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STUDIES IN HONOR OF 
MAUEICE BLOOMFIELD 

PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 

IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY 

BALTIMORE, MARYLAND 

BY A GROUP OF HIS PUPILS 



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NEW HAVEN 

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

LONDON - HUMPHREY MILFORD - OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

MDCCCCXX 

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i.ll^KAUY 



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COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY 
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 



TABLE OF COI^ENTS 

Foreword v, vi 

List of Co-operating Dedicators vii-xiii 

In Memoriam : A. AV. Stratton, A. H. Ewing xv 

Biographical Sketch xvii-xxi 

Bibliography xxiii-xxxi 

Contributed Articles 

L. C. Barret : Paippalada and Rigveda 1 

H. H. Bender: On the Lithuanian Word-Stock as Indo- 
European Material 19 

F. R. Blake : Congeneric Assimilation as a Cause of the 

Development of New Roots in Semitic 35 

G. M. Bolling : The Recension of Canakya used by Galanos . 49 

G. W. Brown : The Sources of Indian Philosophical Ideas . . 75 

W. N. Brown : Escaping One's Fate, A Hindu Paradox and 

its Use as a Psychic Motif in Hindu Fiction 89 

E. W. BuRLiNGAME: Buddhist-Zoroastrian Legend of the 

Seven Marvels 105 

Fr. EdgertoN : The Philosophic Materials of the Atharva 
Veda 117 

E. W. Fay : Irradiation and Blending • 137 

H. M. Johnson: Rauhineya's Adventures, The Rauhine- 
yacaritra 159 

H. W. Magoun : Agni Vrtrahan and Verethraghna 197 

Ruth Norton : The Life-Index, A Hindu Fiction Motif . . /. 211 

S. G. Oliphant : The Vedic Press-Stones 225 

R. S. Radford : Licensed Feet in Latin Verse : A Study of 
the Principles of Exceptional Shortening, of Diaeresis, 
and of Short Vowels in Hiatus 251 

Indices 273 



) I 

I I 



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/ 






FOREWORD 

These Studies are offered to Maurice Bloomfield, on the 
fortieth anniversary of his doctorate, as an expression of affec- 
tion for teacher and friend, and as a mark of homage to one of 
America's foremost scholars. 

It would have been easy to increase the bulk of the volume, 
and, no doubt, its scholarly value, by calling for contributions 
from his friends and colleagues. But to the Committee in 
charge of the work it seemed best that the contributors should 
be only those who have stood to him in the relation of pupil to. 
teacher. For it is his qualities as a teacher, no less thaii as a 
scholar, that have won for him a place perhaps unequalled, 
among American humanists of this generation. All the world 
knows his scholarly work. But all of academic America, at 
least, is no less aware of the extraordinarily stimulating influence 
which he has exerted upon those who have been privileged to sit 
under him. 

Moreover, it seemed necessary to restrict the scope of the vol- 
ume still further. Professor Bloomfield. 's courses in Compara- 
tive Philology and Comparative Grammar have been given fot 
over thirty-five years and have enrolled many hundreds of 
students. Through these pupils his influence has been felt in 
every field of linguistic activity in this country and in many 
other spheres of humanistic work. The Committee was for a 
time attracted by the idea of planning a volume to center upon 
exhibiting the wide range of this influence. But in the end it 
was decided to make the volume more unified by limiting the 
contributions to those subjects which have chiefly engaged his 
own attention. Even thus limited, the scope of the volume 
remains sufficiently wide. 

At the conclusion of our work we feel that it is far short of 
all we should wish it to be. We shall not offer as an excuse the 
peculiar difficulties^ of the times in which it was conceived and 

^ These difB.culties have been further increased by the death of two of 
our associates. Professor Kirby F. Smith of the Johns Hopkins University 
had promised us an article on 'Invisibility in Folklore,'' but at the time 
of his death the work had not progressed so far as to permit the publication 
of his results. Professor Fay's article was completed and appears below 
in this volume. Unfortunately, however, he did not live to see it in type, 
and it lacks ttie benefit of the final revision he would have given it. 



vi Foreword 

brought forth ; for we feel that at no time could any such effort 
have produced results worthy of Professor Bloomfield. But we 
ask him to accept the volume from the contributors as a token 
of their affection and esteem, and as a pledge that they will 
continue to work along these lines with a living, grateful recog- 
nition of the instruction and inspiration for which they are 
indebted to him. 



^ SUBSCRIBERS AND CO-OPERATING DEDICATORS. 

Henry L. Abbot, Cambridge, Mass. 
Justin E. Abbott, Summit, N. J. 
Emil Abegg, Ziirick, Switzerland- 
Julian W. Abernethy, Burlington, Vt. 
Cyrus Adler, Philadelphia, Pa. 
William P. Albright, Jerusalem, Palestine. 
Dines Andersen, Copenhagen, Denmark. 
Eple B. Babeock, New York City. 
F. H. Baetjer, Baltimore, Md. 
Marshall Ballard; Bay St. Louis, Miss. 
Philip L. Barbour, New York City. 
Lewellys P. Barker, Baltimore, Md. 
George E. Bamett, Baltimore, Md. 
George A. Barton, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 
John W. Basore, Princeton, N. J. ' 
A. J. Bell, Toronto, Canada. 
Charles E. Bennett, Ithaca, N. Y. 
C. Theodore Benze, Philadelphia, Pa. 
George 0. Berg, Northfield, Minn. 
William Sturgis Bigelow, Boston, Mass. 
Charles Edward Bishop, Morgantown, W. Ya. 
Leonard Bloomfield, Urbana, 111. 
Franz 'Boas, New York City. 
Alexander L. Bondurant, University, Miss. 
W. D. Booker, Baltimore, Md. 
John M. Brendal, Perham, Minn. 
James Wilson Bright, Baltimore, Md. 
Carl Darling Buck, Chicago*, 111. 
Karl Budde, Marburg, Germany. 
Westcott Burlingame, Albany, N. Y. 
Charles Dana Burrage, Boston, Mass. 
R. Butin, Washington, D. C. 
Moses Buttenwieser, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
W. .Caland, Utrecht, Netherlands. 
Morgan Callaway, Jr., Austin, Tex. 
John Campbell, New York City. 
Edward Capps, Princeton, N. J. 
Albert J. Carnoy, Louvain, Belgium. 



viii Subscribers and Co-operating Dedicators 

Mitchell Carroll, Washin^on, D. C. 

Adam Carruthers, Toronto, Canada. 

J. McKeen Cattell, Garrison-on-Hudson, N. Y. 

Jarl Charpentier, Upsala, Sweden. 

Francis A. Christie, Meadville, Pa. 

Walter Eugene Clark, Chicago, 111. 

Erma E. Cole, New London, Conn. 

Hermann Collitz, Baltimore, Md. 

Samuel Daiches, London, England. 

Mme. Martelle Elliott Davis, Tacoma, Wash. 

Marchese Comm. Giacomo De Gregorio, Palermo, Italy. 

Arthur A. Dembitz, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Herman L. Ebeling, Baltimore, Md. 

Edward Edwards, London, England. 

George V. Edwards, New York City. 

F. C. Eiselen, Evanston, 111. 

Aaron Ember, Baltimore, Md. 

Henry Lane Eno, Princeton, N. J. 

A. E. Erkes, Leipzig, Germany. 

H. R. Fairclough, Stanford University, Calif. 

Thomas Fell, Annapolis, Md. 

John H. Finley, Albany, N. Y. 

Simon Flexner, New York City. 

Harold N. Fowler, Cleveland, Ohio. 

Tenney Frank, Baltimore, Md. 

Fabian Franklin, New York City. 

Solomon B. Freehof, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Henry Snyder Gehman, Philadelphia, Pa. 

John Marshall Gest, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Alice Getty, Paris, France. 

Paul Geuthner, Paris, France. 

T. Casper Gilchrist, Baltimore, Md. 

Basil Lanneau Gilder sleeve, Baltimore, Md. 

John Glenn, Jr., Baltimore, Md. 

Charles J. Goodwin, Bethlehem, Pa. 

Elihu Grant, Haverford College, Pa. 

Edwin L. Green, Columbia, S. C. 

Sir George A. Grierson, Camberley, England. 

Lucia C. G. Grieve, Ocean Grove, N. J. 

Karl Joseph Grimm, Gettysburg, Pa. 

B. Howell Griswold, Jr., Baltimore, Md. 
Luise Haessler, New York City. 
George Ellery Hale, Pasadena, Calif. 



Subscribers and Co-opei^ting Dedicators 

Wm. Gardner Hale, Stamford, Conn. 

Clayton M. Hall, Ruxton, Md. 

George M. Hall, Baltimore, Md. 

W. S. Halsted, Baltimore, Md. 

HoUist^r Adelbert Hamilton, Elmira, JN". Y. 

M. S. Handman, Austin, Tex. 

W. A. Harris, Richmond College, Richmond, Va. 

Fairfax Harrison, Belvoir, Va. 

James Taft Hatfield, Evanstoii, 111. m ' 

Paul Haupt, Baltimore, Md. 

Francis J. Hemelt, Washington, D. C. 

Philip S. Henry, Asheville, N. C. 

E. I^iiller Hess, Berne, Switzerland. 

Lewis Hodous, Hartford, Conn. 

Jacob H. Hollander, Baltimore, Md. 

E. Washburn Hopkins, New Haven, Conn. 

Herbert Pierrepont Houghton, Waukesha, Wis. 

W. H. Howell, Baltimore, Md. 

Henry M. Hurd, Baltimore, Md. 

H. Hyvernat, Washington, D. C. 

A. V. Williams Jackson, New York City. 

H. C. G. von Jagemann, Cambridge, Mass. 

Bartlett B. James, Baltimore, Md. 

Morris Jastrow, Jr., Philadelphia, Pa. 

James R. Jewett, Cambridge, Mass. 

K. F. Johansson, Upsala, Sweden. 

Allan Chester Johnson, Princeton, N, J. 

R. F. Johnston, Peking, China. 

Florin H. Jones, Coytesville, Pa. 

Thomas F. Kane, Grand Forks, N. Dak. 

George Charles Keidel, Washington, D. C. 

Robert James Kellogg, Shawnee, Okla. 

H. A. Kelly, Baltimore, Md. 

James A. Kelso, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Roland G. Kent, Philadelphia, Pa. 

James W. Kern, Lexington, Va. 

David Martin Key, Jackson, Miss. 

R. Brent Keyser, Baltimore, Md. 

J, Kirste, Graz, Austria- 

C. Klincksieck, Paris, France. 

Sten Konow, Kristiania, Norway. 

A. G. Laird, Madison, Wis. 

H. Carrington Lancaster, Baltimore, Md. 



X Subscribers and Co-operating Dedicators 

Charles R. Lanman, Cambridge, Mass. 

Berthald Laufer, Chicago, 111. 

James T. Lees, Lincoln, Nebr. 

W. G. Leutner, Cleveland, Ohio. 

Eugene Levering, Baltimore, Md. 

Bruno Liebich, Heidelberg, Germany. 

Christopher Longest, University, Miss. 

A. 0. Lovejoy, Baltimore, Md. 

Henry F. Lutz, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Sir C. J. Lyall, London, England. 

J. Gresham Machen, Princeton, N. J. 

Ralph Van Deman Magoffin, Baltimore, Md. 

J. H. T. Main, Grinnell, Iowa. 

Theodore Marburg, Baltimore, Md. 

Mrs. John Markoe, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Edward B. Mathews, Baltimore, Md. 

S. J. Meltzer, New York City. 

Clarence W. Mendell, New Haven, Conn. 

R. D. Messayeh, New York City. 

Alfred W. Milden, University, Miss. 

Charles W. E. Miller, Baltimore, Md. 

Robert^JEdwin Miller, U. S. Navy. 

Helen Lovell Million, Mexico, Mo. 

Edward W. Morley, West Hartford, Conn. 

James B. Nies, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Charles J. Ogden, New York City. 

Henry S. Pancoast, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Stewart Paton, Princeton, N. J. 

Daniel A. Penick, Austin, Tex. 

George Wharton Pepper, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Walter Petersen, Lindsborg, Kansas. 

Aristides E. Phoutrides, New York City. 

T. Noel de L. Purcell, London, England. 

E. J. Rapson, Cambridge, England. 

Samuel Rea, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Lord Reay, London, England. 

J. N. Renter, Helsingsfors, Finland. 

David M. Robinson, Baltimore, Md. 

J. G. Rosengarten, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Lessing Rosenthal, Chicago, 111. 

Robert Bruce Roulston, Baltimore, Md. 

Adelaide Rudolph, New York City. 

Thomas DeC. Ruth, Washington, D. C. 



Subscribers and Co-opemiUng Dedicators xi 

Frank Knight Sanders, New York City. 

Virginia Saunders, New York City. 

Gottlieb Schaenzlin, Baltimore, Md. 

Nathaniel Schmidt, Ithaca, N. Y. 

Wilfred H. Schoff, Philadelphia, Pa. 

H. Schumacher, Washington, D. C. 

Charles P. G. Scott, Yonkers, N. Y. 

John A. Scott, Evanston, 111. 

Helen M. Searles, South Hadley, Mass. 

Edward H. Sehrt, Baltimore, Md. 

Joseph S. Shefloe, Baltimore, Md. 

George Shipley, Baltimore, Md. 

H. H. Sipes, Philadelphia, Pa. 

John R. Slattery, Paris, France. 

M. S. Slaughter, Madison, Wis. 

Charles S. Smith, Washington, D. C. 

John C. Smock, Hudson, N. Y. 

Charles William Sommerville, Memphis, Tenn. ~ 

A. L. Taylor Starck, Cambridge, Mass. 
R. B. Steele, Nashville, Tenn. 

Sir Aurel Stein, Oxford, England. 

Georg Steindorff, Leipzig, Germany. ^ 

John Lammey Stewart, Bethlehem, Pa. 

Alvin H. M. Stonecipher, Indianapolis, Ind. 

Robert P. Strickler, Baltimore, Md. 

Claire M. M. Strube, Baltimore, Md. 

E. H. Sturtevant, New York City. 

Satalur Sundara Suryanarayanam, Lalagvahavam, Madura, 

South India. 
William Marshall Teape, Sunderland, England. 
Sir Richard Temple, London, England. 
W. S. Thayer, Baltimore, Md. 
Hugo P. Thieme, Ann Arbor, Mich. 
Edward Joseph Thomas, Cambridge, England. 
Henry Alfred Todd, New York City. 
Albert H. Tolman, Chicago, 111. 
William Trelease, Urbana, 111. 
Ebbe Tuneld, Lund, Sweden. 
Frederick Tupper, Burlington, Vt. 
Mrs. Lawrence TiirnbuU, Baltimore, Md. 
J. Ph. Vogel, Leiden, Holland. ~^, 

B. J. Vos, Bloomington, Ind. 

Jacob Wackernagel, Basle, Switzerland. 



xii Subscribers and Co-operating Dedicators 

M. Walleser, Heidelberg, Germany. 

William D. Ward, Los Angeles, Calif. 

Samuel W. Wass, Toronto, Canada. 

Leroy Waterman, Ann Arbor, Mich. 

William H. Welch, Baltimore, Md. 

Monroe Nichols Wetmore, Williamstown, Mass. 

Louis N. Whealton, Long Beach, Calif. 

Miles White, Jr., Baltimore, Md. 

Daniel Willard, Baltimore, Md. ' 

J. Whitridge Williams, Baltimore, Md. 

Edward Allen Wilson, San Antonio, Tex. 

Roy Martin Winger, Seattle, Wash. 

Henry Wood, Baltimore, Md. 

James Haughton Woods, Cambridge, Mass. 

K. V. Zettersteen, Upsala, Sweden. 

R. Zimmermann, Bombay, British India. 



LIBRARIES AND OTHER INSTITUTIONS. 

American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Boston College Library, Chestnut Hill, Mass. 
The Case Memorial Library of the Hartford Seminary Founda- 
tion, Hartford, Conn. 
College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va. 
Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N. Y. 
Free Public Library, Newark, N. J. 
Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass. 
Haverford College Library, Haverford, Pa. 
Iowa State Library, Des Moines, Iowa. 

Library American Museum of Natural History, New York City. 
Library Company of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Library of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 
Library of Lafayette College, Easton, Pa. j> 

Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 
Library of State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa. 
Library of The University of California, Berkeley, Calif. 
Library of The University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 
Library of The University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Library of The University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 
Library of Union Theological Seminary, New York City. 
Library of Washington University, St. Louis, Mo. 



It 



Suhstrihers and Co-operating Dedicators xiii 

Libreria de Jesus Menendez, Buenos TA-ires, Republica Argentina. 

Musee Guimet, Paris, France. ' 

The National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, Wales. 

Nevada State Library, Carson City, Nev. 

The New York Public Library, New York City. 

North Dakota Masonic Grand Lodge Library, Fargo, N. Dak. 

Northwestern University Library, Evanston, 111. 

Ohio State University Library, Columbus, Ohio. 

Princeton Theological Seminary Library, Princeton, N. J. 

San Francisco Law Library, San Francisco, Calif. 

Smith College Library, Northampton, Mass. 

Southern Baptist Theological Seminary Library, Louisville, Ky. 

University of Michigan Library, Ami Arbor, Mich. 

University of Nebraska Library, Lincoln, Neb. 

University of Rochester Library, Rochester, N. Y. 

Vermont State Library, Montpelier, Vt. 

Wellesley College Library, Wellesley, Mass. 

Wesleyan University Library, Middletown, Conn. 

Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn. ; 



y 



IN MEMORIAM 

v, 

ALFRED WILLIAM STRATTON 
ARTHUR HENRY EWING 

QVOS CONDISCIPVLOS NOSTROS IN INDIA 
LABORANTES MORS INTEMPESTIVA 

RAPVIT 



J- 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

Maurice Bloompield was born on February 23, 1855, at 
Bielitz, Austria. When he was four years old his family moved 
to the United States, and his boyhood was spent in Milwaukee 
and Chicago. 

He began his collegiate studies at the old University of Chi- 
cago (1871-4), and finished them at Furman University, Green- 
ville, South Carolina (1876-7), where he received the degree of 
Master of Arts in 1877. These were the times when the Ku 
IQux Klan was active in South Carolina, and ever since then he 
has had well-reasonpd and clear-cut opinions on what is called 
the Negro Problem (compare the entries in the Bibliography 
under the years 1890 and 1892). During his stay in the south 
he came under the influence of Crawford H. Toy, who was 
then teaching in Greenville. The direction of his career was 
definitely determined by his work under William Dwight 
Whitney at Yale, where he registered as a graduate student in 
the fall of 1877. From there he went as Fellow, to the recently 
opened Johns Hopkins University, where Charles R. Lanman 
was then in charge of instruction in Sanskrit. Here he received, 
in June, 1879, the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.' Immedi- 
ately after this he went abroad to study in Germany. 

The decade then ending had witnessed the birjh of the modem 
science of- Comparative Indo-European Philology. Early in 
that decade a revolution had started with such works as Ascoli's 
'Glottologia' (of which a German version, Vorlesungen uher die 
vergleichende Lautlehre, appeared in 1872), Johannes Schmidt's 
Verwandtschaftsverhdltnisse der indogermcmischen Sprachen 
(1872), and Fick's Die ehemalige Spracheinheit der Indoger- 
manen Europas (1873). Then came Brugmann's articles in the 
ninth volume of Curtius' Studien (1876), the discovery of Ver- 
ner's Law (1877), and the discovery of the facts concerning the 
Indo-Iranian palatals by Collitz {BB 2. 291 ff. and 3. 177 ff., 
1878 and 1879) — out of which three sources, principally, devel- 
oped a new theory of Indo-European Ablaut. 

The climax in the transition to the new period came just about 
the time when Bloomfield went to Germany. He was attracted 
and stirred by the T^ork of the rising schools of philologists, both 
* Junggrammatiker ' and others ; and his early publications sho^iv 

V. 



xviii Biographical Sketch 

r 

J , 

how great was their influence upon him. At the same time he 
continued his Indological studies, especially in the field of ^e 
Veda; and here too he came under inspiring influences. He 
spent a year at Berlin, studying Indie Philology with Albrecht 
Weber, Hermann Oldenberg, and Heinrich Zimmer; Classical 
and general Comparative Philology with Johannes Schmidt; and 
Celtic with Zimmer. Then for another year, at Leipzig, he 
studied Indie and Celtic Philology with Ernst Windisch, Classi- 
cal and Comparative Philology with Georg Curtius and Karl 
Brugmann, and Slavic with August Leskien. He seems also to 
have been greatly influenced by some of his fellow-students, par- 
ticularly by M. A. (now Sir Aurel) Stein, and Hermann Collitz. 
Collitz was later to become his colleague at Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity, as Professor of Germanic Philology. Stein was his 
fellow-student at both Berlin and Leipzig, and they have 
remained warm friends to this day ; Bloomfield has always had 
the greatest admiration and regard for Stein, who has given evi- 
dence of reciprocating these feelings. Among his other fellow- 
students were Paul Deussen, the historian of philosophy ; Kuno 
Meyer, the Celtist; Ernst Leumann, the Indologist; B. Giiter- 
bock, G. Mahlow, and F. Hartmann. 

In 1881 Bloomfield was recalled from Europe by President 
Gilman to take charge of the work in Sanskrit at the Johns 
Hopkins University, where he has ever since been Professor of 
Sanskrit and Comparative Philology. 

On June 20, 1885, he was married to Miss Rosa Zeisler.^ Two 
children were born to them : Elinor Marie (now Mrs. A. Sanders 
DeWitt, of Detroit, Michigan) , and Arthur Leonard (now Asso- 
ciate in Medicine in the Johns Hopkins University). He still 
occupies during the academic year the same house, at 861 Park 
Avenue, Baltimore, in which he settled immediately after his 
marriage. His summers are usually spent with his family at 
Breadloaf , in the Green Mountains, Vermont. 

Professor Bloomfield 's relations with European scholars, dat- 
ing in many cases from his student days, have remained close 
and intimate. To some extent he has kept up such associations 
by correspondence — altho he has been heard to express doubts 
as to whether this effort is, ill general, worth while. Yet he 
counted Max Miiller, for instance, a warm personal friend, and 
this friendship was kept up to the day of Miiller 's death, altho 
they never saw each other. Various trips to Europe have also 
helped to keep him in touch with his friends and colleagues 

^ Mrs. Bloomfield died on June 25, 1920, while this book was in press. 



Biographical Sketch xix 

there. ' His second trip took place in 1884, when he went to 
Tiibingen to work with Eudolf Roth on materials in preparation 
of his edition of the Kausika Sutra, and where, incidentally, he 
was welcomed and entertained by his old friend Stein. After a 
lapse of fifteen years he made a third trip, this time also to 
Tubingen, in 1899, to confer with Richard Garbe, his co-editor 
of the chromo-photographic reproduction of the Kashmirian 
Atharva Veda. Later he visited Europe as the representative 
of the Johns Hopkins University at three of the International 
Congresses of Orientalists — at Hamburg in 1902, at Algiers in 
1905, and at Copenhagen in 1908 ; and in 1911 he was the Uni- 
versity's delegate at the five hundredth anniversary celebration 
of the University of St. Andrews, Scotland. At Copenhagen he 
laid before the Congress of Orientalists his Vedic Concordance, 
for which he was awarded the Hardy Prize by the Royal Acad- 
emy of Bavaria. 

During the winter of 1906-7 he delivered the seventh series of 
lectures in the course of American Lectures on the History of 
Religions before various educational institutions in this country. 
These lectures were afterwards printed in his book. The Religion 
of the Veda. 

He is a member, and has been vice-president and president, of 
the American Oriental Society ; a member and councillor of the 
American Philosophical Society; a member of the German 
Oriental Society, of the American Philological Association, of 
the International Committee for Congresses on the History of 
Religions, of the Advisory Council of the American Simplified 
Spelling Society, and of the National Institute of Social 
Sciences ; Foreign Member of the Bohemian Academy of Prague, 
Honorary Member of the Finno-Ugrian Society of Helsingfors, 
and Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 

In 1906 the honorary degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him 
by Princeton University at its sesquicentennial celebration. His 
alma mater, Furman University, gave him the same degree in 
1908. He also received in 1916 the honorary degree of L.H.D. 
from the University of Chicago at the celebration of its twenty- 
fifth anniversary. 

His scholarly activities are fully recorded in the Bibliography, 
and there is no need to repeat what is said there. Yet it seems 
desirable to indicate in a summary fashion the chief lines they 
have followed. 

Almost his first publication was an edition of a text dealing 
with Yedic ritual; and from that time to this he has never 




XX Biographical Sketch 

ceased to make the interpretation of the Veda— from all possible 
angles— one of his foremost interests. In this field the great 
monument that he has reared is the Vedic Concordance. It is a 
tool for Vedic investigation which will remain in use as long as 
Vedic studies are pursued, and with which the St. Petersburg 
Lexicon alone can be compared. But his peculiar genius as a 
Vedic interpreter can best be seen elsewhere. While all Vedic 
texts, and particularly the Rig Veda, have received their share 
of his attention, it is more especially the Atharva Veda that he 
has made his very own. His studies begin with interpretations 
of individual Atharvan hymns; continue with the edition of 
the Kausika Sutra, the translation of Hymns of the Atharva 
Veda for the Sacred Books of the East, and the chromophoto- 
graphic reproduction of the Kashmirian Atharva Veda; and cul- 
minate in his brilliant volume on The Atharva Veda for the. 
Grxmdriss der indo-arischen Philologie, which will doubtless 
remain for many years to come the standard work on the subject. 
He has also inspired several of his pupils to independent work 
in various phases of Atharvan literature. In this field he stands 
far beyond all rivals; there can be no question that he is the 
greatest Atharvanist of the- world. 

His early interest in Comparative Philology has never left 
him. Such an interest was the usual thing among Indologists in 
those days; the two fields always, or nearly always, went 
together. With the enormous widening and deepening of the 
scope of both of them, this combination has become much more 
difficult and consequently rarer. Professor Bloomfield is 
almost the last representative of the older tradition ; for the 
other living scholars of his own generation have almost without 
exception abandoned one or the other of the two subjects. His 
enthusiasm for Indo-European Pre-history was fired anew in the 
early years of the present century by the remarkable finds in 
Turkestan, and later in the Hittite country; and it is safe to 
predict that he will never turn his mind away from such matters. 
In general linguistics the calling of due attention to the process 
of ' adaptation ' was his achievement. It promises to be paral- 
leled in importance by the new points of view opened up in his 
article 'On Instability in the Use of Moods in Earliest Sanskrit.' 
In historical grammar the subject of noun formation, especially 
suffixal formation, has keenly interested him; he has devoted 
several penetrating studies to it, and under his stimulus three 
of his students have written doctoral dissertations in it. It 
should be noted that, besides the courses in Comparative Phil- 



Biographical Sketch 



XXI 



ology and Comparative Grammar of which mention has been 
made in the Foreword, he has for many years regularly con- 
ducted courses in Avestan and Lithuanian, primarily for stu- 
dents of Comparative Philology. Other courses of a similar sort 
have been given sporadically. 

Indian religions have also deeply interested him, as can be 
seen from his various monographs, beginning with an article on 
Buddhism published in 1892, and especially from his book on 
The Religimi of the Veda — the best account of Vedic religion in 
the English language, and perhaps in any language. More inci- 
dentally and in passing he has touched upon the various philo- 
sophic systems of India. Of late he has become very much 
interested in Indian folklore and story literature, and has con- 
ceived the idea of gradually elaborating an encyclopedia of the 
recurring motifs of Hindu fiction. The interest and value of 
such studies he has himself illustrated in a number of articles, 
and several of his pupils are helping him to carry on this work. 
Two articles in this volume are contributions to this 'encyclo- 
pedia. ' 

It should be noted, finally, that he has by no means failed to 
take an interest in the literatures of the Pali and Prakrit dia- 
kcts. In both — especially in Pali and the Jaina Maharastri — 
he has conducted classwork for many years. And while his 
publications do not show so much evidence of his activities in 
these fields as yet, his pupils would be surprised if his learning 
and acumen did not in them also bear fruit more extensively, in 
the fullness of time. 



/' 



\ 



r 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PROFESSOR BLOOMFIELD'S 

WRITINGS 

It is hoped that this bibliography includes a reference to 
everything published by Professor Bloomfield down to the year 
1920. Cross references are furnished in cases where he has 
written on the same subject in more than one place ; and when 
articles referred to are merely abstracts of longer articles pub- 
lished elsewhere, this fact is indicated. 

The items are arranged chronologically according to the year 
of publication. In general we have treated as the year of pub- 
lication the year that is printed on the title-page of the book, or 
volume of a periodical, in question. An exception has been 
made, however, with the Journal and Proceedings of the Amer- 
ican Oriental Society. The issuance X)f these was, particularly 
in the early days of the Society 's existence, very irregular ; and 
each volume usually included, in those days, parts which had 
appeared at different intervals of time. Yet each volume, of 
course, carries only one date on the title-page. We have there- 
fore abandoned our rule in this case, and have recorded articles 
published in JAOS and PAOS as of the year when they actually 
appeared in print.^ 

The following abbreviations of titled of periodicals are used 
in the bibliography: i 

AEB ==. American Historical Beview. 

AJP = American Journal of Philology. 

B5=:(Bezzenberger^s) Beitrdge zwr Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen. 

GGA =: Goettingisohe Gelehrte Anzeigen. 

lA ^ Indian Antiquary. 

IF = Indogermojiische Forschu7igen^ 

JAOS =1 Journal of the American Oriental Society. 

JHUC ■=. Johns Hopkins University Circulars. 

PAOS ^ Proceedings of the American Oriental Society. 

PAPA z= Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 

PAPS = Proceedings of the American Philosophical Sodeiy. 

TAP A =: Transactions of the American Philological Association. 

WZKM z= Wiener Zeitschrift fii/r die Kunde des Morgenlandes. 

ZDMG ^ Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen Gesellschdft. 

^ This is again apt to be a very different matter from the year in which 
such communieations were verbally presented to the American Oriental 
Society. For example, Bloomfield 's Pif th Series of * Contributions to the 
Interpretation of the Veda' was presented orally to the Society in 1892, 
actually published in April, 1894 {JAOS 17. 149), and finally included as 
part of Volume 16 of the JAOS, which bears the date 1896. 



xxiv Bibliography 

1878 On the Vedie compounds having an apparent genitive^ as prior 

member. TAOS 11. v. -1,^1 

1879 [Noun-formation in the Eig-Veda. Dissertation; unpublished.] 

1880 The ablaut of Greek roots which show variation between E and O. - 

AJP 1. 281 ff . ; JEUC no. 7, December, 1880, p. 79. 

1881 Das Grhyasamgraha-parisista des Gobhilaputra. ZDMG 35. 533 ff., 

788. (Of. below, 1882, On the Grhyasarngraha-pari^ista of Gobhi- 
laputra.) 

The relation of eZScis: l^vla. JHUC no. 12, December, 1881, p. 163. 

On non-diphthongal e and in Sanskrit. PAOS 11. Ixsiv ff. 

Eeview of Gustav Meyer's Griechische Grammatik. AJP 2. 507 ff. 

1882 Final AS before sonants in Sanskrit. AJP 3. 25 ff.; JHT7C no. 13, 

February, 1882, p. 174, cf. iUd., no. 17, August, 1882, p. 243. 
The etymology of dfi^XaKelv. JHUC no. 13, February, 1882, p. 175. 

(Cf. below, 1885, Four etymological notes.) 
On the Grhyasarrigraha-pari§ista of Gobhilaputra. JHUC no. 15, 
May, 1882, p. 205. (Cf. above, 1881, Das Grhyasamgraha-pari- 
sista des Gobhilaputra.) 
On differences I of use in present-systems from the same root in the 

Veda. PAOS 11. cxxvi ff. (Same subject as next.) 
A search for the functional or dialectic differences in the present 
systems of the Veda. JHUC no. 20, December, 1882, p. 26. 
(Same subject as preceding.) 
On the Eev. L. F. MUls' edition of the Gathas. AJP 3. 499 f. 
ik i "<■ 1883 Arthur C. Burnell and the Talavakara Brahmana. JHUC no. 21, 
'^' ^ February, 1883, p. 51 f. 

Historical and critical remarks introductory to a comparative study 

of Greek accent. AJP 4. 21 ff. (Abstracted in next.) 
On the general theory of Greek accentuation.^ JHUC no. 22, April, 

1883, p. 66. (Abstract of preceding.) 
On the etymology of 0tXos. JHUC no. 25, August, 1883, p. 141. 
On certain irregular Vedic subjunctives or imperatives. PAOS 11. 
clxi ff. ; JRJJC no. 27, November, 1883, p. 6. (Abstracts of next 
but two.) 
On an edition, proposed by the writer, of the KaniSika-Sutra of the 

Atharva-Veda. PAOS 11. clxx {Ms) ff. (Cf. next but two.) 
Eeview of Biihler's Leitfaden fiir den Elementarcursus des SansJcrit. 
AJP 4. 350 f. 
1884 On certain irregular Vedic subjunctives or imperatives. AJP 5. 16 
ff. (Abstracted in preceding but two.) 
On an edition, proposed by the writer, of the KauSika-Sutra of the 
Atharva-Veda. JHUC no. 29, March, 1884, p. 52 ff. (Cf. pre- 
ceding but two.) 
On the probability of the existence of phonetic law. AJP 5. 178 

ff.; (abstract) JHUC no. 30, April, 1884, p. 74. 
On the position of the Vaitana-Sutra in the literature of the Atharva- 
Veda. PAOS 11. ccxxiii ff. (Abstract of next.) 




^ Bibliography xxv 

1885 Off the position of the Vaitana-Sutra iif the literature of the Atharva- 
Veda. JAOS 11. 375 ff. (Abstracted in preceding.) 

Four etymological notes. 1. Latin usque : Vedic dccha. — 2. iriiruv, 
^ripe,' and iriirtav, 'mild, weak.' — 3. On a probable equivalentin 
Sanskrit of the Greek ^particle &p, ph. — 4. dfi^XaKelv : Sanskrit 
mlecchati. AJF 6. 41 ff. (Cf. next three, and above, 1882, The 
etymology of dfi^XaKelv.) 

Latin usque : Vedic dcchd. JHUC vol. 4, whole no. 36, January, 
1885, p. 32. (Cf. preceding.) 

iriircov, 'ripe,' and irivav, 'mild, weak.' IMd., p. 33. (Cf. preced- 
ing but one.) 

On a probable equivalent in Sanskrit of the Greek particle dp, l>h. 
JHUC vol. 4, whole no. 39, May, 1885, p. 76 f. (Cf. preceding 
but two.) 

Note on the study of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology. JHUC 
vol. 4, whole no. 41, July, 1885, p. 119 f. 

On a new group of Vedic words belonging to the root pras, 'to 
ask.' IMd., p. 119. (Abstract of next.) 

On some Vedie derivatives of the root pras, 'ask,' hitherto mis- 
understood, [prds, 'debate,' etc.] PADS 13. xlii ff. (Ab- 
stracted in preceding.) 

1886 The correlation of v and m in the Veda. JHUC vol. 5, whole no. 49, 

May, 1886, p. 93. (Abstract of next.) 

The correlation of v and m in Vedic and later Sanskrit. PAOS 13. 
xcvii ff. (Abstract-ed in preceding.) 

Eeview of Lanman's SansTcrit Header. AJP 7. 98 ff. 

Three hymns of the first book of the Atharva-Veda. [AV. 1. 2, 1. 
12, 1. 14.] Ibid., cxii ff. (Cf. next but two.) 

Introduction to the study of the Old-Indian sibilants. (With 
Edward H. Spieker.) Ibid., cxvii ff. 

Two hymns of the Atharva-Veda, ii, 11, and vi, 128. Ibid., cxxxii 
ff. (Cf. next.) 

Seven hymns of the Atharva-Veda. (Later known as Contributions 
to the interpretation of the Veda, First Series. — ^AV. 1. 2, 1. 12, 
1. 14, 2. 11, 2. 27, 6. 100, 6. 128.) AJP 7. 466 ff. (Cf. preced- 
ing, and preceding but two.) 

1887 On the jdydnya-ehsLTm, AV. 7. 76. 3-5, and the apadt-hjmna (6. 83; 

7. 74. 1-2; 7. 76. 1-2) of the Atharva-Veda. PAOS 13. ccxiv ff. 
(Cf. below, 1890, Contributions, Second Series, No.'l.) 
On the so-called fire-ordeal hymn, AV. 2. 12. Ibid., ccxxi ff. (Cf. 
below, 1890, Contributions, Second Series, No. 3.) 

1888 The origin of recessive accent in Greek. AJP 9. 1 ff., 220. 

1889 On the etymology of the particle om. PAOS 14. cl ff. 

On the Vedic instrumental padbhis. i Ibid., clii ff. (Cf. below, 1890, 

Contributions, Second Series, No. 6.) 
Eeview of Simon's Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der vedischen Schulen, 

AJP 10. 227 f. 



/ 



xxvi Bibliography 

'Contributions from various Sanskrit manuscripts to Bohtlingk's 
Sanskrit Lexicon of the St. Petersburg Academy, about 300^ in 
number (see the prefaces to vol. Hi, 1882, and vol. vii, 1889)/— 
Quotation from Bibliographia EopUnsiensis, Fa/rt I, Philology 
(see below under 1892), page 7. 
1890 The Kau^ika-Sutra of the Atharva-Veda, with extracts from the 
commentaries of Darila and Ke§ava. JAOS 14. New Haven, 
1890. 

Review of Balg's Comparative glossary of the Gothic language. 
AJP 11. 99 ff. 

On a Vedic group of charms for extinguishing fire by means of 
water-plants and a frog. PA08 15. xxxix ff. (Of. next but 
three, No. 5.) 

Women as mourners in the Atharva-Veda. Ihid., xliv ff. (Cf. next 
but two, No. 4.) 

On the fiTT-Xer. talldyd, AV. 7. 76. 3. Hid., xlvii f. (Cf. next but 
one, No. 2.) 

On the so-called Nirukta of Kautsavaya. Ibid., xlviii ff. 

Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Second Series. 1. 
On the jdydnya-eha.Tm, AV. 7. 76. 3-5, and the apacit-hjmns of 
the Atharva-Veda. — 2. On the a7r.\e7. talidyd, AV. 7. 76. 3. — ^3. 
On the so-called fire-ordeal hymn, AV. 2. 12. — 4. Women as 
mourners in the Atharva-Veda. [AV. 14. 2. 59-62, etc.] — 5. On 
a group of Vedic charms for extinguishing fire by means of water- 
plants and a frog. — 6. On the Vedic instrumental padbhis and the 
word pddbisa. AJP 12. 319 ff. (Cf. above, under 1887, 1889, 
and 1890.) 

Study of human types. [The Negro question.] The Baltimore Sun, 
April 3, 8, 11, 15, 20, 23, 26, and 30, and May 2 and 8, 1890. 

1891 On adaptation of suffixes in congeneric classes of substantives. AJP 

12. 1 ff. 

Review of Brugmann's Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der 
indogermanischen Sprachen. Ibid., 362 ff. 

Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Third Series. 1. 
The story of Indra and Namuci. — 2. The two dogs of Yama in a 
new role. — 3. The marriage of Saranyu, Tvastar's daughter. 
JAOS 15. 143 ff.^ 

Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Fourth Series. 1. 
The meaning of the root yup.~2. On jalasah, jaZdsabhesajah, 
jalasam, and jalasam. — 3. On the thirteenth book of the Atharva- 
Veda. AJP 12. 414 ff. 

1892 The negro problem. The Christian Begister, vol. 71, no. 8 (Febru- 

ary 25, 1892), p. 120. 

-According to PAOS 16. iii, this was pubUshed in 1892; but this state- 
ment is evidently erroneous, since the above article was reviewed in Decem- 
ber, 1891 in both the Academy and the Eevue Critique, 



Bibliography xxvii 

The essentials of Buddhist doctrine and ethics. International Jour- 
nal of Ethics, 2. 313 f£. 

The foundation of Buddhism. New World, 1. 246 ff. 

[Announcement of] A Vedie Concordance. Being a collection of 
the hymns and sacrificial formulas of the literature of the Vedas. 
JHUC vol. 11, whole no. 99, June, 1892, p. 99 ff. (Of. next but 
one.) 

Contributions to the interpretation of the Vedas. Third, fourth, 
and fifth series. [Brief summary.] Ihid., p. 101 f. 

Annoimcement of a Vedic Concordance, being a collection of the 
padas of the hymns and sacrificial formulas of the literatui-e of 
the Vedas. PAOS 15. clxxiii ff. (Cf. preceding but one.) 

Bibliographia ' Hopkinsiensis. 1876-1891. Part I: Philology. 
[Edited by Maurice Bloomfield.] Baltimore, 1892. ^ 

Beview of Hillebrandt's Vedische Mytliologie, Vol. I. New World, 
1. 796 fif. (Cf. next.) 

1893 Eeview of Hillebrandt 's Vedische Mythologie, Vol I. AJP 14. 

491 ff. (Cf. preceding.) 

On the origin of the so-called root-determinatives. PAPA 24. xxvii 
ff. (Cf. below, 1894, IF 4. 66 ff.) 

The myth of Soma and the eagie. Festgruss an Budolf von Both, 
Stuttgart, 1893, p. 149 ff. (Cf. next but two. No. 1.) 

On the &ir.\€y. rujdndh, EV. 1. 32. 6, with a note on haplology. 
PAOS 16. vTnHi fe. (Cf. below, 1896, Contributions,^ Seventh 
Series, No. 3.) 

The etymology of uloTcd. Ihid., xxxv ff. (Cf. below, 1896, Con- 
tributions, Seventh Series, No. 4.) 

1894 Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Fifth Series. 1. 

The legend of Soma and the eagle. (Cf. preceding but two.) — 2. 

On the group of Vedic words ending ia -pitvd (sapitvd, prapitvd, 

ahhipitvd, apapitvd). JAOS 16. 1 ff. (Presented orally in 1892, 

but published in April, 1894.) 
Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Sixth Series. 1. 

The legend of Mudgala and Mudgalani.— 2. On the meanings of 

the word iusma. — ^3. On certain aorists in -di- in the Veda. 

ZBMG 48. 541 ff. 
A century of comparative philology. JHTJC vol. 13, whole no. 110, 

March, 1894, p. 39 ff. 
Trita, the scape-goat of the gods, in relation to AV. 6. 112 and 

113. PAOS 16. cxix ff. (Cf. below, 1896, Contributions, Seventh 

Series, No. 6.) 
On the group of Vedic words ending in -gva and -gvi/n. Ihid., cxxiii 

ff. (Cf. below, 1896, Contributions, Seventh Series, No. 5.) 
On the so-called root-determinatives in the Indo-European languages. 

IF 4. 66 ff. (Cf. above/ 1893, PAPA 24. xxvii ff.) . ; 

Eeview of A. C. Kaviratna's CharaTca-Samhita. AJP 15. 235 f. 



xxviii Bibliography 

1895 On assimilation and adaptation in congeneric classes of words. AJP 

16. 409 ff. 
Eeview of Eagozin's Story of Vedie India. AEB 1. 103 ff. 
Eaee-prejudice. New World, 4. 23 ff. 
Eeview of Max Muller 's Three lectures on the Veddnta philosophy. 

Ibid., 155 ff. 
On Professor Streitberg's theory as to the origin of certain Indo- 
European long vowels. TAPA 26. 5 ff. 

1896 Two problems in Sanskrit Grammar. 1. On the instrumentals in 

na from stems in man (mahind, varina, prathind, hhUnd, etc.).-— 
2. On the relations of the vowel groups Ur and ur to tr and ir in 
Sanskrit. PAOS 16. clvi ff.; reprinted, by special request of the 

" editor of BB, in BB 23. 105 ff. (See below, 1897.) 

Contributions to the interpretation of the Veda. Seventh Series. 
1. The myth of the heavenly eye-baU, with reference to EV. 10. 
40. 9. — 2. The original daTcsind, or fee of the priests. — 3. On the 
aTT.Xer. rujdndh, [EV. 1. 32. 6], with a note on haplology and 
haplography. — 4. The meaning and etymology of uloM. — 5. On 
the group of Vedic words ending in -gva and -gvin, with notes on 
visnu, is-Tcar, and adhrigu.—Q. Trita, the scape-goat of the gods, 
in relation to AV. 6. 112 and 113. AJF 17. 399 ff. (Eegarding 
Nos. 3-6 cf. above, under 1893 and 1894.) 

On the 'Frog-Hymn' EV. 7. 103, together with some remarks on 
the composition of the Vedic hymns. JAOS 17. 173 ff. 

The meaning of the compound atharvdngirasah, the ancient name of 
the fourth Veda. JAOS 17. 180 ff. 

1897 La religion vedique d' apres les hymnes du Eig-Veda. Par Abel 

Eergaigne. [Tomes I-III, Paris, 1878-1883.] Tome IV. Index. 

Par M. Bloomfield. [Biiliotheque de I'ecole des hautes etudes, 

Fasc. 117.] Paris, 1897. 
Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, together with extracts from the ritual 

books and the commentaries. \^Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 

42.] Oxford, 1897. 
Eeview of Hillebrandt 's Bitual-Uteratur. Vedische Opfer und 

Zauber. AJP 18. 350 ff. 
Two problems in Sanskrit Grammar. BB 23. 105 ff. (See above, 

1896.) 
Indo-European notes. 1. On the vocalism and accent of the middle 

participle in the Indo-European languages. — 2. Ionic lo-ite = iare 

'till.' — S.Latin salus : salvos. — 4. The fractional numerals in 

Avestan. TAPA 28. 55 ff. 

1898 Max Miiller's Eeminiscences. [Eeview of Mulleins Auld Lang 

Syne.] The Philadelphia Press, April 10, 1898. 
The position of the Gopatha-Brahmana in Vedic literature. JAOS 

19, second half, 1 ff. 
The meaning and etymology of the Vedic word viddtha. Ibid., 12 ff. 
A note on Dr. Biihler. [Necrological.] lA 27. 371 f. 



Bibliography xxix 

1899 The myth of Pururavas, Urvaii, and Ayu. JAOS 20. 180 ff. 

A proposed photographic reproduction of the Tiibingen manuscript 
" of the Kashmirian Atharva-Veda, the so-called Paippalada-Sakha. 

JAOS 20. 184 f. 
The Atharva-Veda. {Grundrisa der indo-arischen PMlologie und 
Alt&rtumslcunde, II. Band, 1. Heft, B.] Strassburg, 1899. 

1900 Eeview of Max MuUer's Bdmdkrishna : his life and sayings. AHB 

5. 347 fe. 
Review of Monier Williams' SansTcrit-English Dictionary. AJP 21. 

323 n. 
On the wedding stanza,^Rig-Veda 10. 40. 10. IMd., 411 ff. 

1901 On the relative chronology of the Vedic hymns. JAOS 21, second 

half, p. 42 ff. 

On fcisama, an epithet of Indra. Ihid., p. 50 fif. 

On the Sanskrit original of the Pranou Oupnekhat (Pranava 
Upanisad) in the Persian translation of the Upanisads. Miscel- 
lanea lingmstica in onore di Graziado Ascoli, Torino, 1901, p. 
31 ff. 

The Kashmirian Atharva-Veda (School of the Paippaladas) , repro- 
duced by chromophotography from the manuscript in the Univer- 
sity Library at Tubingen; edited ... by Maurice Bloomfield 
and Richard Garbe. Three volumes. Baltimore, 1901. 

1902 photographic reproduction of the Kashmirian Atharva,-Veda. 

JHUC vol. 21, whole no. 155, January, 1902, p. 28 f. 
The symbolic gods. Studies in honor of Ba^il L. Gildersleeve, 

Baltimore', 1902, p. 37 ff. 
Review of Caland's Altindisches Zauberritual. GGA 164. 489 ff. 
On the initial sound of the Sanskrit words for 'door.' Album 

Kern, Leiden, 1903, p. 193 f. 
Alfred William Stratton. [Necrological.] AJP 23. 351 ff. 

1903 The god Indra and the Sama-Veda. WZEM 17. 156 ff. 

1904 On some alleged Indo-European languages in cuneiform character. 

AJP 25. 1 ff. 
Cerberus, the dog of Hades. The Monist, 14. 523 ff. (Reprinted in 

book form J see next but one.) 
On the minor and problematic Indo-European languages. PAPA 

35. xxvii ff. 

1905 Cerberus, the dog of Hades. The history of an idea. Chicago, 

1905. (Reprint from The Monist, 14. 523 ff. ; see preceding but 
one.) 

1906 Brahmanieal riddles and the origin of theosophy. Congress of Arts 

and Science, Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904; New York and 

Boston, 1906; ii. 481 ff. 
The long-lost Mani Bible. Discovery of manuscripts in Chinese 

Turkestan. Harper's Monthly, 112, March, 1906, p. 527 ff. 
On conflicting prayers and sacrifices. JHUC vol. 25, whole no. 192, 



XXX Bibliography 

December, 1906, 1 ff. = Actes du XlVe congrds international des 
orientaUstes (Alger 1905), Paris, 1906, p. 242 fE. 

Four Vedic studies. 1. On the verbal root Tcrp = Iclp in the Veda.— 
2.— On the ^TT.Xer. vlrenyah, EV. 10. 104. 10.— 3. On the aTr-Xer- 
darvm, RV. 7. 6. 1.— 4. The Vedie instrumental padhMh for the 
second time. JEUC vol. 25, whole no. 192, December, 1906, p. 
10 n. = Actes du XlVe congrds international des orientalistes 
(Alger 1905), Paris, 1906, p. 232 ff. 

Seven emendations of the text of the Rig-Veda. (RV. 8. 18. 13c ; i. 
30. 16c; 3. 5. 5a; 8. 29. 6a; 6. 49. 15b; 1. 119. 8<:; 3. 36. 7a.) 
JAOS 27. 72 ff. 

Corrections and conjectural emendations of Vedie texts. AJF-27. 
401 ff. 

A Vedie Concordance. Being an alphabetic index to every line of 
every stanza of the published Vedie literature and to the liturgie 
formulas thereof, that is an index to the Vedie mantras, together 
with an account of their variations in the different Vedie books. 
Harvard Oriental Series, Volume 10. Cambridge, 1906. 

1908 The religion of the Veda. The ancient religion of India (from 

Rig-Veda to Upanishads). American Lectures on the History of 

Religion, Seventh Series. New York and London, 1908. 
Introductory note (pp. v-vii) to Letters from India, by Alfred 

William Stratton. London, 1908. 
The etymology of HPESBTS. AJP 29. 78 ff. 
On the newly discovered Indo-European language called Tocharian. 

JHUC vol. 27, p. 1108 ff.; whole no. 210, November, 1908, p. 

106 ff. 

1909 On certain work in continuance of the Vedie Concordance. JAOS 

29. 286 ff. 
On some disguised forms of Sanskrit paiu 'eattie.' 1. The stem 

Tcsu. — 2. On the supposititious root raps. IF 25 (Festschrift fur 

Karl Brugmann) , 185 ff. 
Review of von Schroeder's Mysterium und Mimus im Big-Veda. 

AJP 30. 78 ff. 

1911 Some Rig-Veda repetitions. JAOS 31. 49 ff. 

1912 Review of Caland's Das Vditdna-Sutra des Atharvaveda. GGA 174. 

1 ff. 
The Sikh Religion. Studies in the History of Religions, presented to 

C. H. Toy, New York, 1912, p. 169 ff. 
On instability in the use of moods in earliest Sanskrit. AJP 33. 

1 ff. 
On the variable position of the finite verb in oldest Sanskrit. IF 

31 (Festschrift fiir Berthold DelhriicTc), 156 ff. 
Review of Stein 's Buins of Desert Cathay. AHB 18. 113 ff . 

1913 The character and adventures of Muladeva. PAPS 52. 616 ff. 

1914 A plea for more classical education. Johns HopTcins Alumni Maga- 

zine, 2. 267 ff. 



Bibliography xxxi 

On talking birds in Hindu fiction. Festschrift Ernst Windisch . . . 

dargebracht, Leipzig, 1914, p. 349 ff. 
Eeview of Feist's Kultur, Aus'breitung, und Herhunft der Indo- 

germanen. AHB 19. 840 ff. 

1916 On the etymology and meaning of the Sanskrit root varj. JAOS 

35. 273 ff. (Issued February, 1916.) / 

On two cases of metrical shortening of a fused long syllable, Eig- 
Veda 8. 18. 13 and 6. 2. 7. Aufsatze zur Kultur- und Sprach- 
gescMchte, vornehmlich des Orients, Ernst Kuhn gewidmet, 
Miinchen, 1916, p. 211 ff. 
On recurring psychic motifs in Hindu fiction, and the laugh-and- 

cry motif. JAOS 36. 54 ff. 
Eig-Veda Eepetitions. The repeated verses and distichs and stanzas 
of the Eig-Veda in systematic presentation and with critical dis- 
cussion. Harvard Oriental Series, Volumes 20 and 24. Cam- 
bridge, 1916. 

1917 On the art of entering another's body; a Hindu fiction motif. 

PAFS 56. 1 fe. 
Some cruces in Vedie text, grammar, and interpretation. 1. ajurya- 
mur for ajur(yd'm) yamur, and other haplologies. — 2. chardis 
for chadis, a case of contamination or word blend. — 3. Some 
cxhl^o-ra. — 4. On the expression n&vyam sdnyase. — 5. On stanza 6 
in the hymn of Sarama and the Panis, EVi 10. 108. — 6. On the 
meaning of ukhacMd. — 7. Irregular 'relative clause constructions. 
AJP 38. 1 fP. 

1919 The fable of the crow and the palm-tree: a psychic motif in Hindu 

fiction. AJP 40. 1 ff. 
The Life and Stories of the Jaina Savior Par§vanatha. 254 pp. 

Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University i Press, 1919. 
The mind as wish-car in the Veda. [With a new interpretation of 

EV. 1. 32. 8, mdno rUhdnah.'] JAOS 39. 280 &. 
Fifty years of Comparative Philology. TAPA 50. 62 ff. 

1920 The dohada, or craving of pregnant women: a motif of Hindu fic- 

tion. JAOS 40. 1 ff. 
Notes on the Divyavadana. JAOS 40. 336 ff. 



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PAIPPALADA AND RIG VEDA ^ 

LeEoy Carr Barret 
Professor of Latin, Trinity College 

The title op this paper may easily suggest too much, and 
also too little. It is proposed to deal with such material in the 
first eight books^ of Paippalada as appears also in RV, consider- 
ing only variant readings and the structure of corresponding 
hymns. But a large amount of the material appears not merely 
in these two collections but in yet others also, especially of 
course AVS, so that much of the paper is concerned with a com- 
parison of the readings of Ppp, RV and ^. In the introduction 
to Ppp Bk 1 (JAOS 26. 203) I recorded the impression that 
Ppp tends to agree with RV against S; this study is made in 
an effort to test the validity of that impression. Altho the Ppp' 
material is drawn from the first eight books only, these books 
occupy nearly three sevenths of the entire manuscript; the 
investigation is preliminary but is not based on material so 
meagre as to be unworthy of consideration. The study may be 
called a preliminary consideration of the text of the Ppp, pri- 
marily in its relations to RV and ^. \ 

In several brief chapters the material is presented, with some 
evaluating comments'. Regularly the reading of Ppp is given 
first, then the reading of RV, then the reading of other texts; 
reference to stanzas is made by the Ppp numbers; usually the 
words are quoted exactly as they stand in sandhi, but no men- 
tion is made of Ppp peculiarities of sandhi. The Ppp readings 
are usually given as edited, but the reading of the ms is given 
where it seems needed. 

I. Material appearing im, Pdipp and BV only. 

(A.) Pdipp 1. 84 has 8 of the 12 stanzas of RV 10. 58, and adds 
2 new ones ; the order of stanzas may be compared thus : 

-^ Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. 

RV 4, 3, 1, - 5, 2, 8, -, 7, 11. ^ 

^ Books 1-6 have been published in JAOS volumes 26, 30, 32, 35, 37, and 
34. Books 7 and 8 are far enough advanced to make their material 
available. 



2 LeBoy Carr Barret 

Ppp shows only ordinary Atharvan adaptations : in la Ppp 
catussraktim, RV caturbhrstim ; 10a para paravatam, para^ 
paravatah; in st 4 it has vayum antariksam (wrongly edited) 
and in st 8 candraih jiaksatrani. 

Paipp 1. 107 is RY 10.* 168 followed by two new stanzas: stt 

3 and 4 in Ppp are 4 and 3 in RV. Some variants are signifi^ 
cant. In la Ppp ms has mahima for RV mahimanaih, but this 
may be only a graphic error; lb bhanjayann for rujann to the 
detriment of the metre; Ic Ppp ms divasprg yety, probably 
intending ety, for RV divisprg yaty; Id atho eti for uto eti. 
For 2b RV has ainarii gachanti samanaih na yosah, Ppp ms 
nainaih gacchanti sumaneva yosa: cf. RV 4. 58. 8a (Ppp 8. 13, 
8a) abhi pravanta samaneva yosah, and RV 6. 75. 4a te acaranti 
samaneva yosa ; noting that RV 4. 58. 8 occurs in VS and KS, 
and RV 6. 75. 4 in VS, TS, MS and KSA, while RV 10. 168. 2 
is in RV only, the Ppp form is established and explained : read 
for it ainam gacchanti samaneva yosah. In 2c Ppp vidvan, RV 
sayuk; 2d patir visvasya bhuvanasya gopah, asya ° ° raja. 
For 3a Ppp has atma vai devanam bhuvanasya gopah, RV atma 
devanam ° garbhah; note that Ppp 2d and 3a have same 
cadence: in 3d ekah for esah may be only a graphic error; in 
3c Ppp has ghosa id asya sruyate, avoiding the difficulty of RV 
ghosa ° ° srnvire. For 4c Ppp (and GB 1. 2. 8) aparii yonih 
prathamaja rtasya, RV aparii sakha ° rtava. 

These variants show characteristic Atharvan modulation, 
accomplished however with some restraint and intelligence. 
The two new stanzas are anuvstubh, 5cd appearing ^ 10. 8. 14cd: 
in style they do not match the others. > 

Pdipp 4. 26 is RV 8. 91 with stt 3 and 4 in reverse order: in 
Id and e Ppp has sunavani, RV (and JB) sunavai: 3a karat 
kuvit, kuvit karat ; 6b tanvaiii pari, tanvarii mama ; 7c Ppp and 
RV putvy, 6 14. 1. 41c piitva. 

Pdipp 4. 28 shows only one variant from RV 1. 106, vajayan- 
tam for vajayann iha in 4b; in RV the verb with vajayann is 
imahe. 

Paipp ^5. 38 is RV 10. 136 with the addition of what may be 
an eighth stanza. Variants : 2d ayuksata, aviksata ; 3d pasyata, 
pasyatha ; 4b svar bhutavacakasat, visva rupava° ; 4d yatah, 
hitah; 5a indrasyasvo, vatasyasvo; 5d sadyas piirvam uti- 
param, yas ca purva utapara^; 6b devanaih, mrganaih; 6c 
munis ° sariividvan, kesi ° vidvant; 7c munir, kesi. With'4ab 
cf. S 6. 80. 1 where ^ has visva bhutava° : Ppp svar is confirmed 
by its version of g 6. 80. 1 on f. 247b where it has svar bhuta 
vyacacalat. ^ 



PaiippaMda and Bigveda 3 

m 

Pdipp 5. 39 is RV 10. 126 with stt 4 and 6 interchanged. 
Variants : 2d nethatha", netha ca ; 5d adityam, agnim ; 7b voca- 
tives, nominatives ; 7c priyah, priye. / For st 3 Ppp has ttan 
no tanii yuyamf utaye varuna mitraryaman | nayistha no nesani 
stha parsisthas parsino ati dvisah; RV has te nunarii no 'yam 
iitaye varuno mitro aryama | nayistha u no nesani parsistha u 
nah parsany ati dvisah. It may be that in 2d Ppp has no vari- 
ant, but in st 3 there is a clear attempt to reshape the RV form. 

Pdipp 6. 17 is RV 1. 19 with one stanza, possibly two, added. 
The Ppp ms gives clearly enough the 9 stanzas of RV 1. 19, 
interchanging stt 4 and 5 and also the similar padas 7b and 8b ; 
then it has a yantu maruto ganai stuta dadhatu no rayirh | a 
tva kanvahusata grnamtu vipra te dhiyah marudbhir agna a 
gahi. If now we may suppose that 'marudbhi' has fallen out 
after rayirii we could read two gayatri stanzas at the end of this 
hymn each with the refrain as in the first nine, — ^the first of 
these a new stanza, the next RV 1. 14. 2 with devebhir replaced 
by "marudbhir. The hymn would thus be wholly symmetrical 
with 11 stanzas; it may be significant that Ppp 6. 16 (= RV 1. 
187) has eleven stanzas. It seems to me then that for its 6. 17 
Ppp has added two stanzas to RV 1. 19, the second of the added 
stanzas being itself in RV. 

Pdipp 8. 14 is RV 1. 95. In 2b Ppp vibhrtam, RV vibhrtram 
(TB vibhartram) ; 3a prati, pari; in 4b Ppp ms has matffi ja°, 
RV matrr; in 6cd °ayunjanti for RV °anjanti may be a real 
variant, an attempt to correct a supposed lack of rhythm; in 
9a Ppp etu, RV eti. In 11a Ppp ms has ghrnano RV vrdhano ; 
if it must be emended grnano would be simplest. The only sig- 
nificant variation here would seem to be in 6d. 

Considering now the hymns so far reported there is ground 
for saying that Ppp has handled this material with restraint: 
this may be due to the nature of the hymns, which belong to 
the later RV groups, but the striking thing is how much the 
Ppp versions resemble the RV hymns, not how greatly they 
differ. 

(B.) Report must be made of some scattered stanzas and padas. 

PMpp 3. 56^ along with new stanzas (1 and 4) has RV 1. 102. 
4, 6, 9, 10. In 2a Ppp has jayasi na parajayasai, RV jigetha na 
dhana rurbdhitha ; in 2cd ° sisimahe sa tvaih na indra havanesu 
mrda, ° sisimasy atha na ° ° codaya ; in 3a sa sam akrat^yat, 
amitakratuh simah; Ppp 3d ^ its 2d, RV atha jana vi hvayante 
sisavah; in 5a Ppp jayema tvaya yuja vrta vrdho, RV (and ^ 
7. 50. 4) ° yuja vrtam ; in 5c Ppp and RV varivas, ^ variyas ; 



4 LeBoy Carr Barret 

6a Ppp sam arabhe, RV havamahe; 6d indra karasi, indrah 
krnotu. This is probably a vihava prayer, wherein the stanzas 
which appear also in RV have been considerably modulated to 
the Atharvan purpose. . 

Four separate hymns of Ppp contain noteworthy pickmgs 
from the material in RV 1. 191: Ppp 4. 16, against ghrana, 
handles about one third of the padas of RV stt 1-7, its st 3 bemg 
a close parallel to RV st 2 ; 4. 17. 5-7 are fairly close to 1. 191. 
15, 14, 13 ; 4. 19. 1-3 are fairly close to 1. 191. 11, 10, 12 ; 5. 3. 
1-3 have some echoes of 1. 191. 7-9. Ppp uses RV st 13 at the 
end of its hymns 3. 9, 4. 17, and 4. 19, giving only the pratika 
the second and third times. The distribution of this material 
in Ppp is striking ; also its associations there. 

Faipp 5. 9. 4cd and 6. 8. 6cd are adaptations of RV 10. 155. 
2cd ; Ppp 6. 8. 7 is RV 10. 155. 3 reading in b madhye for pare, 
and in d yahi for gacha. 

Paipp 7. 3. lab is RV 6. 48. 7ab.with tigmebhir (arcibhir) for 
brhadbhir. Paipp 7. 3. 6cd is RV 10. 85. 31cd and ^ 14. 2. lOcd 
without variant. 

Paipp 7. 11 begins with ^ 3. 21. 10 ; stt 2-6 contain some padas. 
appearing also in RV 10. 162. 3, 4, and 6 (^ 20. 96) and MG 
2. 18. 2 ; the last 3 stanzas are new. 

Certain other single RV padas appear, worked into stanzas 
of the Paipp, but they do not seem to offer any definite testi- 
mony for this study : they are Ppp 1. 54. la ; 1. 95. 4d ; 7. 6. Id, 
8d ; 7. 13. 2b ; 7. 18. 4b ; 8. 20. 9d. 

Of the material in this sub-group that of Ppp 3. 36 seems to 
show the closest relation to the RV as we know it : much of the 
rest, belonging to lowly Atharvan ranges, might be regarded as 
taken into the two collections from a comjnon store and worked 
up independently. 

II. Material in Paipp, RV, and other collections, hut not in B. 

(A.) Paipp 1. 109 is RV 6. 74, also in MS 4. 11. 2 ; stt 1, 3, 4 are 
in KS 11. 12 ; stt 1 and 2 in TS 1. 8. 22. 5 and they constitute 
6 7. 42. The stanzas which in Ppp are 1, 2, 3, 4 are in RV 2^4, 
1, 3 and in MS 3, 4, 2, 1. Ppp Ic is nearly TS 1. 4. 45. Ic; Id 
agrees with TS 1. 8. 22. 5 and S, and with verb in 2d person 
appears in RV 1. 24. 9, TS 1. 4. 45. 1, MS 1. 3. 39, KS 4. 13. 
Ppp st 2 varies from the RV version only in c, duritavadyat for 
varunasya pasat; cd is very different in MS. Ppp 3ab is very 
close to ab as in RV, MS, and KS ; c is new and d is a variaat 



\ 



Pdippaldda and Bigveda 5 

of d in the MS stanza corresponding to Ppp st 2, having jetvani 
for MS samtamani. Ppp st 4 has a number of verbal variants 
without difference of meaning or intent. 

This group of stanzas is handled freely in Ppp yet its version 
is perhaps a little closer to that of RY than to that of ,MS. The 
material was familiar in various quarters, and was evidently in 
a somewhat fluid state. 

Pdipp 2. 41 occurs RV 10. 159 and ApMB 1. 16, but Ppp has 
5 stanzas, the others 6. Variants: Ic Ppp tenaham, others 
aharii tad; 2b visadani, vivacani; 2d upacarat, upacaret; 3d 
Ppp ms patyar, RV patyau, ApMB patyur ; 4ab original in Ppp 
but resembling the others; 4c Ppp and RV idarii tad, ApMB 
aharii tad; 5cd Ppp musnamy anyasarii bhagarii varco °, RV 
avrksam ° ° radho °, ApMB avitsi sarvasarii radho varco °. 

Paipp has reduced the number of stanzas to its norm for Bk 
2 and introduced some original readings ; otherwise it is slightly 
more in agreement with RV. 

Pdipp '6. 16 appears RV 1. 187 and KS 40. 8 : RV and KS 
agree save in 7a ; Ppp has reversed the order of their stt 8 and 
9. In Id Ppp has viparyamardayat, others (also VS and N) 
viparvam ardayat; 3a a gahi, a cara; 3d edhi nah, advayah; 
6a yat te, tve; 7a adas (KS thus), ado; 7c madhupito, madho 
pito ; 7d gamyarii, gamyah ; 9b balirii sam, parinsam. The Ppp 
variants in Id, 3d, and 9b seem surely to result from attempts 
to avoid more difficult readings: and so may fall somewhat 
under suspicion. 

Pdipp 8. 13 is RV 4. 58, appearing also VS 17. 89-99 and KS 
40. 7: all the stanzas occur in ApS but not together. In 3a 
Ppp ms has srngas, and GB 1. 2. 16, perhaps following Ppp,^ has 
§rngas ; all others correctly srnga. In 4a Ppp has hi kam, others 
hitam; 6b suyamanah, puyamanah. In 7b Ppp ms has bhin- 
danty which might stand tho all others have bhindann ; 8a pr^- 
vante, pravanta; 8b nasante, nasanta; 9a abhicakasiti, abhica- 
kasimi ; 10a Ppp and others arsata, ^ 7. 82. la areata ; lOd Ppp 
and others pavante, 6 pavantam:, lie Ppp anikat samithad, 
others anike samithe. In stt 7, 9, and 11 Ppp seems to attempt 
more obvious readings and in st 10 its agreement with the others 
against S is significant. 

