence ; he was
140 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEPNE
very generous, and he often secretly gave me from twenty-
five to fifty louis d'or for emigrants who had returned
home in poverty. Later, after the Restoration, I often
heard the very people he had helped speak of him as M.
Berthier without any title. He really was also the most
indefatigable person I knew, and when I one day con-
gratulated Count Daru on his wonderful power of sustain-
ing fatigue and doing without sleep, he said to me, ' The
Prince of Neuchatel is even stronger than I am ; I never
spent more than nine days and nights without going to
bed, but Berthier has been in the saddle for thirteen days
and nights at a stretch.' The Prince had never given
much time to the study of literature, as his way of
expressing himself sometimes betrayed, but he was a very
good geometrician, and had worked hard at mathematics
when a boy, and his orders, whether verbal or written,
were always couched in terms so lucid and simple that a
very few words sufficed to describe the most complicated
manoeuvres of an army. If circumstances had not made
General Berthier a great warrior and a model chief of the
staff, he would certainly have distinguished himself as an
engineer. He was also a very good draughtsman, and
several things he showed me proved that he had consider-
able talent for the graphic arts.
Few men had been more fortunate throughout their
military careers than Prince Berthier. I often heard him
congratulate himself on having served France in all four
quarters of the globe. He made his debut in the War of
Independence in America, and returned home with very
pleasant memories, for he became the personal friend of
Eochambeau and Lafayette, under whom he served with
the French contingent. He told me that of all the
decorations he had received during his successful career,
CHARACTERISTICS OF MARSHAL BERTHIER 141
he had been most flattered at getting the little Cross ' of
the Order of the Cincinnati. It was given to him by
Washington and the American Senate when he was but
thirty years old, a short time before he received from the
King of France the Cross of St. Louis for the same
services. As I have already related, I was with the Army
of the North during Napoleon's brilliant campaign in
Italy, which went far to echpse our successes on the
Ehine, and I often heard the marvellous feats of arms
of Bonaparte attributed to the initiative of the young
General Berthier. Whether it were jealousy or genuine
conviction which led to the spreading of this report I do
not know, but I fully shared in the opinion expressed
when in 1800 Berthier, then Minister of War, took me
as his aide-de-camp. I soon changed my mind on the
subject after seeing the two men together, both so richly
but so differently gifted, aiding each other with their
counsel. It was the First Consul who inaugurated every
plan, improvised the means for carrying it out, and by
imbuing all with his own zeal made everything possible.
It was General Berthier who, the plan of the chief once
conceived, identified himself thoroughly with it, divided
and subdivided the work to be done, assigning to each
one the particular task by fulfilling which he was to co-
operate with every other member of the army, smoothing
down difficulties, providing for every contingency. His
anxious soHcitude, which kept him ever on the alert, his
undaunted co-operation, were never relaxed until success
' The author says petite Croix, but the badge of this order was a bald
eagle suspended to a blue and white ribbon, symbolising the union between
France and America. The order was founded by the officers of the Eevolu-
tionary army in 1783, and named after the Eoman hero because, like him,
many of the American patriots were called from the plough to serve their
country. The order was abolished in 1804 — Teaks.
14-2 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
was achieved. The glory which accrued to Berthier,
though secondary, was yet considerable, but he was so
modest that his aim was always rather to detract from
his own merits, and to get the Commander-in-Chief to
bestow his rewards on his comrades in arms. Of course,
however, his fellow officers were too often jealous of him,
and tried as hard to bring themselves into notice as he
did to avoid calling attention to himself. Many of them
were indeed ungrateful enough to accuse him of incapacity,
because in 1809 he was not imprudent enough, as were so
many of his fellow officers, to risk the loss of everything
and to act in opposition to the wishes of Napoleon. But
he was nobly avenged, for, in spite of all that his detractors
could say, he was fully appreciated by the Emperor, and
on the fatal field of Waterloo, when waiting in vain for
Grouchy's corps to come up. Napoleon exclaimed, ' If
Berthier were here, my orders would have been carried
out, and I should have escaped this misfortune.' But I
am anticipating dates, and must return to my subject.
No one served the Emperor with more loyal devotion
from 1795 to 1814 than the Prince of Wagram, and
whilst I was with him not a day passed without my
noting some fresh proof of his devotion to his master,
which was indeed a perfect religion with him.' He was
entirely without self-seeking, and yielded to his chief an
affectionate and unfailing obedience often most touching
in its patience and resignation. Though of medium
height only, Berthier had a well-formed athletic figure,
and his hair was thick and curly. He was an ardent
lover of the chase, as eager in it as in war, and the
' Nevertheless, on the fall of Napoleon, Berthier submitted to Louis
XVIII. and did not join his former chief on his return from Elba. The
inaction and probably also remorse, however, broke his heart, and he com-
mitted suicide by tiinging himself from a window in 1815.
r a:m overlooked bv tiiI': EMrEROii 143
Emperor, who knew how to appreciate all his good
qualities, made him his Master of the Hounds. Such
was the warrior under whom I was fortunate enough to
serve for twelve years, going to him as a captain and
leaving him as a general with many a decoration, a well-
filled purse, a heart full of gratitude to him, and, what
I valued far more than all my honours, many happy
memories of the time I had been with him. These
memories are still a delight to me in my old age, and give
me strength to look forward to the future. May they
also enable me to finish the story of my military career
by telling of my experiences between 1811 and 1814,
those most deeply interesting years of a century in which
took place such extraordinary revolutions and wars, when
empires were founded and overturned, when dynasties
were changed, when so many men of eloquence and of
genius rose into fame, and when such great discoveries
were made, and the human race made such strides in
progress.
I have now to relate my experiences in the two terrible
campaigns of 1812 and 1813 in Eussia, Saxony, and
Prussia, from which I returned wounded in 1814.
As I have already related, I had gone through some
very painful experiences in Spain and England, without
any good results either for Erance or for myself. I was
now back in Paris, and had the disappointment of finding
that I had been again forgotten ; for when on the occasion
of the birth of the King of Eome the Emperor had
showered rewards on the army and given promotion to
many officers, my earher services, which had given me a
right to expect special recognition, had been quite over-
looked. The favourable moment had gone by, but
fortvmately for me I was less sensible to the claims of
144 MEMOIRS OF BAEOX LEJEUNE
ambition than to those of family and friends, and I soon
consoled myself with the affection of my father, my rela-
tions, and others dear to me. I hastened also to remit
to Captain Garat and my good friend Mr. Baudins the
sums of money they had so kindly let me have.
When I got back to Paris, I resumed my duties on the
staff of Major-General Prince Berthier. I had to mark
on his maps the position of the different corps of the
armies massed together in Germany, and the extraordinary
gathering of troops seemed to me to justify the vague
rumours of approaching war which were circulating in
the capital. Neither the Russian Ambassador nor the
representatives of the other Powers had, however, yet left
Paris, and there was no sign of any ostensible cause of
disagreement, nor anything to indicate which country
would be the scene of hostilities, when on February 1
I received orders to go and collect as many horses as
possible at Frankfort on the Oder, and to have a grand
travelling carriage got ready.
All, manner of guesses as to the meaning of these
orders were hazarded, but no one was in the secret, and
feeling very uncertain about the future we made most
luxurious preparations for the campaign. I gave ten
thousand francs to Martin, a very intelligent valet de
chambre, who had replaced my poor Williams, and told
him to go to Frankfort and Strasburg to buy horses
for me. I ordered some brilliant uniforms for myself and
comfortable suits of livery for my servants, and on March 5
I received orders to go and examine every detail of that
part of the army which was assembled on the Oder and
the Vistula and at Danzig, so as to be able to inform
the Emperor of all that was still wanting to complete the
equipment and organisation of the troops.
THE EMPEROR'S REPLY TO GENERAL DEJEAN 145
In the report I drew up on this occasion I included
the complaint made to me by several officers in command,
of the recruits sent to them being too weak for service. I
also spoke of the serious inconvenience which resulted
from this weakness to General Dejean, who had just
organised a corps of cavalry 40,000 strong, and he
transmitted to me the verbal reply the Emperor had
made to a protest from him on the same subject : ' When
I came back from Alsace after organising the cavalry,'
said the General to me, ' I complained to the Emperor
that one-third of the horses bought were not strong
enough to carry their riders, and that half the men newly
levied were too weak to wield a sword. "But for your
Majesty's precise orders to the contrary," I added, "I
should have sent them back to the depots." "You would
have done very wrong if you had," replied the Emperor.
" When I mount 40,000 men, I know well enough that
I cannot expect to have that number of good horse-
men, but I affect the morale of the enemy, whose spies
hear it said and read in the newspapers that my cavalry
is 40,000 strong. As the numbers pass from mouth
to mouth they grow rather than decrease, and the
40,000 cavalry are supposed to be all of the same
seasoned valour as the rest of my regiments have the
character of being ; so that when the campaign opens my
army will be preceded by a rumour which will give a
moral strength making up for the absence of the real
forces I have been unable to procure." ' Dejean was
struck with fresh admiration for the man of genius who
could thus turn everything to account, and who was quite
unmoved by considerations which would have completely
upset any plans but his own.
VOL. II. L
146 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
CHAPTEE V
PASSAGE OF THE NIEMEN — WITEBSK— POLOTSK —
SMOLENSK — WIASMA
I RETURNED to Paris on May 13, gave a report of
my mission, and on the 14th started again to join the
Grand Army without knowing where it was. The gloomy
forebodings of others affected me but httle, and when my
carriage was overturned and broken just outside Meaux,
instead of being put out I rejoiced at the chance the
accident gave me of spending the time necessary for
repair with my sister and some of my friends.
On May 26 I found myself at Posen, where I gave
news to many noble Polish parents of their sons,
whom I had seen at Sedan a few days before. The
Boyars, as the Polish nobles were still erroneously called,'
some of whom had long hair, whilst others were bald-
headed, wore the Oriental costume and had grave dignified
manners. They received us with the greatest enthusiasm,
for they thought our arrival meant the restoration of
Poland as an independent kingdom. Many fetes were
given in our honour, and the only rest we got after our
long journey was in dancing !
On May 30 I reached Thorn on the Vistula, where
' Peter the Great abolished the order of the Boyars, which was originally
an aristocratic body of Russia, not of Poland, ranking next to the Emperor. —
Tbans.
A FATAL MISTAKE 147
I found my servants and horses. I had three days
left to buy all that was still needed to complete my
travelling equipment before the arrival of the Emperor on
June 2.
Now began much hard work and hurrying to and fro
for me ; but I will spare the reader an account of my
goings and comings, only adding that I was ordered to
push on all the preparations for the advance of the army,
and specially to report on the condition of the corps of
Marshal Macdonald, who had under him two Prussian
divisions, which, very much to my regret, we found placed
in line with us as amongst our allies. The Commander-
in-chief of this Prussian contingent was General York,
who had with him Generals Von Kleist, Massenbach, and
Grauwerth, and the forces under them were splendidly
equipped and in first-rate condition. Both wings of our
army were, in fact, composed of troops of the two nations
who were most interested in the failure of our schemes,
whether pacific or warlike. With Prussia on our left and
Austria on our right, we were hampered by the fact that
if we did restore the kingdom of Poland, Prussia would
lose the province of Posen, and Austria that of Galicia.
Moreover, Austria and Prussia were both unwilling to
fight Eussia, who was their natural ally against us, and
vpith whom they had concurred in the dismemberment of
Poland. To compel Prussians and Austrians to march
with us against their will and against their own interests,
was to provoke the result which we ought to have had
sense enough to fear and to avoid. The sequel proved
how terrible had been our mistake.'
' Generals York and Von Kleist both went over to the enemy with their
troops in the course of the campaign, and the former had begun to make
terms with the Russians before he left Prussia. — Tbans.
L 2
148 ME-MOIR.S OF BARON LEJEUNE
In my various journeyings to and fro I several times
returned to the same town, and I vi^as at Warsaw on
June 14 and 15, working with the Emperor's youngest
brother, King Jerome of Westphaha, then at the head
of a well-armed and well-equipped body of his sub-
jects. I passed two days in examining the condition of
his troops, and on the 16th I reached Pultusk, then occu-
pied by Prince Poniatowski and his army of Poles, whom
I had also instructions to see. On the 18th I was at
Friedland, and on the 19th at Gumbinnen, worn out with
fatigue after travelling day and night for so long, hampered
by the difficulty of getting fresh horses in a poverty-stricken
country full of troops, and with thousands of couriers
hastening about on their various errands. The Emperor
halted at Gumbinnen, and I made my reports to him there.
It was only then that I learnt the true object of the cam-
paign just opening, which was to compel the King of
Prussia to join us in maintaining the continental blockade
which was to ruin England.
So many historians have already given more or less
truthful accounts of this memorable and tragic campaign
in Russia, that I shall content myself with enlarging on
the daily record of my own experiences in the notebook,
not as big as my hand, which I carried with me next my
heart wherever I went. This little book is not only much
torn, but soaked with rain and with my own perspiration,
for I suffered greatly from the intense heat in Eussia in
the earlier portion of the campaign, that country being as
much too hot in the summer as it is too cold in the winter.
The great variations of temperature were terribly trying
to us all, and many who had everywhere vanquished
their human enemies fell victims to the rigours of a
climate which sapped their strength and frustrated all
A MAGNIFICENT SPECTACLE 149
their hopes. The leaves of my Httle notebook, though
the writing on them is much bkirred, are still intact, and
I will just jot down here succinctly what happened to me
from day to day in the course of the alternating glorious
and terrible drama. Some day, perhaps, a writer younger
and more skilled in wielding the pen than I, will use
what I have written, with the accounts of the other
few survivors of the awful experiences of our disastrous
campaign, to piece together a consecutive and faithful
narrative.
To resume, then. The Emperor had sent a great
many officers to the different corps of the Grand Army to
perform duties similar to mine, and although, as already
related, he made most formidable preparations for war, it
was very evident that he still hoped to achieve his object
by diplomacy. It was, I think, with deep regret that he
found himself reduced to the necessity of endeavouring to
obtain by fighting what he could not get by persuasion.
It was during the short halt at Gumbinnen that Napoleon
received the final refusal of the Czar to meet the wishes
he had urged by every pacific means in his power. His
mind was therefore very soon made up. The allied forces
were already close to the Niemen, and the Emperor him-
self was but forty leagues from it. It was decided that
the river should be crossed. We did the distance between
Gumbinnen and it on horseback in two days, and after
bivouacking for a few hours' rest we arrived at noon on
June 23 on the heights overlooking the Niemen.
Here the most extraordinary and magnificent spectacle
awaited us, and one which coiild not but have an intoxi-
cating effect on a conqueror by giving to him an exagge-
rated idea of the extent of his moral and material power.
It is said that our army was 500,000 strong, and
160 ME^rOIES OF BAKOX LEJEUNE
it was made up of nearly every nation of Europe. Many
reigning princes, including the Kings of Naples and
Westphalia, were at the head of their troops. King
Murat in full-dress uniform rode with his cavalry. All the
handsomest men of the day, in their most gorgeous
martial costumes, mounted on the finest horses to he
obtained in Europe, all alike richly caparisoned, were
gathered about the central group of which we formed part.
The sunbeams gleamed upon the bronze cannon ready
to belch forth an all-destroying fire, and glinted back from
the brass breastplates and scarlet-crested helmets of the
gallant carabineers, and from the gilded, silvered, and bur-
nished steel helmets, breastplates, weapons, and decoratioias
of the soldiers and officers. The glittering bayonets of the
masses of battalions covering the plain resembled from a
distance the quivering scintillations in the sunshine of the
waters of some lake or river when ruffled by a passing
breeze. The crash of thousands of trumpets and drums
mingled with the enthusiastic shouts of the vast multitude
as the Emperor came in sight, and the spectacle of all
this devotion on the part of the vast assembly of disci-
plined troops, which extended as far as the eye could reach
on either side, the weapons shining like stars, impressed
us all with a sense of the invincibility of a force of elements
so mixed, united in obedience to a single chief. Our con-
fidence in that chief became yet more assured than ever ;
not one amongst us had the slightest doubt of his suc-
cess in this fresh enterprise, and when we looked round
upon all the forces his mighty will had gathered together
our hearts beat high with joy and with exultant pride.
We already saw ourselves sharing in his approaching
triumph, and no foreboding crossed our minds of the awful
scene which was to be enacted on this very spot but a few
CROSSING OF THE NIEMEN 151
short months later, when all the pomp and glory of our
army marching to victory should be exchanged for the
horrors of the retreat of men wasted by famine, fatigue,
and misery, fleeing not only from their implacable ene-
mies, but from the fire and ice, which claimed almost as
many victims as the sword. Alas ! how many young
warriors lost their lives or all that made those lives worth
having in this terrible campaign, how quickly were all
these legions, now thirsting for fresh glory, to be dispersed !
But a truce to these melancholy, these tragic memories.
Let us rather rejoice in the last laurels God permitted us
to gather, and with them let us crown the banners of the
Empire before we finally succumb beneath the cruel reverse
of fortune awaiting us.
June 23 was a lovely day ; the sky was clear, the heat
not too great, and hostilities had not yet commenced.
The Emperor and General Haxo, both disguised in the
caps and cloaks of Polish guards, turned the quiet pause
to account by going down to the river bank to decide on
the best points for the making of the bridges necessary for
the crossing of the army. The night was, of course, very
short in this latitude, and it was really scarcely dark at all.
Two hours, however, sufficed to throw over several bridges,
and a few companies of skirmishers were sent over in
advance in light boats, to drive off the Cossacks on watch
on the further bank ; these, contenting themselves with
firing a few shots, rode off without offering any serious
resistance to us.
The Sim rose at two o'clock in the morning, and the
army at once began the crossing of the river by the three
bridges, advancing upon the road to Wilna opposite to
them, and bearing on the left towards the little town of
Kovno, built at the confluence of the Wilia and Niemen.
152 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
The enemy's squadrons, which were pretty numerous,
withdrew at our approach almost without fighting, as if to
mark the fact that we were the aggressors. The heat
was stifling and almost insupportable when our advanced
guard entered Kovno a little after noon. A tremendous
storm now came up, and with a rapidity to which we were
totally unaccustomed the air became completely charged
with electricity. The thunder and lightning were terrific,
and at about three o'clock two men and three horses were ■
killed by lightning. The rain poured down in torrents for
two hours, and we were soon drenched to the skin. The
people of the town and the monks of the numerous con-
vents, seeing the dilapidated and exhausted condition to
which we were reduced, brought out a plentiful supply of
refreshments. Their favourite beverages were mead and
beer, which they were very successful in making and drank
iced. But heated and dripping as all the men were, the
cold drinks made many of them ill, and this with the
deaths from lightning seemed an ominous beginning of our
march through an enemy's country.
The storm had swollen the waters of the Wilia, and
the Russians had burnt the bridge over it before they
retired. A Polish regiment of light cavalry managed,
however, to cross it, the horses swimming all the way.
They were followed by the 26th French light cavalry
regiment, commanded by young Gueheneuc, who was
nearly drowned ; and the right bank of the Wilia was
Foon connected with the town by a bridge of boats which
the Emperor had flung across the stream so that our
troops might pursue the Eussians. The Emperor, who
was as wet as we were, aided in the work, pushing on the
construction of the bridge and imbuing every one with
something of his own extraordinary energy. In the
THE FREXCH ENTER WILNA 153
terrible storm which was still raging, some two hundred
men of the engineer corps, finding themselves much ham-
pered by their saturated clothes, took them all off and
worked in a perfectly nude condition. As an artist I felt a
real delight in watching their supple figures as they bent
at their toil, and I was reminded of the fine compositions
of Michael Angelo, Raphael, and Poussin, such as the
' Bathers ' and the ' Deluge,' in which those great artists
represented the human figure in every variety of attitude.
The Emperor still hesitated to begin actual hostilities,
and we halted for three days in the little town of Kovno
to allow the rest of the army to come up and deploy.
During the delay we fortified ourselves by drinking a good
deal of tea, the astringent qualities of which braced us up
after our ducking. We learnt from the country people
that the Eussian army was also very numerous, mustering
250,000 infantry and 90,000 cavalry, under General Prince
Bagration and General Barclay de Tolly.
During the nights of the 27th-28th, I went with the
Desaix and Bourdesoulle divisions to Novitroki, which
after a feeble defence by the Russians was taken by us.
We pursued the enemy and entered Wilna in the evening.
Marshal the Duke of Beggio came in by another gate at
about the same time, and the Emperor arrived there on
the 29th. Deputations of Polish noblemen arrived in
rapid succession, eager to persuade him to decree the
restoration of the Kingdom of Poland, and promising him
if he would the loyal co-operation of the whole Polish
nation, with a plentiful supply of money, men, and horses.
In fact, they made many engagements which they were
soon quite unable to carry out.
There is little doubt that Napoleon would gladly have
met their wishes immediately, for an independent Poland
154 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
would have been a steadfast ally to France, and have pro-
tected us from an invasion from the North. There were
two princes ready to hand, to either of whom the crown
might fitly have been given, and public opinion wavered
between the two. Prince Poniatowski, nephew of the
last King of Poland, was, by virtue of his birth, his cha-
racter, and his proved courage, the man the Poles and our
army would have chosen as the King, whilst failing him
the votes would have been given for Marshal Davout,.
Prince of Eckmiihl, one of Napoleon's most loyally devoted
followers, who had administered the affairs of the districts
of Poland occupied by our troops with consummate tact
and ability, and who was quite accustomed to hearing him-
self spoken of as the future king. It must, however, be
remembered that the Emperor was terribly hampered in
any decision as to Poland by the fact that he would not
only have to dispose of that portion of the dismembered
kingdom still in the grasp of Russia, but also of the
provinces of Posen and Galicia, assigned by treaty tO'
Prussia and Austria respectively. Now Prussian and
Austrian battalions were marching in line with ours, and
were nominally our allies, but there was no doubt that at
the slightest hint of the Emperor's intentions to take from
their princes their portion of the spoils of the old kingdom
of Poland, every Austrian and Prussian would have left
our ranks to join those of the Russians. Napoleon had no
intention, therefore, of accepting the Polish proposal of co-
operation with him, and he needed all his diplomatic
skill when at Wilna to evade destroying the hopes of the
Poles or making any definite promise to them. Such was
the strained state of affairs when on July 1 an aide-de-
camp arrived from the Emperor of Russia, bringing with
him that monarch's final refusal to consent to any pacific
SCARCITY OF FOOD AND FODDER 155
arrangement of the points at issue, which he proposed
submitting to the arbitrament of war.^
Whilst the difficulties of our position were thus in-
creasing, we began to experience something of the rigours
of the Russian climate, the changes in which are far more
rapid and extreme than in France. The army, which was
thoroughly well organised, had brought with it provisions
for thirty or forty days, but one storm after another,
notably those of June 24 and 30, with that of July 2,
which was the worst of all, had made all the draught
horses ill, one-third at least had died, and we had to over-
load the wagons of those still remaining alive, for it
would not have done to leave any of our provisions behind.
Of course, thus terribly weighted the wagons made but very
slow progress, and were often far behind the army, which
began to suffer from scarcity of food for the men and
fodder for the horses. We had to feed the latter on hay
and on rye cut whilst still green, which were in their turn
soon exhaiisted. The men, whose courage and habitual
abstinence kept them from giving way, managed to fend
for themselves somehow, and suffered less than the poor
beasts. The long downpour of bitter cold rain which
lasted the whole of the day and night of July 2 was a
veritable disaster to our troops, but they marched steadily
on through it all after having stopped for several days on
the rising ground beyond Wilna.
At this time we French officers were really in the posi-
tion of protectors to the many petty princes from Germany
who had brought their contingents to swell our ranks . Little
accustomed to the vicissitudes and privations of war, the
yoimg scions of royalty from Sigmaringen, Darilistadt,
' For a very able statement of Napoleon's position at this juncture, see
the Marbot Memoirs, vol. ii. chap. xxii. — Tkans.
156 MEMOIRS OF BAEOX LEJEUXE
Hesse Homburg;, Bartenstein, Salm, and elsewhere, assidu-
ously cultivated our friendship so as to share the luxuries
enjoyed by the members of the staff. At Wilna I was
quartered in the residence of one of the richest Polish
nobles of the place, and I often had quite a number of
youthful Serene Highnesses about me. Martin, my head
valet, served us with ices as delicate and punch as well
mixed as we could have got at Naples or at the Cafe Tortoni.
One of my princely guests told me he hoped to receive me
at home on our return from the campaign, and I replied,
' Yes, Prince, on our way back we will come and ask you to
give us a breakfast.' This put him into a regular fright,
and he said in a trembling voice, ' Yes, but don't bring the
army ; my principality could not afford a quarter of a
breakfast for all your men ! '
At this time I was the happy owner of a cow, which
was attached to my provision wagon, and I was able to
give my guests iced cream flavoured in different ways, for
in Eussia the humblest hut always contained a refrigerator
for keeping provisions good in the great heat. As time
went on, however, the enemy adopted the tactics of de-
stroying everything they could not use, and our advanced
guard cleared off any small remnants of food, so that
we found nothing left but a little ice in the cellars and a
few wisps of thatch on the roofs.
The army pressed on slowly. Marshal Davout was
now at Minsk, and Macdonald was entering Courland.
The Emperor left Wilna at eight o'clock in the evening
on July 9, and bivouacked in the midst of his Guard at
Nemenchin, whence he intended to push on towards
Witebsk, so as to separate as much as possible the two great
Russian armies, and fight each in turn with all his own
forces collected between them. Our wings and advanced
I FIND A DESERTED CHILD 157
guard had already had a good raany tussles with the enemy,
in which they lost a good many men, but these struggles had
hitherto always ended in the retreat of the Eussians. Few
days passed without our being able to bivouac several
leagues in advance of the point reached the night before.
We found all the villages deserted, and most of them
burnt to ashes. Here and there, however, the larger
buildings had escaped destruction, and on the 10th, when
we were camping amongst the still smouldering remains
of the village of Zorokpoly, I noticed a big chateau some
distance off well away from the road. Thinking I should
find good accommodation there, I had a horse saddled
and galloped off alone to reconnoitre. It had been a fine
place, but it now presented a most desolate appearance
with all the doors and windows broken and the very out-
buildings empty. Despairing of finding any living thing
there or any provisions, I was leaving the deserted spot
to return to our camp, when, as I turned into an avenue
of the park, I saw lying almost under the feet of my horse
a pretty little boy of three or four years old, with nothing
on but a shirt, who smiled happily up into my face. I
sprang to the ground, took the child in my arms, and as I
caressed him asked him a number of questions he did not
understand. In the hope of being heard by the parents
of the child, whom I imagined to be hiding near, I kept
caressing the little creature so as to inspire any one within
sight of us with confidence, and asked questions in a loud
voice in Polish and in German, but the only answer
was the echo of my own words. Compelled, therefore, to
give up hope of finding any one belonging to the child,
I remounted, placed him before me on the saddle, and rode
back to camp, where my comrades were very much sur-
prised at the sight of the little companion I had brought
lo8 MEMOIES OP J5AR0N LEJEUNE
to them. During my absence a pope, as a Greek priest
is called, had come to the camp to beg for hospitality,
telling our people that his house and the whole village
had been burnt. He added that he had had no food for
ten days but roots, which he had had hard work to dig up
and which were very bitter. He asked for nothing to
take away vdth him but a little salt, which we gladly gave
him. He questioned in the Russian patois the child I had
found, and we discovered that the little fellow had been
deserted five or six days before, and had lived on wild
strawberries and the small black fruits the Germans are
so fond of, which they call Waldbeeren. We made a
little collection amongst us of twelve louis d'or, which we
gave to the unfortunate priest ; and, in spite of his own
misery, he promised to take care of the child till he could
restore it to its parents.
As we were pushing on the next day, we came upon
two poor creatures at a turn in the road whose condition
tore our hearts. They were a handsome well-built man
of about forty and a woman of about thirty, also with a
fine figure, both stark naked. They approached us and
said to us in very good French, ' Our home has been
sacked by Cossacks, who stripped us of everything and left
us as you see us. For pity's sake help us.' "We could do
nothing for them but give them a little food, and we felt very
wretched as we turned away. The next day at a bivouac
some distance off a fresh irresistible demand was made
upon our pity, and our stock of provisions was so much
reduced that I don't know what we should have done but
that some German peasants brought us a few sheep, with
which we replenished our larder.
The Emperor halted at Vizoy on July 14, and on the
_15th T was sent to the King of Naples to tell him that the
A STRAKGE AND FEROCIOUS SEXTINEL 159
cavalry under him were to co-operate with the slower
movements of the infantry. King Murat had been for
some days at the Castle of Belmont belonging to Count
Mamerchi, then Ambassador for Russia at the Bavarian
Court. There was something very attractive about this
castle, and it presented a considerable contrast to an or-
dinary Muscovite residence. It overlooked a fine lake
dotted with islands, on the highest point of one of which
was a rotunda consisting of a hundred Corinthian columns,
which were evidently adorned with draperies on fete
days.
On the 21st I left the King of Naples to return to the
Emperor, who was now advancing with the whole of his
Guard, which formed a very strong picked corps of in-
fantry and cavalry. After travelling for ten leagues in
the direction of Beschenkovitz, I halted at Ostrovno at
the residence of Count Zaboulon, a Polish lieutenant-
general and senator. His house had been left uninjured,
and he still retained a inenagerie of living animals,
including a remarkable camel and several gigantic bears,
which were chained up at the entrance of a huge circular
court. One of the bears acted as sentinel, standing erect,
and armed with a formidable club, with which he nearly
killed a young Polish officer of lancers who approached
too near in spite of warnings, and did not make allowance
enough for the length of the chain or the strength of the
brute. He received a tremendous blow on the chest which
felled him to the ground, and but for us he might have
been killed. The Count specially called my attention to
a courtyard covered in with a net, where some hundred
birds were kept. I don't know exactly what they were,
but they were rather like snipes with long legs and a kind
of deep ruff of plumage round their necks. The Count
IGO MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUNE
called them batailleurs, or fighters, and to prove the Justice
of the name he flung them a handful of oats. A fearful
fight at once began amongst the birds, which went on till
every grain was gone. The Count seemed to be very fond
of watching fighting, and was always making his bears,
dogs, and wolves struggle together for his amusement.
He was now, however, going to see men fighting rather
nearer him than he cared for, and he begged me earnestly
to leave him a few soldiers as a guard.
I pushed on and reached the isolated farm occupied
by the Emperor at nightfall. I joined the bivouac of the
staff and the Guard. The next day, the 24th, we reached
Beschenkovitz, where we were in sight of the enemy.
On the 26th the Viceroy's corps, marching in advance
of the main body, came upon the rearguard of the army a
little beyond Ostrovno. This rearguard consisted of some
30,000 men, and a fierce struggle ensued, in which the
Russians at first got the best of it. The enemy's left was
coming up to the support of the rearguard, when King
Murat, noticing how things were going, ordered his cavalry
to charge the approaching auxiliaries, throwing them into
disorder. Fresh bodies of the enemy, however, continued
to hurry up, and we had been fighting without success for
some hours, when the Emperor, impatient at the delay,
and thinking the right moment had come, ordered the
Viceroy to make a vigorous attack upon a wood occupied
by the enemy. It was successful. The Russians were
driven out and retreated all along the line. The Emperor
took up his head-quarters that same evening (the 26th)
about three leagues beyond the field of battle, which was
covered with dead and wounded horses left by the enemy
At daybreak on the 27th the two armies approached
each other near Witebsk. Swarms of Cossacks flung
GALLANT CONDUCT OF KING MUEAT 161
themselves upon our cavalry, and for a moment threw our
movements into disorder, even carrying away several of our
guns. In the melee one of our comrades named Emmanuel
le Couteulx cut his way through the Cossacks with his
sword, and succeeded in recovering one of the pieces of
artillery which the enemy were dragging away. In pur-
suing this body of Cossacks after the struggle with it
beyond a deep and wide ravine, we came upon the main
body of the Eussian army drawn up in order of battle.
On our left the light infantry of the 9th Regiment of
the Line, all Parisians, advanced too fearlessly, and were
soon surrounded by masses of cavalry. We were still too
far off to support them, but we loudly applauded their
resistance, which lasted more than an hour, giving us time
to come up to their rescue. The infantry under the Viceroy,
formed in squares in divisions, suffered greatly as they
marched, for they were exposed to a hail of grape shot and
bullets from a numerous body of Eussian artillery posted
in a most favourable position flanked by a wood. Here
again the gallant King Murat came up in the nick of time,
and flinging himself like a mere trooper into the midst of
the Cossacks he was followed by his cavalry. The Eussian
lines were broken, some of their artillery was taken, and
thej' were compelled to retire beyond the deep ravine of
a little stream, a tributary of the Dwina, which served as
a protection to Witebsk. Night put a stop to the struggle,
but we already occupied the outskirts of a group of burnt
houses which we concluded to have formed part of a
suburb of Witebsk. I passed the night there to look after
Colonel Liedot, of the engineers, who had been mortally
wounded towards the close of the day. The Eussians
remained on the other side of the stream, which was very
deep and would be diflicult to cross. We were not thirty
VOL. II. M
162 MEMOIRS OF BAIJOX LEJEUXE
paces from each other, but the night passed over quietly,
for we were preparing and expecting to renew the struggle
at daybreak.
General Barclay de Tolly now received a message
that Prince Bagration could not join him at Witebsk, but
would try and do so at Smolensk, where he hoped to arrive
in time. On hearing this Barclay de Tolly broke up his
camp during the night with an order and promptitude
which were as extraordinarj' as the silence with which
everything was done ; and when in the twilight before day-
break I went to reconnoitre the enemy, there was no one
to prevent my crossing the stream by any of the little
bridges, not one of which had been destroyed. When the
Emperor was told of this very unexpected event, he sent
scouts in every direction beyond Witebsk to ascertain
which way the Eussian army had gone. That army was,
however, marching straight across the plain, and its lines
were so extended and the order maintained so complete
that it was impossible to make out which direction it
would take or to secure any prisoners to question. The
Emperor was, therefore, obliged to resort to guessing, and
he ordered our army to pass through Witebsk and advance
six leagues along the road to Moscow by way of Smolensk,
bivouacking himself at Agaponovitzy on the 28th. No
definite hews having yet been obtained of the Eussian
army, we were allowed to rest here for a few days.'
When I got back to Witebsk on the 29th, I was struck
with the picturesque situation of that town, rising as it
does from the banks of the pretty river Dwina. I had
seen it before through flame and smoke, which gave it a
' Lejeune was evidently not aware that the real reason for all these
delays was not any doubt in Napoleon's mind as to the position of the Eus-
sian forces, but a hope he still entertained that the Czar would come to a
pacific understanding. — Tkans.
I AM SENT TO MAllSHAL OUDIXUT 163
certain gloomy grandeur ; but now the beauty of the day
added to the charms of* Hne and colour, which became of
rarer and rarer occurrence the further we advanced in these
remote districts of the North. I wend every day to look
after my poor friend Liedot, but my duties soon called me
elsewhere.
On August 4 the Emperor learnt the results of the
brilhant actions on July 30 and 31 and August 1,
in which the corps under the Duke of Eeggio had
been engaged with the enemy's extreme left under the
Count of Wittgenstein. Unable to understand why the
Duke should have decided to retreat after beating the
enemy three times, taking fourteen guns and 8,000
prisoners. Napoleon told me to go and ascertain the exact
state of affairs and to order Marshal Oudinot to pursue
the Russians. I left Witebsk at nightfall on the 5th, and
on the 6th reached a ford of the Dwina, which I was able
to cross, thus avoiding a long detour. I entered Polotsk
the same evening, after a tiring ride of forty-two leagues
over difficult country. I was most courteously received in
a Jesuit monastery, where I found the Duke, who explained
to me the reasons for his retreat. He had been vigorously
attacked by the Eussians, and had not been able to obtain
any provisions for three days. He told me that the
Eussians had purposely allowed themselves to be repulsed,
hoping to entice the French in pursuit of theta into desert
districts, where they would perish of famine. The Marshal,
however, decHned to fall into the trap, and not having
wagons enough to take the provisions he had left at
Polotsk with him, he thought it best to collect all his forces
there so as to distribute rations to them. They would
thus be ready to recommence hostilities without delay.