Looking at these four hymns we note that Ppp 1. 109 is a 
rather original version of material which RV and MS present 
in a somewhat patched-up form; there is no clear evidence of 
interdependence. In the other three hymns Ppp shows in the 

^Both, Der AV in Kaschmir, p. 23. 



6 LeRoy Carr Barret ^ 

main only characteristically Atharvan modifications ; and par- 
ticularly in the last two it would seem fair to say that the agree- 
ment with RV is more striking than the variations from it, but 
it must be noted that for these two hymns RV and Kb have 
identical texts. 

(B.) Some scattered stanzas must be reported. 

Taivv 1' 53, 2 appears also TS 5. 7. 4. 3 : pada a occurs RV 10. 
82. 2b, and in several Yajus texts. 

Paipp 1. 65 has 2 new stanzas followed by 2 which Kaus. 
quotes in the Ppp form : these are adaptations of RV 10. 97. 20 
and 14,^which hymn occurs also VS 12. 77ff. and TS 4. 2. 6. 
Ppp 3d and 4cd are original ; in st 3 it speaks of one plant, the 
others of several, but Ppp shifts to the plural in st 4. 

Fdipp 2. 30 has for stt 1 and 2 RV 1. 89. 2 and 3 (= VS 25. 
15 and 16) with only one variant; in Id Ppp ms has devanam 
ayus, RV and VS deva na, but MS 4. 14. 2 has deva na which 
probably should be read in Ppp. For st 3 Ppp has RV 10. 15. 
2, reading in b ye 'parasas pary iyuh, RV ya uparasa lyuh, S 
18. 1. 46 ye aparasa lyuh ; but in d Ppp and RV viksu, S diksu ; 
VS, TS, and MS agree with RV in this stanza, Ppp st 4 is new, 
st 5 occurs MS 4. 14. 17 ; TB 3. 7. 12. 2 ; TA 2. 3. 1. 

Pdipp 6. 3. 5cd is an adaptation of RV 6. 52. 15cd (also KS 
13. 15) ; Ppp, in a hymn to the waters, has ta asmabhyarh 
stidayo visvam ayuh ksapa usra varivasyantu subhrah, RV and 
KS te asmabhyam isaye ° ° ° devah (Ppp ms has asmabhyam) . 

Pdipp 7. 3. 10 adapts RV 2. 33. l' (also in AB and TB) : in a 
Ppp reads a te pitar marutarii sumnam emi, RV etu; in b 
yuvathah, yuyothah; in d jayamahi ° prajaya, jayemahi ° 
prajabhih. 

Pdipp 7. 5. 9c gayasphanas pratarano vayodhah, RV 1. 91. 
19c and others ° suvirah. 

Pdipp 7. 6 is similar in import to ^ 3. 12 : its last stanza is RV 
7. 54. 1 which occurs also in TS, MS, SMB, PG, and ApMB. In 
c Ppp has prati nas taj jusasva, others prati tan no; for d Ppp 
catuspado dvipada a vesayeha {— ^ 13. 1. 2d) ;, Kaus. 43. 13 
quotes the Ppp form of the stanza. 

In using these smaller bits of material Ppp shows some free- 
dom of adaptation but in no case any ineptitude ; in 2. 30. Id 
there seems to be an agreement of Ppp and MS against RV 
and VS. 



Pdippaldda and Bigveda 7 

III. Material in Pdipp, BV, ^, and other collections. 

(A.) Paipp4. 1 corresponds to RV 10. 121 and ^ 4. 2; TS, MS 
and KS also have versions. A full report of variants is not 
needed here; see Whitney's Translation for details. Compari- 
son of stanza order : 

Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. 

RV 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 4, 7, - 8, 9, 10. 

g 1, 1, 2, 4, 3, 5, 6, 8. 

All versions save ^ have the same opening stanza; yet Ppp st 
8 appears only in the two AV versions: the Yajus-texts give 
only 8 stanzas. In KS the order of stanzas is almost that of 
Ppp, reversing stt 2 and 3. Ppp st 2 appears in ^ as lab and 
2cd, Ppp st 3 as 2ab and led; the other texts all give these 
stanzas as in Ppp. In 4ab Ppp agrees with RV, S differs greatly 
and is poor : Ppp 4e has the form given by MS and KS, occur- 
ring also RV 2. 12. 2c. Ppp stt 5 and 6 agree rather closely 
with MS and KS ; Ppp st 7 is really new but resembles a stanza 
in the Yajus-texts; for pada d it has, not the refrain, but 
ekasthune vimite drdha ugre. In st 8 (also lacking refrain) 
Ppp puts garbham in a and vatsam in b ; following st 8 Ppp 
has what might be a 9th stanza, thd I think not. 

The Ppp version of this hymn has its own peculiarities, ' and 
except for the presence of st 8 it is closer to RV than to ^ ; its 
most striking agreements are with MS and KS which have ver- 
sions rather worse than that of TS but not as bad as that of ^. 

Pdipp 4. 7 corresponds to RV 10. 163, ApMB 1. 17, and ^ 2. 
33.^ A table will compare the structure of the versions : 



Ppp 1; 2; 


3ab 3cd; 4ab 4cd; 5 ; 6; 7ab 7cd. 


RV 1; 2; 


- 3cd; Sab - ; - ; 4; 6ab -. 


g 1; 2; 


3 ; 4ab 6cd; 6ab 4cd; 5; 7ab 7ce. 



RV and ApMB are practically identical, having 6 stanzas, the 
AV versions have 7. At the end of each stanza Ppp has vi 
vrhamasi, RV vi vrhami te, ^ agreeing with RV in ld-6d but 
with Ppp in 7e. This hymn being little more than a list of parts 
of the body offers abundant chance for verbal variants : in gen- 
eral arrangement the AV versions are not greatly divergent but 
in details Ppp is rather original. In lb Ppp asyad uta, RV and 
S chubukad adhi; Id lalatad, jihvaya; 2d urasto, bahubhyaih. 
In 4b Ppp and ^ have udarad, RV hrdayad; in 4 and 5 Ppp 

^ Oldenberg 's Prolegomena, p. 243. 



8 LeBoy Carr Barret 

varies considerably from the wording of ^ ; in 6c it reads with 
6 but omits the superfluous bhasadam; in Tab it is nearer to 
HY, but for Ted has exactly g Tee. The independence of Ppp 
is evident, yet its version clearly belongs in the AV tradition. 

Pdipp 4. 29 which appears also RV 1. 9T, ^ 4. 33 and TA 6. 
11. 1, seems to have only one variant; in 8a it has navaya with 
RV and TA, ^ nava. 

Paipp 4. 31 appears RV T. 41 and 6 3. 16 ; also in VS, TB, 
and ApMB. In Id Ppp and the others have huvema, 6 hava- 
mahe. In 4c Ppp ms has utodite maghat surye, edited utoditau 
maghavant surye; better would be utodite: § utoditau, others 
utodita. In 5a Ppp ms has devas with other texts against ^ 
devas (Ppp edition should give devas) : in 5c RV and VS have 
johaviti, Ppp and all others johavimi; in 6a Ppp 'namantu, 
others namanta ; 6c Ppp and others no, ^ me : Tc Ppp pravina, 
RV, VS, and ^ prapita, TB and ApMB prapina. Here Ppp 
tends strongly to agreement with RV and others against S ; in 
3 padas it seems to have original readings. 

Paipp 5. 4 contains the 9 stanzas of RV 10. 128 (TS 4. T. 14) ; 
S 5. 3 corresponds but has 11 stanzas; to make up its 14 stanzas 
Ppp adds as its st 9 a stanza occurring TB 2. 4. 3. 2, as its st 
11 RV 6. 4T. 11 (^ T. 86. 1), for its st 13 a new one. The order 
of stanzas may be compared thus: 

Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, T, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. 

RV 1,6,2,4,3,5,8,T,- -,—,— —, 9. 

TS 1,6,2,4,3,5,8,T,- 10,— — ,—, 9. 

g 1,2,3,4,5,6,8,9,-11,—, T, — , 10. 

Ppp st 10 is RVKh 10. 128. 1 ; it may be significant that Ppp 
has as its last stanza the last stanza of the RV version. Ppp 
gives the 5th stanza of the RV version as in RV and TS ; but 
^ expands it into two (the table does not indicate this). 

In 3d Ppp, RV, and TS kame asmin, 6 kamayasmai ; Tb Ppp 
and RV puruksuh, l§ and TS puruksu; 14d Ppp, RV, VS, TS, 
KS akran, 6 akrata. But in 2bc Ppp agrees closely with ^, also 
in 4a and d, 5d, 6b, Ta, 8b and d, and 14c. 

In structure Ppp shows here in general a closer contact with 
the versions given in RV and TS, but in verbal 'variants it is 
more often in accord with l§. Taking Ppp and g together 
Oldenberg's observation* seems still to hold: So tritt durch das 
ganze Sukta den Abweichungen von T der A-Text, denen von 
A der T-Text entgegen. 

^Prolegomena, p. 326. 



y 



Pdippaldda and Bigveda 9 

Pdipp 7. 4 is the apratiratha hymn ^ 19. 13, appearing RV 
10. 103, also in SV, VS, TS, MS, and KS. The stanza order is 
identical in the two AV versions where the hymn begins with a 
stanza which does not appear in RV, and stt 10, 12, 13 of BV 
are lacking; the AV collections use these stanzas elsewhere 
(Ppp 1. 56, 6 3. 19).^ The agreement of Ppp and ^ as to the 
order of stanzas in this is important; noteworthy also is the 
almost complete verbal agreement of the two against KV. In 
4d Ppp has iirdhvadhanva as in TS, MS, and KS ; RV and ^ 
ugradhanva: in 6b Ppp alone reads satvano. 

The evidently intimate connection between AVP and AV^ in 
regard to this hymn may be cited in support of Roth's suggest 
tion^ that much of 6 Bk 19 is culled from Ppp. 

(B.) Some scattered material is now reported. 

Pdipp 1, 12 is S 2. 28 ; for Ic the AV versions have a variant 
of a pada which occurs RV 6. 75. 4b, also in VS, TS, and MS. 

Pdipp 1. 20 corresponds to S 1. 19;^ st 4ab is a hemistich 
which occurs ^ 6. 15. 2ab and 6. 54. 3ab ; st 4cd is ^ 1. 19. 4cd 
and RV 6. 75. 19cd (SV 2. 1222) without variant. 

Pdipp 1. 25 is S 1. 33 ; st 2ab appears without variant as RV 
7. 49. 3ab, also in TS, MS, and ApMB. 

Pdipp 1. 28 is S 1. 22, and the last stanza occurs also RV 1. 
50. 12, TB 3. 7. 6. 22, and Apg 4. 15. 1 : in a Ppp has sukesu 
with RV, JTB and Ap^, 6 sukesu ; but in a and d Ppp has te 
with S, others me. 

Pdipp 1. 30 corresponds to 6 19. 52: st lab occurs RV 10. 
129. 4, also in TB, TA, and NrpU. Ppp, 6 and NrpU have in a 
kamas tad agre sam avartata, others sam avartatadhi. But in 
2b Ppp and RV 10. 91. Id have susakha sakhiyate, S sakha a 
sakhiyate. 

Pdipp 1. 53 has four stanzas which are grouped together in 
TS 5. 7. 4. 3 : the ms then has anyais ca followed by RV 10. 
191. 3 which corresponds to ^ 6. 64. 2 (also in MS and TB) ; in 
Ppp the stanza agrees exactly with RV. In Bk 19 (f 242b) Ppp 
.has 6 6. 64 but presents only 2 stanzas omitting, perhaps by 
accident, S 2d and 3abc: it then has 'cany at pustake' followed 
by RV 10. 191. 3. It would seem that the RV form of this 
stanza was strongly in the mind of the^Ppp redactor. 

Pdipp 1. 56 contains RV 10. 10^. 13 and 10, and RV 6. 75. 16 : 
much of this material appears differently arranged in ^ 3. 19. 
^-2>. The 3 RV stanzas appear also SV 2. 1212, 1208, 1213 ; VS 

" See below on this page. 
"Der AV in Kaschmir, p. 18. 



10 LeBoy Carr Barret 

17. 46, 42, 45 ; TS 4. 6. 4. 4. The stanza order and structure is 
compared thus: 



Ppp lab cd 
EV 13ac bd 
g Tab — 



2a b c d 

10a b c d 

6a - - b 



3 



6cdef 



4. 

16. 

8abce. 



For 2a Ppp has ud dharsantam maghavann ayudhani, RV ud 
dharsaya ° °, S ud dharsantam maghavan vajinani: Ppp begins 
2c ud dharsantam, EV and others (^ omits) ud vrtrahan: in 
2d Ppp and 6 begin ud viranam, others ud rathanaih: Ppp and 
S begin 4c jayamitran, others gachamitran: in 4d Ppp and 
others have mamlsaiii kaiii canoe chisah, S mamisaiii moei kas 
cana. In structure Ppp clearly runs with EV and the Yajus- 
texts, but it is noteworthy how its words agree now with EV 
now with S. 

Pdipp 1. 77 can be restored only in part owing to mutilation 
of the ms : what is given is ^ 7. 84. 2 and 3, EV 10. 180. 3 and 
2, TS 1. 6. 12. 4, KS 8. 16. In Ic Ppp and others amitrayan- 
tam, ^ amitrayantam. It is to be noted that ^ 7. 84. 1 occurs 
in Ppp 3. 33^?7hich corresponds to S 2. 6 ; along with the 5 
stanzas of ^ 2. 6 Ppp has S 7. 84. 1 and 7. 82. 3, and gives its 
stanzas exactly in the order in which they occur in VS 27, TS 
4. 1. 7. 3, MS 2. 12. 15, KS 18. 16. It is probable then that Ppp 
1. 77 did not contain g 7. 84. 1. 

Paipp 1. 83 is mutilated but it is clear that in 2c Ppp has 
daksayanahiranyam with EVKh 10. 128. 8, against ^ 1. 35. 2 
and'VS 34. 51.' 

Pdipp 1. 93. 2c is a pada which should be edited to agree with 
EV 10. 90. 2c, ArS 4. 6c and VS 31. 2c, etc. ; it has isano, § 19. 
6. 4c has isvaro. ' 

Pdipp 1. 110 has only the first 4 stanzas of 6 19. 58 ; the 4th 
stanza occurs also EV 10. 101. 8; KS 38. 13; Ap^ 16. 14. 5. 
In b Ppp and ^ have varma, others varma. 

Pdipp 2. 9. 5 (reappears with variants as 5. 11. 6 and 8. 10. 
11) may be compared with EV 10. 184. 2 ; SMB 1. 4. 7 ; ApMB 
1. 12. 2; § 3. 25. 3. In 2. 9. 5c (wrongly edited) ajid 8. 10. lie 
Ppp has ° asvinobha as in § ; in 5. 11. 6c it has ° asvinau deva, 
and the ms in the margin below 8. 10. 11 rewrites the stanza 
with ° asvinau devau : EV, SMB, and ApMB have ° devau. 

Pdipp 2. 22 corresponds to § 3. 17 : Ppp stt 1, 2, and 5 which 
are 2, 1, and 4 in ^, appear EV 10. 101. 3 and 4, and 4. 57. 7 ; 
MS 2. 7. 12 has all the stanzas of the Ppp version except st 5. 
In lb Ppp krte ksetre, others krte yonau ; Ic Ppp and ^ virajah, 



Pdippaldda and Rigveda 11 

•X 

others gira ca. In 2c Ppp seems to agree with 6 sumnayau, 
K.V sumnaya; Ppp unlike the others adds a 4th pada. In 5b 
Ppp piisa mahyaih raksatu, RV ptisanu yachatu, 6 ptisabhi 
raksatu. In these stanzas Ppp goes its own way, yet shows 
some striking verbal agreements with ^. 

Pdipp 2. 32. 5 is ^ 19. 62 without variant: a similar stanza is 
RVKh 10. 128. 11, which appears with slight variants also HG 
1. 10. 6 and ApMB 2. 8. 4. 

Pdipp 2. 7 0.^5 a is a variant of S 1. 2. 2a jyake pari no nama ; 
Ppp ms has vicite for jyake, and in view of RV 6. 75. 12 (also 
in VS, TS, MS) rjite pari vrndhi nah with its variant vrjite in 
KSA 6. la, the probable reading for Ppp seems to be vrjite. 

Pdipp 2. 74: corresponds to S 3. 3 ; st 1 is adapted, probably 
with corruptions, from RV 6. 11. 4 (MS 4. 14. 15) to which Ppp 
is nearer than is S : Ppp cd amuih naya namasa ratahavyaih 
yunjanti supra jasarii panca janah, RV ayuih na yam ratahavya 
aiijanti suprayasam °, 6 yunjanti tva maruto visvavedasa amurii 
naya ° °. 

Pdipp .9. 5 is g 3. 2: the last 2 stanzas occur RV 10. 103. 12 
and RVKh 10. 103. 1, also SV 2. 1211 and 1210 and VS 17. 44 
and 47. In st 5 Ppp and 6 agree against the others : in 6b Ppp 
asman abhy ety, RV abhyaiti na °, S asman aity abhy; in 6c 
Ppp and others guhata, S vidhyata ; in 6d Ppp and 6 yathaisam, 
RV yathanusam. * 

Pdipp 5. i<2 is § 3. 21 ; st 6ab occurs RV 8. 43. llab, also in 
TS, MS, and KS. 

Pdipp 3. 35 is S 19. 15 : the 1st stanza Occurs RV 8. 61. 13 
(also SV, PB, TB, TA, MahanU and Ap^) without variant, tho 
Ppp ms has tvaih na in c for tan na of the others, and also 
writes maghavan as in ^, SV, PB and TB. St 4 is RV 6. 47. 8 
and TB 2. 7. 13. 3 ; Ppp and 6 have in c ugra, others rsva, in d 
Ppp and S ksiyema, others stheyama. Here again the agree- 
ment of Ppp and S is noteworthy. 

Pdipp 4. <2 is ^ 4. 8 : st 3 occurs RV 3. 38. 4, VS 33. 28 and 
KS 37. 9; with them Ppp reads in b sriyas, § sriyam. In c 
Ppp ms has visnor, which is read by the commentator on ^ and 
a couple of SPP's mss. 

Pdipp 6. 3 J a hymn to the waters, has for its st 4 RV 10. 17. 
10, i 6. 51. 2 (also in VS, TS, MS, KS). In a Ppp, 6, MS, 
and KS sudayantu, RV and VS sundhayantu; in c Ppp and 
MS °vahantu, others °vahanti; in d the Ppp ms has a putay 
emi which von Schroeder gives as the reading of two of his mss 
and the Kapisth S. 



12 LeBoy Carr Barret 

Pdipp 6. 20 is ^ 19. 47 : st 1 occurs also RVKk 10. 127. 1 and 
VS 34. 32 without variant : st 3 is RVKh 10. 127. 2 and SS 9. 
28. 10, both of these having yuktaso in b where Ppp and S have 
drastaro ; but in c Ppp reads saatv with them, ^ santy. 

Paipp 7. 12. 3 and 10 appear RV 10. 145. 3 and 1, and S 3. 
18. 4 and 1, ApMB 1. 15. 'Ppp has for st 3 uttaraham uttara- 
bhya uttared adharabhyah | adhas sapatni fsamakty adhared 
adharabhyah: others uttaraham uttara uttared uttarabhyah | 
adhah sapatni ya mamadhara sadharabhyah. 

Ppp uses the first stanza of the other versions for its last, 
with a variant of their 2d for its pada d ; Ppp krnute kevalam 
patim, others patirii me kevalarii kuru (S krdhi). / 

Paipp 8. ^ is ^ 4. 9 with additions : st 11 occurs also RV 10. 
97. 12 and VS 12. 86. In a Ppp and ^ have anjana prasarpasi, 
others osadhih prasarpatha, and consequently they have in c 
badhadhva (ugro °) where ^ has badhasa ° ; but Ppp ms reads 
badhadhvam showing probably some influence of the RV form. 
In c Ppp has tasmad, others tato. For its last stanza Ppp has 
g st 7 ; padas cd of this occur RV 10. 97. 4 and VS 12. 78, and 
in c Ppp with the others has vasa, 6 aham. 

The following padas also belong in this section: Ppp 1. 21. 
3c; 1. 99. Id; 2. 5. 4b; 7. 7. 3d; 7. 10. Id, 6c. 

Reviewing this chapter it may reasonably be said that as 
regards the arrangement of the stanzas of its hymns Ppp tends 
to agree with RV, and more particularly with Yajus-texts, 
rather than with S; in wording it is rather often unique, it 
y^ends to agree with RV in giving readings better tjian § gives, 
but when it is a matter of modulation to distinctly Atharvan 
tone and purpose it is more likely to agree with. ^. 

IV. Material in Ppp, BY, and^. 

(A.) Pdipp 1. 11 corresponds to RV 10. 174 and § 1. 29; RV 
st 4 and S st 4 are omitted.'^ Stanza order compared thus : 

Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 
RV 1, 2, 3, -, 5. 
6 1, 2, 3, 5, 6. 

It will be sufficient to note only the following variants. In la 
Ppp and ^ manina, RV havisa; lb Ppp and RV abhivavrte, ^ 
abhivavrdhe; 2d Ppp and ^ durasyati, RV irasyati; 5c Ppp 
and ^ viranam, RV bhutanam. Ppp agrees throughout in giv- 

^ Oldenberg Prolegomena, p. 243f. 



Pdippaldda and Bigveda 13 

• 

ing forms of vrt + abhi, except possibly in '3b ; but note its 
manina and viranam. 

mipp 1. 62 is RV 10. 161. 1-4 (^ 20. 96. 6-9) and S 3. 11. 1-4. 
For Ic Ppp has a new pada, and begins Id tata' ° : in 3a Ppp 
and 6 sataviryena, RV satasaradena ; in 3c Ppp and 6 indro 
yathainam, RV satam yathemam; for 4c Ppp gives the better 
reading of RV, but gives 4d as in ^. Ppp and RV agree on tbe 
unity of these 4 stanzas tho RV adds a 5th to make up its 10. 
161; this agreement is emphasized by the fact that Ppp 1. 61 
is made up out of the material of S 3. 11. 5-8 plus ^ 7. 53. 5. 

Paipp 2. 88 is RV 10. 152 ; in ^ the stanzas are 1. 20. 4 and 
1. 21. 1-4 : stt 1-3 of 6 1. 20 occur in Ppp Bk 19. While Ppp 
and RV clearly agree on the structure of the hymn (it stands 
in Ppp Bk 2 whose norm is 5 stt) its verbal agreements are 
rather with S except that in lb Ppp reads with RV amitrakhado 
adbhutah, 6 amitrasaho astrtah; in 5d Ppp and RV yavaya, ^ 
yavaya, but this might easily be a miswriting in Ppp. 

Paipp 3. 34 is 6 3. 20 ; st 1 is RV 3. 29. 10, the next 6 are RV 
10. 141. Comparison of stanza order is thus : 

Ppp 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. 
RV 10, 1, 2, 5, 3, 4, 6, -, -, — . 
g 1,2,3,7,4,6,5,8,9,10. 

The last 2 stanzas appear only in AV, all the others occur scat- 
tered in Yajus-texts.® In the Ppp ms after st 1 appears what 
seems to be 3 pratikas, the first of which occurs TS 1. 7. 13. 4 : 
they do not seem to be a part of the hymn but they indicate a 
cleavage after st 1. 

Ppp and S agree against RV as follows : Ic roha, sida ; Id 
rayim, girah; 2c visaih, vis^s; 3d rayirii ° dadhatu, rayo ° 
dadatu.^ But in 3d Ppp and RV have nah, ^ me; in 7c Ppp 
gives the better reading of RV, devatataye, for ^ deva datave. 
Except in 7c the agreement of Ppp and ^ is marked. 

Paipp 4. 12 occurs RV 10. 84 and ^ 4. 31, with the same stanza 
order. In lb Ppp ms gives rsamanaso^ rsada suggesting the 
form of RV or TB rather than that of S ; in Ic Ppp alone has 
tiksnesava; in Id Ppp and TB yanti, RV and !§ yantu. In stt^ 
2 and 3 Ppp variants are original, save that it agrees with ^ in 
3d nayasa ekaja, RV nayasa ° ; in 4a Ppp (ms idatas) may 
agree with RV iditah rather than ^ idita; 4d Ppp and RV 
krninahe, 6 krnmasi ; 6a Ppp sahasa, others sahaja ; 6b Ppp and 

* Cf . Whitney ^s Translation. 



14 LeRoy Carr Barret 

RV abhibhuta, ^- sahabhuta; 7b Ppp ms dattam vaninas ca 
manyo (emended varuna) varies from each of the others; 
of Ppp is new. The most important variants of Ppp here are 
original, but it has one important agreement with RV m bb. 

Puipp 4. 32 is RV 10. 83 and 6 4. 32; stanza order the same 
in all. In Ic Ppp and 6 have redundant vayam, R V omits it ; 
Id Ppp mahiyasa, RV and S sahasvata ; 2c Ppp ms has manyur 
as in ^, RV and others correctly manyum; 3b Ppp jahiha, 
others jahi; 4c Ppp and S sahiyan, RV sahavan; 5d Ppp and 
g baladava na ehi, RV baladeyaya mehi ; 6a Ppp and RV upa 
mehy, ^ upa na ehy ; 6b Ppp upa na a, RV abhi mam a, S abhi 
na a ; 7a Ppp and ^ bhava no, RV bhava me ; in 7bcd RV and 
^ agree against Ppp. The agreement of Ppp and RV in 6a is 
striking: more striking, perhaps, are the agreements of RV 

and 6. 

Pdipp 5. 18 corresponds to RV 10. 137 and 6 4. 13, but has 2 
more stanzas. Stanza order is compared thus : 

Ppp 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9. 
RV 1, 4, 2, 3, 5, - - 7, 6. 
g 1, 5, 2, 3, 4, -, 6, 7, -. 

Paipp st 7 is RV 10. 60. 12 ; for st 9 see ^ 6. 91. 3 and Ppp 3. 
2. 7. It will be noted that 6 substitutes RV 10. 62. 12 for RV 
10. 137. 6 ; Ppp does the same but uses RV 10. 137. 6 as its last 
stanza. The first 5 stanzas seem to be a basic group which the 
three collections have extended each in its own way. 

In st 1 Ppp has original readings: in a ud dharatha for un 
nayatha, in c uto manusyarii tarn for utagas cakrusam, in d 
daivas krnuta jivase (cf RV 8. 67. 17c) for deva jivayatha 
punah; its 2d is somewhat original; in 5d Ppp agado 'sati, 
others arapa asat; in 8c Ppp saihbhubhyaih, RV tva, S hasta- 
bhyam. Ppp and RV agree against S only in 3d paranyo for 
vy anyo, 4c~°bhesajo for °bhesaja. Ppp and ^ agree against 
RV in 5a imam for iha, 8d tvabhi mrsamasi for tvopa sprsamasi, 
9c visvasya for sarvasya.^ 

Faipp 6. 1 occurs RV 10. 120 (g 20. 107. 4-12) and 6 5. 2. 
Ppp and RV have same stanza order, ^ 5. 2 reverses stt 6 and 7. 
In Id Ppp agrees with RV, SV, VS, AA; 2d Ppp sarii te 
navantah piprta madesu, all others navanta prabhrta; 3a Ppp 
and others vrnjanti visve, ^ prncanti bhuri; 4b Ppp ranarii- 
ranaih, RV made-made, ^ rane-rane; 4d Ppp dureva yatu- 
dhanah, RV yatudhana durevah, S durevasah kasakah; Ppp st 

" Tu the edition of Bk 5 9d should read tas te ° °. 



Pdippaldda and Bigveda 15 

6 agrees with RV st 6 in contrast to the irregularities of ^ st 
7; in 7e Ppp ms has a matara sthapayase jighantva, RV a 
matara sthapayase jigatnii, § a sthapayata mataram jigatnnm; 
in st 9 Ppp and RV agree, for it is very likely that mam in the 
Ppp ms is for mahan, and its yavasa for savasa, tho vayasa 
might be considered. The agreement of Ppp and RV is marked ; 
the original reading of Ppp in 2d might be due to a rather late 
emendation. ' 

(B.) Some scattered stanzas are now reported. 

Pdipp 1. 51. 4 appears RV 1. 31. 16, and the first two padas 
6 3. 15. 4ab (a st of 6 padas) ; these padas do not fit well into 
S 3. 15. Ppp uses the stanza more appropriately, agreeing with 
RV in b except that it has at the end of b duram as in S (and 
Lg 3. 2. 7) for RV dtirat. 

Pdipp 1. 111. 1 appears RV 10. 60. 11 and ^ 6. 91. 2; in a 
Ppp and S vato vati, RV vato 'va vati; Ppp d nyag bhavatu 
te visam, RV and 6 ° rapah. St 2 of this same hymn is an 
adaptation of RV 1. 191. 4 and ^ 6. 52. 2 : pada a is the same 
in all, Ppp b is corrupt but clearly differs from the others which 
agree; for c Ppp and ^ ny urmayo nadinam, RV ni ketavo 
jananam; Ppp d ny ucchusma rasanam, RV and ^ ny adrsta 
alipsata. The stanza appears in Ppp Bk 19 (f 242b) in the 
Ppp version of S 6. 52 : there it agrees with RV except ayaksata 
for aviksata. Further note that the first hemistich as in RV 
and S is Ppp 4. 16. 7ab (see above p. 4). In Ppp 1. Ill the 
stanza has been modified to suit the import of the hymn which 
is against snake-poison. 

Pdipp ^. 5 is S 2. 12 : st 6 occurs also RV 6. 52. 2. In a Ppp 
and ^ ativa, RV ati va; in b Ppp and ^ nindisat kriyamanam, 
RV kriyamanam ninitsat; ~in d Ppp and RV abhi tarn socatu 
dyauh, ^ dyaur abhisaihtapati. Ppp 2. 5. 8cd (= ^ 2. 12. 7cd) 
are reminiscent of RV 10. 14. 13 cd. 

Pdipp 2. 6. led reads idaih dhenur aduhaj jayamanas svarvido 
abhy anuktir virat : ^ 2. 1. 1 has prsnir in c and in d abhyanu- 
sata vrah; RV 10. 51. 19d is idaih dhenur aduhaj jayamana, 
of which Ppp is at least reminiscent. For st 3 of this hymn 
Ppp uses a stanza which appears VS 32. 10; TA 10. 1. 4; 
MahanU 2. 5 ; in d it hsis samane dhamany, ^ samane yonav, 
others trtiye dhamany: cf RV 10. 82. 3. 

Pdipp 2. 33. 2cd is reminiscent of RV 10. 145. 6ce which is 
also S 3. 18. 6ce. 

Pdipp 2. 37. 2 (repetition as 3. 30. 1 is indicated by pratika) 



16 LeEoy Carr Barret 

is given in the form which appears ^ 19. 51, 1; ^ 6. 46. 3 varies 
only in d, having dvisate for apriye, and RV 8. 47. 17d has 
aptye; EV also has saiimayamasi in b, AV "nayanti; and RV 
adds two padas. 

Pdipp 3. 1 is ^ 3. 4: with an 8th stanza whose 2d hemistich is 
RV 10. 173. 6cd (Ppp atra in c, RV atho) ; § 7. 94 has the entire 
RV stanza but reads in c yatha na ° for atho ta °, in d saih- 
manasas for balihrtas. 

Pdipp 3. 2 is ^3. 7 with g st 5 at the end: Ppp and ^ have 
the same pada d tas tva muiicantu ksetriyat. In Ppp 5. 18 (^ 
4. 13 and RV 10. 137) this stanza occurs again, and again as 
the final stanza; and pada d then agrees exactly with RV and 
^ 6. 91. 3d tas te krnvantu bhesajam (see above p. 14). 

Pdipp 3. 6 is ^ 3. 1 : st 4 occurs also RV 3. 30. 6 ; in a RV 
has pra su ta, S prasuta, and Ppp might be either as it has no 
accents; in b Ppp yahi, others etu; for d Ppp visvam vistam 
krnuhi satyam esam, RV visvam satyaih ° vistam astu, 6 visvak 
satyaih ° cittam esam. 

Pdipp 4. 6 is ^ 4c. 5; stt 1, 3, 5, 6, 7 of AV are RV 7. 55. 7, 8, 
6, 5, and RVKh 7. 55. 1. In la Ppp has hiranyasrngo, RV 
and S sahasra° : 3a Ppp vahyesayas prosthesaya, RV prosthe- 
saya vahyesaya, ^ prosthesayas talpesaya ; 3b Ppp and RV narir 
yas talpasivarih, ^ ° ° vahyasivainh ; 5a Ppp ms and § yas 
carati, RV yas ca carati ; 5b Ppp and ^ yas ca tisthan vipasyati, 
RV yas ca pasyati no janah; 5c Ppp 'ksani, RV aksani, S 
aksini; 7a Ppp svapna svapnadhikaranena, RVKh svapnah 
svapnadhikarane, 6 svapna svapnabhikar^nena; 7c Ppp and ^ 
otsuryam, RVKh a suryam; 7d Ppp dvyusam caratad, RVKh 
dvyusaih jagriyad, S avyusam jagrtad ; 7e Ppp and RV 10. 166. 
2b aksatah, 6 aksitah. 

Pdipp 5. 7 is g 4. 15; st lOcde appears RV 5. 83. 6bcd and 
S st lied and 12a; in c Ppp and 6 have pra pyayatam ° ° 
reto, RV pra pinvata ° ° dharah ; all agree in the other padas. 
Stt 12 and 13 of Ppp are 13 and 14 in g, and RV 7. 103. 1 and 
RVKh 7. 103. 1 : the only variant is that the khila has upapla^ 
vada for AV upapravada in pada a. 

Pdipp 6. 5 is ^ 5. 1 : st 6 of ^ is RV 10. 5. 6 but Ppp gives 
only padas ab and reads in b anekam for ekam of the others. 

Pdipp 6. 11 corresponds to ^ 5. 6 and like it seems to be only 
a group of disconnected stanzas: 6 st 3 occurs also RV 9. 73. 
4 and Ppp using it as st 4 puts in as its st 3 RV 9. 73. 6. In 
3a Ppp reads pari ye saiiibabhuvuh for RV adhy a ye sam- 
asvaran; in 3b slokavantas saumanasya for slokayantraso ra- 



x\ 



Pdippaldda and Bigveda 17 

bhasya; in cd Ppp is defaced but possibly does not vary from 
RV. In 4a Ppp has sahasradharam abhi, RV sabasradhare 'va, 
S sahasradhara eva; Ppp has a clearer text, tho possibly not 
better; in c Ppp and S tasya, RV asya. Ppp st 5 corresponds 
to ^ st 4 and both have a debased form of RV 9. 110. 1, bnt Ppp 
reading cannot be restored with assurance; the ms reads divas 
tud arnavan niyase. 

Pdipp 7. 2 is ^ 5. 2S; Ppp st 7 uses for pada a ud asau suryo 
agat (= RV 10. 159. la; Si. 29. 5a) ; S has ut purastat surya 
eti (^ RV 1. 191. 8a) which has not appeared in Ppp thus far; 
but ud asau ° ° has appeared 3 times. 

In this section belong also Ppp 1. 7. 2b ; 5. 13. lb, 8c. 



Summary. 

To a large extent the' variations tell their own story. In 
regard to the entire hymns appearing only in Ppp and RV it 
may be said that in content they are not distinctly Atharvan — 
yet reasons for their inclusion in Ppp can be seen — and no 
strong effort was put forth to adapt them, for even the variants 
and the two stanzas added to RV 10. 168 do not seem to change 
the tone much. As RV hymns these are not among the worthi- 
est productions, but as AV hymns they by no means drop to 
the low levels of much AV material. The treatment of the 
material of ch. IB is freer, as would naturally be expected : espe- 
cially noteworthy is the handling of the stanzas of RV 1. 191, 
its composite structure being emphasized by the Ppp distribu- 
tion. 

Of the four entire hymns that appear in Ppp, RV and else- 
where except S, the first two are real Atharvan, the next two 
are not distinctly so and as in the hymns of ch. lA there was 
no strong effort made to adapt them : this may however be due 
to their presence in KS. The probable agreement of Ppp 2. 30. 
Id with MS seems to be important: indeed a study of the rela- 
tions of Ppp to MS and KS may yield more important results 
than those attained here. 

In ch. 3A several points stand out clearly: Ppp shows origi- 
nality both in structure and wording ; it shows agreements with 
RV, also with MS and KS, in regard to stanza order and in the 
combination of hemistichs into stanzas, e. g. the opening stanza 
of Ppp 4. 1 and the arrangement of hemistichs in 4. 1. 2 and 3 
and in 5. 4. 6 ; but set off against these we note the presence of 
4. 1. 8 only in Ppp and S, a closer agreement with l§ in the 



18 LeEoy Carr Barret 

structure of Ppp 4. 1, and a stanza order in 5. 4 1-8 more like 
that of g than like that of RV and TS; Ppp has f^^ note- 
worthy agreements with RV and others, as m 4. 1. 4, 4. z\). », 
4. 31. 1 and 5, and 5. 4. 3, but it has also verbal agreements with 
g no less striking, a^ in stt 4, 6, and 7 of 4. 7 and m several 
stanzas of 5. 4; and finally Ppp 7. 4 and ^ 19. 13^are m almost 
complete agreement. 

Eight hymns are reported in ch. 4A as being given as entire 
hymns only in Ppp, RV and ^; in two of them (1. 62 and 2. 
88) the agreement of Ppp and RV as to structure is marked, m 
two others (1. 11 and 5. 18) Ppp agrees with RV not more than 
with, g; in 3. 34 Ppp and ^ agree exactly in structure, m 4. 12 
and 4. 32 the three texts agree, and in 6. 1 the variation of § 
is probably not significant. In the matter of verbal variants 
Ppp offers some original readings, it shows agreements with RV 
some of which are better than the readings of S, e. g. in 1. 11,- 
1. 62. 4c, 3. 34. 7c, 4. 12. 6b and particularly in 6. 1 ; yet it 
shows rather more agreements with ^ and some of these are 
poorer than RV, as in 4. 32. Ic and 2c. The material taken up 
in ch. 4B shows just the same diversity. This swing of Ppp 
from agreement with RV to agreement with 6 may be made 
clear in another way: Bloomfield in his book on the AV in 
Biihler's Grundriss discusses in § 43 the relation of § to RV and 
sets out a number of examples illustrating ' the constant removal 
of the Atharvan stanzas from the more archaic hieratic form 
and thought sphere to the plainer habits of speech and thought 
of the people'; Ppp Books 1-8 do not contain all his examples 
but when they do appear Ppp agrees. with RV in just about 
half of them. 

As summarizing the results of this study we may set down 
the following propositions which a fuller acquaintance with the 
Ppp will probably confirm: 1) the originality and independence 
of Ppp is rather more distinct and important than some of us 
may have realized hitherto; 2) the agreement of Ppp with RV 
(or Yajus texts) is more notable in regard to structure than in 
regard to words ; 3 ) Ppp does show some tendency to agree with 
RV against ^ in wording, having a considerable number of 
agreements with RV upon readings better than those of ^, but 
this is balanced by an almost equal number of agreements with 
poorer readings of §; 4) it will probably become quite clear 
that most of the hymns of ^ Bk 19 are drawn from Ppp. 

Hartford, Connecticut. 



ON THE LITHUANIAN WORD-STOCK AS INDO- 
EUROPEAN MATERIAL 

Harold Herman Bender 

Professor of Indo-Germanic Philology, Princeton University 

' No ARGtJMENT IS NECESSARY to show the importance of the role 
that Lithuanian has played on the Indo-European stage. The 
coryphei from Bopp on have paralleled it with Sanskrit, Greek, 
and Latin. As early as 1856 August Schleicher {Litauische 
Grammatik, Prag, p. 2) said: 'unter alien lebenden indoger- 
manischen sprachen zeigt es [das litauische] in seinen lauten die 
bei weitem grosste altertiimlichkeit'. More than one philologist 
of the present generation has made the flat statement that the 
Lithuanian is the most archaic of all living Indo-European 
languages.^ 

The statement has always been based primarily upon the pre- 
servation in Lithuanian of Indo-European ablaut, accent, and 
inflectional forms. To be sure these are the chief contributions 
of Lithuanian to comparative research, but it might surprise 
even the eulogists of the language to learn that the recent ety- 
mological dictionaries and the philological journals give com- 
parative value to a total of Lithuanian words that is not far 
behind the number of Greek words discussed in Prellwitz's 
Etymologisches Worterhuch der griechischen 8prach&, making 
due allowance in each case for cross-references and simple 
derivatives. 

In some respects, however, comparative study of Lithuanian 
has been handicapped from the very beginning. Other lan- 
guages had a long written tradition that immediately became 
available to the comparative student, subject only to his revision 
according to comparative methods and the results of modern 
research. In some instances this tradition covered not only the 
literature of a race from prehistoric times, but also centuries of 

* Notice e. g. Whitney, Language and the Study of Language^ (New- 
York, 1901), p. 215; Sehrader, Beallexikon der indogermanischen Alter- 
tumskunde (Strassburg, 1901), p. 891; Hirt, Die Indogermanen (Strass- 
burg, 1905), pp. 125, 196; Feist, Eultur, Aushreitung und Herhunft der 
Indogermanen (Berlin, 1913), p. 440; von Sehroeder, Arische Beligion 
(Leipzig, 1914), p. 223. 



20 Harold Herman Bender 

investigation of grammatical, lexicographical, and even etymo- 
logical matters. Lithuanian literature, on the other hand, has 
been largely one of oral tradition. The damos, or folk-songs, 
from every point of view its richest product,^ have only m rela- 
tively recent times, and then only in part, been reduced to 
writing. The speech has always been on the whole a peasant 
speech. Lithuanian has never had a Panini, an Apollonius, an 

Ulfilas. „ 

Even to-day there is no adequate dictionary or grammar ot 
Lithuanian. The fault has not lain with the lexicographers and 
grammarians of the language. Each in his own way has hewn 
a trail with the initiative and perseverance of the explorer. 
The difficulty lay in the terrain they had to cover. To mention 
names like Szyrwid, Mielcke, Nesselmann, Kurschat, Juskevic 
for the vocabulary; Schleicher, Kurschat, Wiedemann for the 
grammar ; Briickner and Prellwitz for loan-words ; Geitler and 
Bezzenberger for special investigations — to mention these names 
is merely to select the names of a few of the pioneers, and to 
recall our debt to them. 

But surely no one has tried to run down a doubtful Lithu- 
anian word to its source without being willing to admit with 
feeling that recorded Lithuanian verbal and formal tradition is 
a very uncertain matter and that Lithuanian orthography 
leaves much to be desired. In orthography one finds the same 
sound variously represented by sz, s, sch, z, and a G-erman 
digraph ; in declension one finds readily nineteen distinct writ- 
ten forms of the genitive singular of the first personal pronoun, 
depending upon period, dialect, and position in the sentence; in 
vocabulary one finds derived from one stem, in one system of 
transcription, and in one dialect at least seventeen different 
words for 'girl'- — and the number of dialects in Lithuanian has 
not yet been counted. 

The language has been fortunate, however, in attracting the 

- This is not the place for a discussion of Lithuanian literature as such, 
but I should like to protest here against the sweeping verdicts that have 
so often been recorded in regard to it. For the most part they have 
expressed either extravagant praise or dismissal with the wave of a hand, 
depending upon the literary standards employed. It seems to me that both 
verdicts are almost equally false and equally true. In comparison with 
Greece Lithuania has practically no literature, either in quantity or quality. 
But Donalitius' 'Seasons' more than deserves comparison with Thomson's 
'Seasons'; the folk-songs are frequently genuine lyrics of naave grace and 
charm containing mythological coloring of intrinsic as well as compara- 
tive interest; and several contemporary names associated with the Lithu- 
anian national revival offer considerable promise for the future. 



Lithuanian as Indo-E-uropean Material 21 

active interest of some of Germany's best philologists. But the 
comparative students who knew the language best realized per- 
fectly that their immediate task was to record as much linguistic 
material as possible before it should be too late. They were 
the collectors in the field ; the mounting and classification could 
be left to others — ^which is not to say that men like Leskien and 
Brugmann did not successfully play both roles. With the 
increasing Polish, Russian, and German influence in Lithuania, 
with the coming of the railroad, the telegraph, and the press, 
with the spread of Christianity, much of the old Lithuania was 
beginning to disappear, especially in the western part of Lithu- 
anian territory. Words that had been current for centuries 
were becoming obsolete. The grandmother crooned before the 
hearth a folk-song that she had learned as a girl but which her 
grandchildren did not know. It was often considered even 
sacrilegious to sing the ancient songs of the -heatheA thunder- 
god or the amorous moon.^ 

Only one scholar has made any serious and successful effort 
to arrange the bulk of the Lithuanian material for comparative 
use.* In 1884, as a part of Bd. IX of the Abhandlungen der 
philol.-hist. Kl. der kgl. sacks. Ges. d. Wiss., Leskien published 

' Thus Leskien in Leskien-Brugmann, lAtauische VolTcslieder und Mdrchen 
(Strassburg, 1882), p. 3: 'Trotz dieser FiUle wird die Volkspoesie dort 
nicht lange mehr lebenj die bei dem heranwachsenden Geschlecht stark 
fortschreitende Germanisirung vertilgt natiirlich auch die Lieder. Unter 
den Litauern selbst besteht aber eine Abneigung gegen ihre alte Poesie. 
Sammtliche maldininkai, d. h. die Leute, welche Gebetsversammlungen 
(suriakimai) halten und sich daran betheiligen, balten das Daina-singen 
fiir Siinde, und mit ihnen viele andere f romme Leute, wenn sie auch nicht 
gerade maldininkai sind. Es mag der Einfluss von dieser Seite sein, dass, 
so weit meine Erf ahrung reieht, das Singen und Hersagen von Liedern, 
so imsehuldig sie meistens aueh siad, nirgends mehr fiir recht anstandig 
gilt. Die Leute lehnten die Mittheilung derselben oft aus diesem Grunde 
ab, und wer sich dennoeh dazu bewegen liess, hatte zuweilen eiue Straf- 
predigt von Bekannten und Naehbarn auszuhalten '. Likewise Kurschat, 
Gramviatik der Uttamschen Sprache (Halle, 1876), §1651: ^Wie sittlich 
rein und zart eine Daina gehalten sein mochte, in den Augen des ernsten 
Littauers [im preussischen Littauen] wird sie dennoeh als ein Ausdruck 
einer Lustigkeit angesehen, mit weleher der Trager des geistlichen Amtes 
nicht ia Beruhrung kommen darf, ohne dadurch entweiht zu werden'. See 
also Schleicher, Litcmische GrammatiTc, § 3, and the last paragraph of the 
introduction to Bezzenberger 's Litauische Forschungen (Gottingen, 1882). 

*I omit here such studies as Sommer's Die indogermanischen id- und 
io-Stdmme im Baltischen (Leipzig, 1914) . Sommer handles a particular 
problem and a particular class of words; nor is his material, painstaking 
and abundant as it is, handily arranged for the general investigator. 



22 Harold Herman Bender 

at Leipzig his AUaut der Wurzelsilhen im Litauischen; in 1891, 
as a part of Bd. XII of the same Ahhandlungen, appeared his 
Bildung der Nomma im Litauischen. Leskien's work displayed 
so much insight into Lithuanian and so much outsight into 
Indo-European that it has stood to this day more or less as the 
finished product of Lithuanian's contribution to comparative 
etymology. The proponent of a new etymology goes straight 
to Leskien and, usually, no further. With only one or two 
exceptions (notably Berneker's Slavisches etymologisches Wor- 
terhuch) the etymological dictionaries of other languages have 
drawn, directly or indirectly, but in the end almost solely, upon 
Leskien for the Lithuanian. One distinguished and valuable 
etymological dictionary obtained its Lithuanian contributions 
from Leskien a generation and more ago ; thru edition after 
edition they were subjected to practically no revision or augmen- 
tation, despite the fact that diacritical marks and even letters 
were constantly dropping and changing in the reprinting, and 
despite the fact that Lithuanian scholarship had really made 
some progress in the meantime. 

In a number of instances Leskien (rarely, to be sure) or some 
later writer made an error in the transcription of a Lithuanian 
word, or by accident ascribed to Lithuanian a Lettish or Old 
Prussian form. In the Ablaut the little 'le' that distinguishes 
a Lettish, word from its Lithuanian predecessors and successors 
is easily overlooked; in the Nomina one often has to recognize 
a word or its literal make-up, or else make some investigation of 
Leskien's systematization, before one can designate the word as 
Lithuanian or Lettish. In these two ways, at least, forms that, 
so far as we know, never existed in Lithuanian have got into the 
journals and etymological dictionaries, and have won acceptance 
as genuine Lithuanian forms. ^ 

These, however, are chiefly questions of detail. A more 
important matter is the tendency to accept at face value the 

^ Thus, when one finds a Lithuanian golimla- 'blau' in Brugmann, 
Grundriss' (II. 1. 389), it does not, unfortunately, cover the case simply 
to state the fact that Brugmann intended to write Old Prussian golimia- 
and that he overlooked the slip in preparing his corrigenda. If one may 
guess from experience, some one, sooner or later, will accept Brugmann 
as authority for a Lithuanian golimha- ^blaii'. 

Likewise, Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches WorterlucW (s. v. fimJ)ria), 
had no intention of setting up a new Lithuanian form when he unwittingly 
turned into Lithuanian the Lettish word lemljeris 'Tannzapfen' which 
Prellwitz {BB XXL 236) had correctly transmitted to him from Leskien 
(Nomina, 444). 



Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 23 

ablaut groups proposed by Leskien, almost*as if they were finally 
and definitely all-inclusive and all-exclusive. But Leskien him- 
self would be the first to acknowledge the limitations of his mate- 
rial. For example, he says {Ablaut, 266) : 'Es enthalt das 
Verzeichniss also nur diejenigen litauischen und lettischen 
Worte, die mit anderen derselben Wurzel in einem Ablautsver- 
haltnisse stehen, dagegen nicht diejenigen, deren Stellung in 
einer bestimmten Vocalreihe sich nur etymologisch durch Ver- 
gleichung der anderen indogermanischen Sprachen bestimmen 
lasst'.^ His groupings were often frankly tentative and sug- 
'gestive; his work abounds with the question-mark and the 
phrase "" zweif elhaf te Zusammenstellung'. 

And yet again and again illustrations and theories have been 
based upon Leskien as if there were no other evidence available 
as to form and no other opinion as to ablaut-grouping. To take 

one concrete example : gaudone ' horse-fly ' is connected by Les- 
kien (Ablaut, 298; Nomina, 392) with gausti 'buzz, hum'. 
Every etymologist that has since treated the root has included 
this particular stem — simply because Leskien does and because 
it seems natural for a fly of any kind to buzz. A little investi- 
gation would have disclosed the fact that the horse-fly never 

makes a sound, and that gaudone belongs to gaudy ti *to seize, 
to catch', an entirely different Indo-European root.'^ 

Thanks mainly to Leskien, the Lithuanian word-stock, as it 
is now available to comparative students, needs only a moderate 

''Notice also Ablaut, p. 267: 'Der litauische Wortschatz ist wait davon 
entfernt, vollstandig bekannt zu sein. Schon aus diesem Grunde kann 
auch meine Sammlung nicht vollstandig sein. Dazu kommt, dass ich auch 
die vorhandenen litauischen Drucke nur in beschranktem Masse ausbeuten 
konnte: viele altere oder im russischen Litauen gedruckte Biicher sind 
nicht zu erlangen, manches eignet sich wegen seiner unvollkommenen und 
unsicheren Orthographie gerade fiir den vorliegenden Zweck nicht'. Also 
Nomina, pp. 153-4: 'Die Geduldsprobe, noch eine Anzahl Erbauungs- und 
Volksbiicher, noch mehr Volkslieder zu lesen, hatte ich freilich f ortsetzen 
konnen, allein es lohnte sich zuletzt wenig, und endlich muss man solehen 
Arbeiten irgendwo eine willkiirliche Grenze setzen, da sie keinen bestimmten 
Abschluss in sich tragen. Auch was ich gesammelt hatte, ist nicht alles 
verarbeitet; sehr viel Worte, die mir nicht recht sicher schienen oder 
nicht recht verstandlich waren, habe ich bei Seite geworfen. Darin hatte 
ich vielleicht noch weiter gehen sollen; man wird finden, dass ziemlich viel 
Worte, die ich nicht zergliedern konnte, doch vermuthungsweise unter 
bestimmte Suflfixe eingereiht sind; und ich kann gegen einen Tadel dariiber 
niehts einwenden, als dass ein besserer Etymolog als ich, dem sie sonst 
vielleicht entgangen waren, ih^en die richtige Stelle schon anweisen wird'. 

' Cf, my article AJP 39. 314. 



24 Harold Herman Bender 

degree of correction and revision in order to become quite reli- 
able Indo-European material. But a large mass of lexicograph- 
ical and other information is available (if not directly at hand) 
to the Lithuanian student that is not yet available to the general 
philologist. Just here, it seems to me, lies the immediate task 
of the comparative student of the language. 

Lithuania hopes to revive the old University of Vilna ; some- 
where sh^e will soon have a university of her own. Despite G-er- 
man and Russian restrictions, a number of young Lithuanians 
have had university training. The past quarter of a century 
has revealed a remarkable development of Lithuanian national 
and linguistic consciousness. Her language has always been 
Lithuania's proudest possession — ^now more than ever when she 
sees the dawn of national independence. It seems fair to assume 
that in the near future the collection of damos, the recordation 
of dialectic forms, the accumulation and publication of linguis- 
tic matter in general may safely be left in large part to the 
Lithuanians themselves. From then on the work of the more 
general student will be the verification, classification, and appli- 
cation of the material gathered. 

The illustrations that follow have been developed from casual 
notes selected almost at random from hundreds of similar -sug- 
gestions, the worth of which cannot be determined until they 
have been worked out one by one. But the examples given here 
are, I believe, fairly representative. It is hoped that the illus- 
trations may have some intrinsic value, but my present purpose 
is primarily to show the necessity of some revamping of the 
Lithuanian Wortschatz for comparative use, and secondarily to 
indicate roughly the kind of investigation that seems to be 
needed. 

1. In Leskien's AUaut (p. 295) appears the following ablaut 
group (quoted literatim) : 

'u. dumbu (le dubu) dubau duhti hohl werden, einsinken; le 
ditbli m. pi. Koth, Morast; dubus hohl; duhurys N Loch' im 
Boden (KLD [ ] schreibt duhurys, daneben dumburys)--^ 
duUnti hohl machen.— ^. dubiu dubiau dubti aushohlen; le 
dubs hohl, tief ; dube, le dube Hohle; le dubuls, le dubule Ver- 
tiefung; ? le dumis Hohlung, Abgrund~le dubet aushohlen.— 
au. daubd Schlucht; dauburys dss., N auch daubura,'^ 

« Leskien's le = lettisch; N = Nessehnann 's Worterhuch; KLD — Kur- 
schat's Littauisch-deutsches Wdneriuch (brackets about a word indicate 
that it was not entirely familiar to Kurschat and that he could not guar- 
antee its correctness). 



Lithuanian as Indo-European Material- 25 

An investigation (made for another pflrpose) of every line of 
Uhlenbeck, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Worterhuch der altin- 
dischen Sprache (Amsterdam, 1898-9) ; Klnge, Etymologisches 
Worterhuch der deutschen Sprache'^ (Strassburg, 1910) ; Feist, 
Etymologisches Worterhuch der gotischen Sprache (Halle, 
1909) ; Berneker, Slavisches etymologisches Worterhuch (Heidel- 
berg, 1908 ff. — thru Band II, p. 80) ; Walde, Lateinisches ety- 
mologisches Worterhuch^ (Heidelberg, 1910) ; Boisacq, Diction- 
naire etymologique de la langue grecque (Heidelberg-Paris, 
1916) ; Brngmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Gramryiatih 
der indogermanischen Sprachen^ (Strassburg, 1897 ff. — thru II, 
3, 1. Lieferung) — an investigation of these standard etymologi- 
cal works shows their almost complete dependence upon this 
little group of words in Leskien in their treatment of the Lithu- 
anian contributions to the Indo-European root *dheuh{p). The 
derivation made some years later by Leskien {Nomina, 360) of 
dugnas from *duhnas finally found its way into the dictionaries. 
Brugmann, in his treatment of Nominalstamm^e, worked thru 
Leskien 's Nomina and added therefrom to our root two stems 
that were not in Leskien 's Ahlaut. Berneker adds three words 
from Juskevic.® With these few exceptions not a single Lithu- 

^Note, from here on, the following abbreviations: ArcMv f. slav. PM- 
lol. =z ArcM/o fiir sXavische Fhilologie, herausg. von V. Jagic (Berlin, 1876 
ff.) ; BerneTcer =^ Slavisches etymologisches Worterhuch (Heidelberg, 1908 
ff.) ; Bezsenherger BGLS. = Beitrdge zur GescMchte der Utauischen 
Sprache auf Grund Utamscher Texte des XVI. und des XVII. Jahrhunderts 
(Gottingen, 1877); Bezzeriberger LF.^^Litauische Forschimgen (Gottin- 
gen, 1882) J Boisacq =z Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque 
(Heidelberg-Paris, 1916) j BriicTcner =z Die slavischen Fremdworter im 
Litauischen (Weimar, 1877) ; Brugmann = Grundriss der vergleichenden 
Grammatih der indogermanischen Sprachen^ (Strassburg, 1897 ff.) ; Feist =: 
Etymologisches Worterhuch der gotischen Sprache (Halle, 1909) ; Geitler 
LS.^Litauische Studien (Prag, 1875); Ju^Jcevic =z LitovsJcij Slovari (St. 
Petersburg, 1897 ff.) ; Kluge = Etymologisches Worterhuch der deutschen 
Sprache (BtrsisshuTg: 7. Aufl., 1910; 8. Aufl., 1915) ; Kurschat DLWh.= 
Deutsch-littauisches Worterhuch (Halle, 1870) ; Kurschat Gram. = Gram- 
matiJc der litto/uischen Sprache (Halle, 1876) ; Kurschat LDWh. = Lit- 
tauisch-deutsches Worterhuch (Halle, 1883); Lalis z=z LietuvisJcos ir 
angliSkos Tcalhii Sodynas^ (Chicago, 1915); LesTcien Ahl. = Der Ahlaut der 
Wurzelsilhen im Litauischen (Leipzig, 1884) ; LesUen-Brugmam,n LV. = 
LitoAiische Volkslieder und Mdrchen (Strassburg, 1882) ; LesMen Nom. = 
Die Bildung der Nomina im Litauischen (Leipzig, 1891) ; MielcTce = 
Littauisch-deutsches und deutsch-littauisches Worterhuch (Konigsberg, 
1800) ; MLLG. = Mitteilungen der litauischen litterarischen Gesellschaft 



26 Harold Herman Bender 

anian word is added to Leskien's ablaut group by the diction- 
aries just mentioned. But the sum of Leskien's group plus the 
additions in the dictionaries by no means represents, either 
formally or semantically, all of importance that Lithuanian has 
to say about IE. *dheub{p). 

There is no pretense that the following group is complete ; at 
least, simple and obvious derivatives of included words are pur- 
posely omitted. It will be understood that in listing each word 
I express the opinion that it is probably related to the Lithu- 
anian root under consideration." 
dahurys ' Wasserwirbel, Strudel'. Nesselmann 124, Leskien 

Norn. 448. 
dauld 'Schlucht; enges, tiefes Tal; Hohle'; Juskevic also 'a 

level valley between two mountains'." The spread of the 

(Heidelberg, 1880 ff.) ; Nesselmann = Worterluch der Uttauischen Sprache 
(Konigsberg, 1851); Schleicher ^ Litauische Grammatih (Prag, 1856); 
Sommer =. Die indogermanischen id- und io-Stdrnme im Baltischen (Leip- 
zig, 1914) ; Szyrwid =z Dictionarium triwm linguarum in usum studiosae 
juventutis^ (Vilna, 1713); Trautmann ^^ Die altpreussischen SprachdenTc- 
mdler (Gottingen, 1910); UhlenbecTc =: ^ursgefasstes etymologisches 
Worterhuch der altindischen Sprache (Amsterdam, 1898-9) ; Walde ■= 
Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch- (Heidelberg, 1910). 

"Both vocalism and semantics exclude dambra^ ' jew's-harp'. Leslcien 
Norn. 438-9 oorrectlj follows Bruckner 79 in considering dambras a Slavic 
loan-word. dambralUpis 'a person with thick lips' seems, however, to 
lean upon vambras id. From Kurschat LDWb. one can form the propor- 
tion, vambras *ein Dicklipp': vambralupis id.^dambras * Brummeisen ' : 
dambralUpis *ein Dicklipp'. It would be characteristically Lithuanian to 
say that a man with a thick, down -hanging lower lip had jew's-harp lips, 
i. e. lips adapted for playing the instrument. I connect vambras with 
vamplys ^ der mit offenem Munde oder mit dicker, herabhangender Lippe 
dasteht oder umhergeht', vampsoti 'mit offenem Munde dastehen', and 
then with atvlpti (pres. vimpu) ' herabhangen ' (von den Lippen usw.) 
and the group in Leslcien Abl. 355. Notice also vambryti 'fortgesetzt in 
den Wind hinein beUen, belfern' {Kurschat LDWb. 487). 

" In ascribing English definitions to words quoted from Juskevi^ I have 
tried to give a composite of his Russian and Polish definitions and his 
Lithuanian illustrations and synonyms. 

It will be noticed frequently, as in the case of daubd, that Juskevic 's 
accent differs from that given by other authorities. Such discrepancies 
are common thruout the language; they are based primarily upon differ- 
ences of dialect. A native of one locality will often accent a dissyllabic 
word on the first syllable, a native of another locality wiU stress the second 
syllable. Neither coiisiders the other wrong. I have also observed more 
than once that a Lithuanian wUl write the accent on one syllable (or at 



Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 27 

word and the variety of its meanings are indicated by its 
occurrence in Kurschat DLWh. s. v. Grotte, Gruft, Hohle, 
Schlucht, Thai, Thalschlucht, Loch, Grand. 

dauhas 'Tal'. Bezzenlerger BGLS. 279. 

dauhe 'Tal'. Nesselmann 148. 

dauhike 'ein kleines Tal'. Geitler LS. 81. 

dauhlszkis * Bergschlnchtangehoriger, Hohlenbewohner'. Nes- 
selmann 148, Kurschat LDWh. 79. 

dauhotas 'Hohlen, Schluchten enthaltend; voller Abgriinde'. 
Nesselmann 148, Lalis 69. 

dauhurd 'Schlucht'. Nesselmann 148. Cf. Brugmann II, 1, 
358. 

dauhurele {dauhurele ?) 'eine enge Schlucht, ein kleines Tal', 

Nesselmann 148. On -ele, -ele cf . Kurschat Gram. § 354 ; 
Leslden Nom. 481 ; Sommer 167, 198. 

dauhurys 'eine von Bergen eingeschlossene tiefe Stelle, 
Schlucht'. Kurschat LDWh. 79, etc. 

duJ)a 'real estate, farm'. Lalis 79. The semantics are ex- 
plained by diihi^iti 'to hollow, excavate' and duhininkas 
' farmer '.^^ 

duha 'Scheune'. Geitler L8. 82. The semantics are not clear. 
One thinks of the preceding duha, and also of Lett, duha 
' auf gestellte Garbe, Garbenreihe', of which Leskien says 
{Nomina, 227)^ 'wohl zu dHhti hohl werden'. But it 

probably means 'a hollow place'' and is identical with duha, 
q. V. below ; notice particularly Juskevic 's definition of the 
latter word. 

duha 'the hollow of a tree'. Juskevic 356. 

duhelis {u oy u ?) 'eiserner Zapfen oder Bolzen, dergleichen 
gebraucht werden, um die Radfelgen mit einander zu ver- 
binden' {Nesselmann 147) ; 'nach M[ielcke] die Rads- 
perre, in Siidlitt. ein Nagel, der zwei Stiicke am "Wagen 
verbindet' {Kurschat LDWh. 96). German loan-word; 
not from doppelt, as Kurschat suggests, but from *duh, 
dohel, dohel, diihel, diehel (cf. Briickner 13), of which 

least accept the writing as correct), but speak it on another. These facts, 
it seems to me, have not been su£S,ciently recognized. Most studies in 
Lithuanian have been made from the point of view of one dialect or one 
region. They must not per se be taken as standards of Lithuanian speech, 
historically or otherwise. 

^' dobai (Nesselmann 144) *die Beize der Eotgerber' and duiai (Nes- 
selmann 147), dudos (Kurschat LDWb. 96) 'Gerberlohe' are Slavic loan- 
words. Cf. Bruckner 81. For the Slavic stem see BerneTcer, s. v. dgtu. 



28 Harold Herman Bender 

Kluge^ (s. v. Dobel) says, 'dazu vielleicht lit. dumbu 
(duhti) hohl werden'. For Old Prussian dnbelis see Traut- 
mann pp. 90, 324. 

dubyju, duhyti Ho eat much, to overeat'. Juskevic 356. The 
connotation is that of a large belly; see various words 
below. 

dubyn elti 'tiefer werden; (von der Krankheit) zunehmen, sich 
verschlimmern'. Nesselma/nn 147 after Szyrwid. On the 
adverbial form see Eurschat Gram. § 799. 

duhininkas 'farmer'. Lalis 79. The first definition in Lalis is 
'tanner', which is the usual meaning of the word (e. g. 
Nesselmann 147, Kurschat LDWh. 96). I assume two dis- 
tinct stems and connect duhininkas 'farmer' with duha 
'farm', dithinti 'to dig', and, consequently, with our root 
duhti. duhinv}ikas 'tanner' is to be connected with the 
Slavic loan-words mentioned in the note to duha 'farm', 
above. 

duhinUy dilhinti 'hohl machen, etwas aushohlen, vertiefen'. 
Kurschat LDWh. 96, Juskevic 356. Lalis 79 translates, 
'to tan, to curry, to dress, to hollow, to excavate'. I 
assume two roots along the lines indicated under the pre- 
ceding word; but with the difference that here the usual 
and traditional meaning is 'to hollow out', and not 'to 
tan'. 

duhirania 'die Hohle des Mundes'. Nesselmann 148, on the 
questioned authority of Brodowski's early eighteenth cen- 
tury lexicon. Cf. Kurschat LDWh. 96 and Nesselmann YI. 

duhiu, duheti 'to become full of holes, to become hollow'. Jus- 
kevic 356. 

duhla masc. 'a big-bellied old man'. Juskevic 357. 

duhle 'a woman with a large abdomen'. Juskevic, s. v. duhlys, 
q. V. below. 

diihles^^ fem. plu. 'Gedarme'. MLLG. I, 225. Notice Leskien 
Nom. 463, 'vgl. etwa le duhl'i Koth, Schlamm, zu duht em- 
sinken'. Cf. also Leskien Nom. 461. 

" I am indebted for the accent of the word and the quantity of the first 
vowel to Mr. V. K. Eackauskas, editor of 'Tevyne', to whom the word is 
perfectly familiar. It does not appear in the dictionaries, and Leskien 
expresses some doubt regarding it. 

I should like to express here my sense of obligation to Mr. Eackauskas, 
Dr. John Szlupas, his son Mr. K. G. Szlupas, Mr. Eoman Karuza, Mr. B. K. 
Balutis, and many other Lithuanians who have so often assisted me in 
linguistic matters or in the work of the House Inquiry. 



Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 29 

dubll inter j. used of the clumsy walk of a big-bellied man. 

Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 195. 
duhliai 'intestines, entrails'. Lalis 79. See dubles, above. On 
the development of this meaning notice Berneker's Slavic 
citations under the related stem duno {Berneker 245-6). 

Outline ju, duhUneti 'to walk with a protuberant abdomen, like 
a swagbelly'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 195. 

dtiblinge masc. & fem. 'an awkward, big-bellied person'. Jus- 
kevic 357. 

duhlvnge 'ein Darmsack, der auf einer Seite geschlossene Pro- 
cessus vermiformis, hier im Volksmunde Bottend genannt, 
der zum Wurststopfen verwandt wird'. Nesselmann 147. 

duhlvnglne 'Bottend'. Nesselmann 147 and Kurschat LDWh. 
96 after Brodowski. 

duljlinUf dublinti 'to walk like a big-bellied man, to wobble'. 
Juskevic 357. See dutlineju, above. 

duhlys 'a big-bellied man'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 
195. 

duUys 'belly'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Leskien, IF 13. 195. ' 

duhrdvas 'a hollow or hole in the road, rut'. Juskevic 357, 
I^alis 79. Despite Lith. duburas and Berneker 242 (s. v. 
dubrl), I consider duhrdvas a compound: duh-rdvas. 
rdvas 'a hollow or ditch in the road' does not appear in 
Nesselmann or Kurschat LDWh., but it does appear in 
Geitler LS. (106) and Lalis (301) ; and it is a common 
word in contemporary speech. For the comparative belong- 
ings of rdvas see Walde 664 j I share none of Waldo's hesi- 
tancy as to the Slavic origin of the Baltic stem (cf. 
Bruckner, Archiv f. slav. Philol. 20. 494; Bruckner 124; 
Trautmann 414). But apparently the compound was 
'made in Lithuania' ; nor is it necessary to defend it against 
the charge of tautology. At the same time I admit that a 
suggestion of popular etymology would be harder to answer. 

duhsau, duhsoti 'to stand like a dying tree with a hollow trunk'. 
Juskevic 357. 

duburas 'Grube voll Wasser, Loch, Tiimpel'. Juskevic 357._ 
Cf. Berneker, s. v. dubri. - 

duburys 'Loch im Boden, Tiefe, Quelle'. Nesselmann 148. 
See dumburys and Kurschat LDWb. 96, Lalis 79, Geitler 
LS. 63, Leskien Nom. 448, Brugma/nn II, 1, 358. 

duhuriuotas 'full of depths'. Lalis 79. 

dubHrkis 'a hole or deep place in creek or river, swimming hole, 
pond'. Juskevic 357. Cf. Berneker, s. v. dubri. 



30 Harold Herman Bender 

duhus 'hohl, ausgehohlt; locherig (vom Wege) ; tief (von 
Gefassen)'. Nesselmann 147, Kurschat LDWh. 96, Jiis- 
kevic 357, Lalis 79-BO. 

dngnas 'Boden, Grund'^ belongs here if it is from *dubnas. Cf. 
Leskien Nom. 360, Brugmann I, 521. 

dumhlas 'Schlamm, Morast'. Cf. Leskien Nom. 451. For the 
Lettish see Leskien Noin. 338 {dumhrajs), 436 (dumhrs), 
439 {dumlras). For the Old Prussian see Trautmann, s. v. 
padaubis, p. 387. 

dumUija ^a very muddy place, an expanse of mud^ Juskevic 

363. 

dumUinas 'mit Morast oder Schlamm sehr beschmutzt, bedeckt, 
voll Schlamm oder Morast'. Kurschat LDWh. 98, etc. Cf. 
Leskien Nom. 400. 

dumUynas 'Morast'. Cf. Leskien Nom. 409, Brugmann II, 1, 
623, 

dnmllyne 'Morast'. Kurschat LDWh. 98. Cf. Leskien Nom. 
409. 

dumhllngas 'muddy'. Juskevic 363. 

dumhlinu, dumhlinti 'to make muddy, to make cloudy'. Jus- 
kevic 363. 

dumhlus 'muddy'. Juskevic 363. 

dumhlujus, dumhlutis 'to become muddy' (e. g. water). Jus- 
kevic 363. 

dumhrus 'wet, misty, mouldy'. Juskevic 363. 

dumhil, diihti 'hohl werden, einsinken'. Cf. Leskien Ahl. 295. 

dumhurys 'Loch, Quelle, gegrabener Teich, vom Strudel ausge- 
hohlte Tiefe in e^nem Fluss'. Cf. Geitler LS. 82, Bezzen- 
herger LF. 109, Bezzenherger BGLS. 40, Leskien Nom. 448. 

duha 'Hohle'. MLLG. Ill, 106, line 7; Leskien Nom. 232. 
For meaning see also Juskevic 372: 'a hollow place, espe- 
cially a small heated room in a barn for drying grain'. 

duhate 'ein Griibchen (z.B. im Kinn, in der Wange) '. Nes- 
■ selmann 148. 

duhe 'Vertiefung, Loch, Hohle, Grube, Grab'. Cf. Leskien 

Ahl. 295. 
duhekasys 'grave-digger'. Lalis 81. See duhkasys, below. 
dubele (duhele 1) 'ein Griibchen (z.B. im Kinn, in der 

Wange) '. Nesselmann 148. On -ele, -lie see references 

under dauhurele, above. 
dub'etas 'grubig, locherig' (vom Wege). Nesselmann 148. Cf. 

Leskien Nom. 562, Brugmann II, 1, 406. 
duhinu, duhinti 'aushohlen, ausschnitzen'. Nesselmann 148. 

See duhinu, above. 



Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 31 

dUhiu, duhti ' aushohlen, ausschnitzen'. Cf. Leskien AM. 29^. 

duhkasys ' Grubengraber, Totengraber '. Nesselmann 148, etc. 
Notice dube-kasys, above. For -kasys cf. grah-kasys 'Gra- 
bengraber' {Kurschat LDWh^ ISO; Kurschat DLWh. 561, 
s. V. Graber) sjidCkasu, kdsti 'graben'. 

duhpdraszas 'Grabschrift'. Nesselmann 148. For -paraszas 
see Kurschat LDWh. 293. 

dubummas 'die bohle Gestalt des Auges in Krankheiten, das 
Hohlliegen des Auges'. Nesselmann 148. 

dubute 'Griibchen' (auf der Wange). Nesselmann 148; Kur- 
schat DLWh. 568, s. v. Griibchen. 

iszduhdviju, iszduhdvyti 'to take out', e. g. 'to extract (a child 
at birth) by forcible delivery'. Juskevic 571. 

iszduheju, iszdub'eti 'to become hollow'. Juskevic 572. 

For the Slavic and Indo-European relations of the Lithuanian 
group, see, especially, Berneker, s. v. dupa, duhri, duno. 

2. glomoju, glomoti 'umarmen'. I consider the word a 
purely Lithuanian variant of the common verb glohoju, glohoti 
'umarmen, umfassen', iterative to glohiu, glohti 'umarmen, 
umhtillen' (q. v. Leskien Ahl. 370; Berneker, s. v. gloh'g), 
Berneker (s. v. glenit), Walde (s. v. glomus), and others make 
glomoti a separate Lithuanian root and connect it with glemziu, 
glemzti 'knautschen, zusammendriicken, stop fen, fressen'. The 
inclusion of glomoti iter, in the ablaut group glemzti, glamzyti 
iter. (q. v. Leskien AM. 362; Berneker, s. v. glenu) is phoneti- 
cally possible, but, to my mind, highly improbable. There is no 
evidence of a simple verb from which an independent glomoti 
could have been directly derived. Whatever connection there 
may be in IE. between the two roots and the two ideas (cf. 
Walde, s. y.' glomus), it is sheer violence, semantically, to take 
Lithuanian ^Zomo^-i 'umarmen' from Lithuanian gZofed^* 'umar- 
men' and attach it to Lithuanian glemzti 'knautschen, stopfen, 
fressen'. 

Furthermore, glomoti is not a well-authenticated form. Kur- 
schat {LDWh. 128) gives the word, apparently from Nesselmann 
264^, but does not know it personally. Neither Juskevic nor 
Lalis has it. Leskien evidently found little authority for it; it 
does not appear at all in the Ablaut, so far as I can discover. 

Altho the grammars do not recognize any formal interchange 
between h and m, there is no phonetic difficulty in the assump- 
tion that glomoti =:^ glohoti. Notice, e. g., raimas 'bunt' ^ 
ralhas and szluhas 'lahm'^Lett. slum^. 

To Leskien 's ablaut group (370) should be added gloha 'guar- 



32 y Harold Herman Bender 

dianship, protection, assistance' and various words immediately 
following it in Juskevic and Lalis}^ 

3. lekmene 'puddle, slough, quagmire'- The word appears 
in Mielcke, whence, apparently, it is borrowed by Nesselmann 
(3.55), who connects it with no root, and by Kurschat LDWh. 
(225), who surrounds it with brackets, thus indicating that it 
was not entirely familiar to him. So far as I know, the word is 
not current in Lithuania to-day. 

lekmene is discussed by Leskien {Nomina, 361, 420), who 
would read lekmene and connect with lekna 'a low meadow' and 
leknas 'marsh, swamp, grove'. Leskien is followed by, Walde, 
s. V. lacus. 

The quality of the first vowel is, of course, the chief difficulty 
in Leskien 's reading, but the semantics, also, are not entirely 
satisfactory: there is no evidence that -mene is a diminutive 
suffix in Lithuanian. 

Both of these difficulties would be ob\iated by reading lekmene 
as Iqkmene and connecting it with lenkmene 'joint at the elbow 
or knee' (cf. Bezzenherger LF. 135, Geitler LS. 94, Bezzenherger 
BGLS. 298, Leskien Nom. 420, Leskien Ahl. 334) and then with 
lenkiii, lenkti trans, 'to bend'. On the § for en, see Kurschat 
Gram. §§ 147 if. On the semantics, notice the familiar word 
lenke 'small valley, hollow' (which is indisputably related to 
lenkmene and to lenkti) , and English hollow in the double sense 
of 'hollow of the knee' and 'a low, swampy place'. 

With lekmene, leknas, lenkti, etc. cf. Albanian I'engor 'flexi- 
ble'; Old Bulgarian na-lqkg, -Iqsti 'to bend (the bow)'; Old 
High German chrumhe-lingun 'in a crooked direction'; etc. 

4. szllvis is given as an adjective, 'schiefbeinig', by Leskien 
All. 286, whence it is copied by Berneker, s. v. klong. But the 
word does not exist as an adjective. There is a noun szllvis and 
an adjective szlwas (cf. Kurschat DLWh., s. v. -beinig) ; it was 
undoubtedly the latter that Leskien intended to write. The 
correct adjectival form does not appear elsewhere in the Ablaut, 
nor does the incorrect form appear in the Nomina, which was 
published later. For such pairs as szllvis noun : szllvas adj. cf. 
Leskien Nom. 302. For szUvas cf. Leskien Nom. 344; Brug- 
mann II, 1, 204, 207. 

5. szlelvis 'schiefbeinig' likewise has no existence as an 

" After the above article was written I submitted glomoti to the Sprach- 
gefiihl of Lithuanians of wide linguistic experience. They did not know 
the word, but connection with glemzti was unthinkable to them, and con- 
nection with gloidti was so obvious as to need no proof. 



Lithuanian as Indo-European Material 33 

adjective. It appears in Leskien Abl. 2^, and thence in Brug- 
mann 1, 490 and Berneker, s. v. klong. Leskien cites, as his 
authority for szleivis, Leskien-Brugmann LY. 140 ; but there, as 
well as Leskien-Brugmann LY. 345, the form is szleivas. 
szlewas does not appear in Ablaut, nor does szleivis appear in 
Nomina. On szlewas cL, in addition to Leskien-Brugmann LY., 
also Eurschat DLWh., s. v. -beinig; Leskien Nom. 344; Lalis 
370 ; — and for etymology Uhlenheck grdyati; Feist Main; Brug- 
mann I, 490 and II, 1, 204, 207, 590, 663; Berneker klong; 
Walde cUno, clwus; Boisacq kXlvo). 

6. *dykd. I assume a feminine noun stem *dyka with some 
su<jh meaning as 'emptiness, nothingness, vanity, nothing', and 
from it I derive the following : 

^ dyka adv. 'vainly, gratuitously', from the instr. sing. *dykd. 
Cf. e. g. drqsd adv. 'boldly' from drqsd 'boldness'. 

dykal adv. 'vainly, gratuitously', from the dat. sing. *dykai. 
The change in accent is in keeping with the tendency of adverbs 
to throw the accent to the adverbial ending (cf. Schleicher p. 
219). Notice also Nesselmann 142: 'gewohnlich dykdy, selten 
dykay\ 

uz dykq (ace. sing.) in, for example, Hz dykq kq daryti 'to do 
something for nothing'. 

ant dyku (gen. plu.) 'ostensibly, simulatively'. ^ 

dyka-dunis 'one who eats his bread without making return 
for it (in work), a hanger-on, sponger, parasite, idler, sport'. 

The basic meaning of *dykd is illuminated by the following: 
dykas 'empty, idle, vain, useless, barren, unfruitful ',^^ e. g. 
dykd szaknis 'a root that does not grow,' 'dykd zeme 'unproduc- 
tive soil ' ; dykduti ' to be idle, to lead the life of a tramp or a 
sport'; dykinti 'to empty, to spoil'; dykis 'idleness, vanity'; 
dyk-laikis, dyk-metis ' vacation, dull season ' ; dyk-smilte ' sandy 
desert'; dyk-pisys {Kurschat LDWb. 87) 'der ohne Erfolg 
Beischlaf voUzieht', etc. Notice also Lett, diks 'free from 
work', dikd stdwet 'to be idle'. 

On the'etymology of the stem cf . Zubaty, Archiv f. slav. Philol. 
XVI, 390 ; Berneker, s. v. dikil. 

7. pauksztas 'Vogel'. It is, of course, difficult to prove the 
non-existence of a word, but I am very skeptical as to the exist- 
ence of paUksztas. pauksztis, -czo masc. 'Vogel' is a familiar 

"Despite Berneker, s. v* diku, I take dyTcas 'wild, arrogant, insolent, 
wanton' to be another stem. To the best of my knowledge, it does not 
exist in modern Lithuanian, certainly not in Prussian Lithuanian. Cf. 
the two catch-worda and their derivatives in Nesselmann 142. 



34 Harold Herman Bender 

noun. Leskien-Brugmann LV, (181, 268, 341) gives also 
pauksziis, -es fern, and paukszte -es fern. But pauksztas does 
not appear in the dictionaries available to me. Nevertheless it 
has crept into etymological literature. Brugmann I, 446 gives 
no authority for it. Kluge\ s. v. VogeP refers^^ etymologically 
to Berneker, IF 9. 362. On that page Berneker quotes pauksztas 
four times (for pauszktas in line 1 read pauksztas) : 'lit. 
pauksztas Vogel aus ^ph6uq-sto\ Berneker 's article gives, 
incidentally, two references for pauksztas, viz., Bopp, Gloss, 
comp. ling, sanscr.^ and Fick, Etym. Wb.^ I cannot find the 
form, however, in either Bopp or Fick. In the former pauksztis 
occurs on page 224; in the latter pauksztis appears at V. 409 
and VI. 608, as well as twice in the indexes. 

I find only one textual or lexicographical bit of evidence for 
pauksztas, viz. in the glossary of Schleicher's edition of Donali- 
tius (St. Petersburg, 1865). There the form is given simply 
as 'pauksztas vogel, tier iiberhaupt' with no other indication 
as to the gender or the declension. I have not examined care- 
fully every line of Donalitius to see whether the form pauksztas 
actually occurs, but considerable search reveals only the form 
paukszczei {Metas II, Vasaros darhai, 104), which cannot be the 
plural of any nominative stem save pauksztis, which (nota bene) 
does not appear in Schleicher's vocabulary to the text. 

Princeton, New Jersey. 

* 

"Kluge's change to pauksztis in the eighth edition was made on my 
suggestion and, therefore, adds no authority to my argument. For 
pauTcstas in the seventh edition read pauksztas. 



CONGENERIC ASSIMILATION AS A CAUSE OF THE 
DEVELOPMENT OF NEW ROOTS IN SEMITIC 

Prank Ringgold Blake 
Associate in ORiENTAii Languages, Johns Hopkins University 

As EARLY AS 1891 Professor Bloomfield called attention to the 
fact that, in the Indo-European languages, words belonging 
semantically to the same class have a strong tendency to influ- 
ence one another morphologically, producing new forms which 
are a blend of several more original forms, as e. g., Latin sinexter, 
a blend of sinister and dexter, or Gothic fotus ' foot ' and tunpus 
'tooth', both of which have passed into the w-declension under 
the influence of handus ' hand ' and kinnus ' chin, cheek ' respec- 
tively/ This class of analogical modifications he calls congen- 
eric assimilation.^ 

Professor Bloomfield has frequently suggested to me that the 
development of Semitic roots containing two consonants, the 
so-called bi-consonantal roots (like e. g., '\/qQ), into triconso- 
nantal roots or stems (like ^/qgg 'cut off', ^/qQi 'cut off, decide, 
judge', "s/qgh 'cut off', y/qgp 'tear, break', ^/qg' 'cut into', 
^/qgr 'cut off, reap') was probably largely due to congeneric 
assimilation. That such is probably the case is recognized by 
Brockelmann, the author of the best comparative Semitic Gram- 
mar, published 1908 (cf. Br. p. 285). The present article will 
be devoted to an investigation of the operation of congeneric 
assimilation in Semitic in the formation of new roots, with the 
idea of showing to what extent the theory of Professor Bloom- 
field is justified. , 

^ Cf . Bloomfield 's articles ' On Adaptation of Suffixes in Congeneric 
Classes of Substaatives, ' AJP 12. 1-29 (1891); *0n Assimilation and 
Adaptation in Congeneric Classes of Words,' ibid, 16. 409-434 (1895); 
*0n the so-called Root-determinatives in the Indo-European Languages,' 
IF 4. 66-78 (1894) ; also H. Giintert, Veber BeimwortMldungen im Arischen 
und Altgriefihischen, Heidelberg, 1914. — The last-mentioned example above 
has been appropriated by Brugmann, Grundriss^ 2. 1. 131, 460, 591, without 
acknowledgment, from Bloomfield, AJP 12. 11 ff; 

^ Cf. Bloomfield, AJP 16. 410. 



36 Frank Ringgold Blake 

The chief Semitic languages will be abbreviated as follows: 
As. — Assyrian, Ar. = Arabic, B. = Ethiopic, H. = Hebrew, 
g^ _ Syriac, The Semitic characters will be transliterated thru- 
out. Note the following transliterations: ' = Semitic Aleph 
(glottal catch) ; ' = Semitic Ain (violent glottal catch) ; h = 
As., H., and S. Heth, Ar. pointed Ha, B. Harm (guttural surd 
spirant) ; Ji = Ar. unpointed Ha, E. Haut, or their Parent 
Semitic equivalent (violent h) ; i = H. Sin (an s sound) ;^s = 
Semitic Shin {sh), occurring originally in three varieties s^, s^, 
S3 ; 01 r= a Parent Semitic sound occurring as 2J in H., As., E., as 
d in S. and as d (sonant th) in Ar. ; d = Ar. Dhal (sonant tk) ; 
P = Ar. Tha "(surd th) ; d — Ar. Dad ( < fs) ; t — Semitic 
Teth (#+'); Q — Semitic Sade (an emphatic sibilant or affri- 
cative ?), occurring originally in three varieties q^, g^, Qzf <1 = 
Semitic Qoph {k -^ ') ; g~ Ar. Ghain or its Parent Semitic 
equivalent (sonant guttural spirant) ; " = H. Pathah furtive 
(a semi-vocalic a element) : H. and Aramaic stops become spi- 
rants after vowels, but this change is disregarded in the 
transliteration : the remaining signs are clear. Note the abbre- 
viations Br. = Brockelmann, Grundriss d. Vergleich. Gram. d. 
Sem.^Sprachen, vol, 1, Berlin, 1908; R. = Ruzicka, Konsonan- 
tische Dissimilation i. d. Sem. Sprachen, Leipzig, 1909 ( = Bei- 
trdge z. Assyriologie, YI. 4) . 

The word 'root' in this article is used only of the consonantal 
skeleton of words, for as a result of the prevalence of internal 
vowel change in Semitic the consonants are the only part of the 
word that remains constant. These roots are of course simply 
abstractions, and were never uttered without being combined 
with vowels. 

In the Semitic languages the vast majority of all roots are of 
the triconsonantal type (e. g., V^^^ 'kill', ^klh 'dog') but we 
have a few words which are based on monoconsonantal roots 
(e. g., H. pe 'mouth') or on biconsonantal roots (e. g., H, hen 
'son'), and a few which contain more than three consonants 
(e. g., H. 'atallep 'bat'). This prevailing triconsonantalism 
is, of course, secondary ; the root system of Parent Semitic must 
have been much more varied, mono- and biconsonantal roots 
at any rate being far more numerous. The fact that many tri- 
consonantal roots are undoubtedly developed in some way from 
biconsonantal roots, has led to the view that all triconsonantal 
roots are expansions of more original biconsonantal bases, but 
such a view is not borne out by the evidence; it is far more 
likely that Parent Semitic possessed numerous roots with all 



Congeneric Assimilation ^ Semitic 37 

varieties of consonantism from one consonant to three, and pos- 
sibly higher.^ 

The existence of a group of roots in which two consecutive 
consonants are identical, like that quoted in my second para; 
graph, does not give us the right to assume a priori that all the 
triconsonantal roots in question are based on a biconsonantal 
root consisting of the two identical consonants.* The interrela- 
tion of the forms must be determined not only by applying all 
the familiar principles of phonetic and morphological develop- 
ment, but also by testing each case for changes due to the prin- 
ciple of congeneric assimilation. 

There is, of course, no doubt whatever that congeneric assimi- 
lation is an important agent in producing new forms in Semitic, 
as it is in all languages, but its most obvious manifestations in 
this group of languages are to be found in the realm of internal 
vowel change, the consonants remaining intact. In a great 
number of eases nouns and verbs belonging to the same semantic 
categories have the same vocalism. This is due of course to the 
fact that some few characteristic members of the group had the 
present vocalism, which was extended by analogy to the other 
members of the group. ° For example Hebrew adjectives denot- 
ing physical defects have the form qittel, e. g., 'illem 'dumb', 
^iuuer 'blind', etc.; nouns of occupq^tion in most Semitic lan- 
guages may be indicated by a form qattdl, e. g., H. gannab 
/thief, danan 'judge', Ar. qaggabu^ 'butcher'; Arabic color 
words have the form ^aqtalu^, e. g., ^ahmaru^ 'red', 'azraqu^ 

' For a general discussion of the theory of Semitic roots cf . Br. pp. 285- 
287. Brockelmann upholds the theory that the great majority of all 
Semitic roots are triconsonantal; ef. also E. Konig, 'Neuere Stammbil- 
dungstheorien i. semit. Sprachgebiete, ' ZDMG 65. 709-715 (1911). For a 
presentation of the theory that whole classes of words now triconsonantal 
were originally biconsonantal, cf. A. Miiller, 'Verba Ain-Waw und Ain- 
Ain,' ZBMG 33. 698-700 (1879); B. Stade, Lehrl. d. Heir. Gram., 
Leipzig, 1879, pp. 109-114; K. Ahrens, 'Der Stamm d. schwachen Verba 
i. d. semit. Spr.,' ZDMG 64. 161-194 (1910). H. Bauer, in 'Das Problem 
d. schwachen Verba i. Gemeinsemit., ' ZDMG QQ. 106-114 (1912), attempts 
to combine the two views. 

* Cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebrdische Gram., 28. Aufl., Leipzig, 1909, pp. 
106-108. 

^ To this extensive working of congeneric assimilation is largely due the 
most prominent characteristic of the Semitic languages, namely that modi- 
fications in the meaning of the root are expressed for the most part by 
internal vowel change: cf. Steinthal-Misteli, CharaTcterisUTc d. hauptsdch. 
Typen ti. Spraohbaues, Berlin, 1893, p. 427 ff. 



38 ■ Frank Ringgold Blake 

'blue', etc.; Semitic verbs denoting states and conditions have 
most frequently the form qatil,. qatul in the perfect, e. g., At. 
fariha 'rejoice', hasuna 'be beautiful', etc. ; and so on.« There 
is an abundance of evidence, however, to show that congeneric 
assimilation affects not only the vocalism but also the consonants 
of Semitic roots.'^ 

In finding what new roots are due to the workings of con- 
generic assimilation, it is necessary to bear in mind that there 
are many other ways in which new roots can be developed m 
Semitic, and it is necessary to determine whether any of these 
ways apply to any given root or group of roots before we are 
justified in using them as examples of the analogy in question. 
The principal other methods by which new roots may be devel- 
oped are the following : 

(a) Prefixes. Those prefixes which are used in the pro- 
cesses of derivation in the various languages as we have 
them, may have been employed in a more primitive period 
to develop triconsonantal from biconsonantal roots. The 
consonantal elements of these prefixes are: causative ', h, 
s; reflexive-passive n, t; nominal ', m, t. Hence, if a root 
begins with one of these consonants, it may be a primitive 
derivative, e. g., Ar. 'afala 'set (of sun) ', H. sdpal 'be low', 
H. 7iapal 'fair, may possibly be causative and reflexive 
derivatives of VP^; H. memer 'bitterness', apparently 
from ymmr, is really from ^Jmrr with nominal prefix.. 
Certain triconsonantal roots seem to have been made by pre- 
fixing an element ii (North Semitic i) to biconsonantal 
roots, as is indicated by the fact that the biconsonantal root 
occurs separately, e. g., Ar. ualada, H. ialad 'bear', but 
imperatives lid, led. Hence a similar suspicion surrounds 
initial u (i). '^^ 

(b) Infixes. A second consonant t may be a reflexive 
infix, as in Ar. iq-t-atala from V^^^ 'kill'. 

° For analogical formations in general in Semitic cf . Huizinga, Analogy 
in the Semitic Languages, Balto., 1891 (or AJP 11. 471-482 [1890] ; 12. 
30-48, 133-156 [1891] ); S. Fraenkel, *Zum sporadischen Lautwandel i.d. 
semit. Sprachen, ' Beitrdge z. Assyriologie, III. pp. 60-62; J. Earth, 'Form- 
angleichung bei begrifflichen Korrespondenzen, ' Orientalische Stvdien 
Th. NoldeTce . . .gewidmet, vol. II, pp. 787-796; G. Brockelmann, *Semit- 
ische Analogiebildungen, ' ZDMG 67. 108 (1913); Br. pp. 287-296. 

^ Very little of this evidence, however, is found in the articles referred 
to in the preceding note. Practically all of the examples there given are 
included below, credit being given by references. 



-^ Congeneric Assimilation in^Semitic 39 

(c)^ A consonant u or i may be developed out of i^ or * 
between two consonants, e. g., H. qanem 'establish' from 
V^m 'rise', Ar. mautu» 'death' from \/mt. 

(d)^ A u, i may be added after the second consonant of 
a biconsonantal root: cf. H. qagag 'cut off' (cf. e below) 
with H. qdga 'cut off' {<^/qgi), . 

(e)^ The second consonant of a root may be doubled to 
form an additional consonant, e. g., H. qdgag 'cut off' from 
V^P, Ar. igfarra 'be yellow' <^/gfr. 

(f) A doubled middle consonant of a triconsonantal 
root may be represented by a single consonant preceded by 
n, m, r, or I, e. g., H. kisse, S. kurseid 'chair, throne'; Bib- 
lical Aramaic iinda* for *iidda^ from \/id* 'know'. This 
phenomenon is usually explained as due to dissimilation (cf. 
Br. § 90, R. passim) but it needs further investigation. 

(g) New roots may result from the assimilation of one 
of the original consonants to another consonant of the same 
word, or to the adjoining consonant of another word, e. g., 
-y/kht (As. kahtu) 'be heavy' appears in H. and E. as 
"S/khd (H. kabed, E. kabda) with assimilation of t to the h; 
S. impf. of the verb 'to give' appears to be from ^/ntl 
instead of from ^nin, but this is due to the fact that final 
n was assimilated to the I of the preposition 'to', which so 
frequently followed the verb (cf. Br. pp. 152, 291). 

(h) New roots may result from dissimilation, e. g., S. 
'eVa 'rib' {^/'V <^I'V <^/g^V , cf. H. geld', Ar. dila'W^, 
As. gUu 'rib'), cf. Br. p. 241. 

(i) New roots may result from metathesis, e. g., S. iar'a 
'gate' {-sj ir' <is^r' <.\l s^ r , cf. H. sa' ar 'gate'). 

(j) New roots may result from the wrong division of a 
single word, e. g., the feminine ending i may be considered 
part of the root, as in H. delei i<C*dal-t)'; S. sammah 'to 
name' owes its /i to a wrong division of semdhdt, the plural 
of sem 'name', in which h is probably developed phonet- 
ically out of the plural ending at (cf. Br. p. 455, § 243). 

(k) New roots may result from the wrong division of 
two words, e. g.. Modern Ar. jdh 'bring' from jd 'come' + 
preposition hi 'with', which is the common expression for 
'bring' (cf. Br. p. 290). 

It is also necessary in setting up a congenerically assimilated 
group to make careful comparisons among the cognate lan- 

* According to some the triconsonantal forms in c, d, e are more original 
than the biconsonantal forms, cf. note 3. 



40 Frank Ringgold Blake 

guages, in order to determine whether the congeneric assimila- 
tion took place in the time of the separate life of the individual 
languages, or whether it lies back in the period before this. As 
the Semitic languages fall into the three main divisions, East 
(Assyrian), North (Hebrew and other Canaanitic dialects, 
Syriac and other Aramaic dialects), and South (Arabic and 
Ethiopic), those changes that lie back in the period before the 
separate life of the individual languages may belong either in 
the Common or Parent Semitic period, or in the period of the» 
separate life of one of the main divisions of the Semitic family. 

In speaking of the analogical influence of one root upon 
another it is of course not to be supposed that these consonantal 
skeletons directly affected one another; the analogic modifica- 
tion must have taken place in connection • with existing words 
consisting of both consonants and vowels. 

When congeneric assimilation is responsible for the develop- 
ment of a new root, the analogical influence usually affects 
either the initial or final part of a word, but apparently it may 
also affect an interior consonant when the adjoining initial or 
final is the same as that of the word which is responsible for 
the change. For example the irregular t in Hebrew pitron 
{\^ptr) 'interpretation', for which we should expect a s {\^psr), 
is perhaps due to the influence of words based on the roots pti^ 
pth, which have the sense of Ho open'. Congeneric assimila- 
tion may also give rise to metathesis, as in the case of Syriac 
sulhd 'bird's tail' {^/sU), which has been conformed to dunhd 
'animal's tail'. 

In some few cases it is apparently possible to show that 
another consonant has actually been added to a root as the 
result of the analogy of congeneric words. In other cases roots 
are evidently derived by congeneric assimilation from other roots 
of the same number of consonants.^ In a very large number of 
instances, however, it is only possible to group together two or 
more roots in which identical initial or final root consonants, 
or the common possession of a group of two consonants, gives 
presumptive evidence that the roots have influenced one another, 
without our being able to say anything definite about their rela- 
tionship or development. 

The examples that follow, therefore, will be grouped in these 
three classes: I. Cases of actual addition, II. Eoots clearly 
modified by other roots, III. Groups of related roots whose 

* Occasionally a new root has fewer consonants than the original, ef. 
below II, 13. 



Congeneric Assimilation in Semitic 41 

exact relationship is uncertain. Each of these will be divided 
into two subdivisions: A, those cases in which the analogical 
modifications are common to two or more languages, and hence 
may be presumed to go back to the period before the separation 
of the languages, either to the common Semitic period or to the 
separate life of one of the main divisions of Semitic : B, those 
cases in which these influences are confined to a single language. 
The examples here given are simply illustrative; many others, 
chiefly of class III, have been collected, which are not included, 
and without doubt a great mass of additional material exists. 
The examples are practically confined to Assyrian, Ethiopic, 
Arabic, Hebrew, and Syriac, and will be grouped in this order 
under the various headings. 

I. Cases of Actual Addition. 
^ A. 

1. Ar. pa'labu'^, As. selahu, selihu 'fox' has a fourth conso- 
nant, & which does not appear in H. su'dl, S. ta'ld 'fox', Ar. 
pu^dlu"' 'female fox'. This additional & seems to be due to the 
fact that a large number of animal names in Semitic end in h, 
e. g., *kall) *dog', *2;l^'& 'wolf, *dul)h 'bear', etc. The fourth 
consonant h in common Semitic *'arnab 'rabbit', *'aqrab 'scor- 
pion', may be due to the same reason, tho the triconsonantal 
stems from which they are developed apparently do not occur. 
In Arabic the ending ah appears in several additional animal 
names, e. g., jundahu^ 'locust', ^ankahu^ 'spider' (also ^anka- 
hutu^), probably a secondary extension of the ending -ah in 
Arabic. 

B. 

1. As. amsala, amsala 'yesterday' probably owes its I to 
.itimdli, timdli 'yesterday', cf. ams-at 'yesterday evening'. 
'y/'m^ + feminine ending (so Br. p. 294). 

2. E. 'af 'mouth', which is a descendant of Parent Semitic 
*pUf *p% *pd 'mouth', as shown by the forms ^afic, 'afd before 
sufiixes, owes its initial ' to the initial ' of the related 'anf 'nose'. 

3. E. sezer 'span' has undoubtedly added a prefixed s ele- 
ment to the original root (cf. H. zeret, S. zartd, V^^ + feminine 
ending) , but whether the 5 is a causative prefix, or is due to some 
analogy, does not appear. 

4. Ar. lamasa 'touch' is perhaps derived from massa 'touch' 
thru the influence of the numerous verbs with initial' I meaning 
'lick, slap,' etc. (cf. below under III, B). 



42 Frank Ringgold Blake 

5. In the Arabic dialect of Malta ohla 'first' is apparently 
a modification of ula on the basis of dhra 'other' (so Br. p. 293). 

6. H. sanuerim 'blindness' may owe its u to 'iuuer 'blind'. 

7. H. 'dken 'surely' is probably a modification of ken 'thus, 
so' due to the influence of 'amen 'surely, so be it'. 

8. H. kaptor 'capital of a pillar', which to judge from the 
synonym koteret comes from 's/ktr, may possibly owe its p to 
gepet 'capital'. 

9. In the modern Syriac dialect of Tur Abdin, in Mesopo- 
tamia, the so-called Torani, ramsul 'evening' (cf. S. ramsd) 
owes its final I to atmul 'yesterday', while ramhul 'tomorrow' 
(cf. S. mehdr) has apparently prefixed the syllable ra following 
the analogy of ramsul {contrast Br. pp. 231, 293), and changed 
its final r to ^ to conform to the other two words (cf. Brockel- 
mann, Semit. Analogieh., p. 108). 

10. The second consonant h of S. rehet 'run' (H. rug, ^/rg^), 
hehet (H. 'bus, ^/'bs^) 'be ashamed', is usually explained as a 
phonetic development from intervocalic ' or u, which occurs in 
certain forms like the active participle (e. g., qd'em from ^^qm 
'rise') between the two root consonants of verbs of this class 
(cf. Br. p. 53), but there is no adequate explanation why ' or u 
should become h in just these two cases. It is not impossible 
that the h of the first of these two verbs is due to the infiuence 
of reheh 'be swift'. This would also explain the possession of 
stative vocalism (e between second and third consonants of the 
perfect) by the active verb 'run'. 

II. Boots Clearly Modified by Other Roots. 

All the examples here given are of class B, tho examples of 
class A also doubtless exist. 

1. As. 7iesn 'lion' (cf. H. law, Ar. laipW", S. laifd) whose. 7i 
is usually explained as dissimilation for I (so Br. p. 231), may 
be due to the influence of related words with initial n like nimru 
'panther', na^ru 'eagle', nadru 'fierce, fierce animal' ; the last 
word is often used as a modifier of 'lion', e. g., lahhu nadru 
'fierce lion'. 

2. The exclusively As. stem rapdsu 'be wide', which is a 
synonym of napdsu, whose root nps is common to all the Semitic 
languages, is probably a modification of napdsu made under the 
influence of *rehu 'wide', which has been entirely crowded out 
by the new formation, being preserved only in rehitu 'open 
place, square (in a city) '. Contrast Br. p. 231. 

3. As. raggu 'evil', whose g is usually regarded as an irreg- 



Congeneric Assimilation in Semitic 43 

ular representation of Semitic ' , may owe its g to the influence 
oi words like egu 'sin', aggu 'angry'. 

4. The initial ' of E. 'ed 'hand' (common Sem. Vi^) is 
probably due to the influence of 'eger 'foot'. 

5. Ar. la' anna 'perhaps' for the usual la' alia, ordinarily 
explained as the result of dissimilation (cf. R. p. 50; Br. p. 
221), may owe its n to the influence of 'anna 'that', Hnna 
'behold', since all have a similar syntactic use, standing at the 
beginning of a sentence with the subject pronoun following as 
suffix, e. g., *'a/nna-hu 'that he . . . ', 'inna-hu 'behold he . . . ', 
la'alla-hu 'perhaps he . . . '. 

6. Ar. sdkaha 'be similar' is apparently a blend of sabaha 
and sdkala 'be similar' (so Br. p. 294). 

7. H. gd'as 'tremble, waver' (cf. Ar. ja'aza 'push') perhaps 
owes its s to the influence of rd'as 'be shaken, tremble'. 

8. The Phenician perfect itn 'give', which contrasts sharply 
with common Semitic ^/ntn, probably owes its i, not to dissimi- 
lation (cf. Br. p. 228, R. p. 64), but to the synonymous root ihh 
(cf. Biblical Aramaic iehah, S. iahbf H. imperative hob, Ar. and 
E. yuKh). 

9. The root ^j^s of H. iases, idsU 'old' may be V^^ (H. 
jMan 'old') modified thru the influence of w6ei 'be dry'; 'old' 
and 'dry' are closely connected ideas. 

10. H. miqldt in 'are miqldt 'cities of refuge' seems to be a 
modification of a noun *mipldt<i^/plt 'escapey under the influ- 
ence of miqdds 'sanctuary'.^ 

11. H. 'atallep 'bat' is perhaps modified from *'atalleh, with 
final b as in so many animal names (cf. above, I.A), under the 
influence of 'op 'bird': b occurs in the Greek transliteration of 
the Phenician cognate, viz., 66o\o^a8. 

12. H. palmoni 'so and so', Dan. 8, 13, is a blend of peloni 
and 'almom, which are regularly employed together, viz., peloni 
'almonij in the sense of 'so and so' (so Br. p. 295). 

13. H. pelett, in the phrase peleti u-kereti used as a designa- 
tion of David's bodyguard, probably means Philistines, peli^ti 
the regular word being modified by its neighbor kereU 'Cretans' 
(so Brockelmann, Semit. Analogiebild., p. 108). Here the new 
word has fewer consonants than the original. 

14. H. gdmaq 'dry up' is perhaps a modification of game' 
'be thirsty' under the influence of ddlaq 'burn'. 

15. K. sahat 'pit, Hades', which has no certain etymology, 
may he pahat. 'pit' (S. pahhet 'bore', Ar. fahata 'dig') influ- 
enced by se'ol 'Hades'. 



44 Frank Ringgold Blake 

16. H. ynt in tdnuj 'shake, be moved', Ps. 99, 1, is probably 
a modification of ^/mt (also Ar., E.) ' waver, move' under the 
influence of its synonym ynd (also Ar,, S.) ; so Fraenkel, op. 
cit., p. 62. 

17. H. patar 'interpret', whose i should be s according to 
the regular phonetic law (cf. S. pesar), perhaps owes its t to the 
influence of ypti, ^pth 'to be open, to open'. The regular 
representative of Sem. yps^r occurs once, viz., peser 'interpre- 
tation', Ecc. 8, 1. 

18. H. mmas 'tread' (for *rapas, cf. Ar. rafa;m, S. repas) 
perhaps owes its m to rdmas ' creep ' ; so Fraenkel, op. cit., p. 62. 

19. H. mdsak 'mix' (for *mdsag, cf. Ar. masaja) probably 
owes its last two consonants to the influence of ndsak 'pour'j so 
Fraenkel, op. cit., p. 61 f. 

20. In H. 'dgam 'shut the eyes' we probably have a meta- 
thesis for *' dmaQ (cf. Ar. gamada, S. ^emag) under the influence 
of 'dtam 'close the mouth' {A.r. .'atama) : this explanation,. 
which occurred to me independently, is given by Fraenkel, op. 
cit., p. 62. 

21. Biblical Aramaic separpdrd 'dawn' may be a modifica- 
tion of *Qeparpdrd (cf. S. gaprd 'morning') under the influence 
ot separ 'be beautiful'. 

22. S. gehek 'laugh', whose initial consonant should be '(cf. 
Av. ddhika, H. gdhaq), which is the regular representative in 
Aramaic for g^, is said to owe its g to dissimilation (cf. Br. p. 
242) ; but it is not unlikely that the g is due to the influence of 
the numerous verbs of utterance with that initial, e. g., ge'd 
'call', gesar 'roar', ge^ar 'scold', genah 'wail, sob' {genah 
may be a similar modification of V ''^hf cf . H. 'dnah, As. andhu) . 

23. The z of S. zddeqd 'right, proper', zaddeq 'justify', 
etc., which is usually explained as due to dissimilation (cf. R. 
p. 220), may be borrowed from zipd, 'lie, deceit', zanep 'make 
false', whose meanings are in a way the opposite of the above, 
and from zekd 'be pure, justified'. 

24. S. qelubid 'cage, basket' (contrast H, kelub '«cage', S. 
kulhdsd 'basket'), may owe its initial q to the synonym qapsd 
'cage, basket'. 

25. S. ramsd 'evening' is certainly a modification of *'amsd 
(Ar. 'amsu^, H. 'ernes, As. amsat), tho the disturbing influence 
does not appear. . 

26. In S. suVbd 'tail of a bird' (cf. '^. sohel 'train, skirts') 
we have a transposition of h and I due, to the influence of dunhd 
'tail of an animal'. ^ 



Congeneric Assimilation in Semitic 45 

III. Related Groups of floots. 

A. 

Most of the words given here occur in at least two of the main 
divisions of Semitic (viz., East, North, and South), and hence 
the analogic changes may be presumed to have taken place in 
the Parent Semitic period. Those roots that occur in only one 
division are marked with the initial of the division. Those 
whose occurrence in more than one subdivision is doubtful are 
also marked with the proper initials, the initial of the doubtful 
division being followed by ( ? ) . Roots that occur in only one 
division may have been drawn into the group here given only 
after the separation of Parent Semitic into its main divisions. 

I. ^/Sgti * drink', V-^.*^* 'cause to drink'. 

2. V5'^8^;t> V^^a^a 'tOUCh'. 

3. VJ^'Sg, V'&^a *be dry'. 

4. ^/rhh '* he wide', y/rkq 'be distant'. 

5. -\/kr\ root ol At. kurd^u^ *leg', 11. herd' aim 'legs'; and 
y/z^r*, root of Ar. dirdfu", H. zero^' , S. derafd 'arm': Prof. A. 
Ember suggests that possibly ^zr' , which has no etymology, is 
a modification of zeret 'span', ^/ zr -\- iemmme ending (S. 
zar4df E. se-zer). 

6. ypti 'be open, simple', -s/pth 'open', yjpqh 'open eyes'. 

7. yrgz 'be restless', ^/rgs,^ 'be stirred up', V^'*;^ 'trem- 
ble, shake'. 

8. y/s.Jin 'dwell', y/s^kh 'lie', Vi^i& 'sit'. 

9. s/r^s 'tremble', y/r'd 'tremble, quake', yJrH 'dangle, 
swing', ys/v^m 'rage, roar, thunder', y/nhm 'growl, roar'. 

10. ^Q^P^j ^(ipdy V^P!l?2> V^P'(N) 'draw together'. 

II. -s/nq^ 'spill, separate from', -s/nqb 'bore, perforate', 
y/nqr 'bore out, cut out', ^/nqz^^ (N, S?) 'puncture', ^/hq* 
(N, S?) 'split'. 

12. "s/ngp 'gore, shake', ^/nqp 'strike down', yjtpp or 
ydpp 'beat drum' (cf. H. tdpap, Ar, daffa), ^/pg' (N, S?) 
'strike, meet', y/ng' (N) 'touch'. 

13. y/Q2^l 'neigh', y/Q.Mli 'cry out', y/Qzq 'cry out', 
Vfa^'S' 'cry out', -s/z'q 'cry out', \^nhq 'cry out, bray (of an 
tiss)', \^nhg 'gasp, sigh', y/nhm 'growl, roar', ^/n'^ 'lament', 
ynh or V'^fr (cf. Ar. ^anaha, As. andlju) 'sigh', s/^nq (N) 
'groan'. 

14. y/dlp 'drip, leak', y/ntp 'drip, drip with', y/'rp, 'drip', 
•\/r^p 'drip, come forth', y/gdp 'overflow, overhang', y/sfp 
'stream forth', Vi^iP (N) 'flow, overflow'. 



46 Frank Rmggold Blake 

15. Vqth 'cutoff', ^/qtt 'cutoff', ^/qtn 'be small', ^/qtp 
'pluck off',' V^r 'cut', \^qtm (N, S?) 'cut off, bite', ^/qn (N) 
'kill' (the original root qtl, so in Arabic and Ethiopic, may have 
been changed to qil in North Semitic thru the influence of other 
roots of this group ; the t is usually explained as due to partial 
assimilation to the q, cf . Br. p. 154) . 



B. 

1. As. segu (H. saga', Ar. saja'a) 'rage, howl', sagdmu 
'roar, howl', ragdmu 'cry out', ramamu 'cry, roar', nagdgu 
'cry out' (?). 

2. As. sapdku (H. sapak, Ar. safaka) 'pour out', natdku (H. 
Tbdtak) 'flow(?)', ramdku 'pour out', tahdku 'pour out', sar- 
dqu 'present to', sardqu 'pour out, offer a libation'. 

3. As. ziimbu 'fly' (common Sem. ^zfih, H. zehub, etc.), 
zibu 'locust', zikkitu 'a kind of fly', zizdnu 'locust', zunzunu 
'small locust', zirzirru 'small locust', zuqaqipu 'scorpion', zir- 
hdlu 'a small creature that destroys plants (?) '. 

4. As. ahdru (cf. H. 'abhir) 'be strong', dabru, darru, dannu, 
datnu 'strong, powerful'. 

5. As. gabsu (H. y ghs 'become thick, congeal') 'in great 
quantity', gasru 'strong, mighty', rahu (common Sem. '\/rhi 

> 'become great') 'great', rashu 'mighty, awe-inspiring', mssu, 
hussu 'splendid, fearful, awe-inspiring'. 

6. As. siriam (H. sirion, si/rion, S. seridnd) 'coat of mail', 
huliam 'helmet'. 

7. E. hadafa (Ar. kadfu"^ 'rudder') 'steer, control', qadafa 
'row'. 

8. E. nadha (H. nddah), nad'a 'push'. 

9. E. 'ahara (common Sem. yhr) 'delay', dehra 'after'. 

10. E. 'agadd 'limb', 'eger 'leg' (cf. common Sem. ^/rgl). 

11. E. dafa (Ar. dafa'a) 'push', gafa 'slap'. 

12. E. harasa (H. haras) 'cut, engrave, plow', qaraga (Ar. 
qaraga), haraga, haraga, 'cut'. 

13. E. falaia (H. \^pli, ^/pV), halaga, falaga, falata (H. and 
^.yplt 'escape'[?]), 'separate, divide', qatqata 'break'. 

14. Ar.^dafa'a (E. dafa), dasa'a, dasara,' dafara, dafasa 
'push', dara'a 'drive back'. 

15. Ar. latasa (H. Uta^, S. letas) 'strike', lataha, lataha, 
latama, 'slap', lata' a 'kick'. 

16. Ar. safaqa (H. sapaq) 'slap', gaqa'a, safa'a, gafaqa, 
hafaqa 'slap'. 

17. Ar. rafasa (S. repas 'prance, stamp'), ramdha 'kick'. 



Congeneric Assimilation in Semitic 47 

18. Ar. hdhata (H. habaty S. hehat) 'strike, kick with front 
legs (of a camel) ', lata' a, laJ)afa 'kick'.* 

19. Ar, ranna (H. rdnan 'cry aloud, rejoice') 'resound', 
'anna (H. *dna/n, S. 'an) 'groan, squeal (of a child)', hanna 
'ring, resound', hanna 'sigh, cry', taima 'make ring', danna 
'hum, buzz (of gnats)', daqqa 'ring, resound, make ring'. 

20. Ar. jauzu^ 'middle', jaufu^ 'center' (cf. S. gauud 
'middle'). 

21. Ar.. qalhasa 'put on a hood' is certainly connected in 
some way with lahisa 'put on clothes' ; it may hav^e been derived 
from the quadriliteral root ^krhl in H. mekurhdl 'clothed', 
Biblical Aramaic karbeld 'cap', As. karhallatu 'cap', with 
which perhaps H. qoha' , fco&d^'hat, helmet' are to be grouped. 

22. Ar. mag^a (H., S. ym^Q), marada, radi'a, rada'a 'suck', 
ragapa 'suck (of animals)', marapa 'suck fingers', sariha 
'drink' (E. saraha, saraha), qadiha 'absorb', sahaha, jadaha 
'draw in', lasiha. 'lick a plate \ 

23. Ar. lahika (H. Idhak, S. lehak), lahisa (E. lahdsa) 'lick', 
laqqa (H. Idqaq) 'lap',- lasada (perhaps connected with H. 
Idsdd 'fat, cake prepared with oil', E. lasd 'butter') 'lick', 
lahafa, lahasa, lajama, laHqa 'lick', lajada 'lap', lassa, lasiha 
'lick a plate', lati'a 'lick fingers' — lapama 'kiss' — latasa (H. 
Idtas, S. letas), lataha, lataha, latama 'slap' — lata' a, labata 
'kick'. 

24. H. kihhed (E. kehda 'deny, renounce') 'hide, deny', 
kihhes 'lie, deny, renounce'. 

25. H. qere^h (S. and E. \^qrh)^ 'bald on the back of head', 
gihhe'^h 'bald in front' {ct. Ar. jabh-atu", jaMnu^ 'forehead'). 

26. H. ndta^f rdtas 'throw down, stretch out'. 

27. H. pdlat ^ {Q. pelat 'escape', E. falata 'separate'[?] ) 
'escape', \(mlt in ni-mlat 'escape'. 

28. H. mdhag (Ar. mahada, S. mehd, As. mdhdgu) 'smash', 
mdhaq 'smash'. 

29. H. liskd, niskd 'chamber' {n usually explained as dis- 
similation from I, cf. Br. p. 228). 

30. H. sdtan (Ar. satana, Aramaic setan) 'accuse, attack', 
sdtam 'attack, persecute'. 

31. H. sdldh (S. selah) 'send', ^slk in hi-sUk 'throw'. 

32. H. ddJi^d (Ar. dahd, S. dehd) 'push', ddhap (As. da'dpu 
'push') 'hasten', hddd (Ar. and S- ^/hdi 'lead') 'stretch out 
hand', hddap 'push'. 

33. H. pdga' {^. pega') 'strike upon', pagroi /meet', ndga' 
(also in Jewish and Egyptian Aramaic) 'touch', ndgas (As. 
nagdsu 'tread, go') 'approach'. 



48 Frcmk Ringgold Blake 

34. S. {urtdrd, turtdsd 'crepitus ventris'. 

35. S. gad (Ar. jadda, H. gadad), gedam (Ar. jadama, E. 
ga^ama), gam 'cut off'. 

36. S. teras, tartes, farmes 'soil, blot'. 

37. S. 'tamtem '(Ar. tamtama) 'stammer, stutter', tartem 
'murmur, grumble'. 

38. S. hegd (H. Mga 'growl, think'), hedas, hemas, herag 

'think'. 



The present' investigation indicates the importance of bearing 
in mind the principle of congeneric assimilation in any study 
of the etymology of Semitic words. There is a strong tendency 
among Semitic scholars to attempt to explain any given sporadic 
change as phonetic, all sorts of special sound changes, assimila- 
tions, and dissimilations being posited in order to connect words 
which do not come under the ordinary phonetic laws." In 
many of these cases a more natural explanation is found by hav- 
ing recourse to analogy as in a number of the examples given 
above.^^ • 

That Semitic roots of similar meaning do very frequently' 
influence one another, not only in their vocalism, but also in 
their consonantism, is proved beyond a doubt by the cases in sec- 
tions II and III ; moreover the evidence for the actual addition 
of another consonant to a root, tho meager, is enough to indicate 
that such additions were made. It is entirely likely that addi- 
tional investigations will greatly strengthen the case here made 
out. ■" 

But it is not surprising that we are unable to trace with cer- 
tainty the development of many triconsonantal roots from bicon- 
sonantal or quadriconsonantal from triconsonantal. The origin 
of most of the roots probably lies so far back in the past that it 
is impossible to reconstruct the situation that gave them birth. 

It may however, I think, be stated as beyond dispute that 
congeneric assimilation is one of the important principles gov- 
erning the development of new roots from more original roots 
in Semitic, whether the new root is one of the same number of 
consonants as its progenitor or progenitors,, or one having an 
additional consonant. 

Baltimore, Maryland. 

"Cf. for example Earth, Etymologische Studien, Leipzig, 1893, and Br. 
pp. 151-282, passim. * 

^ This same idea was voiced by S. Fraenkel in 1898, but does not seem 
to have attracted much attention; ef. p. 61 of his article cited in note 6. 



THE RECENSION' OF CANAKYA USED BY GALANOS 
FOR HIS 'EK AIA^OPON nOIHTON 

George Melville Bolling 
Professor of Greek, Ohio State University 

Th^ ultimate goal of studies upon Canakya must be the 
reconstruction of the i*r-Canakya — ^the collection of verses from 
which descend the numerous collections that have circulated in 
India under the name of the famous minister of Candragupta. 
That goal lies far in the future, for it cannot be approached 
until the various recensions are themselves rendered readily 
accessible. This too is far from being done — more than two- 
thirds of these recensions being as yet known only from manu- 
scripts. A preliminary survey of the material has however 
been made by Oskar Kressler in his dissertation, Btimmen 
indischer Lebensklugheit, Frankfurt a.M., 1904, pp. 195, a very 
laborious and praiseworthy piece of work, which must for years 
constitute the starting point for ' all further Canakya investi- 
gations. 

This book has, however, serious defects which must be noted 
briefly. Apart from minor omissions and errors there are three 
matters of general importance. First, one soon notices that in 
nearly every recension not all the verses are accounted for. The 
chief cause seems to be that the missing verses have variants in 
their pratikas, and Kressler has imagined that his duty to them 
was done when he entered them in his Vorindex. The result 
is that, while one starting with the variant version can find the 
vulgate parallels, the reverse is not true. The references to the 
Indische Sprueche are also by no means complete, and in par- 
ticular the NacKtraege, nos. 7425-7613, have been almost entirely 
overlooked. Secondly, the comparisons have often been made 
in a very mechanical fashion. For instance LghT v. 5 and Ind. 
8pr. 4781 are equated, tho they have nothing except the open- 
ing words md gah in common, while differences such as ksamd- 
dhcmuh — sdntikhadgah {Ind, Spr. 6438) or agunasya^-nirguna- 
sya at the beginning stop the comparison of otherwise identical 
verses. Last and most important is the exclusion of material 
which was not in such shape that it could be utilized immedi- 
ately. Thus no attention was paid to the material published 
by Eugene Monseur, Cdnakya Recension de cinq Eecueils de 



50 George Melville Boiling 

Stances Morales, Paris, 1887. In this book the five recensions 
have been fused, and their verses arranged under various head- 
ings, so that they could not be indexed profitably until a recon^ 
struction of each recension had first been made. That however 
is merely a matter of time and care, and will have to be done by 
some one at some time in the future. 

Another recension neglected is one known to us only through 
the medium of a translation, and. the purpose of the present 
paper is to put that recension into a form in which it too can 
be utilized, and thus to pave the way for another survey which 
will include all the/^anakya material. 

Demetrios Galanos in his 'IvSikwv MeTa<^/oao-ea)i/ IIpoS/oo/Aos (post- 
humously edited by G. K. Typaldos and G. A. Kosmetes, Athens, 
1845), pp. 65-106, presents a Greek translation of nominally 
330, actually 319, verses under the title IIoAtTtKa, olKovofiiKo. koI 
riOLKo. iK Sui<f>opiov 7roLr)To>v . Boehtlingk seems to have taken this 
title at its face value, for he speaks {Ind. Spr.^ I, p. xi) of 
Spruechey die . . von ihm . . . gesammelt sind,^ and to have 
regarded this collection as an anthology formed by Galanos. 
The single fact, however, that Galanos has left blank spaces" 
opposite the numbers of eleven verses suffices to show that this 
is not the case. For such omissions must be due either to mis- 
takes in the numbering of a manuscript, or to the presence in 
it of passages rendered untranslatable by mutilation or corrup- 
tion. It' is clear therefore that this collection was not formed 
by Galanos, but found by him in some manuscript. In the 
absence of a colophon^ he devised a title of his own, and 
the (innocently) misleading ex SuKJiopSiv Troti/rcuv is due simply to 
the 7idndsdstroddhrtam of the opening stanza. 

Under the circumstances an attempt at the reconstruction of 
this manuscript seems desirable, and it has succeeded to a 
degree that appears to warrant its publication. On internal 
evidence the text turns out^o be nothing more nor less than 
another Canakya manuscript, but representative of a recension 
entirely independent of all those treated by Kressler and Mon- 
seur. To this view Klatt approached, but the idea of an 
anthology formed by Galanos kept him from reaching it. Con- 

^Nor is Boehtlingk 's language on p. xiii inconsistent with this view, 
although the words taken separately are susceptible of a different interpre- 
tation. 

' The manuscript may have been incomplete. There is no proof that 
Galanos' translation has reached the end of the collection, although the 
presence at the end of a number of stanzas in other than the MoTca metre 
is an indication that it is at least drawing to a close. 



Cdnakya Used by Galanos 51 

sequently in his dissertatian De irecSiUs Cdnakyae poetae 
Indici sententm, Halle 1873, he rates the ^am/c^a a-vvoil/i's (i. e. 
Galanos' translation of Lgh) as the more important, and speaks 
(p. 11) of this collection as ^sententiae e variis poetis petitae, 
quae avWoyrf a lihris Cdnakyae ascriptis non diffeH, nisi quod 
nomen Cdnakyae nusquam commemoratur/ Even this differ- 
ence is not real. For instance in the Bombay recension the 
name of Canakya is to be found only in the commentary and 
in the adhyuy a-diYisions, not in the text proper. The whole 
truth was first seen by Monseur, who (p. x) writes: 'Le recueil 
que Galanos a traduit sous ce titre etait d'ailleurs un veritable 
Canakya, ayant beaucoup d 'analogies avec mon Nitisastra, avec 
le Canakya de Klatt et avec le Vrddha- Canakya de Bombay.' 

For gauging Galanos' habits as a translator an excellent 
standard can be found in a comparison of his Sava/cea <tvvo\j/ls with 
the Codex Vaticanus of the Lgh recension. For this is either 
the manuscript from which the translation was made, or a copy 
of it transcribed at Galanos' order for presentation to the 
Greek government. Space forbids the discussion of details, 
but the general result is that Galanos is interested in the con- 
tents and makes no particular effort to preserve the form. How 
he will at times transpose, expand, and condense is illustrated 

at once by A' 6 : Ka^ws 6 cl>Keavo9 ttoAvvS/oo? ytverai 8ta TTfi crvpporj^ 
TToAAcov TTOTa/x-wv, ovTO) Ktti 6 ttv^ptoTTOS TToA-vtSpis ytWxat 8ia tJ)? (TvWoyTJ'S 

TToAAtov \^ie(Dv Kol AoycDv as a rendering of : padam paddrdham 
pddam vd samgrahet tu suhhdsitam \ murkho 'pi prdjnatdm ydti 
nadibhik sdgaro yathd | |. Of course it is not always the case 
that his renderings a>re so free. Many of them are quite close, 
and it is only by dealing with the collections as wholes that one 
can acquire a feeling for what is possible and what is not possible 
for him.® 

The value of such a reconstruction lies in its main outlines. 
As far as these can be drawn at all they can be drawn with 
practical certainty; and indeed many of the single items have 
been noted by Klatt and Boehtlingk and recorded in the Indische 
Sprueche.* But beyond this it is, I believe, possible to go and 
to determine, with varying degrees of probability, many questions 
of detail. 

^I may call attention .to a tendency to substitute explanation for 
mythology. Vocatives are regularly dropped. It must be remembered 
that the translation of the iK Sia<f>opii>v ironjTwv never received a final 
revision, but was edited by men imfamiliar with the original. 

* Monseur adds a few but X have succeeded in identifying something over 
eighty additional verses. 



52 George Melville Boiling 

In the effort to accomplisli this I have used the following 
material upon the following principles. First and most impor- 
tant the Indische Sprueche (abbreviated hereafter as B) with 
its critical apparatus, the works of Klatt, Kressler (from whom 
I take the sigla for the various recensions), and Monseur (M) 
already cited, and the following editions of Canakya. For VB 
I have used a copy of the smaller Bombay edition with Marathi 
commentary as described by Weber, Boehtlingk, and Kressler, 
but published in 1847, about a decade earlier than theirs.^ The 
copy of Wh could remain in my hands for only a short period, 
and consequently I have depended on the Indische Sprueche 
largely for its readings. For EH I have used only Haeberlin's 
anthology and accordingly abbreviate as H merely. For LghT 
I have used my own transcript of the Codex Yaticanus. The 
Agra recensions (VAg LghA) of which there seem to be no 
copies upon this continent are thus the only printed ones to 
which I have not had access. 

In choosing between variants I have been guided first by the 
degree of correspondence with the translation. When that cri- 
terion fails, I tend to prefer Canakya readings over those of 
other texts. Between Canakya, readings the presumption is in 
favor of the recension which, in the particular part of the work 
in question, seems closest akin to Galanos' text. 

The symbols used in printing are as follows. In the absence 
of any indication the readings occur in some source or sources; 
words in square brackets [ ] have been left untranslated by 
Galanos; words in angular brackets < > are retranslations 
from the Greek, that is are not found in tiny Sanskrit version 
known to me ; words between wavy lines J j are ones for which 
the correspondence with Galanos seems doubtful or unsatisfac- 
tory. I have added the references to the texts I have been able 
to consult, enclosing the mynbers in parentheses when they offer 
any real variants from the text adopted. If the number in the 
Galanos collection stands alone, the pratika of the verse is to 
be found in Kressler; if it is enclosed in parentheses, I am sus- 

"It contains two verses not in Kressler 's: iv. 2 sddhuhTiyas te nivartaiite 
putm mitrdni Itdndhavdh | ye ca tdih saJia gantdras tad dharmdt suTcrtam 
Tculam | | v, 10 : anyafhd vedapdndityam sdstram dodram anyathd I anyathd 
yat vadan ( ! ) sdntam lokdh Jcliiyanti cdnyathd | | with resulting changes 
in the numbering of the verses which I disregard, following Kressler 's 
numeration. This copy already contains some of the errors noted in the 
late» edition; but in other cases it is free of such, confirming or tending 
to confirm the corrections suggested; cf., i. 4, xi. 7, xiii. 15, 17, xiv. 7, 14, 
XV. 2, 3, 7, 10, 16, 19, xvi. 7, xvii. 15, 18., 



s 

VB i. 2. 



Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 53 

picious of his statements. If ia star is added to tliis number the 
verse is not in Kressler's material ; if this star is in parentheses, 
there are nevertheless reasons for connecting the verse with the 
Canakya collection. Verses which I cannot identify are printed 
in the Greek. The numbers missing from my text are those 
which Galanos left blank. Readings and references followed 
by F. E. in parentheses are due to suggestions kindly offered by 
Franklin Edgerton. 

1. ^ pranamya sirasa visnuih trailokyadhipatirii prabhum | 

nanasastroddhrtaih vaksye rajanitisamuccayam || VB i. 1. 

2. tad aharii saihpravaksyami lokanam hitakamyaya | 
yena vijnanamatrena j sarvajnatvaih prapadyate J | 

VB i. 3. 

3. 5 adhityedarii yatha sastrarii naro janati sattamah 
dharmopadesavikhyatam karyakaryasubhasubham 

Probably i= Wk i. 2, cf . Kressler, Vorindex, idam sdstram. 

4. tyaja durjanasaihsargaih bhaja sadhusamagamam | 
. kuru punyam ahoratram. smara nityam anityatam 

VB (xiv. 20), 5 2621. 

5. no/opa)TaT<o aTTofiaXKe T7]V SiaXva-LV t^s <^iXtas twv aX\<ov, rrjv Sca- 
pokrjVy TTjv ^Tjfioa-Uvatv twv aXXorpcwv a<t>a\fjidT<i)V, rrjv <^tXovci/ctav, 
KoX T'^v KarriyopvaV' 

6. sruyatarii dharmasarvasvarii srutva caivavadharyatam | 
atmanah pratiktilani paresam na samacaret 1 1 B 6579. 

7. varjayet ksudrasariivasam anistasya ca darsanam | 
vivadam saha mitrena ^ duratah parivarjayet J | M 145. 

8. kale ca ripuna saihdhih kale ca mitra<sam>grahah | 
karyakaranam asritya kalaih ksipati panditah 1 1 

Lgh iv. 14, B 7496. 

9. murkhasisyopadesena dustastribharanena ca 
dvisata samprayogena pandito 'py avasidati 

VB i. 4, B 4911. 

10. kah kalah kani mitrani ko desah kau vyayagamau | 
kasyahaiii ka ca me saktir iti cintyam muhur-muhuh 1 1 

y^iv. 17, 5 (1502). 

11. paravadarii parasvam ca parahasyaih parasti-iyah | 
paravesmani vasam ca na kurvita kada cana | 

M 101, B (3925). 

12. uttamaih saha samgatyam panditaih saha samkatham | 
alubdhaih saha mitratvarii kurvano navasidati || B (1183). 

(13.) paro 'pi hitavan bandhur bandhur apy ahitah parah | 
aHito dehaio vyadhir hitarii <ksetrajam> ausadham 

B 3988. 
14. sa bandhur yo hitesu syat sa pita yas tu posakah | , 
sa sakha yatra visvasah sa deso yatra jivati | 



/ /^/->r>/» \ 



byajet 



54 ^ George Melville Boiling 

(15.) sa bharya ya grHe daksa santa caiva pativrata | 

nityam dharmarata <satya> satatarii priyavadini || 

B 7003. 

16. yasya bharya sucir daksa bhartaram anugamini | 
sa sriyo na'sriyah sriyah || M p. 61, 5 (5446). 

Cf. Kressler: ya tu bharya 6ucih; the group 15-17 seems to be foimd 
together (but in reverse order) in VAg WJc. 

17. yasya bharya virtipaksi kasmali kalahapriya | 

j uttarottaravadi ca J sa jara na jara jarar|| B (5445). 

18. dusta bharya satham mitraih bhrtyas cottaradayakah | 
sasarpe ca grhe vaso mrtyur eva na saihsayah 1 1 

VB i. 5, B 2891, 

19. apadarthaiii dhanaih raksed daran raksed dhanair api | 
atmanarii satatarii raksed darair api dhanair api 1 1 

VB i. 6, B 958. 