As a matter of fact, all preparations were now com-
M 2
164 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
pleted, and on the 7th the troops, well rested and carrying
with them provisions for several days, marched again in
good spirits. The Duke himself, with the Legrand and
Verdier divisions, the Bavarian corps under Von Wrede
and Deroy, returned to Bieloe, and the next day bivouacked
at Grolositzy, having driven the Russians before them in
the direction of Valentzy, Osveya, and Sebedzy, and ac-
companied the Marshal for four days, during which nothing
remarkable occurred, the only difficulty being that of pro-
visioning the army in the sandy plains diversified only by
a few forests and lakes. The Duke of Eeggio was joined
before I left him by Marshal Gouvion Saint-Cyr at the
head of the 6th Army Corps, and, leaving the Uyo com-
manders together, I started on the 11th to take to the
Emperor the information he required.
After crossing the Dwina at the ford we lost our way
in the darkness in the Oulla forest, where we had to wait
for daylight at the foot of a tree to which we had fastened
our horses. Fortunately when crossing these all but
desert districts our cavalry had left a few outposts
echeloned at short distances from each other, so as to
maintain communications between the various corps.
Some of these troops let us change horses with them, so
that I was able to get to Witebsk late in the evening of
the.l2th. I was at once admitted to see the Emperor,
and had a long interview with him. He disapproved
altogether of the retreat of the Duke of Eeggio, and said
he ought to have pursued the Count of Wittgenstein much
more hotly, for he was quite sure that if the French had
pushed on to Opotscka and Novorjev the Marshal would
have been able to find means of provisioning his army.
Having explained to me his own plan of marching on
Smolensk, the Emperor sent me back on the 13th to the
MARSHAL OUUIXOT IS WOUNDED 165
Duke of Eeggio to insist on his advancing into the
enemy's country, and keeping his forces at the same level
as those he v^^as himself about to lead forward. He also
wished me to tell the Marshal of the advantages gained
over the enemy under General Lewis by Marshal Mac-
donald,Duke of Taranto, at the head of the Prussians, who
occupied Mittau, Jacobstadt, and Dunabourg, and were
about to besiege Eiga. On the 14th I supped yet again
with the Jesuits at Polotsk, and on the 15th I was with
the Duke of Eeggio when he was attacked by the Count
of Wittgenstein, who had received reinforcements. The
unfortunate Marshal, still always hampered by the want
of provisions, had again approached Polotsk. The troops
were most devoted to him, and in spite of all they endured
from famine, they fought with the greatest courage. The
Bavarians seemed to have suffered more from scarcity of
food than any of the troops with the Duke. Some of
them made me look at their tongues and mouths, all in-
flamed vdth what they had to endure, and told me the
heat was as trying to bear as their hunger. Yet they too
fought well, and took some prisoners. On the 16th there
was hot fighting all along the line. On the 17th the
Eussians brought up and deployed a vast number of troops
and were driven back, but unfortunately Marshal Oudinot,
who had gone forward in the midst of his skirmishers to
prevent them from retiring, was seriously wounded in the
shoulder, and General Gouvion Saint-Cyr took the com-
mand in his place. I now had a rare chance of seeing how
a man of genius can turn everything to account, even under
the most adverse and unexpected circumstances.
Our line had already begun to waver and we were
losing ground, for the hail of grapeshot seemed likely
completely to crush us, when General Saint-Cyr with the
166 MEMOIKS OF BAKON LEJEUNE
greatest sang-froid ordered all the troops to advance. The
enemy, fearing the loss of their artillery, with which they
had ventured rather too far, withdrew at once, and re-
sumed their former positions. Night put an end to the
struggle, but before it became quite dark Saint-Cyr had
admirably disposed all his forces, availing himself of every
accident of the ground, placing his men on the hills and
between the lakes, &c. When day returned, the enemy,
seeing how strong was our position, did not venture to
attack us. General Saint-Cyr, however, who was deter-
mined to mark his assumption of the command and to
withdraw with eclat from the very disagreeable position
in which he had been left, decided to simulate a retreat,
and ordered preparations for it to be made wherever we
were overlooked by the enemy. The morning of the 18th
was therefore spent in taking all the wagons and other
impedimenta collected at Polotsk across the Dwina
by the bridge. Several regiments of cavalry were also
ordered to go over slowly. The Russians were completely
taken in ; they believed us to be in full retreat, and relaxed
their vigilance, thinking they were not likely to be attacked
that day. At five o'clock in the evening, however, at a
signal agreed on, all our batteries opened a tremendous
fire on the Bussian lines. The four divisions of infantry,
under Generals Legrand, Verdier, Von Wrede, and Deroy,
advanced at the double, whilst the fifth under General
Merle came up as a reserve. Before night the Russian
General, driven back at every point, abandoned his
positions and withdrew beyond the Dwina, leaving Saint-
Cyr in peace at Polotsk for some time. This three days'
struggle cost the Russians twenty pieces of cannon, two
generals killed, three or four thousand men killed and
wounded, and 1,000 taken prisoners. Our loss, though
FUNERAL OV GENERAL GUDIN 167
much less, was still considerable. Amongst our generals
put hors de combat were the Duke of Beggio, General
Verdier, General Von Wrede, and General Eaglovich,
whilst we had also to mourn the loss of Generals Deroy
and Sierbein, who were killed. A young Colonel,
Alexander Lebrun by name, second son of the Chief
Treasurer of the Empire, was also killed by a bullet, and
was deeply regretted by us all. I left Polotsk on the
evening of the battle to take the sad news of these deaths
to the Emperor, and I had a good deal of difficulty in
making my way through the forests extending for more
than a hundred leagues between my starting-point and
Smolensk. The life of an officer travelling alone is
exposed to many more dangers, and is much more tiring,
than when he is at the head of a corps of troops.
In spite of my utmost diligence in this arduous
journey, I was not able to reach Smolensk until the even-
ing of the 20th. I found the Emperor on the battle field
of Valutina-Gora distributing rewards to those who had
distinguished themselves in the battle of the three pre-
ceding days. I heard Napoleon congratulating the men on
the fact that in the struggle three Russians to one French-
man had fallen. General Gudin, from whose admirable
character as a commander so much might have been hoped,
was killed in this battle. He was buried on the 21st, and I
received orders to superintend his obsequies. The suburb
on the right bank of the Dnieper was completely destroyed
by fire ; two-thirds of the town of Smolensk itself were still
in flames, and whilst efforts were being made to save the
great quantities of provisions left behind by the Eussians,
and my fellow engineers were at work restoring the big
bridge which had been burnt, I led the funeral procession
to the large bastion on the south-east of the town, think-
168 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
ing that it would form a fitting mausoleum for the illus-
trious warrior. I ordered a tomh to be dug out in the
bastion, and above the corpse, arranged in the form of
stars, were laid a number of muskets which had been broken
in the struggle, for I thought to myself that some day per-
haps Time, the all-destroyer, might expose the remains of
the hero, and this trophy of arms might win for him the
same attention and respect as we ourselves pay to the
bones of brave Gauls when the ancient tumuli concealing
them are opened.
The success at Valutina-Gora, dearly bought by the loss
of from 10,000 to 12,000 French killed and wounded, left
the Emperor full of regret for the fact that the army under
General Barclay de Tolly had again escaped him. The fact
was. Napoleon had counted on the arrival of the corps of the
Duke d'Abrantes (Marshal Junot), which was to have fought
in line with the rest of the army. The malady from which
the Duke was suffering was not yet suspected,' and whilst
waiting for the belated arrival of the expected corps
Napoleon lost the advantages he had hoped to gain by
the co-operation of all his forces, for which co-operation
he had sent reiterated orders.^
During the few days' rest at Smolensk which Napoleon
allowed to his troops, the news was brought to him that
our right wing under the Prince von Schwarzenberg,^
' Marshal Junot was one of the greatest of Napoleon's generals, and for
some time achieved extraordinary success in Portugal, though he was forced
by Wellington to retire. Throughout the Russian campaign Napoleon
blamed him for every disaster, and after it he was practically exiled by being
made Governor of lUyria. It was this which deranged his reason, and there
was not, as Lejeune seems to imply, any sign of mental aberration in his
conduct in Russia, although he several times failed, as at Smolensk, to co-
operate with the rest of the French army. — Tkans.
- See the Marbot Memoirs, vol. ii. ch. xxxii.— Teaks.
^ The future winner of the battles of Dresden and Leipzig, and the
conqueror of Paris. — Tkans.
0]\nNOUS REMAEKS OF RUSSIAN PRISONERS 169
and especially the Saxon corps under General Eeynier, had
obtained more successes over Prince Bagration, but at the
same time he also heard that the Austrians were co-
operating in a lukewarm manner only, and in fact behav-
ing in a very suspicious manner. The Emperor, however,
relying far too much on the promises of his father-in-law,
did not share, or did not choose to show that he shared,
in our forebodings.
The one pleasure we were able to enjoy in our short
stay at Smolensk, nearly destroyed by fire though it was,
was an occasional plunge in the waters of the Dnieper.
These baths refreshed us greatly, after our arduous and
fatiguing march, and did much to strengthen us for the
■exhausting work still before us as an invading army.
Many amongst us thought it would have been wise
not to go beyond Smolensk in this preliminary campaign,
and hoped that the Emperor would make it his head-
quarters. He could then have organised a kingdom of
Poland friendly to him in the rear of his army, and all
the resources of that country would have been at his
command during the struggle.
Amongst our numerous Russian prisoners were many
officers, all of whom often said, ' We fully expect you to
get as far as Moscow, but you will most certainly return
by way of Pultowa.' None of our Poles who acted as
interpreters ventured to repeat these prophetic words to
the Emperor, so that the ominous hint they contained did
nothing to change his resolution.
On the 24th Napoleon ordered the whole line to
advance, the Viceroy Prince Eugene on the left, the first
corps, the cavalry, and the Guard in the centre, and the
Poles flanking the right at a considerable distance.
Thus far the Polish army had traversed districts which
170 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
had been not nearly so completely laid waste as those
which had fallen to our share, and as they had of course
not suffered at all from famine they were still in splendid
condition. The further we advanced, the more desolate
became the coantry. Every village had been burnt, and
there was no longer even the thatch from the cottages for
the horses to eat ; everything that could be destroyed was
reduced to ashes. The men suffered no less than the
animals ; the heat was intense, and the sand rose in
masses of white dust as our columns advanced, choking us
and completing our exhaustion. Our misery was intensi-
fied by the want of water in these never-ending plains.
The excessive heat was presently changed for a cold
downpour of rain, which lasted several days. The army
was beginning to show signs of discouragement, and
Major-General Prince Berthier, though always very chary
of expressing his opinion, ventured to advise the Emperor
to retreat. But Napoleon, whose mind was full of his
idea of dictating terms of -pe&ce at Moscow, received the
suggestion very unfavom-ably, and told the Prince that if
he were tired he could go back himself. The Prince, who
was deeply hurt and offended, replied with dignity in these
noble words, ' Before the enemy the Vice-Constable does
not leave the army, but takes a musket and becomes a
mere soldier himself.' Athough they continued to work
together, there was a coldness between the Emperor and
the Prince for some days after this. The Emperor, how-
ever, did promise to retire if the rain continued, but it
became fine again, and I was sent to King Murat to urge
him to ]press on the advance of his troops.
The forces of the enemy were now united, Prince
Bagration and General Barclay de Tolly having at last
succeeded in meeting. They were now both under the
A PICTUEESQUE BIVOUAC 171
orders of Field-Marshal Kutusoff, Commander-in-Chief,
and the whole army retired before us in admirable order,
making a feint, however, of defending every position which
appeared at all tenable. Our advanced cavalry was, there-
fore, compelled to be always in attacking order supported
by the artillery, and gained no ground without many an
exchange of grapeshot and many a charge with drawn
swords. It took us a very long time to advance a
short distance, and we were still a hundred leagues from
Moscow. We passed the whole day on horseback under
fire and bivouacked at nightfall, but there was no appetis-
ing odour of roast meat from our camp fires to cheer our
drooping spirits with the prospect of a hearty meal to fill
our empty stomachs. Life with the advanced guard was
not, however, altogether without charm, and I remember
especially the night of August 28-29. We had noted in
the distance a fine chateau, which looked as if it would be
quite a royal resting-place for King Murat to sleep in,
but when we got near we found only smoking ruins, and
decided to camp at the foot of the chateau in the prettiest
birch wood I ever saw. The birches, with their gleaming
trunks here and there as white as alabaster, and their
drooping foliage, were mixed with stately upright pines
and firs, the various trees forming charming groves. The
Polish lancers camped round the staff on the undulating
ground, and stuck all their spears upright beneath the
birches, so that the effect was very pretty when the
vsdnd played amongst the thousands of tricoloured
streamers with which the weapons were decorated. The
floating pennons, the ascending flames from the bivouac
fires, the smoke from the impromptu kitchens, the huge
braziers — containing, alas ! all too little for our needs — and
the merry groups of young officers tightening their belts
172 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
with a laugh after an insufficient meal, combined to pro-
duce a picture alike charming and pathetic. I was not
the only one to appreciate its beauty.
On August 29 we entered the pretty town of Wiasma,
which was completely wrapt in flames, the very churches
being on fire. Although the quarters assigned to me were
in the courtyard of one of the finest hotels in the town,
I had to pass the night in my carriage. On the 30th the
Emperor arrived at Wiasma, leaving again on the 31st,
and on September 1 we entered Giatz, forty leagues from
Moscow. The town, which was of wood, was burnt to the
ground, but some cellars were still undestroyed, and in
them we found a few stores of cucumbers, cabbages, and
beetroots, which are used by the Eussians in making a
fermented beverage. My horses and carriages occupied
the courtyard of a fine house which had been burnt. I
wanted my people to do something for me, and called them
several times without obtaining an answer. I had begun to
get impatient and was shouting out their names angrily,
when I suddenly heard several voices crying in a stifled
sepulchral kind of way, ' Monsieur ! Monsieur ! ' The
sound seemed to come from the centre of the courtyard,
but I could see no one there. In my surprise and anxiety
I called to thera again, receiving only the same muffled
answers. I rushed to the spot and found myself at the
edge of a deep well, in which the skilful foragers, having
let themselves down by a knotted rope, had discovered a
number of valuable objects placed for security at the
bottom of the water. The plucky fellows now climbed up
one by one, each carrying under his arm some treasures,
such as rolls of gold or silver brocade, headdresses and
bodices adorned with pearls and gold ornaments, which
had belonged to the Jewish women of the community, all
PEEPARATIONS FOR A SERIOUS STRUGGLE 173
of whom had fled. I scolded the men for pillaging, and
forbade them to take anything more.
Early in the morning of the 5th our advanced guard
came up with the Russian army, drawn up in a strong
position. King Murat had, therefore, to deploy his cavalry
so as to cover the advance of our army, and the Emperor,
foreseeing that a serious engagement would soon take place,
made his Guard come up and posted them on the high
ground near the Kolotskoy Convent.
174 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
CHAPTEE VI
BATTLE OF THE MOSKWA ' — MOSCOW — BEGINNING OF
OUR RETREAT — BATTLE OF MALO-JAROSLAVITZ
The Emperor, having arrived about noon on the heights
in front of the Monastery of Kolotskoy, saw the numerous
columns of the enemy apparently taking up their posi-
tions in order of battle, and he ordered the cavalry to push
forward a close reconnaissance. Whilst this operation was
going on, our left wing, commanded by the Viceroy, was
advancing by way of the Mojaisk road towards Borodino,^
whilst our centre, consisting of the corps under the Prince
of Eckmiihl (Mairshal Davout), Marshal Ney, and the King
of Naples, was marching towards Golowino, and the right,
under Prince Poniatowski, was following the old road
leading from Smolensk to Moscow. The smoke of the
villages set fire to by the enemy as we approached, pre-
vented us from being able to make out clearly the position
of the Russian forces. We were able, however, to see that
the Eussian lines in front of Borodino were defended by
a great redoubt, armed with from twelve to twenty pieces
of artillery. The Emperor ordered the Compans division
to attack this redoubt at once.
The enemy perceiving this movement sent considerable
' Generally called by English historians the battle of Borodino. —
Teams.
^ A village seventy miles from Moscow, on the Kaluga, a tributary of the
Moskwa, after -which river the French name the battle. — Teans.
A PATHETIC REPLY 175
forces to defend the approaches to the redoubt. General
Compans began his attack by ordering all his artillery to
bombard the redoubt with a view to breaking down as far
as possible the earthworks and palisades of the entrench-
ment; and when he thought them sufficiently injured
for an assault to be practicable, he ordered that assault to
be made by the 57th Begiment,' led by Colonel Charriere,
and sent two other regiments to its support. The first
attack was repulsed, and General Compans was himself
wounded in the left arm. He had, however, scarcely had
his wound dressed, before he ordered a second assault.
This too was repulsed, and Compans, irritated at his second
failure and determined to succeed, now ordered a vigorous
onslaught to be made on the rear of the redoubt, whilst he
and Colonel Charriere at the head of the 57th Regiment
scaled the breach side by side. This time the redoubt was
won, and at nine o'clock the enemy's firing ceased, leaving
the French in possession of the outwork. It had already
been dark for two hours, and we had all been very anxious
as to the result of the attack, the fury of the combatants
seeming to increase with the difficulties to be surmounted,
but at last we knew that all was well for our side. That
same night Colonel Charriere was made a General. He
had taken seven guns, but his fine regiment had lost many
men, whilst the 61st lost an entire battalion. The next
day the Emperor, who wished to reward all the brave
fellows who had taken part in the assault, asked the Colonel
of the 61st, ' But where is your third battalion ? ' ' Sire,'
was the melancholy reply, ' it is in the redoubt.'
The tents of the Emperor and Major-General Prince
Berthier had been pitched on the plateau from which we
■ ' This regiment was surnamed ' The Terrible ' in the Italian campaign. —
Tbans.
176 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUXE
had looked down on the struggle, and we passed the night
there in the centre of the square formed by the encamp-
ment of the Imperial Guard.
At the first gleam of dawn on the 6th the Emperor
started on horseback with Prince Berthier, Prince Eugene,
and myself, but without further escort, to reconnoitre the
enemy's position, and we rode all along the front lines,
drawn up on high ground at right angles with the Moscow
road and separated from us only by the winding stream of
the Kaluga, with its muddy banks, which flows into the
Moskwa at Borodino. Everywhere our vedettes were
barely a pistol-shot distance from those of the enemy, but
neither fired on the other, both sides being probably too
exhausted by the struggle of the evening before to feel
any further irritation against each other. The Emperor
availed himself of this fact to examine in detail the best
way of getting at the Russians, and I was not without
anxiety on account of his exposing himself as he did, for he
might easily have been carried off by a few men hiding at
the entrance to a ravine at the base of some fortified height,
or even by some of the pickets of the centre of the enemy's
line. Once, indeed. Napoleon, who was ma.rching in front,
came suddenly upon a patrol of twenty Cossacks some four
paces only from our party. Thinking themselves sur-
prised, they were already turning their horses to escape,
when seeing our small numbers galloping away from them
they pursued us for some hundred yards. Fortunately
the fleetness of our horses and the protection of some
fences saved us from the embarrassing predicament.
Before returning to camp after this reconnaissance, the
Emperor ordered me to ride carefully along the enemy's
lines once more, to make a sketch of them, and to bring
him also a few views of the ground occupied. I passed the
ON THE EVE OF THE BATTLE OP BOEODINO 177
rest of the day in performing this honourable task, which
led to my making a very exact study of the locality. The
Emperor duly received my sketches, examined them, and
seemed satisfied vdth them. When he got back to head-
quarters he had told Bacler d'Albe, chief of the topo-
graphical engineers, to do the same thing as I had done,
and his survey of the Russian positions was made before
the evening.
The enemy's line was protected by well-chosen and
formidable positions, supplemented by redoubts and
redans, the firing from which would cross each other.
The village of Gorka above the mill of Borodino was en-
trenched throughout, and immense abattis of forest trees,
presenting their sharp points to the cavalry, stretched
far beyond Gorka along the Moscow road. This strongly
fortified position must have greatly encouraged the Eus-
sians ; but what added yet more to their confidence, and
gave them an immense moral advantage over us, was
the fact that they had plenty of provisions and fodder,
and neither men nor horses had suffered from famine.
Moreover, as they were always falling back upon their
reserves, their numbers daily increased. Only twenty-six
leagues from Moscow, they were sure of reinforcements
and help of every kind, and their General, knowing the
superstitious piety of his soldiers, took care to rouse their
fanaticism by making the war appear to be one in
defence of their religion. He had the image of a certain
canonised bishop, which it was said had been miracu-
lously rescued from the impious hands of the French,
carried, through the ranks with all the pomp due to
some sacred relic. It excited the greatest enthusiasm
wherever it appeared, and we coiild hear the shouts of
VOL. II. N
178 BIEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
joy with which its passage was greeted by the 160,000
Russians making up the army.
Very different were the sentiments of the French.
Not nearly so numerous as the Eussians,' they were yet
full of confidence in the genius of the great man
commanding them, and thought of nothing but the
joy of entering as conquerors the ancient city of the
Czars, where their labours were to end and they were
to reap the reward of all their toil. Imbued with this
idea, they one and all donned their best uniforms to take
part in the battle which was to be the crown of their
glory.
About seven o'clock on the morning of the 7th the
signal for the attack was at last given, and immediately
300 pieces of cannon on our side opened fire on an
equal number of Russian "howitzers and guns, the pro-
jectiles from which ploughed through our ranks with
a hissing noise such as it is impossible to describe. As
ill luck would have it, our reserves at the beginning of
the struggle, even those of the cavalry, were rather too
near the fighting, and, either from vainglory or more
likely from fear of giving a false impression to the enemy,
they would not retire the few hundred paces needed to
place them in a position less exposed to useless danger, so
that we had the grief of seeing thousands of gallant
cavaliers and fine horses struck down, though it was of
the utmost importance to us to preserve them.
The Emperor had announced that he would establish
his head-quarters on the redoubt taken the evening before,
and as a matter of fact he passed a great part of the day
on that elevated position, sitting on the steep bank of the
1 The Eussians numbered altogether 102,000, and the French 140,000,
at Borodino. — Teans.
BATTLE OF BOKODINO 179
exterior slope, and following all the movements of the
troops with the glass he kept in his hand. His Guard was
posted behind him on the amphitheatre formed by the
redoubt and its surroundings, and all these picked men,
curbing with difficulty their eager desire to take part in
the fighting and help to secure the victory, presented a
most imposing appearance.
General Compans had the honour of being the first to
lead his infantry to exchange fire with the Eussians. He
was ordered to attack the enemy's centre on the left of
the Passavero wood, and to reach it he had to scale the
heights and take the redoubts which larred his passage.
The 57th Eegiment led the way with a dash, carrying all
before it, the battalions charging the first redoubt at the
double, where a hand-to-hand conflict lasted for nearly an
hour. The rest of the division supported the movement,
and the enemy returning with considerable reinforcements
to try to retake the redoubt, the ditches were in a few
minutes choked up with thousands of killed or wounded
Eussians. The Gerard and Friant divisions, meanwhile,
supported by the cavalry, had attacked other redoubts on
the right of that assailed by General Compans.
All this time the formidable artillery of the redoubts
in the centre of the enemy's line was working such fear-
ful havoc in our ranks, that it became of the utmost
importance to take the largest of these redoubts and spike
its guns. The sappers of the engineers, therefore, beneath
a hail of grapeshot, flung several little trestle bridges
across the Kaluga stream protecting the base of the ridge,
and the Morand division crossed the ravine with their aid
and managed to get at the enemy. The first brigade of
this division, led by General Bonamy, scaled the height
and the entrenchments, deployed successfully in the
N 2
180 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
redoubt, and killed the artillerymen at their guns. But
the Russians came to the rescue in great force, and
General Bonamy, after receiving seventeen bayonet
wounds, fell disabled, and as he was taken prisoner he
had the grief of seeing all his men either killed or driven
back. The remainder of the Morand division was only
able to protect the retreat of the few who escaped in
disorder.
The Delzons division, belonging to the Viceroy's corps,
which was on our left, meanwhile vigorously attacked
and took possession of the fortified village of Borodino.
Prince Eugene, who had, of course, not foreseen that this
attack would succeed beyond his hopes, had ordered
nothing miore than the taking of Borodino ; but the 106th
Regiment, carried away by success, was able to cross
the Kaluga by the mill bridge as the Russians had done
before it, and pursued the enemy to the heights beyond,
scaling them as rapidly as did the retreating forces.
General Plauzonne, however, seeing that the intrepid
soldiers of the 106th Regiment were allowing themselves
to be separated and were not waiting for the rear of their
column to come up, ordered them to halt so as to offer a
combined resistance to a Russian column which was
coming down to crush them. At that very moment,
however. General Plauzonne was killed, and in the
momentary confusion into which his death threw his
men, the Russians swept down on them and very few of
the brave fellows escaped. The 92nd Regiment hastened
up to their aid, and in spite of our great loss and of every
effort made by the Russians to retake Borodino, it remained
in our hands.
Marshal Ney, meanwhile, was gaining ground on the
heights above the village, bristling though they were with
DEATH OF GEXEKAL MONTBRUN 181
redoubts and batteries, the artillery fire from which
mowed down our ranks. It was grand to see Marshal
Ney standing quietly on the parapet of one of these
redoubts directing the combatants who were hurrying up
below him, and never losing sight of them except when he
was enveloped in clouds of smoke. A few paces from where
Marshal Ney was standing, the gallant General Montbrun,
of the cavalry, was carried off by a ball.
Marshal Davout, Prince of Eckmiihl, continued to
defend the redoubts which he had taken, and which the
enemy never ceased to try to regain. I was ordered to take
the distressing news to him that Prince Poniatowski, who
was manoeuvring on the right, had met with such terrible
obstacles in the form of dense woods and swampy marshes
that he could not, as arranged, fall upon the rear of the
Russian left, and so harass it as to aid the first French
corps by a powerful diversion. At this moment, in fact,
the Marshal's position was most critical ; for although the
cavalry under King Murat occupied the whole of the plain
before him, and made a series of charges on that of the
enemy with the happiest results, the fire from the Russian
artillery was making Davout's post all but untenable.
He had just been wounded in the arm, but he remained
in command of his division. His chief of the stafi^.
General Eomoeuf, was pierced by a ball as he was speak-
ing to us. The Marshal, greatly put out at having to
make an isolated assault in front on a position which he
thought ought to be attacked simultaneously on three
sides, said to me angrily, ' It's a confounded shame to
make me take the bull by the horns.' I hastened to go
and tell King Murat of the critical position of Davout, and
he at once ordered several masses of cavalry to unite for
the support of General Friant, to whom I carried the order
182 5IEM0IRS OF BAROX LEJEUXE
to take Seminskoe. All of a sudden I now saw the plain
covered with masses of cavalry, Russian, Cossack, French,
and that of our allies, engaged in a desperate melee, and
after half an hour's struggle our side remained masters of
the ground.
It was about three o'clock in the afternoon when I
took this good news to the Emperor.
The Russian artillery from the big central redoubt'
continued, however, to work terrible havoc in our ranks,
which had advanced so boldly within range of it, and the
Emperor saw the great importance of getting possession
of it. Orders were therefore sent to General Gerard,
whose infantry was at the base of the height on which
was the redoubt, to take it by assault, whilst King Murat
was instructed to support Gerard's attack with a numerous
body of cavalry. The manoeuvre was admirably executed,
and our infantry, supported by Caulaincourt's cuirassiers
and pontonniers, penetrated into the entrenchments.
General Kutusoff, however, who looked upon this re-
doubt as the key of his position, immediately pointed 100
pieces of cannon upon us, hoping by that means to drive
us back, whilst a considerable column of picked Russian
grenadiers, who had been hidden at. the bottom of a ravine
behind the redoubt, advanced to attack us. In the strug-
gle the wind, which was blowing strongly, raised clouds
of dust, which mingled with the smoke from the guns was
whirled up in dense masses, enveloping and almost suffo-
cating men and horses. When at last the thick clouds,
augmented every moment by the fury of the combat
raging on every side, rolled away, we found that the
column of Russian grenadiers had been driven back into
' What Lejeune calls the grand redoubt was a loopholed fort, armed
with eighty guns, and its capture by a cavalry column was a feat such as
had never before been achieved. — Trans.
GENEKAJ. CAULAINCOUKT KILLED 183
the ravine, and that we were masters of the redoubt,
where the artillerymen had been cut down at their guns.
Thirty pieces of cannon also remained in our hands, the
violence and rapidity of our cavalry charge having been
such that the enemy had not had time to drag them away.
Our victory had, however, been dearly bought, for Caulain-
court had been killed at the gorge of the redoubt, as he led
the charge.'
The Emperor, satisfied with all that had already been
accomplished by General Friant and the other divisions
under Davout, now thought the right moment had come
to send his whole Guard to complete the victory, as yet
only begun, when a timid counsellor remarked to him,
' Allow me to point out that your Majesty is at the present
moment 700 leagues from Paris, and at the gates of
Moscow.' ^ The reflection that he was so near Moscow
seems to have greatly cheered the Emperor by calling up
a picture in his mind of his entry into that town with all
the pomp of a conqueror,' and, turning to me, he said,
' Go and find Sorbier, and tell him to take all the artil-
lery of my Guard to the position occupied by General
Eriant, to which you will guide him. He is to extend
sixty guns at right angles with the enemy's line, so as to
crush him by a flank fire ; Murat will support him.'
I galloped off to General Sorbier, who was a very hasty
' Caulaincourt had taken the place of General Montbrun, who was killed
just as the assault was about to eommenoe.— Teans.
- This remark is said by Marbot and others to have been made by
Marshal Bessi^res, but without the words and at the gates of Moscoio. —
Teans.
" The Emperor's change of purpose with regard to his Guard is quite
differently explained by other eye-witnesses of the battle, who attribute his
unwillingness to send them into action to the fact that he would need them
all to make good his retreat from Russia, should that retreat become neces-
sary.— Teans.
184 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
man, and he, incredulous of my message, did not give
me time to explain it, but broke in on wliat I was saying
impatiently with the words, ' We ought to have done that
an hour ago ! ' He then ordered the artillery to follow
him at a trot. The imposing mass of the artillery at
once rolled away with a resounding clank of chains into
the valley, crossed it, and ascended the gentle slope
covered with the entrenchments we had taken from the
enemy, where they broke into a gallop to gain the space
necessary for extension by the left flank. In the distance
I could see King Murat caracoling about in the midst of
the mounted skirmishers well in advance of his own
cavalry, and paying far less attention to them than to the
numerous Cossacks who, recognising him by his bravado,
as well as by his plumed helmet, and a short Cossack
mantle made of a goat's skin with long hair resembling
their own, surrounded him in the hope of taking him
prisoner, shouting, ' Houra ! houra ! Murat ! ' But none
of them dared even venture within lance's length of him,
for they all knew that the King's sword would skilfully
turn aside every weapon, and with the speed of lightning
pierce to the heart the boldest amongst his enemies. I
galloped up to Murat to give him the Emperor's instruc-
tions, and he left the skirmishers to make his dispositions
for supporting General Sorbier. The Cossacks took his
withdrawal for retreat or flight, and followed us. My horse,
which was not so fleet as that of the King, for he was
mounted on a beautiful fawn-coloured Arab, caught its feet
in the drag-rope of a gun which was making its wheel of
a quarter circle at a gallop. The animal, though hurt
and shaken by the shock and fall, struggled up again
at once without throwing me, and galloped furiously to
where General Sorbier was standing in the centre of the
A TACTLESS PRISONER 185
terrible batterj^, now beginning to pour out volleys of
grapeshot, shells, and balls on the enemy's lines, which
it enfiladed, every discharge telling.
The enemy's cavalry made many useless efforts to
destroy our line of guns. We remained masters of the
fortified position, which the Russians had looked upon as
impregnable, and I went to the Emperor to report on
what had taken place.
The day was already far advanced. We had dearly
bought the advantages we had gained, nor was there as
yet anything to indicate that the struggle would not be
renewed on the morrow. When I got back to the Em-
peror he had already been able to judge of the good results
achieved by the artillery of his Guard, and he was still
hesitating whether, as many amongst us wished, he should
follow up this success with a grand charge from the whole
of the brilliant cavalry of the Guard. Just at this moment
a Russian lieutenant-general who had been taken prisoner
was brought to the Emperor. After having talked to him
very politely for a few minutes, the Emperor said to some
one standing by, ' Give me his sword.' A Russian sword
was at once brought, and the Emperor, taking it, graciously
offered it to the Russian general with the words, ' I return
your sword.' It so happened, however, that it was not
the prisoner's own sword, and, not understanding the
honour the Emperor meant to do him, the Russian general
refused to receive the weapon. Napoleon, astonished at
this want of tact in a general, shrugged his shoulders, and
turning to us said, loud enough for the General to hear
him, ' Take the fool away ! '
The battle now seemed to be approaching its close.
The noise of the firing was diminishing, and the sun was
setting. The Viceroy had posted a large body of his
186 MEMOIES OF BARON LEJEUNE
troops on our left beyond the Kaluga stream, at the foot
of the height on which was the big redoubt taken by our
cavalry. The Prince was going about amongst his bat-
talions, when the enemy, who had probably recognised
him, ordered a considerable body of Cossacks to charge
and try to carry him off. Fortunately the Prince noticed
the masses of cavalry threatening our left, and in anti-
cipation of their attack he at once formed his divisions
in squares by regiments. The Viceroy had only just time
to fling himself into the 84th Kegiment, beside Colonel
Pegot, and to order the Italian regiment to repulse the
thousands of Cossacks advancing upon us with lowered
spears, before the shock came. But the point-blank dis-
charge from our infantry drove the mass of riders, always
so clever at turning tail, back upon themselves. Our
cavalry pursued them for a short distance, and then re-
turned to the ranks. The night fell, and put an end to
the exhausting struggle all along the lines of the rival
hosts.
The tents of the Emperor and of Major-General Prince
Berthier were pitched on the verge of the battle field, which
in itself was doubtless a token of victory, but the enemy's
army was still within gunshot of us ; the Russians, too,
were rejoicing over a victory, and on our side the leaders
were all inaking preparations for the resumption of the
struggle the next day. The night was very dark, and
gradually the fires on both sides, all too numerous, warned
us what we might expect on the morrow.
AVhilst waiting for the frugal repast which was to re-
store our exhausted forces, I jotted down notes of what I
had seen during the day, and compared this battle with
those of Wagram, Essling, Eylau, and Friedland. I was
surprised that the Emperor had shown so little of the
WE CRITICISE THE EMPEKOR SEVERELY 187
eager activity which had before so often ensured success.