20. tyajed ekam knlasyarthe gramasyarthe kularii tyajet 
gramarii janapadasyartha atmarthe prthivuh tyajet | 

VB iii. 10, B (2627). 

21. calaty ekena padena tisthaty ekena buddhiman 
nasamiksya pararii sthanarii purvam ayatanarii 

H 32, B 2264. 

22. lubdham arthena grhniyat stabdham anjalikarmana | 
murkharii chandanuvrttya ca yatharthatvena panditam 1 1 

VB vi. 12, B (5860). 
(23.) svabhavena hi tusyanti devah satpnrusa dvijah J 
itarah khanapanena vakpradanena panditah 1 1 

B 6767 (cf. 7300). 
24. uttamarii pranipatena surarii bhedena yojayet 
nicam alpapradanena samara, tulyaparakramaih 1 1 

B (1174). 
(25.) yasya yasya hi yo bhavas tena tena hi tarii naram | 

anupravisya medhavi ksipram atmavasaih nayet 1 1 B 5393. 

26. nadinarii ca nakhinarii ca srnginarii sastrapaninam ] 
vis vaso naiva kartavyah strisu rajakulesu ca 1 1 

^ ' ' VBi. 15, k (27), B (3214). 

27. arthanasarii manastaparii grhe duscaritani ca | 
vancanarii cavamanarii ca inatiman na prakasayet | 

Pada c as in Vikramacarita (F. E.). VB (vii. 1), B (583). 

28. siddhamantrausadharii dharmarii grhachidrarii ca 

maithunam | » 

kubhuktarii kusrutarii caiva matiman na prakasayet 1 1 

Cf. kressler: susiddham. VB (xiv. 17), B 7046. 

A 29. yasyarii tasyarii prasuto hi gunavan ptijyate narah 
dhanur vaiiiavisuddho 'pi nirgunah kirii karisyati | 

' B (5369). 



CdnaJcya Used 'by Galanos 55 

30. EyKaToA-ctTrcTO) 6 av^pwTros ywatxa, aWou eptoaav, kol (3tov <f>ep€- 

31. aphalasyapi vrksasya chaya bhavati sitala | M 179. 
nirguno 'pi varaih bandhur yah parah para eva sah 1 1 

32. kasya dosah kule nasti vyadhina ko na piditah | 
vyasanam kena na praptaiii kasya saukhyarii nirantaram 1 1 

VB iii. 1, B 1606. 

33. ekodarasamudbhiita ekanaksatrajatakah | 

na bhavanti samah sile yatha badarakantakah | ] 

' * VB V. 4, B 1423. 

34. At avTol avXXja^al kol at avral Xe^et? Trpo^ipovrai €k arofxariav 
aTravTiov' ■^ dykdia ofxais riys Trpo(f>opa<s ovk ccrrtv cv aTraa-iv, dAA' €V 
Twrt. 

35. ko 'tibMrah samartMnaih kirii dtiraih vyavasayinam 
ko videsah suvidyanaih kahi parah_priyavadinam 1 1 

VB in 13, Lgk iii. 9, B 1926. 

(36.) sa sa saiiipadyate buddhih sa matih sa ca bhavana [ ,. 

sahayas tadrsa eva yadrsi bhavitavyata 1 1 B 7034. 
Cf. Kressler under this and: tddrsl jdyate. 

37. kiiii karoti liarah. prajnah preryamanah svakarmana | 
prag eva hi manusyanaih buddhih karmanusarini 1 1 

' Lgh iv. S,'b (1728). 

38. na ca vidyasamo bandhur na ca vyadliisamo ripuh | 
<na ca satyasamo dharmo na ca danasamarii tapah> || 

H 75^b 5 3231 ^\ 
39.* nasty arogyasamaih mitraih <na ca dharmasamo giirLah> | 
na capatyasamah sneho na ca duhkhaih ksudha samam | 

B 3690. 
40.* sugandharii ketakipusparii kantakaih parivestitam | 

yatha puspaih tatha <sadhur> durjanaih parivestitah || 

B 7093. 
41. gunah kurvanti dutatvaih dure 'pi vasatarii satam | 
ketakigandham aghraya svayarii gacchanti satpadah 1 1 

Lgh (vii. 2), B 2128. 
42.* yasya ksetrarii naditire bharya ca parasaihgata | 

sasarpe ca grhe vasah kathaih syat tasya nirvrtih 1 1 B 5364. 
(43.) naditire ca ye vrksa ya ca nari<nirankusa> | 

mantrina rahito raja na cirarii tasya jivitam 1 1 B 3291. 
The variant from Lgh 1. 9, cf. also B 3290 = VB ii. 15. 

44.* <ksamasamarii tapo nasti na samtosasam^m sukham | 

na ca dayasamaih danaih na ca mrtyusamaih bhayam 1 1 > 
Cf. Kressler: sdntitulyam and B 2011, 6439. 

45. yasmin dese na sariunano na vrttir na ca bandhavah 

na ca vidyagamah kas cit tarn desarii parivarjayet 1 1 
Cf. also Monseur, p. 60. ' VB (i. 8), H (37), B 5352. 



56 ■ George Melville Boiling 

46. anayake na vastavyaih na vased bahunayake | 
strinayake na vastavyarii na vased balanayake 1 1 B 279. 

47. ature vyasane caiva durbhikse satruvigrahe | 
rajadvar6 smasane ca yas tisthati sa bandhavah 

YB {i.l2),n (17), B (1221). 
(48.) stnrLam dviguna abaro lajja capi caturguna | 

sadguno | vyaveisayas J ca kamas castagunah smrtah 
* ■ ■ ' VB i. 17^w^ s 78°. 

Cf. also B 1082, 4091, 7204. 

49. anrtaih sahasarii maya murkhatvam atilobhata | 
asaucatvam nirdayatvarii strinarii dosah svabhavajah 

VB ii. 1, B (328). 

50. na svapnena jayen nidraih na kamena jayet striyah | 
nendhanena jayed agnim<na cartbena jayed dhanam> || 

B 3504, cf . M p. 55. 

51. nadi patayate kulam nari patayate kulam | 

narinaih ca nadinaiii ca svachandalalita gatib 1 1 B 7561. 

52. bbojyarii bhojanasaktis ca ratisaktir varangana 
vibhavo danasaktis ca nalpasya tapasab pbalam 

VBn.2,'H (52), 5 (4640). 

53. sukule yojayet kanyaih putrarii vidyasn yojayet | 
vyasane yojayec cbatrum istaih dharmena yojayet || 

VB iii. 3, B 7058. 

54. agnihotrapbala veda dattabhuktapbalaih dhanam | 
ratiputraphala darab silavrttapbalaih srutam || B (71). 

55. na rajna saba mitratvam na sarpo nirvisah kva cit 

na kulaih nirmalarii tatra strijano yatra jay ate 1 1 M 85. 

56. stbanesv eva niyoktavya bbrtyas cabbaranani ca | 

na bi cudamanib. pade prabhavan iti budbyate || B (7221). 

57. vajivarana<sastranam> kastbapasanavasasam | 
naripurusatoyanam antaram mabad antaram [ B 6029. 

58. upakaragrbltena satruna satrum uddbaret 
padalagnaih karastbena kantakeneva kantakam 1 1 

' H 22, B 1279. 

59. apakarisu [ma papain cintayasva kada cana] | 
svayam eva patisyanti kulajata iva drumah 1 1 B 390. 

60.* uttamam sucirarii naiva vipado 'bbibbavanty alam | 
rabugrasanasambbutarii ksano vicbayayed vidbum | 

B 1172. 

61. udyamah sabasaih dbairyarii balaih buddbib parakramah 
sad ete yasya tistbanti tasmad devo 'pi sankitab I B 1247. 

62. partbivasya ca bbrtyasya vadami gunalaksanam 
te niyojya yatbayogyaih trividhesv eva karmasu 

B 7587^b ^ Glal. 79< 
Cf. also Monseur, p. 68, and for the following section Klatt, p. 37. 



Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 57 

63. ingitakaratattvajno [balavan priyadarsanah] | 
apramadi sada daksali pratlharah sa ucyate 1 1 

H 108, B 1089, 

64. medhavi vakpatuh prajnah sarvabhavapariksakaJi | 
dhiro yathaktavadi ca esa duto vidhiyate 1 1 

H (106), B (4976), M p. 60. 

65. Isakrdukta^grhitartho laghuhasto jitaksarah | 
sarvasastrasamaloki prakrsto nama lekhakali 1 1 

if 104, 5 6654. 

66. samastasastrasastrajno valianesu jitasramah | 
saury aviryagunopetah senadhyakso vidhiyate | 

H (105), B 6841. 

Cf . Kressler : samastamti° and sastraJdstra° ; a verse beginning samasta- 
Jiayasdstrajno has probably been lost by haplography. 

(67.) putrapautragTinopetah sastrajno mistapacakah | 
sucis ca vyavasayi ca supakarah prasasyate 1 1 
Cf. Kressler also under: pitrpditdmaho. H (107), B (4111). 

68. ayurvedakrtabhyasah. sarvajnah priyadarsanah | 
aryasilagunopeta esa vaidyo vidhiyate \\H (103), B (999) 

69. vedavedangatattvajno japahomaparayanah | 
asirvadaparo nityam esa rajnah purohitah 1 1 

H (101), S 6269. 

70. "OcTTis ypaL<f>eL kol avaytvwo-KCt, kol apiOfxet kol Ka\u)<: Siepixrjvevcif Kat 
^vAttTTct arropprjTa to. fivaTLKOLj Kal yivwcTKet to, ovra, Kai to, )(povoVf 
Kal Ttt Trj<s TV)(r}<s, oivTO^ icTTLV d(7T/ooA.oyo5 a^LOS jSacrtXeo)?. 

71. "Oa-Tis iraripa ct^e Koi Trainrov^ to avro iirdyyeXfJua e;(0VTas, xat 
yLVUtCTKei €VTe\S)s to. tov vofxov, kol tov Katpov t^s ilprjvrji kcll tov 

TToXc/JtOV, OVTOS icTTL ^Ov\eVT7]9 O^tOS /SttCTlXtCDS. 

(72.) putrapautragunopetah sarvaratnapariksakah | 
sucir avyabhicari ca bhandadhyakso vidhiyate 
In pada a we may suspect a dittography. ^ (56)+ -d (6477). 

73. knlasilagunopetah satyadharmaparayanah | 
pravinah presanadhyakso rajadhyakso vidhiyate 1 1 

' H (102), B (1830). 

74. prajne niyojyamane tu santi rajnas trayo gunah 
yasah svarganivasas ca puskalas ca dhanagamah 

H (85), 'J5 (4303). 

75. murkhe niyojyamaiie tu trayo dosa mahipateh | 
ayasas carthanasas ca narake gamanaih dhruvam 

H (86), B (4304). 
Galanos' text had been corrupted to: (lyasa svarganasai ca through the 
influence of the preceding verse. 

76. kruram vyasaninaih lubdham apragalbharii sadarjavam 
anayarii vyayakartararii nadhipatye niyojayet || B 7510. 



58 ^ George Melville BolUng 

77. yat kiih cit kurute bhrtyah subliaih va yadi vasubham 
tena samvardhate raja sukptair duskrtair api 1 1 B 5040. 

78. tasmad bhumisvaro nityaih ^ dharmakamarthasiddhaye j 
gunavantarii niyufijita gnnaliinam vivarjayet 1 1 

B 4303 app 

79. bhrtya bahuvidha jneya uttamadhamamadhyamah | 
te niyojya yathayogyarii trividhesv eva karmasu | 

B (4623), 

80. pandite ca gunah sarve murkhe dosas ca kevalam 
tasman murkhasahasresu prajna eko na labhyate 

H (4), 5 (3876), 

81. tyajet svaminam atyugram atyugrat krpanaiii tyajet | 
krpanad avisesajnam tasmac ca krtanasanam || B 7530. 

82. durjanah parihartavyo vidyayalaihkrto 'pi san | 
manina bhiisitah sarpah kim asau na bhayaihkarah. 1 1 

H 25, B 2850 

83. tulyartharii tulyasamartbyaih marmajnam vyavasayinam 
ardharajyaharaiii bhrtyam yo na hanyat sa hanyate 1 1 

B 2584. 

84. BcA-Ttdv icrriv oIkclv koL iv clpKTrj fxer dvSpwv ao^Oiv, Tairavun^ 
ivvofnav, Kol dkri9o\6ywv, ^ iv oIklo. ^aa-ikiKy ixera irovqpSiv xat 



85.^ [valmikaih] madhn <kalas>ca suklapakse ca candramah 
raj adravy aril ca bhaiksarii ca stokarii stokena vardbate | 

M 147. 
86. kbalah sarsapamatrani parachidrani pasyati | 

atmano bilvamatrani pasyann api na pasyati 1 1 B 2045. 
87.(*) na visvased amitrasya mitrasyapi na visvaset | 

visvasad bhayam utpannam miilany api nikrntati ] 
Cf. below, V. 90; read perhaps: <viivastad>. B 3429." 

88. visad apy amrtarii grahyam amedhyad api kancanam ] 
nicad apy uttama vidya striratnarii duskulad api 1 1 

YB\. 16, if 16, 5 6227. 

89. sarpah krurah. khalah krurah sarpat kruratarah kbalah. | 
mantrausadhivasah sarpah khalah kenopasamyati || 

H (26), B (6899). 
(90.) na visvaset kumitre ca mitre capi na visvaset | 

kada cit kupitarii mitrarii sarvaguhyarii prakasayet 1 1 

ySii. 6, JI (20), B (3430). 
91. durjanah <parihartavyo> naiva visvasakarakah 
madhu vasati jihvagre hrdaye tu halahalam | 

H (24), B (2852) 

Cf . Kressler : durjanah priya° ; corruption due to assimilation to v. 82. 



Cdnakya Used ly Galanos 59 

92. mukham padmadalakararii vakyarii candanasitalam | 
hrdayaih karttrisadrsarii trividharii dhtirtalaksanam || 

Possibly read: <jiTwa candana^taldy. B 4882 app. 

93. mata vairi pita satrur balo yena na pathyate | 
sabhamadhye na sobhante bansamadhye baka yatha || 

VBu.ll,H {9),B (4800). 

94. lalayet panca varsani dasa varsani tadayet | 
prapte tu sodase varse putraih mitravad acaret | 

VB (iii. 18), H 11, B 5848. 

95. lalanad bahavo dosas tadanad bahavo gunah | 
tasmat putrarii ca sisyaiii ca tadayen na tu lalayet 1 1 

] ' VBu.l2,H {12), B (5847). 

96. slokena va tadardbena padenaikaksarena va | 
avandbyam divasaih kuryad danadbyayanakarmabhih || 

VB (ii. 13), B 6594. 

97. kirii kulena visalena vidyabinasya debinah | 

akulino 'pi sastrajno daivatair api pujyate 1 1 

. VB (viii. 19), H (^), Lgh (vii. 1), B 1734. 
Probably with duskvXlno as a gloss. 

98. rupayauvanasampanna [visalakulasaihbbavah] | 
vidyabina na sobbante nirgandha iva kiriisukah 1 1 

' VB iii. 8, viii. 21, H1,B 5795. 

99. sarvaridipakas candrah prabbate dipako ravih | 
trailokyadipako dbarmah suputrah kuladipakab 1 1 B 6428. 

100. ekenapi suputrena [vidyayuktena sadbuna] | 
abladitarii knlarii sarvarii yatba candrena sarvari 1 1 

VB iii. 16, B 1416. 

101. ekenapi snvrksena pnspitena sngandbina | 
vasitarii tadvanarii sarvarii suputrena kularii yatba 1 1 

VB iii. 14, H 13, B 1418. 

102. ekena suskavrksena dabyamanena vabnina | 
dabyate tadvanarii sarvarii kuputrena knlarii yatba 1 1 

VBiii.l^,H {14.),B (1412). 

103. kirii jatair babubbih putraih sokasariitapakarakaih 
varam ekab kulalambi yatra visramyate kulam | 

VB iii. 17, B 1746. 

105. (*) dane tapasi saurye ca yasya noccaritarii yasah | 

vidyayam artbalabbe va matur uccara eva sab | B (2761). 
This verse may be confused in Kressler with equivalents of B 2760. 

107. te putra ye pitur bbaktah sa pita yas tu posakah 

tan mitrarii yatra visvasab sa bbarya yatra nirvrtih 1 1 

y5ii.'4, '5 2611. 

108. mata yasya grbe nasti bbarya va priyavadini | 
aranyarii tena gantavyam yatbaranyarii tatha grbam 

fi'44,\B (5387). 



> 



60 George Melville Boiling 

109. pathakah pathakas caiva ye canye sastracintakah | 
sarve vyasanino murkha yah. kriyavan sa panditah 

^ Cf. Kressler also under lekTiakah. Lg^ ii- '^j B (5865). 

110. ke cid ajnanato nastali ke cin nastah pramadatah | 
ke cij <jnana>balenapi ke cin nastais tu nasitah 

Lgh ii. 11, M 47. 

111. pustakesu ca ya vidya parahastesu yad dhanam | 
utpannesu ca karyesu na sa vidya na tad dhanam 1 1 

VB xvi. 20, Lgh v. 3, E (83); B (4156). 

112. ekam evaksararii yas tn ^ruh sisyarii prabodhayet | 
prthivyarii nasti tad dravyam yad dattva canrni3havet 1 1 

VB XV. 2, B (1367). 

113. janita copaneta ca yas tn vidyarii prayacehati 
annadata bhayatrata pancaite pitarah smrtah 

VB iv. 18, B 2328. 

114. uttamasyapi varnasya nico 'pi grham agatah | 
balo va yadi va vrddho sarvasyabhyagato guruh 

M 23, B llll^K E 90^^^ 

115. laksmir laksanahine ca kulahine sarasvati 
apatre ramate nari girau varsati vasavah 

K (182) ap. B 3793 app. 

116. Tc6cf>e\o^ ii €K€Lvov Tov irXovTOVy OS crvveKiyr] ii dSiKtas; aTroOavovro'S 
yap TOV dv6p(i)Trov, 6 ovpavos ovk iirLKT-qros yCveraL, et Kai arra? 
So^T/creTai. 

117. suci bhumigatarii toyarii supir nari pativrata | 

sucih |/ksemakaro J raja <brahmacari sada> sucih || 
Cf. Kressler: iuddham bhumi°. VB (viii. 17), Lgh iv. 1, B 6481. 

118. sastram sastrarii krsir vidya <bharya laksmi nrpas 

tatha>| " ilf ('l59),'5 (1898). 

sudrdhaih caiva kartavyarii krsnasarpamukharii yatha 1 1 
Cf. Vikra-macarita SE 14. 2 = MR 14! '27 f . = BR 14. 1 (F. E.), and 
Kressler: Icrsir vidya. 

119. upakarisu yah sadhuh sadhutve tasya ko gunah 
apakarisu yah sadhuh sa sadhuh sadbhir ucyate 

B (1281). 

120. saile-saile na manikyaih mauktikam na gaje-gaje | 
sadhavo na hi sarvatra candanaih na vane- vane 1 1 

VB ii. 9, H 55, B 6523. 

121. jalalekheva nicanarii yat krtaih tan na drsyate 
atyalpam api sadhunaih silalekheva tisthati [ 

122. atilaulyaprasaktanaih vipattir naiva duratah 

jivarii nasyati lobhena minas camisadarsane || ilf 6. 
With yariant: vdyasdmisalul>dhdndm matsydndm iva drsycfie, cf. B 2421, 
4523. 



B 7524. 



v^ Cdnakya Used ly Galanos 61 

123. alasaih mukliararii stabdharii kruram vyasaninaih satham | 
a$anitTListam abhaktaih ca tyajed bhrtyarii naradhipah 1 1 

B (639). 
(124.) dhanahino na hmah sa dhanam kasya hi niscalam 



vidyajnanena yo hinah sa hinah sarvavastusu | Lgh viii. 2.^ 

125. sinhad ekaih bakad ekaih siksec catvari kukkutat | 
vayasat panca siksec ca sat sunas trini gardabhat 1 1 

VByi. 15, H {66), B (7041). 

126. prabhutaiii karyam alpaiii va yo narah kartum icchati 
sarvarambhena tat karyam sinhad ekam pracaksyate | 

VByL 16, H (67), B (4261). 

127. indriyani ca saihyamya bakavat pandito narah | 
kaladesopapannani sarvakaryani sadhayet | 

VB (vi. 17), H (68), B (6950). 

128. pragutthanaih ca yuddhaih ca samvibhagaih ca bandhusu | 
svayam akramya bhunjita siksec catvari kukkutat 1 1 

VB vi. 18, H {12)', B (5510). 

129. gudhamaithunadharstyarii ca kale calayasaihgraham | 
apramattam avisvasah panca siksec ca vayasat 1 1 

YB vi. 19, H (71), 5 (2183), M p. 51. 

130. bahvasi svalpasaihtustah sunidro laghucetanah | 
svamibhaktas ca suras ca sad ete svanato gunah 1 1 

y^ vi. 20, H'{m),B 4427. 

131. susranto 'pi vahed bharaih sitosnarii na ca pasyati 
samtustas carate nityarii trini siksec ca gardabhat 

y^'vi. 21, H (70), B (694). 

132. etani vinsatuh padany acarisyati yo narah | 

sa jesyati ripun sarvan kalyanas ca bhavisyati 1 1 ilf 34. 
Bead vinsati for metre; cf. Kressler: ya etan vinsati gwmn. 

(133.) na kas cit kasya cin mitraih na kas cit kasya cid ripuh | 
karanad eva jay ante mitrani ripavas tatha 1 1 

B 3187, cf. 3189 app. 

134. sokaratibhayatraiiaih pritivisrambhabhajanam | 
<kenamrtam> idaih srstarii mitram ity aksaradvayam || 

B 6527, cf . 1908, M 21. 

135. prastavasadrsam vakyaih J svabhavasadrsaih priyam ^ | 
atmasaktisamaih kopaih yo janati sa panditah 1 1 

VB xiv. 15, B 4287. 
Possibly: svdminah sadrBm Tcriydm, cf, app. to B. 

136. <rupena nasyate nari kopena tu tapasvinah | 

nasyate gauh kulabhramae candalannad dvijas tatha 1 1 > 
This is perhaps CN 283, ef. Sarngadhara I^addhati 1444 (F. E.). 

137. avansapatito raja murkhaputras ca panditah | 

, adhano hi dhanaih prapya trnavan manyate jagat 1 1 

5 (81), B 653. 



62 George Melville Boiling 

138.* sthanaih nasti ksano nasti nasti prarthayita narah 
tena [narada] narinaih satltvam upajayate |1 B 7222. 
Of. Vikramacarita SB vi. 11 (F. E.). 

139. Ola (.pya it parr ei rj p-i^Trjp Kpvji^v iv veoTrjTL, ravra S^Aa yivovrai 

VTTO TiOV viSiV, ol OVK CtCTt )(pr](TT07J6£L<S Kttt CVTaKTOL. Cf. LgJl. IV, 15. 

140. kokilanaiii svaro rtiparii strinaiii riipam pativratam | 
vidya riipaih kurupanarii ksama riipam tapasvinam 1 1 

YB iii. 9, H (46), Lgh (vii. 3), B (1919). 
Possible variants are: ndnrupam (H Lgh), sdntl riipam (Lgh). 

141. mahanadiprataranam mahapurusavigraham | y 
mahajanavirodhaiii ca duratah parivarjayet || B 4759. 

142. upadeso hi murkhanarii prakopaya na santaye | B 1287. 
payahpanarii bhujamganaih kevalaiii VLsavardhanam 1 1 

143. janiyat presane bhrtyan bandhavan vyasanagame | 
mitraih capattikalesu bharyam ca vibhavaksaye 1 1 

YB i. 11, H (21), B 2405. 

144. duradhita visarii vidya J ajirnam bhojanaiii visam. J | 

visaiii gosthi daridrasya vrddhasya taruni visam 1 1 / 

Cf. Kressler: anaihyase. ' YB (iv. 14), H 98, B 2836. 

145. parannam paravastrarii ca parasayyaiii parastriyah | 
paravesmanivasarii ca duratah parivarjayet || 

M 102, cf. B 7584. 

146. adhama dhanam iechaiiti dhanaih manarii ca madhyamah | 
uttama manam icchanti mano hi mahatam dhanam* | 

YB Yin. 1,B (216). 

147. suskarii mansaih striyo vrddha balarkas tarunam dadhi | 
prabhate maithunaiii nidra sadyah pranaharani sat 1 1 

H 64, B 6498. 

148. ajarajah khararajas tatha sariimarjanirajah | 
<dipakhatvotthachaya ca> sakrasyapi sriyaih haret || 

B 7432, cf. 98. 

Possibly: hanti punyam purakrtam, cf. M 56; but Galanos inclines to 
the avoidance of mythology. 

149. ^K.adapd i(TTLv "^ kovis, "^ ck /SacrtXco)?, ^ e/c fioos, "^ i$ eXc^avros, t] 

eg LTTTTOV KOL "^ €^ dvdpiOTTttiV ' OLKaOapTOV Se ytl/OKTKe TTjV KOVIV Trjv i$ 

ovoVf €K Kap.'^kov, €$ ttiyos, Kttt €K 7rpof3a.Tov. 

150. O CK KO(TKLVOV aVCjUOS, Kttt TO vBfDp TWV fie^pCyfJieVtiiV OVV^WV, Kttt TO 

TrXvvofxevov IpuaxLOv, koi 17 €/c (rap(o9pov kovk, /cat ro t^s ^e^peyfievrji 
k6/X7]S vB<j)p avaLpova-L to. TrpoTreirpayfieva dyaOa l/oya. 

151.* strisu rajasu sarpesu svadhyaye <satruvigrahe [ B 7217. 

agnau durjane> visvasam kah prajnah kartum aAati || 
152.* yo 'rina saha saihdhaya sukham svapiti visvasan 

sa vrksagre prasupto va patitah pratibudhyate 1 1 

B (5646) 



Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 63 



153. natyantasaralair bhavyaih gatva p?^ya vanasthalim 
chidyant^ saralas tatra kubjas tisthanti padapah 1 1 

VB vii. i2, B 3564. 

154. natyantam mrdu <bhavyam tu mrduh sarvatra pidyate | 

mrduih hi kadalarii drstva ko navakartum icchati 1 1 > 
Pratika of CN 49 is so given; I should have expected: ndtyantamrduhJm 
hhdvyam. * • 

155. namanti phalino vrksa namanti gunino janah. | B 3365. 
- -' suskakasthaih ca miirklias ca bhidyate na ca namyate 1 1 

156; Ot fi€v ftdp^apoL iv Tpv<l>rj et(rt kol i^SvTra^etaj iTreiBr) afxoipoL cIctl r^s 
yvcocrecDS kol ti}s twv iraOwv ^aXtvaywyias • ol Be <TO<f>OL aTrc^ovcrt t^s '' 
^SuTra^etas Kai\Trjs Tpv<f>TJ^j cttciS^ )(a\Lvaya)yovvTaL ry yvoxrei. 

157. dhanyas te ye na pasyanti desabhangarii kulaksayam 
parahastagatarii bharyarii mitraiii ca visamasthitam | 

B 3084. 

158. <kupatre nirvrtir nasti kubbaryayarii kuto ratih 
kiimitre nasti visyasah kurajye nasti jivitam 1 1 > 

Of. Kressler: Jcumitre nasti. cf. il/ p. 50, B 1800 app. 

159. OvK av€<TLV irpoitvd T(5 ^tXoTt)u,a) to /act' artfiia's KTrjOev irpaypa. 

jivitasya mano mulaifa. mane mlane kutah sukham 1 1 

cf. B 4828. / 
160.* udaye savita rakto raktas castamaye tatha | 

sampattau ca vipattau ca mahatam ekarupata || B (1237). 

161. balarii miirkhasya <niurkhatvam> cauranam anrtarii 

balami i? (62), B (2866). 

durbalasya balarii raja balanarii rodanarii balam 1 1 
Cf. Kressler: durhcUasya. The variant must be a corruption of 
mdunitvam. ~J 

162. knbharyarii ca kudesarii ca kurajanarii kusauhrdam 1 
kubandhurii ca kumitrarii ca dtiratah parivarjayet 1 1 

B (1802). 

163. vyadhitasyarthahinasya desantaragatasya ca | 
narasya sokataptasya suhrddarsanam ausadham 

B (7606), cf. Mp. 68. 

164. parokse karyahantararii pratyakse priyavadinam | 
variayet tadrsarii mitrarii visakumbharii payomukham 

YB ii. 5, R 18, B 3979. 

1Q5. varayet kulajarii prajiio virtipam api kanyakam | 
riipavatirii na nicasya vivahah sadrse kule 1 1 

YB (i. 14), 5 5982. 

166. dhanadbanyaprayogesu vidyasariigrahane tatha | 
ahare vyavahare ca tyaktalajjah sada bhavet || 

YB (vii. 2, xii. 21), R (35), B (3042). 



64 George Melville Bollifig 

167. nihsprho nadhikari syan nakami mandanapriyah 
navidagdhah priyaih bmyat spastavakta na vancakah | [ 

YBy.b,B (3786) 

168. varam halahalam pitarii sadyah pranaharam visam 
na tu varam dhanadhyasya bhrubh9,ngakiitilarii mukham 

M 144 

169. murkho hi parihartavyah pratyaksarii dvipadsih pasuh | , 
bhinatti vakyasalyena adrstah kantako yatha || 

Cf. Kressler: murlchas tu. ' VB iii. 7, B 4924. 

170. putras tu vividhaih silpair niyojyah satataih budliaih | 
nitijna buddhisaihpanna bhavanti khalu piijitah 1 1 

VB (ii. 10), B (4116 app.). 

171. pustake pratyayadhitam nadhitaiii gurusaihnidhau | 
sabhamadhye na sobhante ^ jaragarbha | iva striyan 1 1 

VB xvii. 1, B (4155). 

172. yasya nasti svayarii prajna sastrarii tasya karoti kim | 
locanabhyaiii vihmasya darpanah kiifa karisyati 1 1 

VB X. 9, H 109, B 5380. 

173. OvK tcTTL TTLcrri^ CIS Of^Lv, CIS cAc^avTtt, CIS (TvyyeviKov i)(dpbvf cis 
dWoTpLOv ttXovtov {-xprjixaTo) , cis aXXorpuiv yvvaiKa, kol cts rrjv iBuiv 
yvvoLKa, ■Yj kXlv€l tt/jos aWov avSpa.. 

174. "OtTTts €X*' TTta-Tiv CIS ywaiKas e^ dyvotas rj <^i\r pov. 

sa vrksagre yatha suptah patitah pratibudhyate 

' ' B 3099 (42 

175. krte pratikrtam kuryad dhinsite pratihinsitam | 
tatra dosaiii na pasyami yo duste dustam acaret 

'• VB (xvii." 2),B 1874, M p. 50. 

176.- H cts ywaiKas TrtcrTts ^k <f>LX.Tpov 17 ck padvfx.Ca.<i <f}dopa eaerar oBev 

flY] i^€T<D 6 avdpOiTTOS TTifTTlV CIS aVTOlS, /AT^Sc 7rL(TT0)a-(,V Aa/x/SavcTO) 

Trap avrdv* 

177. tavad bhayesu bhetavyarii yavad bhayam anagatam | 
agataih tu bhayam drstva prahartavyam asankaya 1 1 

VBy.3,B (2550). 

178.* rnasesam agnisevsaih satrusesaih tathaiva ea | 

punah-punah pravardhante tasmac chesam na dharayet 1 1 

B 1332. 
Cf. Kressler: rnaseso. 

179. kavyasastravinodena kalo gacchati dhimatam 
vyasanena tu murkhanaih nidraya kalahena ca 1 1 B 1711. 

Cf. Kressler: gUavddya° ; also Vikramaearita SR I. 3 (F. E.^. 

180. pita raksati kaumare bharta raksati yauvane | 
rakvsanti sthavire putra na stri svatantryam arhati 1 1 

B 4067, 



9), 5646. 



Cdndhya Used hy Galanos 65 



• 



181. atiklesena ye hy artha dharmasyatikramena tu | 
5 satrunaih | pranipatena te artha ma bhavantu me 

y^xvi. 11,5 (128). 

182. gunair uttamataih yanti noccairasanasariisthitah | 
prasadasikharastho 'pi kakah kiih garudayate 1 1 

y^xvi. 6,B (2161). 
(183.) asakyam narabhet prajno akaryaiii naiva karayet 
asatyarii na ca vaktavyaih nisphalarii naiva sevayet 1 1 

* K 218^i>d^ js 7i2abc^ cf ^ ^ 14^ 

184. O <f)p6vL/xog jxtr 6<f>€<av fir] Trai^cVw /jlt} dmySaiveTO) cttI ko/ou^^s 

84v8pov' fir)8€ 8uipaLV€T0} Slot KoXvjx^rjfULTO^ /Janets Koi /uteyoXovs 

TTorafiov^. 

Eead: na Jcndet pannagdih prdjnah or saha, as it begins or ends the 
stanza. ' 

185. Toi/ fikv dyaTTtovTa kol cre/Sofxevov dyaTrdro) kol (Tcftia-Oia 6 <^p6vi}i.o^' 
Tov Se p,y] dyaTToivra ju,r;8e cre^ofxevov fxrjBafXw^ • tovto Sk cja<j!>ai/ci)s 

<f}aLV€TaL iv KOiTfJUO' "X"P X^^P^ VtTTTCt". 

The latter part, I suspect, was intended for a footnote, cf. citation of 
Hesiod at 141. 

187. ipsitaih manasah sarvaih kasya sampadyate sukham | 
daivayattam yatah sarvarii tasm^t saihtosam asrayet 1 1 

VB xiii. 14, B 1148. 

188. ripurajagnisarpanaih dustastrivanasanginam | 

j nadinam J sastrahastanaiii visvasam naiva karayet 1 1 

Jf 137. 

189. ATr6<j>€vy€ rrjv ofxikuxv tov dvatSecrTarov dv6p<i>7rov, tov i^OpoVf tov 
puj/OKLvSvvov Kal TOV l^Opov TOV /SacTtAcws. 

191. [gate soko na kartavyo] bhavisyaih naiva cintayet | 

vartamanena kalena vartayanti vicaksanajh. 1 1 

YB (xiii. 2), B 2072. 
Possibly a had been supplanted by a variant of c : vartamanena samtusto. 

192. TavTa irdvTa b (f>p6vLfios aTTO^evycf tyjv aa-Tadeuiv, Trfv XaLfULpytav, 

TOV dvfjibvf TO if/evSo^, Trjv Sia^oXrjv, tyjv t^Bpav koX T-qv OLKrjo-LV iv 

OLKUi aWoTpLO). ^ 

Cf. M 209: cdpalyam Idulyatdm Tcopam. S 

193. To SrjXrjTi^pLov <f>dpfJMKOVy to e^axOev eK t^s TreptStviyo^ctos tt}^ yaXa- 

KTiKTJs 6a\dcra-r}Sy ovk d<f>i7]<rL tyjv iavTOV cf>vaLV kol cTrt KaKov dvOpoiirov 

Kttt CTTt ayauov. 
Cf. B 2160: 'kslrodadhisamutpannah JcdlaJcUtah. 

194.* <yogam vina dhanarii nasti adhanasya kuto gunah 
agunasya kuto dharmo adharmasya kutah sukham | 

195. dharmarthakamamoksanarii yasyaiko ^pi na vidyate 
ajagalastanasyeva tasya janma nirarthakam | 

VB (iii. 20), xiii. 10, B 3120 app. 



> 



66 George Melville Boiling 

196-7.* dharme ragah srute cinta dane vyasanam nttamam 

indriyarthesu vairagyaih saihpraptarii janmanah phalam || 

B 3132. 
198.* khararii svanaih gajonmattaih randaih ca bahubhasinim | 
<kurajanam> kumitrarii ca duratah parivarjayet || "^ 

B 2042. 
(199.) sakataih pancahastena dasahastena vajinam | 
hastinaih satahastena desatyagena durjanam 1 1 

VB (vii. 1),B (6341). 
(200.) kirii karoti narah prajiiah suro vapy atha panditab | 
daivaiii yasya chalEnvesi karoti vipbalaih kriyam 1 1 

Lgh iv. 7, B 1729. 
201. yasya putro vasibhuto bharya ehandanugamini | 
vibhave yas ca saiiitustas tasya svarga ihaiva hi 1 1 

VB ii.S,H (42), B 5382. 
202.* adityasyodayo ganarii tambtilaih bbarati katba | 

ista bharya sumitram ca apurvani dine-dine 1 1 B 932. 

203. natyuccasikhafo merur natinicam rasatalam 
vyavasayapravrttanaih nasty aparo mabodadhib 

Lgh Yil 6, B (7569). 

204. satpadah puspamadbyastho yatba saraiii samuddbaret 
tatba sarvesu <kavyesu> saram grbnati buddbiman | 

B (6605). 
205.* karmabhutim imam prapya kartavyam kiarma yac 
cbubham | 
agnir vayus ca somas ca karmanarii pbalabbaginah 1 1 

' B 1564. 

206. jivantam mrtavan manye debinam dbarmavarjitam | 
mrto dbarmena samyukto dirgbajivi na samsayab 1 1 

VB xiii. 9', B 2430. 

207. OcTTL? ovK l^et KXiatv ets to, tov vo/xov, ovto<s /catWcp yprjyopStVf 
VTTViJiv TTO)? eart, Kat ov rvy^avet rtuv tav i<f>L€TaL ^ KapSia avToO* tto)? 

208. sa dbarmo yatra nadbarmas tat sukbam yatra nasukbam | 
jnanaih ca yatra najnanam sa gatir yatra nagatih || M 170. 

209. TavTo. cio-t TO, TOV vofiov rf ets to. tfxypv^ €vcnr\a.y)(y(a.^ -^ aX-qOcui, ^ 
avo)(r}, 17 Ka9ap6Trj<s, 17 dA.iyapK€ta, 17 Oeoyv(i)aia, kol ^ awdOeui • ra 8c 
Trjs dvo/Aias eicrl to. ivavTta. 

210. Ti)s dpcT^s a-qfx^d eio-t Tavra • 17 cyKparcta, 17 iXaporiys, ^ €7rt/i,c\€Ui, 
17 aa-Kria-L's, 17 8d(ris, 17 ayaSrj 8td^c(ri5, 17 Oeoipia kol ^ aTrdOcui. 

211. T^9 dperrj^ crrjfieLa cicrt Tavra • 17 KaOaporrjs, ^ fvcTTrXayxyia, y 800-19, 
7j diro)^ aXXoTptov Trpdy/xxxTOs, koX rj TrapOevuif y icmv 17 pti^a rrj's 
(TKXrjpayoyyiaS'^ 



Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 67 

212. ksiyante sarvadanani yajnahomabalikriyah | 

na ksiyate <niaha>daiiam abhayam sarvadehinam |1 

VB (xvi. 14),B 2023. 

213. 0(rTis eXeos e;(ct cis ra tyiAliv^a, vtto tovtov iroicn rois ^eots Xarpeta 
iyevcTOf koi iracra 6v(Tia, kox Xovrpov €v Tracri rots d-ytao-rtKois rSatrt. 

Cf. 5 6930. 

214. naharaih cintayet prajno dharmam eva hi cintayet | 
aharo hi manusyanarii janmana saha jay ate 1 1 

YB (xii. 20), B 3695. 
215.* rajyaih ca saihpado bhogah kule janma <pavitrata>| 
pandityam ayur arogyaih dharmasyaitat phalarii viduh | 

B 5772. 

216. daridryanasanam danarii silaih durgatinasanam I 
ajnananasini prajna bhavana bhavanasini 1 1 

YB (v. 10), B (2775). 

217. <jnanam vi> jnanadanena nirbhayo 'bhayadanatah | 
annadanat sukhi nityarii nirvyadhir bhesajad bhavet || 

B 2455. 
The change in a not only coincides with Galanos ' 7vw(ris '^Iverai but 
jndnavijndna° is cited by Kressler from Bhj, 

218. matrvat paradarans ca paradravyani lostavat 
atmavat sarvabhiitani yah pasyati sa pasyati | 

YB xil U,H{5),B 4805. 

219. anityani sarirani vibhavo naiva sasvatah | 

nityam samnihito mrtyuh kartavyo dharmasarhgrahah 1 1 

YB xii. 12, B 292. 
220.* matulo yasya govindah pita yasya dhanamjayah | 

so 'bhimanyu rane sete niyatih kena badhyate 1 1 B 4802. 

221. grhesv artha nivartante smgLsanad api bandhavah | 
sariraih ( tirtham adaya | punyapapaih samarii gatam | 

' ■ M 55, cf. B 601. 

222. na ca mata pita yati na ca bhrata sahodarah | 

puny am <eva> samam yati <na suta na ca bandhavah > 
Possibly d is nothing but a variant to b. \\ B 3229. 

223. Tw ovTt OvfjirjpTjs ia-rlv rj yvvrj- dvfxrjprjs koI 6 ttXovtos- rj ^on) 8'o/a<os 
aararos i<rTL, Ka^ws to oivpptTrU /SXefifw. r^s €p<i)TLK7J^ yvmtKOs. 

224. Ttvos €o-Tt M'TVP I '^^^^^ irarrip ; tlvos vtos ; tlvos yvvrj ; Iv oAAciis 
Kai oAAais yewiqcrtcnv oAAot Kat aXkoL ea-ovrai. 

For the thought cf. B 4793, for the form B 1623. 

225. Eis TO Sv<TKaray(j)VL(rTov (rropjo. rov Oavdrov eiarjXOov Ka/cetvot, ot ovres 
Uavol av£yct/oat (avajSao-Tacai) Tr}V yrjv, kol Karainuv rov r)\t.ov Kat 



68 George Melville Boiling 

226. krtakarmaksayo nasti kalpakotisatair api 
avasyam eva bhoktavyaih krtaiii karma subhasubham 

TjD 257, B 1854. 

227. avasyam bhavina bhava bhavanti mahatam api | 
naffnatvaih nilakanthasya mahahisayanam hareh | 

TjD 256, B 671. 

228. Kanre/o wv irapa fxeyaXoLS 6 av6po)7ros, KapirovTai ov irXiov ToO 
€ifmpfi€vov'<fi€p* ctTTCiv, 6 6<f>L^ BaaovKTjs, Kaiirep wv irapa Tw Aat^o 
Tov ^t)Sa, dv€fMO<f>dyo<s io-rl koI dvefxoaapKOS- 

The opposite is maintained B 4755, 4764. 

229. svayaih karma karoty atma svayaih tatphalam asnute 
svayaih bhramati saiiisare svayaih tasmad vimucyate 

YB vi. 9, B 7305. 
230.* alasyam hi manusyanam sarirastho mahan ripuh | 
nasty udyamasamo bandhuh krtva yan navasidati 1 1 

B (1030). 
231.* krtantavihitarii karma yad bhavet purvanirmitam | 
na sakyam anyatha kartum pinditais tridasair api 



B 1870. 

232. napraptakalo mriyate viddhah sarasatair api | 

J trnagrenapi saihsprstah ^ praptakalo na jivati 1 1 B 3595. 

233. yatha dhenusahasresu vatso vindati mataram 
tatha purvakrtaih karma kartaram anugacchati 1 1 

VB (xiii. 15), B 5114. 

234. janma-janma yad abhyastaih danam adhyayanam tapah | 
tenaivabhyasayogena tad evabhyasyate punah 1 1 

VB (xvi. 19),5 (2331). 

235. varaih parvatadurgesu bhrantam vanacaraih saha 
na murkhajanasaihparkah surendrabhavanesv api 

B 5975. 

236. El Kal ^lXlolkl^ hLSa)(6€Lr] 6 ix(i}po<s, -^ fxaOrjaL^ ovk ep^cTat eU to oucpov 
Trj<s yXiiXTO'rj'S avroVf KaOot'S ovSk to iv ^dafW.Xrj yy v8a)p eis T^v 
v\J/rjXi^v. 

237. <dhanavan akulino ^pi sarvatra paripiijyate [ 
sasino jatavahso 'pi nirdhanah paribhuyate 1 1 > 

* cf . Lgh viii. 1. 

238. yasyarthas tasya mitrani yasyarthas tasya bandhavah ] 
yasyarthah sa pumahl loke yasyarthah sa ca panditah | 

VByI 5'(vii. 15), 5 (540^). 

239. vayovrddhas tapovrddha ye ca vrddha bahusnitah | 

te sarve dhanavrddhanarii dvari tisthanti kiihkarah 1 1 

• • 1 . 1 1 _ 

Lgh viii. 3. 



Cdnakya Used hy Galanos 69 

240. arthanam arjane duhkham arjitanaih ca raksane | ' 

aye duhkham vyaye dnhkliarii dMg artha' duhMiasaiii- 
srayalill B (605). 

241. gatibhangah svaro dino gatrasvedo mahad bhayam | 
marane yani cihnani tani cihnani yacake || B (2811). 

242.* mahataih prarthanenaiva vipattir api sobhate | 

dantabhango hi naganaih slagbyo girividarane || B (4746). 

243. Ot ju,€V BpdxfJM,ve<s Staytvwo-Koi/Tat ck Trj<5 iyKpartoas, ot 8c Uarpal €K 
T^s ii(j>o<i>opia<Sf oi 8c Bato-cat ck Trj<s cts rrjv yetopyiav kol ijXTropLav 
<j>L\o7rovuis, ol 8k "^ovSpai ck tyJs 6r)Teia<s kol virovpyuoM. 

Cf. B 2456, 2457, 2709, 4506, 6540. 

244. IlavTt rpoTTto Oeayputv Set Trotetv tois lTn.6vfxov<ri fieyaXr)^ dvea-ea)^ /cat 
€v Tw irapovTi kol iv t<S fieXXovTL ^ito ex yap T7J<s Oewpiaq yvwats tov 
©coO ytVcTat. 

245. Twv ^vAaTTovTwv irapOevLav to tcAo? i<TTLV 17 Trpos tov ©eov Oempua,' 
Sia^^ei/ocfco-T^s 8c t-^s TrapBevuvs irda-a dXXrj irpa^ui dpenjs dvoxpeXrj^ 
co-Tiv. 

246. yasya cittaih dravibhtitam krpaya sarvajantusu | 
tasya jnanaih ca moksas ca kiih jatabhasmacivaraih 1 1 

VB (xv. 1), B'(5368). 

247. Oo"Tis ovK aTToSoKLfJid^ei TO. vvo Tyjv alaO'qa-iV, ouSc tov dvfiov Kara- 
/SaAAci, Kttt ^tXiySovos €0"Tt, tovtco to d<rK7jTtKbv (T-)^pxij ir6po<i la-ri 

TWV TT/OOS tfHirjV. 

248. ®€S T^v orcavToi) ^^')Q]V cv Tw 0€(5, o.TT'qXXay p.iv7)V irdcriq^ vofxiKYJ^ 
'irpdiea)^' avrrj ia-Tiv 17 Oetopta kol Ocoyvoxrux' to, 8e AotTra TreptrToXoyux. 

249.* danarii ptija tap as caiva tirthaseva srutaih tatha | 

sarvaih tad viphalaih tasya yasya cittaih na sudhyati 1 1 

B 2754. 

250. Ota x^P°^ '*^^ avccfcs €(ttl tw ocrtw dvhpl, t<S oiTra^ws 8iayovTt Kat 
fnovd^ovTi, Tovavrr] ovk t(TTiv ov8\ rtS oIkovix€vlkw ^diarikei. 

251. "OaTts 8o^a^€t T^v ^v^v /u,tav, ovros TravTas tbs cavTov voftti^ei* tw 
8e cy/cpaTci cavTOV 6 rptros Koafios vir* iiovauiv iarCv. 

252. yasya sneho bhayaih tasya sneho duhkhasya bhajanam 
snehamulani duhkhani tani tyaktva vaset sukham 1 1 

VB xiii. 6, B 5401. 

253. 'O e/x(f>p(i)v fw.6r)Tr]<s 8ta fxid^ Xc^cws eKarbv Xc^cis pjavddvw 6 S'a^pcuv 
ovSc /u,Mxv Ac'^tv puavBdva €k xtAiwv Ac^ewv. 

254.* <dhanaih yasya bhaven manah suciraih tasya jmtani> 
prabhrastamanadarpasya kiih dhanena kim ayusa 1 1 

*5 4828c'i. 
255.* pragnas tu jalpataih puhsaih srutva vacah subhasubhah | 
gnnavad vakyam adatte hahsah lislram ivambhasah 1 1 
Galanos^ translation lacks the limitation to a conversation. B 4923. 



70 George Mel/vUle Boiling 

256.* vasen manadliike sthane manaliinaiii vivar jayet | 

manahinam suraih sardhaih vimanam api varjayet 1 1 

B 6003. 

257. muhiirtam api jiveta narah suklena karmana | 
na kalpam api kastena lokadvayavirodhina 1 1 

YB xiii. 1, B 4905. 

Galanos' translation is free. 

258. saiiisarakatuvrksasya dve phale amj:'topame 
kavyamrtarasasvada alapah sajjanaih saha | 

VB (xvi. 18), B (6636). 

259. akarair ingitair gatya cestaya bhasitena ca | 
netravaktravikarais ca grhyate 'ntargatarii manah 

B 848. 

260. rajni dharmini dharmisthah pape papah same samah | 
raianam anuvartante^yatha raja tatha prajah || 

VB xiii. 8, Lgh ii. 6, B 5768. 

261. nasti satyam sada caure na saucarii vrsalipatau | 
madyape sauhrdarii nasti dyutakare trayaiii na hi 

B 7576. 

262. sakrj jalpanti rajanah sakrj jalpanti sadhavah | 
sakrt kanyah pradiyante triny etani sakrt-sakrt 1 1 

VB (iv. 10), 5 6650. 

263. abhrachaya trnad agnih khalapntih sthale jalam 
vesyaragah kumitraiii ca sad ete budbudopamah 

264. gunah sarvatra pujyante pitrvanso nirarthakah 
vasudevam namasyanti vasudevarii na te janah | 

Lgh vii. 4, B 2143. 

265. daridranam anatbanarii balavrddhatapasvinam 
anyayaparibhutanam sarvesaiii partMvo gatih 

Cf. Kressler: anathdndm. 

266. acarah kulam akhyati desam akhyati bhasanam 
<sammanah> sneham akhyati vapur akhyati bhojanam 

Merely a scribe's blunder for SQ,mb'hramah. VB iii. 2, B 870, 

267. artharthi bhajate loko na kas cit kasya cit priyah ] 
vatsah ksiraksayaih drstva parityajati mataram || M 180, 

Cf. also B 2541, 3186, 3187, 3189. 
268.* devadravyena ya vrddhir gurudravyena yat sukham 
J tad dhanam j[ kulanasaya mrto 'pi narakaih vrajet 

B (2941). 

270. 'YTripdcaLV (dva/8oA.^v) SeT Trotctv cv TroXifiOLSy iv Savetbts Kai hf 
alTrjfXAX(nv vlov koI ywaiKos ■ Iv ■n-act Set Trotctv viripBtxriv ■ €v 8c ry 
Trpai^L Tiov Tov vofjiov ov Set Trotetv VTripOtuiv koX jSpaSvT^ra. 
Contrast B 3115. 



B 516. 



B (7443). 



Cdnakya Used by Galmos 71 

271. raja kulavadhtir vipra niyogi mantrinas tatM | 

sthanabhrasta na sobhante dantah kesk nakhas tatha | 

B 5750. 
272. (*) bhavasuddhir maniLsyanaih jnatavya sarvakarmasu 
anyathalingyate kanta bhavena duhitanyatha 1 1 

B (4579) app. 
G. seems to have read dlingate. His vl6v must be a lapsus for iraripa. 

273. H fiiv L,<ii7i ofxouL icTTL Trj dcTT/oainj, yj §€ crw€'A.eDO"ts, cbs to oveipov, ^ 
oe (TTopyrj, ws 17 Jv tc5 ovpavw ipv0p6Tr]<s Kara rrjv cw Kat Kara t^v 
ecTTrepav, ro oik cSifjua, w? 1^ rot) vSaros crraytov. 

274. Ev Too-ovro) 6 ftaTpaxo<: ^oa. a^o/8os, wv ci/ iJSaTt, ev oo-w ov /SXeVet 

Tov CTKXripov o^tv, OS ecTtv ws 17 7rpo^o(rKl<s rov i\€<fiavTO<s- 
Cf. B 2547. 

275.* panca nasyanti [padmaksi] ksudMrtasya na saihsayah | 
tejo laj ja matir manam mahattvam capi pancamam 1 1 

B 3855. 

276. Aeyc dXyjOevav Xeye oxfyeXifxa • Xe'ye OefxiTa Kat evTrpeTrrj, a evcfjrjfXLav 
TTpo^tviL' firjSk iv evrpaTreXuxii kol o'Kcoju./xao'i Acye aBip.LTa koX aTrpcTrrj, 
a TTpo^evei 8v(r<fi7jp.Lav. 

277. "OcTTts ovK ol8e XeycLV Aoyovs olttoSuktlkov^, w^eXt/iovs (;(/or/(ri/u,ovs), 

aXr]6ei<s koI cpacrovs (TTrovSatois avSpdcri, Sia tL ovtos ov Kparet rrjV 

eavTov yXtoTTav; 
Cf. L^r^fc. vi. 10. 

278. "Oo-Tis ypd<f>et Kara Tr)v vtrodeatv Kal diroSeiKTtKws ovtos co-rtv 6pd6<s 
"TroirjTYjs, TO T€ irovqfxja, Kat Trovrjfw. avTov XvaiTeXis Icttlv. 

279. 'Ekcivos €o-Ttv rip<otK6<s avrjpf Trpav's, o"o<^os, iyKpaTTj^s, kol )(aXLvayo)yb<s 
tSv 7raO(oVj v<^* ou Kara^dAAcrat 6 Ovfib^ 8l dvo;(^s, <5)S 6 ixOpos Sia 
po//.^atas> ) 

280. ''A^cs TOV Ov/xoVf OS eo^Ti pt^a t^s aTOTrtas, avirjTiKos (av^T^orts) Tiys 
KUKtas, Kat oAe^ptos (oXe^pos, fJi.€L(x>a-L<s) t^s dpcT^s. 

281. vararii hi narake vaso na tu duscarite grhe | 
narakat kslyate papain kugrhat parivardhate 1 1 

From SubhasitavaH 3163 (F. E.). 

282. durjanaih saha sangena sajjano 'pi vinasyati | 
prasannarii jalam ity ahuh kardamaih kalusayate 1 1 



B 7546. 
B 7518. 



283. guno 'pi dosataiii yati vakribhute vidhatari 
anuktile punas tasmin doso 'pi ca gunayate 

284. (*) ksami data gunagrahi svami bhagyena labhyate | 

nrparaksah sucir dakso bhrtyah khalu sudurlabhah 1 1 

5 '(2013), 
Probably: nrpaKxaMah'^ or nrpa<ibhalctah'^. Cf. EZressler: Tcsdmi ? 



72 George Melville Boiling 

285. yavat pimyodayah piiiisarii tavat sarve 'pi kiihkarah | 

punyachede tu saihjate bandhavas te 'pi vidvisah 1 1 M 133. 
286.* gauravam prapyate danan na tu dravyasya saihgrahat | 
agacchan vanchito lokair varido na tu vaHdhih 1 1 

B 2209^^^ 4346^=^. 
287.* dustasya dandah sujanasya puja 

nyayena kosasya vivardhanarii ca 
apaksapato ^ 'rthisu | rajyaraksa 



B 2890. 
3hajanarii tatM 



pancaiva yajnah kathita nrpanam 
288,* marusthalyam yatha vrstih ksudharte 

daridre diyate danaiii saphalaiii [pandunandana] 

B 4730. 
289. daridre diyate <danaiii sarvada tat prasasyate | 

nadaridre tu yad dattaiii kiib. varidena varidheh. 1 1 > 
290.* <mrtasyapi nivartante pancaitani na samsayah | 

sastram vapi kupo vrksah suputras caiva pancamah 1 1 > 
291.* <dharma]i pita ksama mata bharya jneya daya tatha j 

itaras tu ^nah putra. bandhavas te sudhimatah 1 1 > 

292. dhanikah srotriyo raja nadi vaidyas tu pancamah | 
panca yatra na vidyante na tatra divasaih vaset | 

VB i. 9, H (36), B (3861). 

293. I lokayatra J bhayarii lajja daksinyam tyagasilata | 
panca yatra na vidyante na kuryat tatra samgatim 

YB i. 10, B (3862). 
(294.) dadati pratigrhnati guhyam akhyati prcchati | 
bhunkte bhojayate caiva sadvidham pritilaksanam 

' B 2703. 

295. A7ro<j>evy€ T7)v afxiXeuiv, rrjv (juXuiv KaKOv avOpwTrov, r^v t/feuSoXoyuzv, 
TT/v ^ojoKTOvtav, Tr}v kv/3€ulv, t7]v OLVOTToa-Lav, Kttt Tr]V dXXoTpiav 
yvvaiKtt. 
Cf. B 2993, 2994. 

(296.) sarvanase samutpanne ardhaih tyajati panditah | 
ardhena kurute karyaih sarvanaso hi | duhsahah { 1 1 

B 6929. 

Eead : <murkhata> ? 

297. sariitosas trisu kartavyah svadare bhojane dhane | 
trisu caiva na kartavyo dane cadhyayane tape 1 1 

VB (vii. 4, xiii. 19), B (6799), M p. 65. 

298. Ota X°-P^ '^'^^ avcat? ecTTt Tot<i Tr/oae'crt rrjv KapBiav, kol K€KOpe<r/A€V(m 
avrapKeuL^, oicrirtp d/xjSpoo-tixs ! irodiv Touxvrrj rots irXovTOv OeXova-ij 
KOL TrjSe Ka.K€i(re Oiova-Lv; 

299. asaihtusta dvija nastah sariitustas ca mahibhrtah 
salaj ja ganika nasta nirlaj jas ca kulanganah 1 1 

VB viii, 18, H (80), Lgh (iv. 3), B (755). 



Canakya Used hy Galanos 73 



(300.) asakyaih narabhet prajno akarj^m naiva karayet 

yathadesagatadharmam yatMkalaih ca jivayet 1 1 B 712^^. 

301.* <ghrtaih bhusanam annasya yauvanaiii narabhiisanam | 

dhanasya bhusanam danaih ) _ . ,-,- . , . .\\^ 
,r5v,,«« 1.1.-* * • X • > svammo bhusanam krpa > 
vakyasya bhusanam satyam ) * • • ^ 1 1 -^ 

(302.) vastrahlnas tv alaihkaro ghrtahinaih ca bhojanam | ( 

svarahmam ca gandharvam bhavahinaih ca maithunam 1 1 

B 6011. 

305. riktapanir na pasyeta rajanaih devataih gurum | 
naimittikam<ca vaidyaih ca> phalena phalam adiset || 

B 5786. 

306. priyavakyapradanena sarve tusyanti jantavah | ' 
tasmat tad eva vaktavyarii vacane kim daridrata 1 1 

VB xvi. 17, B 4352. 
307.* <dandena na tu m^nena sarvam etad vidhiyate | 

gardabhadi dundubhis ca dasi balah striyas tatha 1 1 > 

308. ayuh karma ca vittaih ca vidya nidhanam eva ca | 

~ pancaitani ca sr jyante garbhasthasyaiva dehinah 1 1 

VB (iv. l),xiii. 4" B (992). 

309. manasa cintitarii karyarii vaca naiva prakasayet | 
mantyena raksayed gudhaih karyam capi niyojayet \. ■ , ' 

y^ii. 7, a- (38),B.(4687). 

311. ajnamatraphalaih rajyaih brahmacaryaphalaih tapah 

jnanamatraphala vidya dattabhuktaphalam dhanam 

B 880. 

312.* vasisthakulajato 'pi yah khalah khala eva sah 

candanad api sambhuto dahaty eva hutasanah 1 1 B 6001. 

314. maksika vranam icchanti J dhanam | icchanti parthivah 

' nicah kalaham icchanti santim icchanti sadhavah 1 1 

Lgh V. 9, B 4651. 

315.* adau tanvyo brhanmadhya | vistarinyah pade-pade ^ \ 

yayinyo na nivartante satarii maitryah saritsamah || 

B 940. 

316. (*) jivite yasya jivanti <bhrtya> mitrani bandhavah | 

•^ saphalaih jivitaih tasya atmartham ko na jivati 1 1 B 2439. 
Cf. Kressler: yasmin jivati (Klatt would so emend) ? 

317. *0 KttKOS KaLTTtp X(av evepyerovfjievos, aTrep ov Set Aeyeiv kol iv \oyo- 
IMi)(iaj ravra Aeyet iv yeXwrt /cat ■^(apicvrnTixia • 6 8' dya^os, KaiTrep 
ipe6Lt,6fxevoi ets opyrjv, ovk iK<f>pd^eL apprjTa koli dirpeTrrj • tt. ^. o 
<TaKxapoK<iX£LiJt.o?, Kalirep Trte^o/u-ei/os, yXvKvv yyiiov e/cpcci. 

Cf. B 6628, 6629. 

318. *AAAo pkv StSoTttt ets irpaJ^iv ruiv rov vofiov, aXko Se et? dTraXAay^v 
<f>6/3ov KOL KLvSvvov, oAAo Sc €is dfiOL/Srjv ;(d/otTos • o Tt 8c 8L8oTai ets 
aWo T€A.os dXvaLTeXis Icttl. 



74 ' " George Melville Boiling 

320. trnal laghutaras tiilas tulad api ca yacakah | ^ 
vayuna kiiii na nito 'sau mam ayaih yacayed iti 

VB (xvi. 15), 5 (2590 app.). 

323. Kocr/ATy/AttTa eiai rrjq yrj? Trevrc • 6 c^tXoKaXos /SaxriXevs, 6 aya6o<: koi 

ttXovo-lo^, 6 cvTratScuTos koI (Til)<l>p<ov, 17 XPV°"''^V^V^ y^^j '^^^ o 

ycvvaio<s €v ttoXc/aois ittttos. 
Contrast B 4587. 
324 * <vyadlieh samarii nasti sarirasosanaih 

matuh samaih nasti sariraposanam | 

bharyasamarii nasti sariratosanam 

vidyasamam nasti sarirabhiisanam 1 1 > 
After M 50. 
325. kake saucarii dyutakaresu satyarii 

sarpe ksantih strisu kamopasantih | 

klibe dhairyaiii madyape tattvacinta 

raja mitraiii kena drstam srutam va 1 1 5 1618. 
326.* sarv<esii dharmesu daya> pradhana 

sarvesu panesu jalaiii pradbanam | 

sarvesu saukbyesu <vadbtili> pradbana 

sarvesu gatresu sirah pradbanam 1 1 

■ -^ VB (ix. 4), M (173), B (6959). 
327. kantaviyogah svajanapamana 

rnasya sesarii knjanasya seva 

daridrabbavad vimukbaih ca mitraiii 

vinagnina panca dabanti kayam || VB (ii. 14), B (1630). 
328.* avinito bbrtyajano nrpatir adata sathani mitrani 

avinayavati ca bbarya mastakasulani catvari 1 1 B 691. 

329. sarve ksayanta nicayah patanantah samuccbrayah 
sariiyoga viprayoganta maranantaiii ca jivitam 1 1 B 6948. 

330. na sa sabha yatra na santi vrddba 
na te vrddba ye na vadanti dbarmam | 
nasau dbarmo yatra na satyam asti 

na tat satyam yac cbalenabbynpetam || B 3483. 

Columbus, Ohio. 



v\ , 



THE SOURCES OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHICAL IDEAS 

George William Brown 

Professor or Old Testament Literature^ College of the Bible, 

Lexington, Kentucky 

It is usually held that the characteristic Indian philosophy, 
which first presents itself in a developed form in the Upani- 
shads, is a direct evolution from the older faith of the Aryans, 
as that faith is revealed in the older hymns of the Eig Veda. 
To be sure, it is admitted that there is something extraordinary 
in the development. A highly organized ritual, such as one 
finds described in the Rig Veda, with its exaltation of the priest- 
hood and of sacrifice, would not normally lead into a system in 
which the priesthood is ignored and the sacrifice is regarded 
as useless. The abnormality is the more marked when we find 
that the ritual was continued alongside of the non-ritualistic 
system characterized by the philosophy, and in many ways was 
still more highly developed in the days of the Sutras. Chrono- 
logically, it is usually granted that the speculative hymns of the 
Vedas are among the latest passages in those books, that the 
earlier Brahmanas were nearly or quite contemporaneous with 
these hymns, and that the earlier Upanishads were nearly or 
quite contemporaneous with the later Brahmanas. In the same 
way the Sutras link on to the Upanishads. Sutra and Upani- 
shad seem to stand at opposite poles (reference is of course made 
here to the Sutras dealing with the ritualistic side of things). 
The chain of development presented is that of a ritualistic sys- 
tem in the older Rig Veda, developed thruout the Brahmanas 
and Sutras — the normal development. But there appear cer- 
tain hymns, manifesting different tendencies, in the later parts 
of the Rig Veda; traces of the same thought are found in the 
Brahmanas, and these ideas are the essential part of the Upan- 
ishads. We have, then, side by side, two fundamentally (Effer- 
ent systems of thought; the one strongly polytheistic, with a 
highly elaborated ritual; the other paying little attention to 
gods as such, certainly to personal gods, and taking the form of 
a monistic or dualistic philosophical system. 

A fundamental question in connection with this phenomenon 
is, whence came the newer and philosophical ideas? Assuming 



76 George William Brown 

that only the Aryan element contributed toward the develop- 
ment of Indian thought, that the earlier inhabitants of the land 
were destroyed, or at least culturally reduced to zero, by the 
invading Aryans, it is usually taught that the almost atheistic 
philosophy of the Upanishads is a natural sequence of the 
earlier polytheistic ideas manifested in the original parts of the 
Rig Veda. The one argument which may be best invoked to 
substantiate this assumption is the chronological one, for char- 
acteristic Upanishadic thought certainly did follow character- 
istic Vedic thought. Yet this argument alone is not conclusive. 
It is oifset by the wide difference in the fundamental ideas of 
the earlier and later systems. Again, it may be just as effec- 
tively invoked to prove that the philosophic ideas were derived 
from some other source, such as the pre- Aryan civilization of the 
, country, which was gradually assimilated by the invading 
Aryans. In fact, this assumption is one that deserves far more 
consideration than it has usually had. Why should we assume 
that only Aryan elements enter into later Indian culture? On 
the contrary, why should we not assume that later Indian cul- 
ture is a composite product, as practically all later cultures are 
composite products, and that both the Aryan and the non- Aryan 
elements contributed to it? 

That the non- Aryan element of the population was not wholly 
exterminated is an unquestioned fact. The southern part of 
India, in fact nearly all the peninsula proper, is racially un- 
Aryan. And tho Aryan languages have spread more than 
Aryan blood in the occupation of the land, the South is still 
linguistically unconquered. If we accept Risley's conclusions 
in toto (cf. H. H. Risley, The People of India, 2nd ed., p. 33ff.) 
we find the prevailingly Aryan element of the northwest of 
India becoming continually weaker as we go east and south, so 
much so that the non-Aryan or Dravidian element in the Gan- 
getic Doab, the ancient Madhyadesa, is stronger than the Aryan 
element. Farther east, in ancient Magadha and Videha, the 
Aryan element is still smaller, and the population must always 
have been prevailingly Dravidian (or at least non- Aryan)./ 
Even if one disagrees to a large extent with Risley's conclusions, 
one can not escape the general conclusion that the non- Aryan 
part of the population is a very lai-ge one even in these parts of 
the country. We can not, therefore, accept the view that the 
Aryans exterminated the original inhabitants; the facts are 
against such a view. 



Sources of Indian Philosophy . 77 

Granting, as we must gfant, that the South has from the 
earliest times been Dravidian — ^using that term in the loose and 
convenient sense of non-Aryan — and that a considerable strain 
of Dravidian blood is to be found even in the North, the question 
at once arises as to whether or no this Dravidian element of 
Indian population contributed to Indian culture. A priori, 
whenever there is a blending of two races, we expect a blending 
of their cultures, and the amounts contributed by the respective 
races should be in proportion to their numerical strength. But' 
this dictum can never work out with numerical exactness; the 
stronger and more advanced race will inevitably contribute 
more, in proportion to its numbers. Since the population of 
India certainly has a very large Dravidian element, and prob- 
ably is prevailingly, and in many parts overwhelmingly, Dra- 
vidian, a priori we should expect the culture to be very largely 
Dravidian. Was the superiority of the Aryans, then, so great 
as to make the Dravidian influence negligible ? From the polit- 
ical and military standpoint, it is hardly to be questioned that 
the Aryans were superior to the Dravidians. But were they 
as superior in other respects? And even if they were superior, 
was their superiority sufficient to. overcome the handicap of 
numerical inferiority? For we can hardly think that in the 
Doab and the Magadha-Videha region the Aryan strain was 
more than twenty-five per cent of the populalion; according to 
Risley 's conclusions, it could scarcely have been more than half 
that much. The task of organizing and Aryanizing so vast a 
mass of Dravidians along wholly Aryan lines would have been 
immense; it is difficult to conceive how it could have been 
accomplished. Again we know that the ancient Dravidians car- 
ried on commerce with the western world. Not to mention the 
investigations of Indian writers of repute, H. G. Rawlinson's 
Intercourse between India and the Western World (pp. 14, 30) 
notes the number of articles of commerce supplied to the western 
world by Dravidian India, and the number of Dravid^ian loan 
words in Greek and other languages, names of these articles. 
It would seem that at least the ancient sea traffic of India, 
which must have been considerable, was very largely in Dra- 
vidian hands. This is made the more probable by the relatively 
slight mention of sea traffic in aacient Sanskrit literature. But 
the commercial bent of at least parts of the Dravidian popula- 
tion is not merely a matter of conjecture. To the present day 
Dravidian merchants of the south are just as keen as the Aryan 



78 George William Brown 

merchants of the north. There is no reason for thinking that 
this was not always the case. The only natural inference from 
these facts is that the ancient Dravidians, or at least some of 
them, must have been highly civilized and well-organized. 

It is vain to go to the epics for trustworthy historical matter; 
yet if any dependence is to be placed on their statements, the 
cities of the Dravidians, their wealth and their culture, com- 
pared very favorably with those of the Aryans. Owing to the 
rise of Buddhism in northern India, to the facts that the earliest 
known Indian alphabet seems to have been introduced thru the 
northwestern frontier, and that the Pan jab was the scene of 
the Persian and Macedonian invasions, we have an earlier his- 
tory of north India than we have of the south. But not very 
I: much earlier. And when the authentic history of the south does 
begin, we find there a highly developed civilization, which is 
inferior to that of the north, for the most part, only in respect 
to those matters which were due to the contact of the north with 
the Persians and Greeks. There is nothing in history, ancient 
or modern, which would indicate that the Dravidians were 
incapable of contributing a very considerable element to the 
final resultant of Indian culture. There is nothing in the 
present standing of the Dravidian to indicate such inferiority. 
The relative intelligence of the largely Aryanized Pan jab shows 
no very marked superiority to that of Dravidian Madras. On 
a priori grounds, there seems to be every reason for assuming 
that the Dravidian contributed his full share to Indian culture. 

In seeking for matters in which positive Dravidian influence 
may be traced, one turns first of all to language. It seems to 
be reasonable to maintain, and it has frequently been main- 
tained, that the whole class of cerebral sounds in Sanskrit was 
developed after the arrival of the Aryans in India. Either or 
both of two causes may account for this. The new sounds may 
have developed thru internal phonetic change, or they may have 
been introduced from an external source. Since the Dravidians 
had, and still have, both dental and cerebral sounds in their 
languages, it is certainly possible that Sanskrit derived these 
sounds from its contact with Dravidian. This is not the place 
to argue this question, but to the writer the cumulative evidence 
as to Dravidian influence in cerebralizing a large number of 
dentals is very strong. A brief treatment by Grierson of this 
and other possible cases of Dravidian influence on the phonology 
of Aryan languages in India will be found in Linguistic Survey 
of India, iv. 279f . 



Sources of Indian Philosophy 79 

More impressive and less open to question is the influence of 
'ravidian on Aryan inflexion. A most convenient summary of 
lis phase of the matter is given by Grierson, op. cit., pp. 280-1. 
'r. Caldwell, in his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or 
outh-Indian Family of Languages, pp. 391, 225ff., long ago 
ointed out the similarity in the use of postpositions in the 
lodern vernaculars and in Dravidian. Both groups of lan- 
uages make use of an oblique form of the noun to which the 
ostpositions are attached. The order of words in the modern 
ernaculars has become Dravidian, and not Sanskrit. The use 
f prepositions has ceased; the conjunctive participle has been 
eveloped. , Even in Sanskrit such forms as kartdsmi and 
rtavdn seem to be exact copies of Dravidian forms. There can 
3arcely be a doubt that the modern vernaculars have been tre- 
lendously influenced by Dravidian. And Sanskrit itself shows 
vidence of borrowing from the same source. 

It is generally admitted that phases of ^iva worship, and 
Tobably even ^iva himself, have beeipi derived from Dravidian 
ources. Dr. Grierson {op. cit., p. 279) notes that the word 
'iva is -Dravidian as well as Aryan, that in Dravidian it means 
ed, while rudra in places in the Rig Veda seems to have the 
ame meaning. This is a possible reason for the identification 
f Budra with Siva. That T antra worship is derived from the 
borigines is the genera;l opinion of writers on this subject. 
Similarly the worship of Kali and Durga is generally believed 
be traceable to aboriginal sources. Among others, Bhandar- 
:ar, in his Vaimdvism, §ai/vism, and minor religious Systems, 
►p. 115, 144, recognizes strong influences exercised by the sav- 
age tribes. It has been very reasonably suggested that the 
freat pilgrimage places, such as Allahabad and Benares, were 
acred long before the. advent of the Aryans, and that their 
anctity was simply taken over, as it were, by the newcomers. 

There was a marked difference, apparently, between the 
Aryans and the aborigines in the matter of gods. The charac- 
eristic Aryan thought is that of a few great gods with distinct 
)ersonalities, as manifested in Indra and his associates. Some, 
udeed, are nature gods, as Jupiter Pluvius was a nature god; 
levertheless, the Aryan gods who are on the active list are 
iudowed with sufficient personality to enter into a mythology, 
Lnd few enough in number to be known thruout the entire 
^ryan community. Char;^cteristic Dravidian thought, on the 
►ther hand, recognizes gods innumerable, shadowy beings for 



80 George William Brown 

the most part, ghostly beings, or identified with some animal, 
some disease, some force of nature. One may well fancy the 
charms of the Atharva Veda — especially when he remembers the 
struggles of this book to attain canonicity — to represent a por- 
tion of the aboriginal cultus absorbed by early Aryans. For 
the Aryans were in contact with the Dravidians from the first 
day of their arrival in India. The characteristic Dravidian 
idea of deity may be obtained from such books as the study of 
the Village Deities of Southern Indbia by Bishop Whitehead of 
Madras, or W. T. Elmore's similar study of the Dravidian Gods 
in Modern Hinduism (Hamilton, N._Y., 1915), also dealing with 
the same locality. W. Crooke's investigations in North India 
(see especially his Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern 
India) show the same characteristics prevalent among the masses 
in that part of the country. That these differences must have 
been felt in the time of the Aryan conquest of the north can 
not be questioned; to the Vedic writers the Dasyus were 'god- 
less' and 'riteless.' , 

This type of religion is recognized in the Indian census as 
'Animism.' One may easily quarrel with the term as loose, 
indefinite, and inaccurate. But at least it is convenient. Using 
this term, then, to denote the aboriginal religions of the country, 
the religions of the lower classes and tribes, we find at the 
other extreme the highly organized Hinduism with its great 
gods and elaborate ritual. Tho probably largely influenced by 
Dravidian cults, it is the best representative of the ancient 
Aryan faith; it is in the direct line of descent. Between the 
two extremes one may find every possible gradation, ranging 
from theism to animism. That is, there is everywhere amalga- 
mation of fundamentally different religious elements. And yet, 
even in the highest of present day Hindu cults, there are 
matters which seem to have come from the Dravidian side. 
Most important of these is the doctrine of transmigration, which 
appears to be based on Dravidian animistic ideas. Certainly 
transmigration is a corollary and a counterpart to the usual 
animistic faith. Then we have specific sacred things, things 
with which the Aryans were unacquainted before they came into 
India, such as the pipal and banyan t^ees, the peafowl, the ser- 
pent, the langur or Hanuman monkey, various species of grass, 
not to mention sacred places innumerable. Why did the Aryans 
begin to regard these as sacred? The most plausible reason is 
that their predecessors so regarded them. The adoption of 
local Dravidian deities into the higher and organized cult is a 



Sources of Indian Philosophy 81 

most frequent phenomenon. In fact, iif looking at the modern 
cult from the Dravidian angle instead of from the Aryan angle, 
one is apt to be led to the conclusion that practically the whole 
cult is now Dravidian, only the organization remaining Aryan. 
For the great gods of the Vedas, tho formally worshipped by 
the higher classes at certain set festivals and on particular 
occasions, have no real hold on the religious life of the people. 
They are merely fossils of a past religion, and seem to owe their 
existence to the wonderful conservatism of India, which main- 
tains everything which has at any time been in the national 
consciousness. The old Vedic priestly classes no longer exist, 
at legist in a practical sense. Certain forms of ritual do exist, 
as well as Srdddha, oif ancestor worship, and these certainly 
parallel ancient Aryan practice. But we can not be sure that 
the Ancient Dravidians did not observe ancestor worship ; the 
present cult may owe something to them in this matter as well 
as to the Aryans. 

From all indications, it would seem that the first wave of 
Aryans carried with it more intolerance and exclusiveness than 
the later wave or waves. And the contact between the two races 
must therefore have had less reaction on the Aryans at first 
than it had later on. With the lapse of time, along with fuller 
acquaintance with the Dravidians, new and strange ideas begin 
to appear. The old settled faith in Indra and his associate 
deities is replaced here and there by philosophical, one might 
almost^ say skeptical, queries in the speculative hymns of the 
Vedas. At a time not very remote from that of the latest Vedic 
hymns, namely in the period of the earliest Upanishads, a great 
thought crisis seems to have taken place. The ultimate result 
of this was the practical overturning of the old Vedic faith, 
tho, to be sure, eclecticism and syncretism for centuries played 
their part. The crest of the Aryan wave moved forward; in 
the early Upanishad period the region of the thought clash is 
no longer the Panjab or the Gangetic Doab, but along the lower 
Ganges and the country to the east of the Doab — ^Magadha and 
Videha. Here and at this time were born the Upanishads, 
Jainism, and Buddhism. Born is probably not the right word ; 
what actually happened was the transfer into set compositions, 
which have been preserved to this day, of the ideas of the time, 
ideas which were new and startling to the Aryan kings at whose 
courts these doctrines were preached. But there is no -reason 
for thinking that these doctrines were not of considerable age 
when they were proclaimed by Gautama, Mahavira, and the 



82 George William Brown 

Upanishads. There is good reason for thinking that Jainism, 
at least, was older than the sixth century B. C. For Mahavira 
is not considered to be the founder of a new religion, but a 
preacher of one already established. One does not have to 
believe all that is said about the twenty-four Tirthakaras to 
believe that there is some fact to support the fanciful stories 
told about the number of Mahavira 's predecessors. It is rea- 
sonable to suppose that Mahavira 's cult was in the main at 
least an old one in his day, having a long succession of teachers, 
but -that it was Mahavira who brot it into prominence in the^ 
Aryan world. Buddhism in its fundamental ideas is so closely 
related to Jainism that it is evidently a product of the. same 
cycle of thought and culture. When it is remembered that the 
localities where these two religions came into prominence are 
practically the same, that Mahavira and- Buddha were con- 
temporaries, that the early orthodox Indians often mistook one 
sect for the other, and failed to distinguish between them, one 
can hardly help feeling that in. the beginning they were sects 
of a single cult, and go back to a common source. Again, an 
examination of the earlier Upanishads shows that their doc- 
trines are based on many of the same fundamental ideas as 
those of the Buddhists and Jains. The great difference seems 
to be this; Buddhism and Jainism remained more purely 
national, that is Dravidian; they would not accept the Yedas 
or the Vedic gods. This and this only stamps them as unortho- 
dox. Apart from their rejection of the Vedas, there is scarce 
a thing of importance in them which is not to be found in some 
of the orthodox systems. This very criterion becomes an indi- 
cation of the non- Aryan origin of the cults. But Upanishadism, 
if the term be permitted, saves its skin, as it were, by a formal, 
yet practically meaningless, acceptance of the Vedas — that is, 
the Vedic hymns, for at the time of the earliest Upanishads, 
it is very doubtful whether much, if anything, outside of the 
hymns had been canonized. The Upanishads, then, appear to 
be a piece of early syncretism. The theory that they represent 
a simple reaction against the polytheism and ritual of the 
mantras would call for a labored and persistent polemic which 
we do not find. The antiritualist position is assumed, rather 
than argued for. The attitude in general is constructive rather 
than destructive. The controversy in the Upanishads, and 
there is plenty of it, is usually over philosophical matters, not 
over ritual. To the orthodox Aryans, the doctrines of the 
Upanishads are the New Thought of their time; the kings and 



Sources of Indian Philosophy 83 

sages at the courts where these doctrifies are newly preached 
hear them with wonder and amazement. Yet the doctrines are, 
in spite of their newness, apparently the result of a long period 
of elaboration, and new only to the Aryan court. One may 
venture the opinion that these doctrines represent the highest 
phase of the ancient religion and philosophy of the Dravidians, 
interpreted by Aryans who strove to be faithful to their heredi- 
tary cult, but who at best could produce only a syncretism in 
which the essentially non- Aryan predominated. And all that 
we know of the advance of the Aryans into India fits ^in with 
this theory. 

The typical Vedic conceptions are to be found in the earlier 
books of the Rig Veda. They would seem to represent the 
Aryan thought, but little contaminated with contact with the 
Dravidians. In the later hymns of the Rig and in the Atharva 
we seem to feel something of the effects of the contact between 
the two races. The charms of the Atharva — a collection whose 
admission into the canon was very late — ^must have suggested 
something un- Aryan to those who opposed its admission to the 
canon, and who looked with such scorn upon it in every way. 
"When syncretism was more advanced, when Dravidian thought 
had become familiar, the Atharva could be received as of equal, 
or nearly equal, sanctity with the Rig (tho there were always 
those who denied this position to it). The speculative hymns 
show the first effects of the higher side of Indian animism. 
The Upanishads show it much more clearly. And the philoso- 
phy of India since their time, orthodox and unorthodox, is the 
philosophy of animism, and not of theism, such as we might 
expect to be derived from the Vedas. 

The first postulate of all the systems of philosophy, includ- 
ing Buddhism and Jainism, is that everything is permeated by 
spirit, a postulate which is the essence of a-nimism. Everything, 
organic or inorganic, living or inert, men, animals, birds, 
insects, trees, plants of every sort, seeds, clods of earth, all 
things are permeated by the subtle essence which is the essen- 
tial element of the universe. Nowhere is this set forth more 
clearly than in the sixth Prapathaka of the Chandogya Upani- 
shad, which is one of the earliest. In regard to these and 
similar things, Uddalaka says, ' That which is the subtle essence, 
in it all that exists has its self. It is the true, it is the self, 
And thou, ^vetaketu, art it.' Now this is simply systema- 
tized animism. Starting with the animistic belief that all 
objects are permeated by spirit, undertaking to learn the nature 



84 deorge WilUam Brown 

of that spirit, attempting to arrange the conclusions in a sys- 
tem, not only is this conclusion of the Indian philosopher a 
natural one; it seems to be an inevitable one. This spirit is 
something which is not cognizable by the senses, yet it is none 
the less real ; in fact it is the essential and most important part 
of the object. It is the part which one worships or adores. 
The object can have no existence without it. Animism does not 
try to prove the existence of such a spirit, neither does Indian 
philosophy ; both simply assume it. The wonderful new thought 
which surprised the Indian thinkers at the various royal courts 
is the all-permeating force of this spirit. The questions which 
arise concern its nature. To the intellectuals of the Aryan cult 
the idea appeared sublime; it far transcended the old Vedic 
ideas of the spiritual. Here is a force, an essence, which sus- 
tains even the gods, in comparison with which the gods are of 
very little importance. One need not deny the existence of the 
gods, but their status is very greatly reduced; they stand to 
man only as man stands to the lower creation. The new idea 
is grasped with charmed surprise; a period of intellectual 
awakening results. Some syncretizers seek to harmonize the 
new and the old by lowering the status of the gods, as the 
Vedantins do. Others seek to identify this spirit with the 
Supreme Deity — the Gita, for instance, identifies it with Krishna. 
Yet the kernel is the Dravidian animistic conception; part of 
the external comes from the old Aryan circle. 

The differentiation of the philosophical systems may well have 
had its genesis before the Aryans became thoroly acquainted 
with the new ideas. From the idea that everything is per- 
meated by spirit, certain questions arise. There are many 
objects in the universe ; does each one have its own spirit, or, to 
put it more correctly, is each one permeated by a separate spirit? 
Or is there just one spirit which permeates all things, and is 
the appearance of plurality merely an appearance? When the 
animist begins to think, this is one of the first questions to arise. 
The answer to the question constitutes one of the main differ- 
entia of the systems. Sankhya and Nyaya agree that there is 
a plurality of spirits ; each object has a spirit which is distinct 
from the spirit in other objects. But the Upanishads (gener- 
ally speaking) and Vedanta say there is but one spirit which is 
all-permeating ; then Vedanta seeks to account for the apparent 
plurality when there is really unity. In both answers the 
fundamental animistic conception is untouched. Acute minds 
have started with the fundamental animistic conception of spirit, 



// 



Vv 



Sources of Indvcm Philosophy 85 

and strive on this postulate to account for all the phenomena of 
the universe. Modern Jainism still emphasizes the belief, char- 
acteristically animistic, that not only every animal and plant, 
but every stone and clod of earth has its own peculiar spirit. 
Current orthodox thought is usually Vedantic, and maintains 
that the distinction of individual objects is illusion. There is 
but one spirit in all the universe, whether that spirit permeate 
the twice-born Brahman, the' degraded Chamar, the yet more 
lowly worm, or even the grain of sand. The spirit which 
appears in its highest form in Vishnu or one of his incarnations 
is the same spirit which appears in the tiger godling of the 
juiigle, the Smallpox Mother, or the amulet. Truly, with this 
conception, all worship is one. Monism is thus seen to be the 
ultimate evolution from animism. 

Another very natural question is : when a clod of earth 
breaks, what becomes of the spirit within it? When a new clod 
is formed, whence comes the spirit which permeates it? When 
a seed, a plant, or a body perishes, whither goes its spirit, and 
whence comes the spirit to similar new objects? ,To the San- 
khyas and all who believed in the plurality and reality of spirits, 
the question was inevitable ; even to the Vedantins, whose sepa- 
rate spirits or jwas are illusory, the same problem arises. No 
more natural answer can be conceived than the animistic reply 
which the Indian philosopher gives; the spirits migrate from 
body to body, from object to object. And so the doctrine of 
transmigration of souls is born. Much of Indian philosophy 
has been evolved in applying this doctrine to the phenomena of 
nature. This doctrine is one of the primary conceptions of all 
Indian thought. No Indian philosophy or religion has ever 
achieved a following of any importance whatever unless it has 
accepted the doctrine of transmigration and the animistic con- 
ceptions which it presupposes. S.o fixed is the belief in trans- 
migration that no one ever tries to prove its truth. It is an 
axiomatic fact, and all the phenomena of life are interpreted 
in terms of transmigration. So universally is this doctrine held, 
and so unquestioned is it from the time of its appearance in 
Indo- Aryan literature, that one can only feel that it was taken 
over as a fully developed belief, with a long history behind it. 
In other words, it was something inherited or borrowed from 
the non- Aryan people with whom the Aryans came in contact. 

Nearly all the other matters of Indian philosophy and modem 
IndiaQ religion are outgrowths of these fundamental animistic 
conceptions. Why does the spirit dwell in a body, and y^hy 



86 George William Brown 

does it change from body to body? Because of works. And 
why the universe? That the spirit may enjoy the fruit of 
works. Many things seem to combine to make these answers 
reasonable. They seem to furnish a solution to the great prob- 
lem of suffering, which has been attacked unsuccessfully by so 
many philosophers and thinkers. To the Indian it is perfectly 
clear ; the sufferings of this life are caused by the bad deeds of 
a previous life. The delights of this life are the results of 
previous good deeds. Eetribution and recompense are thus 
fully meted out; the Indian is perfectly satisfied in regard to 
the questions concerning conditions in this life and the outcome 
of deeds. The immortal soul simply wanders on and on, from 
body to body, according to the actions it has performedv The 
relation of soul and body is thus fully explained. 

May the soul be released? This is another of the great ques- 
tions of Indian philosophy. If so, how ? All schools agree that 
it may be released, but different means to release arp proposed. 
We have the knowledge-path so frequently presented in the 
Upanishads. But there are also the works-path and the devo- 
tion-path. Then, in connection with the binding and the release 
of souls another question arises; is the soul really, bound? 
Sankhya assures us that the soul is not really bound, tho both 
soul and matter are real. It only appears to be bound; hence 
the apparent binding is released by the acquisition of knowledge. 
Is the universe real? Sankhya has answered yes, Vedanta says 
no. Hence, to the Vedantin, there can be no binding, for there 
is nothing to bind the soul. The spirit is the all in all, it alone 
has existence. When one becomes conscious of this, the soul is 
automatically released from its illusory binding. All these doc- 
trines, which have won the admiration of many western investi- 
gators and thinkers, are in the ultimate test simple, one might 
almost say — from various points of view— inevitable, conclusions 
from the primary animistic beliefs which the Aryans encoun- 
tered when they came into serious touch with the Dravidians 
of the lower Gangetic plain. 

The suddenness with which these doctrines appear in liter- 
ature has led to the supposition that they are Kshatriya doc- 
trines which the kingly class first evolved and then taught to 
the Brahmans. It is indeed true that there are isolated accounts 
of kings teaching these new ideas to Brahmans. But usually 
the disputes in the Upanishads are not carried on by the king 
himself, but by the pandits and seers by whom he is surrounded. 



V 



Sources of Indian Philosophy 87 

Janaka was for the nlost part a questioner and not an instruc- 
tor. And so with most of the other kings mentioned. There 
is little to support the idea that the kings originated these doc- 
trines, tho they may well have known them before the Brah- 
mans did. What seems more probable is that the Aryan or 
partly Aryan kings respected the culture and religion which 
they found in their later advance. These, tho different from 
the culture and faith of the Aryans, do not seem to have been 
lower. When a tolerant king ruled, his court would most likely 
contain teachers both Aryan and Dravidian. In the region 
where the Upanishads, Buddhism, and Jainism are reputed to 
have arisen, the main element in the population is still Dra- 
vidian. It must have been even more strongly Dravidian in the 
days of Janaka of Videha. It looks as if the conquered Dra- 
vidians had revenged themselves by imposing their culture on 
the conquering Aryans ; a kind of revenge which has often taken 
place in history. Compared with the Upanishads, Buddhism 
and Jainism reflect less of the real Aryan element. But even 
in the Upanishads the Dravidian source seems to contribute the 
larger part. Since the population of India is and has from the 
beginning of history been prevailingly Dravidian, it is but 
natural that this syncretized faith should rule the minds of men 
thruout the land. The ultimate religion, as in many other cases, 
was simply that which the psychology of the people created. 
Its sources go back to early animism, tinged everywhere by the 
hue of distinctively Indian environment. The fundamental ani- 
mistic and Dravidian ideas were received without question in 
higher circles about the time of the birth of Gautama. The dis- 
putes were over secondary matters. 

A very plausible guess would be that the systems were dif- 
ferentiated before the Aryans became acquainted with them. 
Their very names, whose real meanings are so uncertain, look 
that way. It is a well-known fact that every nation borrowing 
a word from a foreign language has a tendency to' pronounce 
that word as a native one, and in due time the word receives a 
false meaning and a false etymology. Yoga and Sankhya are 
both in appearance Sanskrit words with rather transparent 
meanings. But their real meanings and applications to the sys- 
tems seem to be doubtful. It is very possible that they are 
modifications of words in some Dravidian tongue, perhaps now 
lost, conveying original meanings quite different from those 
at present indicated. Even the word Upanishad may eventu- 



88 George William Brown 

ally be traced to such a source. And one might well question 
whether asceticism and caste, of which there are but slight 
traces in the oldest Sanskrit literature, may not also be Dra- 
vidian. One finds caste, for instance, among such unaryanized 
people as the Santals, and developed along totemistic lines. 

It would seem that the time has come to plead for an investi- 
gation of the culture of India in connection with the Dravidian 
and Munda element. Most probably our ideas would be con- 
siderably changed in regard to the importance they have played 
in developing the final form of Indian culture. ^ 

Lexington, Kentucky. 



ESCAPING ONE'S FATE : A HINDU PARADOX AND ITS 
• USE AS A PSYCHIC MOTIF IN HINDU FICTION^ 

William Norman Brown 
Johnston Scholar in Sanskrit, Johns Hopkins University 

Brhaspati was his counsellor; the thunderbolt, his weapon; the gods, 

his troops; Heaven, his fortress; Visnu, his patron; and the invincible 

elephant Airavata, his mount — and yet, tho thus endowed with might and 

power, Indra, the slayer of Vala, was worsted in battle by his foes. How 

/elear it is that we had best rely on Fate! Out, out upon fruitless valor! 

(Bhartrhari, Niti^atakam 88.) 

To THE Occident there is nothing more characteristic of the 
Orient at large and of India in particular than belief in the 
inevitability of fate, usually summed up in the vague phrase 
'Oriental fatalism'. It is not surprising that this trait should 
be the most easily apprehended by the casual traveller or reader, 
for 'fatalism' is the most frequent 'outward and visible mani- 
festation' in the individual of the accumulated Hindu religious 
and philosophic traditions of nearly three thousand years. My 
•^wn boyhood residence in India preserves no stronger remem- 
orance than the Hindustani words 'Jo Kb, so ho (What will be, 
that will be)', the accepted 'remedy that destroys the poison 
of worry '.^ The sentiment is universally Indie. 

^ This paper may be regarded as a tentative article in the encyclopedia 
of Hindu fiction motifs suggested by Professor Bloomfield in his paper, 
On Becwrring Psychic Motifs in Mindu Fiction, and the Laugh and Cry 
Motif, JA08 36. 54. For treatment of individual motifs, see also the 
following papers by Professor Bloomfield: On Talking Birds in Hindu 
Fiction, Festschrift fiir Ernst Windisch, p. 349; On the Art^of Entering 
Another's Body, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 61. 1; 
The Fable of the Crow and the Palm-tree: A Psychic Moiif in Ei/ndu, 
Fiction, American Journal of Philology 40. 1. Other papers discussing 
Hindu fiction motifs are as follows: Burlingame, The Act of Truth (Sac- 
cakiriya) : A Hindu Sp^l and its Employment as a Psychic Motif in 
Hindu Fiction, JBAS for 1917, p. 429; Norton, The Life-Index : A Hindu 
Fiction Motif, printed in this volume; and the present author, Vydghra- 
mari, or the Lady Tiger-Jciller : a Study of the Motif of Bluff in Hindu 
Fiction, to appear soon in the AJP. 

= Cf . Hitopade^a (ed. Peterson) IV. 9 : 

yad ahhdvi na tad hhdvi hhdvi cen na tad anyathd 
iti cintdvisaghno 'yam agadah Icim na piyate. 
'What is not to be, will not' be; if it is to be, it will not be otherwise. 
Why not drink this remedy that destroys the poison of worry?' 



90 William Norman Brown 

Westerners, however, do not usually recognize that 'Oriental 
fatalism' is no unity but rather a diversity of beliefs. It is fair 
to say, I think, that to their mind the whole story is contained, 
in the word 'kismet', which is properly a Mohammedan concept 
and signifies the unalterable fate arbilfcrarily prescribed for each 
man by Allah at the time of creation. Allah made the universe, 
wound it up like a clock, and set it running. Every event in 
the history of the cosmos was foreordained at that time, and 
similarly every incident in the lives of the countless' unborn 
millions of men. And no human endeavor can alter in the 
slightest degree the decisions of the Inscrutable. In the final 
;J,nalysis 'free will' is but an illusion; and man will enjoy hap- 
piness or suffer sorrow, spend eternity in the bliss of Heaven or 
in the torments of Hell, only as has been ordered in the scheme 
of Allah. 

Now, the truly Hindu notion of 'fate' is basically different. 
The doctrines of Karma (works) and Rebirth, both character- 
istic of every indigenous Indian religion and philosophy, offer 
a sharp contrast teethe idea of Kismet. Man, or any other ani- 
mate object, experiences in the present life the inevitable results 
of the accumulated karma (deeds) of his prgvioSs existences. 
If his karma has totalled up with a ^ala^c^ a the'ai^e of puny a^ 
(merit), he has'^been born to happ^^ness; if it has totalled up 
with a balance on the side of papa (sin) he has been born to 
sorrow. Similarly, his actions in this life constitute a dditional 
karma which will affect him in succeeding reincarnations.® We 
can see, therefore, that man is not the impotent subject of an 
arbitrary deity, but on the contrary is the 'master of his fate/ 



the maker of his destiny. By his own exertions, and by nothing 
else, is his lot determined, and the results of all deeds are certain 
and inescapable. This is a consistent application of the law of 
caus e and ^ ect that places a high value on the human wiU. 
^T3oupled with the doctrine of Karma is a popular folkloristic 
belief concerning fate that long ago made its way into the ortho- 
dox Hindu religious systems and now permeates the mind of 
India from Kashmir to Ceylon, from Baluchistan to Burma. A 
man's fate is written in brief on his forehead or in the sutures 

^ So we see a pious but poor Brahman whose unhappy lot results from 
unrighteousness in former existences, and a wieked but rich Kayasth whose 
happiness is due to merit acquired in previous births. Needless to say, in 
the next iacarnation their positions will probably be reversed (MeCulloch, 
Bengali Kousehdld Tales, p. 7). 



\ Escaping One's Fate 91 

of his skull,* and he who is clever enough may read the cryptic 
message. . Generally it is thot that the writing is placed there 
on the sixth night after a child's birth by Vidhatr, or Dhatr,^ 
the Disposer, a specialization of the creator Brahma, whose busi- 
ness it is to order the affairs, of the universe according to the 
results of harma, and who is therefore the ordainer of human 
fate. His character becomes sharply personal to the folk, who 
picture him as an inexorable deity, sometimes acting automati- 
cally, but at other times as an arbitrary power whose decrees 
are determined by caprice ; and it is often hard for the Western 
observer to see a marked difference between him and Allah as 
Ordainer. 

Fate, of course, is inevitable. Make what effort he will, man 
cannot alter it. The effects of karma are i ujes capable ; what is 
written on the forehead is unavoidable. This doctrine is uni- 
versal in India; every religion and philosophy teaches it; the 
folk accept it. It colors all Hindu thot, and finds continual 
expression in Hindu literature. Fiction, particularly, shows its 
pessimistic dominance, and there are countless stories illustra- 
ting the futility of opposing destiny. If it is fated that a man 
be poor, then he will never receive wealth; for even if God 
should place a jar of gold in his path, he will suddenly be 
tempted to play the blind man for a moment, and with eyes 
closed will pass it by.,® So, too, if a woman is fated to marry 
her son , no effort will prevent the incest."^ But the idea of 'the 
inevitability of fate is so familiar as to need no elaboration here. 

It is not so well-known, however, that even in India there are 
those who refuse to admit the force of this doctrine. Their 
number, to judge from the infrequency with which they have 
expressed their sentiments, is small, but they have left conclu- 
sive evidence of their incredulity, mostly in the form of stories 

' * In Bengal, for instance, a common word for fate is Tcoyal, Skt. Tcapdla 
(forehead). See McCulloch, Bengali Household Tales. Cf. the Marathi 
proverb je Tcapdldnti te hhogdve, bear what is on your forehead (Man war- 
ing, Marathi Froverbs, p. 208). 

''Also variously known as Vidhata, Dhata, Bidhata, Bidhata Purusa, etc, 
Dhatr and Vidhatr are first applied to Indra and Vi^vakarman (Eig Veda 
10. 82. 2, and 10. 167. 3). 

^ Manwaring, Marathi Proverts, p. 210 ; Pantalu, Folklore of the Telugus 
(3d ed.), p. 38. 

^ Pari^istaparvan II. 224; Tawney, Fralandhaointdmani, p. 71; Southern 
Pancatantra amplior I. 34; Hertel, Das Fancatantra, pp. 152 and 283; 
DTenha in Indian Antiquary 21. 45. 



92 William Norman Brown 



\ 



or proverbs. Success in worldly affairs is not to be obtained 
by him who makes no effort, leaving all to fate. ' ' Fortune comes 
to the man of exertion, the lion-like !^^ Poltroons say, "Let Fate 
give ! ' ' Strike down Fate ! Play the man with all thy might ! 
Make an effort, and if success does not follow, what fault is 
there ?'^ Again, we read in a fable how the fish named Fore- 
thot and that named Readywit escaped the fishers, but Fatalist 
perished miserably.^ It is only natural that courageous self- 
reliant men should rebel against the stifling notion of the use^ 
lessness of human effort ; and whatever may be the doctrines of 
religion or the conclusions of speculative thot, so these men feel, 
'common sense' argues that intelligent effort is bound to be 
efficacious. 'Practical life' is governed not by fate, but by the 
individual's own wit and energy. 

There is another means of escaping one's fate open to less 
worldly-minded folk, those whose mental proclivities are essen- 
tially religious. For more than two thousand years, at least, 
the Hindu mind has recognized two roads to salvation. The 
more lo^al and austere of these, and perhaps the more original, 
is the f^adr-of knowledge (jndnamdrga) . He who, unattached 
to any of the objects of sense, by meditation penetrates the mys- 
teries of the universe and discerns the true nature of the soul — 
if he follow a system that teaches the doctrine of the soul — and 
understands its, relation to the abstract, impersonal ^o^preme 
Soul; or who, as ordered by other systems, grasps thajnietiec- 
tiial truth concerning the origin and cessation of being, is saved. 

oi jfebi 
Obviously, such' a road to salvation is too rough and steep for 
any but those whose [mental constitution is of the strongest. 
Pure intellectuality without em otion , entailing complete excision 
of the self from the world in whole or in part, is too severe a 
demand to make of the mass of humanity. And so we find a 
[concession made to the necessities of the less thotful; and the 
element of a personal deity appears in the various Hindu reli- 
gions. Nowhere is the process better illustrated than in Bud- 
dhism. The teaching of the Buddha, according to the canonical 

'a Punningly also: 'Laksmi (Fortune) approaches (only) the Man-lion 
(i. e. Visnu, her consort).^ 

* Hitopadela, ed. Peterson, Introduction, vs. 22. Cf . Draupadi 's remarks 
in Mahabharata, Vanaparva 30 and 32. 

"Paiicatantra tstory of 'The Three Fish' ( Tantrakhyayika I. 12, and 
other versions). 



^^^5^owledge is the key, indeed the instrument itself, by which 
man escaped from the samsara, the endless round of n?ebirth. 



Escaping One's Fate 93 

:exts, denies jtbfiL^istence of a soul and of a supreme god, and 
3xescribes salvati^, that is, release from rebirth and entry into 
!^irvana, by""^strenuous (mental application that results in mas- 
:ery of the doctrine of causation and annihilation of the thirst 
:hat causes rebirth. Once knowledge is attained, release is sure 
:o follow. But the common man of the Buddhist community 
30uld not travel this hard abstract road to salvation. He 
iemanded something ^ngible, concrete, a god to worship ; and 
the illogical result is that in the majority of Buddhist lands a 
personal deity has been established, usually the Buddha himself, 
^vho, if the sacred texts are to be believed, has long since passed 
into Nirvana and beyond hearing human or any other petitions. 
Nevertheless, salvation is to' be won thru his grace, which is 
obtained by devotion. 

In Hinduism the contrast between the two roads, both ortho- 
dox, appears strikingly in the ^hagavadgita.^° Arjuna asks 
Krsna, 'Which know best the way to strive, those who in con- 
stant exercise with loving devotion worship thee, or those who 
ever meditate on the (abstract) Imperishable, the UnmanifestT 
Krsna answers, 'Those who worship me with Consta nt devotion, 
their minds fixed in me, with supreme faith, those I think strive 
best. But those who worship the ^perishable, the Indescrib- 
able, the Unmanifest, all-pervading and inconceivable, set above 
(all worldly considerations) ,^^ unvarying, constant, they, with 
the group of their senses in restraint, their minds equable in all 
circumstances, attain to me as well, delighting as they do in the 
good of all creatures. But the toil of those whose minds are 
fastened on the Unmanifest is the greater, for the way of the 
Unmanifest is won with pain by the embodied. Those, however, 
who have cast all their works on me, with whom I am supreme, 
who in meditation worship me with" undivided devotion, them 
with their hearts fixed in me I quickly lift up from the ocean of 
the mortal round of rebirth, Partha. On me only set your 
mind, in me fix your consciousness; so Shall you be fixed in just 
me hereafter. This is sure.' We see that the^ad of loving 
devotion to the person ofj^rsna, whose name inspires in the 
Hindu much the same^^«^Tof feeling that the name of Jesus 
inspires in the jOir i^M^ leads more easily and directly to bliss 
than the road of k^wledge. 

The Subject of the two roads to salvation is large and too 

" Adhyaya 12. 1-8. 

"7. e. indifferent to good and evil, etc. 



94 William Norman Brown 

involved for treatment here, but I have dealt with it at sufficient 
length to indicate the importance of hhakti, of loving devotion, 
in the Hindus' theology. And it is just this same hhakU, which 
affords so practicable a way to ultimate salvation, that also pro- 
vides the pious man ivith the means of escaping from an 
unhappy fate in this world. The psychological process is that 
the particular deity selected by the individual for worship, 
whether he be Visnu, Siva, or any other, is so magnified that he 
not only becomes the supreme god of the pantheon, but also ; 
takes over all the functions of creating, destroying, and preserv- 
ing, and in fact becomes the first principle itself, the substrate, 
the Atman, the One Real. He is both the abstract, all-peririeat- 
ing Soul of the universe, and the supreme personal God. In 
thife capacity he controls everything, even fate ; indeed he him- 
self is fate.^2 Consequently, he will protect and cherish those 
who win his favor; and if their fate is hard he will mollify or 
obliterate it. Further, just as in Christian lands it has fre- 
quently been thot that the favor of God could be obtained thru, 
the mediation of a saint better than by direct approach, so in 
India requests are often addressed to local saints who thru their 
influence in Heaven bring the petitions to fulfilment. 

There is still a third sphere of thot in which a man may prac- 
tically escape his fate, that is, he may so mitigate its ^decrees 
that altho they are literally fulfilled the sting is drawn from 
them. In this sphere it is neither human shrewdness nor the 
intervention of a deity that alters his lot, but the action of karma 
itself. As I said above karma is not static, but is constantly 
/varying according to the acts of the subject. Now, the ordinary 
assumption in fiction is that man 's fate in this life is determined 
by the karma of his previous existences, and that the karma at 
present being accumulated will not take effect until the next 
birth. This is a theory that has orthodox philosophic and reli- 
gious support; but there exists likewise the companion theory 
that karma performed in this life may come to fruit also inflEis 
life, and the doer may feel its effects, good or bad as the case 
may be, without undergoing rebirth. Therefore, if at his birth 
he deserved and was fated to suffer misfortune, he may mitigate 
it by pious living; or, conversely, if he merited and was des- 
tined to enjoy good-fortune, he may lose it by evil conduct. 

^- This is rather different from the statement that the creation by 
Brahma, the avatdras (incarnations) of Visnu, and the asceticism of 
Siva — ^here we have the traditional triad of chief gods — are all the result 
-of Tcarma (Bhartrhari, Niti^atakam 95). 



Escaping One's Fate 95 

According to the logic of this idea it should be possible for a 
man to escape his fate entirely, but in practise the operation is 
not pushed to Its extreme. The feeling seems to be that the 
terms of a man's fate must be fulfilled; and, consequently, he 
receives sorrow or happiness so slight in comparison with that 
originally allotted him that his fate is effected in letter only, not 
in spirit. 

In the remainder of this paper it is my purpose to illustrate 
from Hindu fiction these three means of obviating fate. The 
stories quoted will indicate precisely the mental states of those 
who believe in the mutability of fate, and at the same time will 
serve to show the extent, comparatively limited, to which this 
paradoxical idea operates as a psychic motif in Indian stories.^^ 

Fate tricked hy human shrewdness 

The locus classicus of our motif is a story of King Vikrama, 
the Hindu King Arthur, and his wise minister Bhatti.^* One 
day Vikrama was summoned to heaven by the god Indra. 
There he decided a dancing contest between the nymphs Rambha 
and Urvasi, and so clever was his decision that Indra made him 
a present of his own throne as a reward, adding the blessing, 
'Sitting upon this throne, rule the world in happiness for a 
thousand autumns (years), King!' "When Bhatti heard of 
this, he said to Vikrama, 'Now to-day I shall give your majesty, 
merely by my wisdom, another thousand years upon earth.' 
'How can this be?' asked the King. 'Spend six months sitting 
upon your throne, attending to your kingdom,' answered the 
astute Bhatti, 'and spend the other six months (of each year) 
in travel abroad. Thus you shall live for two thousand years. ' 
And so the King did, and doubled the length of his life. 

This was perhaps an unfair advantage to take of Indra 's 
generosity, but heaven later had its revenge, according to legend. 
Vikrama had been granted the boon that he should not perish 

^^ At the same time I shall endeavor to indicate, chiefly in the footnotes, 
which of the folk, or oral, stories discussed are of independent folk exist- 
ence and which are borrowed from literature. This is in pursuit of the 
announcement made by me in JAOS 39. 11 of an investigation of Indian 
folklore along these lines. In my present paper there are treated 17 oral 
tales, of which 3 are derived from literary antecedents, 3 appear to be 
derived from literary prototypes which I have not seen, and 11 are of 
independent oral existence. 

"Vikrama Carita, Metrical Recension 32. 



96 William Norman Brown 

except at the hands of a man born of a girl xm\y a year and a 
day old. Impossible as this condition seemed of fulfilment, the 
event ultimately transpired, andi Vikrama was slain by ^aliva- 
hana.^^ 

Cheating death, tho only temporarily, is a universal human 

" desire that appears in Hindu fiction elsewhere than in the story 
of King Vikrama. Additional instances of its successful exe- 
cution will be found below, where a gracious deity accomplishes 
it for a worshipper. ' 

Alleviation of misfortunes in this present life is usually the 
desideratum of those who would avoid their fate. In a well 
told story we read of a clever minister who rescued his master's 
children from poverty and disgrace;^® I analyze it. King 
Naravahana had a minister named 'Jnanagarbha (Knowledge- 
interior). A son was born to the Eling, and when the sixth 
night after birth had come the minister watched in concealment 
for Fate to write the child's fortune. Fate wrote, 'Only by 
hunting shall he support his life. A single creature shall be his 

\ portion (daily), never another.' Some time later a second son 
was born, and his fortune read, 'This son shall be a seller of 
grass, with but a single ox. Never shall he have a second ox." 
Still later a daughter was born, and on her forehead was written, 
* She shall be a courtesan ; thru fate she shall get only one man 
a day.' In the course of time King Naravahana was killed by 
a usurper, and his children fled, to live their lives as fated. 
The minister now set out to look for them. The elder son he 
found eking out a miserable existence on one animal, the sole 
fruit of each day's hunting. 'Listen to my good advice,* said 
the minister to hiipi. 'Kill no animal except it be a Bhadra- 
elephant, for on an elephant's frontal lobes are found large 
pearls.^^ Fate must provide you with animal after animal of 
this sort, for so it is written on y^ur forehead.' On seeing the 
second son daily selling the load of his single ox, the minister 
instructed him, 'Every day sell your ox. When it is sold, Fate 
will again give you the ox that is written on your forehead (as 
your means of livelihood).' In another city he found the girl, 
a prostitute, bitterly complaining that each day only one man 

"For a discussion of the motif 'How to evade seemingly impossible 
(trick) conditions ^ see Bloomfield, JAOS 36. 65. 

Dharmakalpadrmna II. 4. 109 ff. (Hertel gives text and translation 
in ZDMG 65. 441 ff.) 

"For this notion see Hertel ^s reference, ZDMG 65. 445. 



( 



Escaping One's Fate 97 

came to her, and her earnings were necessarily scanty. Then 
said the minister to her, 'Child, listen to my advice! From 
every man who comes to your house demand a hundred di^mras. 
By the power of Fate such a man will always come. ' The min- 
ister then went home. In a few nights Fate came to him in 
his sleep, and said, 'Ho! You have freed yourself from worry 
by giving me a tough problem to solve ,6i) for the tura (a kind 
of musical instrument) is sounded with sticks.^® Free me from 
my bond ! How can I furnish forever elephants, oxen, and men 
who will pay a hundred din^drasf The minister said, 'I have 
proved true the proverb, ' ' A crooked stick has a crooked hole ! ' ' 
That applies to you.' Fate said, '0 mighty-wit, tell me what 
further I must do! That I shall do as quickly as possible. 
Free me from this trouble ! ' The minister said, ' Give to these 
children of a King their father's kingdom quickly. After that 
do as you like!' Thereupon Fate brot the two brothers and 
their sister to the minister; and with the magic aid of Fate 
the minister drove their enemies from the city; Then the elder 
son of the King was placed on the throne. 



20 



" The Sanskrit word translated * a tough problem to solve ', jhagatdka, 
is not found in any Sanskrit lexicon. In Hemacandra's Prakrit Gram- 
mar IV. 422 jhdkataka is said to be equivalent to Prakrit ghamgala, which 
latter word is not otherwise explained. In Shankar Pandurang Pandit's 
edition of the Kumar apaXacarita, p. 269, jliagataka is said to mean moha. 
^° A proverb about equivalent to ' Money makes the mare go. ' 
^Variants of parts of this story, probably with this story itself all 
pointing to a common prototype, appear elsewhere in Hindu fiction. The 
elder son's adventures are elaborated in two folk-tales. In one of them 
(Mukharji, Indian Folklore, p. 114) the priace, at the age of fifteen, is 
compelled by Fate to hunt stags for a living. At the minister's sugges- 
tion he ceases to go to the forest to hunt, and Bidhata (Fate) is compelled 
to drive the stags to him first at the outskirts of the city, later in the 
neighborhood of his hut, and finally in the hut itself. Bidhata now cries 
mercy, and a compromise is effected by which the boy receives his father's 
kingdom. The other oral story (Wadia in the Indian Antiquary 15. 171) 
tells how a band of thieves encounter the goddess Vemai {who in Gujerat 
takes the place of Vidhatr) and learn from her that she has allotted to a 
new-born prince the fate of gaining a living by hunting small game. Anti- 
climactically, he escapes this lot, acting on the advice of the thieves, by 
refusing to shoot any but large animals. These two fragmentary, and in 
some respects jejime, folk-tales appear to represent poor oral tradition 
from a literary source. The adventures of the younger son and the 
daughter are paralleled and expanded in a South Indian tale (Natesa 
Sastri, Indian Folic- Tales, p. 255; also published in the Indian Antiquary 



98 William Norman Brown 

In another story a Brahman suffered from the annoying fate 
of never getting enough to eat.^^ Every day something would 
interrupt his meaP^ and thus make it ceremonially improper 
for him to continue.^' Once he went to a feast given by a Raja 
and there too he was interrupted. The next day the Raja him- 
self served him, and the Brahman seemed on the point of mak- 
ing a 'square meal', but Bidhata, in fear of being foiled, took 
the form of a golden frog and tumbled in the Brahman's food. 
The Brahman, however, did not see him, but swallowed him 
whole.2* For once he was satisfied and left the Raja's court 
happy. Bidhata now became anxious for release, but the Brah- 
man turned a deaf ear to all his pleadings. Meanwhile, the uni- 
verse was on the point of collapse without Bidhata to direct it, 
and the gods set about to secure his release. First Laksmi and 
then Sarasvati asked the Brahman to free him, but he drove 
them away with a club. At last Siva came, and the Brahman, 
being a devote of Siva, had to grant his request. But he com- 

17. 259 J and in Kingscote and Natesa Sastri, Tales of the Sun, p. 230). 
The children are born to an old ascetic. The wise man is a disciple of the 
ascetic. The boy, named Kapali (Unlucky), has only a buffalo on which 
to support himself and family. This he sells at the disciple's advice, and 
Brahma ts compelled to provide another. The girl he instructs to favor 
no man unless he brings her a basket of pearls. Some time later he meets 
Brahma leading a buffalo and carrying a basket of pearls, with which he 
is daily compelled to supply the two children. He begs release from the 
troublesome duty, and he and the disciple then come to terms. If this 
story is oral, it is descended from the archetype of that in the Dharmakal- 
padruma. The numerous Sanskrit names and the coherent structure of the 
long South Indian tale, however, render it possible that the story itself 
may be translated from a Tamil literary text, as are other of Natesa's 
stories (see my remarks in JAOS 39. 29 and 50). A very poor variant 
of the second son's experiences appears in Tawney, Kathd Sarit Sdgara 
II. 119. A poverty-stricken man, whose wealth consists of a single ox, 
performs asceticism in honor of Durga. She tells him that his wealth is 
always to be only one ox, but that as often as he sells it another will be 
provided. No mention is made in the story of the fact that the poor man 
thus escaped hie fate. 

^^ McCulloch, Bengali Household Tales, p. 23. 

'^ There seems to be indicated here a feeling that an orthodox Brahman 
may eat only one meal a day. v 

-^By continuing he would be eating 'leavings'. 

-* For references to ' Swallowing ' in India, see Hertel in ZDMG 65. 439. 
For a discussion of the subject covering a wider range of territory, see 
Hans Schmidt, Jona (vol. 9 of Forschungen zur 'Religion und Literatur des 
Alien und Neuen Testament). 



Escaping One's j^ate 99 

plained that it would be unfair to ask him to release Bidhata, 
who had tormented him all his life, unless he should secure a 
guarantee that his troubles would cease. In reply ^iva prom- 
ised to take him and his wife to heaven at once. 

Every Hindu must have a son to perform the proper rites in 
his behalf after death that he may be released from purgatory. 
Especially cursed, therefore, is he whose fate it is to be sonless. 
One such man, a Brahman, propitiated Narayana (Visnu) and 
obtained a boon.^^ He asked for a son, but twice Narayana 
refused him. Then he asked that all his merriments might be 
shared by gods and men alike. This was granted. He went 
home, shut his door, and with his wife began to sing and dance.. 
All the gods and men had to dance with him, and the business 
of the universe was brot to a standstill. Nor would he cease 
from his 'merriments' until he was promised a son. 

In the preceding illustrations man has fought the decree of a 
personal deity, not the force of impersonal karma. He has not 
struggled against the just consequences of acts previously per- 
formed; rather he has opposed the arbitrary will of a despotic 
god, somewhat similar to the kismet which Allah pre-determines 
for the Mohammedan. But now we come to a case in which even 
karma is outgeneralled.^^ 

In a previous kalpa (world-cycle) a dishonest gambler died 
and went to the other world. There Yama said to him, 'Gam- 
bler, you will have to live a kalpa in hell on account of your 
crimes, but owing to your charity you are to be Indra for one 
day, for once on a time you gave a coin to a knower of the 
Supreme Soul. So say, whether you will first take out your 
period in hell or your period as Indra.' When the gambler 
heard that, he said, 'I will take out first my period as Indra.' 
Then Yama sent the gambler to heaven, and the gods deposed 
Indra for a day, and made him sovereign. Then, having 
attained the power, he called to heaven all his gambler friends 
and prostitute favorites, and commanded the gods, 'Carry us 
all in a moment to all the holy bathing places, both in heaven 
and on earth, and in the seven continents: and enter this very 
day into all the kings on the earth,^^ and bestow without ceas- 



Mukharji, Indian Folklore, p. 104. 

Tawney,,K'atM Sarit Sdgara II. 581. 
'VPor an essay on the motif on 'Entering another's body', see Pro- 
fessor Bloomfield^n the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 
61. 1 ff. 



3fi 
2T. 



100 William Norman Brown 

ing great gifts for our benefit. ' This the gods did, and by means 
of these holy observances his sins were washed away and he 
obtained the rank of Indra permanently. The next day Citra- 
gupta told Yama that the gambler had obtained the rank of 
Indra permanently by means of his shrewdness. Then Yama 
was astonished and said, 'Dear me! this gambler has cheated 
us.'^« 

Fate overcome thru divine aid 

We now come to the class of stories in which a deity saves a 
worshipper from the power of his evil fate. A familiar tale^^ 
tells of an astrologer whose son Atirupa was to die at the age 
of eighteen. When he was sixteen the boy, who had cast his own 
horoscope and discovered his fate, set out for Benares. On his 
way he came to a city where a wicked minister had arranged a 
marriage between his epileptic son and the daughter of his 
master. It was the wedding day, but the minister's son was in 
the throes of a fit, and since his ailment was a secret to everyone 
but his immediate family, the minister determined to find a sub- 
stitute for the ceremony. He chanced on Atirupa, and the 
marriage was performed with him as the groom. But after 
the ceremony the minister failed to take away Atirupa before the 
women of the bride's family could lock the couple in the bridal 
chamber, and they spent the night together. At this time 
Atirupa recited an obscure Sanskrit verse to his wife and later 
expounded it. The next morning the minister sent him away 
and brot his own son, but the bride drove him off and at once 
entered upon a series of penances to gain the favor of 6iva and 
thru his grace recover her husband. Shortly afterwards she 

^Very similar to this story is another in Tawney, Katlia Sarit Sagara 
II. 186. A thief faithfully worshipped Citragupta, Yama^s secretary, and 
received instructions how to prolong his life. Ultimately, however, he was 
caught in Death's noose and led to Yama's court. There he was asked 
which he would take first, his punishment or his reward. Advised by 
Citragupta, he chose the reward. Once in heaven, he commenced bathing 
in the heavenly Ganges and muttering prayers, and remained indifferent 
to celestial joys. Thus he obtained the right of dwelling there a year. 
By protracting his asceticism thru that year he won the right of living in 
heaven permanently. In this way the record of his sins was blotUid out, 
and he escaped the torments of hell. (This story, like one ^hich will be 
treated below, shows human shrewdness coupled with divine aid.) * 

^ Natesa Sastri, Indian Folk-Tales, p. 366 (also published in the Indian 
Antiquary 20. 315). 



Escaping One's Fate 101 

# 

had resthouses built for travellers on the road between her city 
and Benares, and every one who came to them was asked to 
interpret the verse Atirupa had recited on the wedding night. 
Meanwhile, Atirupa performed his religious rites in Benares, 
and when the fated time came died. Just then, however, the 
princesses prayers availed with ^iva and he granted her a boon. 
She asked for the return of her husband, and the god, ignorant 
of Atirupa 's death, promised it. When the truth came to light 
Siva was in an awkward position, but he settled the matter by 
restoring Atirupa to life after he had been dead four days.^^ 
Atirupa then started home, came to one of the resthouses, rec- 
ognized the verse, and was happily reunited with the princess.^^ 
Human shrewdness is combined with divine, saintly, aid in a 
story^^ which relates how Nanaksa (Guru Nanak, the founder 
of the\^ikh religion) indicated to a woman the means of saving 
her husband, who was doomed lo die on the following day. At 
his suggestion she cleaned her house, prepared sweetmeats, and 
proceeded along a road until she came to a tank. There she 
waited until four men approached. These were the angels of 



30 



By remaining dead four days Atirupa fulfilled the literal terms of his 
fate. In this sense our story "belongs under the category of 'Fate modi- 
fied by the karma of this life'; so also do some of the variants of the 
tale. 

^^ There are three other versions of this story, all oral and inferior. In 
one of them (Kincaid, Beccan Nursery Tales, p. 18) the boy was married 
to a girl who was destined never to be a widow. The restoration to life 
came thru the aid of Parvati, Siva's consort, whom the boy saw in a 
di'eam driving away the messenger of Yama, lord of the underworld, who 
had been sent for him. In the second version (Upreti, Proverbs and Folk- 
lore of Kumaon and Ga/rTiwal, p. 199) the hero is liestored to life by 'the 
deities' in the Himalayas, who on investigation found that the wife had 
been allotted 120 years of life. They took sixty years from her span and 
added them to that of the boy. The last variant (Damant in the Indian 
Antiquary 1. 170) tells how the boy propitiated a number of rishis, who 
promised him immortality. He was fated to be billed by lightning, but 
when the time came they sat on his body so that the lightning could not 
touch him. At the intercession of the Creator, however, they exposed his 
little finger. The lightning struck that, and he remained unconscious for 
a short time. This was construed as death, and the decrees of Fate were 
therefore regarded as fulfilled. These three incomplete versions aU seem 
to point to a prototype simDar to that translated by Natesa. The folk 
variations in details- are the usual accompaniment of oral tradition. It is 
more than possible that Natesa drew his story from Tauiil literature. 

^^ Stokes, Indian Fai/ry Tales, p. 116. 



102 William Norman Brown 

death. She gave them the sweetmeats, which they ate, and then 
begged them to spare her husband. Having eaten her food, they 
could not be so ungrateful as to take him, and they returned to 
God and explained the situation. He recognized the hand of 
Nanak in the affair, and granted the man an extension of twenty 

years.^^ 

The terrible fate of childlessness is once reversed thru the help 
of the saint Gorakhnath.^* It is not in the fate of Rani Bachal 
to have a son, says Bhagwan (God). But she intercedes with 
Gorakhnath, and he in rather brusque words asks Bhagwan to 
grant her a son. Bhagwan rubs some of the dirt out of his 
head and gives it to the saint. The latter gives it to the Rani, 
who mixes it with water, and shares it with a gray mare, a Brah- 
mani, and a sweeper's wife. All have been barren, and all now 
conceive. 

Childlessness is once again the' curse that a pious man asks a 
saint to have removed.^'^ The saint goes first to Brahma, then 
to ^iva, and finally to Visnu, all of whom say that it is impos- 
sible for the man to have children. Some years later the man 
asks help of another saint, and the latter promises him five,, 
which in due time are born. The first saint learns of this and 
complains to Visnu. Visnu pretends to be ill and asks the saint 
to bring him as remedy a cupful of blood from a number of 
saints. These, however, are so chary of blood that the saint can 
collect hardly a spoonful. Visnu then sends him to the saint 
who had granted the man the five children, and he fills the cup 



33 



There is a variant of this story in Bompas, Folklore of the Santcd 
Parganas, p. 307. The victim himself shows hospitality to the messengers 
of death. They take hijp to the presence of Chando (God), but advise him 
to put a piece of lampwick in his nose when he arrives there, so that he 
may sneeze. This he does, and Chando is so pleased at the lucky omen 
that he sends the man back to earth to live sixty years more. On p. 309 
of the same book a woman entertains the messengers of death who have 
come for her son, and, co'ntrary to their request, cooks their food with salt. 
They take her son, but carry her to heaven also. There she overhears the 
son telling his heavenly wife how he will be reborn and the means he will use 
to accomplish his death again. He is reborn to her, but she takes precau- 
tions to foil the schemes laid to bring about his death, and he lives to 
a ripe old age. These stories all seem independent among the folk. 

^* Crooke in the Indian Antiquary 24. 49. The son of Eani Bachal is 
Guru Guga. For other accounts of him, see Temple, Legends of the Fan- 
jab I. 121 ff., and III. 261. Our story seems to have no literary parallels, 

" Upreti, Froverhs and Folklore of Kumaon and Garhwal, p. 198. 



Escapmg One's Fate ' 103 

from his own veins. At this Visnn points out how great is this 
saint's devotion, and how much he deserves that his requests 
should be granted. 

Fate modified hy karma of this life 

The effect of karma performed in this life toward modifying 
and altering the fate decreed a man at birth is illustrated by 
the story of two men, Sat (Good) and Asat (Bad).^® Sat was 
pious and led a righteous life ; Asat was the opposite, drunken, 
lewd, and blasphemous. One night as Sat was returning from 
a public recitation of the Ramayana, he pierced his foot with 
a thorn. At that moment Asat emerging from a bawdy house 
found a purse full of gold. Thereupon he mocked Sat for lead- 
ing a righteous life that was rewarded with pain, while his own 
wickedness was accompanied with good fortune. Deeply puz- 
zled Sat asked a Brahman (Narayana, i. e. Visnu, in disguise) 
to explain the apparent injustice. The Brahman said that at 
the time of Sat's birth his previous karma had been so bad that 
he had been fated to receive the sula (impaling stake) on this 
day, but his pious conduct in this life had so counteracted the 
effect of his previous karma that he had received only a thorn 
in his foot. Asat, on the contrary, had lived so righteously in 
his former existences that he should have acquired a crown on 
that day, but his evil conduct since birth had reduced his 
reward to a purse full of gold. Thus the literal wording of the 
fate of each had jDeen fulfilled, altho neither had received the 
destiny originally intended. 

As an antithesis to the illustrations I have adduced of escap- 
ing fate, I wish to call attention to a case in which an unfortu- 
nate man was saddled with a fate that did not bejong to him, 
and came near suffering accordingly.^' An oilman died and was 
led by angels to the Almighty. 'Whom have you brot?' asked 
the Creator. 'This man's days on earth are not yet completed: 
take him back before his body is buried, and let his spirit repos- 
sess his body; Wt you will find a vegetable man of the same 
name in the same city. Bring him to me.' The oilman got 
back to his body barely in time to prevent it from being burnt. 

'^Mukharji, Indian Folklore, p. 122. A close variant appears in McOul- 
loeh, Bengali Houseliold Tales, p. 7. The same tale in ill-fitting Moham- 
medan attire is reported by Wadia in the Indian Antiquary 20. 107. I 
have seen no parallel to this story in literature. 

"Dracott, Simla Village Tales, p. 220. 



104 William Norman Brown 

The various illustrations of escaping fate which I have pre- 
sented in this paper do not represent a frequent mental attitude 
of the Hindus. Rather, they are in the nature of exceptions 
that prove the rule, 'Fate is inevitable.' But they do, I believe, 
show that there exists in India an indigenous spirit of rebellion 
against the doctrine of human helplessness, a spirit that un- 
doubtedly finds expression in the actualities of daily life as well 
as in the fancies of fiction. 

Baltimore, Maryland. 



BUDDHIST-ZOROASTRIAN lSgEND OF SEVEN 

MARVELS 

Eugene 'Watson Burlestgame 
Lecturer in Pali, Yale University 

The apocryphal legend of the seven marvels attending the 
birth of Zoroaster appears to be derived from Buddhist sources.^ 
The legend appears in Zoroastrian literature for the first time 
about 900 a. d. in the Pahlavi Dmkard and Zdd-Sparam, and 
reappears about 1200 a. d. in the Persian Zartilsht-Ndmah. A 
brief outline of the legend is as follows : 

Zoroaster laughs at birth. He is suckled by a ewe. At the* 
instigation of his father, a wizard makes five attempts on his 
life. He lays him in the way of a drove of oxen, and one of the 
oxen protects him. He lays him in the way of a drove of horses, 
and one of the horses protects him. He casts him into the lair 
of a wolf, and the wolf is struck dumb. He attempts to bum 
him alive, but the fire will not touch him. He causes a beast of 
prey to compress his head, and the paws of the beast are para- 
lyzed. The child is recovered by his mother or father. 

There are striking similarities between this Zoroastrian legend 
and a well-known Buddhist legend of the seven marvelous 
escapes from death of a youth. The Buddhist legend appears 
for the first time in the Sanskrit-Chinese version of Seng-houei 
(died 280 a. d.), and reappears, greatly enlarged, in two Pali 
commentaries of the fifth century, Buddhaghosa's Commentary 
on the Anguttara Nikdya (about 425 a. d.), and the Commentary 
on the Dhammapada (about 450 a. d.). The following is an 
outline of the three known versions of the Buddhist legend : 

BUDDHIST LEGEND OF THE SEVEN MARVELOUS 
ESCAPES FROM DEATH OF A YOUTH 

Illustrating the Power of Kamma 

A. Translated, from Sanskrit into Chinese by Seng-houei (d. 

280 A. D,)2 

1. The Future Buddha is reborn as the son of a poor man. 
The father, not wishing to rear the child, abandons him at a 

^ Professor A. V. W. Jackson of Columbia University was the first to 
call attention to the possibility of a connection between the Buddhist and 
Zoroastrian legends. See Jov/rnaZ of the American Oriental Society, 38. 
328. 

^ Chavannes, Cinq cents Contes et Apologues, No. 45, vol. i, pp. 165-173. 



106 Eugene Watson Burlingame 

cross-roads on a holiday. A Brahman prophesies future great- 
ness for any child horn on that day. A householder who is 
childless orders a man to seek for some abandoned child. The 
man learns from a passer-by that a childless widow is caring for 
an abandoned child, obtains the child for a consideration, and 
turns him over to the householder. 

2. The householder rears the child for a few months, when 
his wife becomes pregnant. Thereupon, having no more use for 
the child, he abandons him in a ditch. A ewe gives suck to the 
child, a shepherd rescues him, and the householder, repenting 
of his evil deed, recovers him. 

3. 4. The householder rears the child for a few months, 
when his wife gives birth to a son. Thereupon the householder's 
evil thoughts return and he abandons the fehild on a caravan- 
trail. The child meditates on the Three Jewels^ and suffuses 
his foster-father with friendliness. In the morning a caravan 
approaches. On reaching the child, the oxen stumble and refuse 
to proceed. The caravan-leader makes an investigation, rescues 
the child, and turns him over to a childless widow.' Shortly 
afterwards the householder learns of his whereabouts, and 
repenting of his evil deed, recovers possession of him for a con- 
sideration. 

5. After several years have passed, the householder, im- 
pressed with the intelligence of the child and- fearing that his 
own son will be enslaved by him, abandons him on a clump of 
bamboos, thinking that he will die of hunger. The child loses 
his balance, falls to the ground, and rolls down the mountain- 
side to the brink of a stream. A villager discovers him, rescues 
him, and carries him home. The householder, informed of his 
rescue, is overcome with remorse and for a consideration 
recovers him. 

6. The householder teaches him writing and reckoning and. 
all of the other arts and crafts. The youth increases in wisdom 
and goodness, comes to be regarded by the people as a holy man, 
and attracts a large following. Once more the householder is 
overcome by thoughts of malice. He writes a letter to a smelter, 
directing him, so soon as his foster-son arrives, to throw him into 
the furnace. He then directs his foster-son to go and obtain 
from the smelter the money and other precious objects which 
are to be his inheritance. At the village-gate the youth meets 
the householder's own son. The latter asks him to take his 

^ The Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Order. 



Buddhist-Z oroasirian Legend lOT 

place in a game of marbles and to win back for him a stake lie 
has lost, offering to carry the letter to the smelter himself. The 
householder's foster-son agrees, and the householder's own son 
goes to the smelter's and is thrown into the furnace. The 
householder, overcome with misgivings, sends a messenger to 
find his son. The foster-son returns and tells the householder 
that his own son has gone to the smelter's in his stead. The 
householder hurries with all speed to the smelter's, but finds his 
son reduced to ashes. He fiings himself on the ground and is 
afflicted with an internal malady. 