On the present occasion he had not mounted except to
reach the battle field, and had remained seated below his
Guard on a sloping mound, from which he could see every-
thing. Several balls had passed over his head. "Whenever
I returned from the numerous errands on which I was
sent, I found him still seated in the same attitude, follow-
ing every movement with the aid of his pocket field-glass,
and giving his orders with imperturbable composure. But
we did not see him now, as so often before, galloping from
point to point, and with his presence inspiring our troops
wherever the struggle was prolonged and the issue seemed
doubtful. We all agreed in wondering what had become
of the eager, active commander of Marengo, Austerlitz, and
elsewhere. We none of us knew that Napoleon was ill
and suffering, quite unable to take a personal part in the
great drama unfolded before his eyes, the sole aim of
which was to add to his glory. In this terrible drama
had been engaged Tartars from the confines of Asia, with
the Uite of the troops of some hundred European nations,
for from the east and from the west, from the north and
from the south, men had flocked to fight with desperate
courage for or against Napoleon. The blood of some
80,000 Bussians and Frenchmen had been shed to con-
solidate or to overturn his power, and he looked on with an
appearance of absolute sang-froid at the awful vicissi-
tudes of the terrible tragedy. AVe were all anything but
satisfied with the way in which our leader had behaved,
and passed very severe strictures on his conduct. Supper
interrupted our discussion, and after it we were soon all
wrapped in heavy slumber, whilst the chief, whom we had
been accusing so severely, was watching and studying how
188 MEMOIUS OF BAEON LEJEUNE
best to resume the conflict the next morning. • Three
hours before daybreak he sent for me and said, ' Go and
find the Viceroy, and make a reconnaissance with him
of the Russian Hne opposite to him ; then come and tell
me what is going on.' It was now September 8.
A few minutes later I was riding stealthily along side
by side with Prince Eugene at the base of the heights of
Borodino, trying to find out something about the enemy's
intentions. The darkness of the night protected us, and
we reached the entrenchments of Borodino, still occupied
by the Eussians. Seen from below, the fortifications stood
out black against a sky of a less sombre hue, and we were
able to ascertain that the weapons of the sentinels pacing
to and fro were lances, not muskets with fixed bayonets.
Having made quite sure on this point, we concluded that
the enemy was in retreat, for otherwise the defence of the
fortifications would not have been left to Cossacks, and I
hastened back with this news to the Emperor, The re-
ports brought in from other reconnaissances tallied with
mine, and he ordered that the enemy should be pursued
without loss of time. It was only now that we were able
to feel quite sure that the victory was ours.^
The terrible struggle, so hotly contested, had won no
results at all commensurate with the great losses sustained
on both sides. The French had to mourn two generals of
division, Montbrun and Caulaincourt, and eight other
' Many historians accuse Napoleon of inactivity at Borodino, and there
is no doubt that he was suffering severely ; but by remaining as he did in
one spot, he was able to receive reports from every part of the widely ex-
tended battle field. — Thans.
^ The Eussians claim to have won the battle of Borodino, and Kutusoff,
as commander-in-chief, reported it to the Emperor Alexander as a great
victory, and was promoted in consequence. There is no doubt, however,
that the French were the victors, though the Russians retreated in excellent
order. — TitAxs.
INTEEiJENT OF THE DEAD 189
generals killed, thirty-eight generals wounded, ten colonels
killed, and some 40,000 men killed or wounded. The
Eussians had lost sixty pieces of cannon, and had had
thirty-five generals killed, wounded, or taken prisoners,
with 45,000 men killed or disabled, and 5,000 taken
prisoners.
After all our fatigues the pursuit was slack, and the
Bussians retired in perhaps even more admirable order
than on the day preceding the battle. For several leagues
their route was dotted with the wooden crosses they had
hastily set up over the graves of the wounded officers who
had died by the way. The numerous graves and crosses
amongst their lines of abattis, in the rear of Gorka, made
thera look like a regular cemetery. We too spent a short
time over the sacred duty of interring our dead, and when
I climbed up into the big redoubt to examine the condition
of the fortification which had given us so much trouble
the day before, I found our troops digging graves for
their many comrades and officers who had fallen. Cau-
laincourt was placed in the centre of the entrenchment,
and I had the gallant Vasserot laid beside him. One side
of that officer's face had been carried away, but without
altering the expression of what remained, and he seemed
to be still saying in accents of command, ' Follow me, my
friends ; we shall conquer ! ' As in the case of General
Gudin, I made the men cover over these two bodies with
quantities of broken armour and weapons.
Nothing could have been more melancholy than the
appearance of the battle field covered with groups occupied
in carrying away the thousands of wounded, and in taking
from the dead the few provisions remaining in their haver-
sacks. Some of the wounded dragged themselves towards
Kolotskoy, where Baron Larrey had set up an ambulance,
190 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
whilst others were carried thither bj' their comrades in one
way or another. Very soon an immense number were
waiting attention^ but, alas ! everything needed for them
was wanting, and hundreds perished of hunger, envy,
ing the happier lot of those who had been killed on the
spot.
Our cavalry under Murat pursued the Eussians with
sufficient vigour to compel them to take up a position at
Mojaisk, and I was sent to urge the Viceroy to second the
efforts of the King of Naples. We came up with the
Russians at Mojaisk, and had to give them battle to drive
them out of it. They withdrew, leaving the place encum-
bered with dead and wounded. All the Eussian horses
which had been hurt in the battle of Borodino seemed
to have come to Mojaisk to die. The action was well
sustained, and General Belliard was seriously wounded.
It was on September 9 at Mojaisk that I first saw our
troops use horseflesh as food. The court of a house I
occupied, and the street it was in, were alike piled up
with unfortunate horses, many still breathing, though too
severely wounded to be able to rise. A report I had to
draw up occupied me an hour, and when I came out with
it, what was my surprise to find all the horses cut to pieces
and the best part of the flesh carried away by our men !
I was not yet reduced to eating the tough, yellow, taste-
less meat, but ere long it was to be all we were to have to
save us from the torments of famine !
It was here that the Prince of Wagram (Marshal
Berthier) told me that the Prince of Eckmiihl (Marshal
Davout) wished to make me chief of his staff. This news,
which would have flattered and delighted every one else,
afflicted me greatly, and I begged Marshal Berthier not to
take any notice of the request. That same evening, how-
I AM COMPELLED TO LEAVE MAESHAL BEETHIER 191
ever, the Emperor sent me the appointment, signed by
himself, and there was nothing for it but to submit.
This change to the position lately held by General
Compans, which had contributed so greatly to his-
advancement and added so much to his wealth, filled me
with the most lively regret. I had served so long under
Prince Berthier, and my greatest desire was to remain
with him. I went at once to the Prince of Eckmiihl and
begged him to make another choice, but he insisted on
having me, and it was with tears in my eyes that I
returned to bid farewell to the Prince of Wagram before
I went to receive my instructions from my new chief, who
was in his tent on the road to Moscow.
On the 12th and 13th we followed the Eussians, and
a little before nightfall on the 14th we came in sight of
Moscow. King Murat's cavalry was in advance of us,
and had not only already entered the town, but had
penetrated at the same time as the infantry under
Marshal Key as far as the Kremlin.
The troops of the first corps, to which I now belonged,
were posted to cover the occupation of the heights over-
looking the town, and we spent the night with them. It
was here that we discovered that the Eussians had just
set fire to the town to prevent us from deriving any benefit
from the resources it contained.
Many amongst us thought our advance on Moscow
most imprudent, and General Haxo said to me, ' This will
lead to our having to defend Paris before long.'
When King Murat entered the town on the 14th at
the head of his cavalry, he advanced with considerable
caution, fearing that the ease with which he was allowed
to advance meant that some trap had been laid for us. It
was not until he reached the foot of the Kremhn that he
192 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEU.XE
met with any resistance at all. This resistance was
easily overcome, and he entered the Kremlin or citadel
itself, that lofty fortress within which are the palaces of
the Czars.
The Emperor entered Moscow on the 15th, and took
up his quarters in the Kremlin. On the 16th the spread
of the fire drove him to take refuge in the Chateau of
Peterskoe, but he returned to the citadel on the 18th,
when the conflagration was beginning to subside.
The first corps from its post of observation outside
the town was able to watch the immediate results of the
fire, which appeared to us to have begun near the
Kremlin. The reports of our foragers who went to look
for provisions in the houses of Moscow all confirmed our
idea that the fire was the prearranged work of incen-
diaries, for the breaking open of a door often fired a train
of gunpowder, which set light to piles of tow shavings or
faggots, so that the house was soon in flames. Many
doors were also found armed with gunlocks, the triggers of
which fell at the first shock, setting fire to the inside of the
house, so that our men had hard work to snatch from the
flames the few sacks of flour, sugar, loaves, and other pro-
visions which the owners had stored up against the
approaching winter. The wind fanned the conflagration,
and it soon embraced the whole city, which resembled the
crater of some huge volcano, over which hung dense
masses of smoke, dashed here and there at times by
silvery light from the moon. The Emperor's first care
was to prevent pillage, but presently he ordered it to be
encouraged, so as to save as much as possible from de-
struction and snatch from the flames the provisions which
were being reduced to ashes.
The first corps did not leave its position outside the
I FIND MY SISTER AT MOSCOW 193
town till the 19th, when it went to take up its quarters
in a suburb which had escaped the fire. To reach it we
had to pass through the burning streets, and march
beneath a perfect vault of flames, which made the passage
of the artillery very dangerous. We reached the suburb,
however, without accident, and found there some twenty
palatial residences. One of these was set apart for
Marshal Davout and another for me, but we had scarcely
installed ourselves in them when they were found to be
on fire, though how it came about we could not tell. We
had to go elsewhere, and I entered a very handsome
building, which appeared to have belonged to a merchant,
for the rooms were all encumbered vnth quantities of
bottles of scent labelled in French, medicines, rolls of
opodeldoc, &c., probably sold for the amelioration of the
chronic rheumatism of the Russians. I had scarcely
written a page of the orders I had to give, when I was
nearly suffocated by smoke, and had once more to beat
a retreat. Three times in that one morning did a similar
accident happen, and it was not until I had told my men
to fire on every one who looked at all like a Eussian that
I succeeded in getting a house I could stop in. Marshals
Davout and Mortier had experienced similar difficulties.
My sister, who had been living in Russia for twenty
years, and now joined me, told me all about what hap-
pened to Marshal Mortier. I must, however, explain
my sister's presence in Moscow. She had suffered much
from an affection of the eyes, and had come to that city
to consult a great oculist, under whose treatment her
sight was restored. She had been about to return to
St. Petersburg when the French army arrived at the gates
of Moscow. Hearing from some French officers who had
been taken prisoners that I was with the army, she was
VOL. II. o
194 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LE.TEUNE
most anxious to find me, more especially as the evacua-
tion of Moscow by the Russians left her in a very terrible
position. Marshal Mortier was the first person to vi^hom
she applied for news of me ; he received her kindly, and
she remained with him till she found me. She was,
therefore, amongst those who had to flee with the
Marshal from the houses in which he endeavoured to
establish himself. Five times they were driven out by
the flames before they finally settled down in a building
from which the incendiaries had been ousted without being
able to complete their work. Many of these wretches
passed themselves off as patients from the hospitals,
who had come to beg us to aid them.' The sentinels in
the quarter we now occupied having, as already stated,
received orders to fire on all the Russians loitering about
in the streets, the conflagration gradually burnt itself out.
At the end of nine days it was practically extinct, though
the incendiaries, anxious to prevent us from being able to
build barracks in which to spend the winter at Moscow,
had begun to set fire to a huge timber yard containing
some thirty million beams for building. I sent the guard
to put out the beginnings of what would have been
another great conflagration, and a few well-aimed shots
brought down the Russians at their evil work. By this
apparently cruel order to our sentinels I was fortunate
enough to save for the unlucky people of Moscow the
materials for erecting, when they returned, shelters above
the ashes of their homes in which to take refuge from the
rigours of the winter so fatal to ourselves. But for this
charitable precaution, which I rejoice at having taken,
they would have had to withdraw to distant forests, and
' The greater number of the incendiaries were released prisoners, to each
of whom a special post was assigned by the police. —Teans.
M\' DIFFICULTIES AS CHIEF OF THE STAFF 195
would have suffered far more than they did, whilst I
should not have had the consolation of knovsang that I
had done at least a little to mitigate the horrors of war.
Like every one else who had stopped in Moscow with
a view to separating himself from the Russians, my
sister had heen robbed of everything belonging to her, and
she remained some days at Marshal Mortier's before she
was able to join me. Even when we did at last find our-
selves under the same roof, and one which was not on fire,
I had little time to spare for her, or to talk over family
affairs, for I was very much occupied. To keep her com-
pany, however, she had two young Eussian prisoners,
Colonel Sokoreff and Colonel Desapour by name, who both
spoke French like Parisians, the latter an Indian prince,
both of whom had been brought to me some days before,
and shared my meals. The exchange of courtesies between
my guests under circumstances so extraordinary, and in
the midst of the barbarous surroundings of such a war as
this, was certainly most interesting.
As chief of the staff, I had from twenty to twenty-five
people to provide for and superintend every daj'. These
included five or six secretaries, several aides-de-camp on
various missions, and ten or twelve assistant officers. The
men told off to supply our needs had no means of doing so
but by pillage. Every day their task became more dif-
ficult and dangerous, as they had to go further and further
afield. Often they did not return, for they had been taken
prisoners or killed. Our position was, indeed, all but un-
bearable, and we could not maintain it many days longer
Our one hope was that the enemy would sue for peace
The Russians took pains to encourage this hope, and the
leaders of the advanced guard, ready to believe what thej'
so ardently wished, were far too easily deceived. The
o2
196 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
reports they sent to the Emperor confirmed him in his
error, and he shared with them the hope of extricating his
army from its critical position by a favourable treaty of
peace. Hoping to smooth away difficulties, he even wrote
to the Emperor Alexander to the effect that he was willing
to grant generous terms in such a treaty. Of course this
was a positive proof to the Russians of the great difficulty
of our position, and an additional reason for prolonging
our uncertainty until the time of year when the climate
would become their most powerful ally against the French.
Our outposts extended scarcely two days' journey
beyond Moscow, and the Emperor found it extremely
difficult to get any certain information as to the position
of the Russian army. The Russians, on the other hand,
were fully au courant of all our movements, and few days
passed without our receiving the melancholy news that
this or that battalion or squadron, sent to protect our
foragers in their search for food, had fallen into the hands
of the enemy.'
At one time the bold project was even discussed of
getting out of our painful situation by making a dash for
St. Petersburg, but to do this we should have to abandon
our wounded and our lines of communication, to go and
make war as mere isolated bodies of adventurers, cut off
from their supporting points. This new invasion might
lead to the rising en masse of the whole population of Russia,
' Marbot, who in his Memoirs gives an admirable account of the Eussian
campaign, says of this critical juncture : ' Napoleon, misconceiving Alexan-
der's position, was always in hope of his coming to terms. . . . Meanwhile
the Eussian army was being reorganised, and its commander sent officers to
bring back stragglers, who were estimated at 13,000. These men . . . went
about freely among our bivouacs, sitting at our soldiers' fires, and eating
with them, without its occurring to any one to make them prisoners. This
was a mistake, for they gradually rejoined their army, whilst ours was
growing daily weaker.' — Memoirs of Barmi de Marbot, vol. ii. p. 278. —
Trans.
I PAKT FROM MY SISTER 197
whom the proclamations of the Emperor Alexander were
already calling to arms. Hitherto the peasants had shown
great patience with us ; but now they too were begmning
to be hostile, and simple as the march on St. Petersburg
might appear, it would probably launch us on an enter-
prise far beyond our strength in the cold and rainy season
about to commence. For all that we were eager for
it, and we had already begmi to withdraw our prisoners,
such of the wounded as could be moved, and much of the
impedimenta of the army towards Smolensk. I took
advantage of this chance of starting my sister for France,
installing her in one of my carriages drawn by three good
horses under a first-rate driver. I took care to pack the
carriage with plenty of provisions and furs, commending
her to the care of several of our wounded generals, and,
better still, to the protection of Providence.
The army, thus to a certain extent relieved of the non-
combatants, who left Moscow on the 13th and 14th, was
now far more manageable and awaited with impatience
the decision of Napoleon. These last few days were very
trying. Our purveyors were no longer able to bring back
anything either for the men or for the horses. The
accounts they gave of the dangers they had incurred were
appalling, and, according to them, we were hemmed in by
a perfect network of Cossacks and armed peasants, who
would kill any isolated parties of French, and from whom
we ourselves might find it difficult to escape.
All this, of course, added greatly to our perplexities, and
the generals in command and their chief staff officers found
the task of the reorganisation of the army most arduous.
The days and nights were all too short to overcome the
many obstacles in our way, and I had scarcely time to see
anything of Moscow except the long street leading from our
198 MEMOIRS OF Bi^IlON LE.TEUNE
suburb to the Ivremlin, which passed the tower for which a
bell had been cast some two centuries before, so big that
as yet no means had been found for hoisting it to its
place.' In our dreams of glory — for in dreams all things
seem possible — we fancied ourselves carrying oS this
huge bell as a trophy to Paris. Other treasures, including
the big cross from Ivan's Tower, were already packed on
carriages for removal, and in placing them there a vision
rose up before us of Paris as the capital of the whole
world, with her museums, other public buildings aud
squares already so full of objects of value, yet further
enriched with the spoils of foreign countries.
The weather was still fairly fine, and there was yet no
hint of the bitter winter approaching, so that, in spite of
the evident change for the worse in the health of the
Emperor, and the consequent decrease in his activity, in
spite of our uncertainty as to the future, and the many
privations we had to endure, we cherished the most
delightful illusions, and all sorts of grand things seemed
possible, when on October 18 we were roughly awakened
from our di'eams by the noise of a brisk cannonade in
the distance. The news soon reached us that our out-
posts had been suddenly attacked at Vinkowo, and, being
taken by surprise, had been routed. General Kutusoff
had turned the delays skilfully to account to repair the
losses he had sustained, to receive new levies of troops,
and in a word to get his army into first-rate condition.^
' The reason why it was never hung was that it was broken by the fall of
some timber in 1737, having, it is said, been weakened in the first instance
by tlie quantity of jewels flung into the molten metal by Eussian ladies. —
Trans.
■-' General Kutusott' misled Napoleon by sending him letters to read
addressed to the Emperor Alexander. The contents of these letters were
contradicted in private despatches, which fell into the hands of the French
too late to be of use Tkans.
OUR TERRIBLE RETREAT BEGINS 199
On October 18 he ordered considerable forces to make
sudden simultaneous attacks all along our lines of outposts.
General Sebastian! lost in this attack, which took him
completely by surprise, no fewer than thirty pieces of
cannon and all his baggage, whilst 5,000 of his men were
killed and many others taken prisoners. King Murat
himseK was all but carried off, only escaping by charging
and overturning at the head of his carabineers a whole
Russian corps which attempted to bar his passage.
From this day our position was completely changed.
Our flag had been torn down from the proud position won
by our many victories, and Napoleon, disappointed in his
hopes of peace, had to hasten his retreat, lest the enemy
should render escape impossible. Eortunately the Rus-
sians still stood to some extent in awe of the well-known
energy of the French, and their fear that we might resume
the offensive if we were rendered desperate made theixL
cautious, preventing them from securing the full success
which their position and the superiority of their numbers
could not have failed to win.
On October 18 we received orders to leave Moscow, and
to march by way of the Kalouga road on the 19th. Thus,
after a month's delay at Moscow, which had been of no
special advantage to us, during which our army had re-
ceived few reinforcements and our troops had been worn
out hunting for provisions, we left that city and sadly
began our retreat towards France. We were fortunate
in having beautiful autumn weather, and the first few days'
march was peaceful enough, for we only had to drive off a
few Cossacks who hovered on the flank of our columns.
But, as on our advance, we were everywhere harassed by
the Eussian plan of burning everything on our approach,
and we could do nothing to prevent it. About ten leagues
200 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
from Moscow the first corps halted at the base of a fine
castle, the foundations and first floor of which were of
hewn stone. I had several orders to write, and I went up
a grand staircase into a suite of rooms which seemed to
have been but recently deserted, for they still contained a
piano, a harp, and a good many chairs, on which lay a
guitar, several violins, some music, drawings, embroideries,
and la.dy's unfinished needlework. I had scarcely been
writing ten minutes, when we all noticed a smell of smoke.
This smoke quickly filled the place, becoming so dense
that we were obliged to give up work to try and find out
whence it came. It seemed to issue chiefly from the
wooden framework of one door. I had it broken in, and
thick smoke at once poured through the aperture. I then
went down into the cellars to see if the fire originated
there, but I could discover nothing. I tried having a few
buckets of water flung into the opening we had made, but
■even as my orders were obeyed such masses of flames
rushed out upon us that we had only just time to collect
our papers and escape. We had scarcely got downstairs
when we heard the windows breaking with a crash, and
as we looked back on our way to join the bivouac of our
corps we saw volumes of flames issuing from all the win-
dows of the castle, which fell at last, bearing witness by
its destruction to the patriotic fury with which the Rus-
sians, torch in hand, were determined to pursue us.
Of course other fires occurred accidentally, with which
the Russians had nothing to do. The little grain or flour
found by our soldiers was made into cakes and put in the
ovens with which all the peasants' huts were provided.
Scarcely was one batch of cakes done before other troops
came up, and the oven was heated again till the chimney
would suddenly catch fire. This was how most of the fires
THE POLICY OF GENERAL KUTUSOFF 201
which were to Hght up our passage from Moscow to the
Niemen came about.
My courage ahnost fails me when I try to relate the
horrors of those awful days and nights of suffering. But
in spite of that, I shall put down here all that I find in my
notes, for I think that the lessons taught by the past
should be brought forcibly before the eyes of those whose
genius leads to their being called to command armies.
Kutusoff justly felt that the best way to make war on
us was to cut off our communications, so as to isolate us
in the midst of a hostile population to whom our loss would
be gain. He therefore took up a position at Vinkowo
commanding the Kalouga road, by which he thought it
probable that we should retire. The success he had
achieved on the 18th confirmed his belief that the course
he had adopted was the best, and the aim of his later
manoeuvres was to bar our passage.
Under these circumstances it was important that we
should push on as rapidly as possible during the first days
of our retreat, so as to gain a couple of days' march on
the enemy and get possession, without fighting, of the
principal passes. But, alas ! this was just what we did
not do. Although much of the impedimenta of the
French army had been sent on some days before, we were
still encumbered with a great number of wagons and
carriages laden with provisions for the prisoners, and with
the booty we had taken, which included warm garments
to protect us from the cold we should have to encounter.
The amount of baggage was really enormous, and to give
some idea of it I will just mention what I, an officer, who
reahsed as much as any one the importance of getting rid
of encumbrances, was trying to take with me. I still had :
1. Five saddle horses ; 2. a barouche, drawn by three
202 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
horses, containing my personal effects and the furs in which
I meant to wrap myself when bivouacking in the open ; 3.
the wagon, drawn by four horses, in which were all the
papers of the staff, the maps, and the cooking utensils for
the officers and their servants ; 4. three smaller wagons,
each drawn by three little Eussian horses, in which rode
our servants and the cook, under whose care were the
stores of oats, a few precious trusses of hay, with the
sugar, coffee, and flour belonging to the staff; 5. my
secretary's horse ; 6. the three horses 1 had lent to my
sister, which had gone on in front, making altogether six
carriages and twenty-five horses, to take along little more
than bare necessaries. The traces of the carriages were
constantly breaking, the march was retarded whilst they
were mended, there were perpetrial blocks in the sand, the
marshes, or in the passes, and it often took our troops
twelve hours to do a distance which a single carriage
could have accomplished in two.'
The Emperor, who was very much concerned at
these delays, ordered that all the carriages not absolutely
necessary for the transport of the few provisions we had
with us were to be burnt and the horses used to help drag
the artillery. So many were, however, interested in
eluding this stern but wise sentence, that it was very
insufficiently carried out. To set an example the Emperor
had one of his own carriages burnt, but no one felt
drawn towards imitating him, and the army, which still
numbered between 105,000 and 106,000 combatants, and
had 500 pieces of cannon, took six days to cover
some thirty leagues. Further precious time was lost in
getting across country by difficult roads, from the main
' Marbot says that the army in retreat was followed by 40,000 vehicles.—
Trans.
NAPOLEON IS NEARLY TAKEN PRISONER 203
Kalouga route, which was very bad, to a better one, and
the Emperor leaving only Murat's cavalry and Marshal
Ney's infantry on the old road to cover us from the attacks
of the army under Kutusoff.
The Viceroy's corps marched at the head of the column
on the new road, whilst the Delzons division, as advanced
guard, occupied Malo-Jaroslavitz, the passage through
which was extremely difficult.
Malo-Jaroslavitz was a little town of wooden houses,
with tortuous streets, built on the steep sides of a lofty
hill, at the base of which wound the little river Luya in
a deep valley it had hollowed out for itself. A narrow
bridge spanned the river below the only road by which
the town could be reached from Moscow, and this road
was here bounded on either side by impassable ravines,
down which flowed the rapid torrents of such freqxient
occmrrence in Russia during the rainy season. On the
evening of the 23rd the town was occupied without
resistance by the first of our battalions to arrive, the
inhabitants having all fled at their approach.
That same evening the Emperor halted at the post-
house of Malo-Jaroslavitz, a mere peasant's hut, where he
passed the night after having sent out officers bearing his
orders to the corps echeloned on the road from Moscow
to Smolensk, telling them to meet him at the latter town.
On October 24 the Emperor was riding with the first
corps and his Guard, as he thought, in perfect security,
when a considerable body of cavalry appeared on the right,
which we all took at first to be Murat's troops. We were
not long left in our error. It appeared that a certain
Platoff, a celebrated Cossack hetman or general, had
promised Kutusoff to carry off Napoleon, and now with
several thousands of his men he suddenly flung himself
204 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
upon that part of the French army which he fancied
included the Imperial staff. He had guessed rightly, and
in the twinkling of an eye Napoleon was surrounded by
Cossacks and compelled to draw his sword in his own
defence. Fortunately, however, his escort was made up
of men devoted to his person, and they pressed round him,
breaking the shock of the barbarian charge. General Eapp,
as he was engaged in trying to get the Emperor away,
was overthrown in the melee, whilst his horse was pierced
by a lance. Several officers near the Emperor were
wounded. The mounted grenadiers and chasseurs of the
Guard, however, recovering from the momentary surprise
caused by the bold attack and wild cries of the hordes of
Cossacks, dashed into their midst and put them to rout.
In this struggle Emmanuel Lecouteulx, one of Prince
Berthier's aides-de-camp, having broken his sword in the
body of a Cossack, seized his lance and brandishing it above
his head pursued his other enemies with it. A green furred
pelisse, rather like those often worn by Russian officers,
hid his uniform, and a French grenadier, taking him for a
Cossack, plunged his long sabre into his shoulder, the
point coming out through his breast. We all thought
this terrible wound would lose us a favourite comrade, but
God preserved him, and he is still alive.' After being thus
quickly dispersed, the Cossacks, leaving many of their
numbers behind, dashed away, but they were stopped in
their flight by a Dutch battalion, which flung itself upon
them and greeted them with volleys of musketry.
Soon after this skirmish news was brought to the
Emperor that our advanced guard had been vigorously
attacked at Malo-Jaroslavitz, and the army quickened its
march to go to the rescue. General Kutusoff, informed
' The Emperor took him back to France in his own carriage. — Teans.
TEERIBLE STRUGGLE AT MALO-JAROSLAVITZ 205
of our change of route, had at once sent a body of infantry
and artillery more than 60,000 strong, under command of
General Doctoroff, with orders to take possession of Malo-
Jaroslavitz. These troops easily turned out the few
French battalions under General Delzons, and occupied
the town in their place. General Delzons, it is true,
drove the Eussians back to the centre of the town, but
a ball fractured his skull, killing him and his brother, who
was beside him, on the spot. The French began to give
way, and the Eussians recovered the ground they had lost.
General Guilleminot was sent to replace Delzons, and
Prince Eugene supported him Avith the Broussier division.
Again and again Guilleminot drove the Eussians beyond
the principal square, but fresh efforts on the part of the
enemy forced him in his turn to retreat. The formidable
Eussian artillery placed on the heights overlooking the
town and in its gardens poured a murderous fire down
upon the road on which the French were coming up,
whilst we were unable to reply with an effective fire from
below, as we could only get our guns into position in the
meadows by the Luya. Everything had therefore to be
done by us with the bayonet in a space so limited that any
flank manoeuvres were impossible. The enemy had all
the advantages alike of the ground and of superiority of
numbers. During the thick of the struggle, Prince Eugene
had a second bridge flung across the river beside the first,
so as to facilitate the passage of his troops.
Ten times at least we drove the Eussians back, only
in our turn to lose the ground we had gained ; but at last
the united efforts of Guilleminot and Broussier, sup-
plemented later by the gallant charge of the Italian
grenadiers under Pino, compelled the enemy to retire,
leaving us masters of the town, which was now in flames.
206 MEMOIRS OF BARON LE.IEUNE
Our artillery was at last able to scale the hill so as to
debouch in the plain, and dashing through the burning
streets, crushing the wounded, the burnt, and the dead as
they went, they succeeded in getting through the town
and taking up their position on the hills, to pour down in
their turn a hot cannonade upon the Eussian troops
posted within range across and behind the road to Kalouga.
The first corps seconded this operation, and spent the
evening actually amongst the bodies of the dead all
kneaded up by the wheels of the guns. A dark night
fortunately shrouded the horrors from our sight, and we
were able in the end to take up our position on the
plain beyond the mangled remains of our comrades.
In this battle, in which our niimbers were but one to
four of our adversaries, we lost many men, and we were
threatened with a similar struggle at every pass.
The Emperor went over the scene of the awful combat,
overwhelmed Prince Eugene and his generals with praise,
and then withdrew to a distant hut, where he passed the
night. I was told afterwards that he held a council of
war with several of the Marshals and King Murat, and
that, after having the maps spread out and discussing
them, he seemed to be for some time plunged in the
greatest uncertainty. He finally dismissed every one at
midnight without having come to any decision. This
ixLust have been indeed a cruel night for the great man,
who now saw his star beginning to set, his power crum-
bling away, and who must already have begun to wonder
if he could ever re-establish it, or even if he would get
back to France.
On the morning of the 25th, Marshal Davout, Colonel
Kobilinski, and I went the round of our outposts and saw
with regret that the Russian army was drawn up in good
A TIEART-RENDING DISAPPOINTMENT 207
order not far off, completely blocking the road to Kalouga,
which we hoped to take. We made our dispositions for
forcing a passage, and as we stood in a close group, bend-
ing over our maps, we offered an excellent mark for a
Eussian artilleryman. A ball from a twelve-pounder
passed between the Marshal and me, and carried away
one of Colonel Kobilinski's legs. The unfortunate officer
fell against me, and we thought he was killed, but he
recovered miraculously, and I shall speak of him again later.
The Marshal and I, with hearts torn by this catastrophe,
impatiently awaited the signal to advance, when a very
different order filled us with surprise and dismay.
I must explain that Kalouga, whither we thought we
were bound, was a town of great importance to the
Eussians, as it was their emporium of provisions and
weapons. Built as it was beside a river divided into
several branches, it could easily be fortified, and afforded an
admirably defended position for the Eussian army, which
had arrived before us. The Emperor doubted whether we
were strong enough to force a passage through it, and he
had lost so much time hesitating that he was now
reduced to the necessity of ordering the army to abandon
the Kalouga road for the one leading to Mojaisk, by which
we had come. This was to fling us back upon the desert
vdthout provisions, to make us tramp once more over the
ashes we had left behind us on our way to Moscow ; in a
word, it was to deprive us of all hope of finding a scrap
of food. Needless to say that this decision afflicted us all
most cruelly. The Emperor with his Guard went first,
followed by the various corps of the army with all their
terrible encumbrances, whilst henceforth Marshal Davout's
corps, which of course was also my own, formed the rear-
guard*
^08 MEMOIES OF B.-VEON LEJEUNE
CHAPTEE VII
VIASMA — KEASNOE — THE BEEESINA DISASTER — THE
EMPEROE LEAVES THE ARMY — WILNA
It became momentarily more difficult to reassm^e our
soldiers on the subject of this loss of time and retrograde
movement. On the second daj' of our retreat for the
Mojaisk road, that is to say on October 26, a fine cold rain
set in, which damped every one's spirits yet more, and
greatly increased the difficulties of the march. Once
more we saw a fine castle, which looked as if it would pro-
vide us with a comfortable shelter, but we had no sooner
entered it than fire broke out, and that before our people had
lit a raatch. We found the incendiary apparatus, which
had been left in position by the owner, but too late to extin-
guish the flames. Our troops were already beginning to
suffer from dysentery through insufficient and badly cooked
food, a few cakes and a little poor soup being all they
had even now. The sick who were unable to march with
the rest were abandoned on the road. Meanwhile Marshal
Mortier rejoined us at Verea with the two divisions of the
Young Guard ; he had accomplished the melancholy task
assigned to him of blowing up the Kxemlin, against which
his noble soul had revolted. Before leaving Moscow some
of Mortier's troops took prisoner one of our bitterest ene-
mies, the Russian Lieutenant-General Vintzingerode, and
I AM ALL BUT SURROUNDED BY COSSACKS 209
he was being taken to the Emperor, when he had the good
fortune to make his escape.
On the 27th the advanced guard of the army re-entered
Mojaisk, still encumbered with the wounded left behind
after the battle of Borodino, and on the 28th the rearguard
arrived. How painful and touching was the meeting with
our unfortunate wounded, to whom we now returned with
none of the comforts or the cheering news which they ex-
pected us to bring them ! All we could offer them was an
exhortation to resignation ; we dared not tell them that
we were about to abandon them once more, this time
finally, and we were ourselves slowly beginning to face
the fact that their terrible lot would . most probably soon
be our own. AVherever we passed, every refuge still left
standing was crowded with wounded, and at Kolinskoy
alone there were more than 2,000. Hitherto we had only
been pursued by a few Cossacks, but every day their
numbers increased, and they became more aggressive.
Just before we left Kolinskoy on the 30th, wishing to re-
connoitre the enemy on the plain, I was walking along
the terrace of a convent, when I suddenly found myself in
the presence of about a hundred Cossacks, who were like
myself approaching to reconnoitre. When they caught
sight of me they at first took to flight ; but seeing that I
was alone, they returned, and I had only just time to mount
and gallop off to rejoin our troops, who had started and
were already some distance off. Here and there we passed
carriages left on the road because the starved horses, ex-
hausted with fatigue, had fallen down. The few which
could be made to get up again were at once harnessed to
the wagons containing some of the wounded, but they
all died after dragging their new burdens for a few steps
only. Then the wounded were in their turn abandoned,
VOL. 11. P
210 MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUXE
and as we rode away we turned aside our heads that we
might not see their despairing gestures, whilst our hearts
were torn by their terrible cries, to which we tried in vain
to shut our ears. If our own condition was pitiable, how
much more so was theirs with nothing before them but
death from starvation, from cold, or from the weapons of
the Eussians ! The 30th was a sad and terribly long day,
for we had to march nearly all night in intense cold,
the severest we had yet had to encounter, it being impor-
tant that we should arrive at Giatz before the enemy,
who were pushing on rapidly by cross roads in the hope
of getting there first.
The first corps arrived at Giatz on the 31st, and a few
hours afterwards the Eussians appeared in great force.
The next day, Noveinber 1, they tried to force a passage
through our troops, and having failed they had to be con-
tent with hotly cannonading one of our big convoys which
had been considerably delayed, and was defiling near the
entrance to the town just in front of the enemy's guns.
The balls wrought terrible havoc in this convoy of ours,
and amongst the carriages was that in which I had sent
my sister on in advance. I was fortunate enough to be
able to save her. The coachman assured me that the
three horses were still fresh and in first-rate condition, so
I said to my sister, ' Dare you face the guns ? ' She replied
trembling, ' I will do what you tell me.' I at once turned
to the coachman with the words, ' Cross that meadow at a
gallop ; the balls will go over your head, and you will suc-
ceed in getting in front of the rest of the convoy. You will
then be able to push on without stopping. ' He followed my
advice and with the best results, for my sister got off unhurt.
The convoy consisted of some hundreds of badly harnessed
carriages, containing many wounded, with the wives
EFFECTS OF THE ITsITENSE COLD 211
and children of several French merchants of Moscow, who
were flying the country after having been robbed of their
all by the Bussians. The company of the Theatre Fran-
^ais of Moscow had also joined this party, the unlucky
actors little dreaming of the terrible tragedy in which
they were to play their part through placing themselves
under our protection, so soon, alas ! to avail them
nothing.
On November 2 snow began to fall, and there were
already eight or nine degrees of frost. The various
divisions of the first corps took it in turns to act as rear-
guard, and on that day it was the turn of the Gerard
division, with Avhich we had passed the night in a wood
beneath the snowflakes. The effects of the great cold
were already disastrous ; many men were so benumbed at
the moment for departure as to be unable to rise, and we
were obliged to abandon them.
We reached Viasma on November 3 at the same
time as the Russians, whose advanced guard was checked
by Marshal Ney's troops drawn up in front of them. It
was evident that a battle must take place here, and every
preparation was made on both sides. The French troops
in a position to take part in it numbered about 30,000
or 40,000, whilst the Eussians had two corps con-
sisting together of raore than 60,000 men. Marshal
Davou-t's and the Viceroy's corps, with the Poles under
Prince Poniatowski, were successively engaged, and for a
long time exposed to an overwhelming fire from a strong
body of artillery with horses better harnessed and in far
better condition than ours, which were too worn out for
manoeuvring. The first corps and that under Prince
Eugene became separated from each other twice, and
were both for a time in very critical positions. Fortu-
p2
212 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
nately Marshal Ney was able to send a regiment to the
rear of the Russian army, which threw it into confusion,
and Generals Kutusoff, Miloradowich, Platoff, and Suvoroff,
who had hoped to make us lay down our arms, stopped
the pursuit, though fifty pieces of cannon still poured out
their fire upon our luckless convoys, which were defihng
past during the battle. Many men were lost on both
sides here as elsewhere, for our soldiers were still un-
daunted, and nearly every shot from us told in the Eussian
ranks, which were more numerous and more closely serried
than ours.
Marshal Ney, whose turn it was to act as rearguard,
now protected the Viasma pass, and the French army
marched towards Dorogobouj. After having passed the
night of the 3rd and the day of the 4th on the road, we
halted in the evening in a pine forest on the borders of a
frozen lake not far from the Castle of Czarkovo, where the
Emperor had been for two days. On the 5th the first
corps took up its position at Semlevo, so as to let that of
Marshal Ney pass on, it being our turn now to be rear-
guard. The Cossacks harassed us greatly, and many
of our stragglers, whose numbers increased every day, fell
into their hands. We now also made out on our flanks
numerous columns of Eussian cavalry and artillery, which
were trying to pass us so as to await us at the entrance
to the pass on this side of Dorogobouj. Marshal Ney
foresaw this danger, and instead of going through the pass
he halted near it for us to come up. Thanks to his
forethought and support, we only suffered from a slack
cannonade and reached Dorogobouj safely.
Leaving that place on the 6th we made a long march,
and at nightfall we camped in a large wood, where General
Jouffroy had been obliged to halt with the badly harnessed
A KEMAEKABLE SUPPER 213
and damaged artillery under his care. We spent the
night in packing the wagons which were still in a fit
state to proceed, blowing up those we had to abandon, and
burning the gun-carriages we could not take with us.
These explosions, which were now of very frequent occur-
rence, were signals of our misfortunes, and affected us
much as the tolling of the bell at her child's funeral would
some bereaved mother.
General Jouffroy had had a tent pitched, and invited me
to share its shelter and his supper. A supper ! Good
heavens ! what a luxurious treat in the midst of our
misery !
I had a new experience at that supper. Hitherto a
few cows had still remained to the staff, and I had not
been reduced to eating horseflesh. But now the General
had nothing to offer me but a repast of horseflesh so highly
spiced that in spite of its toughness and the coarse veins,
which resisted the efforts of the sharpest teeth to masti-
cate them, it really tasted not unlike what the French
call hauf a la mode. Generally horseflesh is so black,
and its gravy is so yellow and insipid, so very like liquid
sulphur, that it looks most repulsive, but we quite enjoyed
our meal, washed down as it was by a flask of good wine
which had belonged to some great man of Moscow.
For a long time the only meat our soldiers ever tasted
had been horseflesh, and the poor fellows were so brutalised
by misery and famine that they often did not wait till an
animal was dead to cut it up and carry off the fleshy
portions. When a horse stumbled and fell, no one tried
to help it up, but numbers of soldiers at once flung them-
selves upon it, and cut open its side to get at the liver,
which is the least repulsive part. They would not even
put it out of its misery first, and I have actually seen them
angry at the poor beast's last struggles to escape its
214 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNK
butchers, and heard them cry, ' Keep quiet, will you, you
rogue ? '
The numbers of the stragglers increased in a perfectly
appalling way ; they stopped in crowds to roast a few
shreds of horseflesh, and the French, who must always
have their joke whatever their misery, called the tattered
%vretches the fricoteurs or revellers.
During the night of the 6th and the day of the 7tli,
a heavy fall of snow drifting before a strong wind rendered
our march extremely arduous. We were often unable to
see two paces before us, but all the time the balls from the
enemy were ploughing up the ground, and every now and
then a few victims fell. No one had the heart to stop to
help those who were struck, for the most selfish egotism
crushed all kindly feeling in almost every breast. It was
in a state of bodily and mental torpor that we reached
Pnevo on one of the tributaries of the Dnieper, a very
difficult river to cross. To protect its passage during our
occupation of the country, we had had a big log hut built
surrounded by a weak earthwork. This little redoubt was
the only shelter which had not been burnt on the long
road we were traversing, and the first corps halted there
to pass the night. It was built in the same way as the
huts of the peasants, with big squared trunks of trees laid
horizontally on each other, forming walls almost im-
pervious to balls, but not more than fifty people could get
inside, so that the rest of the troops had to camp around it.
The heavy snow and the bitter wind prevented us from
going to get fuel, for there were no trees near, and every
one suffered terribly from cold during the night.
In our halts we always faced the north. The Viceroy,
who was marching on our left, met with the greatest
difficulties, for he had counted on finding a bridge over the
I SHAKE MARSHAL DAVOUT'S AMBULAXCE WAGOX 215
Wop, but this bridge was broken, so that he had to cross
by the ford, and the water was all frozen over. His
artillery and baggage stuck fast in the mud on the banks,
and he was compelled to abandon them.
General Kapp and several other officers came to share
oux small quarters, where we were all very closely packed
together. At nine o'clock the next morning when we left
our shelter we found the ground near the wretched little
redoubt encumbered with poor fellows, who, after having
with infinite trouble managed to light fires, had been
overcome with the cold, and burnt by flying sparks
though covered with snow. Many of them were never
to rise again from the spot on which they had fallen.
Before we left we had the log hut burnt down.
The coating of ice on the roads made them so slippery
•that men and horses could scarcely keep their feet. My
hoirse fell with me, and I was so much hurt that I could
not remount, and I went to share Marshal Davout's
loursi ^ or ambulance wagon, drawn by a very strong pair
of cobs, which galloped along on the ice as easily as others
would on turf.
Having burnt the bridge behind us, we imagined our-
selves to be in security for the rest of the day. But when
we halted for the first time about noon, we heard a brisk
firing a short distance off, which evidently came from the
twelve-pounders of our own park of artillery. This made
the Marshal both uneasy and angry, and he sent for the
officer in command of the artillery. He came hurrying
up with a smile on his face, as if he were the bearer of
good news. Davout, however, frowning at him from his
wurst, accosted him roughly with the words, ' So it's you,
• The wurst was an open ambulance waggon, now no longer in use.—
Trans.
216 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
you scoundrel, who have dared to fire my reserve guns
without orders from me ! ' Greatly surprised at this
address, the officer had the presence of mind to pretend
not to know to whom Davout was speaking, and after
looking about him, he said as he set spurs to his horse
to return to his post, ' Surely that language cannot
be addressed to me ! ' A few minutes later we learnt
that some 1,200 Cossacks had flung themselves upon the
big park of artillery, but when the commanding officer
halted he had prudently prepared his guns for action and
formed squares to guard against a cavalry charge, so
that when that charge was made a volley of grapeshot
from thirty guns overthrew one half of the assailants and
put the other half to flight. I now once more entreated
the Marshal, as I had so often done before, to choose
another chief of the staff, pointing out to him that half
our aides-de-camp and commissaries were already killed
or taken prisoners, and that I really could not do all the
work he required alone. He, however, begged me to
remain, with a politeness which was so truly remarkable
from him, that General Haxo maliciously asked me,
' Whatever have you done to the Marshal ? He must be
very fond of you, for I never saw him pet any one as he
does you.'
On this same eventful 9th of November we re-entered
Smolensk, where the Emperor received news of the Malet
and Lahorie conspiracy at Paris,' and of the check received
by the corps which he had ordered to debouch on his flanks.
' This conspiracy all but succeeded in overthrowing the Imperial
Government ; Malet, who had escaped from prison, where he was confined
for participation in the plot of 1801, having circulated the news of Napoleon's
death, and forged a decree of the Senate. He was, however, taken prisoner
by Laborde, and shot, with Lahorie and other traitors to the Emperor, on
October 29, 1812.— Thans.
TEREIBLE SUFFERINGS OF OUR STRAGGLERS 217
The tidings from Spain were not of a kind to afford him any-
consolation, for there was no unity of purpose or of action
amongst the French Generals there, a fact by which the
enemy was not slow to profit. The Emperor, fearing
lest discouragement should spread through the ranks of
our retreating army, pretended to be quite unmoved by
all this distressing news. He wanted to appear superior
to every adversity and ready to face calmly every event,
however untoward, but his assumed indifference was
misinterpreted and had a bad effect.
We no longer had a smithy for rough-shoeing our
horses, so that they nearly all fell and were too weak
to get up again. Our cavalry was thus completely de-
stroyed, and the dismounted men even flung away their
weapons, which their fingers were too frozen to hold.
Some 300 officers, who had lost all their men, then pro-
posed forming themselves into a kind of picked corps,
ready to fight together on every emergency ; but with
them, as with the common soldiers, strength and discipline
soon gave way, and what might have been a noble band,
bound together by misfortune, fell to pieces in a few days
without having rendered the slightest service to any one.
We camped for the night of the 10th on the banks of
the Dnieper, beside the bridge where General Gudin had
been killed. Our bivouac fires were soon surrounded by
those of the numerous stragglers who had met here.
Their appearance would have torn our hearts if we had
not already been reduced to the level of the brutes, with-
out the power of feeling compassion. Many of the poor
wretches, who were all without weapons, were wearing
silk pelisses trimmed with fur, or women's clothes of all
manner of colours, which they had snatched from the
flames of Moscow or taken from carriages abandoned by
2] 8 ME-MOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUiS'E
the way. These garments, which were fuller and looser
than those of men, were a better protection from the cold.
Some also wore the clothes of their comrades who had died
on the road.
Numbed with cold and famishing with hunger, those
who had been unable to make a fire would creep up to
their more fortunate comrades and plead for a little share
in the warmth, but no one dreamt of sacrificing any of
the hardly won heat for the sake of another. The new
arrivals would renrain standing behind those seated for a
little while, and then, too weak to support themselves
longer, they would stagger and fall. Some would sink on
to their knees, others into a sitting posture, and this was
always the beginning of the end. The next moment they
would stretch out their weary limbs, raise their dim and
faded eyes to heaven, and as froth issued from their
mouths their lips would quiver with a happy smile, as if
some divine consolation had soothed their dying agony.
Often before the last breath was drawn, and even as the
failing limbs stretched themselves out with an appearance
of heavenly calm, some other poor wretch, who had been
standing by, would seat himself upon the still heaving
breast of his dying comrade, to remain resting upon the
corpse with his living weight until, generally very little
later, his own turn should come, and he also, finding himself
too weak to rise, should yield up his breath. The horror of
it all was but slightly shroirded by the falling snow, and
we had to witness this kind of thing for yet another thirty
days !
The first corps entered Smolensk on the 11th, and
remained there till the 16th. The interval was employed
in distributing to the troops the few provisions and clothes
which had been collected in the storehouses by order of
KAPOLEON'S AFFECTION FOR THE OLD GUAED 219
the Emperor/ and in seeing off for Wilna all the convoys
which could still be supplied with horses.
The Imperial Guard, which was always held in reserve,
had fought very little and lost fewer men than any of the
other corps. The Emperor still owned in that Guard
a force of from 3,000 to 4,000 men in good fighting
condition, but these troops, though the discipline to which
they had to submit was much less severe than that en-
forced in the rest of the army, really suffered quite as
much as we did. The Emperor had their affection for
him verj' much at heart, and in the friendly familar way
which he knew would please them he used sometimes to go
amongst them, and pulling the long moustaches, all stiff
with ice, of one or another, he would say, ' Ah, old
Grognards,- you may count on me as I count on my Guard
to fulfil the high destiny to which they are called.' These
few words would at once restore the confidence of the
brave fellows in their chief, and to the end of the journey
the Emperor Was always surrounded by them.
AVe had still more than 120 leagues to cross between
Smolensk and the Kiemen. There were already from 12
to 15 degrees of frost, and the cold was still increasing.
The roads grew worse every day, and there was too little
of everything at Smolensk for the four days' halt to have
done much to recruit the exhausted strength of the troops,
or to restore anything like order in the disorganised army.
My chief, the Prince of Eckmiihl (Marshal Davout), who,
as the Emperor justly remarked, was a man of iron con-
stitution, was very exacting, and expected the Staff accounts
' Large quantities of food and clothing had been brought together at
Smolensk, but there was some mistake about their distribution, and many
men got too much, whilst others received nothing. — Teans.
^ The Grognards was the popular name given to the Old Guard of
Napoleon I. — Trans.
220 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNB
to be written up every day just as in times of peace. Now
all my assistants but one had disappeared, and I therefore
again tendered my resignation. Just as we were leaving
Smolensk, the Emperor consented to my leaving Davout,
and named Charpentier, a general of division just removed
from the Government of Smolensk, to take my place.
That general, however, being not at all anxious to take up
a task of which he knew the difficulties, evaded appearing
at his post for ten or twelve days, so that I had to go
on doing the work of the chief of the Staff without the
title or pay.
Before he left Smolensk the Emperor ordered Marshal
Ney to remain there until the 17th, when he was to blow
up the fortifications. He also told him that his corps was
to act as rearguard after the departure of the 1st corps,
which was to precede him by one day and await him
at the Krasnoe ravine. This ravine, which was a very
difficult pass, had been encumbered for nine days with
carriages, many of which were being burnt to clear the
way.
The Viceroy's corps, now reduced to 1,200 or 1,500 men,
which was marching in advance of ours, had been greatly
harassed ever since leaving Smolensk by some 12,000 or
14,000 Russians, with a strong force of artillery mounted on
sledges. The Emperor and his Guard had waited at the
entrance to the terrible defile for the Viceroy to come up
with his corps and protect his passage through it, and he
now determined not to enter it until the arrival of the first
corps also, which had not been able to leave Smolensk until
two o'clock in the morning of Monday, the 16th. During
this halt Napoleon learnt that the enemy was advancing in
force upon Orcha to intercept the passage of the Dnieper,
and had massed a large number of troops in the village of
OUR POSITION AT KRASNOE 221
Kourkovo, not far from us. The Young Guard, com-
manded by General Eoguet, whose gallant audacity was
well known to the Emperor, had joined him during the
day, and Napoleon now sent him to create a diversion
in the night by attacking the enemy's corps which was
causing us so much uneasiness.
The 1st corps, which had been the 4th under the
Viceroy, was terribly harassed all through the march on
the 16th by numerous Cossacks with artillery. When
darkness fell the attacks lessened, and we availed ourselves
of the reprieve by marching all night towards the Krasnoe
pass. With the first gleams of light on the 17th, how-
ever, we found ourselves threatened by great masses of
Russian infantry and cavalry struggling to surround us and
make us lay down our arms ; and though they did not
venture actually to attack us, the fire from their guns
wrought great havoc amongst us. Again and again our
little army, reduced to 4,000 men bearing arms, but
hampered by numerous stragglers, halted to face the
enemy and await Marshal Ney, who was to cover our
retreat. On this occasion I had a fresh opportunity of
admiring the courage and sang-froid of General Compans.
Severely wounded in the shoulder, and suffering greatly,
he was compelled, like most of us, to march on foot.
This, however, did not prevent him from facing the enemy
with a smiling face and as unruffled a calm as if he were
walking about in his own garden at home. The sight
of his happy face and composed demeanour had the best
results on his soldiers, giving them a sense of security, and
leading them to imitate their general's stoicism.
Our position at Krasnoe was, however, anything but
pleasant. Surrounded by enemies ten times as numerous
as ourselves, we could not imagine how it was that
ooo
MEMOiriS OF BARON LEJEUXE
INIarshal Ney, whom we supposed to be just behind us,
had not managed to beat off at least some of them. We
fought steadily, hoping every moment to see him appear.
But the enemy's cannonade became hotter and hotter,
making terrible gaps in our ranks, and the snow, which
had been falling heavily ever since the evening before,
added to our difficulties, rendering our situation all
but desperate. The Emperor, who was becoming very
anxious about our fate, generously turned back and came
to meet us, cutting a passage through our assailants at
the head of the Old Guard, and meeting Marshal Davout's
advanced guard beyond Krasnoe.
Meanwhile nothing had been heard of Ney and
the rearguard with him, but it turned out afterwards
that on leaving Smolensk the Marshal, with the few
troops still remaining to him, had been immediately
pursued by thousands of the enemy, who poured such a
hot fire into his already diminished ranks from every
side, that after three days' continuous struggle he was
compelled to abandon the attempt to cut through the
enemy's forces, and to deviate from the naain road to
Krasnoe, where we were so anxiously awaiting, him.
When darkness was beginning he found himself far away
from us, with the Dnieper between him and safety. He
took up a position parallel with the river, and allowed his
troops to light their bivouac fares. Kutusoff, who had
followed Ney, now looked upon him as his certain prey,
for he could see no way of escape for him, and sent an
officer with a flag of truce to summon him to surrender.
The envoy, who performed his mission with the
greatest politeness, was received with assumed courtesy,
and detained on various pretexts whilst the Marshal was
having the depth of the river sounded, and the strength
MARSHAL KEY CROSSES THE DND3PER 223
of the ice on it tested. He was told that several men had
gone over to the other bank and returned safely. He then
ordered the throwing of fresh fuel on the fires, as if he had
decided to remain where he was, and telling the envoy
that he would have to accompany him, he gave the signal
for crossing the river, instructing his subordinates to
make the men go over in single file, and to keep well
away from each other. Everything — artillery, baggage,
even wounded — which would have hindered the safe
crossing or broken the ice, was abandoned on the banks.'
The transit was accomplished without accident, and at
daybreak on the 18th the Marshal was several leagues
from the further bank, but he was now attacked by a
considerable body of Cossacks under Platoff, but he
managed to fight his way through them,^ though he had
none but infantry with him, and after three days' march
along the winding banks of the river, his rear harassed
perpetually by Bashkirs and Tartars, who picked off and
ill treated all stragglers, Ney at last rejoined the Emperor
at Orcha.
In the struggle at Krasnoe, which lasted the whole day
and in which we were exposed to a terrible artillery fire,
my servant was wounded by grapeshot, and the two
saddle horses he was leading were killed, whilst that on
which he was mounted was very badly hurt. I thought
the poor animal would certainly die of his awful wound,
' This crossing of the Dnieper was one of the most brilliant feats achieved
by the French in this or any campaign. The story of its accomplishment is
variously told by eye-witnesses, but all agree that but for its successful per-
formance the whole of the rearguard would have been cut to pieces or taken
prisoners by the Russians. — Teaks.
2 Marbot says that PlatoS was in a drunken sleep when the French came
up, and that, discipline in the Eussian army being very strict, no one
ventured to wake him or to stand to arms without his orders, and that it was
to this circumstance that the Marshal owed the final escape of his little body
of men. — Teans.
224 MEMOIRS OF BARON LE.IEUNE
but, strange to say, he was the only one of all my horses
to live to reach the Vistula. He was, in fact, quite well
again when he was taken by the enemy at the gates of
Thorn, and my poor servant was killed. With the horses
I lost the furs they were carrying for my use, and nothing
was left to me to protect me from the cold but a silk
waterproof cloak, which turned out much more useful than
I could have imagined, for it kept out the cold, and pre-
vented my own animal heat, little as it was, from
escaping.
As the day wore on at Krasnoe, and Ney did not
appear, the anxiety of the Emperor and the army became
more and more intense. Napoleon, fearing that his own
retreat to Orcha would be cut off, dared not linger longer
at Ivrasnoe, and he and his Guard left ufe an hour before
nightfall, ordering us to wait for Marshal Ney. When
the Emperor abandoned Krasnoe, the little town was full
of those who had been wounded during the day. Nothing
could have been more heart-rending than the sight of all
the rooms in every house crowded with fine young fellows,
their ages ranging from twenty to twenty-five years, who
had but recently joined the army and had been under fire
for the first time that day, but who within one short
hour were to be left to their fate. Some few, who were
able to march after their wounds had been dressed, were
eager to be off again, but all the rest to the number of
about 3,000 were left without surgeons or any neces-
saries.
The whole of the Guard was already gone, our much
reduced first corps could no longer defend the heights
beyond Krasnoe, and General Compans, who had remained
till the very last, went down towards the town and crossed
the ravine as night fell. He had scarcely done so, when,
GKIEF AT SUPPOSED LOSS OF MARSHAL XEY 22-3
anxious to find out what the enemy were doing, I managed
to creep along behind a hedge at the borders of the pass.
The ravine was not more than thirty paces wide, and I
very soon found myself almost face to face with a body of
Eussian artillery, which was being hastily put in position
so as to riddle us with grapeshot. Beyond the ten or
twelve guns of this battery I could see several considerable
infantry corps advancing in line in our direction, leaving
me no longer in any doubt of our being completely cut off
from Marshal Ney. I hurried back with this distressing
news to Marshal Davout, and recognising the hopeless-
ness of waiting for Ney any longer, he did at once all that
was left to us under the circumstances, by having a few
guns placed in position to prevent the enemy from cross-
ing the ravine, whilst the infantry was ordered to with-
draw towards Lidoni, where we arrived a little before
daybreak, our retreat having been facilitated by a very
dark night. The Russians, thinking that we were still in
force at Krasnoe, did not enter it till the next morning.
The army was still deeply grieved at the supposed
loss of Marshal Ney, for we were all certain that if he
were ahve he had been taken prisoner. The thought of
his fate caused general discouragement, and all we hoped
was to escape captivity ourselves. The numbers of
the stragglers, ever on the increase, had now become
immense ; at every pass or difficult bit of road there was a
block of wagons and carriages, and many vehicles broke
through the ice on the marshes and remained embedded
in the mud beneath. This was how I myself in our
march from Lidoni to Koziani lost my baggage wagon
and a barouche, which were still properly harnessed, for
both of them with their drivers and horses were swallowed
up by the mud. Hundreds of others met with similar
VOL. II. Q
226 irEMOIER OF BAROX LE.TEUXE
misfortunes, and as I was going through Dombrowa the
day after my loss, I came upon a carriage belonging to a
M. de Servan, in which sat my sister. She had lost her
carriage in the same marshes as I had mine, and De
Servan, who had been more fortunate than either of us,
had been good enough to take her on with him. A few
hours later, just at the entrance to Orcha, De Servan's
carriage was smashed by a cannon-ball. M. Levasseur,
however, whose carriage got through safely, was good
enough to allow me to transfer my sister to it, and showed
her every possible attention.
On the evening of the 20th, when the moon was
shining brightly, our advanced posts on the right bank of
the Dnieper saw an officer approaching, whom they at first
mistook for a Russian. They soon saw, however, that
he was French, and on questioning him they learnt to
their great joy that Marshal Ney, who had miraculously
escaped from the clutches of Kutusoff, was but a league
away from us. It would be difficult to describe our
delight at receiving this news, which did much to restore
the tone of the army, so lowered by discouragement. The
Viceroy and Marshal Mortier hurried off to meet Ney, and
the next day he was welcomed by the Emperor, who re-
ceived him with the greatest enthusiasm, greeting him
with the words, ' I would have given everything rather
than lose you.'
The first corps continued to cover the retreat, and we
were aroused before daybreak after our arrival at Orcha
by the coming up of the Russians in great force, who hoped
to shut us into that town. Like every other place we
passed through in our retreat, Orcha was encumbered with
carriages crowded, as were the houses, with sick and
wounded. A young cousin of mine, Alexander Lejeune,
D[FFICULT[ES IN CROSSING THE DNIEPER 227
had been left at Orcha as manager of a hospital. I saw
him as I went through, and he stuffed my pockets full of
sugar and coffee ready roasted and ground. I urged him
to fly whilst he could, and advised him to start in advance
of us. He said he woiild just go and fetch a cloak and
his money, but I never saw him again. He was probably
delayed, and perished in the crowd after we left. If blood
shed in the service of one's country is a patent of nobility,
our family escutcheon ought to receive ten or twelve
new chevrons of honour ! for many of my nearest re-
lations were wounded or killed in the Emperor's service,
including five first cousins, namely, one Gerard, killed in
Egypt ; one Vignaux, killed in Spain ; one Lejeune, killed
in "Russia ; my brother, wounded at Friedland ; the
husband of my eldest sister. Baron Plique (General),
wounded several times, who died whilst on active service ;
the brave and witty General Clary, brother of my wife,
also wounded several times ; and her other brother, who
died at the age of twenty-two, as colonel of a regiment he
had himself got together in Spain, and who was mourned
as a son by his uncle, King Joseph.
I feel very proud at leaving such memories as these
behind for my son, and have already too long delayed re-
cording them in my Memoirs.
At Orcha the Dnieper is very wide, and so rapid that
the ice was not firm enough to allow of our crossing it
easily, although there were twenty-five degrees of frost.
The two bridges, which were all we had been able to con-
struct, were very narrow and far from strong, whilst the ap-
proaches to them were so slippery as to be very dangerous.
We had had a great many carriages burnt in the streets
of Orcha, but we were still terribly encumbered with
them ; the enemy harassed our rear perpetually, and had
q2
2:^8 MEMOIliS OL' JBAROX LEJEUNE
already gained a position from which they could cannonade
our bridges. As soon as our troops were across we were
compelled to set fire to these bridges, leaving behind us
all who were without arms, or were for any reason unable
to follow our rapid march. It was a terrible moment for us
when we had thus to abandon so many of our wounded.
We passed the night of Sunday the 22nd with the
rearguard in a little wood on the road, and arrived in the
evening of the 23rd at Kokonow, where we learnt, alas !
that General Tchichakoff had taken possession with a
large force of Borisow, so that we were cut off from that
way of retreat. This news was distressing enough, but at
three o'clock the next morning an event occurred which
in its horror surpassed almost anything which had yet
befallen us.
Opposite the house occupied by Marshal Davout and
his officers, and not more than a couple of paces off, was
a huge barn with four large doors, in which some five or
six hundred persons, including officers, soldiers, stragglers,
&c., had taken refuge as affording some shelter from the
cold. Thirty or forty fires had been lighted, and the
inmates of the barn, broken up into various groups, were all
sleeping heavily in the warm air, which afforded such a
contrast to the bitter cold of their usual bivouac, when
the thatched roof caught fire, and in an instant the whole
place was in flames. Suddenly, with a dull crash, the
burning roof fell upon the sleepers, setting fire to the straw
in which they lay, and to their clothes. Some few, who
were near the doors, were able to escape ; and with their
clothes all singed they rushed to us screaming for help for
their comrades. We were at the doors in a very few
seconds ; but what a terrible sight met our eyes ! Masses
of flames many yards thick rushed out from the doors to
FIVE IIUXDEED FRENCH BUltXT TX A BARN
•)-K
a distance of several yards, leaving only the narrow pas-
sage of exit some six feet high beneath a vault of fire
which, fanned by the wind, spread with immense rapidity.
We could not, any of us, get near the poor creatures,
whom we could see struggling wildly or flinging them-
selves face downwards on the ground so as to suffer a
little less. We hastily tied ropes, our handkerchiefs, any-
thing we could get hold of, together, to fling to them,
so as to be able to drag some of them out ; but fresh
shrieks soon stopped our efforts, for as we pulled they fell
upon and were stabbed by each other's bayonets. Captain
d'Houdetot got nearer to them than any of the rest of us
were able to, but his clothes caught fire and he had to
draw back. The 600 or 600 victims made several last
despairing efforts to rise, but their strength was soon all
gone, and presently the building fell in upon them, their
muskets became heated, the charges in them exploded, and
their reports were the only funeral salute fired over the
corpses of all the brave fellows. Very few escaped from
the terrible conflagration, and those few had to tear off
all their clothes. I saw one poor child of twelve or four-
teen years old going about stark naked, but none of us
could give him anything to put on, for we had lost our
carriages, our horses, everything. There were now 13
degrees of frost, but we had to harden our hearts against
the sufferers, for to help them was beyond our power.
On November '24 we passed the night at Tokotschin.
The evening before Marshal Victor, pursued by Count von
Wittgenstein, had joined the Emperor here, and would
now protect his retreat. The Marshal had only just
arrived from Germany, and had still 5,000 fresh troops in
good order, whilst ours were thoroughly disorganised.
A singular episode occurred on the afternoon of
230 ME.MOIRS OF BAEON LEJEUNE
the 24th, which had opened so tragically. I will just
mention it here to give an idea of the vicissitudes we went
through in our terrible retreat. Like the rest of us,
I suffered very much from hunger, and for several days I
had had nothing to eat but a little biscuit, whilst my only
beverage was an occasional draught of cold coffee, which,
however, kept me going somehow. I was marching sadly
along, pondering on our woes, when an officer whom I
scarcely knew by sight ran up to me, and with a pleasant
smile asked me to do him a favour. ' My position,' I
answered laughing, ' is not such as to enable me to serve
any one. But what do you want ? ' His reply was to
hand me a parcel carefully done up in paper, and about the
size of my two fists, which he begged me to accept. ' But
tell me what is in it,' I said. ' I entreat you not to refuse
it.' ' But at least say what it is,' I urged, trying to push
it away with my right hand ; but he closed my fingers
over it and ran off. A good deal puzzled by suddenly
receiving a present from a stranger, and quite at a loss to
imagine his motive, I smelt the packet to begin with, and
the result encouraged me to open it, when lo ! and behold !
a delicious odour of truffles greeted my nostrils, and I
found myself the happy possessor of a quarter of a pate de
foie gras from Toulouse or Strasburg. I never saw the
officer again, but I think my fervent expressions of grati-
tude must have found an echo in his heart. May he have
escaped the fate which overtook so many of us, and from
which his timely gift preserved me for a few days !
Another bit of good fortune marked this same day.
As I have already said, I had lost all my furs and winter
clothes, and in these deserted districts money was of no
avail to buy new ones. I was feeling the want of them
dreadfully, when I came across Colonel L. shut up in his
I BUY A BEAltSKIN 231
carriage, and quite ill from the excessive precautions he
was taking against the cold. ' What do you want with
all those furs ? ' I asked him. ' You will be suffocated in
them. Give me one.' To which he rephed, ' Not for all
the gold in the world ! ' ' Bah ! ' I cried, ' you will give
me that bearskin, which really is in your way, and here
are fifty gold napoleons for it.' ' Go to the devil! go
to the devil with your napoleons ! you bother me ! — but
there, General, I can't refuse you anything.' He took the
napoleons, and I hastily seized the bearskin, for fear he
should think better of it. I went off with my treasure
with indescribable joy, but the unlucky owner of so many
sables and other furs was frozen to death a few days later.
The first corps passed the night of the 24th at Toloczin,
and at daybreak the next morning the Russian firing re-
commenced, and we were pursued during the whole day
by them, their balls mowing down our ranks. It was
throughout our disastrous retreat the custom of the enemy
to harass us all day, and when night fell to withdraw to
distant villages, where they had a good rest and, plenty of
food, neither of which we were able to obtain, returning
the next morning stronger than ever to attack us again
with fresh vigour, whilst we were ever growing fewer and
weaker.
On the 25th we passed the night in a wood close to a
burnt village. The snow was very deep, adding greatly
to our discomfort, and we made great piles of faggots on
which to rest, all of us turning our feet towards one big
fire. My bearskin was nearly fourteen feet square, and 1
let general Haxo roll himself into it with me. We were
very warm and comfortable inside, and as we fell asleep
we mentally blessed the man who had sold it to me. The
next morning, the 26th, we started again before day-
JojI MEMOIUS of ]!A1;0X LE.TEUXE
break as usual, not daring to count those we had to leave
behind.
On the same day we went through Borv, and the first
corps halted for the night at Kroupski. A newly formed
brigade of light Pohsh cavalry had just arrived in this
village, and were heating the ovens in the cottages. An
inn with stabling for twenty horses was assigned to
Marshal Davout. In putting the horses which had
followed — for, as I have said, we all went on foot now —
in the stable, we found three children in a manger, one
about a year old, the other two apparently only just born.
They were very poorly dressed, and were so numbed vfith
the cold that they were not even crying. I made my
men seek their parents for an hour, but they could not be
found ; all the inhabitants had fled, and the three poor
little things were left to our tender mercies. I begged the
Marshal's cook to give them a little broth if he succeeded
in making any, and thought no more about them.
Presently, however, the warmth of the horses' breath
woke the little creatures up, and their plaintive cries
resounded for a long time in the rooms in which we were
all crowded together. Our desire to do something to help
them kept us awake for a long time, but at last we were
overcome with sleep. At two o'clock in the morning we
were roused by the news that the village was on fire ; the
overheating of the ovens had led to flames breaking out
nearly everywhere. Our house, standing somewhat apart,
was the only one to escape, and our three children were still
crying. At daybreak, however, when we were starting, I
could hear them no longer, and I asked the cook what he
had done for them. He had, of course, suffered as much
as we had, and he answered, with the satisfied air of a
man who has done a good action, ' Their crying so tore
I AID AT AN AMPUTATION 233
my heart that I could not close an eye. I had no food to
give them, so I took a hatchet, broke the ice in the horse
trough, and drowned them, to put them out of their
misery ! ' Thus does misfortmie harden the heart of
man !
During the retreat many of the French were drowned.
The wells in the village were all open and level with the
ground, so that when troops arrived in the dark several
men often fell into them, and rarely did any of their
comrades try to save them. I saw more than ten wells,
none of them very deep, on the surface of which the dead
bodies of such victims were floating. Overcome with
misery, other poor fellows committed suicide, and we
often heard the discharge of a musket close by, telling of
the end of some unfortunate wretch. On the other hand,
some of the men who were simply covered with wounds
kept up their courage and marched steadily on. One
day, weary of walking, I sat down to rest on the trunk of
a tree beside a fine young artilleryman who had just
been wounded. Two doctors happened to pass us, and I
called out to them to come and look at the wound. They
did so, and at the first glance exclaimed, ' The arm must
be amputated ! ' I asked the soldier if he felt he could
bear it. 'Anything you like,' he answered stoutly.
' But,' said the doctors, ' there are only two of us to do
it ; so you, General, will be good enough to help us
perform the operation.' Seeing that I was anything but
pleased at the idea, they hastened to add that it would be
enough if I just let the artilleryman lean against me.
' Sit back to back with him, and you will see nothing of
the operation.' I agreed, and placed myself in the required
position. I think the operation seemed longer to me than
it did to the patient. The doctors opened their cases of
:^34 MEMOIliS OF BAltON LEJEUXE
instruments ; the artilleryman did not even heave a single
sigh. I heard the slight noise made by the saw as it cut
through the bone, and in a few seconds, or rather minutes,
they said to me, ' It is over ! it is a pity we have not a
little wine to give him, to help him to rally.' I happened
still to have half a bottle of Malaga with nie, which I was
hoarding up, only taking a drop at a time, but I gave it to
the poor man, who was very pale, though he said nothing.
His eyes brightened up, and he swallowed all my wine at a
single gulp. Then, on returning the empty bottle with the
words, ' It is still a long way to Carcassonne,' he walked off
with a firm step at a pace I found it difficult to emulate.