7. The householder, resolved that his foster-son shall under 
no circumstances succeed him, resolves once more to kill him. 
He therefore sends the youth to the superintendent of one of his-. 
palaces on a false errand, directing him to carry to the superin- 
tendent a secret letter in a sealed pouch. The letter contains 
the following command: 'When this young man arrives, attach 
a rock to his girdle and throw him into a deep pool of water.' 
On the way the youth stops at the house of a Brahman who is a 
friend of his foster^fa'ther's. The Brahman entertains him 
handsomely. The young daughter of the Brahman notices the- 
sealed pouch, secretly removes it, reads the letter, destroys it, 
and substitutes another commanding the superintendent to 
make arrangements for the marriage of the Brahman's daughter 
to the householder's son, 'with few ceremonies but many and 
valuable presents.' The next morning the youth continues his 
journey and delivers the letter to the superintendent, who car- 
ries out the order to the letter and after the marriage-ceremonies 
are over notifies the householder of what he has done. Upon 
receiving the news, the householder is stricken with a grave 
malady. When the youth is informed of his foster-father's 
malady, he is overcome with sorrow, and accompanied by his 
wife, goes in haste and pays his respects to him. The Brah- 
man's daughter assures the householder of her filial devotion 
and expresses hopes that he may recover. At these words the 
householder *is suffocated with fury' and expires. The Future 
Buddha performs the funeral ceremonies, and there'after lives 
a life of righteousness, 'exhaling the perfume of his virtues in 
the ten directions.' 

* 

Buddhaghosa, the great Buddhist scholastic of the fifth cen- 
tury A. D., was acquainted with at least two versions of this 
remarkable legend. In his Commentary on the Dlgha Nikdya^ 

*I)iglia Commentary, vol. 1, p. 317 f. 



108 Eugene Watson Burlingame 

he summarizes what appears to be the older of these two ver- 
sions as follows: 

Passing from the World of the Gods, he was reborn in 
Kosambi in a certain respectable family. A rich householder 
who was childless gave money to his mother and father and 
adopted him as a son. But when a son of his own was. bom, 
he made seven attempts on his life. By the power of the merit 
which he possessed, he escaped death on every one of the seven 
occasions. On the last occasion his life was saved by the bold- 
ness of a certain rich householder's daughter. 

B. Pali, B-addh3ighosa,^& Anguttara Commentary (c. 425 A. D.)^ 

1. In time of famine a poor man casts his child away on a 
road. In a later state of existence, as the fruit of that evil 
deed, he is himself cast away seven times, but as the fruit of 
merit acquired, he is miraculously preserved from death. 
E-eborn as the son of a harlot, he is cast away on a refuse-heap. 
A workman, on his way to the house of a rich householder, sees 
the child surrounded by crows, rescues him, and sends him to 
his own home by the hand of another man. The householder, 
who is childless, but whose wife is pregnant, hears an astrologer 
prophesy that a boy bom on that^day will attain future great- 
ness. Learning that his wife has not yet given birth to a child, 
he sends out his men to find the boy. His men report that the 
boy is in the house of the workman. He summons the workman 
and obtains the boy for a consideration. He resolves, in case 
a daughter is born to him, to marry her to the boy, but if a son 
is bom, to kill the foundling. 

3. The householder has him cast away in a burning-ground. 
A ewe gives suck to the child, and a goatherd rescues him and 
carries him home. The householder learns of his whereabouts 
and recovers him for a consideration. 

2. The householder orders his men to lay him at the dopr of 
the cattle-pen. The leader of the herd, the bull, comes out first, 
incloses the child with his four feet, and protects him from the 
cattle as they pass. The herdsmen rescue him and carry.him to 
their own home. The householder learns of his whereabouts and 
recovers him for a consideration. 

'^Commentary on Anguttara NiMya (Colombo, 1904), JEtadagga Vagga, 
vii. 3-4: pp. 249-255; translated in full in my forthcoming Buddhist 
Parables, Yale University Press. Cf. J. Schick, Corpus Hamleticum, I. 
1, pp. 45-66; E. Hardy, JBAS 1898, pp. 741-794. 



Buddhist-Zoroastrian Legend 10^ 

4. The householder has him laid on a caravan-trail, that a 
cart-wheel may go over him and crush him. The oxen of the 
caravan-leader's first cart plant their four legs over him like 
pillars and stand still. The caravan-leader makes an investiga- 
tion, rescues the child, and carries him off. The householder 
recovers him as before. 

5. The householder has him thrown down a precipice. The 
child, however, falls lightly on the hut of some reed-makers. 
The leader of the reed-makers rescues him and carries him home. 
The householder recovers him as before. 

6. The householder's own son and his adopted son grow up 
together. One day the householder goes to his potter and tells 
him that he wishes to get rid of a base-born son. The potter is 
horrified. The householder gives him a bribe and asks him to 
do the deed. The potter names the day on which he expects to 
fire'the bake-house, and directs the householder to send the youth 
to him on that day. "When the day comes, the householder 
sends his foster-son to the potter with the message : ' Execute the 
commission my father gave you.' As the youth is on his way, 
he meets the householder's own son. The latter asks him to 
take his place in a game of marbles and to win back for him a 
stake he has lost, offering to carr;^ the message to the potter him- 
self. The householder's foster-son agrees, and the householder's 
own son goes to the potter's and is thrown into the bake-house. 
In the evening the householder's foster-son returns, but his own 
son does not. The householder hurries with all speed to the 
potter, who remarks: 'The job is done.' 

7. The householder is stricken with a mental disease and 
henceforth refuses to eat with his foster-son. Determining to 
encompass the ruin of the enemy of his son, as he calls him, the 
householder writes a letter and directs his foster-son to. carry 
it to a workman of his who lives in a distant village, telling him 
to stop for a meal at the house of a rich householder who lives 
by the way. The youth does so. The daughter of the house, 
who was his wife in his fourth previous existence, falls in love 
with him. Noticing the letter fastened to the hem of his gar- 
ment, she secretly removes it, reads it, destroys it, and substi- 
tutes another commanding the workman to make arrangements 
for her marriage to the youth. The youth spends the night at 
the house, and in the morning goes to the village where the 
workman lives and delivers the letter. The worknaan carries 
out the order to the letter and after the wedding-ceremonies are 
over notifies the householder of what he has done. Upon receiv- 



110 Eugene Watson Burlmgame 

ing the news, the householder is stricken with dysentery and 
sends for his foster-son, intending to disinherit him. The wife 
informs the youth of his foster-father's attempt to kill him, and 
the youth and his wife go to see the householder. The wife 
hastens the householder's death by pummeling him in the chest. 
The youth bribes the servants to say that he is the householder's 
own son. The king^ confirms the youth in his inheritance. 

C. Pali, Dhammapada Commentary (c. 450 A. D.)^ 

' 1. In time of famine a poor man casts his child away under 
a bush. In a later state of existence, as the fruit of that evil 
deed, he is himself cast away seven times, but as the fruit of 
merit acquired, he is miraculously preserved from death. 
Eebom as the son of a harlot, he is cast away on a refuse-heap. 
Crows and dogs surround him, but none dares to attack 4iim. 
A passer-by rescues him and carries him home. A rich house- 
holder who is childless but whose wife is pregnant, hears an 
astrologer prophesy that a boy born on that day will attain 
future greatness. Learning that his wife has not yet given birth 
to a child, he summons 'Mother' Black, a slave-woman, gives 
her a sum of money, and commands her to find the boy and to 
bring the boy to him. Mother Black obtains the boy for a con- 
sideration and turns him over to the householder. The house- 
holder resolves, in case a daughter is born to him, to marry her 
to the boy, but if a son is born, to kill the foundling. 

4. At the instigation of the householder, Mother Black lays 
him in a burning-ground, that he may be devoured by dogs or 
crows or demons. Neither dog nor crow nor demon dares to 
attack him. A ewe gives suck to the child, and a goatherd res- 
cues him and carries him home. Mother Black tells the house- 
holder what has happened, and at the command of the house- 
holder, recovers the child for a consideration, and restores him 
to the householder. 

2. At the instigation of the householder. Mother Black lays 
him at the door of the cattle-pen, that he may be trampled to 
death. The leader of the herd, the bull, at other times accus- 
tomed to come out last, comes out first, incloses the child with 
his four feet, and protects hm from the cattle as they pass. 

'^Dhammapada Commentary, Book 2, Story 1, Part 2j translated in full 
in my Buddhist Legends from the Dhammapada Commentary, Harvard 
Oriental Series, vol. 28, pp. 252-266 (cf, pp. 79-81). Of. J. Schick, Corpus 
.Hamleticum, I. 1, pp. 15-45; E. Hardy, JBAS 1898, pp. 741-794. 



Buddhist -Z or oastrian Legend HI 

The herdsman makes an investigation, rescues the child, and 
carries him home. The child is restored to the householder as 
before. 

3. At the instigation of the householder, Mother Black lays 
him on a caravan-trail, that he may be trampled to death by the 
oxen or crushed by the wheels of the carts. On reaching the 
child, the oxen throw off the yoke and refuse to proceed. The 
caravan-leader makes an investigation, rescues the child, and 
carries him home. The child is restored to the householder as 
before. 

5. At the instigation of the householder. Mother Black 
throws him down a precipice, that he may be dashed to pieces. 
The child, however, falls lightly on a clump of bamboos. A 
reed-maker hears his cries, rescues him, and carries him home. 
The child is restored to the householder as before. 

6. In spite of the householder's attempts on his life, the child 
lives and thrives and grows to manhood. But he is like a thorn 
in the eye of the householder, who cannot look him straight in 
the face. The householder refrains from teaching him reading 
and writing, for he is determined, by some means or other, to 
put him out of the way. One day he goes to a potter, tells him 
that he wishes to get rid of a base-born son, and bribes the potter 
to promise that so soon as the youth arrives he will hack him 
to pieces, throw him into a chatty, and bake him in the bake- 
house. He then directs his foster-son to go to the potter and to 
say to him : 'Finish the job my father gave you yesterday.' As 
the youth is on his way, he meets the householder's own son. 
The latter asks him to take his pla'ce in a game of marbles and 
to win back for him a stake he has lost, offering to carry the 
message to the potter himself. The householder's foster-son 
agrees, and the householder's own* son goes to the potter's and 
is thrown into the bake-house. In the evening the householder's 
foster-son returns, but his own son does not. The householder 
hurries with all speed to the potter, who remarks: 'The job is 
done. ' 

7, The householder, unable to look the youth straight in the 
face, writes a letter to the superintendent of his hundred vil- 
lages, saying: 'This is my base-born son; kill him and throw 
him into the cesspool.' He then tells the youth to carry the 
letter to the superintendent, and fastens it to the hem of his 
garment. In reply to the youth's request for provisions for the 
journey, the householder tells him to stop f or ' breakfast at the 
house of a friend of his. The youth does so. The daughter of 



112 Eugene Watson Burling ante 

the house, who was his wife in his previous existence, falls in 
love with him. Noticing the letter fastened to his garment, she 
secretly removes it, reads it, destroys it, and substitutes another 
commanding the superintendent to make arrangements for her 
marriage to the youth. After sleeping all day, the youth con- 
tinues his journey, and the next morning delivers the letter to 
the superintendent, who carries out the order to the letter and 
after the wedding-ceremonies are over notifies the householder 
of what he has done. Upon receiving the news, the householder 
is stricken with dysentery and sends for his foster-son, intending 
to disinherit him. At the third summons the youth and his wife 
go to see the householder. By a slip of the tongue the house- 
holder makes his foster-son his heir. The wife hastens the 
householder's death by pummeling him in the chest. The king 
confirms the youth in his inheritance. The wife and 'Mother' 
Black inform the youth of his foster-father's attempts on his 
life. The youth thereupon resolves to forsake the life of heed- 
lessness and to live the life of heedfulness.'' 

The following is an outline of the three versions of the 
Zoroastrian legend : 

ZOROASTRIAN LEGEND OF THE SEVEN MARVELS 
ATTENDING THE BIRTH OF ZOROASTER 

Illustrating the Power of God 

D. Pahlavi, Drnkard (c. 900 A. D.)« 

1. On being born, he laughs outright,^ frightening the seven 
midwives who sit around him. 

7. Sacred beings proceed .to him and bring a woolly sheep 
to him. His mother removes him. 

4. At the instigation of his father, a wizard ensconces him in 
a narrow path and dispatches many oxen on that path, so that 

^In a modern Cingalese folk- tale (H. Parker, Village Folk-Tales of 
Ceylon, vol. i, p. 191), we have the adopted son of a childless king and 
queen. While the queen is rearing the adopted prince, a child is born to 
her. The king and queen resolve to kill the adopted prince. The king's 
minister acts as go-between. Order of events: (1) Bamboos j (2) Cattle- 
fold; (3) Caravan-trail; (4) King of another city. 

^Dinka/rd, vii. 3; translated by E. W. West, SBE 47, pp. 35-40. 

° The Laugh is a- common motif in Hindu fiction. See M. Bloomfield, ^ 
JA08 36. 68-89. 



Buddhist-Zoroastrian Legend 113 

he may he trampled on by the fee^of the oxen. One of the 
oxen walks forward, stands before the child, and keeps the other 
oxen away from him. His mother removes him. 

5. At the instigation of his father, a wizard ensconces him 
near a drinking-pool and drives many horses to that drinking- 
pool, so that he may be trampled on by the hoofs of the horses. 
A horse with thick hoofs walks forward, stands before the child, 
and keeps the other horses away from him. His mother removes 
him. 

6. At the instigation of his father, a wizard casts him into a 
den where a wolf's cubs are slaughtered, so that when the wolf 
arrives, she, may mangle the child in revenge for those cubs. 
By the assistance of sacred beings, the wolf, on arriving, is 
struck dumb. 

3. At the instigation of his father, a wizard attempts to bum 
him alive. The fire will not touch him. His mother removes 
him. 

2. At the instigation of his father, a wizard causes a beast of 
prey to compress the head of the child with his paws. The paws 
of the beast are paralyzed. The father, alarmed by the emana- 
tion of splendor from the child, hastens to make him invisible. 

E. Pahlavi, Z ad-Spar am (c. 900 A. D.)" 

1. [omitted] 

7. On the night of the fourth day sacred beings bring a 
woolly sheep with udder full of milk into the wolf's den, and 
it gives milk to the child in digestible draughts until daylight. 
At dawn the mother removes him. 

3. The father takes the child and gives him to a wizard to 
woijk his will with him. The wizard seizes him and throws him 
out at the feet of the oxen who are going on a path to the water. 
The leader of that drove of oxen halts near him, and 150 oxen 
are kept away from him thereby. The father takes him and 
carries him home. 

4. On the second day the wizard throws him out at the feet 
of the horses. The leader of the horses halts near the child, 
and 150 horses are kept away from him thereby. The father 
takes him and carries him home. 

6. On the fourth day the wizard throws him into the lair of 
a wolf. The wolf is not in the lair; and when it wishes to go 



10 



Zdd-Spa/ram, xvi; translate^ by E. W. West, SBE 47, p. 145 f. 



114 Eugene Watso7i Burlingame 

"^ 

back to the den, it stops when it comes in front of some radiance, 
in the manner of a mother, in the place where its cub is. "^ 

5. On the third day the wizard attempts to burn him alive. 
The fire, however, will not burn him; his 'marks' protect him. 

2. On the day of the child's birth, a wizard twists his head 
severely, that he may be killed. The child remains fearless, the 
wizards are terrified, and the chief wizard's hand is withered. 
That wizard demands the child from his father by way of com- 
pensation for the harm done him. 

F. Persian, Zcurtusht-Ndnmh (c. 1200 A. D.)^^ 

1. A seer prophesies future greatness for the child. As he 
leaves the womb he laughs. 

7. Two cows come and give suck to the child. 

4. He is placed in a narrow way where the oxen are accus- 
tomed to pass. An ox mightier than the rest comes forward and 
protects the child between his forefeet. His mother removes 
him. 

5. He is thrown into a narrow way where wild horses are 
accustomed to pass. A single mare advances before the rest 
and comes and stands at his pillow. The horses are unable to 
bite him. His mother removes him. 1 

6. He is cast into a lair of wolves. The wolves rush upon 
him. The mouth of the foremost wolf is closed. The wolves 
hecome tame. 

3. He is cast into fire. The fire becomes as water to him. 
His mother removes him. 

2. A wizard draws his sword to kill the child. The wizard's 
hands are withered. 



"Translated by J. Wilson in the Appendix to his Parsi Beligion, pp. 

483-490. 



Buddhist -Z or oastrian Legend 



115 



CONSPECTUS OF THE SIX VERSIONS 

BuiiDHIST 

Seven marvelous escapes from death of a youth 
Illustrating the Power of Kamma 



250 A. D. 
A. Sanskrit-Chinese 



425 A. D. 
B. Pali (A. cm.) 



450 A. D. ^ 
C. Pali (Dh. cm.) 



1. Exposure 1. Exposure 1. Exposure ,j 

2. Exposure — suckled by 3. Exposure — suckled 4. Exposure — suckled 

ewe by ewe by ewe 

3. 2. Cattle 2. Cattle 

4. Oxen 4. Oxen 3. Oxen 

5. Precipice 5. Precipice 5. Precipice 

6. Smelter's 6. Potter's 6. Potter's 



7. Superintendent 



7. Workman 



7. Superintendent 



ZOROASTRIAN 

Seven marvels attending the birth of Zoroaster 
Illustrating the Power of God 





900 A. D. 




. 900 A. D. 




1200 A. D. 


D. 


Pahlavi 


E. 


Pahlavi 


P. 


Persian 


1. 


Laughs at birth 


1. 




1. 


Laughs at birth 


7. 


Suckled b^ ewe 


7. 


^ Suckled by ewe 


7. 


Suckled by cows 


5. 


Horses 


4. 


Horses 


5. 


Horses 


4. 


Oxen 


3. 


Oxen 


4. 


Oxen 


6. 


Lair of wolf 


6. 


Lair of wolf 


6. 


Lair of wolves 


3. 


Bon-fire 


5. 


Bon-fire 


3. 


Bon-fire 


2. 


Beast of prey com- 
presses head 


2. 


Wizard twists head 


2. 


Wizard draws sw( 



Conclusions 

Of the seven marvels in the Zoroastrian legend, four are obvi- 
ously derived from the Buddhist legend : ewe, horses, oxen, bon- 
fire. The three o^her marvels bear traces of the Buddhist 
original. Thus, both children attract attention at birth by 
manifestation of merit, and a seer prophesies future greatness 
for each. In the Buddhist legend the child thrown down a 
precipice is unharmed; in the Zoroastrian legend the child 
thrown into the lair of a wolf is unharmed. In the Buddhist 
legend the persecutor's own son is killed instead of his foster- 
son, the latter marries an heiress, and the persecutor himself is 



116 Eugene Watson Burlingame / ^ 

confounded ; in the Zoroastrian legend the persecutor who com- 
presses or twists the head of the child is paralyzed. 

The Zoroastrian legend as a whole is therefore derived from 
the Buddhist legend, most probably from the Dhammapada 
j Commentary version. 

New Haven, Connecticut. 
June 1, 1918. 



THE PHILOSOPHIC MATERIALS OF THE 
ATHARVA VEDA 

Franklin Edgerton 
Assistant Professor of Sanskrit, University-^f Pennsylvania 

I ' 

A QUARTER OF A CENTURY AGO Deussen^ remarked on the need 
for a special intensive study of the philosophic materials of the 
Atharva Veda. Since that time Bloomfield's references to the 
subject^ have in part supplied the lack. Yet the matter is so 
tangled and obscure that much remains to be done before the 
relation of these productions to the rest of the Atharva Veda 
and to the higher thought of early India as a whole can be 
settled. The following pages are intended as a further step in 
this direction. 

It is probably true that the Atharva Veda contains more 
matter which can be called 'philosophic' than any other Saih- 
hita. Certainly it contains a great deal more of such matter 
than the Rig Veda. Yet the milieu of the Atharva Veda 
appears, at first sight, very unsuited to such subjects. In order 
to explain the inclusion in a book of witchcraft of so much of 
the speculative literature of the Veda, I have been led to study 
the purposes of the Atharvan philosophic materials, and to try 
to discover what ideas in the minds of those who compiled them 
or included them in the Atharvan collection led to that inclu- 
sion. In the course of this study my attention has been called 
to some features of Vedic 'higher thought' as a whole which, 
as it seems to me, need to be emphasized more clearly than has 
been done in the past. 

A summary of my conclusions will be found at the end of this 
article (Part VI). The most important part of the article I 
consider Part V, altho the logical development of the thepae 
seems to make it necessary, or at least advisable, to put it near 
the end. 

II 

Our general experience with the Atharva Veda leads us to 
expect in the first instance an exorcistic purpose, a 'blessing' 

^ Allgemeine GescMchte der Philosophie, i. 1, p. 209. 
^Especially in The Atharvavedd, pp. 86 ff. 



^118 Franklin Edgerton 

or a 'curse,' in any composition found in.it. This is the tra- 
ditional attitude of the Atharvanic school in India, as repre- 
sented best by the Kausika Sutra. Of its general soundness 
there can no longer be any doubt. The use to which the 
hymns are put in the Kausika is, by the internal evidence of the 
hymns themselves, demonstrably right in such a mass of cases, 
that the burden of proof now rests on him who would reject 
its explanation in individual instances. 

The Atharvan srduta sutra, the Vaitana, is of much less — 
indeed, of very little — value in explaining the purposes of the 
Atharvan hymns, because the application of most of them to the 
srduta sphere was entirely a secondary matter. There are how- 
ever a few hymns^ whose true and original purpose seems to 
be correctly connected by Vait. with the srduta ceremonies. 
Hence it is not safe to neglect Vait. entirely in studying the 
objects of the hymns. 

Nor are the later Atharvan ritual texts called the Parisistas, 
or Appendices, to be overlooked. Especially in the few cases 
where Kaus. and Vait. fail us, we can often find from the Pari- 
sistas the Atharvan use of the hymns. Tho the compilation of 
the Parisistas is late, their method of operation is genuinely 
Atharvanic, as is sufficiently shown by the very fact that it 
accords so well, in general, with the customary method employed 
by Kaus. Some scholars indeed hold that the Parisistas as a 
whole are broader in their interests, and come nearer to includ- 
ing the complete sphere of Atharvan topics, than Kaus., not 
to mention Vait., or even than both together. Whether or not 
we believe with Caland* that most of the Kaus. ceremonies are 
fitted into the framework of the New and Full Moon sacrifice, 
which would naturaUy imply an intrinsic limitation in the 
sphere of Kaus. ; at any rate the fact remains that Kaus. fails 
to use at all a not inconsiderable amount of the Atharvan Sam- 
hita. This may be due to mere inadvertence or accidental loss 
of the thread of Atharvan tradition on the part of Kaus • or 
it may be due to the fact that the scope oFKaus. is not as broad 
as that of the Atharva Veda. In either case it is incumbent 
upon us to try to complete the gap. And we find, as a matter 
of fact, that at least a large part of the material neglected by 

'On this whole subject see especiaUy Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva 
Veda, Iviii fif., particularly Isx f. 

^See the introduction to his Altindisches Zauberritual (Amsterdam 
ler^ndeiy^gen, 1900, Deel III, No. 2). Against this view Bloomfield, 
GGA 1902, pp. 495 ff. ' 



CORRECTION 
Page 119: the eleventh line on thia page, namely, 

the Viraj hymn 8. 10 seem to be absolutely ignored in all the" 
should be placed after the twelfth line, namely, 
are employed. The Skambha hymn 10. 7, the mystic 11. 8, and" 



i i 



< < 



The printers regret this error, which was made in their office after the 
final page proofs had been returned. The proofs were correct. 



Philosophy in Atharvg Vkda 119 

Kaus. is worked up in the Parisistas. This fact is hostile to the 
only third alternative (which I consider improbable in itself), 
that the hymns in question are late intruders in the text of the 
Atharva Veda. That Kaus. does not include all Atharvan 
interests is, in fact, indicated by the existence of the specifi- 
cally srduta materials that belong to the sphere of Vait., to 
which allusion has been made. 

Now if we inquire what use is made of the philosophic hymns 
in the ritual books, we shall find, first, that one or two of them 
are not used at all, and that of some others only stray stanzas 
the Viraj hymn 8. 10 seem to be absolutely ignored in all the 
are employed. The Skambha hymn 10. 7, the mystic 11. 8, and 
ritual texts. The other Viraj hymn, 8. 9, is likewise ignored 
except that Vait. allows the use of vss. 6 if. optionally in a 
sattra rite. So of the trahmacdrin hymn, 11. 5, only one vs. 
(3) is used by Kaus. in the upanayana. Kaus. and Vait. also 
fail to use the two Kala hymns, 19. 53 and 54, the ucchinta 
hymn, 11. 7, the odana hymn, 11. 3, and the second Skambha 
hymn, 10. 8 (except that Vait. uses a single vs. of the last, which 
by the way contains, in vss. 43 and 44, the clearest suggestion 
of tlje Upanishadic dtman theory known to the AV.) ; but 
Kesava, the commentator on K^ui., uses 11. 3 in witchcraft 
practices and in the hrhaspati sava, and the others are all used 
in the Parisistas. 

Next, we may find that when hymns of this category are 
used, their employment often seems from our point of view 
secondary and without bearing on the real nature of the hymns. 
Thus, the Purusa hymn, 19. 6 (= RV. 10. 90), is used by Vait., 
along with the otherwise unknown Purusa hymn 10. 2, in the 
purma-medha rite. Neither of these hymns appears in Kaus. 
at all (tho a purma-sukta, doubtless 19. 6, is used several times 
in the Parisistas), and their employment in Vait. is as easy to 
understand as it is shallow and worthless. The sutra compilers 
feel it their duty to use, somehow or other, as much of their 
Samhita as they can; and especially Vait., which has not like 
Kaus. the advantage (or disadvantage) of a stable tradition to 
adhere to, ransacks its Bible much in the fashion of some modern 
clergymen, who first make up their minds to preach on a certain 
topic, and then wrench and screw some text out of the Scrip- 
tures to make it, willy-nilly, fit their subject.^ Sometimes even 

°As immortalized by the hoary jest about the preacher who attacked 
high head-dresses on the basis of the text ' Top-knot, come down ! * 
(Matthew 24. 17, Let him which is on the house-top not come down.) 



120 Franklin Edgerton 

Kaus. may be, or has been, suspected of similar tendencies. 
For instance, Kaus. uses all the four hymns of the Rohita book 
(13) on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. These hymns 
undoubtedly have the sun in mind ; but except to that extent 
their language does not prominently suggest such an applica- 
tion. And the use of such hrahmodyas as 9. 9 and 10"^ (= RV. 
1. 164), 5. 1, and 7. 1, in magic rites for general prosperity and 
success is also hardly to be inferred directly from any materials 
found in the hymns. 

Fully half of the philosophic hymns belong to this category 
as regards their ritual employment. That is, they are employed 
only in ways that seem to us, from the point of view of their 
language (cf. Part V of this article, below), secondary and 
unintelligent (a few not being employed at all). And indeed, 

'^Ka.uL 18. 25 quotes the pratilca only of 9. 9. 1. But as 9. 9 and 10 
really form one hymn (RV. 1. 164), the division in AV. being purely 
external (in fact they form one complete anuvdTca even in AV.) ; and as 
9. 10 is not dealt with independently; it seems to me likely that the whole 
unit 9. 9 and 10 is intended by the sutra. The divisions of these long 
hymns are largely mechanical anyhow; compare the division of 10. 7 and 
8. Ppp. largely adopts the practice of cutting up the longer hymns of its 
Book 16 (which includes nearly the whole of Books 8-11 of the vulgate) 
into purely mechanical 'hymns' of ten verses each. — The following pos- 
sible confirmation of my suggestion as to the intent of Kaus. 18. 25 was 
discovered with the aid of references furnished me by Boiling. Among 
the pratikas quoted in the same list in Kau^. 18. 25 is that of 16. 3. The 
Ganamala (AVPari^. 32. 22) quotes the same list, without difference 
except that it prefixes the pratilca of 1. 4 to the list, and adds iti dve 
sukie after the pratlTca of 16. 3. It would not be overbold to infer from 
this that Kaus. also probably meant to employ 16. 3 and 4, altho he quoted 
the pratlka only of 16. 3. The like may then have been intended by the 
pratilca of 9. 9. 1. Now, the Ganamala manuscripts, to be sure, contain 
no such indication in the case of 9. 9. 1. But two ganas before (gana 
20), they contain a senseless nuvdTc(a) inserted before the gana number. 
The editors of AVPari§. could make nothing of this, and quite properly 
rejected it from their text; see their Critical Apparatus, page 202. Boil- 
ing now suggests that this nuvalc(a) may be the relic of a displaced ity 
anuvakah, originally a marginally inserted correction intended to go in 
gana 22 after the prattka of 9. 9. 1. Since AV. 9. 9 and 10 form in fact 
one anuvaka, and siace all the AVPari^. mss. go back to a single very 
corrupt archetype (see the editors' introduction), I think it highly likely 
that Boiling's suggestion is correct, and that the Ganamala originally 
indicated the use of the entire anuvaka at this place. If not, ,the coinci- 
dence is certainly startling. This would be a further confirmation of my 
suggestion as to the intention of Kaui. 18. 25. 



Philosophy in Atharva Veda 1^1 

from the prima facie evidence of their language, we should 
expect nothing else. They show few signs of interest in witch- 
craft practices (altho I shall show later on that they are really 
not so far removed therefrom as appears on the surface, and 
as has been generally supposed). However awkwardly and 
impotently, they strive after higher things. They are the imme- 
diate forerunners of the Upanishads, and on the whole not 
unworthy of their successors. The gulf that separates them 
from the operations of the Atharvanic medicine-man is so wide 
that it seems at first sight unbridgeable. 

Yet the bridge is there. It is indicated by the traditional 
employment of certain other philosophic hymns, or at least 
hymns containing philosophic materials. The first of these, as 
joining on most directly to the hymns of the preceding group, 
is the prdna hymn, 11. 4. The subject of this hymn is the cos- 
mic 'breath,' that is the wind, most strikingly manifested in 
the storm-wind; hence the obvious naturalistic allusions to 
storms. This breath of the universe is, quite naturally and yet 
acutely, made the enlivening principle of everything. The 
author is thoroly at home in the phraseology and ideology of 
Vedic higher thought, and applies it all to his subject with a 
freshness and vigor that suggest an unusual amount of intel- 
lectual acumen. He is certainly no mere magic-monger. Yet 
that does not mean that he is free from natural human desires. 
Not only the last stanza,^ but several stanzas scattered thruout 
the hymn,^ give expression to the active desire that the cosmic 
* breath' shall vConfer boons on him who glorifies it, particularly, 
of course, by means of its counterpart, the individual 'breath' 
or 'life' in the human being. So Kaus. very appropriately 
uses the hymn in magic performances for long life. In so doing 
Kaus. does no violence to the thought of the hymn, even tho the 
author of the hymn may have mingled more lofty aims with this 
practical one. ) 

Still more significant are the hymns in which the practical 
purpose seems clearly predominant. In these cases we find no 
longer philosophizing tinged with self-interest, but self-interest 
decked out more or less in the garb of philosophy, or employing 
philosophic concepts. The constant refrain of 13. 3 shows that 
the primary purpose of the hymn is to discomfit the brahman- 
hater, and that it is only for this purpose that the sun. as a 

^ Of. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athcurva Veda, p. 623. 
* Stanzas 9, 11, 18, 19. 



122 Franklin Edgerton 

cQsmic first principle is glorified. It is therefore appropriately- 
used by Kaus. in hostile sorcery. Or if anyone should suspect 
the refrain of being -^ secondary addition, unjustly degrading 
the hymn as a whole, I would refer him to such hymns as 9. 2, 
to Kama, cosmic Desire (Passion, or Will — it is very hard to 
find an e:5^act English equivalent). Here thruout the body of 
the hymn the constant theme, expressed in ever varying lan- 
guage, is that Kama shall destroy our enemies ; and this is, very 
properly, the use to which Klus. puts it. In this hymn, except 
in verses 19-24, there is hardly a suggestion of a philosophic 
idea, beyond the mere name Kama itself — which (as is still more 
obviously shown by the other Kama hymn, 19. 52, in its open- 
ing quotation from RV. 10. 129. 4) is borrowed from the sphere 
of the higher thought and set to work in claptrap magic. Com- 
pare 4. 19. 6, where the non-existent (dsat) of RY. 10. 129 etc. 
is similarly pressed into the service of a purely sorcerous per- 
formance. 

To this same general group belong the sava hymns 4. 11, 4. 34 
and 35, 10. 10, and 11. 3, in which the beneficent effect of the 
offering of the ox, cow, or gruel is enhanced by the equation of 
each in turn with the cosmic first principle. In common with 
most commentators, I find in the ucchista hymn:, 11. 7, only the 
reductio ad absurdum of this tendency — the apotheosis of the 
'leavings' of the offering as the cosmic One.^ Kaus. uses in a 
manner perfectly consistent with our interpretation all of these 
hymns except 11. 3 and 11. 7, which are ignored in both Kaus. 
and Vait. (but Kesava uses 11. 3 in the hrhaspati sava; the only 
ritual use of 11. 7 is found in Paris. 42. 2. 11, with other ddhydt- 
mikdni in the sndnavidhi) . 

Summing up, we find that the use to which the philosophic 
hymns are put in the ritual accords partly with the prima facie 
internal evidence of the hymns themselves as to their objects 
and the purpose of their inclusion in the Atharva Veda; but 
that some are used in ways that appear at first sight to be sec- 
ondary, or are even not used at all. 

Ill . 

But now arises the question, what do we mean by 'secondary' 
employment? Do we mean that the ritualists have losK the 

^ The only rival interpretation is that of Deussen, Allgemeine GescMchte 
der Philosophie, i. 1. 305 ff. Ingenious and even brilliant as Deussen^s 
idea is, I cannot feel that it is Vedie. 



Philosophy in Athar^a Veda l^S^ 

thread of true Atharvan tradition, and use these hymns in a 
way different from that intended by their Atharvan compilers? 
Or are the ritualists right as far as concerns the Atharvan inten- 
tion, and wrong, if at all, only in so far as that intention was- 
wrong or ' secondary ' ? And furthermore, just how ' secondary ' 
is the * secondary' application of these materials to what we 
may call 'Atharvanic' purposes? Even when to our minds a 
hymn seems to deal purely with 'higher thought,' can we he 
sure that lower or more practical motives were absent from the 
mind of its original composer, not to speak of him who included 
it in the Atharvan collection ? 

There are several knotty problems concerned here. I would 
formulate the two most fundamental ones thus. First, what is^ 
the character of the Atharvan tradition of the philosophic hymns, 
and what is the relation of the Atharvan philosophic materials 
to Vedic philosophy as a whole? And second, to what extent 
does Vedic philosophy as a whole naturally and from the start 
lend itself to such purposes as the Atharva Veda commonly has- 
in mind? 

IV 

First. There is ample evidence that Vedic philosophy was in 
\ a quite advanced state by the time of the final compilation of 
the Atharva Veda. There must have been in existence a large 
body of compositions essaying to deal with such problems as the 
origin of the world and of man, the internal structure of both, 
and their interrelation. Intellectual activities along these lines 
were carried on apparently in the several Vedic schools, or at 
, least in connexion' with some of them. The speculative litera- 
ture preserved to us in the Atharva Veda, and the approxi- 
mately synchronous speculations of the Yajur Vedas and 
Brahmanas, are in all externals quite similar to the other con- 
tents of those collections. In particular, they share with them 
a general appearance of instability, fluidity, and secondariness. 
They appear not as independent, primary, and unitary compo- 
sitions, having each a definite date, authorship, and purpose. 
On the contrary, they seem like masses of floating timbers 
gathered in more or less by chance from the wreck of a vast 
hulk, or of sever^ such, whose original structure we can only 
dimly discern. One is tempted to say that they do not give us 
the thoughts of Vedic philosophy, but only show us that there 
was such a thing. This is doubtless an exaggeration; and we 
must beware of rating too highly the qualities of even the best 



124 Franklin Edgerton 

thought which can have been produced in the Vedic age. Yet 
I think it is very evident that the phUosophemata of the 
Atharva, in particular, are essentially rehashes, and often very 
blundering ones, of older materials, most of which are no^ lost 
to us. They are highly important, because they (and others 
like them in the Yajur- Vedic texts) are all we have to go by in 
reconstructing the thought of their tijne and sphere. But they 
are, like the general literature to which they belong, only the 
precipitate of an extensive development, only the dregs of the 
glass. 

Tho the evidence for this is largely subjective, it is not likely 
that any Vedist nowadays will question its general truth. But 
there is a certain amount of definite and objective evidence for 
it, which it has seemed to me worth while to collect. I refer to 
the way in which some Rigvedic philosophic hymns are repro- 
duced in the Atharva Veda. RV. 10. 121, 10. 125, 10. 90, and 
1. 164 all occur in the Atharva Veda. The first three are AV. 
4. 2, 4. 30, and 19. 6 respectively; the last is AV. 9. 9 and 10. 
All except 4. 30 = RV. 10. 125 are also found in the Paippalada. 
By comparing the Atharvan versions with those of the Rig we 
can get an idea of the way in which the Atharva handles such 
materials, and can draw inferences as to the way it handled 
materials which are not found in the Rig Veda or in any other 
collection. While it is not by any means certain that the Rig 
Veda itself furnishes us the original versions in every case, it 
is clear that it comes closer to it than, the Atharva Veda. The 
Atharva shows many signs of mere mouthing-over of matter 
which it did not understand, and of general 'Verballhornung' 
of the, text. This suggests that its versions of other philosophic 
hymns are probably no less secondary and poor, and that when 
we find unevenness or nonsense in them too, the fault may lie 
with the Atharvan compilers and not with the original authors 
of the hymns. It frequently happens that the Paippalada ver- 
sion is closer to the Rig Veda, and better, than the ^aunakiya. 
Yet on the whole the Ppp. too is poor and secondary. 

AV. 4. 2 = BV. 10. 121. 

The vulgate Atharvan version of this hymn is especially con- 
fused and bad. In the first place, the order of the stanzas is 
mixed up, as the following table of correspondences will show. 
The statements about the Ppp. are based on Barret, JAOS 35. 
44; Roth's statements, given in Whiitney's translation, are 
inaccurate. 



Philosophy in Atharva Veda I'^S 

RV 1, 2ab, 2cd, Sab, 3cd, 4, 5ab, 5cd, 6ab, 6cd, Tab, 7e, Sab, 
AV^ 7, lab, 2cd, 2ab, led, 5, 4ab, 3cd, Sab, 4cd, 6ab, — , — , 
AVP 1, 2abi^ 2cd, Sab, 3cd, 6, 4ab, 4cd, 5ab, 5cd, Tab, Tc,^« — , 

RV 8c, — , 9, 10, — , — . 
AV^ 6c, — , — , — , 8, — . 
AVP To, Td, — , — , 8, 9. 

Perhaps the most interesting of the many corruptions in the 
Atharvan version of this hymn is vs. 6. AV. 6ab, dpo dgre 
visvam dvan gdrhham dddhand amftd rtajndh, represents RV. 
Tab, dpo ha ydd hrhatir visvam ay an gdrhham dddhand jand- 
yantlr agnim. No argument is needed to show that the Athar- 
van compiler has simply made a mess of the line. To try to 
make real sense out of his version is a waste of effort. Ppp. 
reads differently, but not less stupidly, tho somewhat closer to 
the original: dpo ha yasya visvam dyur dadhdnd garhham 
janayanta mdtarah. — To these two padas the vulgate then 
appends a version of RV. 8c, reading ydsu devisu for yd devesu 
to make it refer to the waters, and improving the meter by 
omitting eka{h). » 

Stanza 4 (^RV. 5ab, 6cd) presents other instances of a 
similar sort. RV. has in ab^a vigorous statement, yena dydur 
ugrd prthivi ca drlhd yena svdh stabhitdm yena ndkah. This in 
the vulgate AV. becomes the colorless and metrically poor ydsya 
dydur urvi [the simple-minded Atharvanist knows ugrd in a 
semi-offensive sense too well to let it stand here!] prthivi ca 
mahi ydsyddd urv dntdriksam. (Ppp. agrees with RV.) And 
in pada c. the strong RV. text, ydtrddhi sura udito vihhdti, 
becomes the dull yasydsdu sdro vitato mahitva. This has evi- 
dently passed thru the middle stage represented by the Ppp. 
version, yasminn adhi vitata eti surah, with which MS. agrees 
except for the transposition sura eti at the end. (The change 
from udito to vitato is phonetic in character^, and^ suggests inter- 
esting reflections.) Thus we have here concrete evidence for 
the way in which these materials were mouthed over again and 
again, passing thru various stages of corruption and degenera- 
tion. 

The corruptions of AV. Sab = RV. 6ab are likewise interest- 
ing and far-reaching; and again the versions of Ppp., MS., and 
KS. throw light on their genesis. Without attempting to dis- 
cuss them fully, I will point out that the Rigvedic dvasd, which 

"AVP. 7c is a ihixture of RV. 7c and 8c. 



126 Franklin Edgerton 

presents difficulties of interpi-etation, becomes the simple but 
uninspired dvatas, tho it is preserved (in a different position) 
in Ppp.; and that dhvayethdm (read °tdm) at , the end of b 
seems to hark back to RV. 2. 12. 8a vihvdyete (RV. 10. 121. 6ab 
is undoubtedly based on 2. 12. Sab, ef. Deussen, Allgemeine 
Geschichte der Philosophie, i. 1. 128 f.), from which we may 
guess that even the RV. version of this hymn is partly secondary 
-and that the AV. is not based directly or entirely on it.— In 
3c r= RV. 5c, the Rigvedic yd amtdrikse rdjaso vimdnah becomes 
ydsydsdu pdnthd rdjaso vimdnah, and in Ppp., with a different 
corruption, yo anta/riksam vimame variyah. MS. again agrees 
with Ppp. 

AV. 4. 30 = RV. 10. 125. 

The order of the stanzas is again altered. The number of 
corruptions is this time much smaller, but there is at least one 
very interesting one. In RV. 3cd we have tdm md devd 
vyddadhuh purutra hhuristhdtrdm hivary dvesdyantim: 'I am 
^he whom the gods have settled variously in many places; I 
have many stations, and bestow (boons) on many [or, bestow 
many (boons, on whom I will)].' The use of d-vis, causative, 
in the sense of {implant, and so) bestow good things is guaran- 
teed by AV. 7. 79. 3b. This use is unquestionably found in the 
RV. passage under consideration. The AV. (vs 2d) changes to 
dvesdyantah, agreeing with devdh, and understands ' making me 
^enter into many (places).' Aside from the tautology of this, 
the very rarity of the Rigvedic use of the word suggests that it 
is original, rather than the AV., which takes it in a commoner 
.sense. 

Vs 6cd == RV. 2cd : ahdm dadhdmji drdvinam havismate 
suprdvye ydjamdndya sunvate. So RV. ; AV. changes to drd- 
mnd . . . suprdvyd. The change makes the adjective 'help- 
ful' agree with 'wealth' instead of with 'the sacrificer.' It 
is a rationalizing, or perhaps a merely blundering, lectio facilior. 

AV. 19. 6 = RV. 10. 90. 

Again the order of the stanzas is considerably altered in AV. ; 
-and other texts in which the hymn occurs show still different 
variations (see the introduction to the hymn in Whitney-Lan- 
man). The Rigvedic order is none too prepossessing in places, 
and in general I- suspect the Rigvedic version of the hymn of 
being more or less secondary. But certainly the AV. does not 
K)ffer a single variant that appears better than the RV. I will 



Philosophy in Atharva Veda 1^*^ 

call attention to a few instances in T^^ich it is clearly inferior, 
or at least secondary. "^ 

Vs 2 = RV. 4. In ab EV. reads tripdd urdhvd ud ait 
puricsah pddo ^syehdhhavat punah: 'with thi^ee quarters the 
Pnrusa ascended aloft (on high, beyond), while a quarter of 
him remained here (in the empiric world).' This evidently 
means the same as 3cd, 'a quarter of him' is all beings, three 
quarters are the immortal that is in heaven. ' The AV. changes 
a to trihhih padhhir dydm arohat, which may intend to state 
the same idea in words of one syllable, but more likely indicates 
(by its arohat) that the, Purusa is thought of as physically 
ascending the sky — a much more naive and less philosophical 
idea. Again in pada c, RV. says 'from thence {tdto, i. e. refer- 
ring back to ihd, from the one quarter) he spread abroad over 
the whole universe,' thus deriving the universe from the single 
quarter of the Purusa. The AV. changes tdto to tdthd, 'thus,' 
i. e. by mounting to heaven with three quarters and remaining 
below with one ; in short, it fails to grasp the profound idea of 
the RV. and uses the whole of the Purusa in forming the uni- 
verse. 

Vs 4 == RV. 2. In d, RV. has ydd dnnendtirohati (referring 
to the world of the 'immortal,' here obviously the ritualistic 
gods), 'which grows (thrives, increases) by (sacrificial) food.' 
The AV. redactor totally failed to understand this phrase, which 
is indeed cryptic and requires more penetration than some 
modern western interpreters have shown. He reads ydd anyend- 
bhavat sahd, which is simply nonsense. 

Vs 9 = RV. 5. The RV. has in, ab tdsmdd viral a jay at a virdjo 
ddhi purusdh: 'from him (Purusa) Viraj was born, from out 
of Viraj (also) Purusa (was born).' The paradox is deliberate, 
and belongs to the sphere of RV. 10. 72. 4, 5 (Aditi born from 
Daksa and D. from A.). It was too much for the Atharvanist, 
who must needs change pada a to virdd dgre sdm abhavat, which 
makes the sense simple and shallow enough: 'Viraj was born 
in the beginning, and from Viraj Purusa.' 

Vs 11 = RV. 7. AV. substitutes prdvfsd, 'by the rainy sea- 
son,' for barhisi, 'upon the barhis/ in pada a, under the influ- 
ence of the season-names in the preceding verse. ' 

AV. 9. 9 and 10 — RV. 1. 164. 

This brahmodya hymn does not contain a great deal of matter 
that is, in my opinion, strictly speaking philosophical or theo- 



128 Franklin Edgerton 

< 

sophieal; most of its riddles are more narrowly naturalistic or 
ritualistic, tho many of them have a cosmogonic tinge. It hap- 
pens also that there are few variants of any significance between 
the text of the RV. and that of the AV. I will mention only the 
variant in 9. 9. lOd (RV. 1. 164. lOd), because it has been said^^ 
that the Atharvan reading is certainly superior to that of the 
RV. and more original than it. In spite of the weight of 
authority on that side, I venture to maintain that the contrary 
is quite as possible a priori, and therefore — in view of the gen- 
eral relations of Rig versus Atharvan readings — more likely to 
be correct. The Rig Veda stanza has, as padas cd, the follow- 
ing: mantrdyante divo amusya prstthe visvavidam vacant dvis- 
vaminvdm. The AV. agrees except for visvavido and dvisvavin- 
nam. 1 should render the RV. thus: 'they proclaim upon the 
back of yonder heaven an utterance that is cognizant of all, but 
that does not extend to all.' The AV. makes it: 'those who 
know all proclaim ... an utterance that is not known to (dis- 
covered by) all.' The making a nominative out of visvavidam 
is just the sort of change we expect to find in the shallow Athar- 
vanic philosophasters ; they want a subject for the verb man- 
trdyante, and find it very naturally in 'the all-knowers.' And 
j^ince the root vid occurs already in this word, it seems to me 
easy to see how an original dvisvaminvdm could have been 
shaped over into dvisvavinndm by influence of that form con- 
taining vid. Such verbal attractions are as common as can be. 
On the other hand, it is not so easy to see how dvisvamvnvdm 
could have originated from dvisvavinndm. There is nothing to 
suggest the change from a lectio facilior to a difficilior. And 
yet 'not penetrating to all' makes excellent sense, and is a 
much less commonplace mode of expression than the Atharvan 
reading, which seems to me easy to the point of shallowness. 
This may be subjective; but at any rate the suggested origin of 
the Atharvan reading is strictly in accord with the canons of 
text-criticism. 

The examples just given are, I, think, enough to show that the 

Atharvan tradition of the philosophic hymns is very unreliable. 

*The Atharvanists— the compilers of the Saiiihita — apparently 

did not understand these materials any too well. They mouthed 

them over ignorantly and blindly, and we cannot feel that what 

"See Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda, p. 50, and references there quoted 
in note 12. 



, Philosophy in Atharva Veda 1^9 

they have left us gives much help in understanding accurately 
the thoughts contained in the compositions. This applies not 
only to crucial passages, where we should suspect on the face 
of the evidence that something is wrong. It applies fully as 
much to passages which appear to be 'plain sailing'; for who 
can tell how many deep and intricate thoughts have been 
smoothed out of existence by uncomprehending redactors, as 
was shown to be the case repeatedly in the hymns borrowed 
from the Rig Yeda? 

We should therefore be patient with the statements of Kausika 
and the Parisista ritualists, even when they prescribe employ- 
ment which does not seem to be suggested by the language of 
the hymn. The lack of intelligence (if it is really such, rather 
than lack of correspondence with our own western notions) may 
pertain not to the ritualists but to the old Atharvan tradition, 
to the compilers of the Samhita themselves. The use of hrah- 
modya hymns, for instance, in commonplace spells for pros- 
perity betrays an intelligence no lower than might have belonged 
to the diaskeuasts who fixed up the Rigvedic philosophic hymns 
in their Atharvan garb. The 'colorlessness' in many cases of 
the ritual usage does not prove that it is wrong. How could 
the purely philosophic hymns be used in magic practices ' color- 
fully,' that is in a way which would seem to us appropriate to 
their language (compare on this point the following section) ? 
Yet their inclusion in the Samhita shows that they niust have 
had some Atharvanic use, unless we assume that they do not 
belong in the S'aihhita at all but are intruders. They are not 
used in Vait. to any extent, and so cannot belong as a whole 
to the srduta sphere. The failure of Kaus. to use many of them 
may be due to a loss of the thread of the tradition on l!he part 
of Kaus., which after all is not infallible, or to the fact that 
Kaus.'s interests are not quite as broad as those of the Atharva 
Veda. This seems to be confirmed by the fact that most of the 
hymns neglected by Kaus. are worked up in the Parisistas, and 
are there used in ways quite consistent with the way in which 
Ksius. uses other similar hymns. At any rate, all of the philo- 
sophic hynins are just as capable of being used Atharvanically 
as are many of those which Kaus. does use. 



We now approach the second and more fundamental of the 
two questions formulated above (page 123). If the ritual 



130 Franklin Edgerton 

employment of the philosopliic hymns gives the clue to their 
original Atharvanic purpose, that is indicates what the Athar- 
van compilers meant to do with them ; to what extent was this 
purpose justified by the still more original purposes which ani- 
mated the composers of the hymns, or the authors of the general 
sphere of ideas contained in them? To what extent do the 
philosophic materials fit naturally and from the start into the 
sphere of the Atharva Veda ? 

It is commonly assumed that they do not fit at all ; that they 
are foreign elements, calling for an explanation, which it is 
hard to find. Bloomfield indeed has shown^^ clearly that they 
are, at least, very thoroly assimilated; that they are inter- 
mingled with the rest of the Atharvan materials in such a way 
as to form an organic whole. They cannot well be detached as 
later additions. Nevertheless, Bloomfield thinks that theyjw-ere 
incorporated at a time when the Atharvanists had already begun 
to call their Veda the 'Brahma Veda,' and to associate with 
this term something of the philosophic tinge which later per^ 
tains to the word hrahman. Without this assumption he would 
find it hard to explain their inclusion, since they mark 'in a 
way the extreme distance from the ordinary witchcraft- 
formula. ' 

Now it is, of course, self-evident that they are, 'in a way,* 
very remote from ' the ordinary witchcraft-formula. ' And per- 
haps the fact that Kaus. fails to use so many of them at all may 
be taken as an argument for their essential inappropriateness ; 
altho the strength of this argument is considerably lessened by 
the fact that the Parisistas use most of those which Kaus. 
neglects, and even refer to a group of them as a gana by the 
technical term ddhyatmikdni (AVParis. 42. 2. 9 ff., where the 
list is given, and 44. 4. 2). 

Yet I would venture to suggest that it is possible to exagger- 
ate this inappropriateness. And what I want to emphasize 
particularly is that they seem much less inappropriate, possibly 
not inappropriate at all, when we consider the spirit which per- 
vades the atmosphere of Vedic philosophizing in general. The 
seeming inappropriateness is due, at least in large part, to the 
difference between our psychology and that of the Vedic Hindus. 

To put the matter in a nut-shell, it seems to me that, while 
the Atharvanists (as we have seen) handled the philosophical 

" The Atharvaveda, pp. 86 ff. For a description of the contents of the 
philosophic hymns it is sufacient to refer to these pages. 



Philosophy in Atharva Veda 131 

materials very unintelligently, and made a bad job of their 
details, tbey grasped pretty well the general purpose that 
inspired them,- and were quite right in finding that purpose 
similar to their own purposes. 

Aspirations towards higher thought and knowledge in India 
have always been associated with practical ends. The later 
systems of philosophy are all supposed to be practical means of 
attaining mukti. The same word, tho with different connota- 
tions, is found also in earlier times as the goal of speculation. 
Compare for instance the thrice-repeated formula, BrhU. 3. 1. 
5-8, sd muktih, m 'timuktih. Here it is a question primarily of 
'release' from death and the wasting ravages of timej and 
something similar is generally meant when the word is used in 
the early literature. Nevertheless, such passages contain a sug- 
gestion of the flavor of the later mukti idea. At least the cat is 
jumping in that direction. 

But this is not all. Some, at least, of the later systems hold 
out hopes not only of this supreme goal, but also of incidental 
minor benefits to be enjoyed by the adept while he is progress- 
ing towards nirvana. One thinks of course primarily of the 
magic powers promised by the Yoga system in particular, and 
of the whole system of ideas connected with the mahdsiddhis. 
The Upanishad passage just quoted, after mentioning the vari- 
ous means of 'release,' goes on to speak of the means of 'attain- 
ment' {ity atimoksah, atha saihpadah: 'so far the supreme 
releases; now for the attainings,' BrhU. 3. 1. 8). The 'attain- 
ments, ' as the following paragraphs make clear, are the winning 
of certain natural and supernatural 'worlds.' Such and simi- 
lar ends are frequently mentioned in connexion with Upani- 
shadic speculation. 

Indeed, nothing seems more natural to the Hindu than that 
very practical and worldly benefits, of many sorts, should ensue 
from superior knowledge. The connotations of the word vidyd — 
later to mean ' magic ' out and out — are so well known as hardly 
to call for comment. How many times do we meet, thruout 
the Upanishads, as also thruout the Brahmanas, the phrase ya 
evam veda! And it almost invariably follows the promise of 
some extremely practical reward. Not only release from death 
and the winning of various heavens, but wealth, success in this 
world, ascendancy over one's fellows, the discomfiture of one's 
enemies — all these and other worldly benefits are among the 
things to be gained by the practice of theosophic speculation, as 



132 Franklin Edgerton 

they were to be gained from the theological and ritualistic 
speculations of the Brahmanas.^^ 

Indeed, the Brahmanas, with all their ritualism and formal- 
ism, are perhaps closer in spirit to the Upanishads than to the 
Rig Veda, for precisely this reason, that they emphasize the 
importance of knowledge— ot sl true understanding of the inner, 
esoteric meaning of the things with which they deal. That is 
why they are the womb of Upanishadic thought. Their hair- 
splitting theological disquisitions, their hrahmodyas, give birth 
to the cosmic and metaphysical speculations which flower in the 
Upanishads.^* And just as the Upanishads themselves contain 
many internal indications of their intimate connexion with the 
Brahmanas (for example, the passage BrhU. 3. 1, quoted above, 
contains speculations which deal solely with ritualistic entities, 
quite in Brahmana style) ; even so in particular they, or at 

^* So numerous are the references that might be given to prove this 
statement that it seems hardly necessary to mention any. They occur con- 
stantly thruout the older Upanishads. A few examples: ChU. 1. 1. 10, 
1. 2. 14, 1. 3, 12, 1. 4. 5, etc.; 3. 12. 9, 3. 13. 1-8, 3. 18. 3 fE.; 4, 5. 3, 
4. 6. 4, 4. 7. 4, 4. 8. 4; 5. 1. 1, etc.; BrhU. 1. 2. 1, 3, 5, 8; 1. 3. 8 
(overcoming of enemies), 9, 17, 19, etc.; 2. 1. 4, 5 (progeny and cattle), 
6 (overcoming of enemies), 7 ff.; 3. 9. 34; etc. etc. An attentive read- 
ing of these and similar passages will reveal the fact that the allotment 
of particular boons to particular pieces of mystic knowledge is quite 
analogous to the corresponding allotment of magie ends to Atharvan philo- 
sophic hymns in the Atharvan ritual texts. Wben the language of the 
philosophic doctrine suggests, or even when by verbal distortions and puns 
it can be made to seem to suggest, some particular desideratum, that 
desideratum is the reward promised to the adept in that doctrine. At 
other times purely general rewards are offered, as in the case of the 
'colorless' employment of Atharvan philosophic hymns in the ritual. For 
instance, in BrhU. 2. 1. 4-6, he who knows the 'glorious' gets 'glorious' 
offspring; he who knows the 'full and constant' is 'filled' with off- 
spring and cattle, and his offspring do not depart from (remain 'con- 
stantly' in) this world; he who knows the ' imconquerable one' becomes 
himself 'unconquerable.' Per contra, at the end of the famous third book 
of the BrhU., the knower of its mysteries is promised in general terms 
'intelligence, bliss, the l)rdhman, (and) the highest goal of the giver of 
bounty.' These rewards are not one whit more 'colorful' or 'appropri- 
ate' than the uses of the Atharvan hymns in the ritual. Yet no one 
supposes that the promises of rewards in the Upanishads are secondary. 

^*Cf. Bloomfield, 'Brahmanical riddles and the origin of theosophy,' 
Congress of Arts and Sciences, Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904, ii. 
481 ff. 



Philosophy in Atharva Veda 133 

• 

least the early ones (like the Brhad Aranyaka and the Chan- 
dogya), seldom lose sight for long of the practical ends which 
they also inherit from the Brahmanas. 

But in both of these two respects do they not touch upon the 
special sphere of the Atharva Veda ? It too deals with practical 
ends — ^none more practical. Its objects are of the selfsame sort 
as the practical objects of Upanishad speculation, strange as 
this may seem to westerners. And it is a commonplace of 
Atharvan psychology that knowledge of the end to be gained is 
a prime means of gaining it. *We know thy name, sabhd/ 
says the author of 7. 12. 2, in a charm to get control of the 
assembly. 'I have grasped the names of all of them,' says 6. 
83. 2 of the scrofulous sores {apacit) which it is striving to 
overcome. And so on ; the instances are numerous. The 'name' 
is the essence of the person or thing; so also later, BrhU. 3. 2. 
11, the name is that eternal part of man which does not perish 
at death. He who knows it knows all, and therefore controls aU. 

Are not these the connecting links between the Atharva Veda 
and Vedic philosophy ? Both seek to win practical ends by means 
of knowledge, particularly mystic (= magic) knowledge. Such 
hymns as those to prdna or Kama (above, page 122) are there- 
fore not secondary blendings between originally unrelated 
spheres. They appear so to us only because we find it hard to 
put ourselves in the place of the Vedic philosophers, and to real- 
ize how intensely practical were their aims, and how close to the 
magical were their methods. And it is precisely these hymns, 
which clearly show the union of philosophy and magic, that are 
to be regarded as tjrpical of the rest. There are other hymns 
which do not clearly show by their language any magical or 
practical purpose. This is not surprising; it seems rather a 
stroke of luck that there are so many that do show it. Most of 
the Upanishad passages referred to contain no indication, in 
their doctrinal parts, of such worldly intentions ; yet the prom- 
ise is appended none the less. In the case of the Atharvan 
hymns, the lack is usually supplied by the ritual texts. In a 
few cases these latter have, perhaps by mere accident, failed to 
treat of the hymjis at aU, leaving us in the dark as to just what 
aims were connected with them. Even so there are passages in 
the Upanishads which contain no explicit promise of worldly 
rewards. But that does not mean that none was intended. The 
boons to be gained by *ya evam veda* are none the less actual 
for being implied or understood rather than definitely stated. 
In no case is there any reason for doubting that the original 



134 Franklin Edgerton 

authors of the hymns, as well as their Atharvan redactors, 
believed that they had gained, by their mystic or philosophic 
lucubrations, some desirable object. They would have been 
highly exceptional Vedic thinkers if they had not held this 
belief. In Vedic times people did not go in for knowledge for 
its own sake. 

There is, therefore, no reason for surprise at the inclusion of 
such hymns in the Atharva Veda, nor any reason to question the 
statements of the ritual texts, which make clear the practical 
purposes associated with nearly all of the philosophic hymns, at 
least in the minds of the Atharvan compilers. And there is 
every reason to believe that these, or at least similar, practical 
purposes were associated with these and the like productions 
from the very start. It is not a question of a secondary fusion 
of unrelated activities, philosophy and magic. On the contrary, 
all Vedic philosophy may be described as a sort of philosophic 
magic, or magical philosophy.^ ^ 

Lest I be misunderstood, let me make it clear that I am not 
trying to defame or degrade Vedic philosophy. I am an 
admirer of the achievements both of the Upanishadic thinkers 
and of their earlier Vedic predecessors. It is no more of a 
degradation to Vedic thought to show that practical aims were 
combined with it, than it is to Vedic poetry to show that it too 
was used for definite practical purposes. The old-school Vedists 
made the mistake of idealizing everything Vedic to too great an 
extent. Largely thru the work of scholars like Bloomfleld, the 
Veda has been brought down, bit by bit, out of the clouds; and 
given a resting-place on terra firma. The last remaining citadel 
of what I might call the 'poetic' school has been the philosophy 
of the Veda. "When I undertook this study, I had no precon- 
ceived ideas on the subject, and therefore had no intention of 
storming this citadel; but as the work developed, it gradually 
became clear to me that the citadel must fall. If I am right, 
the work of what I should like to caU 'humanization' is now 
complete. But that does not mean that nothing worth while is 
left. ' We can still admire and enjoy the beautiful Ushas hymns, 
the intimate and confidential addresses to Agni the friend of 
man, the spirited resonance of many hymns to Parjanya and 
Indra, which the Rig Veda gives us, even tho we now know that 

"Even in the method of applying this philosophic magic, the Upani- 
shads are similar to the Atharvan ritual texts. Compare once more my 
footnote 13, above. 



Philosophy in Athdri^ff, Veda 135 

tlie Ri^edic poets were practical priests, not merely poetic 
dreamers. In the same way we can do full justice to the bold- 
ness and magnificence of the thought of Rig Veda 10. 129, of 
other Vedic efforts at philosophy, and of many Upanishad pas- 
sages, even tho we must recognize that the philosophers were also 
men and had other interests than philosophy, 

VI 

To summarize. It is of the essence of Vedic higher thought 
that it hopes to gain practical desiderata by acquiring knowledge 
of the esoteric truth about things. This is eminently charac- 
teristic of the early Upanishads, no less than of the older stages 
of thought. This fact was grasped by the redactors of the 
Atharva Veda, who therefore found such compositions fitted to 
their own special sphere. It is perhaps no accident that the 
Atharva contains more materials of this sort than any other 
Sariihita. The Atharvan redactors, however, have preserved 
these materials only in a very corrupt form. This is, by the 
way, equally true of the other materials contained in the 
Atharva Veda. Comparison with such of these hymns as occur 
elsewhere, particularly in the Rig Veda, shows the bungling way 
in which the Atharvanists handled them. The ritual texts, par- 
ticularly Kausika, deal with them in a way which in general 
reflects accurately the intentions of the Atharvan redactors, and 
does not seriously misrepresent the original authors of the 
hymns. 

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 



IRRADIATION AND BLENDING 

Edwin Whitfield Fat* 
Professor of Latin, University of Texas 

1. This paper takes its start from Professor Bloomfield's 
paper on Adaptation (i.e. Irradiation) of Suffixes (see AJF 12. 
1-29, anno 1891). The same aspect of verbal interassociation or 
principle of synchysis was applied to verbs, and the entire sub- 
ject treated anew, in an ensuing paper on Assimilation and Adap- 
tation {il. 16.409-434: cf. IF 4.66-78). These vigorous papers 
waked a wide interest in suffixal irradiation and revealed how 
synchysis (blending) might affect the structure of roots. In 
spite of Persson's reluctation {Beiir'dge, p. 593 sq. : cf. CQ 9.105 
fn.) , they enabled folk to realize that in rhyming roots the rhyme 
might be due to semantic interaction (cf. the term affinate^ ap- 
plied in CQ 1.16 to capit x rapit) : and that one word might be 
absorbed into another, so to speak. 

2. As the credit is Professor Bloomfield's for the application 
of the principle of synchysis to roots as well as to stems, the 
credit is his also for the great simplification offered to classffica- 
tion by the introduction (see AJP 17.412) of the term haplology. 
Scattered instances of the phenomenon had often been noted, but 
Professor Bloomfield by naming created a scientific category. 
Blending had also been observed before, and a choice instance, 
the earliest known to the writer, is of record in Sea-Words and 
Phrases along the Suffolk Coast (1868-1869), by Edward Fitz- 
gerald, translator and poet, in the entry : 

Brustle. — A compound of Bustle and Bustle, I suppose. *Why, 
the old girl 'brustle along like a Hedge-sparrow ! ' — said of a 
round-bowed vessel spuflfling through the water. 

So much for generalities, so much for the history of ideas, and 
now to the task. 

I. Some Names of Parts of the Body 

3. irovs : oSovs. — It was an act of daring, and in the retrospect 
I deem it a mistake, when Professor Bloomfield explained the 
diphthong of ttovs as patterned after the secondary ov of oSovs 

*Died February 17, 1920. See the Foreword. 



138 Edwin Whitfield Fay 

(AJP 12.2). But that explanation was far superior to any of 
those now reported by Boisacq, Before proportional analogies 
such as (1) TTovs : ttoS-os : : Sovs : Swrp? and (2) ttovs : Tro(TiTL : : ^XOP 
C? x^^p) ' X^P^^ 0^16 can only gasp ; and when Sommer {Gr. Lautst. 
16 sq. ; long anticipated in AJP 15.426) explained ttovs after oh 
he was but moving to amend, without real change, Bloomfield's 
original motion. Objectively speaking, -ttovs : Doric irws is not iso- 
lated j cf. /3oi)s : ^0)5, and the reduction of -^ovs to almost suffixal 
-/3o?, as in UoXv/So?, might form a phonetic contact for -ttov? and -ttos, 
in TToXv-TTos. But Dor. w : Attic ov is also certified in SwAos : 8ovA.os 
(root dou), and the w-diphthong of ttovs (see AJP 21.198) is 
certified by TrvSa-pL^ei (= dances < foot-stamps).^ I then wrote 
the stem as pd{u)d/pod, and now realize the root as {s)peud in 
(TTrevSet (speeds). This is an extension of the root of Lat. pavit 
(cf. pavimentum with beaten path).^ The derivation of 'foot' 
from ' hasten ' is quite comme il faut, cf . Av. dvariOra : dvar. 

4. Av. asi and Goth. augo. — In a paper which was accounting 
for the vocalism of ttovs by the vocalism of ©Sous it seems extraor- 
dinary that Professor Bloomfield did not explicitly mention Joh. 
Schmidt's luminous interpretation (see Plhldg. 389) of the s 
(for xs) of asi (two eyes) by the (lingual) s of usi (two ears), 
and go on to correlate this exhibition of phonetic contact between 
words for eye and ear with the diphthong of Goth, augo, with au 
from auso (see Kluge's lexicon and cf. Bugge in BB 18.179). 
The coherence of these explanations was their proof and the 
present refusal of this explanation for augo I account mere 
stubbornness, even if I have myself {KZ 45.123 §32) thought of 
avyat (eycs) as another possible source of the diphthong. For 
asi after usi note the sequence asi usi [Jcardna] (gloss, or author's 
explanatory modernization, of usi) in Yt. 11.2. The evidence 

1 L. Meyer, Edbch. 2.533, cites the proverb of the ass that imitated his 
master: iirdpavTa 5^ to. (t/c^Xt; irvdapl^eiv. See also Hesyehius, cited in Kock's 
Knights of Aristophanes, 697. The posterius -pl^ei (i.e. pi<r-8-ei) belongs 
either with Eng. raises or with palei (smashes). For the beating^ of the 
foot in the dance and in walking cf . fi 261, dpxn^^ral re xopoiTU7r(77<riv Apurroi', 
^ 764, txvia Titrre irbSea-ffi- Lucretius 5.1402, duro terram pede pellere ma- 
trem; Catullus 61.14, pelle humum pedibus; Horace, C, 1.37.1, nunc pede 
libero pulsanda tellus. 

2 The long diphthong roots and their grades are beginning to come into 
their own. The evidence for se{i)Tc/se7c/s9lc; for seid/sed; for de{i)c/ 
dec/ die (in Lat. dicat, consecrates) is indisputable (see Brugmann-Thumb, 
Gr. Gram. §342). For two almost as certain eu/e/u roots see Eeichelt in 
KZ 39.16, (p^^ofiai: ^vyeiv; ONorse lauf (leaf) : Lith. Zapos. 



Irradiation and Blending 139 

• 

for c extracted from Sk. dksi is nothing (cf.-OBulg. ocese) ; and 
the nom. an-dk^ (eyeless), like Av. aiwy-dxstar (overseer), cer- 
tainly has the k^ of oculus. Still the admission of Indo-Iranian 
ss in these words would not prove IE cs, for asi may be a blend- 
ing of ok"^ (eye) with the primate of Albanian si (eye), root 
{s)c{h)ei (to shine). As regards o/craXXos (reported by Arca- 
dius), instead of plunging for IE ocp, I rather believe that kt, 
if it does not represent a dialectic treatment of k'^t, was fash- 
ioned in that prehistoric stage of the Greek tongue when folk 
said okye (oo-o-e) and okyomai (oa-a-ofiai), see Osthoff in IF 27.174. 
Here possibly, and not to the Ionic dialect, belongs hypocoristic 
oKKov ' 6^6aXfi6v, On Collitz ' separation of otttlXos from oKraXXos 
of. Kretschmer, EZ 33.273. 

5. Armenian names of parts of the body. — To these Professor 
Bloomfield devoted an especial section of his paper. He was by 
all means right in regarding akn (eye) as the model for the other 
names in -n (not the accusative *podm e.g.). 

6. Arm. akn. — Herein a for o shows Iranian influence. Sk. 
aksdn- is not to be explained as anything but a synchysis of dksi- 
and *akan- ( rOBulg. okn<Co^, window). Or the a of akn paay 
indicate a still earlier interaction between ofc™ and a cognate of 
Lat. acies (eye: cf. sharp eyes, sharp-sighted), and from this 
source c might have intruded into Av. asi. 

7. Arm. lea/rd (liver).— With Scheftelowitz {BB 29.69) and 
Pedersen {KZ 39.351; cf. also Wackernagel, Ai. Gram, i §229c), 
I think that only one IE word for the liver has come down to us, 
in its several grades and stems. Of the initial consonants (ly) 
either, but only one, survived. For the Armenian form I offer 
the following modification of Scheftelowitz' explanation. ' The 
primate l{y)ek'^ yielded pre- Armenian li{k'), i.e. lik'/li, with 
retention or loss of k in response to sentence euphony. An 
earlier stage lek"^ may have been borrowed, as Pedersen suggests, 
into Kurinian as Idq (plur. Idqer). From the metaplastic pri- 
mate l{y)ek^-r-t{i) (also with e for e; cf. Av. ydkard with Sk. 
ydkrt) we should have got Hik'ard; then the proportion lik' :li:: 
Uk^ard:liard'>leard; cf. neard (stuew), perhaps directly from 
{s)ney-rt{i). — The primate of Eng. liver was lik^{e)ros 
( : ydkrt : : kott/oos : Sk. sdkrt) . I derive the primate ly-ek'^/lyok^ 

3 The current phonetic rules for final cs in Sanskrit are erroneous. In- 
terior cs came through the stage ss (s to indicate the precursor sound to Sk. 
$) and yielded Sk. -Ics- (cf. ■'k8-<.s-\-8) ; final cs yielded s, euphonized as -*, 
sometimes -Ic (after t d r r; s n) ; cf. -Jc from s in dadhrJc (fortiter) : 
dadhrsd (fortis); -Jc from -t in -dhrTc. See JA08 40.81. 



140 Edwm Whitfield Fay 

(Lat. iocusculum; cf. OPruss. lagnof) from li- (smooth) : Xctos + 
ek"^, ek"^ (eye, look) i.e. smooth-looking, cf. the type of al^oj/r and 
Lat. ferox. In the semantic aspect this is no change from the 
current equation of liver with XtTrapos (see Falk-Torp, lever). 

8. Sk. hdll-ksna (gall-bladder, AV hapax 2.33.3, as defined by 
"Weber; also a sort of animal, cf. hali-ksna, lion). — (a) hdli- 
(yellow) is clear enough; (b) -ksna (metathetic for skna) is a 
reduction form of sk[9]-no (sheen), root skei/skm (with c and k, 
cf. Falk-Torp, skin) ; cf. ksane (in a flash), obM-ksnam (flash by 
flash, every moment), perhaps dyu-ksd (sky-flashing). A com- 
peting posterius is sk[e]n-o (skin, see Falk-Torp, skind). The 
root {s)ken is a legitimate variant of (s)kei (cf. JAOS 34.341; 
Boisacq, arrj, fida-a-oyy irpoix.-qdris) Falk-Torp, vunde). — ^By a like 
variation we also explain t/cv in v€o-ytA.os : veo-ycviys. 

9. Excursus on Sk. -km in color terms. — The type of fern. 
pali-kni (grey) contains neither kn from tn nor -k^-ni as a weak 
grade derivative of ok"^ (eye, look), but [s]kni (sheen or skin). 
The onl^^ evidence adduced for kn out of tn lies in color terms, 
which of itself renders suspect a merely phonetic derivation. 
Jaina Maharastri sa-vakkio (quarreling co-wives) is derived by 
Charpentier in IF 29.389 from *sa-pakni<.sapatm. But inter- 
ference from sa-\-vac (coUoquens, convicians) is here to be ad- 
mitted. If Sanskrit ever had the independent terms *paU-tni 
(feminine to TreAtTvos) and hari-knl (of yellow sheen), synchytic 
pali-{t)km (unless paliknl has the k of Lith. pilkas) perhaps had 
a fleeting existence, though the Ms. variant patknl is no adequate 
proof of this. Or did 'cook-lady' swim in the stream of thought 
of the scribe of patknl in VS ? On a possible grammatical origin 
of fem. -ni see §39. 

10. IE words for kidney. — Here a common semantic but not 
a common primate. (1) Lat. {w)r-en-es (waterers) : sept of 
urina. (2) ve<^pos from nep (water, see Walde, Nep tonus )-|- 
sros (flowing) : root {s)rei, in Sk. sari-t sari-rd; Lat. rivus. 
Prenestine nefrones is from nep-\-sr-(m- ; nehrundines from 
nep-\-srendh.'^ (3) ONorse nyra. — Pre-Germanic neuran (or 

4 Eoot srendh/srei. Such blends may be recognized as systematic ■mtbout 
taking them for genetic or original. To take an extreme case: given the 
synonymous but quite independent roots ei (ire) and endh (Doric ^vdov) then 
srei/srendh (to flow) may be merely an analogous pair, unless one recognizes 
them as compound roots. Indeed, I should like to be shown why, since Sk. i 
is specifically used for fluere, s{e)rei s{e)rei should not be accounted a 
blend, rather than a dissyllabic basis. On the pair ghlendh/ghlei cf . Eeich- 
elt, KZ 39.76, Falk-Torp, glans. Brugmann's derivation {IF 12.153) of 
Celto-Grevax&mc J)Jiren1c/hh,ron1c from <p4p€ip + iveyKciv seems to me indubitable. 



Irradiation and Blendi/ng 141 

neusan) from {s)nu, in Sk. snuta (dripping).® (4) Sk. 

vrk-kdu, Av. vdrd-hka. — (a) vr- means water (cf. Sk. vdr) ; (b) 
^ka is from t{a)ka, of. Av. taci-dp (ponring-out- water). 



II. Parts of the Body with st{h) , 

11. In this group, with its wide evidence for Professor 
Bloomfield's thesis, its strong testimony to suffixal irradiation, 
Sanskrit exhibits stha st{h)i st{h)u. The Sanskrit, perhaps IE, 
st{h)i forms (cf. kv-o-tis) and the st(h)u forms lost their aspira- 
tion when in the flexion i became y (and u, v) ; i.e. the group of 
(sibilant+) surd aspirate+spirant was deaspirated. The evi- 
dence of fixed i in apdsfhi-hdn, but floating i/y in dyo-apdsiy- 
(see AJP 34.15 fn. ; and cf. pakti/pakthin=^coo'kmg, noun and 
adj.) , proves this beyond a peradventure. But in names of parts 
of the body st might otherwise have come together, competing 
with the posterius sthi. In ONorse Must Jiesir) : Welsh dust the 
primate may have been clus-ti, cf. Sk. sru-ti (hearing, ear) : 
srus-ti (hearing, obedience). On the other hand, clu-sthi might 
have been the source of the eventual determinative s in clu-s. 
The same ambiguity in words like Eng. wrist {<iwrid-ti or 
wrid-sthi). Ambiguous also is Sk. supti (shoulder) : Germ. 
schaufel (semantics of scapulae, see CQ 1.17) ; primate 
{s)cup[s]thi. For irradiation of sth better proof could not be 
asked than the extension of Sk. vis to vi[s]-sthd (faeces). In 
Eng. waist, however, st need have no direct correlation with sth 
as a bodily part confix, originally describing standing and out- 
standing members {sthd) . 

12. a. The Hand and Finger Group (see AJP 34.30 ; Brug- 
mann, Gr. 2.1 §479). — Sk. angustha (thumb), gdhhasti (arm or 
hand; i.e. receiver, cf. gahhd, vulva), hdsta (hand < taker)," 
musti (fist), -apdsti"^ (claw) ; Greek 7raAa(t)aT^ (palm, the 
slapper), ayo[p]o-Tos (receiver) : OBulg. grusti (fist, cf. Berneker, 
p. 371) ; OBulg. p§stl (fist) prustu (finger) ; OPruss. instixs 
(thumb), Lith. nyksztys, pirsztas; Alban. g'ist; Olr. hoss 

"Was the nose the 'dripper' (nid[u]8': Sk. snduii, cf. u in Germ. 
nilster) ? See also §63. 

So far as deaspiration after 7t- is not operative, we may confidently 
restore *'harSt(Ji)i, not so much because of hdstya or antarhasttna, as 
because of Lith. pa-sastls (armpit, i.e. taker) ; see JAOS 31.413 and put 
beside Horace, Ep. 1.13.12 Kurschat's example vmTc tat po pazast§=ztake 
that under the armpit. 

' I am now disposed to regard this as ap-j-ea;-{-s*M=oflf -out-standing. 



142 Edwin Whitfield F(vy 

(Khosta), Welsh hys (finger; see Pedersen, Kelt. Gr. §49.5); 
ONorse il-kvistir ( foot-twigs^ > toes), Eng. fist. 

13. b. The belly, intestines, pudenda. — Sk. ant a {s) -sty am 
( :Lat. inte[s]-stina) , ava{s)-sthd (penis), fern, avasthd (pud. 
mul.), updstha (idem), ko-stha (beUy), kustha (lendenhohle, cf. 
kusthikd, dew-claw), vi[s]-stM {^=vis, faeces); Greek kv-o-Oos 
(AJP 34.24 ; but perhaps directly from ku'w; on ad/crr in Greek 
see AJP 37.68 fn. 2), Troa-Orj and ttoo-Olovj IvTouOvdj kv-otls (blad- 
der) ; Lith. mkstas (kidney, testiculus) ; ONorse eista (testicu- 
lus), Ger. leiste (groin), wanst (see §16). 

14. c. Other parts of the body. — Sk. prstJid (back), 6[s]stha 
(upper lip), a-sthdn- (bone), sak-[s]thdn- (thigh), (?) mastaka 
(skull), prsti (rib),^ prthustu^^ (of broad top-knot; cf. pulasti, 
of slickj i.e. smooth-standing hair) ; Greek fm<r66s^^ / fuua-Toq 
(breast), (?) inda-rai/fiva-Ta^j aKvyj-aTi?^'^ (backbone) ; Lat. co-stae 
crista; Welsh dust: ONorse hlust (§11) ; Midlr. loss (tail; cf. 
Welsh hon-Uost) ; Lettic Idpsta (shoulder-blade), OBulg. ceUusPi 
(jaw-bone; perhaps splitting, i.e. opening-the-mouth, to modify 
Berneker, s.v.), OPruss. klupstis (knee) ; Goth, hrusts. 

15. Sk. va-sti (bladder). — (1) In view of the word bladder 
it is open to us to derive vasti from the root {a)we{i)'^^ (blow). 
But (2) vasti is conceivable as waterer, with va- from IE wn, a 
flexional variant of IE wer (water; see Walde, urina), cf. a-Kwp: 
cTKa-Tos. We actually have Sk. vdn-a (water) and should be glad 
to relinquish the labored derivation of this sense, as in the Peters- 
burg lexica, from wood, through wooden cup or trough, to water. 

8 For sth (standing) in names of vegetal growths see AJP 34.18. 

9 The projecting rib may have been of a man; the back (prstTid) of a 
quadruped. Note Sk. pdr-su (rib, i.e. fore-sweUing, root svd) : OBulg. 
pru-si (breast, i.e. fore-lying, root cei). From IE prsth (fore-standing, or 
the like) come also Ger. first (comb of roof), OBulg. prustu (finger), Lith. 
pifsztas, OPruss, pirstenf-plrstans ; also Ger. fiirst (prince) and (from 
pri-st[}i]7ncb) Paelign. prismu, cf. Lat. pfi-stinus. 

10 Here stu is ambiguous, either : stTiau (stand up, project, cf. criJa, 
penem erigit) or : stu (if really different) in Sk. tula (tuft of grass). 

11 Accent as paroxytone? For <rd/cT see §13. 

12 Not as has been lately conjectured KpijffTis (scratcher), but an extension 
of the fern. ptc. dKvri (:Sk. anc, bend) by -an (cf. on vistha in §11). For 
the semantics see Persson, Beitr. p. 1001,1.21. 

13 After all the 'Morphological Investigations* it remains perfectly apt to 
derive Lat. ve-lum (sail) from this root (or from wei in fn. 24) ; and 
vexillum (flag) from veho (cf. Noreen, Urg. Lautl. p. 72). This accords 
with the earliest usage of velum, so why attach it to Sk. vdgura (snare, 
net)? 



Irradiation and Blending 143 

Grassmann is certainly right when for RV 10.163.5 he defines 
ablv. mehandd by penis (quasi minctor), and its epithet 
vanamkdrandd by water-maker. We also have wen (water) in 
Lat. unda and Sk. unatti, see §69. 

16. Lat. ven-ter ( belly < water er). — For the sense cf. Sk. 
uda-rdy^^ and John's Gospel 7.38. In Ger. wanst we have the sth 
suffix, but Lat. ven^ica (bladder) comes from wen-dti (water- 
giving, cf . Sk. hhaga-tti, a share-gift) . 

17. Sk, vani-sthu (pancreas ).^^ — The known facts (as found 
in PW) are: (1) =sthuldntram (solid innard, i.e. all flesh, 
TTcty-Kpeas). (2) ma?isa-i;ise.9ai[i=flesh-dainty, i.e. KoXXt-Kpeas, sweet- 
bread; also an element in a stew (^B 3.8.3.25) offered to Visnu 
and Rudra in VS 25.71 ; 39.8, while 19.87 and ^B 12.9.1.3 are', to 
occidental minds, jargon. (3) ulitlca-paJcsi-sadrsah (owl-bird- 
like), cf. in Ait. Br. 2.7 accus. vanistMcm — urukam (entrails that 
resemble an owl, Haug). — This resemblance is a problem to 
solve. The feathery 'eyes' in illustrations of the pancreas (as 
in Encyc. Brit, s.v.) suggest the plumage of the owl. But it is 
more likely that the 'head' of the pancreas suggested the nomen- 
clature. Having stated the facts as to vani^thu, without mention 
of the pancreas or display of the title of the Britannica illustra- 
tion, I asked my friend and colleague. Dr. H. W. Harper, an ex- 
perienced anatomist, 'What innard, not a gut, looks like an owl?' 
With the barest glance at the illustration, which does not in fact 
clearly reveal the head of the pancreas, he replied ' The pancreas, ' 
and immediately sketched a contour of its head, remarking, 'It 
is like a hoot owl. '^® Morphologically vanisthu is a quasi super- 

1* In uda-rd ra meant flowing (ro: rei in Lat. rivus) ; cf. {fda-pifis (watery) 
with accusative, and iiSe-pos (dropsy), with instrumental, prius (see AJP 
37.1672), Also see pw for the posterius ra (=having), originally, I take it, 
^flowing with, abounding in, though possibly to be connected with the sept 
of Lat. res. For \iira-p6s (abounding in fat) the accus. prius is actually of 
record. 

15 The definition of rectum is absurd : the alternative definition as a part 
of the body near the diaphragm means — the pancreas. 

18 If he can see a man or woman in the moon, or a hairy cat in the 
caterpillar, the reader may be able to detect the resemblance to the head of 
a bird on a diagram of the pancreas given in Cunningham's Practical 
Anatomy, p. 502, no. 192. The section (which a Vedic Hindu, slicing, 
might have seen), as figured in Morris- Jackson 's Human Anatomy, p. 1196, 
diagr. 958, is quite suggestive of the head of an owl. The reduced size of 
the Britannica diagram makes the tail of the pancreas look to me like a 
caterpillar, but this is only because of the reduced size, I think. I only 
mention it to explain Lat. ur-uca (caterpillar) as from the root wer (twist) 



144 Edwin Whitfield Fay 

lative (=most delectable), describing the character of the pan- 
creas as a dainty— sweetbread, /caUt-Kpeas. 

18. Greek yacrr-^p (belly, womb).— (1) from yalp](T-rr}p (ct. 
Mod. Gr. ypao-rpa, but see Brugmann, Gr. 1. §476.3) : Epic Sk. 
grasati (swallows; cf. Eng. stomach x ar6fiaxo^y throat) ; or (2) 
ya[Xl<TTrip : Goth. Ml-thei, Sk. jathara, with different leveUings of 
the primates gel-[s]thm (cf. Lat. inte[s]stlna, OPruss. -plr- 
stans in fn. 9) and gl-sther{o). The root was either the original 
noun stem g{w)-el '(cavity, kolXui) in Lat. vola : yijaXov, or the 
perhaps not different gel (to crowd together, wind a baU, twine, 
see §5f5) of Lat. glomus. For the sense cf. viySv? (netz-haut). 
The root g{w)el also in Sk. jdla (net), jatd juta (braid, plait) ; 
'jut a will partly owe its u to the root yu. 

r 

III. A Mythological. Interlude 

19. The name of Artemis. — ^For this name of the moon-goddess 
a primate r[tu]-temi (cf. Sk. rtu, season, month) =month-divid- 
ing {tem, cut) yields excellent results. By Disease of Language 
(see §21) the role of Artemis as atrayxop-^-n (see Usener, Gottern. 
p. 239) arose, say from the suggestion of apravr] (halter). 

20. Venus Frutis.— The Roman Venus of the sea appears, at 
least functionally, in the Greek 'A<f>po-SLTr) (foam-tossed, foam- 
tossing; -hl-T-q'.hivrj, eddy), epithet of an IE goddess Wenos, per- 
haps; cf. Lat. Yenilia, unda est quae ad litus venit! (Varro). 
The Norse Yanir are wind and sea gods,^^ Naiads; and Freyja 
( : Sk. priyd, beloved) may again be an epithet of Wenos. But 
it is rather, and quite succinctly, to the functions of Venus that 
I turn, not so much seeking a postulate for her proethnic name. 
(1) As a sea goddess Venus owes her functions to the stem wen 
(water, §15) ; cf. Yenilia and venenum, potion, ap. Noreen, op. 
cit. p. 49; and note ONorse vds {won-\-wos, the latter in OHG 
wasal, see Walde, unda) . What rich metaplasm, wer/wen/wes/ 
wed (in OBulg. voda), in the stems for 'water.' (2) Venus was 

in Lat. vermis (worm) ; cf . Av. ^var, vertere. The form eruca is a popular 
etymology, quae eruit, cf . Pliny, N. H. 17.229, uruea quae erodit f rondem. 

17 The root (a) we (blow) may also be the ultimate root of the words for 
water ($69). For a contact cf. Lith. dudra (tempest) with Sk. 6dat% (heav- 
ing, ? blown by the wind). Perhaps a like semantic contact is attested in 
Lat. flare: fluere. Semantic contacts established between roots phonolog- 
ically approximate may be said in a substantial sense to unite the roots and 
furnish analogy patterns, subsequently elevated to morphological and 
phonetic, i.e. speech, patterns. 



Irradiation and Blending 145 

goddess of vegetation, pot-herbs; cf. Naevius ap. Paulus-Festus 
51.10, cocus edit Neptunum Venerem Cererem (i.e. pisces holera 
panem). (3) For the goddess of love ef. Sk. vdnas (love, desire). 
(4) The epithet Frutis, interpreted as of the sea goddess, will be 
from sruti ( :Sk. sru, fluere) or from hhruti (seething) :defru- 
tum. Or, interpreted as of vegetation, Frutis will belong with 
f rut ex. 

21. In the last paragraph there is implicit adherence to Max 
Miiller's Disease of Language. Used with discretion this doc- 
trine is of great worth, as witness the following excerpt from 
Boas' Handbook of American Indian Languages, p. 71 : 

This is a tale whicli is entirely based on the identity of the two 
words for dancing and catching with a net. These are cases which 
show that Max MiiUer^s theory of the influence of etymology ^upon 
religious concepts explains some of the religious phenomena. 

22. *Apyei-<l>6vTr]'s (arguta-loquens). — The tale of the Argos- 
slayer is a tale of Disease of Language, i.e. Popular Etymology, 
and not more recondite than when my five-year-old child in- 
vented a war of the tomato upon the tomato-bug ( ! ) , or said, 
apropos of the tiny railway station of Nome, that it was the place 
where people know things. The IE neuter plural varied between 
i (not 9) and a, the former generali2:ed for Indo-Iranian, the 
latter (synchysis of the type represented in Lat. praesentia 
apart) in the other tongues. To be sure a may belong strictly 
to stems and i to consonant flexion, but Lat. toti-dem and too-o-os 
from totyos: Sk. tdti reveals the IE plural in i. This is the 
archaic ending found in the prius apycl (: d/oy^?, brilliant). The 
posterius -(ftovTtjs belongs with <f>o}v-i] (voice) : hhen, see fn. 41. — 
A neuter plural prius in i also in Hom. fxeXeL-ari — posterius from 
dd-ti (cutting, ddi). With Sk.^IE neutro-fem. l/l cf. the like 
variation of d/d. 

23. Apollo (off-driving). — The sun-god shooting his sheaves 
of arrows is a phenomenon so often witnessed in Texas that, 
granting some slight modifications of my own, I can think no 
other explanation of Apollo's name deserves to stand with 
Usener's, op. cit. 309 ; and the trifling phonetic error that Usener 
wrote *A7r[o]-7reA,Xos (instead of 'A[7ro]-7r€XA.os) can easily be con- 
doned. The vocative ''AttcA-Xov yielded "AttoAAov, (Prellwitz). In 
rhythmic forms like ^AttttoA-Xwi/ (citations in Usener, p. 307) tttt 
is due to hypoeoristic (energetic vocative) forms with 'Atttt-. 
Flexionally the posterius started as pelyon. Knowers of Yedic 
Sanskrit are aware that the comparative (generally only an 



146 Edwin Whitfield Fay 

elative) is formed directly on the root by a suffix {i)-ydns, 
blended of the suffixes yen and yes, which vary only metaplasti- 
cally in Greek; cf. the differently blended Lith. {y)esn-i and ( ?) 
Goth, izan (see AJP 31.425 ).i* In 'AttoAAwv the long deflected 
grade of yen carried through, as it did in the proper name Xeipiov, 
inferior (the declasse slave-artist and schoolmaster of the Cen- 
taurs) ; also in the town name (ace.) 'OA.t^<oi/-a (accent?). But 
the apparent gradation of 'AwoXXiav may be secondary, starting 
in the yos stem accusative *'A7roXAa), alternate to *'A7roAAom. 
This ace. ^'AttoAAw picked up a distinctive -v, cf. d-y^pws (stem in 
05, like the stem of labos, Sk. masc. Ihiyds), ace. a-yT^pw <v> . 
Thence, after the pattern of Zrjv : gen. Zrfv-6s : ace. Z^v-a, ace. 
'A7roAA(i><v> : gen. 'AttoAXwv-os : acc. 'ATroAAwv-a. Conceivably at<u : 
yaiwva furnished the pattern. 

24. The Genius and the Aat/Awv. — As Lat. gemini corresponds 
to Sk. yamdu (see CQ 9.108,19-20), Genius is to be equated with 
yam-yd/yamia and gemellus (with el<en<Cn) may entirely 
conform with yamala. The Genius was everyman's spiritual 
double or yokefellow. As yamdu belongs with yam (biad, fasten, 
hold; cf. ydma, rein), so Aat)u,wv derives from dei, as Bartholoraae 
correctly writes the root in his lexicon, s.v. dyd. The root yam 
is really {d)yam ( : Av. dyd : :^am : gd), cf. CQ I.e., and note Lat. 
re-dim-io. On the functional identity of the Aat/xwv and the 
Genius see Rohde's Psyche, ii. 316 fn. If we reflect on all the 
religious advance implied by the proethnic sept of Lat. deus, no 
need to shrink from granting even abstract religious concepts to 
the Indo-Europeans. 

18 The older theory of the first edition of Brugmann's Grundriss (2, p. 
403) was right. Cf. also Johannson in BB 18.50, Waekemagel, At. Gr. ii.l 
$24d; Hirt, IF 12.200. In the current Grundriss (2.2 §250), when pushed 
to his last line of defences for the explanation by a purely formal analogy, 
Brugmann stakes his entire case for the alleged intrusion of the nasal into 
the Sanskrit endings in -a<7i>si on the rivalry (which means synchysis) 
of nt. pi. possessives in -vdnti with participial forms in -vdsi. Nothing 
could be less probable than the spread of the nasal from the neuter plural. 
The entire Vedic literature has not a single form in -vd<C.n>si, and only one 
comparative in -yaK.n'^si. So much for the infrequency of the forms in- 
duced. Of inducing forms, within the range postulated by Thurneysen's 
theory {KZ 33.551), the Vedas (EV) have only 6 neuter plurals in -anti. 
In view of this statistic Thurneysen's explanation of the nasal in -d<.n>si 
by a merely formal general analogy is fantastic, and not to be compared 
with the synchytic explanation of Johannson, properly accepted by Mae- 
donell, Vedic Gr. $343a n. 5. 



x' 



Irradiation and Blending 147 

25. Egeria. — The change of IE {d)ye- to Lat. ge- is also 
attested by the name of the spring nymph E-geria (out-boiling) ; 
root {d)yes in Greek ^ew (see CQ I.e. §21). 

26. mos (temple). — ^Without denying the possibility fhat vaos 
meant a god's dwelling (see Brugmann-Thumb, Gr. Gr. p. 52) it 
may be worth while to offer a different explanation and derive 
from IE nduso. Evidence for {s)ndu/(s)neu (cf. Lat. ndre, to 
swim : Gk. fut. veva-ofiai), meaning to scrape, dig, cut : Lat. ndvis 
(dug-out, see AJP 25.381, a trifle earlier, perhaps, than Meringer 
in IF 17.149 ; cf. for the semantic Falk-Torp, nu baad skip), Lat. 
novacida (razor, a 'scraper' that often cuts), OBulg. navt (mor- 
tuus, i.e. eaesus), Lith. novyti (slay, so Lalis: torture), dTro-mfe 
(caedendo-fecit, see KZ 42.86). Add Sk. nir-aks-noti^^ (detes- 
ticulatur<de-ex-secat) ; and with [e]cs, hs-nduti (scrapes) ; cf. 
also Goth, h-nauan (to rub), §51. Falk-Torp also cite a root snu 
(cut off), s.v. snau. I would define this vd6<s {<Cnuusos) to 
accord with Lat. iemplum, originally the + diagram of the 
diviner made by drawing E-W and N-S coordinates, though 
there is no positive and no negative evidence for a templum divin- 
ationis in Greece, see Halliday's Greek Divination^ p. 270. Or 
vaos had the semantic of rifievos ( :Lat. tesca<,temsca?) , or of Lat. 
lucus, a god 's clearing, whether for worship or for divination ; cf . 
Cicero, De off. 3.66. 

IV. Indo-Iranian Nasal Verbs of the (Sanskrit) 7th Class 

27.. The subject of the nasal verbs has been on my mind for 
over 15 years (see AJP vols. 25-26:37), ever since, under the 
spell of Professor Bloomfield's theory of blending, I first 
essayed 'to apply the principle of synchysis to these formations. 
As regards the nasal verbs in the 6th Sanskrit Class, the type of 
limpdti (or of Lat. linquit, see §49) is clearly the product of IE 
lineti (Lat. Unit) -\-lipeti (cf. aor. XnreLv). But as a system the 
6th class nasal verbs contain divers elements (see AJP 37.171 
§29a for complexes t)f accusatives in -m with d and dh; and 
below, §68), nasals of different sorts, subsequently allocated to 
a paradigm. The blending of limpdti is in principle precisely 

19 Ambiguous, for ales may belong to &^Lvv (see §66). In AJP 37.703, 
following native sources, I defined by * entf rachtet. ' But these native defini- 
tions may belong to a homonym. Av. xsnu/snu (to gratify) belongs with 
Sk. [s]ndvate (exclamat, laudat). In xsnu xs=:l^ [e]cs before s- (see AJP 
I.e.). For a problematic [e]cs in Latin see Walde, 2 frigo; in Greek, see 
Prellwitz, a-^hw/jLi. 



14S l^iUriii Mill t field Fau 

the bloiiding atlostod in OBiilg. /;•( xij, i.o, /;•< »i + //(n; soo Waldo, 

'J8. Til my first paper I proposed typienlly to exphnn (1) Sk. 
biidhndti (binds) as what 1 will now eall a ^)r)/.•-.^vr compound 
(see AJP 32.408, /CZ 45.112) of hadli (to biiid) + (N)»'^ (to 
spin) ; (2) situUi (to bind) as a blend of .<f (root .vm/) + (.0»J' (in 
OBnlg. .v?n///, ordiri); (8) intvdhi (erusbes) as a blend of irr 
(to bore)+7Jr./7t (ef. OBnlg. iih(h inftj^o). 

2J). In the last paper {Ajr :^7^^\^) yuthikfi was derived 
from (a) ^yiouUJ^ih) yukii^; impf. unop (? pros. »»<f/><//ji) 
from *//7}ff/f+*)Nj/)f//n: (weaves), nemonsl ration of nchh (I.e. 
163) almost laeks, owing to tlie faet that, I'or the sept of w«^«Xiy 
{birdnrt before cloud), a 'root' cloud (to aet a.s eloud, rain, 
burst forth) has developed; and irchh {: wcii: ucbh : suci) ro- 
phieed nchh. The evidenee for {s)uci-p is better (§43). 

30. My fii^t reeonstrnetion of inicdhi {Ajr 26.31ir.) was 
better than I realized. But OBulg. ul^q has tru<^ i and lielongs 
with Sk. nih'saii (bores, ef. viniksc, RV 5.2.9). Av. mcisa (point), 
to the root uijh (tiics), whenee 3d sg. *ncijdh{>'ncdln (of reeord 
only inipv. trnedhu in AV 8.8.11). Maodonell (Vcdio Or. 
§463.3) eorreetiy states the faet : 'The root trh iufixivs nc''' in tlie 
strong forms.' But in Irhhauli (so far as this is not •fni(J^*+ 
^trhdti) the root was ^/v//'.-~What I now think of the extended 
root Irjh is that its determinant palatal was duo to assimilation 
with jh in nejh/uijh, or whatever was the original root in ./7j. 
meaning bore, or the like; it never wavS redneed from irfijh {AJP 
26.395). On ru-dh i ru-n{a)dh see §42. 

31. Against these synehytie explanations of hadhmid and 

20 WMolsoningGrs iMilos {Ai, dr. i $34) for inlorinr «i;i? «»r nd Wi'oro f1 dh 
are incDvrcrt. They should run sis 1'oIIowh. A, (I) o^'^o in Vi^ilhum (volioro) 
and in so-(hu'<<'t (l(Uh) : ('2) m h/itilm (firni) oinl sddha o wuh originally long, 
as (' in Lnt. vomrsns; of. impv. Siiksva snul ll\o Avosttm pnrliciples t&Stn and 
rdiHa, the latlor with U'l (", as In Lat. rrrfiis, (,'{) The root iurr (/ (Prak- 
ritiic d) jilwfiys and only (lwi<'o!) means rvHrmtc (I'f. .Ihn's rondoriug of 
Oh. Up. 5.19.4). It is :ni oxlotision of m base nirn'i (cf. wrrfu, mrrrn, in 
Sk. hravlii) as found in dath. A v. mqiioH (annoiuiroinont) <tH4!lmf<' of. 
Lttt. mrmoria {^ fxipt-fiva). 1^. (1) Hy intorior ouphiuiy a;:ilh yields r<ih In 
rdhl and in (i('{d)hi ( = 86s -}- (//n); (li) in Tndo Iranian oompdunds foH as 
such a:: till yields odh, so that luiiic^ dim (pai-o AJP .19. SOS) owos its f to 
lut'dlw. (3) In kiiirdJuls (Indra opilhot=pnni8hor) A».vc- is a dative of 
*/.J (typo of Hrl) : Av. /.(rr'jui (poena). Tho coniponndr^pooiiiio ilans. In 
Av. h'njia-Sa (culprit [<pnonain-dan8] : poonida(io) hvia- is an accuMaiivnl 
pvius; of. Av. instrmn. f^roifa: Sk. tiriittl. 0. Tn t^angUrit tii! dh BufPeri no 
change. 



• 
sint)fi, \)M\\ oT wlilt'li t\\'i\ lollor ptn'Tf^cl, mu<I nomno porfi^t'l,, no 
HoiMiil <»hj(M«Jioii mm l»o ntlvnnoiul ox('<>|»l (u protoHl MKninNl, iNoInt 
tntf i'opivNf>nlnlivt»N oT ii h.vhIoiu, A m>M(M'iil Mim\v<»r lo wlii<'lj in 
lliHl, N)NUMn« imhinInI. oT \\\oW nuMuhnrH. Tin* «mly wiiy lo Iniow //irt 
lloi'No itii l)y invoMli^'MliHiif »f lnnH(V Ihit I n1u>\V(mI in my HpnI. HOric^N 
<>r pnpnrn lluil {\\o vi»rlm In liflU tint) luUi nro i«on«MMvnhly (M)ni 
ponndiMt with nturo routM (linn ilio tooIm oT hui. Hr^r' nnd ()]hil^. 
.v/M*^KMiiul in ilir U\h\ piipiM' I Mlinvvotl lluil lli<» nn>t, (.v) >J»^//(.s)»r''u 
(it» hinil, wonvo) hml iin ori^lnnl nomso oT fhh'frr', whirh wmn v<n\v 
iipi r»M* nlili/.Mlion «H n >(t»nonil nnxilijiry, nnti pnrlionlnrly nc- 
oountoij \\)v Iho lnolu>Mliv«» yoiiN?' ol* \\\o luiNtil IIonIoii in IhM'uuini*'. 
M'V An<l now Toriho Imlo h'Hninii vrrhn wilii iuinuI inllx (llio 
Hnimkril Vlli n\u\ Unrlholonuio'i* S(,h Irnninn oImhh). In iho nyn- 
(oini^nlion nT tho vnrioim oIoiiumiIn ilnii roNn)l<Ml in l.liiH nnNtil 
ohiMN, 'HM'miitilion dnnbtloNM pltiyod ei liir^u; port, bnt I nni not now 
Htinlylnfj; tlio«o vorlw in a wiiy to trnoo tlu»t iiM'tniintion, 

A. Th(' /«/»>«/ 77<r'f»r</ ♦,< ('jj/fVr^j/ ♦'♦ //<'' •!♦> 

JIM. 1, Av. nnulio paasivo prot,. qsta (in fr<)sf(t^ \\i\h olu 
tHinoil), Tilt* lm»o was f^jjf^o (Hoo Hoi.sMoq. ^l'*y^ff^'), i.o. f (lis in 

Ji4. ii. oiU)kii oi}hio (Mnoin(,s) j Iwino r>>frf;**' (lo ij^in^iisjO, 
MnuMwl llirt. AhL ^«»:Ui. to iu\H\\\\ with /'.'lf>>S* 1(1. p. ivswiii. 
I*n. \\ 

;{5, ill, (Jnthio Av» injunojivo mhuh^ {>i\\i\U nnitoi ^<r\s''), 'Pl\o 
n^ot IN mth', k in /••{oiu« (Kius'hIn) ; pro Inin. stnnijj: hIo\\\ mimi}k\ 
wonK )iH'M//;rt\ with A* liitlu whtk^jH {k\u'^\^\)^ Hy Imok t'oniiii- 
tioH mhh}k\ h\\v n liko roplaooiuont of m hy ;; ol\ ()»h)j;A/f)»r;/* 
(imin in l\\\\\ M'orp, iioj^iK M^ht* root mot' {im) wasn wonk f^rtuh^ r' 
of tih ^n<\ ONtonsion ol' {s)^^^ (o\oh«nji^\ nu\), not <litVoront. 
l*»>Mi\ tho rt>ot of iffk^v {vwh) ; oi\ »i1no .sm* (»snio{n'^ \\\ Vt\\\i Tor]>. 
smok In A\, m^ti}>'ioH(^ {\\\\o int<M' so n^isoont) wo luivo tlio oon 
t<u\iln«tion of ♦iM/ {mi) in '^m\u)1i ( M»n^n n^f/»W*'^' ; ffr^*, soo §V-'^ 
■Us) I oi\ Slv. hhijfiis tVoin ?)Ar^» ^Sk. ^/H')+^/n^^ (with >W/ f\s' of, 

\\{), \\\ Sk> mrrt,;rj/«> ^tlun wipo^l'i^ inipv, mn\iijiU^L (n) mn 
/m,mf>f. ^snnflV tmt a litfht), (h) rtj by irr,M<liMlion iVoin oiu^kfi 



150 Edwin Whitfield Fay 

(cf. anj 5 with mrj 4 in Grassmann's lexicon). In mrj (ex- 
tended from mr) j is a 'determinant' (cf. §30), a line of facts 1 
shall not deem it necessary to mention for subsequent items. — 
Explained in accordance with the next group, the stem mrnaj is a 
blend of *7nrndti (wipes) and mrjati. 

37. To avoid being misunderstood, let me say here that I 
assume that the type of Skr. mrndti (crushes) and Lat. Unit 
(smears) was proethnic and may be postulated ad lihitum, 
whereas the mrnajdni type was later, and in all probability re- 
stricted to Indo-Iranian. I further specifically assume that this 
type is examinable, not as a thing made, but as a thing in making, 
so that I deem it no phonetic breach to assume that mrnjdte and 
anj die ij<g'^) have suffered interaction in Sanskrit, even 
though the root mrj has palatal j. Elsewhere in this discussion I 
have barely raised, not attempted fully to answer, the questions 
how and why a root like mer was extended by a j to mrj._ In the 
explanations from blending (§38 sq.) very different types appear. 
From their interaction, not by acts of an Esperanto congress, the 
infix nasal (7th Sanskrit) conjugation grew into being. The 
d/dh determinants (cf. §57 on scindit: chinatti) were such as 
to play a particular role in the development (§42). 

D. Blends 

38. V. rnjate^^ (they move or strive toward), (a) *r-ndti 
(like mrndti, §37) : epcro- iypfXT^erj, or *rn-dti:ren (Gothic rin-nan). 
(b) rjyate: Lat. regit (as in per git; cf. root flexion of Sk. rdsti, 
regit). 

39. vi. inddhe (kindles), subj. inadhate. *inati (bums), root 
di (see Prellwitz ap. Walde, ater; on d[i]s see AJP 26.401, with 
due corrections), attested in the sept of Lat. aes (cf. Ger. 
messing brennen) and in Sk. e-ta (reddeer), fem. e-nv"^ ^ 
(colored) : Lith. y-nis (rime; perhaps as a tautological posterius 
in Lat. pru-lna, for which pruswma seems a phonetically impos- 
sible primate). Perhaps ai-vos (atrox) also belongs here; for the 

'" Possibly dissimilated from rnja[n]te (6th class). Note fluctuation of 
-ante /-ate in Avestan (Jackson, Gr. §452; and see MacdoneU's Vedic Gr. 
$464). The metrical convenience of the Cretic for clausulae may have con- 
tributed to spreading the type of anja[n-\te, thus producing a contact or 
switch between the 7th and the nasal verbs of the 6th class. 

23 The distribution of the to and ni stems for gender is of interest. Is a 
generally like distribution, with blending (cf. *poH, fem. *po~m, in 
S^ff-wotua), responsible for Sk. (i.e. IE) pd-ti (lord), fem, pd-t-m (lady) f 
See $9. 



Irradiation and Blending 151 

« 
semantic ef. Walde, atrox (appendix). The form indhe (I 

burn) would be due to a blending of *ine and *idhe ( : aWo))} subj. 

inadh to analogy. 

40. vii. trnedhi. See §30. 

41. viii. Av. hanaddmi (I bind; Bartholomae 's reading). 
Indo-Iranian *'bhanddmi-{-*nadhdmi, cf. the participles haddhd 
naddhd. The root nedh (rhyming with wedJi^^ in Sk. vivadhd, 
shoulder-strap ; cf . the blend of the two in OBulg. nevodu,^^ net) 
has dh certified by v60o<s (bastard; cf. Sk. handhula, CB 13.400; 
AJP 25.380),^® Lat. infula (fillet), treated as in-fula. From 
{s)nei, the original root, we have Sk. ni-dh-d (net, snare) . Cf . also 
Av. na-Sa (article of clothing), with d or dh, the latter wrongly 
denied by Persson, Beitr. 814. With Grassmann (col. 707) I 
admit nddh (but^ descendant, not band; on Av. naf-su see §43 
fn.) ; cf. Lat. nodus <inoddhos (o-grade as in <^o/otos). 

42. ix. ru-ndddhi (obstructs). — (a) ru: ipv-K^eij Ipvofmi (see 
Liddell & Scott, s.v. iii.2) ; cf. ipvfia (fence), ipuirj (defence), Lat. 
iirvare (to plough a symbolic furrow-fence about a town), Umbr. 
viu uruvu (way, boundary), (b) *naddhi (binds, impedit). 
ru-dh is the usual dh extension of the short root ru. From rudh 
denasalization of rundh forms would start. See further on de- 
nasalization §30. 

43. X. unap (bound, confined), (a) *undti:uta (woven)-]- 
nahh^' (§29). 

44. xi. The posterius nak (§§44-48). prndhti (fills, mixes), 
(a) prndti: Hom. infi-irXa-veTai. (b) -nakti: Horn, e-vaie (tamped), 
vda-a-cL (presses, packs, stuffs, fills). For the root pel (to strike > 
fill) see AJP 26.190. The gloss to Virgil G. 3.328, rumpent • im- 
plehunt, is a hit or miss momentaneous version, but rumpere 
(to fill to repletion) is certain, cf. Lewis & Short's version of 
G. 1.49. 

45. xii. vindJcti (sifts, opposite in sense to prndkti). (b) 

24 Dor. Arpiop does not disprove wei as the simple root, for d- may be 
short; then, excep. excip., Arpiov : ifrpiov.: boriip : Sibrup. Or &t- may be 
from Tjit, see §54. 

25 I here mention as one of the most compelling instances of blending 
E. Leumann's brilliant explanation of Sk. pu-mdns- as a tautological com- 
pound (KZ 32.304) ; Tmns is a blend of IB mas and man (in Sk. mdnu). 

26 See here also for the equation of iirev-fivoQe with Sk. apinahyati, antici- 
pated by Speyer, Mus. anno 1893, 272. 

27 The root (s)neip/sn9p (in Lat. napurae) is also to be considered. This 
root we have in Av. ndf-ya (familiaris, connexion) and in loc. pi. naf-su 
(descendants). 



152 Edwin Whitfield Fay 

-naJcti is further to be compared with TL-vda-a-eL (shakes), in which 
Tt belongs to the root t{w)i-s of o-f/w (see CR 18.208^). (a) vi: 
w6{i) (strike, bore, split; separate, sift; semantic of OBulg. 
cediti), see B ois acq, oltt;. Cognates in Sk. vd-ra (sieve), vd-s-a- 
yati (cuts off), vd-sl (axe), ve-si (needle); Lith. vinls (nail); 
Av. vae-p (throw down), vae-nd (nose, holes in), vae-ma (cleft), 
vae-U (corpus) , vae-8a (iaculum), vae-^r (throw). Add vi-naoiti 
(slays; on -naoiti to root ndu see §26), vi-ndOayen^^ (they shall 
flay). So far as the sense of vindkti goes, it may belong to wei 
(twists, brandishes, shakes, throws; cf. ptVret, Ger. werfen, Lat. 
torquet ap. Boisacq, pdfxvos). 

46. xiii. pindsti (crushes), 2d sg. impf. pindk. (a) pi-.pei 
(press, rub, crush; strike, cut) in Lith. peilis: Lat. pilum, see 
§59. In its briefer form pei survives chiefly in metaphorical 
senses, as in Sk. piyati (scolds; cf . Fr. piquer, and Lith. 
bariu: Lat. ferio) ; cf. with /c-determinant Lith. pei-k-ti, but 
7nK-p6<s (bitter) : ttoiklXo's (tattooed) has c. (b) nak-s-ti '■ vda-a-ei^^ 

(see §44) ; here Sk. pindka (club; see AJP 26.188). From the 
variation pen ( :pei, §8) we have the root pen-t, in Eng. finds, etc. 
(semantic as in §62). The type of pinsdnti: Lat. pinsunt is the 
sum of *pineti and *piseU (root peis/p9is/pis in Lith. paisyti 
to thresh) ; in Trraiei (crushes) we have a blend of *pyeU 
{ : pei : : dydti : dei, see ^35) -^*p9iseti, — The root pei as pe(i)l, 
pe{i)l (strike-and-touch, beat, drive against) is thoroughly alive 
in the sept of Lat. pello : TreXas (touching) . The iota of irikvaTai is 
precious evidence and not to be disqualified. After any adequate 
evaluation of its Homeric usage (see JEGP 6.249-251), TrikvaToi 
means to strike (bump), not merely to touch. The right general 
semantic is to be found in Lobeck and his followers, ap. Boisacq. 
TTcXas; see also my independent explanation already cited. The 
mystifying n of pinak comes normally from In, and we might 
operate with IE piln-akti (§66). For the suppletion of pi by pil 

cf. /xttTTcetv, aorist to /AapTTTet. 

47. xiv. t{v)andkti (coagulates), (a) t{v)a {=:tivd or twn) : 
t{w)ei in OEng. pwUan (to cut; cf. Lat. taeda, kindling, CQ 
11.93^; see Falk-Torp, tvede). (b) -nakti. For cuts> coagulates 
cf. Boisacq, rdfxio-o^. Eng. cuts^ like o-xt^etj means 'curdles' 

28 nae : snad : Goth, sneipan, §57. A source of tlie preverb vi, vi (apart) 
is glimpsed here and in vi-naoiti. On tautological Lat. vi-nle^x-it (bound) 
see AJP 32.413. 

29 The root of vdo-aei is nalc-s (^ pd(r<r(a<na7csyd ; cf. in Avestan 1 and 2 
uxsya vaxsya in Bartholomae 's lexicon, 1909); j/okt6s is from ndk[s]tos, 
paa-rds is from metathetic nasllc^tos. 



^ Irradiation and Blending 153 

(separates curds from whey). For presses^ coagulates cf. Lat. 
premere of cheese-making and Fr. presure (rennet). 

48. XY. GsithiQ Ay. m9r 9 ncaite (necant, caedunt). (a) mdr?: 
Sk. mmd^i (crushes) . (b) nakti. 

49. xvi. rindkti (linquit), Av. irinaxti (lets go, drives), 

(a) ri : Xt-vafmi • r/oeTro/mt, cf. Sk. ni-\-ll in agnir devehhyo (ablv.)^*' 
ni layata=Agni slipped-away from the gods (example from 
Delbriick's Ai. Syntax, p. 110). (b) naldi-.ne'k'^ (to turn), in' 
Lith. pra-nokti (praevertere, outstrip), nokti (turn, restricted to 
the ripening of grain or fruit — ^kernobst) ; and in tt/do-vott^s 
(bending, i.e. turning forward), Sk. ndka (vortex caeli). 
{s)nek^ is one of the numerous extensions of {s)nei (bind, wind, 
twist, spin, reel, etc.). A variant nee (c from the sept of the 
synonym root in Sk. pas, band, cf. Wackernagel, Ai. Gr. i §148) 
in Lai), necto : necesse {TAP A 41.31 ; 43) . On ej/reo-t- (in harness) 
see AJP 34.19^ ; or derive from e-nk'^-es : nek"^. 

50. xvii. tunjdte (they thrust, urge), (a) ^i^ as in §58. (b) 
nj : {e)nej{h), as in cyx©? (spear), OBulg. nozi (knife) ; or -nj-: 
{s) neg/ng in d\os (offence) : Sk. dga (a n s t o s s), cf. Siitterlin, 
IF 4.92. ■ 

51. xviii. hhundkti (enjoys), (a) hhu : Iheu^^ (strike off, 
break off from and eat, break bread ; break forth, sprout, grow ; 
cf. J^P 25.375; 26.196) ; note the t extension in hat., con-futo. 

(b) nakti: Eng. snatch snack (see Falk-Torp, snak), vwyaXa (tid- 
bits). For a Germanic root snag {<Csnak by Verner's law) see 

. Falk-Torp, snage.^^ In hhundkti the sense of eats has yielded 
enjoys. In fungitur the sense breaks off from has yielded com- 
pletes-and-leaves-off (functus officio).. The fugit sept is cognate 
{breaks^ flees). 

52. xix. Posterius (s)neg {hind)^ §§52-53. yundkti (yokes), 
(a) See §29. (b) {s)neg (to bind, wind, twist, weave) ^' in 

30 This was the original construction ; the accusative — cf . rinakU pdntJidm 
in EV 7.71.1 — came by assimilation of opposites (take it x leave it) ; to 
leave only means not take, turn from. In Latin de-serit we have a like 
turn, root ser (fluere, ire). 

31 Cf ., with persistent or recurrent sense, OHG touwen (press, squeeze, 
rub; see Kogel in PBB 9.515, 532) ; also Goth, t-nauan, blended of louwen 
and nauan (§26). 

32 Dialectic Norse snage (tongue of land) recurs in the name of Sicily, 
' Tri-nac-ria. 

33 The line arrangement here and elsewhere is not an attempt to place a 
chain of definitions. After long interassociation roots starting with any 
one of these senses precisely would develop all. This is why, from generali- 
zation, so many synonym roots are to be reckoned with. 



154 Edwin Whitfield Fay ^ 

Serb, negve (to fetter), OSwed. nek (sheaf), Eng. snake (binder, 
see TAP A 41.38) : Sk. Tiaga (also < trunk of > elephant), pan- 
naga (foot-binder> snake), Lat. ndtrix:nere. For rope x snake 
cf . AV 4.3.2, datvdU raj jus— toothed-rope, for snake ; note in pw 
varatra x ahi. 

53. xs.. vrndkti (twists), (a) vr: hai,. vermis (§17). (b) as 
in §52. In AJP 26.400 I connected Lat. vergit (twists) with 
/rc/oyov, again (see §26) nearly coinciding with Meringer {IF 
17.152). Senses like work, make (< knead) are abstractions, 
generalizations from the particular, and worthy of closer atten- 
tion than they receive in our lexica, which play for safety. 

54. xxi. Posterius net {spin), §§54-55. krndtti (spins; or 
cuts, cf. Ludwig 5.306, on RV 10.130.2). (a) kr:ker (bind, 
bend) in Kopo>vr}, Lat. ciirvus}^ (b) natti: net, parallel with ned, 
§62; cf. nt in aa-a-ofMiL (and perhaps in Dor. ar-pLov, §41 fn.), Sk. 
dtka (if not=robe of nettles: aStK-r)), OJr., etim. Alban. ent is 
from e-net {e of i-OiXo)). On the alternation of the determinants 
t/d/dh see Persson, Beitr. pp. 166, 199 ; cf . on k/g/gh Prellwitz, 

prjywfXL. 

55. xxii. grndtti in AY 10.7.43 replaces krndtti as in §54. (a) 
gr- belongs with jatd, §18. 

56. xxiii. Av. cinaOdmaide (let us instruct, pervert). 
(a) ci: Sk. cinoti ( s t r u i t ) . (b) na- B:vUl ( s t r u i t=heaps, 
piles up, loads). But na-6 may be an extension of nei in its 
earlier sense of ducere (§31), cf. ducit, misleads. 

57. xxiv. Posterius ned {thrust, cut), §§57-62. chindtti (cuts 
off), (a) *chi-ndti (cf. 1st sg. impf. achinam, but see Whitney, 
§555a). (b) natti: Celtic snado (I cut, see Fick-Stokes, p. 315), 
cf. sna'^th in Av. snaO (caedere). Because of Goth, sneipan I 
see here a long diphthong root {s)ne{i)t{h) (§45). Lat. scindit 
(see AJP 37.171) may be like chrna-tti, §§68, 71. On ned 
(thrust) in a transferred sense see §62. 

58. XXV. tundate (they thrust), (a) tu is the root in Lat. 
stuprum. (b) nad as above. The senses strike (cut), thrust, 
pierce, are all found in Lat. ferio/foro, and to nib in frio (rub x 
bore as in Lat. tero), cf. Persson, Bcitr. 782 fn. 2; Walde is 
hopelessly ^Tong, for Lat. fr- never comes from mr-, see CQ 
13.37. There is no semantic incompatibility between tu-nd-ate 
and Celtic snado., Passing over my previous remarks on the 

34 Eng. hends is from hinds (the bow), but in primitive basketry bending 
precedes or accompanies or constitutes binding, twining, and the result, as 
with our Indians of the Northwest, is weaving. 



Irradiation and Blendimg 155 

semantic groups^ ^ under consideration, I cite the following from 
Lord Avebury's Prehistoric Times^ p. 356. 

~59. *It is useless to speculate upon the use made of these rude 
yet venerable palaeolithic weapons. Almost as well might we ask, 
to what use could they not be applied? Numerous and specialized 
as are our modern instruments, who could describe the exact use of 
a knife? [Considered as an act it is simply 'pressing or pushing.'] 
. . . With these implements ... he cut down trees, scraped them 
out into canoes [cf. $26], grubbed up roots, attacked his enemies, 
killed and cut up his food, made holes through the ice in winter, 
prepared firewood, etc. ' — Ih. p. 581 : <As man developed into a 
hunter>'the knife and the hammer would develop into the spear 
[Lith. peilis: Lat. pllum again] and the club.' 

60. xxvi. tr-ndtti (bores, splits), (a) *trndti (cf. atrnam, as 
in §57) : Lat. terit (rubs, bores), (b) nad a^ above. Add as 
evidence for (s)ned (? or nedh net nes) ONorse nista (to bore 
through; see Falk-Torp, neste). Be it recalled that sewing is 
stitching (sticking, pricking) and that needles and awls are 
borers and piercers. 

61. xxvii. hhinAtti (splits). (a) *hhineti: Olr. benim 
{<Cbhinami)f^^ Lat. per-fines (perfringas; cf. AJP 26.180). (b) 
For nad I would here note Welsh nedim (axe) . 

62. xKYiii. Gdithic Ay. VI- {vi-) nasti i^nds). (a)w: 'm;o*(§45), 
strikes > hits (cf. Ger, treffen; and see on rvyxavei etc. AJP 
26.193). (b) nastimed (thrust) in Sk. ni-nd-ati (blames) : Av. 
naddnto. Or (a) vi-.wei^'' (bind) + (b) ned (bind, in Goth. 
nati, net). For the semantic cf. Shakespeare's 'Safe bind safe 
find.' Cf. Sk. vindta (belly; t dialectic for d) with vrjBvsy §18. 

63. xxix. Av. cinasti (proclaims,^® declares), Gathic cinas 

38 ^JP 25.383 (1904), TAPA 37.9 (stone-working as the source of the 
metaphors of cutting), MLN 22.383 (polemic against Walde), CQ 1.17-18; 
5.120, AJP 32.4052; 4072; 409. Walde 's semantic is not methodical. Occa- 
sionally he accepts right teaching as in his remarks under eapus (taken over 
by Boisaeq, KbTTta), but he denies s.vv. caedo scindo the very semantic he 
takes over for ferio. The correlation of caedo with chinatti is certified by 
the accord of Plautine caedite ligna with Sk. chettar (wood-cutter). 

^°I would now analyze Sk. surblindti (concidit, I.e. p. 193) as preverb 
(fc)sw ( : ^iJ-r, see $66, and Boisaeq, s.v.)-j-&/i[»]-7ieti. When OBulg. su 
takes the accusative (Brugmann, GV. 2.2. $665), it is because some native 
word, in general like ^akdiv ov ^x^v ot \a^d}v (all=iwith), has influenced it. 
Or did Tcsu<Cslcu (following) originally take the accusative? 

37 In Lat. m-ginti m is a (neuter) dual, meaning plies-two (cf. AJP 
37.164 on ubhdu, wefts-two). 

38 Bartholomae 's definition of lehren is quite misleading, thojigh docet 
has sometimes the general import of proclaims. 



156 Edwin Whitfield Fay 

(promisit). (a) ci: Lat. ciet (calls, proclaims), (b) nasti-.nes, 
doublet of ndu/neu in Sk. nduti (cries out).^® The variation 
es/u in roots is not uncommon; cf. Eng. throws: rpefo-Jet (shakes, 
trembles), aor. ^cV-o-e : ^v-et. The root (e)neu in owfUL : Armen. 
anun, gen. anu-an (pace Meillet, Esq. §26), Lat. nd[u]men. To 
the same root with a (cf. Lat. ndre: vcvo-oijull) belongs Lat. narrat, 
either syncopated from nd[u]seratf or from 7id[u]-s-at. 

64. XXX. Posterius nes/ns {throw, etc.), §§64-65. sinasti 
(leaves over; passive, remains over), (a) *sinati: (s)c(h)ei 
(cf. §57) in a-Ktpog (parings, leavings, copse-land), Sk. slyate 
(falls off).*° (b) astiidsyati (§65), vi-asyati (breaks in pieces) ; 
cf. Eng. throws away^csLSts off. 

65. xxxi. hindsti (hurts), (a) Tii as in hinoti (throws, 
hurtles) heti (iaculum) ; Celto-Latin gae-s-um (spear) . (b) 
nasti as above. Add Av. qs-ta (hate; as if objectatio, cf. Eng. 
fling, Ger. vor-w u r f ) . The root nes/ns also in Lat. e-n [e] s-is 
(knife thrown, sword, §59), in which e, e is the preverb (Brug- 
mann, Gr. 2.2. §634) ; cf. §60, ONorse nista. But the primate of 
ensis may be ns-is. 

66. xxxii. Posterius ag (hreak). hhan-dkti (breaks), (a) 
hhan^I^ &/iew/^byform of hhei (in hhindtti), as ten of tei (§8). 
(b) -akti, from ag^ in aKTrj (1 beach, 2 meal) ; compounded with 
{k)su in Sk. sv-akta (thoroughly rubbed ; su with the force of (rw- 
in (Tw-Tc/xvet), slw^-aktu (grits) : [o-J/r-ayi/v/xt. Simple root also in 
a^ivyf (axe) ; Goth. aquizi (primate ag-wes-l). Possibly we have ag 
also in -aksnoti, §26. On su/sw/s/w/zero see further §61; and 

39 Was the nose a crier (snorer) ? Cf . Plautus, Miles 822, naso . . . 
magnum clamat. Then the primate was ?ra[w]s (cf. o\ii]s, mouth). So we 
account for il in Ger. niister; see also $10. 

40 When the native grammarians united Sk. iat Sad and si into a system, 
their semantic was entirely sound. Quite in the sense of Persson, sat and 
sad are * determinative ' variants of (s)c('h)ei. For the sense of falls cf. 
the passives of sr (crush) and Lith. TcrintH (cado) : Sk. Tcrntati (cuts). 
More in AJP 26.396; 39.292. c, 

4iEoot of Sk. hhdnati (loquitur), cf. Scotch crack^taXk. Further, Eng. 
tells: Sk. dalati (bursts); speaks: <T<f)d^eL (slays; root sphei, cf. Falk-Torp, 
spaan, Boisacq, tr^-^j/; in sp{}i)ei, 'bursts' is a sequel to 'swells'); OEng. 
sprecan : a<l)dpayos (spark, splinter), Sk. sphurjati. I note colloquial *He 
tus' out an' said.' Fdrther observe OFr. deviser (<C.dvvisare), colloquium 
habere (cf. JEGP 6.248); <I)cjvt]v pri^as (Herodotus, 5.93), rumpit voces 
(Aeneid). Kiessling's note on ferire verba in Horace, S. 2.3.274 shows 
that the Stoics had thoroughly realized the semantic equation voice (speech) 
^=strilce (air); cf. Quintilian 1.6.34, 'verba' ab aere verberato. Voices still 
strike the air; cf. Fr. frappent, Ger. schla^en (to warble). From then 
comes 0WI/-77; see § 22. 



Irradiation and Blending 157 

# 

cf. Lat. saltus: Sk. atavi, aXo-os {JEGP 17.423; KZ 40.422; 
TAP A 44.108; (7^ 11.213, with literature). 

67. xxxiii. ahhisnak (medebatur) . Of the two solutions for 
hhis-dj (medicine-man) offered in AJP 26.399 and 32.415 the 
former is correct. ^ The original sense was either demon or fear- 
dispelling, cf. OBulg. hesu (8at/u,<ov) : Lith. haisd (fright), adv. 
hais. Consider Av. haes-aza (curative, used of stars and moon) 
in' the light of h, mag. in Lunam (Wessely), BoXov rc/otoOo-a 
[cutting> obstructing, preventing] <t>6f3ov o-mT-qpirj. Av. haes 
and Sk. *'bhisan (in ahhi^[a]n-ak, cf. Lith. hadsunas [monstrum], 
Sk. hhisana) have to be added to hhi hhis (instrum. hMsd) etc. ; 
making a rich store of stems. For -k in ahhisnak see §4, fn. 

E. Compounds (type of partakes) with d^ti (gives, makes) 

dh^ti (puts, m^kes) 

68. xxxiv. chr-na-tti (spues, ejects), (a) chr-n-a ace. from 
sc(h)r-n- (cf. Norse skarn; for gender nouns, cognate Lat. 
muscerda and kott/oos) : o-Kwp, gen. o-Ka-ros, Sk. ava-skara (*excre- 
ment, place of same). In chrna, sch is due to contamination of 
sker with schid (Norse skide), though Sk, ch<.skh is perhaps 

found in icchdti: OBulg. iskati (Wackernagel, i. §132). (b) For 
the sense of -d9ti cf. Eng. gives for makes or does (gives a cry, 
dat gemitum). An accusative prius from skor, again governed 
by du (giving, making), in the OBulg. gerundial skare-du 
(nasty ; cf . §27 ; AJP 37.169, operandus) . 

69. -KssN. und-tti (wets), impf. dunat (streamed), (a) un-a 
is ace. of wen (water, §§15-16, 20). (b) -d9ti. But nod (wet) 
in Goth, natjan justifies us in ascribing u- to blending of nod and 
ud/aud in odatl (flowing) : utsa (spring), uddn (water). The 
impulse to blending was probably first felt in nouns, as though, 
gender apart, Lat. unda were a blend of the primates of vSos 
and Sk, nadi (river) ; cf. OBulg. nevodu in §41. 

70. xxxvi. Subj. rnd-dhat, ptc. rndhdt. (a) Forms of rdh 
mean thrive, but the sense here is vaguely promote. In RV 
1.84.16 yd esdm hhrtydm (loc.) rnddhat:=siqms eorum in servitio 
(? ad servitium) currat (or the like), so that rn-a may be 
accusative of a rootnoun ren/rn (a running, see ^SS)-\-dh-et 
(faciat). Then ptc. rndhdt (trans. )=Eng. running (a race, 
horse, boat; affair, business). 

V. The Determinants d and t 

71. In conclusion I observe that blending (synchysis) and 
tautological grouping (in look-see compounds) do not differ in 



158 Edwin Whitfield Fay 

principle. By these lines of explanation wide and varying 
morphological vistas are opened. Let me illustrate by the alter- 
natives presented for 'snffixal' d. If we accept after §69 wen 
(water) then un-da (exempli gratia) may = water-swirl (d-a: dei 
in Slvt), §20). The root of tendit may be enlarged from ten 
(stretches, weaves; cf. Sk. tanika, cord, rope), not by the d of 
do (give), but by the d of dei (bind), and Lat. ten-di-cula lends 
itself to analysis as stretch-hand (slip-knot) > snare, noose; while 
Lat. impv. inde (coronam, compedes) is as likely to mean hind 
on as put on, or may even be from ndhe, root nedh (§41). In 
Lat. fin-dit scin-dit (§57) the priora may- be accusatives of lost 
stems hhi and sci, governed by a form of ddi (sever), and mean- 
ing quasi strike-severs and slice-severs. The loss of these mono- 
syllables out of composition need not surprise us, cf. Wacker- 
nagel, IF Anz. 24.114, Meillet, Mem. 14.477. The posteriora of 
Ger. diehstahl and Eng. kidney are no longer alive as simplices; 
— Nor do I see why the wide irradiation of # as a determinant 
forbids us profitably to guess that krt (to cut ; cf. Lat. plec-t-it, 
beats) is some sort of compound of A;r-f-an element from t{w)ei 
(§47) ; and krt (spin) a compound of kr (§54) -\-tei/ten (Sk. 
tdy/tan, §8). This contrasting pair constitutes an excellent 
source for determinant t, and we are brought to one of Professor 
Bloomfield's starting points, the rhyme of necto flecto plecto; cf. 
also wer-t (turn, twist, spin) in Lat. vertit. So far as the 
reduction of tei to a bare t goes, we have a perfect parallel, of 
much later creation ( ? ) , in Lat. cre-d-it, where d is all that is left 
of dhe{i). — In a given case, as of cre-d-it, we may make sure that 
a compound is of the type of animadvertit, par (t) takes. For 
plec-t-p (plaits) we must hesitate between the look-see and 
partake types. In the name of safety, but really upon our peril, 
we may decline to analyze plectit, satisfying ourselves with 
setting in a row the roots pel (Lat. du-plusy^-eu (d-n-Xoos) pl-ec 
(ttXckq)) pl-ec-t {plectit), cf. polt in Goth, falpan. Let us thank 
the researches of Persson for this wide vista in morphology, 
without thinking that we have explained anything by calling eu 
ec ect i determinants and without going on to say that, because 
eu is a determinant, plec may not profitably be considered a 
blend of pel and pec (in Av. pas, to bind), or that it is futile 
even to try to investigate the t of plectit and faipan. The 'roots' 
and 'stems' of the grammarian are no more ultimates than the 
, crystals of the mineralogist. Let the mineralogists expound their 
crystallography ever so minutely : still the chemists must take a 
hand and determine, whether after one or twenty efforts, the con- 
stituent elements, the material of the crystal. 