Marshal Oudinot, who had recovered from his wound,
was now sent forward to Borisoff to try and take pos-
session of the bridge over the Beresina, which had
already been for several days in the hands of the Kussian
forces under Tchichakoff. This general had only just
come from Moldavia, and on seeing the boldness with
which Oudinot's troops advanced he took it for granted
that the whole of the French army was approaching, and
thmking his own position with the river behind him a
very disadvantageous one, he wished to avoid a regular
battle. He therefore only made sufficient defence to
cover the retreat of his army, and retired beyond the
Beresina. Marshal Oudinot attacked Borisoff with his
usual vigour, and entering it took 500 or 600 prisoners
and all the baggage belonging to the Russian array,
Tchichakoff had, however, burnt the bridge over the
Beresina after crossing it, so that this victory gained us
nothing.'
The Emperor, who had no means of forcing the
' Large quantities of provisions and furs, however, fell into the hands of
the French. — Traks.
riiEPARAHON.S FOil CROSSING THE BERESINA 235
pasbage of the Beresina with an army of some 40,000
Russians opposing him, endeavoured to find a favour-
able point for tlirowing bridges across, and at the
same time evading Wittgenstein, whom Marshal Victor
was with infinite difficulty holding at bay, and Kutusoff,
who was pursuing us. He was told that there was
a ford at the village of Studzianka, which he could
reach by ascending the left bank of the river, but though
the water was at the most four or five feet deep the
approaches were very marshy and would be difficult for
our carriages and artillery. The river, which was very
muddy, was covered with ice, but it broke beneath those
who tried to walk across it.
The difficulties on the other side, if we succeeded in
reaching it, would be even greater, for heights command-
ing the banks were occupied by a Russian division, and
the approach to these heights was a marshy tract without
any firm road whatever. The road from Borisoff to
Molodetschno by way of Zembino, the only one we could
hope to reach, was a very narrow causeway, with many
bridges raised to a good height above the marsh, much of
which was quite under water. If any one of these little
bridges should break, the march of the whole army would
be arrested ; but the Emperor had really no choice, and
was compelled to resign himself to attempting the passage
at Studzianka.'
The engineers, pontonniers, and artillerymen therefore
set to work at once, all the wood found in the village,
even that of which the houses were built, being quickly
' The Emperor had a choice, for there were two other fords below
Borisoff, and he deceived the Russians into believing that he would use that
near the village of Ukoloda. But for gross mismanagement on the part of
many of the French generals, the whole army could have got over at
Studzianka with very little loss.— Tbans.
236 MEMOmS OF bakon lejeine
converted into trestles, beams, planks. Sec, and on the
evening of the '26th, all appearing ready for the throvi^ing
across of the bridge, an attempt was made to place it in
position. But the bed of the river was so muddy that
the supports sank too deeply in it. It was, moreover,
wider than had been supposed, and all the work had to be
done over again. Two bridges instead of one were now
made, and the army began its march for Studzianka. On
the 27th the first corps, now forming the rear guard, passed
through Borisoff, and arrived at night at the ford chosen,
where there was already a terrible block of carriages, those
belonging to the corps of Marshal Oudinot and Marshal
Victor, who had but recently rejoined us, being added to
the others which had escaped from previous accidents, and
whose owners had evaded the orders for burning them.
When we arrived at Studzianka about nine o'clock in
the evening, the Emperor had already sent over in small
rafts several hundred skirmishers to protect the bridges
and those making them, whilst the corps of Marshals Ney
and Oudinot with 500 or 600 cuirassiers of the Guard
had crossed the river and taken up a position on
the right in a wood beyond Studzianka. We passed the
night in trying to bring something like order into our
arrangements for crossing, sending the ammunition
wagons first, and repairing the bridges where they had
given way under the weight of the artillery. It was a
very dark night, and many French, Dutch, Spanish, and
Saxon soldiers fell into the wells of the village and were
drowned. Their cries of distress reached us, but we had
no ropes or ladders with which to rescue them, and they
were left to their fate.
At daybreak the crossing of the river by the bridges
went on without too much confusion, and I was able to
THE BEC4IXNTNa OF THE BEUESINA DISASTER 237
go backwards and forwards several times, seeing to the
safety of all that was of the greatest importance for the
army ; but at about eight o'clock in the morning, when
the light revealed the immense crowds which had still to
be got over, every one began to hasten to the bridges at
once, and everything was soon thrown into the greatest
disorder. Things became even worse when an hour later
a combined attack was made on us by all the Russian
forces, and we found ourselves between two fires. Truly
our misfortmies had now reached their height.
Marshal Victor, who had taken up a position on the
heights above Studzianka, was trying to beat off Wittgen-
stein, who had attacked him about ten o'clock with a large
force of artillery, and although he had but very few troops
with him, he managed to keep the Russians at a distance,
but their balls, falling amongst the masses of carriages
blocking the approaches to the bridges, flung their
occupants and drivers into the most indescribable disorder,
killing many and smashing up the vehicles. Some balls
even rolled on to the bridges.'
On the right bank meanwhile Tchichakoff was attack-
ing the French all along the line with some 25,000
or 30,000 Russians, whilst Marshals Ney and Oudinot
had to oppose them only 9,000 or 10,000 men, with
what was left of the Imperial Guard behind them as
a reserve. Their front was but half a league in length,
and the ground was very much broken up by woods. The
Russians came to the fight well fed and warmed up by
plenty of brandy ; the French were debilitated by priva-
tions, and had moreover a cutting wind driving the snow
' Marbot relates that Marshal Victor's rearguard took the wrong road
on its way to Studzianka, ' and walked straight into the middle of Wittgen-
stein's army. The division was quickly surrounded and compelled to lay
down its arms.' — Teans.
238 ME_AroiRS OF baron lejeune
in their faces. But with the enemy before them, they
seemed to regain all their old energy, and Tchichakoff
tried in vain to break their ranks, though he flung upon
them in succession all the forces under his command.
Marshal Oudinot, always in the front amongst the
skirmishers, was wounded at the beginning of the action,
and Marshal Ney took the command. Seizing a favour-
able moment he ordered General Doumerc, who had just
brought up some 600 cuirassiers, to make a charge.
This threw a Eussian column into disorder, and won
the French 1,500 prisoners. It was during this bril-
liant charge that a young officer, whom I loved for his
many engaging qualities, met his death. Alfred de
Noailles, only son of the Due de Noailles, was struck in
the heart by a ball,' and his face and body were so dis-
figured by being trampled beneath the feet of the horses,
that he was only recognised by his height and by the
mark on his fine white linen.
It was a melanchoh' consolation to his mourning widow
and family to find his portrait in my album, in which I
had collected likenesses of many young officers whom I
numbered amongst my friends, and all of whom had been
cut off in the flower of their age, before they had had
time to fulfil the lofty destiny to which their noble names
and exalted courage would have called them.
Towards three o'clock in the afternoon, when it was
already beginning to get dark, for night falls very early in
the winter in these latitudes, Tchichakoff drew back, and
we soon saw the fires of his bivouac, marking the position
he had taken up about a league away from us.
' Marbot says that De Noailles escaped in the actual charge, but was
killed by Cossacks after the engagement, he having ventured too far ' to see
what the enemy were doing.' — Traxs.
I RESCUE MY SISTER ()X('E MORE 239
"Whilst all this was going on, the most awful scenes
were being enacted at the entrance to the bridges on the
right bank of the Beresina, and we could do absolutely
nothing to prevent them.' Wittgenstein's artillery poured
shells upon the struggling crowds, beneath whose weight
the bridges were bending till they were under water.
Those who could swim flung themselves into the river,
trusting to their skill to save them, but they were overcome
by the cold, and hardly any reached the further bank. On
either side the hapless fugitives pressed on, driving others
into the water, many clutching at the ropes of the bridges
in the hope of being able to climb on to them. In the
awful struggle none who fell ever rose again, for every one
was immediately crushed to death by those behind, whilst
all the while shells and balls rained upon the helpless
masses. I was blessing God that my sister had escaped
this terrible catastrophe, and had crossed some time before,
when, to my horror, I saw M. Levasseur carrying her in
his arms and endeavouring to make his way up to me.
He had managed to extricate her from the crowd, and
now brought her to me. ' In what an awful moment do
we meet again ! ' I exclaimed ; ' and what in the world can
I do with you in your exhausted condition, now that you
have found me ? But courage,' I added. ' I got General
Vasserot safely over in his carriage ; I will find him, and
put you under his care.' This I managed to do, and two
hours later my sister was kindly received by the General,
to whom she said, ' Oh, General, you have saved me ; now
I will take care of you.'
' Many eye-witnesses of this awful disaster lelate that the bridges were
left almost empty on the night of the 27th, before the Russians came up,
when all the non-uombatants on the French side might quite easily have
crossed. — Trans.
24:0 MEMOFRS OF BAEOX LEJEUXE
The Beresina disaster was the Pultava with which
the Eussians had threatened us ; it was not our only
defeat or the last, hut it was b)^ far the most bloody of any
which befell us. It involved the loss of the greater part
of Marshal Victor's corps, which perished in defending
our passage; and the loss of the whole of the Partou-
neaux ' division, which had to surrender. In a word, it
cost the French and their allies some 20,000 or 30,000
men, killed, wounded, drowned, or taken prisoners.
General Eble, charged with the painful duty of burning
the bridges after Marshal Victor's corps had passed over,
had the greatest difficulty in cutting his wa}' to them, and
many of our own people were piteously struck down by
the hatchets of his men before they were able to perform
the task assigned to them. When at last the flames arose
and the last hope of safety was cut off from those left on
the other side, terrible were the cries of anguish which
rent the air as thousands of poor wretches flung them-
selves into the water in a last despairing eifort to escape.
The ice broke beneath them ; all was over, and the Cos-
sacks swept down on the quarry, finding an immense
amount of booty abandoned on the banks. ^
On the evening of this terrible November '2H we
halted at Zembino, a little town which had already been
pillaged by our predecessors.'' Marshal Davout and I
' This was Marshal Victor's rearguard, which mistook the road to the
river. — Trans.
- General Ebl6 delayed the burning of the bridges till the last possible
moment, but the Eussians were advancing to fall upon the rear of the
fugitives, and, had they been able to use the bridges, the French loss would
have been even greater than it was.— Teans.
' Lejeune passes very lightly over the march from the Beresina to
Zembino, but it was a terribly arduous one, owing to the fact that the
marshes, generally frozen over at this time of year, were still quite soft, and
had the enemy pursued vigorously scarcely a man would have escaped to
tell the tale.— Tkans.
1 RESCUE A L.U)Y AND HER CHILD 241
took up our quarters in a little house crowded with others,
which was heated by a stove. By dint of very close
packing we managed to be able to lie down on the
ground, and most of us slept profoundly till the time came
to start again, which was before daybreak. I had been
roused a few minutes before the clock struck the hour for
departure by hearing stifled sobs, and by the dying light of
a lamp I now made out the form of a tall and beautiful
woman leaning against the stove, her face hidden by her
hands, whilst the tears trickled through her fingers. It was
a long time since I had seen any human creatures who had
not lost all pretensions to good looks through their priva-
tions, and I was struck by the graceful attitude of this
weeping figure, with the masses of light hair shading her
ideal features. She reminded me of Canova's ' Muse
leaning on a Sepulchral Urn, and lost in Meditation.'
Whilst every one, wrapped in selfish egotism, left the room
without taking any notice of the lady in distress, I ap-
proached her and asked her in a gentle voice what she was
weeping about. She turned to me, revealing her beautiful
face, wet with tears, and pointing to a pretty child asleep
at her feet, she said, ' I am the wife of M. Lavaux, a
Frenchman, w-ho had a library at Moscow. The Governor
Eostopschin has sent him to Siberia, and I took refuge
with my boy in the French army. The Due de Plaisance
and two other generals let us share their carriages till
they were destroyed, and I have carried my child from the
Beresina here, but my strength is exhausted. I can go
no further, and I am in despair.' ' Could you keep your
seat on horseback? ' I asked at once. ' I could try,' she
replied. ' Well, do not lose courage ; let us make haste.
I will take your boy and place him on my sister's knee ;
she is in General Vasserot's carriage, and I will put you
VOL. II. K
242 MEMOIRS OF BARON LE.TEUNE
on a horse which a faithful servant shall lead. You will thus
be able to follow your boy.' A smile of hope lit up her ex-
pressive features. I fetched a wolf's skin, which was on
the horse I meant to give her, and wrapped it about her
to protect her from the intense cold which had now set in,
took off several silk handkerchiefs I had about me, and tied
them together to make sashes to fasten her on to her steed.
I then placed her on her horse, put her under the care of
one of my mounted servants, and they started together. I
never saw lady, servant, or horses again ; but Vasserot and
my sister took care of the child, and gave him back to his
mother, who came to claim him in the evening. I shall
refer again to what I was able to learn of the adventurous
career of this lady, who two years later was found by the
Emperor Alexander I. teaching the Demoiselles of the
Legion d'Honneur at St. Denis.
Beyond Zembino we had to cross a number of little
bridges which the enemy had neglected to burn, and we
felt that God had not entirely deserted us when He left
us this means of getting over the marshes. We had not
a scrap of food to give the 2,000 or 3,000 prisoners we
were taking with us, and I purposely shut my eyes
when they availed themselves of every chance of escape in
the woods through which we passed. I could not bring
myself to enforce their remaining with us by the cruel
measures which alone could have availed, and I knew well
enough that at any moment our fate might be worse than
theirs.
Sunday, the 29th, was occupied by a dreary march to
Kamen, which we reached about midnight. Our men, as
tired out as ourselves, and longing for sleep, took a few
bits of meat from the one wagon we still retained, in which
tobacco and everything else were mixed together helter
I AM NEARLY POISONED 243
skelter. They did not notice iji the darkness that some
tobacco was sticking to the meat, and put it all into the
pot on the fire together. At four o'clock in the morning,
just before we started, the soup was given out, but it tasted
most horribly of tobacco, and nobody but myself would
take any of it. I was so hungry that I was not so prudent
as the others, and I swallowed the whole of my portion.
I had not marched far before a terrible headache came on ;
I felt sick, and soon began to vomit. I fainted away, and
it was easy to see that I was poisoned. The news spread ;
even the Emperor heard of it, and in his despatches for
Paris of that day he mentioned the matter, so that every
one there thought I was dead. When we halted during
the day. General Haxo and others, who had still a little
humanity left, made me some tea, and drinking it saved
my life. I remained with Marshal Davout in his wurst,
and we arrived at Kotovitchi in the evening, where we put
up at the house of the priest, a good old man, who spoke
French very well, and who had declined to leave with the
rest of the inhabitants because, though he had nothing
with which to supply our bodily needs, he hoped to be
able to minister to our spiritual necessities. Under his
affectionate care I completely recovered, and when we set
off again at four o'clock the next morning we were full
of real gratitude to him.
During the whole of December 1 we were marching
through dense forests, in which at every turn we came to
difficult passes. We lost nearly all our prisoners here.
On December 2 we crossed the Ilia before daybreak,
and entered yet other vast forests with no well-defined
roads, and the snow added to the difficulties of our march,
so that it was late before we got to Molodetschno.
Whilst arranging for the camping of our troops in the
244 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
dark, I fell into a swamp, and was only with great diffi-
culty extricated. The cold was so intense that the mud
froze about me immediately, so that it was hard work to
get me out. On the very same day and at the same hour
seven years before I had been seated on the snow beneath
a tree, but it was after the battle of Austerlitz, and I was
in a very happy frame of mind. The Enrperor arrived at
Molodetschno the same day, but instead of celebrating
the anniversary of the greatest victory of his life, he had
to dictate that terrible twenty-ninth bulletin describing
succinctly the disasters his army had met with, though he
disguised their true extent.
At four o'clock on the morning of the 3rd we started
once more, without daring to count those who were un-
able to rise. Our route was strewn with the dead, and
the wheels of the carriages, which were scarcely able to
turn, went over the ice-covered corpses, often dragging
them along for a little distance.
Haxo and I walked arm in arm, so as to save each other
from slipping, and a soldier and an officer were walking
one on either side of us. Presently the soldier drew a
hunk of black Russian bread about the size of a fist out
of his pocket, and began to gnaw at it greedily. The
officer, surprised to see such a thing as bread, offered the
grenadier a five-franc piece for it. 'No, no ! ' said the
man, tearing at his bread like a lion jealous of his prey.
' Oh, do sell it to me,' pleaded the officer; 'here are ten
francs.' ' No, no, no, no ! ' and the bread rapidly dis-
appeared, till quite half was gone. ' I am dying ! I
entreat you to save my life ! Here are twenty francs ! '
Then with a savage look the grenadier bit off one more
big mouthful, and, handing what was left to the officer,
MY CHEEKS AND NOSE ARE FKOZEN 245
took the twenty francs, evidently feeling that he had
made anything but a good bargain.
We were all covered with ice. Our breath, looking
like thick smoke, froze as it left our mouths, and hung
in icicles from our hair, eyebrows, moustaches, and
beards, sometimes quite blinding us. Once Haxo, in
breaking off the icicles which were bothering me, noticed
that my cheeks and nose were discoloured. They looked
like wax, and he informed me that they were frozen. He
was right, for all sensation was gone from them. He at
once began to rub them hard with snow, and a couple of
minutes' friction restored circulation, but the pain was
terrible, and it needed all my resolution not to resist having
the rubbing continued. Colonel Emi, of the engineers, was
frozen in exactly the same way a few minutes later, and in
his despair he flung himself down and rolled about on the
grormd. We did not want to abandon him to his fate,
but we had to strike him again and again before we could
make him get up. Dysentery also worked terrible ravages
amongst us, and its victims, with their dry and livid skin
and emaciated limbs, looked like living skeletons. The
poor creatures had had nothing to eat but a little crushed
corn made into a kind of mash, for they had no means of
grinding or of cooking it properly, and this indigestible
food passed through the intestines without nourishing the
body. Truly the unhappy wretches, many of them stark
naked, presented, as they fell out by the way, a picture of
death in its most revolting aspect.
Providence, however, had still a few moments in
reserve for some of us, in which we found consolation for
our woes, and gathered up fresh strength for the further
trials awaiting us.
246 MEMOIllS OF BARON LE.IEUNE
This was the case on December 4, as I will now
relate. AVe had started before daybreak to escape a
cannonade from some Cossacks, and we were already
some distance from our bivouac when a second troop
oE Cossacks, bolder and more numerous than the first,
flung itself across our path, and carried off two carriages
belonging to the Commissary-General. Fortunately he
was on foot, and managed to escape. A few miles beyond
our party the same horde of Tartars drew up at the
entrance to a ravine through which a body of some 300
or 400 Polish cavalry was endeavouring to pass so
as to rejoin us. The Cossacks seemed likely to com-
pletely crush the Poles, when the noise of the firing
attracted our attention, and we realised the danger of the
brave fellows. General Gerard, with his usual chivalry,
at once offered his services to Marshal Davout, and asked
for volunteers to go to the aid of our allies. Though his
men were worn out with fatigue, they were still full of
confidence in him, and they one and all shouted, ' I am
ready ! I am ready ! ' General Gerard dashed across the
plain at their head, and when the Cossacks saw the little
body of infantry approaching, they feared they were about
to be caught between two fires and galloped off. The
Poles thus rescued soon joined us, and a bit of really good
fortune rewarded us all for our mutual help.
Some carriages belonging to a convoy from Germany
had succeeded in reaching Markovo, a little village we
were just about to enter. These carriages were packed
full of fresh provisions of many different kinds, and the
delight of our brave soldiers may be imagined when they
found awaiting them a good meal of bread and cheese and
butter, with plenty of wine to wash them down. What
a feast it seemed after forty days of such scanty and
A DELIGHTFUL SUEPEISE 247
miserable diet as theirs had been ! We of the first, corps
shared in this rare good fortune.
General Guilleminot with his division had been the
first to arrive at Markovo, and he had taken care that the
precious carriages should not be pillaged. He was at the
window of a little chslteau when we were passing, and he
called to us to join him. After having taken the necessary
precaution of rubbing our faces with snow, but for which
we should certainly have lost some of our features, we
went into a warm room, where a very unexpected sight
awaited us. Tea services of beautiful china were set out
on handsome mahogany tables, whilst here and there
were great piles of white bread and hampers of Brittany
butter. At the sight of this wonderful spread, after our
many weeks of privations, our eyes brightened and our
nostrils became expanded like those of some Arab steed at
the sound of the trumpet. Needless to say how eagerly
and gladly we accepted the invitation to share in this
delightful breakfast. We each did the part not of four,
but of ten — our appetites were simply insatiable. Never
did any breakfast party do greater justice to the fare pro-
vided than we did to the great bowls of tea poured out,
and the thick slices of bread and butter cut for us by our
host. It was hard work to tear ourselves away from this
warm room with all its comforts to go and camp beneath
the cold light of the stars near Smorgoni, where there
were twenty-five degrees of frost.
The name of Smorgoni roused our curiosity, for we
knew that the inhabitants of that village, situated as it
was in the heart of a vast forest, devoted themselves to
the chase of bears, selling the furs of the older animals,,
and training the young ones as gymnastic performers,
often taking them the round of Europe to show off their
248 , MEMOIRS OF BAIION LEJEUNE
tricks. The people of Smorgoni had not expected us, and
took flight at our approach, carrying their furs and young
bears with them, but for all that we expected to find the
village interesting.
It was at Smorgoni on December 5 that the Emperor,
yielding to the earnest entreaties of his most faithful
servants, decided to leave the army and return to France,
where his presence was most urgently needed. Before
leaving, he signed the order for the promotion and reward
of many officers and generals, which had been drawn up
by Major- General Prince Berthier. He called his marshals
together, frankly expressed to them his great regret at
having lingered too long at Moscow, and announced to
them his approaching departure, appointing King Murat
of Naples to the command of the army.
It was eleven o'clock at night, and there were twenty-
five degrees of frost when the Emperor left Smorgoni,
accompanied by the Dukes of Vicenza and Friuli (Marshal
Duroc) and the Count of Lobau (Marshal Mouton), and
made his way to Osmiana, miraculously escaping from
the 1,200 Cossacks whom he had to pass, and who would
certainly have taken him prisoner if they had known he
was so near them with an escort of scarcely 100 men.
A little before dark these same Cossacks had been
beaten by General Loison, and driven out of Osmiana,
where they had hoped to arrest our retreat. Whilst
waiting for daylight the enemy were sleeping a little
distance from the road, and the Emperor passed them
unnoticed. Napoleon's departure threw the whole army
into the greatest discouragement.
General Charpentier still declined to take my place,
and I was compelled as before to perform the duties of
Chief of the Staff. Fortunately, Marshal Davout now
A DESPERATE DEFENCE 249
seemed to understand my position better, and was no
longer so exacting. This made me willing to remain
with him a few days longer.
On December 6 we passed through the little village
of Pletchinzy just as a very interesting scene was taking
place in it. Marshal Oudinot and General Pino, both
wounded, had passed the night there with twenty-five or
thirty officers and men belonging to their suite. A
Cossack officer had heard of their presence, and thinking
to take a great prize, he with some 200 men had sur-
rounded the house in which they were. Speaking in good
French, he politely summoned them to surrender. ' We
never surrender,' was the reply, and a few well-aimed
shots struck down some of the Cossacks. The hovel, for
it was little more, was now regularly besieged, the French
firing at close quarters into the ranks of the assailants,
which they thinned considerably. Marshal Oudinot
himself, though suffering greatly from a ball in the loins
and unable to rise from the pallet on which he lay, made
some holes in the walls between the planks, and firing
through them picked off a good many Cossacks, for he
never once missed his aim. Meanwhile, however, the
enemy received reinforcements, and a gun was brought
up to their aid. Four balls had already made a breach in
the hut, but no one had been hurt. The French, after
the manner of the Spanish, at once turned the opening to
account by firing through it at their besiegers. A fifth
ball broke the pallet on which the Marshal lay, and at the
same time brought down the side of an oven in which five
or six little children belonging to the peasant who had
owned the hut, were discovered huddled together. The
poor little things rushed out into the smoke and confusion
in a great state of terror, much to the surprise of our
'2o() JNIEMOIKS OF BARON LEJEUKE
men. There was something very touching in the way the
httle creatures clung to each other in the midst of the
struggle. Fortunately our party came up just when
things were going hardly with the besieged, for we had
quickened our pace when we heard the firing, and the
Cossacks, who had lost some fifty men killed and wounded,
took to flight at our approach. We escorted the Marshal
to Osmiana, where we halted for the night.
Here we found a division, consisting of some 12,000
fine young recruits, who had just arrived from France as
reserves, under General Loison. Alas ! twenty-four hours
of our temperature was enough to kill off half of them,
for they were in summer clothing, and not yet acclimatised ;
and three days later, when we reached Wilna, not one
survived of the poor fellows whose weeping mothers had
watched them start so short a time ago. I have been
told since by several Russians that if the wind had blown
from the north with the temperature at from 25 to 30
degrees, not one of us would have escaped alive. When
the murderous north wind is blowing, the Russians
generally remain in doors all day and night in rooms
heated by stoves, and if they ever do venture forth
it is only after a good meal, cased in woollen garments
and thick furs, with which in our inexperience few of us
had provided ourselves. The French died off, but the
Cossacks fared splendidly.
The nearer we got to Wilna the more intense was the
cold, especially at night, and every morning those still
capable of bearing arms became fewer and fewer. The
first corps now numbered scarcely 300 men, and the
colonels and generals had to carry the colours of their
regiments themselves. The enemy continued to can-
nonade us without venturing to come to close quarters. At
AN UNEXPECTED MEETING 251
last on December 8 we arrived on the heights of Wilna,
where the httle remnant of General Loison's corps
perished of cold whilst a brisk cannonade from the Russians
was going on. The ajaproach to Wilna by the Minsk gate
was so blocked with carriages piled up on each other and
inextricably locked together, that I gave up trying to get
in that way, but made my entrance through a garden by
means of two ladders conveniently placed one on each side
of a wall.
The first object I noticed in the street I entered, which
was also much encumbered by broken vehicles, was the
overturned carriage of the paymaster of the army ; the
cash boxes had been broken open, and most of the
contents stolen, but some 200,000 to 300,000 francs
were scattered about on the ground for the first comer to
pick up. The frozen metal, however, blistered the fingers of
those who tried to carry it ofif, and the emaciated passers-by,
scarcely able to drag themselves along, had not the cou-
rage to stoop or to burden themselves with heavy money.
What was my surprise at meeting in this street
Colonel Kobilinski, who, as related above, had had his thigh
smashed at Malo-Jaroslavitz and had fallen against me !
He had been found by some soldiers, who carried him on
their shoulders to a hospital. He slipped from their hold
some twenty times in his insensibility, but when his
wound had been dressed for the first time, four Jews car-
ried him to the house of a nobleman of Wilna, where he
was kindly received. He had suffered greatly for no less
than fifty days from cold, hunger, and dysentery, yet his
iron constitution brought him safely through all, and he
is now in the service of Russia as governor of a fortress.
As I hurried about the town trying to make arrange-
ments for my return to France, I came upon General
■^■■yl .MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
Vasserot's carriage, which had safely arrived the evening
before with its owner and my sister in it. They had
escaped all the dangers of the road, and were just about
to start for Danzig, where they were to wait for me. They
had still perhaps the most difficult and dangerous part
of the journey to perform, for between Wilna and
Kovno were two very steep hills, now completely covered
with ice. Always almost impassable, the presence of the
enemy now added greatly to the difficulties of this part of
the route, and here was left behind the last remnant of
our war material. General Vasserot, however, who was
a soldier to the backbone, managed to get safely over
every obstacle, and was amongst the very few who did so.
I went back by way of my two ladders to tell Marshal
Davout, Generals Haxo and Gerard, of this way of getting
into the town, as they would probably not have discovered
it for themselves. On my way to them I found a young
artillery officer, who had had his arm amputated, exactly
where I had left him some hours before. I had told him
then that he had better follow me, as I could lend him a
hand in climbing over impediments. He had thanked
me, but said he had promised to wait at the entrance to
the suburb for his servant. I said no more then, but
when I came upon him again I represented to him the
risk of remaining stationary in such murderous cold. ' I
know all about that,' was his reply ; ' but my faithful
soldier George is my foster brother, and he has given me
a thousand proofs of his devotion ever since I joined the
army. My own mother could not have taken better care
of me since I was wounded. He is ill and suffering, and
I would rather die than break my word to him.' Touched
by this devotion at a time when hardly any one had a
thought but for his own preservation, I did not dare to
SAD WASTE OF PROVISIONS 253
suggest to him that his beloved foster brother might be
dead of cold, or a prisoner in the hands of the Eussians.
I merely asked him his name, his age, and his comitry.
' My name is Arthur de Birassaye, I am twenty-two years
old, and I come from Bayonne,' was the reply. I never
saw the officer again, but when I was in Bayonne some
years later, I made inquiries about him, and learnt that
he had never returned thither.
The people of Wilna, who during our absence had
received immense convoys of stores and provisions, which
were collected in magazines, received us kindly, and were
full of hospitality and pity for our sufferings ; but gradually,
as fresh crowds of starving, debilitated wretches arrived,
and it became impossible to maintain order in the distribu-
tion of food, pillage set in, all discipline was at an end,
and scarcely anybody profited by the supplies. Fortu-
nately, however, when the town itself was about to be
pillaged, a strong force of police was organised, and the
destruction was arrested. Meanwhile Major-General
Prince Berthier, the Duke of Bassano, and Count Daru,
Commissary-General, did their best to restore order in the
ranks of the army, but they could achieve little. King
Murat recognised that the task the Emperor had left him
was beyond his powers, and his efforts were restricted to
escaping being taken alive by the Cossacks, whom he had
so often defied and so many of whom he had cut down, or
from falling into the hands of the dreaded Tchichakoff,
of whom we all stood in great awe, though so far he had
not done us very much harm.
The Emperor had left orders for us to hold AVilna, and
General von Wrede, with the few troops remaining to
him, had joined us there with a view to supporting us.
He fought valiantly all day long under a ceaseless
254 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
cannonade from the enemy, but it was hopeless to attempt
to stop the movement of retreat now, and all idea of making
a stand at Wilna was soon abandoned. King Murat was
himself the first to leave for Kovno vdth the remainder of
the Guard, for he was eager to place the Niemen between
himself and the enemy, but that river was frozen hard,
and could no longer be said to divide the districts on
either side of its course.
I now held no post in the army, and had taken leave
of Marshal Davout, so that I was free to get back to
Prance as best I could. I bought a sledge, and as the
Polish General Kovitzki offered to act as my guide and
interpreter, we left Wilna together at three o'clock on the
morning of December 10. We crossed the ice covering
the Wilia, and took the least frequented route on the right
bank of that river for Kovno. The next morning at
Assanovo we met Prince Eadzivil, said to be the richest
nobleman in Poland. Several of his ancestors had been
chosen to wear the crown, so long hereditary in the
Jagellon family. The Prince joined us and was good
enough to let us have some of the horses he had ordered
for himself at every posting house, so that we reached
Kovno at the same time as Marshal Davout, who had
taken the shorter route.
The weather was very bad, and snow was falling so
heavily on the day of our arrival that we could hardly see
ten paces before us. Half of Kovno was on fire, whilst
the other half had been given up to pillage, and the
wagons containing the Imperial treasure had only with
great difficulty been saved.
The King of Naples was preparing to leave, having
heard that the Prince von Schwarzenberg, who had already
withdrawn to Bialistock, was continuing his retreat
1 LEAVE THE ARMY 255
towards Warsaw. Marshal Macdonald meanwhile, aban-
doned by the Prussian corps under General York, was
retiring on Memel.' Nothing could have exceeded the
melancholy appearance presented by Kovno, with snow
falling so thickly as to darken the air, and scarcely any
light but that from the flames consuming the town. It
was indeed a gloomj;- augury for the future. The little
remnant which had returned to Kovno represented to me
the army whose fortunes I had shared so long ; and when
I turned my back on it, it was with feelings such as
those of some brother abandoning the dead bodies of
those belonging to him in a home smitten by the plague.
As I cautiously made my way across the bridge in my
sledge, I could not keep back the tears at the thought
of the contrast between the scene I gazed on now, on
this melancholy 12th of December, and that I had so
proudly looked dovTii upon on June 24. True, the storm
which had broken upon us then might have warned us of
what was in store for us. It had really been, though we
did not realise it, premonitory of the disasters awaiting
us, from which none but the strongest escaped, and I
thanked God for having brought me safely through them
all. I now took the shortest route to Konigsberg, and
was soon out of hearing of the cannonade from the
Cossacks, and the yet more melancholy reports, so long of
daily occurrence, of the blowing up of our ammunition
wagons to save them from falhng into the hands of the
enemy. I did not stop at Konigsberg, but pushed on for
Danzig, where I arrived on December 10. My sister and
General Vasserot joined me there the next day. The
' General York's treachery to Napoleon ought to have been foreseen by
him from the first, and it was the height of imprudence to employ the
Prussian corps under him as the left wing of the Grand Army — Teans.
256 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
General still needed rest for his complete recovery from
his wound, and we too were worn out, so we stopped
quietly at Danzig for ten days, which we spent in pro-
viding ourselves with new clothes. As soon as I arrived
I burnt the clothes I had travelled in, for they hterally
swarmed with vermin, and for the first time for two
months and a half I enjoyed the luxury of a bath and a
shave, for during our retreat I had never been able to give
the slightest attention to my toilette, and my face was
literally blackened with smoke and exposure. I now
resumed my usual habits, and my spirits rose greatlj'.
On December 30 my sister and I took leave of our
good friend General Vasserot, and we left Danzig together
in my sledge. A tremendous storm overtook us by the
way, and our vehicle was several times overturned. Each
time we fell, we left the impression of our faces in the
snow. If only that snow had been clay or some other
enduring material, those impressions would have been
preserved as curiosities by the people of the district, which
is rich in fossils, many being embedded in the stones of
which the houses are built. These small accidents, which
were rather comic than tragic, only made us laugh, and
restored to us the gaiety to which we had so long been
strangers. The storm had melted the snow, and the sledge
was no longer of any use, so we had to stop at Neustadt
to buy a carriage. I got one of the little chars a bancs in
Germany which are as light as they are pretty, and on the
third day, the snow having disappeared, we were able to
resume our route.
Nothing happened during the journey of 400
leagues between Danzig and Prussia of much importance
to be related here ; but one rather amusing episode is,
perhaps, worth recording. I was sent at Labehn to the
A CLEVER DECEPTION 257
house of the Countess of Koestoritz, who with her
numerous family received us very kindly, and asked us to
join them at the dinner just about to be served. During
the meal she remarked that she was surprised to see us
eat so little, adding that a General had been stopping in
her house for three days who, though very ill, consumed
such a quantity of food she could hardly keep pace with
his needs. He was, moreover, particular in his choice of
diet. ' What is his name ? ' I inquired. ' His people told
ine, but I have forgotten it,' was the reply. ' He is so ill
that he was carried from his carriage to his room.'
After dinner was over, I went to ask the General's
servants what his name was, and they replied haughtily,
' He is Count Baraguey d'Hilliers, General of Division.' ' I
know him well ; I should like to see him.' ' He is very
ill ; he receives no one.' I made a few further inquiries,
but the replies were evasive, and suspecting mischief, I
said I must see him. It was no good, the servants per-
sisted in their refusal to let me in ; so, feeling more sure
than ever that something was wrong, I broke open the
door, and passing through an antechamber found myself
in a big, well-lighted room, in which was a table, where
five or six people had evidently just dined. On four chairs
behind the table lay what looked like a corpse wrapped
up in its shroud. I asked angrily for the General, and
was at once surrounded by a number of servants in his
livery, who whispered an eager request that I would not
denounce them. 'What do you mean?' I cried; and
they answered in low voices, ' We were ordered to take
the General's body back to France, and we have suffered
so dreadfully from hunger all through the campaign, we
thought we would pretend that the General was still alive,
so as to get a good meal every day as if for him, and thus
VOL. II. s
2-38 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
regain a little strength ourselves. Have pity on us, and do
not betray us.' At first I did not like to promise, but
tliey persuaded me, and I was so sorry for them that I said
I VFOuld say nothing if they promised to leave before day-
break the next morning, I did not examine the corpse to
identify it, but the carriage and liveries were certainly
those of General Baraguey d'Hilliers. When I went back
to the drawing room, I was rather embarrassed as to what
I should say, but the Countess said with a smile, ' I sup-
X^ose it really is his servants who eat all the food they ask
for the General, if he himself is so ill ? ' I told her she
was right, adding that they would leave very early the
next day. This news evidently gave her the greatest
pleasure. My sister and I took leave the same evening,
as we, too, meant to start before daybreak. My light
carriage amused' the postilions very much wherever we
stopped to change horses, and they all said as we started,
' You will never get to the next post ; ' to which I replied,
' We'll hold on as long as the carriage lasts.' The mischiev-
ous fellows would then try to keep the horses at a gallop
so as to break my vehicle if they could ; but all their efforts
only cost me a little string to strengthen my wheels, and,
thanks to their malice, I got to Paris two days sooner
than I had hoped.
At St. Denis, near the gates of Paris, my sister left me
to go to some old friends, and I gave my carriage to their
children, whilst I took a cab for myself, and drove home,
glad enough to have got back safe and sound. I tried to
sleep, but was haunted by a long nightmare, in which one
confused scene of the campaign succeeded another, whilst
the noise of the cannonade still sounded in my ears,
and the face of Tchichakoff as I imagined it — anything
but a flattering likeness probably — continually stood out
HOME AGAIN AT J.A.ST ! l!59
vividly from all others, even as the memory of the tor-
ments of hunger exceeded that of the various sufferings
which disturbed my rest.
But after all I was in Paris at last ! I hastened to let
my friends know of my return, and was everywhere eagerly
welcomed. I should soon have forgotten my woes, petted
and made much of as I was in their society, but that
they, of course, made me tell them all my adventures.
260 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
CHAPTEE VIII
THE AREIVAL OF THE EMPEEOE AT PAEIS — THE CAMPAIGN
OF 1813 — LUTZEN — BAUTZEN — THE ARMISTICE, DRESDEN
— KULM, LEIPZIG — HANAU — MY RETURN TO PARIS
The Emperor had arrived at Paris on December 18, 1812,
whilst I did not get there till February 5, 1813. The
Emperor had every reason to dread the arrival in Paris of
the witnesses of our disasters in Eussia, for he knew that
the relation of the sad details of our retreat would damp
the ardour of those whom he relied on to aid him in
raising fresh levies to be led against the enemy. I under-
stood well enough the false position in which my return
without leave had placed me, and I modestly kept aloof from
court society, in spite of the many invitations I received,
seeing no one but my father and my most intimate
friends, whilst I tried to regain my health, and get my
affairs into order. Still I felt that my case was an ex-
ceptional one, for I did not know another Frenchman who
had in so short a time gone through such an immense
number of perilous vicissitudes. When, therefore, I felt
that the state of my finances would permit me to take the
field once more, I wrote to the Duke of Feltre, Minister
of War, in the following terms :
' Paris : February 17, 1813.
' My Lord, — The Emperor's goodness conferred on me,
against my own desire, the honour of being chief of the
stail to Marshal Davout, Prince of Eckmiihl. I begged
I PLEAD MY OWX CAUSE IN VAIN 261
again and again to be replaced, and at Smolensk the
Emperor gave his consent, naming General Charpentier
as my successor, but he would not take up his post, and I
continued to perform the duties without the pay of Chief
of the Staff.
' His Majesty is not ignorant of the dangers to which
I have been exposed during the last eighteen months. In
Spain my horse was killed under me, having been struck
by more than thirty balls, whilst I was taken prisoner
stripped naked, and, without exaggeration, all but shot, all
but hanged, and finally taken to England, whence I escaped
miraculously from the hands of smugglers, who had
intended to murder me, so that I was able to join the
Russian campaign, in which I endured the torments of
famine, was poisoned and frozen, and, for the second time
in less than twenty months, completely ruined by the loss
of- all my baggage and horses.
' Finding myself without employment in the Grand
Army, I left the Prince of Eckmiihl at Kovno, and returned
to Paris to collect the means for rejoining the army. I
have achieved what I came for, and now have the honour
of placing myself at the disposal of your Excellency, ready
to continue to serve the Emperor and France with the
same zeal as I have already done for twenty-five years.
I have the honour to be, &c.'
The Duke of Feltre submitted my letter to the
Emperor, but his Majesty was not in the least touched
by the exceptional position in which I was placed. He
merely observed, ' He owns his fault ; he shall pay for the
others ; ' and when on February 19 I presented myself
to pay my respects to the Duke, I was told he could not
receive me. Returning home, I found the letter he had
262 MEM01i;S OF B.AJRON LE.TEUXE
just written to me, which contained the very unexpected
words : ' General, the Emperor orders you to give your-
self up as a prisoner at the Abbaye.' There could be no
reply to so gracious an order ! and the same day my good
friend Colonel Bontemps went to see me placed under lock
and key in a room where many men of much higher
military rank than myself had been confined. My faith-
ful friend even remained with me for the sixteen days my
captivity lasted. Many ladies also called to see me, but I
was very much mortified at the position in which I had
been placed, and declined to allow any of them to stoop
to enter my prison. In denying myself the pleasure of
seeing them, I hoped to deprive the Emperor of some of
the eclat he evidently hoped to gain by shutting me up, for
if I had admitted them behind my bars, I should have been
much talked of, many carriages would have driven up to
the entrance to the Abbaye, and my name would have been
in all the papers, which was just what I wanted to avoid.
On the sixteenth day I received orders to join the
army in Germany. I at once bought a good travelling
carriage, and on March 11 I quitted Paris, once more.
By the evening of the 19th I was at a little place called
Hombourg, beyond Metz, where my cramped quarters
contrasted greatly with those I was in on the same day
the year before in a Moorish palace of Cordova, Andalusia,
which was decorated in a fairylike nranner in honour of
the birthday of King Joseph.
I arrived at Mayence on March 21, and there I found
General Compans, whom I had not seen since we
parted at Krasnoe. He was just the same as ever, as
calm and smiHng as he had been on the battle field. His
costume alone was different. The thick furs needed as a
protection against the bitter cold of the Russian winter
DEFEAT OF VO>f WEEDE 263
were discarded, he no longer carried his arm in a sHng,
and his happy expression was not now the result of self-
control in the midst of dangers, but the outcome of
genuine contentment, for his pretty young wife had come
to join him with her parents M. and Mme. Lecoq, who
were old friends of mine. They all pressed me to stay as
long as I could with them, and when I left them it was
only to go to Frankfort, where I was received by Marshal
Mortier with equally touching proofs of his faithful friend-
ship for me, which dated from the beginning of the cam-
paign en the Rhine.
Napoleon had but quite recently raised Von Wrede to
the rank of a Marshal of the Empire, and made him a
Prince of Bavaria, his native land, which had just been
converted into an independent kingdom.' The defection
of that General with his troops had made a great gap in
our ranks, and Von Wrede hoped by turning against us
his 20,000 Bavarians to cut off our retreat to France.
Providence, however, did not permit him to succeed.
But we must not anticipate by referring in advance to
the events which were now rapidly to succeed each other.
It will not do to speak too soon of the brilliant battle of
Hanau, when the united Bavarian and Austrian troops
under Von Wrede were defeated by our brave fellows, who,
few though they were, surpassed themselves, and not only
kept open the way back to their country, which Von
Wrede endeavoured to close to them, but put to the blush
their old comrades in arms, who must indeed have felt
' Lejeune seems to have got wrong about Von Wrede. He was made a
Count of the Empire by Napoleon after the battle of Wagram, but his de-
fection at the close of the Eussian campaign prevented his gaining the
rank of Marshal. It was not until he had won several victories over the
French, that he was made a Bavarian Field Marshal and Prince by the
enemies of Napoleon. — Teans.
264 MEMOIRS OF BAKOX LEJEUNE
ashamed of having deserted the ranks of the noble aUies
with whom they had been for so long on such cordial
terms.
My one desire now was to find out where I could get
the horses and harness I needed for a new campaign, and
I was hunting about, when I saw some one I thought I
knew advancing towards me on a very fine steed. It was
Captain de Vaux, and, roused to envy at seeing him so
well mounted, I accosted him with the words, ' You are
lucky to have been able to get such a good horse.' He
drew rein for me to see its points. It was a young iron-
grey animal, with a long white waving silky mane, falling
over a swanlike neck, as glossy as satin. The thick
hair partly hid the brilliant dark eyes and the wide-open
nostrils, the edges of which were of a deep red colour.
Whilst De Vaux was chatting to me about his travels,
and showing off his horse, the beautiful creature was
champing the bit, flecking us with foam, and raising
clouds of dust as it fretted against the delay. The
Captain told me, to my relief, that he had just bought his
steed from the Prince of Sondershausen, whose palace was
about four leagues off, adding, ' In his stables you will
find 200 horses reared on his estates, and he will sell
you as many as you like.' This news, of course, delighted
me, and I ordered my postilion to take me to Sonders-
hausen as quickly as possible. We soon reached it, and
found it to be a pretty little town almost surrounded by
woods.
I knew that I must go first to the Grand Equerry, a
certain wealthy Jew, named Von Schleidnitz, whose house
and office were on the chief square opposite the Palace.
Having first inquired who I was, he received me with the
most courtly politeness, and as soon as he knew the
THE COUltT STABLES OF SONDEKSIIAUSEN 265-
object of my visit, he said, ' I will go and ascertain the
wishes of his Highness, who is now hunting about two
miles off.' He had his horse saddled at once, and an
hour later he came to the hotel at which I had put up,,
with a favourable reply. The Prince had given orders
that the court stables should be shown to me by the
equerries in gala attire, and the contents of those stables
placed at my disposal. He added a gracious invitation to
me to come to the Palace that evening to see the grand
opera of ' Tamerlane,' with music by Winter. A palace !
Court stables ! Equerries in gala attire ! The grand opera
of ' Tamerlane ' in the midst of the forest ! This must
be a Versailles in miniature. I felt as if I had fallen
from the clouds, and arranged to go to the stables to see
the wonderful horses at the time named by the Grand
Equerry, who was good enough to come and fetch me.
We soon arrived at the Palace, where the little garrison
was under arms. The Prince, I found, had to furnish
thirty men to the Confederation of the Ehine. A drum
was beaten as a salute on our arrival, and this was also
the signal of our approach to the equerries in charge of
the court stables.
A vast sanded court surrounded by fine buildings still
separated us from the manorial residence of the Prince.
We entered on the right the principal corridor of the
stables, which presented a most charming and striking
coup d'ceil. More than 100 young fellows of about
eighteen or twenty were standing motionless, drawn
up in long lines on the right and left at the entrance tO'
the stalls, whip in hand, and wearing green jackets re-
lieved, in English fashion, with a few silver ornaments,,
tight-fitting white leather breeches, riding boots, and
jockey caps. Here and there stood a man in more richly
2C,i] IIEMOIRS OF BAP.OX LE.TEUXE
decorated garments, who was apparently in command of
the others. The silence was only interrupted by the noise
made by the horses as they munched the hay which they
pulled from the racks made of oak or polished walnut, the
dark colour of which contrasted well with the white
marble of the mangers. The corridor was full of the
delicious scent of the hay. The horses, which were
almost at liberty in their big stalls, appeared very happy,
and quite indifferent to our praises of their graceful beauty,
their colour, &c. They all seemed very gentle, and to
expect us to caress them. I found that each horse had
its own saddle, bridle, and harness, and that if I liked the
Prince would sell them with the horse chosen. I was
very glad to hear this, which would save me a lot of
trouble, so I asked to have twenty horses, the age of which
had been told me, led out for me to look at more closely.
Twenty of the young equerries then left their ranks, and
either leading the horses, or vaulting lightly on their
backs, put them through their paces for my benefit. I
chose twelve out of the twenty, six of a good and six of a
moderate height. Then, my voice almost trembling with
eagerness, I asked the Grand Equerry to speak to the
Prince about the price. The thought of owning all these
beautiful creatures filled me with delight, but I was
dreadfully afraid that a sum beyond my means would be
asked, for I well remembered the experience of one of my
friends, who bought some horses from the Prince of Plesse,
who had a very fine stud in Holstein, and was celebrated
for his skill in breeding the finest races of horses. He
did not want to make money, but he did want to cover
the expenses involved in the keeping up of such an
establishment as his. He never, therefore, allowed a
horse bearing his brand to pass out of his hands under a
I BUY SIX BEAUTIFUL IIOKSES 267
sum considerably over 100 louis, and every animal
bred by him was certainly v^^ell worth that on account
of its beauty and noble qualities. At every sale,
therefore, the word ' hundred ' was understood, and when a
stranger asked the price of some steed to which he had
a fancy, and the reply was twenty, fifty, or eighty louis as
the case might be, he was often overjoyed ai the idea of
getting a fine animal for such a moderate sum ; but when
he offered his eighty louis he was asked for the other
hundred for the brand on the horse chosen, and, surprised
at the demand, he would often break off the bargain. In
my case, however, the Prince of Sondershausen, fearing
probably the chances of war, asked no more than fifty louis
for each big horse, and forty for each small one. He was
very moderate too in the prices he put on the saddles
and harness, and T soon found myself the happy owner
of twelve fine horses, which seemed to me more beautiful
than ever now they belonged to me. Good strong horses
mean everything to a general officer — courage, speed, life
itself — and I was full of thankfulness. I gladly emptied
my purse into the hands of Von Scheidnitz, who lent me
some trusty fellows to take the horses to Magdeburg. I
excused myself from waiting to pay my respects to the
Prince, or to listen to the opera of ' Tamerlane,' and set
off again in my carriage in the evening.
I had scarcely gone a league through the pretty
avenues of trees leading from the Prince's residence, when
I heard a carriage drawn by eight horses gaining rapidly
on us. My postilion had only just time to say to me, as
he respectfully uncovered, ' The Princess Eegent ! ' before
the vehicle dashed past us. I followed his example, and
saluted. A few minutes later two carriages, each with six
horses, followed the first. ' The ladies of the Coiu't ! ' cried
268 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
the postilion, and we both saluted again with the same
respect as for the Princess herself.
Whilst I was halting for a moment at Halberstadt, I
saw my charming little troop of horses pass in good con-
dition, and felt' a fresh glow of pleasure in their possession.
I reached Magdeburg on March 29, and alighted at the
residence of my friend General Haxo, who with General
Eogniat had orders to put that stronghold into a good state
of defence, as a base of operations in the approaching
campaign. Prince Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, was also
there, having collected the remnants of his army on the
banks of the Elbe. Every day fresh reinforcements
arrived from France, and all the troops of the new army,
already of considerable strength, were eager to avenge the
disasters of the Russian campaign. Marshal Davout, who
was still pursued by Wittgenstein, had passed from the
right to the left bank of the Elbe at Dresden. On March
29 he had blown up two piers of the big bridge and retired
on Leipzig. It was, however, important to bar the
approach of the enemy along the many open roads on the
frontiers of Germany, so the Prince of Eckmiihl with the
reinforcements he had received went down the left bank
of the Elbe, and took up a position beyond Magdeburg on
the lower river on the left of the Viceroy's corps.
The Emperor joined the army again on April 17, just
at the time of the arrival of the reinforcements from Italy,
and on May 1 our army took up its position at CEtch on
the road to Llitzen, a little to the south of the battle field
where the great struggle of November 6, 1632, took place,
in which Gustavus Adolphus lost his life. The French
now came into collision with the enemy for the first time
in the new campaign,' and in the shock of a brisk cannonade
' Lejeune scarcely makes it clear that Napoleon had now to deal with
(GENERAL CUMPANS GOES OUT TO RECONNOITRE 269
Marshal Bessieres was killed by a ball. The Emperor and
his Guard slept that night at Weissenfels.
On May 2 took place the second great battle of
Liitzen. The Russian and Prussian forces advancing on
to the plain were vigorously attacked by the Emperor,
who won a great victory over them, and drove them back
upon the Elbe.^
On the evening of this great battle occurred one of
those exciting episodes so frequent in war, in which
General Compans behaved with a noble devotion, recalling
that of the Chevalier d'Assas.
The General had achieved great successes during the
day with the sturdy marines of the Guard forming the
greater part of his fine division, and when night fell our
men, finding themselves isolated in the midst of a vast
plain, closed up in squares to guard against sudden attacks
from the enemy's cavalry.
By ten o'clock all was quiet but for an occasional
cannon-shot fired just to keep us anxious and to show us
that the enemy had not yet completely withdrawn.
We felt that this silence might mean the preparation
of some surprise, and General Compans left the square of
his division to creep along the plain and listen to what
was going on in the distance. After an hour of silence,
he fancied he detected the tramp of cavalry. He listened
still more intently, and clearly made out the peculiar
rumbling sound produced by horses approaching in num-
bers wdth mufHed tread. The sound came nearer and
nearer, leaving the General in no doubt as to the fact that
a sudden cavalry charge was about to be made, and he
the united Prussian and Eussian army, a very considerable portion of the
former of which had been on his own side during the last campaign. — Thans.
' Owing to the fact that the French had very few cavalry, they were
not able to follow up this victory by pursuing and taking prisoners. — Teans.
1^(0 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
set off in all haste to regain his division. But the sound
of trotting was soon changed to that of galloping, and long
before he could regain the ranks of his own men, Compans
could hear the orders given by the enemy's officers.
Eunning as fast as he could, though he had no longer
any hope of escape for himself, the French General
shouted at the top of his voice, ' Compans' division !
Compans' division ! To arms ! to arms ! Prepare to
meet a cavalry charge ! ' ' Then, commending himself to
God, he flung himself down on his face in a rut beside a
number of dead, whose fate he expected soon to share.
His troops, recognising the voice of their chief, stood
to arms, and with crossed bayonets awaited the shock.
The General heard the clash of the steel, and awaited
the event in agonised suspense. With the speed of light-
ning, but with no other sound than that of the tramp
of the horses, which shook the ground on which Compans
lay, the whole charge swept over him, to dash upon the
compact body of the marines, who received it with a mur-
derous fire at close quarters. The horses, terrified at
finding themselves suddenly in the midst of the flashing
and crashing of the fire from thousands of muskets, reared
and whirled round. The whole body of cavalry was thrown
into disorder, and instead of carrying all before it, as the
leader of the charge had expected, it galloped off as rapidly
as it had come.
Truly terrible was the position of General Compans
during the few moments occupied by this attack and
defence. He might have been hit by our balls, he might
have been trampled under foot by the enemy's cavalry ;
but Providence, recognising, perhaps, that his devotion de-
served a reward, turned aside our fire, and intensified for
the nonce that instinct natural to horses to avoid stepping
I 8TAirr TO JOIN MAKSIIAL OUDINOT 271
on to anything likely to give way under their feet.
General Compans was not even wounded, but trembling
with emotion, and covered with earth and dust, he rejoined
his division, who received him with shouts of joy at seeing
him come back safe and sound after an experience so
terrible and extraordinary. The rest of the night passed
over quietly ; the enemy had discovered that we were on
our guard, and we were all able to get a little rest.
The Emperor passed the night after the battle of
Liitzen at Eisfeld. A brisk, well-sustained cannonade
went on for the whole of the next two days, during which
we pursued the enemy, and on May 4 Napoleon slept in
the chateau which had been occupied the night before by
the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia. It was
here that he appointed me General-in-Chief of the Staff of
the 12th corps commanded by Marshal Oudinot.
I started that same evening (May 4), marching all
night by way of Weissenfels and Naumburg, to join the
Marshal. Having come up with him, I now followed the
12th corps on its way to pass the night at Zeist. On the
6th and 7th we halted at Altenbourg ; on the 8th, having
passed through Kennitz, a pretty town of Saxony, we
halted at Sederau, and marched thence by way of Zens-
perg, Freiburg, and Hetzeldorf, to the camp two leagues
from Dresden, where we halted on the evening of the 10th,
and remained for five days.
On May 16 my new corps left Dresden, and on the
20th General Belin, of the engineers, and I went to throw
some bridges over the Spree by which to reach the enemy
on the next day. Whilst we were at work on the 21st, the
Russians and Prussians were advancing in the direction
of Bautzen to cross the Spree and cut off our retreat. It
was of the utmost importance to us to check this offensive
2.r2 MEMOIES OF BAliOX LEJEUXE
movement, and our bridges over the Spree being fortu-
nately finished, the l'2th corps crossed the river on them
at once, a brigade of 3,000 or 4,000 Neapolitans leading
the way, deploying immediately in , picturesque fashion
■on the heights beyond the right bank.
Just as the Italians had gained the heights, a gun vs^as
fired by the enemy, and I distinctly savi^ one ball M'hiz
through the air more than 100 feet above their heads.
Not a man wsis touched, but the vs^hole brigade, taken
by surprise, fell on their knees. We were marching be-
hind them, and the sight of all these plumed grenadiers
overcome with fear of a single ball made us laugh so
loudly that they got up in a great hurry, and marching
upon the enemy flung themselves furiously upon the
advanced guard, doing it a good deal of mischief.
My corps was ordered to take up a position with the
left wing resting on Bautzen, and the right on a very lofty
plateau which was covered with entrenchments not visible
from below, and surmounting the wooded hills sloping
•down from it towards the Spree.
The Pactod division was ordered to scale these heights,
take the entrenchments, and establish themselves amongst
them so as to check the enemy should they attempt to go
down to the Spree by way of the hills to destroy our
bridges and cut off our retreat.
The Lorencez division supporting the Pactod was
posted in the plain behind a little wood and the plateau
just mentioned.
The Emperor with his staff and Guard were at
Bautzen.
Marshal Macdonald, commanding the 11th corps,
supported our left, whilst the rest of the army stretched
away on the left of Macdonald's corps, the corps under
BATTI.E or BAUTZEN 273
INIarshal Ney, which formed the extreme left of the French
army, taking up a position at right angles with om: line of
battle.
Such was the position occupied by the French and the
disposition of their forces in the great battle of Bautzen
between them and the combined Eussian, Austrian, and
Prussian forces.
I shall content myself with mentioning what fell
under my own observation as attached to the 12th corps,
the operations of which I was instructed to press on and
to report.
Fire was opened on our right by the Pactod division,
which drove back a considerable column of Prussians
upon their entrenchments, erected on an elevated point to
harass our march to the Spree.
The Pactod division maintained the struggle on the
plateau with admirable courage and perseverance for no
less than thirty-two hours under a continuous hail of
cannon-balls, grapeshot, and bullets, whilst all along the
line for several leagues an equally terrible conflict was
going on.
The Bussians, however, succeeded in gaining ground
a little ; their artillery dashed up at a gallop to take a
position on a height dominating the plain occupied by us,
and looking down upon us at their feet they potured forth
such volleys of balls and grapeshot that the ranks of the
Lorencez division were mown down by them. For an
hour we were all in a very painful position, and Marshal
Oudinot was compelled to send a message to Marshal
Macdonald on his left asking for reinforcements. The
Marshal at once sent the Gerard division, which came up
to the support of General Lorencez just as that officer
had his thigh shattered by a ball, whilst his troops were
VOL. II. T
21 -i MEMOIRS OF 15AE0N LEJEUXE
suffering cruelly. Almost at the same moment my horse
was struck in the belly and horribly wounded. The poor
creature in its agony flung me several feet in the air, and
I fell heavily into a deep rut in the ground.
As soon as I recovered from the giddiness caused by
this fall, I dragged myself to a stream to bathe my face,
which had been a good deal bruised and cut. The cold
fresh water fully revived my senses and strength, and I
returned to seek my people, who gave me another horse.
I then went to Marshal Oudinot, who did not at first
recognise me, I was so much disfigured.
I soon left the Marshal again to go with his aide-de-
camp, the brave Colonel de Cramayel, to rally the rem-
nant of the Lorencez division and join it to that under
Eaglovitch, the united forces being ordered to go to the
right to the support of Pictod, who had lost his position
and nearly all his men.
After a few terrible moments of suspense, which
seemed like hours, we suddenly had the joy of hearing a
brisk cannonade in the distance behind the enemy, which
led us to hope that we were about to be extricated from
our critical position.
We were right ; the firing came from Marshal Ney,
who had flung himself with his usual vigour upon the
Eussian reserves. The Emperor, I heard later, had looked
at his watch a hundred times before he gave the signal
for this onslaught, so anxious was he that it should be
delivered at exactly the right moment to ensure success.
We began to breathe once more, for the enemy drew
back before us, gave up the attempt to drive us beyond
the Spree, and the battle of Bautzen was won.^
■ As with that of Liitzen, the battle of Bautzen had no good results for
the French, as they were unable to follow it up by pursuit of the enemy. —
TllANS.
STRUGGLE OUTSIDE I-IOJERS\'ERDA 275
We .remained two days in the position we had so
dearly bought, and then the 12th corps received orders to
march on Velau.
"We arrived at Hojersverda on May 26, and drove the
Prussians out of it.
Marching through the Httle town of Hojersverda, sur-
mounted as it was by lofty walls, was rather a difficult
matter, but Marshal Oudinot knew that there was a wide
meadow beyond in which he could deploy his troops,
and he therefore pushed through and drew up in battle
order face to face with the Prussians, by whom we had
been pursued, and who had already taken up a position
on the heights beyond.
The Marshal, who thought his position better than it
really was, did not trouble to protect the narrow entrance
to the town behind him, and, thinking that he had a good
opportunity for successfully attacking Tauenzin's corps,
he did not hesitate to advance.
The enemy, however, advantageously posted on slopes
from which they could watch every movement of ours,
placed a considerable force of artillery in position, and
poured a murderous fire upon us, which mowed down our
ranks, and soon compelled Marshal Oudinot himself to take
refuge in one of the many squares into which he hastily
formed his troops, and in which the grapeshot was
working terrible havoc.
Most fortunately the Marshal had left behind at the
entrance to the town, with two battalions, a brigade of
Hessian cavalry, commanded by General Wolff (a French-
man), and the whole of our artillery.
My officers kept on bringing me more and more
disastrous news from the Marshal, and I asked General
Wolff if he was disposed to support me vigorously with
T 2
276 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUXE
his cavalry. On his replying in the affirmative I ordered
the commander of the artillery to follow me with eight
twelve-pounders, the two battalions of infantry in their
turn to follow and protect the artillery, whilst General
Wolff was to cover our movement, and advance as far as
the outlying forces of the Prussians. I urged the greatest
care in pointing the artillery, and almost before the
enemy had noticed our arrival eight or ten of their guns
were put hors de combat, whilst their lines were greatly
broken. This vigorous and unexpected attack from us
only lasted a few moments before Bulow's columns were
put to rout, and Marshal Oudinot was rescued, though he
had already had many men killed and no fewer than 400
wounded. We spent the day after this disagreeable
affair at Hojersverda.
The 12th corps left Hojersverda on May 31, to
continue its march on Velau, and it was a few leagues
from that town that I had an opportunity of giving the
Marshal the chance of taking a grand revenge for his suf-
ferings outside Hojersverda.
He had halted at the village of Protha, and his three
divisions were marching in advance of him. I was going
round the outposts of the advanced guard when I discovered
that General Bulow, in his turn, was marching in columns
half a league in advance of our divisions, also on the way
to Velau, and that his flank was exposed to us in a very
unfortunate manner for him.
Our three generals noted this fact at the same moment
that I did, and were impatient to profit by it, so I galloped
back to ask Marshal Oudinot to give the order for the
attack to be made.
The Marshal, always brave enough where he himself
was concerned, hesitated now to give the word, and.
AN AltMISTICE IS PROCLAIMED ^77
anxious to be sure things were as we represented them,
he climbed into a belfry to see for himself. He soon
shouted down to me) ' Yes, you are right ; go and order the
three divisions to attack ! '
I galloped back, but everything had changed in the
short interval of my absence. The enemy had got out of
the awkward position they were in, our three generals
were convinced that the moment had gone by, and that to
act now would be as useless as dividing water with a
sword.
We therefore continued our march on Velau, where
the enemy had taken up their position, and from which
we only dislodged them with difficulty. During the strug-
gle the extensive suburb at the base of the hill caught fire,
and we fought for a long time in the thickest and blackest
smoke I ever saw.
Towards the end of this affair the infantry were
obliged to form in squares against constant charges from
the Eussian cavalry, many of whom were brought down
by us, but we lost several guns, and in the end both sides
drew back without any very definite result.
On June 9, General Guilleminot with a French division
joined us at Herzberg, bringing us the news of the armi-
stice just concluded.
On the 10th this fine division took up its quarters in
the chateau of Annaburg, which had been converted into a
military college.
We made our troops camp, and did all we could to pro-
vide them with healthy amusements during the pause in
hostilities. We organised sack races and merry-go-rounds
beneath a carefully balanced tun full of water, the contents
of which would deluge clumsy competitors.
Our cares were not, however, all for the men ; we looked
278 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
after ourselves too, and had many a pleasant water picnic
or fishing expedition on the picturesque Elster, in which
some of the people of the country, including various
charming ladies, took part.
Thus slipped hy the 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th
of June. The Staff were all quartered in the fine manor
house of Luhbenau, belonging to the Countess of Schoen-
herg, who did the honours of her house most gracefully,
and we had some delightful open-air fetes, dancing on
lawns or in arbours bright with flowers, with noble and
bourgeois dames.
During the spring of 1813 public feeling in Germany
was so bitter against the domination of the Prench, that a
secret association was formed, to which nearly all the young
fellows in the universities belonged.
The name given to this association by its members was
Tugendbund, or the League of Virtue. The handsome
young husband of the Countess of Schoenberg who enter-
tained us so kindly was one of the most ardent partisans
of the Tugendbund, and whilst we were enjoying the
society of his family in his beautiful home of Luhbenau,
he was making every preparation to wage war to the knife
with us as soon as the armistice ended. Owning a large
fortune, he had just levied a regiment of hussars numbering
1,500 men and horses.
To leave no doubt as to the spirit animating his troop,
he made his men wear black uniforms, whilst their shakos
were surmounted by black plumes and decorated with a
badge representing a death's head with its long teeth
resting on two crossed bones. Every member of the
regiment had to swear never to surrender and to make no
prisoners.
We danced on gaily enough, however, at the residence
ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS 279
of the Countess whilst the Count, inspired, Hke all the rest
of his countrymen, by the terrible ballad just written
by Goethe,' the young poet whose verses were then rousing
up all the patriotic ardour of the Germans, was preparing
a dance of death for us on the resumption of hostilities.
On June 19 we went to visit the battle field of Lukau,
where so much blood had been shed on the 4th, and almost
every day we made some excursion up or down the Spree
duck shooting, or we went in large parties for long rides,
held reviews of our troops, &c.
In the review of June 29, Pactod's division, in spite of
its terrible suffering at Bautzen, figured in brilliant force ;
the Guilleminot division, still undecimated, presented a
most imposing appearance ; whilst General Eaglovitch's
Bavarian division came on to the ground in the very
finest condition, evidently well prepared to take the field
again.
On August 12 all was ready for the resumption of
hostilities, and on the 16th we were all awaiting the re-
opening of the war.
On August 17 the enemy everywhere anticipated us
by attacking our outposts and driving them back.
On the 18th our position was changed by the un-
expected arrival of a considerable reinforcement, for the
Emperor placed under .Marshal Oudinot's orders the
Eeynier corps, consisting of two French divisions and the
King of Saxony's corps, collectively called the 7th corps.
To these troops Napoleon also added the 4th corps, com-
manded by General Bertrand, consisting of two French
divisions and the King of Wlirtemberg's contingent.
' It would seem that Goethe is a misprint here for Korner, as it was the
latter's SchwertUed and other fiery patriotic songs which so roused the
Germans. Goethe, on the other hand, was too cosmopolitan to be patriotic,
and his ode to Napoleon was quite the reverse. — Teans.
280 MEMOmS OF BARON LEJEUXE
To these two corps, the 4th and the 7th, were attached
two cavah-y corps under the orders of some French
generals and the Duke of Padua, the whole, with my
corps, the 12th, forming, as stated in a letter from Major-
General Prince Berthier, an army of no less than 80,000
men with Marshal Oudinot as commander-in-chief.
After verifying the numbers of the troops as they
arrived, however, it was found that there were really not
more than 60,000 combatants bearing arms.
The Emperor now ordered Marshal Oudinot to march
on Berlin and take possession of it, the same letter
mentioning the various dispositions of the movement
Napoleon himself would make.
On August 17, then, the first day of the resimiption of
hostilities, our army began its march, and we soon came
in contact with the Russian corps under Biilow and
Tauenzien, who offered a stubborn resistance to our
advance, but were driven back on the third day beyond
the Spree, across which we at once flung some bridges, so
as to pursue them in the direction of Potsdam and
Berlin. Our army continued its march ignorant of what
was before it, and it was only from the prisoners brought
in by om scouts that we learnt that the enemy had taken
up a position between Spandau and Berlin, so as to bar
our approach to the capital.
The 12th and 7th corps crossed the Spree in the
X^resence of the enemy, who at first defended the passage
but feebly. The 12th corps had crossed easily enough
about two o'clock in the afternoon, and driven the
Prussians defending the heights beyond to a considerable
distance from the river ; but Marshal Oudinot, before
venturing to pursue Biilow, wanted to wait for news of
the two corps manoeuvring on his right.
UNITY OF OVU MOVEMENT DESTKOYEL) 281
A little before nightfall an officer came from General
lleynier, bringing verj' bad tidings. The General, who
had been advancing, as arranged, in the direction of
Klistov and Grossbeeren with the Saxons as advanced
guard and the French divisions in reserve, had come upon
a corps of the enemy. The Saxons had been easily
beaten and driven back in disorder upon the reserves,
which fortunately had remained unbroken.
This repulse, of course, destroyed the unity of the
concerted movement which had been so successfully
begun by our left, and an idea occurred to me which I
hoped might put things right again all along the line. It
was not j^et night, and I proposed that the 12th corps
should halt and prepare their soup for supper, whilst I
should go and ascertain the exact condition of General
Eeynier's corps. That done, I would at once find General
Bertrand and see if his troops were in good heart after
their achievements of the day. If they were ready to take
the offensive, I would tell him to give them the order
to prepare for an attack at daybreak on the front and
flanks of the enemy, who would probably be rather off
guard after the success of the evening before.
I felt pretty sure that such a surprise would put the
enemy to rout, especially as it might catch them asleep,
resting on the laurels they had won.
Marshal Oudinot was very unwilling to listen to my
advice, and retarded my departure on one pretext or
another, so that it was not until quite late that I started,
bearing his orders for the attack to the 7th and 4th
corps.
I was accompanied only by a very few horsemen, whom
I had obtained with difficulty from the Duke of Padua,
commanding our cavalry, and for whom he made me wait
282 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
a very long time. I arrived about midnight at Gross-
beeren, near to v^hich General Eeynier vpas hard at work
restoring order amongst the Saxons, who had been
repulsed that evening. I told him of my scheme for the
attack by the three corps, and of the dispositions that the
Duke of Eeggio (Marshal Oudinot) had instructed me to
arrange in concert with him and the General in command
of our right, with a view to the making of this attack at
daybreak. General Eeynier fell in most cordially with
the project, hazardous though it doubtless appeared to
him when I first broached it. He assured me that his
Saxons, though they had been repulsed, had lost very few
men, and that they were in good heart now they had
recovered breath. He had placed them behind the two
French divisions, which were sure to fling themselves
upon the enemy with extraordinary vigour. He therefore
placed no obstacles in the way of the Marshal's project,
and said he felt sure of success if only the 12th and
4th corps on his right and left marched simultaneously
-and co-operated cordially with him.
Delighted with the good spirits in which I found
•General Eeynier, and with the fresh proofs he gave me of
his continued devotion to the cause of the Emperor, I
hurried on to Suthen to take the good news to General
Bertrand, whose co-operation it was absolutely essential
to secure.
As soon as I reached General Bertrand, I told him of
the plan of attack for the morning, and also said that the
Emperor's dispositions for our march on Berlin were more
skilfully combined than any operation he had ever con-
ceived. His orders were that General Gerard from
Magdeburg and Marshal Davout from Hamburg were to
march with the corps under them upon Berlin, so as to
A GREAT DISAPPOINTMENT 28o
arrive on the west of that city at the same time as the
three corps of the Duke of Eeggio appeared on the east.
The orders, which I had myself written down in cipher,
had been received, I knew, for the fact had aheady been
notified to me. The moment of departure was mentioned
to each general, with the approximative time required for
marching the dozen leagues between us and Berlin, and
overcoming the obstacles which were sure to be thrown
in our way. Barely indeed had a great enterprise been
more carefully and skilfully organised, and the only things
which seemed in the least likely to jeopardise our success
were the courage of the enemy and the difficult nature of
the ground to be traversed.' I felt how great would be
the disgrace to our army if a slight check and the loss of a
couple of hundred of our allied troops should lead to a
retreat all along our line. That this would come about
was, however, inevitable if our right wing failed to co-
operate with our centre, or our centre with our left, and
so on. But nothing I could urge could convince General
Bertrand, though I advanced at least a thousand good
reasons for his taking the course I wished.
It was with immense regret that I returned to General
Eeynier to tell him of this refusal. He was so full of
fearless devotion to the Emperor's interests that he was
terribly disappointed when I said, as I took my leave of
him, ' As our right wing will not take part in the suggested
attack, I think the risk would be too great with only the
12th and 7th corps ; so if you agree with me, I will tell
Marshal Oudinot that I think it will be better to abandon
' In his account of the abortive inarch on Berlin, Lejeune ignores many
very important facts, notably that a vast number of the French troops had
never been in action before, that the memory of the disasters of the Bussian
campaign were still fresh, and above all that the various allies were only
watching for an opportunity of deserting. — Teans.
284 MEMOIRS OF BARON LEJEUNE
the idea of our enterprise.' General Eej^nier realised
sadly enough what a brilliant chance we were losing, but
he made no effort to detain me, and let me go back to
Marshal Oudinot with the bad news. Whilst waiting for
my return, the Duke had been consumed with anxiety for
the result of the operation which he supposed would take
place. It was late when I got back from my fruitless
efforts to arrange for the simultaneous advance of the
three corps, for it was a very dark night, and not easy to
find the way through the woods.
AYe passed the rest of the night in a state of painful
agitation, and at daybreak the next morning the Marshal
realised with infinite regret that there was nothing for it
but to order a retreat all along his line. An hour later
we sadly recrossed the Spree, and the enemy lost no time
in following us. The fine French army, which ought
and so easily might have marched triumphantly into Berlin,
was now compelled to retreat without having been beaten
on Damm and Wittenberg.
Marshal Oudinot left Suthen on August 24, and reached
Gakow the same day, where he halted for the night. On
the 25th, the 12th, 7th, and 4th corps came into line in
good order at Eiersdorff and Speremberg, though they
were pursued and fusilladed all day long by the enemy.
On the 27th, whilst forty leagues behind us Napoleon
was winning the great battle of Dresden, our three corps
reunited at Eiersdorff. Perno and Verben once more
assumed the offensive, and marched on Insterburg, a
town of considerable size, easily driving oat the enemy and
taking possession of it.
The 28th was passed near Insterburg in renewing
our stock of provisions and trying to find out something
about the movements of the enemy. Unfortunately we
DIFFICULTY OF OBTAINING INFORMATION 285
were quite ignorant of the very names of the generals
opposed to us, of the number of their troops, or the posi-
tions they occupied. There is no doubt that the Emperor
provided ample means for organising an efficient system
of espionage and paying for secret service of various kinds,
but the avarice of many of those in command of the
French forces led them to appropriate the money to their
own use, when they ought to have expended it lavishly in
obtaining information about the enemy. We really did
not know whether we were about to fight Eussians, Prus-
sians, or Austrians. In spite of my patriotism, in spite of
my keen sense of what loyalty to the Emperor demanded
of me, I found it extremely difficult to secure at any price
an intelligent peasant or two to risk venturing into the
enemy's lines to collect information for us. We therefore
had to manoeuvre altogether in the dark during the follow-
ing days, though we did manage to gather that a general
engagement was approaching, and the Duke of Eeggio
gave orders for all the non-combatants, carriages, and
other impedimenta of our three corps to be withdrawn to
Wittenberg, and there shut up out of the way of the
fighting.
On the evening of the same day, the 28th, the 4th
corps was ordered to march towards the left of the enemy's
forces, which at once prepared to attack us.
On the 29th Marshal Oudinot placed his forces as fol-
lows : the 12th corps at Eckmandorff, the 4th in the rear
of that village, and the 7th with Wittenberg as a support.
He had scarcely made these dispositions when he was
vigorously attacked. Our three fine cavalry divisions,
finding themselves within range of the firing, dashed upon
the enemy, driving them back as far as Mazanne, and
protecting the reconnaissance. A Polish officer had orders
2S6 MEMOIES OF BARON LEJEUNE
to push from that point to Warbeck, where he found a
body of Eussian troops encamped.
On August 30 our three corps were reunited at
Mazanne, and a very strong force was sent out to recon-
noitre the enemy's position. Our troops were surrounded
throughout the march by Cossacks, who gradually with-
drew before them. They were, however, compelled to
return without ascertaining anything, and were hotly
pursued by such a strong body of artillery and cavalry that
we concluded considerable forces were coming up to attack
us. Our artillery was hastily placed in line, and we opened
a brisk cannonade, which compelled the enemy to retire.
On the evening of the 30th, the 12th corps slept at
Mazanne, the 7th at Feldheim, and the 4th at Tiessintz.
September 1 and 2 were quietly passed by the three corps
at Kropstadt in making reconnaissances and preparing for
the coming struggle.
On September 3 our united forces estabhshed them-
selves at Teutchel, near Wittenberg, and whilst the troops
were taking up their position the 4th corps was vigorously
attacked by the enemy, who were, however, repulsed all
along their line.
It was during the manoeuvres of September 3 that
Marshal Ney, whose approach had been notified to us the
evening before, arrived with two or three officers. Finding
the troops under arms when he came up. Marshal Ney at
once rode along the front, took over the command, and
ordered the advance to begin. "^
Ney had received at the same time as Oudinot the
' Lejeune does not make it clear that Ney hastened to Oudinot, not to
supersede him, for his command of the three corps was only temporary, but
because the treachery of .Jomini, chief of Ney's staff, had revealed the whole
of the Emperor's plan of campaign to the Eussians, and immediate action
was the only chance of success. — Thans.
TREACHERY OF JOMINI 287
plan of campaign the Emperor intended to follow,,
and the exact part in it his corps was to take. General
Jomini, chief of the staff to Ney, and a distinguished writer,
not caring for the active share which would fall to him in
the bloody struggle about to ensue, sought safety in taking
the plan of campaign, which had been placed in his hands
as in mine, to the Emperor of Russia. Jomini disappeared
suddenly, and the details the traitor ' supplied to the
Russians enabled them to circumvent all the skilful con-
binations arranged by Napoleon, whose difficulties now
became immense, though he was still as undaunted as
ever.
But to return to Marshal Ney. In his haste to
execute the orders of the Emperor, he ordered the 4th
and 7th corps to advance and attack, but did not give the
same order to the 12th, which was marching in line with
the other two. Marshal Oudinot was left in command of
this 12th corps, and I remained with him as chief of his
staff. The other two corps came up with the enemy, and
a hot struggle at once began. The 12th corps meanwhile,
restless and indignant at not having received the same
orders as the others, listened attentively to try and find
out if the right of the army were engaged. The wind
blowing strongly from the west carried away the noise of
the cannonade, and we could hear nothing. The appear-
ance of a few Cossacks opposite our front, however, led us
to suppose that the army to which they belonged was not
far off, and we at once marched in the direction of
Dennewitz.
We had scarcely issued from the wood which covered
our front, before we found ourselves face to face with the
combined Eussian, Prussian, and Swedish forces, which
' Alexander made Jomini his own aide-de-camp. — Trans.
288 MEMOIES OF BARON LEJEUNE
were deploying a formidable body of artillery as they
advanced upon us. A strong wind blew clouds of blinding
dust in our faces, and balls and grapeshot mowed down
our ranks, throwing us into such great disorder that it
was only with considerable difficulty that we managed to
form our infantry divisions into squares so as to retire
before the numerous cavalry galloping up to surround us.
Meanwhile General Reynier with the 7th corps had
flung himself into the village of Dennewitz, which the
enemy was endeavouring to retake. The Guilleminot
division performed prodigies of valour, but was unable to
hold the village. On the right and at the same level the
Wiirtembergers, commanded by General Bertrand, were
fighting on the plain under great disadvantages and losing
many men, and Marshal Ney, finding himself in a very
critical position with no forces in reserve, was compelled,
as we had been, to retire after displaying the most heroic
courage.
In our retreat. Marshal Oudinot and his staff had to
take refuge in the infantry squares, upon which the enemy
was pouring a murderous fire.
Thus hotly pursued, we reached the edge of a vast
morass or sheet of water called the Schwartz Bister, of
the depth of which we were totally ignorant. A few
minutes before, the horse I was riding had received seven
balls in the neck and one in the leg, which made him limp.
Nevertheless, I did not hesitate to make him go into the
black mud of the marsh to test the depth of the water and
see if it would be possible for our infantry to ford it and
get by a short cut to Torgau, before which they were to take
up a position.
On this occasion I had a striking proof of the fact that
a man who shows the courage of a hero one day may be a
I LEAVE TORGAU FOl! DKESDI'IX :^89
coward ever after. General Fournier-Sarloveze, com-
manding one of our divisions of cavalry, was a noted
duellist and bully, the terror of all peaceable men, but to-
day lie was in a state of trembling nervousness, and to the
disgust alike of his subordinate officers and of our infantry,
who depended on his support, he led the 6,000 cavalry
under him so badly that on September 6 they did no good
service whatever.
Though pursued by the Russians, the army retired in
fairly good order on Damm, Wittenberg, and Torgau.
On September 8 the news of the disaster which had
befallen the left wing of his army in Saxony, every position
it had held having been lost, reached the Emperor, and
he sent for me to give him an account of how it had
come about. I left Torgau in haste, and travelled all
night through a terrible storm, arriving at Dresden wet
through at five o'clock in the morning on September 9.
Without halting I pushed on thence to Dona, where I
was assured I should find the Emperor, and I came up to
him just as he was receiving the news of the defeat of
Vandamme's corps.' Evidently very much put out at
hearing that his right and left wings had both been
repulsed, the Emperor merely sent to tell me that the
details I had to give were no longer needed by him, and
that I was to go back to my post at once.
I therefore returned to Damm by way of Meissen,
Wurschen, and Eulemburg, arriving at two o'clock in the
morning at Miirzen, where I learnt that my corps had
been ceaselessly pursued by the enemy during my absence.
' This defeat of Vandamme's corps at Teplitz, after great successes, was
the result of the fact that Mortier and Saint-Cyr did not support him as
arranged, and that the enemy, instructed by Jomini, were aware of all his
movements. For a good account of the whole of this campaign see the
Marbot Memoirs, vol. ii. chap. xxxv. &c. — Teans.
VOL. II. ^
290 ME.MOIIiS OF BAKON LEJEUXE
Every day attacks had been made by the French on tlu;
Prussian corps under Biilow and Tauenzin, but without
effecting any change in our position.
Several days more were occupied in a continued
struggle, many men being lost on both sides without any
definite results for either army.
Marshal Ney had meanwhile been recalled by the
Emperor, who ordered him to break up the united corps
he had recently been commanding, and to resume the
direction of the 3rd corps, with which he was to co-operate
on the same line as Marshal Oudinot had done.
On the breaking up of the 4th, 7th, and 12th corps,
the Duke of Eeggio (Marshal Oudinot) was reinstated in
the command of the grenadiers of the Imperial Guard,
and the 12th corps was incorporated with the 7th and' 4th
under Generals Reynier and Bertrand.
I now became attached to the 7th corps, and com-
manded a brigade of 6,000 men belonging to the Guille-
minot division. This brigade was made up of five
regiments of infantry, namely the 52nd and 64th French,
the 111th Piedmontese, the 7th Croatian, and the 3rd
Illyrian. Each regiment had a good French Colonel, and
the one at the head of the Illyrians was a very witty
Breton named De Trommelin, a French emigre, who had
formerly been aide-de-camp to Sir Wilham Sidney Smith
when that admiral was aiding Sir Ealph Abercrombie in
the war with the French in Egypt.
After the breaking up and rearranging of the various
corps, we left the banks of the Elbe to march towards
Dessau and Leipzig, leaving our baggage at Torgau
and Wittenberg. A Piedmontese adjutant of the 111th
Eegiment came and begged me to let him use my carriage
A SKILFULLY MAIv\V(>E]) REVENGE 291
because he was ill, and he promised to look after it and
my horses as if they were his own.
I saw no reason not to trust him, and gave my con-
sent. Unfortunately he kept his word much better than
I expected. We had scarcely left Torgau and Wittenberg
when those towns were blockaded by the enemy. The
people in the invested cities soon began to suffer from
famine ; two of my horses were killed and eaten, whilst my
Piedmontese friend sold the rest, hired some posthorses
and with them made his way in my carriage, and of
course at ray expense, to Turin, whence he had the
impudence to write and tell me that he had had to sell
all my belongings so as to be able to live in comfort
himself. I answered him in a very polite letter, in which I
hid a skilfully laid trap for him.
I told him in this letter that I was the more concerned
for the loss of my carriage because I had hidden a sum of
20,000 francs in gold in certain secret recesses of it. As
I expected, and heard afterwards, the thief at once had
the carriage smashed up, finding nothing, but completing
my revenge.
For more than a month after we left the Elbe, the
days and often also the nights were passed in marching
and countermarching, and in bloody skirmishes with the
Prussians and Eussians, an account of which would alone
makeup a deeply interesting volume, but it would weary the
reader if I were to attempt to add a description of them to
these brief Memoirs. I was no longer an aide-de-camp in
a position to judge of the manoeuvres we were going
through as a whole, for I saw nothing but what took place
close to my own brigade, and all I could do was to make
notes day by day on the number of men each day's fight-
ing cost me. All my regiments, though of such mixed
L;92 MEMOIltS OF BAi;<»X LE.IEUNE
nationalities, behaved admirably, and the 4th and 7th
corps specially distinguished themselves on October 3,
when they drove the Eussians back in the greatest dis-
order on the Elbe near Dessau. On that one day alone
I lost 360 of my brave fellows.
Well seasoned by all om- hard experiences, we came
up at last vifith the rest of the French army, concentrating
near Leipzig, on the eve of the awful days of October 18
and 19, during which raged the terrible battle named
after that town. Although on the 18th my regiments
were engaged, and I lost many men in the suburbs
of Leipzig, I do not feel equal to describing the grand
tragedy in which Napoleon's courage and genius were
alike displayed in the very highest degree, and in which
he put forth all his strength, turning every resource at
his command to account.
The battle, which lasted two days, ended between
two and three o'clock on October 19, when quiet was
restored upon the blood-stained field. The enemy endea-
voured, however, to intercept the troops under Lefebvre-
Desnouettes, whom the Emperor had ordered to march on
Weimar to cover our retreat, and on Brfurth to get a
fresh supply of ammunition, ours being exhausted.
The division to which I belonged was sent to the
Saale to prevent the Austrians from taking possession
of the Koesen bridge, where they hoped to cut off our
retreat on Frankfort and Mainz. The banks of the Saale
are very steep, but I managed to place my brigade in
ambush behind some inequalities of the ground, and I
kept the Austrians at bay opposite the bridge for twenty-
four hours. I had such a well-established and protected
position on the plateau above the river, that there was no
fear of the enemy's balls reaching me, so I was able to give
4 PENNILESS OFFICER 293
my officers a good meal, of which we all stood sorely in
need. The Austrians, massed in great numbers on the
opposite bank, did not gain an inch of ground, but fired
over our heads from below, the balls only falling amongst
us after describing a regular parabola. Our light repast
was therefore eaten beneath a hail of steel and lead which
did us but Httle harm, though it worked great havoc
amongst our plates and glasses. The ground all about
us was riddled with little holes like a stable sieve, but this
did not damp our spirits in the least,
Just as it began to get dark, I received orders to march
towards Hanau and take up a position between it and the
banks of the Saale. I afterwards left this position to
cover the pass of Guelhausen and the Hanau woods.'
One battalion on October 30 I stationed in the village
of Saalmiinster on my left, and bivouacked with the rest
of my troops on a dry healthy spot a few paces off.
During the night the Austrians crossed the Saale, and
at daybreak our camp was roused by the approach of their
skirmishers.
I must explain here that I had as aide-de-camp a
young officer in whom Marshal Oudinot was deeply
interested. He had begged me to receive him, and do all
I could for him. He came to me absolutely penniless, but
with all the pretensions of a scion of a noble family. I
welcomed him kindly, filled his purse, bought two good
horses for him with saddles, harness, &c., and sent them
to him as a gift.
' There is something very pathetic in the way Lejeune evades speaking
of the battle of Leipzig as a defeat, and his subsequent movements as part
of a disastrous retreat, Similar reticence on the part of all the officers en-
gaged on the French side, and the fact that immense numbers of com-
manders and staff officers fell, make it almost impossible to get at the truth
respecting this ' Battle of the Nations ' which broke the power of Napoleon
and delivered Europe from his yoke. — Traxs.
-:94 MEMOIES OF BAliON LEJEUNK
I expected, of course, to get a little active help in
return, and to find him zealous in niy service. Not a bit
of it. I suppose he found his sense of gratitude oppressed
him, for he disappeared without taking leave of me. I
heard afterwards that he was aide-de-camp to the Duke of
Valmy.
There was no officer at hand to fill his place when
we were thus surprised by the Austrians, so I went myself
to reconnoitre the position the Austrians had just taken
up round our bivouac.
Separated from my troops, I galloped about amongst
the enemy's skirmishers, and soon saw that I ran great
danger of being shot down or taken, so I hastened back to
camp to order the brigade to take up arms and join the
principal corps of our division.
What was my astonishment when I got to where we
had bivouacked to find it wholly deserted, and to be
compelled to ride a long way in the track of my own men
before I came up with them !
It turned out that whilst I was amongst the skir-
mishers General Guilleminot had received orders to march
towards Hanau, and had sent a message to my brigade
instructing it to follow his movement. This order had not
reached the battalion I had stationed in Saalmunster,
which had for the moment been forgotten, and I had the
greatest difficulty in saving it, for the village was already
surrounded. I was intensely annoyed at this incident, and
bitterly reproached General Guilleminot, who had been a
great friend of mine for many years.
On October 31 we reached the Hanau woods, twenty-
four hours after the great battle which had taken place
there, in which Napoleon defeated the allied Austrians
TERRIBLE STRUGGLE XKAi; THE KIXZIG 29-3
and Kussians under Von Wrede, and the brilliant details
of which are related by many French historians.
The Bavarian corps had not yet abandoned the hope
of cutting off our retreat on Frankfort and Mainz, and
Marshal Marmont was left in the Hanau woods to protect
us and circumvent the efforts of the enemy. Havino-
heard that a strong force of Bavarians occupied the
streets of the suburbs of Frankfort, he flung a number of
shells amongst them, setting fire to the houses.
On the same day, October 31, the Guilleminot division
took the place of that under Marshal Marmont, which was
ordered to retire on Mainz, whilst my brigade took up its
position in the woods on the banks of the Kinzig to
defend its passage. I had scarcely reached the river, when
a brisk cannonade from the Bavarian camp broke many
of the trees above our heads. The branches and pieces
of shells rained down upon us, revealing that the enemy
was about to make a fresh attempt to cross, and very soon
a considerable body of Bavarians on rafts and in small
boats came in sight on the little stream.
My troops were well in ambush, and their courage
was heightened by their eager desire for vengeance on
the treacherous Bohemians, so lately our allies. Two
thousand of them managed with infinite difficulty to gain
our bank, where the dead silence which reigned evidently
intimidated them. All of a sudden, as they hesitated to
advance, our regiments flung themselves upon them, over-
threw them, and drove them, covered with wounds, back
into the river, where they were nearly all drowned, though
some few got off on the rafts and in canoes.
I thought the struggle was over, and had a canteen
opened, inviting several colonels to come and share its
contents with me ; but just as we were emptying our first
*J9fi -MEMOJKS OF BAKON LEJEUNE
flask a burning shell fell at the feet of Colonel Limousin,
of the 52nd Regiment. I called out to him to draw off his
grenadiers, for I should have been deeply grieved if one of
them had been wounded. All the brave fellows, however,
absolutely refused to move out of danger, and though I
was some fifty paces away I was struck by a fragment of
the shell, which cut through the double felt of my hat
like a razor, and tore open my forehead. I fell like an
inert mass amongst my comrades, who hastened to help
me up. The wound was severe, but with their aid I
managed to walk to the ambulance, some hundred paces
in the rear, and have it dressed.
As we went along an officer in the French uniform
approached me, tore up a white handkerchief he held in
his hand, and made a bandage of it for me. Deeply
touched at this kind thought, I begged him to tell me his
name, and he replied, ' I am Louis of Lichtenstein.'
The doctors made a very deep crucial incision about
my wound, an operation in which I lost a great deal of
blood, and I was so much weakened that I was unable to
return to my post. I therefore sent a message to Colonel
Eobillard, of the 111th Regiment, asking him to take
■command of my brigade during my absence. I then went
to Mainz, where I arrived the same evening, and remained
several days. Colonel Limousin, who had been severely
wounded by the same shell as I had been, was presently
brought to my lodgings. His injuries were more
dangerous than mine, but I am glad to say that I had
the pleasure of meeting him several years later in good
health, though he limped a little, in his native town of
Angouleme, where he was held in high esteem by all his
fellow-citizens.
Very soon after the arrival of Colonel Limousin,
1 KETUEN TO PAIIIS INVALIDED 297
Oeneral Montelegier and several of his brave colonels of
■cavalry were brought in, so that we soon formed quite a
staff of crippled ojE&cers.
I had scarcely left for Mainz when our brigade, joined
to the Guilleminot division, went to garrison the fort and
■defend the entrance to the Cassel Bridge at the mouth of
the Main opposite Mainz.
Typhoid fever raged severely in the hospitals and the
town, making terrible ravages amongst the many sick and
wounded brought from Leipzig, Hanau, and Frankfort.
Some of my young servants took the fever, and some-
times I had the grief of seeing them come into my room
in their delirium wearing nothing but their night shirts,
and looking like mere ghosts of their former selves as they
seemed to appeal to me to deliver them from the malady
tormenting them.
Such was my condition and such were my surround-
ings during the closing scenes of the overthrow of the
great French Empire, when the power of Napoleon
beyond the Ehine was destroyed.
Once more I lost my horses and carriages, and after
all my terrible experiences I returned to Paris much
poorer than I left it and very weary of war.
It was long since I had got any satisfaction out of the
glory of war, or received any reward for my zealous
service, or for the many sacrifices I had made in the
cause of the Emperor. My chiefs had again and again
applied to him for recognition of what I had done, but
nothing came of their efforts on my behalf, and I felt the
neglect keenly.
But I was still young, my energies were by no means
exhausted, and I was glad to have a chance at last of
freely indulging my passion for painting everything I
298 ilEMOIKS OF ]i.UU)N LEJEUXJ';
admired. Love of natm-e and of reproducing nature now
became a religion with me. I gave myself up entirely to
painting as soon as I got back to Paris, and my one
ambition was to distinguish myself in that deeply interest-
ing and most fascinating branch of art. Thanks to this
occupation, I was happily enjoying the tranquil time which
succeeded my adventurous career, when the events of 1814
took us all by surprise in the very heart of France, for
Paris itself was besieged. All was changed, and an
altogether new state of affairs inaugurated.
Here end the Memoirs of General Lejeune, and but
little is known of the remainder of his life beyond the fact
that he lived in great retirement for another fifteen years,
and just before his death confided the publication of the
present volumes to his son. He made various notes also
on the events of the First and Second Restorations, but
death cut short his career before he was able to weave
these notes into a consecutive nai'rative, though there
is little doubt that a book from his pen on that deeply
interesting period would have been as remarkable for
faithfulness of detail and delicacy of insight as are the
Memoirs now reprinted after the lapse of so many years.
INDEX
Abensbeeg, battle of, i. 220, 221
Abercrombie, Sir Ralph, ii. 290
Abrantes, Duchess of, i. 208
— Duke of. See Junot
Adel, i. 333
Aderklaa, i. 318-322
Agaponovitzy, ii. 162
Alagon, i. 126, 129, 189
Albe, Bacler d', ii. 177
Albuquerque, ii. 101, 102
Alcanitz, i. 126
Alexander I. (Eussia), i. 33, 68-70,
84, 85 ; ii. 154, 196-198 n., 242,
271, 287 n.
Alhambra, The, ii. 50, 51
Almendralejo, ii. 105
Almonacilde, ii. 48
Alquier, i. 12
Altdorf, i. 47
Alva, Marquis of, ii. 105
Amberg, i. 215
Amstetten, i. 252
Anas de Mora, ii. 110, 112, 118
Andrassy, General, i. 258
Andujar, ii. 48, 53
Annaburg, Chateau of, ii. 277
Aranda, i. 86
Aranjuez, i. 74, 77
Arco,' i. 333
Arcos, George, i. 195
Aremberg, Princess of, ii. 13
Arrayolos, ii. 110
Arrezi, General, i. 335
Art Corps, i. 3-8
Ashby-de-la-Zouch, ii. 125-130
Aspem, battle of, i. 259, 266-271, 273,
274, 276, 277, 280, 282, 285-287,
296
Assas, Chevalier d', ii. 269
Astorga, i. Ill, 114, 116 ; ii. 127
Asturias, Prince of. Siv Ferdinand
VII.
Auerstadt, i. 37
Augereau, Marshal, i. 47
Augsburg, i. 250
Austerlitz, battle of, i. 29-84
Austria, Emperor of. See Francis II.
— Empress of, ii. 17, 21-24
B.^GEAiioN, Prince (General), i. 62 ;
ii., 153, 162, 169, 170
Baird, Sir David (General), i. 100,
116 125
Baland, Catherine, ii. 69
Barbastro, i. 135
Barcelona, i. 73
Bard, Fort, i. 18
Bariol, Guillaume. See Williams
Barossa, battle of, ii. 59, 68, 69
Barral, Countess of, i. 208 ; ii. 13
Barrois, General, ii. 59
Bartenstein, Prince of, ii. 156
Basel, Treaty of, i. 73 n.
Bashkirs, i. 65 ; ii. 223
Bassano, Duchess of, i. 208 ; ii. 13
— Duke of. See Maret
Baste, Captain, i. 314
Bathiany, Princess, i. 301
Baudins, Mr., ii. 128, 129, 144
Baumersdorff, i. 317, 318
Bautzen, battle of, ii. 272-274, 279
Bauvean, Prince of (Grand Chamber-
lain), ii. 26
Bavaria, King of, i. 34, 214, 333
— Prince Royal of, i. 220
— Queen of, ii. 9
Baylen, i. 83, 93
300
JtEMOlUS OF BAKUN LEJEUNE
Bayonne, i. 74, 75, 79, 85
Bazile, Father (chief of the Junta),
i. 160, 195, 199
Beauharnais, Marie Hortense de
(wife of Louis Bonaparte), i. 204,
207, 208
Beaulieu, Captain, i. 236
Beaumont, General, ii. 59
Belchite, i. 310
Belin, General, ii. 271
Bellegarde, General, i. 270, 271,
319, 320
Bellenglise, Lieutenant Duhamel de,
ii. 79. 86, 87, 11.5-120
Belliard, General, i. 94 ; ii. 44, 73,
94, 99, 190
Belluno, Duke of (Marshal), ii. 58,
70
Benavente, i. 108, 110
Bennigsen, General, i. 112, 64
Beresford, Lord (Lieutenant-
General), ii. 105, 109, 117, 120
Beresina, The, ii. 234-240
Berg, Grand Duke of, i. 77, 78
Berlin, ii. 280
Bernadotte, Marshal, i. 26, 79, 80,
212, 315, 317
Berthier, Alexander (Prince of Neu-
chatel and Wagram), (General)
i. 17, (Marshal) 22, 27, 28, 33,
66, 68, (Vice-Constable of the
Empire) 72, 78-80, 92, 93,
(Major-General) 94, 117, 210,
(Provisional Commander-in-
Chief) 212-216, 218, 221, 232,
247, 251, 260, 261, 289-291, 293,
294, 318; ii. 4, 9, (Ambassador
Extraordinary to Vienna) 14-25,
32, 37, 38, 125, 135, 138-144, 170,
176, 190, 191, 248, 253, 280
Berthollet, i. 211
Bertier, Lieutenant, i. 4
Bertrand, Countess, ii. 4, 8
Bertrand, General, i. 87, 259, 263,
285, 301 ; ii. 281-283, 288, 290
Beschenkovitz, ii. 160
Bessi^res, Marshal, i. 91, 223, 244,
266, 271-273, 276, 278, 286, 294,
297, 320 ; ii. 31, 183 n., 269
Bigi, Captain, i. 19
Birassaye, Arthur de, ii. 253
Bisamberg, i. 280
Blagnac, M., ii. 72
Blanchard, Mile., ii. 30
Blangini, MUe., ii. 9
Bonamy, General, ii. 179-80
Bonaparte, Caroline. See Mural,
Mme.
— J6r6me (King of Westphalia), ii.
148, 150
— Joseph (King of Naples), i. 79 ;
(King of Spain), 83, 84, 192 ; ii.
44-46, 137, 227
— Louis (King of Holland), i. 204
— Lucien, (Prince of Canino and
Musignano), ii. 136, 137 n.
— Napoleon. See Napoleon I.
Bontemps, Colonel, i. 70 ; ii. 35
Borghese, Princess, ii. 33
Borisoff, ii. 234, 236
Borodino, ii. 174 n., 178-190. See
Moskwa
Bossut, AbbiS, i. 17
Boudet, General, i. 272, 277, 287
Boulan, M., ii. 127
Bourrienne, M. de, i. 13, 80, 81, 83
Boyer, Robert, ii. 113, 114, 117
Braganza, Princes of, i. 73
BreiteulSe, i. 278
Brenne, Lieutenant, i. 153
Breuille, Major, i. 135, 137 156, 196
Brick (smuggler), ii. 131, 132
Broc, General de, i. 208
— Mme. la Baronne de, i. 208
Broglie, General de, i. 305
Broussier, General, i. 310, 311 ; ii.
205
Brun, General, i. 136
Brune, Marshal, i. 52-55
Brunswick, Duke of, i. 37
— Grand Duchess of, i. 38
BOlow, General, ii. 276, 280, 290
Buol, General, i. 333, 335, 336
Burgos, i. 72, 73, 76, 78, 79, 86 ; ii.
41,41
Burida, Countess, i. 120, 141, 160,
190
BusterSche, Mile., i. 205
Butron,i. 160
Cabeeea, Captain Don Jos^, ii. 107
Cadiz, ii. 59-70
Cafferelli, General Joseph, i. 29 ; ii.
40
Cambac&^s, Prince (Lord High
Chancellor), ii. 37
Camp de la Lune, i. 5, 6
Canino, and Musignano, Prince of.
See Bonaparte, Lucien
Canisy, Count of, ii. 138
Carlos, General Don (a French
6migr^), ii. 105-107
IXDEX
oOl
Casanova (artist), i. 300
Castanos, Marquis de (Spanish Com-
mander-in-Chief), ii. 99, 105-107
Castelar, Marquis of, i. 91
Caulainoourt, General, ii. 183, 189
Cavaiias, ii. 79
Celendini, General, i. 11
Cervoni, General, i. 230
Chambarlhae, General, i. 20
Chambarlier, General, i. 58, 61
Charles, Archduke (Austria), i. 209,
214, 218, 226, 230, 239, 250, 255,
259, 267, 271, 272, 277, 278, 280,
282, 286, 289, 299, 310, 316, 321,
325, 327, 328 ; ii. 17, 21
Charles IV. (Spain), i. 73, 76-79 ;
ii. 46
Charpentier, General, ii. 220, 248
Charri^re, Colonel, ii. 175
Chasseloup, General, i. 57
Chateau, Colonel, ii. 56
Chatelar, Marquis de, i. 333, 338
Chatter, Marquis von, i. 250
Chiclana (battle), ii. 59, 66, 68, 69
Chlopiski, Colonel, i. 136, 137
Ciudad Real, i. 209
Clapar^de, i. 239, 240, 242
Clarget, Captain, i. 184
Clary, General, ii. 227
Clouet, M., ii. 39
Cobenzel, von (Austrian envoy), i.
207
Gohorn, General, i. 240-243, 246
Coigny, Duchess de, ii. 21
Colberg, i. 49, 58-61, 66
Colbert, General, i. 115
— Mme. de, i. 115
Comorn, i. 308, 309
Compans, General, ii. 175, 179, 191,
221, 224, 262, 263, 269-271
Consolation, Father, i. 160
Constantine, Grand Duke (son of
Paul I.), i. 70,71
Consuegra, ii. 74, 75, 77
Contadero, Marquis de, ii. 53
Contades, Marshal de, i. 213
Cordova, i. 73 ; ii. 53-55, 73, 74
Coria, ii. 100
Coruila, i. 84, 108, 115, 116
Corvisart (Emperor's physician), i.
211
Cossacks, i. 41, 51, 52, 65 ; ii. 158,
161, 176, 184, 186, 197, 199, 203,
204, 209, 212, 221, 223, 246, 248,
250, 253, 255, 286, 287
Coutard, Colpnel, i. 231
Couteulx, Emmanuel le, ii. 161, 204
Cracow, ii. 4-7
Cramayel, Colonel de, ii. 274
Crawford, Lord, i. 116
Crescentine (singer) ,.i. 206; ii. 10
Curera, General, ii. 105
Curial, General, i. 288
Cuvier, Baron, i. 211
Czartoriska, Princess, i. 301 ; ii. 8
Czartoriski, Prince, ii. 5
Daguenet, Captain, i. 124
Damm, ii. 289
Danube, The, i. 249-316
Danzig, i. 49, .55-57, 72; ii. 255,
256
Darmagnao, General, i. 76
Darmstadt, Prince of, ii. 155
Daru, Count (Commissary General),
i. 84, 246, 325 ; ii. 32, 140, 246,
253
— Countess, ii. 4, 8
David (artist), i. 211
Davout, Marshal (Prince of Eck-
miihl), i. 31, 32, 36, 41, 47, 62, 212,
215, 218, 220, 221, 226, 227, 239,
276, 278, 302, 310, 315, 317, 319,
821, 322 ; ii. 8, 154, 156, 174, 181,
190, 191, 193, 206, 215, 216, 219,
220, 225-229, 232, 240, 243, 248,
252, 254, 268, 282
Dedon, General, i. 134
Dejean, General, i. 16 ; ii. 145
Delzons, General, ii. 205
DeroUes, Captain, ii. 62, 64
Deroy, General, ii. 164, 166, 167
Desaix, General, i. 21
Desapour, Colonel (an Indian prince),
ii. 195
Dnieper, The, ii. 167, 217, 222, 223,
227
Doctoroff, General, ii. 205
Dode, Colonel, i. 162, 164, 165
DoUingen, i. 214
Dombrowski, General, i. 40
Donauwerth, i. 213, 215, 216
Dorogobouj, ii. 212
Dorsenne, Count (General), i. 288 ;
ii. 38, 40, 41
Doumerc, General, ii. 238
Doyle, Colonel, i. 127
Dresden, i. 46 ; ii. 271, 284
Duchatel, Countess of, i. 208
Ducos, i. 12
Dumouriez, General, i. 6
'6{)-l
MKMOIR&i OF BAEO^T LEJEUXK
Dunaboui'f;, ii. lli'i
Dunzling, i. 2'27
Dupas, General, i. 212
Duperoux, Colonel, i. 167
Duroc, Marshal (Duke of Friuli),
ii. 24S
Durosnel, General, 1. 244. 24.3. 2/8
Diisseldorf, i. 14
Duval, Alexander, i. 3
Dwina, The, ii. 161-164
Ebersberg, i. 2o'.l-246. 249, 250
Ebersdorff, i. 2.511, 260, 263, 267,
299, 303^305, 310, 329
Ebl^, General, ii. 240
Ebro, The, i. 119, 121-123, 127, 133,
134, 144, 163, 165, 201
Eeija, ii. 73
Eokmiilil, Prince. St't' Davout
Egolfsheim, i. 232
Eisfeld, ii. 271
Elbe, The, i. 81.82 ; ii. 268, 269, 290-
292
Elchingen, Duchess of, i. 20>i
Elvas, ii. 107, 109
Emi, Colonel, ii. 245
England, i. 303 ; ii. 121-134
Enns, i. 251, 252
Enzersdorii (castle), i. 314-316
Eperney, i. 212
Erfurt, i. 84
Espagne, General, i. 272
Essling (battle), i. 259, 264-268,
271, 272, 274-298, 313, 317
Esterhazy, Prince, ii. 20
Eugene, Prince (Viceroy of Italy), i.
298, 308, 309 ; ii. 4, 32, 160, 161,
169, 174, 176, 180, 185, 186, 188,
203, 205, 206, 214, 220, 268
Eylau (battle), i. 46-48
Paknell, Mr., ii. 127, 129
Favier, Countess of, i. 208
Feltre, Duke of (Minister of War),
ii. 260, 261
Ferdinand, Archduke (Austria), ii. 8
— Prince of Asturias (Ferdinand
VII.), i. 74-79 ; il. 97
Ferrier, M., i. 79
Ferrol (capitulation), i. 192
Ferussat, Captain, i. 121
Finkenstein, i. 55, 58
Fiume, i. 310
Pleuri, Comte de, i. 168
Fleury, Kohault dv, i. 59
Folkestone, ii. 131
Fontiveres, i. 9s
Forton, ii. 124, 125
F'ouler, General, i. 272
Fourier (chemist), i. 211
Fournier-Sarlov^ze, General, ii. 289
I Franijais, Captain, i. 296
' Franceschi, Brigadier-General, i.
114, 115 ; ii. 51
— Madame, ii. 51
Francis II. (Emperor of Austria), i.
83 ; ii. 16, 18, 19, 21-24, 33
Frankfort, ii. 263, 292, 295, 297
Friant, Captain, i. 7, (General) 228,
229 ; ii. 181, 183
Friedland (battle), i. 62-66 ; ii. 148
Fries, Count of, ii. 19
; Friuli, Duke of. Sec Duroc
I Fuentes, Marquis de (Prince Pigna-
telli), i. 160, 161, 200
GAiiiiAED, Captain, i. 184
Gallegos, i. 310
Gambin, Colonel, i. 310, 311
Garat, Captain, ii. 124, 125, 144
Garb4, General, ii. 59
Gardel, M., i. 205
Gasquet, Colonel, i. 126
Gasselas (A.D.C. to Palafox), i. 191
Gazan, General, i. 144, 186, 188
George (Birassaye's servant), ii. 252
Georges, Mile., i. 211
Gerard (artist), i. 211
Gerard, General, ii. 182, 246, 252, 282
— (Lejeune's cousin), ii. 227
Giatz, ii. 172, 210
Giulay, Count von, i. 250
— General, i. 311
Godinho, General, ii. 54, 73, 74
Godoy, Manuel de (Prince of the
Peace), i. 73, 78
Goethe, ii. 279
Golymin, i. 41, 45
Gonzales, Fernando, i. 185
Gorlitz, i. 46
Gorodet (artist), i. 211
Gospich, i. 310
Graf (Lejeune's groom), i. 261, 262
Graham, General, ii. 66
Granada, ii. 50-52
Grassini, Mme. (singer), i. 206 ; ii. 10
Griitz, i. 310, 311
Grauwerth, General, ii. 147
Grognards (Napoleon's Old Guard),
ii. 219 n.
INDEX
303
Oros (artist), i. 211
— General, i. SSS
Groshoffen, i. 317
Grossberen, ii. 281, 28_'
Guadalquivir, The, ii. 70-72
Guadarrama Mountains, i. .S7, 98;
ii. 44
Gudin, General, ii. Ifi7
Gu^h^neuc, Colonel, ii. 1-52
Gu^rin (painter), i. 211
Guilleminot, General, i. 211 ; ii. 205,
247, 277, 294
GuiUielmi, General, i. 201
Guise (battle), i. 11
Gumbinuen, ii. 148. 149
Gustavus Adolphus (Sweden), i. 49,
53, 54 : ii. 268
Habert, General, i. 13G
Hagelsborg, i. 55
Hamburg, i. 81-83
Hannau (battle), ii. 263, 293-295,
297
Hai-tel, i. 833
tCaspinger (Capuchin monk), i. 333
Hastings, General, ii. 127, 129
—Lady, ii. 127
Hautpoul, Beaufort d', i. 59
Haxo, General, i. 123, 134, 147-149,
151, 153, 165, 181; ii. 191, 216,
243, 244, 252, 268
Henriot, i. 9
Henry, Prince (Prussia), i. 37
Herize, M. d', ii. 60-65
Herzberg, ii. 277
Hesse-Homburg, Prince of, ii. 156
HiU, General, i. 100
Hiller, General, i. 221, 222,226, 242,
250, 252, 268, 270, 271
HiUiers, Count Baraguey d'
(General), ii. 257, 258
Hirshem, i. 215
Hoche, General, i. 12
Hofer, Andreas, i. 833
Hohenlohe, Prince, i. 37
Hohenzollern, General, i. 270, 271
Hojersverda, ii. 275. 276
Holland, King of. See Bonaparte,
Louis
Holland, Queen of. See Beauhamais.
Marie-Hortense
Houdetot, Captain d', ii. 229
Hulliac, Captain, ii- 127
Humboldt, Von, i. 211
Hythe, ii. 180, 131
Illiescas, ii. 80
Infantado, Duke of, L 130
Ingolstadt, i. 215, 216, 218
Innsbruck, i. 250, 383
Insterbnrg, ii. 284
Ijun, i. 85
JiBLOSOWSKA, Princess, ii. 32
Jacob, General, i. 11, 12
Jacobstadt, ii. 165
Jaen, ii. 48, 53
Jellachich, i. 215
.Tena (battle), i. 36-38
Jencesse, Captain, i. 172
John, Archduke (Austria), i. 250, 304,
319
JoTTiini, General, ii. 286 n., 287.
289 n.
Joseph, King. See Bonaparte, Joseph
Josephine, Empress of the French,
i. 77, 204-207 ; ii. 10-12
Josserand (Napoleon's steward), i.
107
Joufiroy. General, ii. 212, 213
Junot, General (Duke of Abrantes),
i. 73, 118 n., 121, 128, 129 ; ii. 168
Jutland, i. 80
Kalmucks, i. 41, 65, 68, 71
Kalouga, ii. 207
Kalreuth, Marshal, i, 55, 56, 58, 70
Kaminski, Prince, ii. 5
1 Kapp, General, i. 80
Kat, Commander, ii. 49, 52, 58
1 Kellermann, General, i. 5, 21 ; ii.
i ^1
Kergrise, Captain, ii. 127
Khirgesses, i. 41, 65, 71
Kinzig, The, ii. 295
Klagenfurth, i. 334
Kleist, General ¥on, i. 50-52 ; ii.
j 147
I Henau, General, i. 820
Kobilinski, Colonel, ii. 206, 251
Koestoritz, Countess of, ii. 257, 25s
Koffering, i. 232
Kokonow, ii. 228
Kohnskoy, ii. 209
j Kolovrath, General, i. 219
Konigsberg, i. 62. 68
Komer, ii. 279 n.
I Kosciusko, i. 40, 89
I Kourakin, Prince, ii. 34, 35
Eovitzki, General, ii. 254
304
MEMOIRS OF r.ARON LEJI'UXE
Kovuo, ii. 151-153, 254, 255
Kraschalkovitz, Princess, ii. 20
Krasnoe, ii. 220-225, 2(52
Krecznowits, i. 30
Kremlin, The, ii. 192, 197, 198,
208
Kreuznach, i. 62
Kroupski, ii, 232
Kutusoff, General (Russian Com-
mander-in-Chief), ii. 171, 182, 188
«., 198, 201, 204, 212, 222, 235
Labanoff, Prince, i. 68
Labfidoy^re, Captain, i. 197, 230
Labehn, ii. 256
Laborde, Comte de, ii. 22, 216 n.
Lacoste, General, i. 112, 118, 121,
123, 128, 129, 138, 142-144, 147-
149, 161, 204
Lacour, General, i. 11
Lafayette, ii. 140
Lafitte (banker), i. 207
Lahorie (conspirator) ii. 216 n.
Lallemande, Colonel, ii. 73
Lalobe, Captain, i. 149
Lambert, Countess of, i. 208
Lampasch, i. 63
Lamsbach, i. 245
Landshut (battle), i. 221-225
Lannes, Marshal (Duke of Monte-
bello), i. 20, 35, 36, 41, 62, 64-66,
117, 118, 128, 130, 131, 163,
176, 177, 181-183, 192, 194, 197,
220, 221, 227, 229, 234, 236, 237,
239, 245, 251-253, 255, 266, 269,
271, 272, 276-278, 280-282, 286-
289, 291-293 ; ii. 14
Lapina, General, ii. 66, 68
Lariboisifee, General, i. 801
Larrey, Baron (surgeon), i. 282 n.,
325, 326, 331 ; ii. 189
Lassalle, General, i. 269, 272
Lauriston, General, i. 307, 321
Laval, Sieur de, ii. 86
Lavaux M. &. Mme., ii. 241
Laville, M. Alexandre de, i. 287
Lavolle, Mme. (Mile. Bresterfeche) , i.
205
Laybach, i. 310
Lajen, Princess de, ii. 34, 35
Lazan, Marquis de, i. 126
Lebrun, Colonel, ii. 167
Lecoq, M. & Mme., ii. 263
Le Couteulx, Emmanuel, ii. 161,
204
Leduc, Baron, i. 212 ; ii. 94
Lefebvre-Desnouettes, Mme. ii. 137
— Marshal, i. 55-57, 84, 108, 212,
214, 219,221,22(1, 227, 229, 250 f
ii. 137, 292
Legrand, General, i. 43, 44, 242,
246, 297
Legrange, M. de, ii. 13
Leipzig (battle), ii. 292, 293 n., 297
Lejeune, Alexander (Lejeune's^
cousin), ii. 226
— Mme., i. 247
Leoben, ii. 1, 2
Leon, Island of, ii. 59, 68, G9
Lepot, Captain, i. 181
Lerma, i. 86
Leuchling, Upper and Lower, i. 228,.
229
Levis (Jewish merchants), i. 213
Leval, General, i. 130 ; ii. 59
Levasseur, M., ii. 226, 239
Lewis, General, ii. 165
Leyt6, General, ii. 109
LhiSry, General, ii. 58
Lichtenstein, Prince Ludwig von, i,
219, 321 ; ii. 20, 296
Lidoni, ii. 225
Li^dot, Colonel, ii. 161, 163
Lientz, i. 335-341
Ligne, Prince von, ii. 21
Lima, Marquis of, ii. 105
Limousin, Colonel, ii. 296
Linange, Prince, i. 337-339
Lindaoh, i. 227
Lobau, Isle of, i. 259, 263-265, 282,
285, 289, 293-295, 297, 299, 304
312, 314
— Count of. See Mouton
Longiu, Mile., ii. 9
Lorencez, General, ii. 273
Louis, Prince (Prussia), i. 3
Lubbenau, ii. 278
Lubomirski, Prince, ii. 5
Lugo, i. 310
Lukau, ii. 279
Lukner, General, i. 5
Lumley, Sir William (Major-
General), ii. 104, 105
Ltitzen (2nd battle), ii. 268-270
Macdonald, Marshal (Duke of
Taranto), i. 310, 321, 322 ; ii. 147,
156, 165, 255, 272, 273
Mack, General, i. 23
MacMahon, Colonel, ii. 99
INDEX
0-5
DUO
Madrid, i. 73, 77, 78, 91-97 ; ii. 44-
48
Magdeburg, i. 71 ii. ; ii. 208
Mainz, ii. 292, 295-297
Malet (conspirator), ii. 216 n.
Malo-Jaroslavitz, ii. 203-205
Mansfield (engraver), i. 301
Mansilla, i. 115
Marbot, Baron. See notes, i. 71, 77 ;
ii. 39, 107, 156, 168, 183, 196,
202, 223, 289
Marengo (battle), i. 20
Marescalchi (Italian Minister), ii.
13
Maret, M. (Duke of Bassano), i. 205,
246-248 ; ii. 135, 258
Margaron, Colonel, i. 273
Maria Louisa, Archduchess (Napo-
leon's second wife), ii. 18, 21-23,
(Empress of French) 24, 25, 27,
31, 33, 55
Marie Antoinette, Queen (wife of
Louis XVL), i. 2, 9, 10 ; ii. 36
Mariquita, ii. 100, 101
Markof , General, i. 66
Markovo, ii. 246, 247
Marmont, Marshal, i. 310, 315 ; ii.
295
Mars, Mile., i. 211
Martin (Lejeune's valet), ii. 144,
156
Martino, General Don (Chief of the
Staff), ii. 105
Massart, M., ii. 86, 87, 115
Mass^na, Marshal, i. 212, 215, 218,
222, 225, 233, 239, 246, 250, 257,
266, 267, 269-271, 274, 278, 294,
297, 312, 315, 317, 327
Massenbach, General, ii. 147
Mathieu, Countess of, i. 208
Mathis, Colonel, i. 53
— Countess of, i. 208
— Mme. de, ii. 34
Mauricio, Don (priest), ii. 96, 99
Mauteru (bridge), i. 250, 251, 253 _
Maximilian, Archduke, i. 254, 255,
259
Mazanne, ii. 285, 286
Melas, General, i. 21
Mello, Marquis of, ii. 105
Menard, Captain, i. 102
Mengarnaud, Colonel, ii. 67
Menitz, i. 31
Merida, ii. 102-104
Merle, General, i. 115 ; ii. 166
Metternich, Prince, i. 209
VOL. II.
Metz, i. 213
Meyer, David, ii. 114, 117
Miloradowich, General, ii. 212
Mina. ii. 39
Minofol, ii. 100
Mirabeau, Colonel, i. 102
Mirza-Eiza-Khan (Persian Ambas-
sador), i. 55
Mittau, ii. 165
Modlin, ii. 4
Moira, Lord, ii. 127, 136
Mojaisk, ii. 190, 209
Molien, Comtesse de, i. 35
Molitor, General, i. 264, 268, 269,
274, 276
Mollendorff, Marshal von, i. 37
Molodetschno, ii. 243, 244
Moncey, Marshal, i. 84, 121
Monge (geometrician), i. 211
Montbrun, General, i. 89, 227 ; ii.
181, 183 n.
Montebello, Duchesse of (Mme.
Lannes), i. 208 ; ii. 14
— Duke of. See Lannes
MonteMgier, General, ii. 297
Moore, Sir John (English Com-
mander-in-Chief), i. 99, 106, 115,
116 n.
Mora, ii. 77
Morand, General, i. 219
Moreau, General (Commander-in
Chief), i. 16
Mori, General, i. 140
Morla, General, i. 94
Morland, Colonel, i. 30
Morlet, Lieutenant, i. 153
Morlot, General, i. 140
Mortier, Marshal (Duke of Treviso),
i. 49, 50, 62, 64-66, 126 ; ii. 58,
193-195, 208, 226, 263, 289 n.
Moscow, ii. 191-199
Moskwa (battle). See Borodino
Mouton, Marshal (Count of Lobau)
i. 223, 225, 287 ; ii. 248
Munich, i. 212, 214, 215
Murat, Caroline (Queen of Naples)
ii. 25
—Marshal, i. 23-25, 35, 52, 62,
68, 74, 288, 303 ; (King of Naples)
ii. 150, 158-161, 170, 171, 173,
174, 181-184, 190, 191, 248, 254
Miirrschlag, i. 331
Nagle, Colonel, i. 311
Nansouty, General, i. 272
306
MEMOrilS nv RAUOX LEJEUXE
Naples, King of. See Bonaparte,
.Joseph, also Murat
Napoleon (First Consul), i. 17, 20,
21, (Emperor of the French) 22,
26, 28, 31, 33, 45, 48, 52, 64, 66, 68-
71, 74, 77-79, 83, 84, StUOd, 10.5,
106, 116, 117, 203-205, 209, 226-
230, 232-284, 238, 239, 244, 241)-
253, 256-258, 265-268, 271-273,
275, 276, 278-281, 285, 2Ki;, 289,
291-295, 298, 299, 303, 305, 307,
310-314, 316, 318, 322, 323, 325-
329, 333 ; ii. 2, 3, 10-14, 26, 27, 81,
33, 35, 37, 38, 135, 186-138, 145,
148-151, 153, 154, 158-160, 168,
164, 167-169, 172, 174, 176, 183,
l.So, 187, 188, 192, 196-199, 202-
204, 206, 207, 216, 217, 219, 220,
222, 224, 226, 235, 236, 243, 244,
248, 260, 261, 268, 269, 271, 272,
279, 284, 287, 289, 292, 297
Naval-Donda, ii. 97
Negrodski, Captain, i. 187
Nemenchin, ii. 156
Neuchatel, Prince of. See Berthier
Neuenstein, Count (General), ii. 75,
77
Neuilly, Comtesse de, i. 12, 13
Neusiedel, i. 317, 318
Ney, Marshal, i. 15, 47, 62, 64, 65,
310; ii. 174, 180, 181, 212, 220-
226, 237, 238, 273, 274, 28()-288,
290
Niemen, The, i. 68-70 ; ii. 149, 251
Noailles, Alfred de, i. 79, 95 ; ii. 238
Nordman, General, i. 259
Nourri, General, ii. 59
Novitroki, ii. 153
Obeksk, i. 15
Obledo, General, ii. 99
(Etch, ii. 268
Olivencja, ii. 107
Olmedo, ii. 42
Orcha, ii. 223, 226, 227
Ortelsburg, i. 51
Osmiana, ii. 248, 250
Osterode, i. 50, 52
Ostrovno, ii. 159, 160
Otto, M. (French Ambassador at
Vienna), ii. 16
Oudinot, General (Duke of Eeggio),
i. 62, 64, 67, 215, 274, 276-278,
286, 315-317, (Marshal) ii. 153,
103-165, 167, 234, 236-238. 249,
271, 273-276, 279, 280, 281, 284-
288, 290, 293
Oviedo, i, 310
I P.\nL0, Don (priest), ii. 96
Padalea, Dr. (El Medico), ii. 79, 80,
84, 87-91, 94
Padua, Duke of, ii. 281
Pahlen, General, i. 66
Paillot, M. le, ii. 14
Pajol, General, i. 299
Palacios, i. 99-102
Palafox, General (Governor of Sara-
gossa), i. 122-148, 155-161, 167,
180, 186, 189-192, 194, 196
— Francesco (brother of the general),
i. 129
Palmela, ii. 118
Pampeluna, i. 73, 75, 76
Paris, i. 8, 15, 16, 72, 203-209 ; ii.
9-14, 27-38, 135-144, 297
Paries, Marquis of, i. 91
Passau, i. 214
Pegot, Colonel, ii. 186
Peissing, i. 219
P61aprat, Countess of, i. 208
Pelet, Major, i. 312; (Colonel), ii.
137
Percy (surgeon), i. 282 n., 331
Perez, Julian, i. 135
P^rigord, Charles de, i. 323
— Edmond de, i. 294
Pernetti, General, i. 259, 263
Perno, ii. 284
Piava, i. 250
Piedra Lavez, ii. 96
Pignatelii, Prince. See Fuentes
Pino, General, ii. 205, 249
Placenzia, ii. 98
Plaisance, Due de, ii. 241
Plateres, Dona Luisa, ii. 55, 74
Platoff, General (Cossack Hetman),
ii. 203, 212, 228
Plauzonne, General, ii. 180
Plesse, Prince of, ii. 266
Pletchinzy, ii. 249
Plique, Baron (Lejeune's brother-in-
law), ii. 227
Pnevo, ii. 214
Po, The, i. 19, 20
Poland, i. 38 ; ii. 146, 147, 154
Polotsk, ii. 168, 165-167
Pon, Colonel Marco del, i. 200
Poniatowski, Prince Joseph, i. 40,
212 ; ii. 4-7, 148, 154, 174, 181
IXDEX
307
Pontbriant, M. de, i. 7
Porto, Eeal, ii. 6B
Portsmouth, ii. 121
Posen, i. 38 ; ii. 146
Potocki, Prince, ii. 5
Pratzen, i. 30
Presburg, i. 302, 310
Prevost, M., ii, 30
Prieras, i. 115
Prost, General, i. 134, 148, 14!), 155,
168, 181, 189, 196
Prussia, King of (Frederick William
III.), i. 37, 70 ; ii. 271
Prussia, Queen of, i. 71
Pultusk (battle), i. 41, 45 ; ii. 148
Eaab (battle), i. 307-309
Radzivil, Prince, ii. 5, 254
Eaglovich, General, ii. 167, 274
Eapp, General, i. 287 ; ii. 204, 215
Easdorff, i. 318-320
Eatisbon, i. 215, 218, 219, 221, 230,
233
Eeding, General, i. 125
Eedritz, The, i. 14, 15
Eeggio, Duke of. See Oudinot
Eegnaud (artist), i. 211
Eeille, Countess of, i. 208
— General, i. 322
Eenaud - de - Saint - Jean - d' Angely,
Countess of, i. 208
Eeynaud, Colonel, i. 63
Eeynier, General, ii. 169, 281-283,
288, 290
Ehine, The, i. 14
Eibero, Joseph (robber chief), ii. 97
Eiga, ii. 165
Eio, Don Pedro Maria, i. 192, 195
Eobillard, Colonel, ii. 296
Eochambeau, Count de, ii. 140
Eogniat, Colonel,!. 137, 149, 150, 152,
153, 161, 163, 167, 180, (General)
301 ; ii. 268
Eoguet, General, ii. 221
Eohr, i. 220, 221
Eoking, i, 227
Eomaiia, Marquis de la, i. 73, 79, 80,
84, 99, 115
Eome, King of, ii. 138
Eomceuf, General, ii. 181
Eosemberg, Prince von (General), i.
229, 278, 319
Eostopschin (Governor of Moscow),
ii. 241
Eovigo, Duchess of, i. 208
i Eovigo, Duke of (Minister of Police),
! ii. 128 '
Eiichel, General, i. 37, 38
! Eufin, General, ii. 67, 69, 121
Rusca, General, i. 334-337, 339-341 ;
ii. 1
j Eussia, ii, 151-250
— Emperor of. See Alexander I.
Euty, General, ii. 58
S.4.U.E, The, ii. 292, 293
Saalmiinater, ii. 293, 294
Sacile, i. 250
Saint-Cyr, Marshal Gouvion, ii. 164
-166, 289TO
Sainte-Croix, Colonel de, i. 264, 265,
312, 315, 316
[ Saint-Germain, General, i. 273
Saint-Hilaire, General, i. 228, 276
277, 281, 293
Saint-Marc, Count Philippe de (Ge-
neral) i. 131, 186, 192, 194-197,
255
Saint-Martin, Countess of, i. 208
Saint-Poltern, i. 252
Saint-Eaymond, Colonel, i. 53
Saint-Eoch, ii. 66
Saint-Simon, Comte de (Lieute-
nant-General), i. 209
Salm, Prince of, ii. 156
Salomon (Berthier's secretary), i.
212
[ Salzburg, i. 214, 250
j Sandizelle, Countess, ii. 34
t San Genis, Colonel, i. 143, 146
San Lucar, ii. 58, 70
San Raphael, i. 105
San Yago-Saas, i. 1 40, 141
Santa Cruz, ii. 75
Santa Maria, ii. 59, 70, 105
Santi-Petri, ii. 65, 66
Sapieha, Princess, ii. 32
Saragossa, i. 84, (second siege) 118-
202
— Maid of (Augustina Sarzella), i.
141
Sarekowski, Prince, ii. 5
Sarzella, Augustina. See Saragossa,
Maid of
Sas Mossen, i. 160
Sassarmento, Captain, ii. 109, 111-
113
Saxemburg, i. 331, 334
Saxony, King of, i. 45
Say, Jean Baptiste, i. 3
808
MEMOIRS OF BAROX LEJEUXE
Scharf, General, i. 341
Schill, i. 60
Schleidnitz, Von, ii. 264, 267
Schleitz, i. 35
Schleswig, i. 80-M2
Schmidt, i. 333, 335
Schmoditten, i. 47
Schoenberg, Countess of, ii. 278
Schonbrunn, i. 253, 257, 260, 3211
Schvvarzenberg, Prince von, ii. 16,
32, 168, 254
— Princess von, ii. 33-35
Sebastian!, General, ii. 199
Stehelles, Herault de, i. 4
Sedan, i. 7
Segond, Captain, i. 137, 140
Segovia, ii. 43
Semlevo, ii. 212
Senarmont, General, ii. 58
Senefelder Brothers (inventors of
lithography), i. 35
Septeuil, De, i. 290
Seroni (ItaUan officer), i. 338
Servan, M. de, ii. 226
Setubal, ii. 109, 112-118
Seville, ii. 56-58, 72, 73
Sierbein, General, ii. 167
Sierosk, ii. 4
Sigarskirchen, i. 253
Siginaringen, Prince of, ii. 155
Smith Sir William Sidney, ii. 290
Smolensk, ii. 167-169, 216-22U
Smorgoni, ii. 247, 248
Sobrechero (brigand), ii. 95, 104, 105
Sokoreii, Prince (Colonel), i. 52 ; ii.
195
Somo-Sierra Pass, i. 87-90
Sonderhausen, Prince of, ii. 264-
267
Sopranzy, M. de, i. 31
Sorbier, General, ii. 183, 184
Soubiran, ii. 87, 91, 93
Soulages, Baron de, i. 91 ; ii. 39
Soult, Marshal, i. 33, 62,68, 98, 111,
115, 116, 310 ; ii. 38, 56, 58, 72, 73
Souqui, General, i. 335
Spain, i. 72-79, 83-202 ; ii. 39-117
— King of. See Charles IV. ; Ferdi-
nand VII. ; and Bonaparte, Joseph
— Queen of (wife of Charles IV.), i.
73 71., 76,77 79; ii. 38
Speekbacher, i. 333
Spree, The, ii. 272-274, 279, 280,
284
Stahl, Lieutenant-Colonel, i.- 123,
136
Stanhope, Lord, i. 116
Staremberg, Princess, i. 301 ^^^
Stoffel Brothers, i. 109-113
—Colonel, ii. 127-134
Stolf, Captain Kobert, ii. 120-123
Stralsund, i. 49
Strasburg, i. 212, 214
Straubing, i. 233
Studzianka, ii. 235-237
Suchesini, Marquis de, i. 207
Suchet, General, i. 29, 310
Suvoroff,' General, i. 39, 40
— General (son of General above), i.
212; ii. 5, 6,212
T.U/LEYRAXD, M. DE (PrincB of Bene-
vento), i. 70, 74, 207
Tallien, Mme. (Countess Th^rise de
Fontenay), ii. 86
Talma, i. 206, 211 ; ii. 10
Tartars, i. 41, 68, 71 ; ii. 223
Tauenzin, General von, i. 38 ; ii.
275, 280,290
Tchichakoff, General, ii. 228, 234,
237, 238, 253
Terrage, M. de Villier du, ii. 135
Terret, von (Baden Ambassador), i.
207
Teulie, General, i. 61
Thanu (battle), i. 219, 220
Thorn, ii. 146, 224
Tilsit, i. 68-71
Tinseau, Colonel, ii. 48, 53
Tissot, Captain, i. 163, 164
Tokotschin, ii. 229
Toledo, ii. 77, 78
Tolly, General Barclay de, ii. 153, 162
Tordesillas, i. 116, 117
Torgau, ii. 288-291
Trautmansdorf, Princess, i. 301
Treviso, Duke of. See IVIortier
Trommelin, Colonel de, ii. 290
Tropbriant, Colonel de, ii. 33
Tyrol, i. 331 340
UcLES, i. 130
TJlm, i. 23
Urbria, Count von, i. 257
Ursulo (monk), ii. 97
Valazk, General, i. 138, 139, 149
Valdea, i. 104
Valdes, Don .Jose (General), i. 102
INDEX
309
Valencia, i. 8-t
Valezi, i. 167
Yalladolid, i. 99, 117
Valmy (battle), i. 5
— Duke of, ii. 294
Valutina-gora, ii. 167, 168
Vandamme, General, i. 12, 221 ; ii.
135, 289ra
Vasserot, General, ii. 189, 239, 241,
242, 252, 255, 256
Vaux, Captain de, ii. 264
Vehlau, i. 68
Veichselmunile (battle), i. 55, 56
Velau, ii. 275
Vendas Novas, ii. 110
Vera, Don Fernando (Governor of
Madrid), i. 94
Verben, ii. 284
Verdier, General, ii. 166, 167
Verea, ii. 208
Veron-E6ville, Captain, i. 152
Versage, Baron de, i. 186
Versailles, i. 1
Viasma Pass, ii. 211, 212
Viborg, i. 80
Vicenza, Duchess of, i. 208
— Duke of, ii. 248
Victor, General, i. 20, 63-65, (Mar-
shal) 87, 89, 92, 130, 209 ; ii. 59,
65, 66, 70, 229, 235-237
Vienna, i. 253, 267, 299, 300, 310,
313, 329, 330 ; ii. 8, 14-24
Vienne, Duke of, i. 54
Vierveaux, Captain, i. 172
Vignaux (Lejeune's cousin), ii. 227
Villafranea, i. 115
Villeneuve, Marquis and Marquise de,
ii. 116
Villier du Terrage, M. de (Chief
Commissioner of Police), ii. 135
Vincent (artist), i. 211
Vinkowo, ii. 198, 201
Vintzingerode, Lieutenant-General,
ii. 208
Visconti, Countess of, i. 208
Vittoria, i. 75 ; ii. 40
Vizoy, ii. l.")'"^
Vobourg, i. 220
Volfsberg Fort, i. 58- (10
Volkersdorii', i. 325
Waoham (battle), i. 313-326
— Prince of. See Bertbier
— Princess of, ii. 32
Walker, Colonel, ii. 105
Ward, General, i. 99
Warsaw, i. 39, 72 ; ii. 148
Wathier, General, i. 126
Westphalia, King of. See Bonaparte,
Jerome
Wiasma, ii. 172
Williams (Lejeune's valet), ii. 38,
42, 49, 59, 76, 82, m
Wilna, ii. 153, 154, 15(i, 250-254
Wilson, Colonel, ii. 105
Wimpffen, Baron de (Eussian
General), i. 32
Wissembourg, i. 12
Witebsk, ii. 160-164
Wittenberg, ii. 2K4-2M(i, 289-291
Wittgenstein, Count von, ii. 163,
229, 235. 237, 268
Wolff, General, ii. 275, 276
Wrede, General von, ii. 164, 166,
167, 253, 263, 295
Wiirtemberg, King of, i. 333 ; ii. 27
Wiirzburg, i. 212
YoEK, General, ii. 147. 255
Yvan, M. (Napoleon's surgeon), i.
32, 48
Zaboulon, Count, ii 159, 160
Zack, Colonel, i. 277
Zamoski, ii. 4
Zembino, ii. 240
Zicky, Countess, ii. 20
Znaim, i. 326-329, 334 ; ii. 4
Zorokpoly, ii. 157
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LAMENNAIS. See Gibson.
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Works in General Literature
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UNDER AUTHORS' NAMES.
HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, AND POLITICAL MEMOIRS.
AcLAND and Ransome — "American Citizen Series" — Annual Register — Airy — Arnold
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— Buckle — ■ Burke — Caroe — Chesney — Child — Cox — Creighton — Cuningham —
CuRTEis — Dallinger — De Tocqueville — Dewey — Dubois — Edersheim — " Epochs " —
EwALD — Fitzpatrick — Follett — Freeman — Gardiner — Granville — Greville —
Gross — Gwatkin — Harding — Hardy — Harrison — Hart — " Harvard Historical
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" Highways " — " Historic Towns " — " Historical Biographies " — Houston — How —
Howorth — Hunt — Ingram — Joyce — Kaye — Kayserling — Lang — Laurie — Lavisse —
Leigh — Lejeune^Macaulay — MacColl — Mackinnon — M alleson — May — Merivale
— Montague — Montalembert — Moore — Morse — Mullinger — Oman — Overton —
Paget — Prendergast — Ransome — Rawlinson — Richman — Ringwalt — Round — See-
bo hm — Sewell — Sharpe — Sheppard — Sismondi — SiTWELL — Smith — Symes — Thomp-
son — Thursfield — Thwaites — Todd — Tupper — Turgot — Wakeman — Walpole —
Warner — Webb — Wilson — -Wylie.
BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL MEMOIRS, &C.
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Halford — Harper — Hassall- — Haweis — Holroyd — Hooper — Jefferies — Jewseury
— Kettlewell — Lamennais — Leaf — Liddon — Marbot — Marlborough — Marshman —
Montrose — Moore — Morton — N ansen — Nelson — Newman — Nicholas Ferrar —
O'CoNNELL — OXENDEN — POLK — PrAEGER — PUSEY — QuiLLINAN — RAPHAEL — ReEVES —
Richardson — Roberts — Romanes — Russell — Shakespeare — Sherbrooke — Verney
— Wellington — Wiseman — Wishart^ Wolf— Wordsworth.
travel and adventure— sport, &c.
Arnold — Badminton — Baker — Battye — Bent — Bickerdyke — Bicknell' — Boothby
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Hopkins — Howard — James — Knight — Lees — Little — Mannering — Meyer — Mon-
tague — MULLER — Murdoch — Nansen — Oliver — Park — Pratt — Pole — Riley —
Robinson Crusoe — "Robinson Crusoe" — Ronalds — Smith — " Stonehenge" — " Swiss
Family Robinson " — Thompson — Whishaw — Wilcocks — Wolff — Youatt.
58 Works in General Literature Published by Longmans, Green, & Co.
A PARTIAL CLASSIFICATION.— Continued.
mental, moral, and political philosophy.
Bacon — Crozier — Greex — Hearn — Hodgson — Hume — James — Justinian — Lewe<;
— Mill — Mosso — Mulhall — Muller — " Narada Sutra " — Romanes — Sidgwick —
Thompson — Viyekananda — Zeller.
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" Studies in Economics" — ToYNBEE — VINCENT — WRIGHT.
CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
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ART— poetry— DRAMA.
AcwoRTH — B arraud — Barrow — Beesly — Bell — Bjornson — Bradshaw — Christie
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Kendall — Kennedy — Lang — Leighton — Lindsay — Lytton (Owen Meredith) —
Macaulay — Marquand — Moon — Morris — Murray — Nesbit — Peek — Piatt — Riley
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Lemon — Lyall — ^Lagruder — Matthews — Meade — Melville — Merriman — Mont-
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popular SCIENCE, &C.
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"n^rwVfS^sm