Austin, Texas, 



RAUHINEYA'S ADVENTURES: THE RAUHINEYA- 

« • 

CARITRA 

Helen Moore Johnson 
Fellow by Courtesy, Johns Hopkins University 

For this translation of the Rauhineyaearitra I have had 
access only to a native edition, without commentary, published 
at Jamanagara in 1908. Although the edition as a whole is a 
good one, there are some obvious emendations to be made and 
others that are highly probable. Weber, Die Hcmdschriften- 
Verzeichnisse der koenigl. Bihliothek zu Berlvn, Vol. 2, Part 3, 
p. 1098, describes a manuscript, dated 1445 A. D., of a katha 
collection, 'which includes the Rauhineyacaritra. It contains 
469 slokas, which is the correct number for our edition, though 
the number appears as 471, through two errors in the numbering 
of the slokas. A collation of this manuscript would have been 
of great assistance, but was, of course, impossible at the present 
time. Later I hope to prepare a critical edition of the text on 
the basis of all available material. The present translation is 
therefore more or less provisional. 

The text is rich in new material for the lexicons and, as a 
result of this, presents many difficulties, some of which I have 
had to leave unsolved for the present. Attention is called to 
these problems as they occur, in so far as they affect the trans- 
lation. The author's style is extremely anacoluthic and I have 
not in all cases preserved the integrity of each sloka. Otherwise 
I have adhered as closely to the text as is consistent with toler- 
able English stjde. 

I am under obligation to Professor Maurice Bloomfield for 
the most generous criticism and assistance throughout, to Pro- 
fessor Franklin Edgerton for a thorough revision of my work, 
and to Professor G. M. Boiling for a number of valuable sug- 
gestions. 

The Parsvanatha references are to Bloomfield, Life and Stones 
of the Jaina Savior Pdrgvandtha (now in press, Baltimore, 
1919). 

The words in parentheses are not in the text, but are inserted 
to clarify the sense. 



160 Helen Moore Johnson 

Introduction 

The Rauhineyacaritra has for its raison d'etre the glorifica- 
tion of Jainisra by the account of the conversion of an unbe- 
liever. The moral of the story— as stated in the Proemium— 
is that one may always profit by listening to the words of the 
Jina. As an illustration of this truth, an account is given of 
two incarnations of Rauhineya, the hero of the story. In the 
earlier existence he failed to understand the discourse of a Jain 
sage and, consequently, was reborn in a thief's family. His 
thief -father warned him against the Jaina teaching, and it was 
only by accident that he overheard a fragment of a sermon by 
Vira, which was instrumental in converting him, ultimately. 
At the end of this existence he became a god — ^thus demonstrat- 
ing the advantages of listening to the Jina. 

The conversion of Rauhineya was an especially creditable 
one ; for he was a thief, an arch-sinner in the eyes of the Jains, 
whose five vows are: non-injury (ahinsd), non-lying {asaty&- 
tydga), non-stealing {asteya), chastity {hrahmacarya) , and 
poverty {aparigraha) . Rauhineya was not only a thief himself, 
but was the scion of a distinguished thief -family, proud of its 
reputation and position among fellow thieves. The profession 
of stealing^ seems undoubtedly to have been well organized ; the 
thief is a favorite subject in Sanskrit fiction, and the main 
interest of the Rauhineyacaritra lies in the light it sheds on the 
thief-motif. 

The story opens with a brief account of Rauhineya 's grand- 
father, Rupyakhura, and of his father, Lohakhura, who lived 
in the city Rajagrha in Magadha under King Prasenajit. 
Rupyakhura was a very distinguished thief and also an accom- 
plished magician, possessing among other accomplishments the 
power to make himself invisible. Because of this art he could 
enter houses at will and the people were helpless. Finally the 
king summoned him and they made an agreement, not all of 
whose terms are clear, under which he ceased stealing on the 
payment of a tribute. Rupyakhura observed this agreement, 
as did also his son Lohakhura, who succeeded to his position and 
received the tribute. 

After this preliminary, the story concerns the last earthly 
existence of Rauhineya. At his birth an astrologer predicts 

^An article by Prof. Maurice Bloomfield discussing the professiX)n of 
thieving in all its aspects will soon appear. 



Rauhineya^s Adventures 161 

that he will be a great saint ; and even in his childhood he shows 
no inclination to follow the traditions of his family — much to 
the disgust of his father, who reproaches him for not killing 
anything, for not drinking wine (which is also forbidden to 
Jains), and for not eating meat. Rauhineya reflects on the 
immorality of the course his father advised ; but respect for his 
father compels him to submit. His father rejoices in his sub- 
inission and charges him to avoid the Jina, whose teaching is 
deceitful. 

Soon after this Lohakhura dies, and Abhaya, the minister of 
Srenika (who had succeeded Prasenajit as king), refuses to pay 
tribute any longer. Rauhineya at first does nothing to avenge 
this injury, but finally yields to his mother's taunts. He goes 
to the city Rajagrha, and issues a challenge to Abhaya and 
conunits his first theft. On his way home from this expedition, 
he overhears, accidentally and notwithstanding his precautions, 
a verse spoken by the Jina, which describes the characteristics 
of the gods. At the time, Rauhineya scorns this bit of informa- 
tion, but later it proves to be the means of his salvation. 

In the course of his career as a thief he employs many magic 
arts. He can assume the form of any person or animal, can 
make himself invisible, and is immune to injury from all 
weapons. The technical side of thieves' methods receives little 
attention, though there are several allusions to the breach in the 
wall made for entrance, the locus classicus for which is the third 
act of the Mrcchakatika, 'The Hole in the Wall.' There the 
thief discusses at 'length the different methods of making the 
breach and the recognized forms that it might take; and when 
the hole is discovered, some one suggests that it may have been 
made for practice. In our text this hole in the wall is even 
called a nava^vdra, 'a new door,' evidently a term borrowed 
from the vocabulary of the profession. 

After committing a theft to please his mother, Rauhineya is 
leading a peaceful existence as an honest merchant, when he is 
aroused to action by the reported boasting of the chief of police, 
who calls himself a 'robber-grindstone.' Rauhineya makes a 
tunnel into the chief's house and steals everything he can lay 
his hands on ; then he steals the king 's choicest horse and leaves 
it at the house of the chief, who is accused of this and other 
thefts that Rauhineya commits. Abhaya defends the chief of 
police and is accused of 'grafting.' For a thief to shift the 
blame upon an innocent person and for officials to be accused 
of conniving with a thief are not unusual events. 



162 r Helen Moore Johnson 

Having obeyed his parents and demonstrated his powers, 
Rauhineya next boldly reveals himself to the minister Abhayi, 
and openly dares him to a test of skill. He declares that he will 
abstain from food each day until he has visited Abhaya; and 
if Abhaya succeeds in recognizing him, he will give up thieving. 
Abhaya thinks this will be an easy task ; but Rauhineya proves , 
clever enough to escape detection for some time. One day, how- 
ever, he follows Abhaya into a Jain temple disguised as a Jain 
layman, and Abhaya recognizes him through his failure to act 
as a devotee should. He brings him before the king, who^ 
delivers himself of a eulogy on the Jain religion, thus for the 
first time introducing in the story religious edification. Rauhi- 
neya offers to prove his innocence by submitting to ordeals, but 
Abhaya refuses his offer, because he knows that he is immune 
to all injury, and wishes him to submit to a test at the hands 
of an image called ' Thief -catcher, ' a mechanical doll so wonder- 
fully constructed that she could be manipulated to seem alive. 
In his character of a Jain laymah, Rauhineya at first refuses 
to pay homage to any but the Jina, but through a trick Abhaya 
makes him unconscious and takes him to a palace where he is 
surrounded by temptations, particularly in the shape of four 
lovely women who pretend to be goddesses, and who call them- 
selves his wives. By recalling the Jina's description of the 
characteristics of the gods, Rauhineya detects the trick, perceiv- 
ing that the women cannot be goddesses. This impresses him 
so that he is converted and becomes a Jain in earnest, publicly 
professing his faith before the king, the minister, and the people. 

Rauhineya then relates to Abhaya a dream about their former 
lives. This is very interesting from its many fairytale features. 
Abhaya was a minister and Rauhineya was his bodyguard. A 
rogue in the guise of a Yogi enticed Abhaya into a forest fuU 
of wonderful and dangerous creatures. By the use of an oint- 
ment the Yogi changed Abhaya into a tiger and they proceeded 
to the forest. On the way thither they met two ogres (rdksasas) 
who demanded the tiger for food. One of them was killed by 
the Yogi; the other gained possession of the tiger and made 
him ^ human again by giving him a blossom of a banyan tree 
to smell. Then Abhaya saw a civet-cat which proved to be the 
Yogi, and they continued their journey together. Intent upon 
seizing a certain creeper they pursued a ghoul to the city Patala, 
where a witch (Yogvnl) advised Abhaya to get rid of the Yogi 
by performing a religious ceremony to him in the presence of 
the 'Human Tree,' a tree that had the secret of wealth. While 



Uauhineya^s Adventures 163 

they looked for the Human Tree, they saw a troop of gods who 
were changed into monkeys by entering a tank of hot water 
and changed back into gods by entering a tank of cold water. 
This happened for several days, and then Abhaya changed him- 
self into a monkey and joined the troop to discover the location 
of the Human Tree. He got the information, performed the 
ceremony, and the tree-spirits devoured the Yogi. At this point 
he found his bodyguard (who was Rauhineya), took his bow 
and shot an arrow into the Human Tree, which had a man and a 
woman in its trunk. From the breast of the woman flowed a 
stream of milk from which Abhaya drank; then he saw all 
the treasure of the earth, after which he and his bodyguard left 
the forest. They came to a city where they heard a Jain sage 
deliver an illuminating discourse, which the minister under- 
stood, but the attendant did not. As a consequence of this, the 
minister was reborn as the great minister Abhaya, while the 
attendant became the thief Rauhineya. ■ 

After Rauhineya relates this account of their former lives, 
they ask Mahavira if it is true and receive an affirmative answer. 
Rauhineya distributes his wealth among the people, takes initia- 
tion, and ultimately reaches paradise. 

That Rupyakhura and Lohakhura had well established places 
in folk-lore as accomplished thieves is evident from the Sam- 
yaktvakaumudi.^ This work appears in two recensions. In 
the longer recension, King ^renika of Magadha asks Gautamp 
Svamin to tell him the story of kaumudisamyaktva. 

The story told by Gautama Svamin 

Gautama's story begins with the enumeration of several 
groups of persons: King Padmodaya and his son Uditodaya, 
now king; the minister Saihbhinnamati, and his son Subuddhi, 
now minister; the thief Rupyakhura, his wife Rupyakhura, and 
son Suvarnakhura, now thief ; the merchant Jinadatta and his 
son Arhaddasa, now merchant. Every twelve years, it was 
customary to hold in Magadha a great festival for women, from 
which all men were excluded. Arhaddasa, who had eight wives, 
had secured permission to keep them at home, because of a vow 
that he had taken. Bang IJditodaya, however, proposed to 
go to the forest where the women were. His minister opposed 

^ Weber, Die Randschrifteii-Verzeichnisse der Icoeniglichen Bibliothek su 
Berlin, Vol. 2, Part 3, p. 1123 ff., and SiUungsber. der Berl. ATcad. 1889, 
p. 731 ff. 



164 Helen Moore Johnson 

the plan and finally dissuaded him from his purpose. Then the 
king suggested that he and the minister go incognito through 
the city at night and look for adventures. As they wandered 
about, they saw a man's shadow, but not the man himself. The 
minister explained to the king that this was the thief Suvarna- 
khura, a skilled magician, who robbed all the houses at night, 
invisible by means of a magic salve, so that there was no way 
to catch him. The king and minister followed the thief, who 
took his seat in a tree near the house of Arhaddasa; they 
remained at the foot of the tree and all three listened to the 
story told by Arhaddasa to Kundalatika, one of his wives, who 
had enquired why he devoted himself to asceticism. 

The story of Bupyakhura as told by Arhaddasa 

The thief Rupyakhura had the habit of eating with King 
Padmodaya. He was invisible because of his magic salve and 
fke king was helpless. Finally his minister by using smoke 
made the thief shed tears, which washed away the salve. He 
became visible, was captured, and condemned to be impaled. 
On theday of his impalement Jinadatta and Arhaddasa passed, 
and Rupyakhura, who was suffering from thirst, asked Jina- 
datta to bring him a drink. Jinadatta replied that he had for 
the first time, after twelve years' attendance on his teacher, 
received a revelation, and that he would forget it if he stopped 
to get the water. Rupyakhura offered to recite the saying, so 
it would not be forgotten, and Jinadatta consented. When 
Rupyakhura recited the holy verse, his spirit left his body and 
was received into heaven. When the king learned that Jina- 
datta had spoken with the impaled thief, he sent his servants 
to confiscate his property, according to the law. In the form 
of an ogre, Rupyakhura protected Jinadatta against the king's 
agents and the king, who finally came himself and received 
pardon on condition that he put himself under the protection 
of Jinadatta. 

Arhaddasa 's other wives believed this story, but Kundalatika 
did not, which greatly enraged the three secret listeners, all 
of whom knew the story to be true. The king decided to punish 
her the next day. Then Arhaddasa 's other wives aU told the 
stories of their conversions, but she was still unimpressed. The 
next day the king and minister went to Arhaddasa 's house and 
questioned Kundalatika, whereupon she faced about and 
declared her intention of taking initiation. The king, the min- 



Bduhineya's Adventures 165 

ister, SuvarnaMiiira, and Arhaddasa all retired in favor of 
their sons and took initiation. The name of Snvarnakhura's 
son is not mentioned. 

In the shorter recension of the Samyaktvakanmudi Srenika 
is the king who goes incognito with his minister, who is named 
Abhayakumara. Etipyakhnra's experiences take place in the 
time of Prasenajit and his son is named Lohakhura. Weber 
thinks this recension is the older of the two, and considers the 
fact that Prasenajit is introduced and that Srenika plays a more 
important role arguments in favor of the earlier date of this 
recension, as they figure prominently in early Jain fiction. The 
date of the Samyaktvakaumudi is unknown, but it can not be 
earlier than the eleventh century, as there is a reference to the 
poet Bilhana, nor later than 1433 A. D., the date of one of the 
manuscripts. 

The date of the Rauhineyacaritra is also unknown. If 
Weber's theory is correct, it probably belongs to the early Jain 
fiction. We have a terminus ad quern for it, as Hemacandra 
quotes extensively from it in his commentary to his Y(^asastra.* 
So it must have been well known in the twelfth century. 

Trcmslation of the Bduhineyacaritra 

Proem in m 

By paying attention, even in a hostHe spirit, to words of 
enlightenment, a man may win exalted attaioments, as Eauhi- 
neya did. A (medicinal) decoction, even though it is unpleas- 
ant, gives comfort to the sick, even as the sun, though it burns 
hotly (causes pain), makes for the good of the creatures of the 
world. 

The scene of the story (1-7) 

The story is as follows. In this country of Magadha, on the 
bank of the Ganges, there was situated a beautiful town, named 
Rajagrha, adorned with wealthy inhabitants. Nearby was the 
mountain Vaibhara, delightful with its plateaux, which was 
ever a place of repose for both thieves and ascetics. The moun- 
tain — ^where thousands of lions and tigers roared by day, while 
(by night) it was terrifying with the howls of jackals and the 
hootings of owls — was resplendent with vanaspati^ measured 

' Weber, Handschriften-Verzeichnisse, Vol. 2, Part 3, p. 916. 
•Apparently, if the text is right, some sort of wood, or tree-product. — 
It is possible that the text should read vanaspatydhhara!', in spite of the 



166 Helen Moore Johnson 

by eighteen hhdras (a large weight; or, a load), and with cas- 
cades like marvelous ropes of pearls. By virtue of magic 
charms, amulets, and simples the young of the thieves habitually 
played there with the young of the lions. Many ascetics, who 
lived on bulbs, roots, and fruit, dwelt in the woods around the 
mountain and performed manifold penance; and hundreds of 
families of thieves dwelt in the caves, which, shut in by bamboo 
network, were in the recesses of the mountain. 

The story of Kauhineya's grandfather (8-23) 

Preeminent among all the thieves^ in thieves' science was an 
exceedingly bold and rich thief, named Rtipyakhura ('Silver- 
hoof'), who was wont to put silver slippers on his feet and 
roam® the mountain at his own free will. In Rajagrha ruled 
King Prasenajit, who, though a fearless slayer of enemies, was 
nevertheless very much afraid of thieves. The thief Rtipya- 
khura made a practice of wandering at night in various houses, 
and whatever pleased his fancy, that he did without fail. This 
thief took note of all the policemen, and constantly made 'new 
doors' {navadvdra, thieves' slang for 'holes') by night in 
house after house. Flying up like a bird, he would enter 
(ascetics') huts, ramparts, and palaces (alike), and even steal 
the swords of the Rajputs, as they looked on. He would 
announce (his plans openly) and dig a hole (in a house-wall) ; 
even after he had administered a sleeping-potion {avasvapim, 
cf. Pdrsvandtha, p. 233), he would awaken (the people, in 
bravado) and escape, unperceivable and irresistible. He knew 
how to stop the point and blade of a sword ; a blow at him had 
no effect, (so) what did the king do? The king summoned the 
thief, and, having given him many sworn assurances (of safe- 
conduct?), said^ ia gentle words: 'Friend, pray do not cause 

pada-division after vanaspatyd (this metrical fault is frequent in my 
text). The word dbhara does not occur elsewhere, but it might be equal 
to abharana, 'ornament': 'the mountain was resplendent with as many 
as eighteen tree-ornaments.' 

"Eead °cdurdnam madhyatas. 

""parvate parvati. According to Dhatup. 15. 68, the root parv means 
'fill'; here it seems that it must mean something like 'wander,' perhaps 
by confusion with marv (Vop. 'move/ Dhatup. 'fill'). Evidently there 
is a verbal play on parvate. 

'avlvadac; it ought to be causative in sense, 'made him speak'; but 
this is hard to interpret here (unless it means 'brought him to terms' 
[by saying . . .]f). 



Eduhineya's Adventures 167 

destruction in this city, but rather accept permanently the 
choice (tribute-) food which we shaU give you.' . . .^ On these 
terms an agreement was made between the king and the thief ; 
and the people slept with open doors in perfect security. Then 
Rupyakhura's son said to his father privately: ^Am I then 
not allowed by you to wear the silver slippers, father?' (His 
father replied:) *We ourselves cannot commit theft in the terri- 
tory of the king; the silver would wear off and be wasted to no 
purpose. Get iron slippers.' When they heard these words, 
all the thief's retiuue laughed and said: 'This son of yours is 
covetous, robber-lord ! ' And they gave him a name : ' for to 
be sure he will be Iron-hoof (Lohakhura) !' (said they.) And 
he too, like his father, became a pleasure-house of thieves' 
science. 

The birth of Rauhineya (24-30) 

One day Rupyakhura died somewhere in Rajagrha, and the 
happy people never knew the name of a single thief. Then all 
the tribute-food {grdsa) continued to arrive at Lohakhura 's 
house, while by this means {guna, seemingly = wpa/ya, cf. BR. 
S.V., 1, k) all the people in the entire region were freed from 
fear. 

But in the house of Lohakhura a son was born to Rohini ; and 
in the horoscope of his future he appeared highly endowed with 
noble qualities and like the sun in majesty. The astrologer 
said to Lohakhura: 'According to the horoscope, in the end he 
will not be a thief, but very virtuous. He will receive homage 
from the lords of earth and heaven and from the demons as 
well, and under the name of Rauhineya ('son of Rohini') will 
be renowned throughout the three worlds. He will be a bene- 
factor to others, virtuous, compassionate, fearing rebirth, skilled 
in magic arts (or, in learning), and powerful, lord.' When 
he heard the astrologer's speech, Lohakhura 's heart was com- 
pletely filled with both delight and dismay.® 

* taaya grasah Tcrtah Tcidrg hhuktahatte visopdkah, vasann eko varo 
gramo dramakaS ca grham prati: 'Wliat sort of (tribute-) food was 
appointed for him? In the food-market. . .' The rest of this stanza is 
unintelligible. It evidently describes the tribute, which apparently included 
a village as a royal grant. — The word grdsa is used repeatedly in this 
story in the sense of Hribute,' and sometimes, it seems, of other income or 
property, a usage not previously recorded. In vss. 89-90 hhu seems to be 
nearly synonymous with grdsa in this sense. 

•Delight, at the prediction of his son's greatness; dismay, at that of 
his desertion of the family profession. 



168 Helen Moore Johnson 

The childhood of Rauhineya (31-43) 

At the tiihe when Rohini's son was born, ^renika came in 
haste from Venatata-city to Rajagrha; Prasenajit took initia- 
tion (as monk)^ and the illustrious ^renika became king. Little 
Rauhineya/" the robber-child, grew up in the cave. He came 
to the age, of eight years, studied various arts, and by his intelli- 
gence was able to cause bewilderment even in a learned man. 
He controlled that (art) by which one's voice is exchanged for 
any (other creature's voice), and likewise that by which a dif- 
ferent form is assumed. He knew magic arts fascinating to all 
living beings, and was skillful enough to distinguish the (rhe- 
torical) beauties of speech also. The thief (Rauhineya) would 
fly up like a bird and go through the air in a moment; instan- 
taneously he would abandon his own form and assume the 
form of a wild beast. Giving a loud cry, he would mount all 
the trees along with the sun's rays (at daylight ?)^^ and devour 
the fruits, all of them. (Making himself) deer-faced, he would 
go and sport among the deer; he would change himself into a 
peacock and dance with abandon at the arrival of the cloud.^^ 
He learned too the crossing that leads across the river Granges ; 
and afterwards he was destined to cross the ocean of worldly 
existences. His parents knew that wheresoever the boy went, 
he was amusing himself thus at will by means of accomplish- 
ments such as these. He knew magic herbs of all sorts, and 
magic formulas and amulets by the crore, but, on the other 
hand, was entirely ignorant of injurious actions. Eauhineya 
not only did not kill any living thing himself, but he woxQd 
restrain others who coromitted injuries; he even would cut 
without hesitation the snares of the hunters. Or again he would 
halt (in his play) and disappear and go swiftly to the hermitages 
of the monks and listen to the religious instruction which they 
gave him. 

" Rauhineyaka, with probably endearing drmiriutive -Tea. The various 
phases of the diminutive -lea are quite marked in this story. 

" Or possibly sardham arjunaketubJvih — ' along with the peacocks, ' cf. 
next stanza. There is lexical authority for arjuna = ' peacock. ' 

^ Peacocks are proverbially said to be in love with clouds. — The word 
rendered 'deer-faced,' Jcamalananah, would usually mean * lotus-faced,' 
that is beautiful-faced; but there is authority in Hindu lexicons for the 
meaning 'deer' for Icamala. Doubtless a word-play is intended. 



Bduhineya's Adventures 169 

Rauhineya's father reproaches him for his conduct (44-64) 

One day Rauhineya*s father heard about his son's conduct 
from his retinue, and he himself summoned the boy. When 
Rauhineya was in his presence, Lohakhura said to him: 'Son, 
you are unquestionably breaking the rules (literally, thread) 
of the house. ' Rauhineya laughed and replied to his father, in 
a playful sort of way : * From my very birth, father, a thread has 
never been broken^'' by little me.' 'You do not follow at all 
the path observed by your ancestors. This (thread of which I 
speak) is the thread of family custom, not a thread that comes 
from spinning, my son. Although born in our house, you do 
not kill any living thing ; you do not indulge in wine-drinking j 
you are not willing to eat meat. What opinion can you expect 
these (people) of mine to have of you? Whereas you were 
born among us, you certainly do not follow our instructions at 
all. In the course of time you will surely beg people for alms 
(that is, turn monk). Does the prediction of an astrologer 
often prove false? Why waste words with you? So hear in 
brief what I have to say. Conduct yourself according to my 
wishes or prepare for death at my hands.' 

'Gambling is a depository of miseries; gambling is the home 
of strife; gambling destroys the morality of the family; how, 
then, can I gamble? Weakness comes from strong drink, and 
impurity, too; grain does not stay in the stomach (of a 
drunkard) ; how then can I drink, father? How can I kiU the 
wild beasts with which I play in the forest daily, father, and 
eat their flesh? (But) if I do not engage in thieving, that has 
come to me (as profession) by inheritance, then you may be 
angry^^ with me.' When Lohakhura heard these words of 
Rauhineya, he rejoiced very much; and he took his son in his 
arms and embraced him again and again. Delighted in his 
heart, the robber-chief spoke again to his son: 'Son, may you 
always follow (this) one doctrine (art), which brings advantage 
to my house. The renowned ( Jina) Vira, a hypocritical rogue, 
famous among all on the surface of the earth, may always be 
making a threefold heap of gold, silver, and jewels (with ironic 

^^ sutram uoodUtarh; play on grhyasUtra, 'manual of household rules.' 
The word uo-cal seems equivalent to cal, with causative meanings 'shake' 
and ' trouble. ' 

^'Reading prahwydta. 



170 Helen Moore Johnson 

reference to the 'three jewels' of the Jain faith). To the 
unsuspecting people of all castes, who come where he is, he may- 
tell some fairy-tale or other, and so deceive them, that they, 
deceived, may desert even their wives and children, and become 
indifferent to all occupations in the sphere of the senses. Do 
not have any eagerness to win his sort of wealth. It can be 
grasped by no one, even when clearly revealed. Do you there- 
fore ever be blind, my son, for seeing his face, and deaf for 
hearing his voice, if you are devoted to your father. Make an 
agreement (promise) with me about this matter.' 'My father's 
command is law to me,' said Rauhineya for his part. After 
some time Lohakhura died; (but) the various kinds of tribute- 
food continued to come in just the same way to his cavehouse. 

Abhaya refuses further tribute after Lohakhura 's death (65-74) 

Other thieves who were hostile to Rauhineya let (the king's 
minister) Abhaya know by a letter the news of the thief's 
( Lohakhura 's) death. And within the letter it was written: 
'We know your mind about giving your own food (as tribute) 
to his young son.' When Abhaya learned what the letter had 
to say, he said to the followers of Lohakhura (who had come for 
the tribute) : 'Your master is afflicted with disease, and is being 
treated by physicians. He has summoned you; go there 
quickly ; and return again in case he is restored to health ; but 
if he dies, the king will establish new tribute (regulations) for 
you.' With these words they were sent out from the tribute- 
mart. They all went in great dejection to the door of the cave; 
and when Eohini saw them arrived, she wailed aloud. The 
mother of Rauhineya stood wailing and said to them: 'Why 
have you come hither to the cave without the tribute-food?' 
'Abhaya spoke tricky words to us and sent us away. Listen to 
our words, mother ; there is just one thing that is advantageous 
in this case. If your son will join issue with (i. e. attack) the 
king, then the king will maintain the supply of tribute-food, not 
otherwise.' When she heard the words of the people, Rohini 
wept again and recounted the qualities of her dead husband in a 
loud voice. ^ 

Rohini 's lamentation for her dead husband (75-81) 

'Without you, your wife, unsupported, weeps, alas! There- 
fore show yourself once more, beloved! Now in the land of 
* the lion ^ntelopes wander, alas ! The rays of the sun are gone 



Bduhineya's Adventures 1*^1 

and darkness lias spread over the land. Now pigeons liave set 
foot in the home of the king of beasts, since other robbers have 
been permitted to speak. Without you, husband, who will 
(dare) show himself on the top of the mountain, having 
thorough knowledge in his mind of the deep caves at the foot 
of the mountain? Without you, beloved, who will know now 
in the night-time from the cries of the animals the path to caves, 
whose paths are undiscoverable (by ordinary means) even by 
day ? Without you, robber-lord, say, who by his own strength 
of arm will make a hole underneath hut and fortress alike? 
With ease you made your horses leap down from the top-copings 
of the ramparts, made them cross over the Ganges-water, and 
brought them out from the Ganges-water. 

Rohini grieves over Rauhineya's failure to steal (82-87) 

Although coming from the best stock (literally, 'a piece of 
the best metal'), what hope have I in him, who from this very 
day is characterized by unprecedented cowardice? The income 
of the fortunate (i. e. your father and grandfather) has cer- 
tainly followed them (to the next world — disappeared with 
them) ; so, worthless Rauhineya, you must fetch the roots of 
(your own?) fagots. '^^ She spoke again to. her son, as they 
all listened: 'Hear attentively, son, the traditions of your 
house. Even if a crore of gold should be in the house of 
robbers, still new wealth does not result^ ^ without theft. What 
hope have I that you will obtain wealth when even your grand- 
father's tribute-food has disappeared while you are living? 
Why was not a daughter with the auspicious marks born in your 
place? Why was I not barren? What virtue (use) is there in 
a son like you ? ' 

Rauhineya, spurred on by his mother, engages in theft (88-113) 

At these words of his mother, Rauhineya, distinguished in 
thieves' science and devoted to pleasure, thought to himself: 
'What virtue is there in a son, bom but (as good as) unborn, 
if men can seize his father's property (hhu) while he is living? 
I am the son and during my lifetime all my father's tribute- 



is 



The whole ^lolca, and especially the phrase rendered last (muliJcdm 
vaJia JcdstMnam), is very obscure. 

^^sthiyate; this use of the passive is exceptional and seems to be an 
extension of the impersonal use. 



172 Helen Moore Johnson 

food has disappeared. My mother speaks rightly ; certainly she 
is not to blame. ' 

After these reflections, he left the cave-house in sportive 
mood, and, very potent, by the power of a charm easily assumed 
the form of a camel. He went up the main street of the city, 
and remaining for some time in the form of a camel sat on 
a raised terrace and sang a loud song, in which were contained 
these words : ' Sirrah watchman, awake ! Observe the thief, the 
snatcher of wealth, who has come into the city. The thief 
Lohakhura, who was the son of Rupyakhura — ^his son am I, in 
the form of a camel, and I am right powerful in thieves ' science^-^ 
The people who stole my father's tribute-food (i. e. Abhaya and 
the king, who failed to give tribute) — ^it is they who are caus- 
ing the lamentations^"^ (of the people, over the property about 
to be stolen) ; the devotion to nothing but crime that is in my 
person is the result of my natural (inherited) disposition. In 
the city the poor people will give forth sighs (suffer, from the 
robberies), to be sure; (but) all the blame belongs to the king 
and to Abhaya the minister. Do not think me a camel ; I am a 
robber-chief, who dwells on Mount Vaibhara, and I can cause 
a great deal of distress. What (deceased ancestor) in the earth 
could drink water (of srdddhas) after beholding the face of such 
(a descendant), whose inherited food^^ is withheld while he still 
lives? Presently therefore all the wisdom of the minister 
Abhaya shall be known, and also the ability and power of the 
king's retinue.' 

All the people heard his declaration to this effect, and the 
favorites of the king in the palace, brilliant with lamps. And 
many people gradually collected around him. Then he flew up 
from the place and went to the paddocks of the buffalo-cows. 
And when the cows suddenly saw his figure in the crowded part 
of the city, they were all at once terrified and filled with fright 
by his loud bellows. He went to all the paddocks of the cows, 
wherever they were, and, bellowing, followed the cows as they 

"I assume rasakdn in the hitherto imknown sense of 'lamentations' 
(root ras). Possibly, however, we should read rusikdn, and render 'who 
are making (the people) give up their little piles (of money, through 

theft) . ' 

" Iwpyate dsanam . . . 'nuJcr<imdgatain. I emend to lupyata aSanam, 
taking asana as a derivative of root as, 'eat.' The only alternative seems 
to be to take asana z= sadana, ' dwelling, ' an unusual use and one which 
does not fit the context. The 'food' would of course refer to the tribute, 
of. grusa, note 8. 



Bduhineya's Adventures 1*^3 

fled pellmell out of tlie city. A loud, prolonged din arose from 
the people in the crowded part of the city who were knocked 
down by the cows, and from the onslaught of their attack. At 
this time the illustrious King ^renika was standing on his bal- 
cony; and at this time, too, the camel, following the herds of 
cows, arrived there. And the owners of the cows, full of com- 
plaints, went there too; and in their midst was the chief of 
police, his hands busied with his sword. Rauhineya suddenly 
abandoned the form of a camel, stole^ the sword from the hand of 
the chief of police, and instantly made himself invisible. While 
he was thus amusing himself at that place, the sunrise came; 
and although he was standing right in the midst of the people, 
he was perceived by no one. Abhaya, the prince of ministers, 
was marked by Rauhineya as he was amusing himself, but 
E-auhineya, the prince of robbers, was not observed by Abhaya. 
The streets were blocked by the buffalo-cows and filled with 
crores of people, so that no one could take a single step in any 
direction. As the thief departed he saluted the minister 
Abhaya, and said: 'Truly the (common) people do not need to 
be afraid of me in the least; (but) I shall come night after 
night and constantly play tricks^^ with ease on the king, the 
prince, the minister, and the policemen.' After this speech the 
robber-chief departed before their very eyes ; and, as each one 
valued his life, no one followed. 

He overhears, against his will, a fragment of a sermon by the 

Jina (114-119) 

Covering both ears with his hands, keeping in mind his 
father's instructions (to be blind and deaf to the Jina) as his 
guide, when he beheld (the Jina) Yira's place of descent (from 
heaven), he hastened on uneasily. As he walked along a sharp 
thorn broke off in one of his feet; and because of it he was 
unable to take a single step. Keeping one ear covered with one 
hand, with the other he hurriedly extracted the thorn from his 
foot. At that time he heard a solemn utterance spoken in a 
deep voice by the holy Vira, the Sage (guru) of the world, who 
was delivering a sermon. ' The gods do not touch the earth with 
their feet; their eyes are unwinking; their wreaths do not 

^natisyumi. The verb nat seems here to be used in the sense of Ho 
play a trick on,' 'to make a fool of.' So also vi-nat in 258 and 357. 
TJn-nat is quoted grammatically (see BR. s.v.) in the same sense. 



174 Helen Moore Johnson 

wither; they do not perspire; and their bodies are free from 
disease.' 'This is a great piece of learning! Out upon it!' 
With this reflection, having hastily extracted the thorn from his 
foot, and having (again) covered both his ears with his hands, 
he departed in that attitude. 

Eohini rejoices over him (120-130) 

Eyeing (constantly) the precious sword (in his hand), he 
arrived at home, made obeisance to his mother, and said: 'Set 
your mind at rest ; mother, I stole this sword from the hand of 
the chief of police, because of my father's command {prayo- 
jana = niyojcma^.), and to satisfy your mind.' His mother 
quickly arranged nyunchanas,^^ and the lamp with seven wicks, 
made the tilaka (mark, upon his forehead?), and gave her 
blessing to her son with these words : ' Light of the house, sup- 
port of the house, glory of two families, may you ever sport 
thus in the seven ways of this city.^^ You are a mere infant, 
my son ; but be not afraid of death. Conduct yourself so that 
you may quickly write your name in gold. I should not grieve 
at your death; but what I dread is your holding back (reluc- 
tance, to steal) . If you should hold back (show such reluctance), 
then all your father's and your grandfather's glory would be 
lost. If you should fly at the sight of a fight, my son, you 
would expose to shame both your father 's family and mine. If, 
in a lion's family, a jackal should be born in the womb of a 
lioness — shame, shame upon such a miserable coward ! It would 
be better if he had never been born. If a kinsuka tree were 
produced in the basin of water at the foot of a mango tree, teU 
me, what hope for fruit would there be from this black, crooked 

-"The word nyunchanaka occurs Par^vanatha 6. 1188 (p. 234), and 
Dr. Bloomfield thinks there it may mean some kind of coiffure. AH that 
seems clear here is that Eohim is celebrating her joy in some festive rites. 
The lamp with seven wicks is doubtless a ceremonial lamp; the tilaka 
mark may be the thief-caste mark, to which Eauhineya would now be 
entitled. 

=^^ Perhaps (as pointed out by Professor Boiling) we have here a cere- 
monial formula of sympathetic magic, applicable, by double entente, to 
both Eauhineya and the lamp {vansa, 'family,' also 'bamboo pole' from 
which the lamp hangs; 'seven ways ' = ' seven wicks' above referred to). 
If the punning continues through the next verse, it may mean, of the 
lamp, 'To be sure you suck your nurture like a babe, but I wiU not let 
you go out; burn so that you may soon rival the moon.' 



rv 



Bduhineya's Adventures I'^'S 

source ?^^ If you bring into trouble the king, the prince, the 
minister, or the chief of police, then you should hasten to 
Vaibhara (as refuge).' After he had carried out his father's 
command {prayojana, cf. 121 above), and bowed at his mother's 
feet and received her instructions, the robber-chief departed 
again. 

Personal description of Rauhineya (131-139) 

His body shone with an intense light, as if he were made of 
gold (read ^naravad) ; it was difficult to look at him because of 
his splendor, like the sun when it has risen on the earth. He 
astonished the multitude by his face that resembled the autumnal 
full moon; his nose was like a sesame blossom, and his eyes 
were like those of a wagtail (khanjanta) . He was resplendent 
with a serpent-like braid of hair that hung down near his mouth, 
which was like a jar of speech-nectar. Now a chief of robbers, 
but later to be chief among the virtuous, he shone resplendent 
with his sectarian mark (ipundra),^^ and with beauteous locks 
of hair. The rows of his teeth were like seeds of the pome- 
granate fruit; his voice was pleasant; his neck was shell-like, 
his shoulders broad ; he was full-chested and courageous. His 
arms were like a yoke ; both hands were marked with the conch 
and the disc ; his waist was shaped like an axe ; his disposition 
was gracious ; his ankles were delicate ( ^gudha, ordinarily 
'concealed') ; his legs were like a deer's; his feet were lotus- 
shaped; his nails glistened with the great brilliance of a mass 
of the coral-bead plant. Handsomely costumed, erect, calm, 
very gracious, well-formed, proud, bold, brave, powerful, fear- 
less in battle, familiar with love, handsome, a house of love for 
charming young women — Rauhineya abode in the city of 
Rajagrha, victorious over his enemies. 

His life as a merchant in Rajagrha (140-150) 

With his money he bought a beautiful, richly decorated, 
stuccoed, seven-storied palace, where a young woman of mature 

^^ The last words render Tcrsnavakramukhdt (mulcha, literally 'mouth'). 
The Tcinsuka tree is the Butea frondosa; it has beautiful "hlossoms but no 
fruit. Its product ia gum, whereas the mango bears luscious fruit. There 
seem to be puns intended on Tcim-^uka {svMi, parrot) and phala-asd (cf. 
paldsa, a synonym of Mniuka). The mango tree is one of the favorite 
habitats of parrots, and the parrot idea is evidently responsible for the 
use of mulcha. 

^ So ,the text, with dental nd. 



-^ 



176 Helen Moore Johnson 

age {vrddM yiivatl), lean-waisted from hunger because she had 
become a mother (?),^^ was made house-mistress. He secretly 
brought a certain amount of the gold, silver, and other 
riches, which had been acquired by his ancestors on Mount 
' Vaibhara. With this wealth he publicly became an ornament 
of the merchant's profession in the city; and he provided for 
(literally, ornamented) the destitute by giving them his own 
money. His vessels (vdhana), numbered by the hundred, were 
heavily laden upon the ocean; and (on land) his wagons, full 
of treasures, set out in. all directions. He gave at his own sweet 
will wealth numbered in lacs to the people, as if he were a 
genuine (read 'vyajena) Kubera (god of wealth). Easily he 
dispelled the misfortunes of the weak and helpless ; for he gave 
protection even to his enemies and to the dependents (suppli- 
ants) of the king. He presented fine cloths (fpattakula, cf. 
below, 176, 313) and horses to throngs of beggars, and relieved 
the distress of the poor by his distribution of money. So the 
name of the merchant Rauhineya became renowned in that city ; 
and thus he obtained enormous wealth by all sorts of means. 
He dismissed theft from his mind and concentrated his thoughts 
on commerce. Wealth can be obtained by commerce such as 
can not be obtained by all other means together. So Rauhineya, 
while constantly engaging in commerce with desire for profit, 
fulfilled the wishes of many people. 

He again plunders and tricks the chief of police (151-191) 

When six months had passed, some people who recalled theft 
to his mind met him and told him about the conduct of the 
chief of police. 'Since you, dear sir {tvayakd) , have abandoned 
theft, this chief of police, undisturbed, causes the bards to 
describe him as a '* robber-grindstone. " ' When Rauhineya 
heard this, he thought to himself: *Up to this time I have 
endured it; but after today I shall not endure it. Tonight I 
must make a ''new entrance" in the house of the chief of police.' 
With these reflections he dismissed the men. At midnight he 
made a tunneP^ into the house of the chief of police, and went 
and quickly took everything that was loose (muktam) to his 

''* pratipanndmMMtvena. It seems that her moral fall had resulted ia 
extreme poverty; R. shows his kind disposition by giving her work. At 
least this seems the best guess; it cannot be considered eertaui. 

^Tcsdtra (also 156, 178), a hyper-Sanskritism for IcMtra, as pointed out 
by Dr. Bloomfield. 



Bduhineya's Adventures I'^'J' 

own house. And after this prize-thief had very deftly stolen 
^renika's prize horse, then at the tunnel-entrance he felt an 
intense dis^st, and, as he went, awakened the Pandavas,^® who 
were the watchmen. 'Get up, sirs! Demand the horse from 
the chief of police!' The watchmen jumped up immediately 
and, when they did not see the horse, lighted bright lights and 
started to look for the horse's track. The track made by the 
horse led to the house of the chief of police, and the horse's 
guards gathered there, making a great commotion. 'Even by 
all this sustenance (his regular salary) his (the chief's) greed 
isn't satisfied; and so he steals the king's prize horse!' So say- 
ing, in great anger, they set the chief of police, whom they 
found asleep in the court, on the horse then and there, and 
quickly made a horseman out of him! And at dawn the Pan- 
davas led him before the king, just as the people in the 
rajotsava (some sort of festival) lead the king of the rdjotsava. 
The minister Abhaya said: 'This man cannot possibly be a 
thief. There is some important matter (concerned here), sirs, 
that needs investigation. Until I find out all about this matter, 
just how it is, you are not to stir up any quarrels among the 
palace retinue.' As a result of this speech by the minister 
Abhaya, the chief of police was allowed to go home ; and he was 
greeted by his wife : ' Sir, why have you come home ? Have not 
these Pandavas under pretext of the horse robbed your whole 
house? Therefore they must be punished.' 'This very day I 
shall capture all the Pandavas and kill them with a sharp 
sword ; ' with these words the chief of police went to the horse- 
stables. Drawing their swords, the Pandavas rose up and said : 
'You scoundrel of a thieving policeman, stand stock-still before 
us! Wretch, you are a slave, and we are those Pandavas by 
whom the Bharata (probably land, rather than epic) wa^ made 
famous in all the three worlds. ' The swords of both sides would 
have clanged, but the minister Abhaya stopped them again. 
"When they fell to quarreling again, the minister took bonds 
from (both parties^ to keep the peace) ; and he insulted the chief 
of police by saying: 'He never lays eyes on the thief.' The 
chief of police was sitting in the assembly and expressed his 
strong dissent (from this opinion) by twice fainting j^'^ the 

^° How the Pandavas come to be a part of this setting I have not been 
able to divine. 

" Cf . the rhetorical term murchaksepa, defined as the expression of 
violent dissent or disapprobation by swooning. 



178 Helen Moore Johnson 

people too were there, and the thief was actually standing in 
front of him (though he didn't know it). (Then the chief of 
police said:) 'If this robber by any means falls {cat, cf. Pars- 
vanatha, p. 221) into my hands, I shall wreak the anger of my 
heart upon him in a suitable way ! The scoundrel did not stop 
with the robbing of my house, but has created hostility between 
the Pandavas and poor me.' When Rauhineya perceived him 
talking abusively thus before the people, he laughed aloud and 
flew up like a bird ; and, as he went, he snatched from the head 
of the chief of police the fine cloth turban that the king had 
given him. Mounting the top of the palace, he spoke without 
the least fear: 'Wretch, why are you talking abusively? I 
know what your power amounts to. It was I that in the first 
place stole your sword from your hand; I too dug the tunnel 
into your house, coward; I likewise caused trouble between 
you and the Pandavas by stealing the horse ; and now^ I have 
also taken -the covering from your head. Do not delay, wretch 
of a policeman ; quickly summon the warriors who come to fight, 
so that next I can amuse myself with them a little, with due 
regard {ddardt, ironical) ; and next summon the minister 
Abhaya so that I may make him a present of some enlighten- 
ment. You cannot catch me, a solitary youth. Now, sir, what 
has become of all that ''robber-grindstone" business of yours?! 
A large crowd collected, and Abhaya also came thither; and 
then the retinue said to Abhaya the Fearless : ' If you will grant 
u* the favor of some betel ( a common sign of royal favor, espe- 
cially to dependents starting on a journey), great minister, then 
we will banish even the very name of this robber.' The robber 
heard this and said: 'In that case, proceed openly, and all of 
you win for a bit freedom from debt for the food you eat (that 
is, do something for the king to earn your salt, by catching me) . 
For the whole kingdom of King Srenika is eaten up by you 
tigers in garb (alone, not in actions), because you make way 
with the grain. If anyone among you all will make a vigorous 
attack on me, such a valorous hero will surely show that he 
was not born merely to destroy the youth of his mother. You 
warriors have come here to the place of heroism (the battlefield) 
with your horns and tails drooping,^^ like eunuchs madly bent 
on violence. Betel certainly is appropriate to a wretched, 

^ srngapucchaparihhrastah ; the allusion seems to be to animals which 
fight with elevated horns and tails. iSrnga, horn, is used as an emblem of 
courage and vigor. The double entente in the phrase is evident. 



/ 

Bduhineya's Adventures 1*^9 

deserted hag; how is it that you ask for betel at the hour of 
battle ? Or rather I know the important reason why you ask for 
betel J you doubtless ask for it (read ydcatha) with the inten- 
tion of leaving the country. Or is it that you have come into 
such distress that you want to make a funeral-pyre here with 
three-leafed betel r2» 

Battle between Rauhineya and the courtiers (192-207) 

^ noise of drums arose, a mighty sound of wardrums, and an 
overpowering lion 's roar of valorous heroes ; the whole universe 
was deafened by the twanging of the bows, and at that time the 
sun was concealed by the multitude of arrows. The warriors, 
filled with self-conceit, gave forth furious shouts, and the arrows 
flew through the air and resounded. The swords and other 
weapons, composed of flashing light like lightning, crashed with, 
a great glitter. The mighty men surrounded Rauhineya closely 
on all sides and all together attacked him with a general 
onslaught; some threw clods .of earth, others sticks of wood, 
huge stones, powerful arrows, and weapons of various kinds; 
but by virtue of his simples, charms, and amulets, the onslaught 
of the people did not take effect at all on his body. Further- 
more a quarrel, produced by the power of the thief 's magic 
charms, straightway arose among the peoplB themselves. Stand- 
ing on top of the palace, the thief, like (Narada) the instigator 
of strife, was delighted at seeing them engaged in strife and 
laughed aloud. As they continued to fight the thief spoke to 
them as follows: 'Why do you keep on fighting among your- 
selves, sirs? I am not in your power, so why do you get into 
trouble' uselessly? Moreover, I could discharge fire and burn 
the whole city. However, I have given my right hand to the 
people; and (if I did as suggested) the whole populace would be 
distressed, and no (benefit) at all would result to me. What 
does the retinue amount to ? What power have they ? Of what 
importance is Abhaya? But (since) my ancestors ate tribute- 
food (from the city), therefore I will not destroy (it). I could 
easily throw a big rock and kill all the people; but their dear 
ones would mourn, and no (benefit) at all would result to me. 
Therefore I shall depart and see what happens hereafter. Let 

^^ This verse is very dark; JcdsthahJidkmna may, at least, mean 'funeral 
pjrre' (but cf. 83 above, mulikdm Tcdstliandm?) . — ^In the previous verse E. " 
mocks them by suggesting their flight; kings give betel to their followers 
when they send them abroad on expeditions. 



180 Helen Moore Johnson 

that chief of police keep this in mind, when he has a panegyric 
sung by the bards!' After this speech the thief became invisi- 
ble, and the people went to their own homes, surprised and 
pleased by the conduct of the thief. 

Eauhineya kidnaps a bridegroom (208-224) 

A wedding was taking place {Ihavann asti) in the house of 
the chief of the retinue {parigraha-pati) , and the robber, assum- 
ing the figure of the chief of police, appeared there. Nothing 
happened until the bride and groom were married. At the 
time for the appearance of the horses, he became a horse, and in 
a twinkling disappeared with the bridegroom. He took away 
all his clothes and everything else he had on, and left the bride- 
groom stripped, and set him free, thoroughly terrified, in a 
window of the house of the chief of police. As soon as the chief 
of the retinue heard the news from a certain trustworthy man 
of his, he surrounded the house of the chief of police. 'I am in 
the window; let no one throw any fire (-brands, to bum the 
house) ! ' At this speech of the bridegroom a great uproar arose. 
The chief of the retinue himself set up a ladder, helped the 
bridegroom down, and asked' if he was unhurt. 'That chief of 
police takes plunder_right in the heart of the city. We shall 
pay him a very pleasing honor!' At this time the chief of 
police was with the minister, and, when he heard the uproar, 
went with Abhaya to the house. Abhaya spoke to them as fol- 
lows: 'Why have you come here? Are you, bent on violence, 
going to rob the house like robbers ? What have you to do with 
this man? He was with me just now, and here he is himself. 
Why did you, Pandavas though you are, seize him thus ? ' The 
attendants answered: 'If you arer a protector, then protect! 
Can't you see that yonder fellow is a thief? The bridegroom 
was found in his house.' Then the chief of the retinue spoke 
up : ' Hear what I have to say, Abhaya. Never on the face of 
the earth are there witnesses to a pair of eyes (i. e. no witness 
can tell you anything about what your own eyes have seen). 
This chief of police is the one and only house-breaker, the prince 
of thieves, a criminal deceiver of the people. No one in the 
city is worse. This same wily rascal has robbed the whole town; 
you take his side out of greed for bribes. If a rain of hot coals 
comes from the (proverbiall;^ cool) moon, or a flood of darkness 
from the sun, or if fire springs out of water, then, Abhaya, any- 
thing may happen. If your conduct is criminal, who on earth 



Rduhineya's Adventures 181 

will do right? If a lizard^" eats encumbers, then, Ahhaya, any- 
thing may happen. If you insist on protecting this criminal 
now, minister, I shall certainly commit murder later and go 
to another kingdom.' 

Rauhineya makes himself known, and dares Abhaya to a trial 

of skill (225-241) 

Even while a quarrel was thus arising, that best of thieves 
appeared and said to the most distinguished minister Abhaya: 
*It was I, in the form of the chief of police, that seized that 
worthy bridegroom; and 'twas I, too, that stole his ornaments; 
here they are, look at them. Fight, all of you, with lone me, 
and capture me, or otherwise go with covered heads each to his 
own house. A man at whom I direct a blow cannot move from 
the spot.' With these words the robber-chief transfixed the 
retinue (by magic) and joyfully took their swords and a collec- 
tion of ornaments from the persons of them all. After he had 
thus carried out the teaching of his mother, the robber-chief 
presented a pearl necklace to Abhaya, saluted him, and spoke 
thus: *0 great minister, you are like the wish-tree (of paradise) ; 
I am like a bamboo shoot. What rivalry is possible between 
you and me? Furthermore, by reason of the powers of your 
intellect, you and you alone are foremost among ministers ; your 
intelligence is exclusively lauded in aU three worlds. Each day 
I shall partake of food only after I have paid homage to you; 
until I have boWed at your feet I shall refrain from eating. 
And when, great minister, you recognize me as the thief, by 
my marks, then I shall positively give up stealing which ends 
in death. '^^ The minister laughed and said: 'I have made 
careful note of you, prince of thieves, by your body-marks. 
It would take no great wit to detect you ! Yudhisthira was true 
to his promise and true to his word, robber-lord. You must 
observe the declaration you uttered with your own lips.' The 
thief replied: '0 minister, my word is like Mount Meru upon 
earth, and like a loharekhd.^^ I am neither the son of ^atanika 

^^vrtti, which I conjecture to be equivalent to vrttisjiha, lexically quoted 
as meaning lizard. But it may be a mere corruption for something quite 
different. 

"^ ['marand7itam . . . stdinyam: rather, ' . . . for the rest of my 
life'?— EdI] 

^^A line engraved on metal; symbol of permanency. Professor Boiling 
informs me that Canakya (Galanos 121, see above, p. 61) compares the 



182 Helen Moore Johnson 

nor Candapradyota, by deceiving whom you might acquire on 
earth a' reputation for wisdom.' Now it was dense night and, 
as he had conquered the retinue, the robber went to his own 
house, well satisfied. He abandoned all theft and fixed his 
mind on compassion ; and in various ways he amused himseli m 
the city of Rajagrha. The excellent thief kept his word and 
day after day did' not eat at all until he had seen the minister 
Abhaya. 

Rauhineya is detected by Abhaya (242-260) 

One day the chief minister Abhaya went to the temple of the 
holy Jina and performed a ptija to the gods, and lingered there 
a long time. And the robber, who was very hungry, soon fol- 
lowed Abhaya, disguised as a Jain disciple, and bringing with 
him a puja-oblation. When he entered the Jina's temple he did 
not make a nisedhikd,^^ nor did he perform the deasil around 
the . assembly . Then the minister Abhaya felt sure, 'This per- 
son in the guise of a disciple is the robber, or else some rogue 
upon the earth.' 'I salute you, fellow-believer!' said the 
minister Abhaya ; the other made him an obeisance accompanied 
by some worldly language (not in Jain cant; lokahhdsdnugd) . 
By these signs the wise Abhaya was certain in his own mind 
that he was some low fellow,^* not a virtuous lay-disciple. So 
the minister took the right arm of. the thief and went to his 
own house, talking to him on the way : ' I have recognized you 
today, my fine fellow {fdeva, literally 'your majesty'), beyond 
a doubt. Keep your promise, if you are truthful.' In reply 
to this speech of the minister, the daringly clever thief said: 
'What do you mean by "keeping my promise" and by "recog- 
nizing me," minister? You with your powers of intellect 
have attained distinction in the king's council; I am a merchant, 
O minister, a simple-minded lay disciple. I know nothing of 
any meeting with you; if you have any question to ask me, 

accomplishments of the good and of the base to sildreTchd and jalarekM 

respectively. I cannot find the stories alluded to in the following names. 

Candapradyota is a well-known figure in Jain legend. 
^ nisedhika ; also' 259; a new word, of uncertain meaning. It seens 

to refer to some ceremony performed on entering a Jain temple. I have 
thought, too, of the possibility of reading nihsedUkd, diminutive of the 
YediQ nihsidh, 'gift.' 

^* mahisipdla, literally 'keeper of buffalo-cows'; mdhm also means 
• wanton woman. ' It seems to me improbable that there is any reference 
to E.'s previous stampede of the buffalo-cows. 



Bduhineya's Adventures 183 

then tell me plainly. The wise men who sit at your side in the 
council, and no others on earth, can understand what you say.' 
Immediately both the thief and the minister, surrounded by 
crores of men, entered into the royal assembly, into the presence 
of the king. The noble minister Abhaya made obeisance to the 
king and said: 'Here is that robber who has robbed the whole 
city. prince, he daily assumes a new form; this thief's 
conduct is beyond words, king. First of all this thief easily 
tricked the chief of police; and after playing a prank by kid- 
napping the bridegroom, he escaped by (returning to) his own 
form. When I was performing a pt^ja he came into the Jina's 
temple; he entered the interior of the temple without making 
a nisedhikd (see note 33) ; he did not make the deasil around 
the assembly J and yet he is (apparently) able to give the fee 
{dahfind) .^^ Then I understood clearly (who he was).' 

The king eulogizes the Jain religion (261-268) 

Then ^renika spoke: 'All hail to the Jain teaching, adorned 
with the virtues of discernment, discipline, good conduct, and 
prudence. Just as all planets, constellations {naksatra), and 
stars are brilliant, but not one is described by the wise as equal 
to the sun ; so on earth all religions are appealing, but no reli- 
gion in the three worlds is equal to the Jain religion.. Although 
they call the partridge ''Ganesa"^^ with their own tongues, 
fools, devated to false religions, kill and eat it, alas ! Or in 
the Naga-festival" they honor the Naga as ''Gomaya," and yet 
openly kill the quivering, moving serpent. Men deprived of 
the Jain religion, saying ''(they are?) simply par at as/* eat 
in their lack of discernment many hahhulaphalikus.^^ Any men 

^'^yogyo *sau daJcsindyds ca; that is, too well-off to be a good Jain? Or 
meeting an imagined objection that he might be imable to perform the 
ceremony because of poverty? 

®*No special worship of the partridge seems to be recorded. Calling it 
Gane^a (the god of wisdom) seems to refer to the reputation which the 
partridge has for wisdom; cf. Jatakas 37 and 438, and Bloomfield, 
Festschrift Ernst Wvndisch, p. 350. 

•^The Nagapancami, occurring abbut the end of July. The Nagas are 
of course much worshipped in India; they are a sort of supernatural race 
of serpents. It is not clear just what *gomaya' means as applied to 
them. 

^ There are two words of unknown meaning in this verse. Hem. 
De^inamamala 6. 5 (PischePs ed., p. 182) quotes a Prakrit parada as 
meaning serpent; at first sight this looks like our paratd. In that case we 



184 Helen Moore Johnson 

there may be on earth who are deprived of the Jain religion do 
not know the proper method of worship of gods and gurus. So 
may my mind, enlightened, be devoted in existence after exist- 
ence to tlio Jain religion, which is blest with the discernment 
and culture of the holy Mahavira. ' 

Rauhineya offers to prove his innocence by ordeals (269-285) 

He (Rauhineya) heard this conversation of the king and the 
minister; and all the people of the city assembled to look at 
him. And when they saw him all the people said with one voice : 
'Why have you arrested this man, great minister? Tell us 
quickly. Rauhineya by name, the playhouse of fortune, he is 
well-known to the inhabitants of the city, a divine tree (tree of 
wishes) for cultivated folk. This noble man pays out or takes 
in (in business) a crore of gold, and there is no doubt that he 
pays a lac of money in the custom-house. All the merchants do 
business with him, king ; send out your messengers and sum- 
mon them quickly. This man, merciful, pious, devoid of sins 
and faults, is the very refuge of tlie weak and helpless in your 
city. Is every man in the city, minister, a possible thief, who 
in his honest simplicity does not (according to you) know how 
to honor the gods, or who does not know how to perform a seva 
according to your (idea of the) duties of a lay-disciple, or who 
does not by his qualities of wit come up to you in wisdom? 
Free yonder Rauhineya, a lay-disciple and a merchant ; if you 
do not, we shall leave your city.' When Abhaya heard this 
speech of the people, he spoke despondently: *I am beaten. 
Take him and depart quickly, people.' Then Rauhineya 
said: 'What good will it do (simply) to go home? Free me 
today from that charge (by testing) whether it be true or false, 
sir. I am willing to drag out of a jar a snake, showing his fury 
by the expansion of his hood : I am willing to take a hot lump 
of iron in my right hand ; or I am willing to leap into a furnace 
filled with khadira (a very hard wood) coals; or I am willing, 
because my heart is pure, to eat a powerful poison ; I am will- 
ing solemnly to drink the water in which every idol has been 
bathed. By such means I shall free myself from the charge, 

should expect hahhulaphalihd to have a similar meaning (phalihd from 
phata?). Yet a good Jain would eat nothing that had life, and the 
context implies that he might eat paratas. Moreover three separate acts 
of heretics seem to be referred to; and snakes have been disposed of. 

It is probably something quite different. 



Rduhineya's Adventures 185 

sir.' Then Abhaya laughed and said: *I know all about your 
practices. You are not burned by fire; you are not bitten by 
snakes ; you are not bound by thongs ; poison would have no 
effect on you. Even the gods (whose bathing-water you propose 
to drink) are not a match for you, on account of your ruthless- 
ness** and finaness. By the power of your charms you would 
turn fire into water. Submit, sir, to this ordeal which I shall 
have prepared. ' 

Abhaya tries to force Rauhineya to pay homage to an idol 

(286-303) 

To this Rauhineya said : *So be it.' Now at this time a lamp- 
holding statue (for animated statues etc. cf. Parsvanatha, p. 
192) had been made with great care by a skillful artisan. She 
had astonished many people by her movements produced by 
numerous cords; she was endowed with a beautiful form and 
adorned with ornaments. By the moving of one cord she would 
grind her teeth ; by another she would give a blow with a sword ; 
by one mechanism she would dance^ by others smile, cry, and 
open wide her eyes; and by yet another she would cause 
bewilderment in people's minds. She had been brought to the 
minister as a gift, and now she occurred to his mind. So the 
minister caused to be brought into the assembly this lamp-hold- 
ing statue, named Thief-catcher, armed with sword and shield. 
"When she had been led in, the minister said to the thief: 'Do 
you make obeisance to this goddess with ardent devotion, sir. 
If you really are not a thief, and are a virtuous man (sddhu), 
then she will pronounce your name without any doubt. ' Rauhi- 
neya then replied to the minister: 'Hear, minister. I am 
fixed in my determination to do homage to no one except the 
Jina. Do not consider everyone like yourself, Abhaya. You, 
as the chief minister of a king, are the dwelling-place of hypoc- 
risy. (I say this) for above all you are causing countless men 
to worship an evil spirit; (that is,) above all you — ^unworthy 
you — are causing the faithful to practise wrong conduct. Yet 
with these characteristics of yours you constantly have your 
miserable self described as one possessing pure perfection, and 
even as a devotee of the holy Jina. I am a (Jain) disciple, and 

'^ nihsulcatvdt : ? More suited to the context would be 'insenaibilily (to 
pain) ' ; perhaps this is what it . means ; the word nihsHIca is rare and 
seems not quite certain as to meaning. Or, possibly, nihsokatvdt should 
be read. 



186 Helen Moore Johnson 

most certainly am not going to submit to an ordeal at the hands 
of this (statue).' So the robber spoke; but upon reflection he 
said again: 'Whether I shall now undergo ordeals, because 
of your persistency — (to determine that question) I shall engage 
in spiritual meditation in the presence of the Good Teacher (the 
Jina).' (After a moment of silence and pretended meditation 
he announces his conclusion:) 'I will endure for a long time 
your fatal anger, but I will not fall at the feet of the goddess, 
great minister. Even if it costs me my life, I will not commit 
an act by which perfection, hard to obtain even in a hundred 
thousand existences, would escape me, minister.' When King 
^renika heard this speech of the thief, he was delighted (and 
said) : 'This man is my fellow-believer, O minister. It is not 
possible that he is a thief. ' In the presence of the assembly the 
thief spoke again fearlessly: 'While the people look on, deter- 
mine whether I am speaking the truth or lying, minister.' 

Abhaya makes Rauhineya unconscious and takes him to a palace 
where he is surrounded by temptations (304-349) 

After this speech, the minister quickly performed a puja to 
the puppet with flowers, and himself had her bathed with a very 
delightful mixture of water and strong liquor, from the fra- 
grance of which (liquor) alone a man would become unconscious. 
Then the prince of thieves was given the liquor and water 
used in the bath to drink, and, while he was drinking this bath- 
fluid, the puppet, directed by a cord, struck him a blow on 
the head with the sword. And as a result of this, his eyes roll- 
ing from the drink of liquor, he fell unconscious to the ground, 
and the people thought he was dead. All the people, earnestly 
devoted to him and distressed by their grief for him, uttered 
lamentations and shed a flood of tears. 'Men learned in the 
sdstras describe princes as devoted to folly; that saying will 
never on earth prove false, even at the end of a world-age.' 
Talking to this effect, the people went to their own houses. 

Abhaya prepared a beautiful, stuccoed, seven-storied palace, 
adorned with an open hall, and perfumed within with musk, aloe, 
and camphor perfumes. Inside the palace he placed a soft couch 
covered with fine cloth {pattakula, see above, 147) and strewn 
with a heap of flowers. 'By what good deeds were you born 
our lord here in the highest heaven? Tell us the virtuous act 
you performed in a previous incarnation.' He (Abhaya) 
instructed four beautiful women, whose hands were adorned with 



Bauhineya's Adventures 187 

garlands, (to speak) to this effect, ^nd placed them at the four 
feet of the couch ; and a whole school ( fsampraddya) of singers 
and other artists, wht> were familiar with the measures of musi- 
cal time and skilled in dancing, was provided. Then poor 
Rauhineya, intoxicated from the drink of liquor, was put to 
sleep on that couch opened out by the minister Abhaya. As 
soon as the intoxication had passed away, he became conscious, 
and saw the wonderful palace that was equal to a palace of the 
gods. And he beheld the goddess-like women with beautiful 
forms, and godlike men of surpassing beauty. At this time the 
factitious goddesses, bearing wreaths of flowers, came before 
him and addressed him in a loud voice: 'This fifth (so! 
pancamah) heaven, O lord, and this very beautiful heavenly 
palace — the lordship thereof has fallen to you by virtue of your 
good deeds. All four of us here are your wives, fair sir, and 
all these gods likewise will fulfil your commands at all times. 
Tell us first your good deeds performed in a former incarnation, so 
that afterwards we may do for you what is customary in heaven. 
Did you recite some great charm, or practise penance, or give 
a gift to a worthy person, that you became lord of a celestial 
palace? Or was royal station that ended in (your) death 
bestowed by you on some one's house ?*^ Or did you endure 
some pain in this body, lord ? Or did you arrange your death 
at the sacred bathing-place of some stream ? Tell us truly by 
what good deeds you became our lord.' 

Now the minister Abhaya also, summoning the merchants 
Naga and Rathika, residents of the city, went likewise to the 
palace. And he said to them: 'Listen for some time to what 
Rauhineya does, and then come away quickly.' — Now when 
Bauhineya heard the words of the goddesses, he reflected: 
'Surely this is some clever trick of the minister Abhaya. If a 
fickle-minded robber-chief like me, who caused people to suffer, 
can go to heaven, then who would be in hell? The character- 
istics of the gods as described by Vira are not apparent at all 
in these goddesses; their fiowers wither; their feet touch the 
earth; and their quivering eyes open and close {mesa = nimesa). 
He has provided the factitious goddesses, palace, and every- 
thing, and then has taken me and brought me here to test my 

*^ Tiiarandntom vd tvayd Jcsdtram pdtitam vd janagrhe: the text seems 
clearly corrupt, as shown by meter as well as sense. Apparently it sug- 
gests the possibility of a martial death, which might have resulted in 
heavenly rewards. Delete the first vd. 



188 Helen Moore Johnson 

temper. I shall give them a pleasant answer for today.' So 
thinking, he said to the gods and goddesses: 'My name is 
Rauhineya. I always lived in the delightful city Rajagrha and 
was a distinguished merchant. My mind was always fixed on 
the Jina, the holy Yira, but I have not succeeded in going to 
him, because of ^ome obstacle or other. I had faith in addition 
to self-restraint; I endured penance hard to endure; but there 
was a minister Abhaya, son (so! °dtmaja) of ^renika, in that 
city, and he made a false charge of theft against me. I, a good 
lay disciple, was given poison to drink, under the pretext of 
drinking water in which the idol was bathed (read hosa°). The 
goddess struck me a blow on the head with a sword, and then 
my heart's desire for initiation was lost as a result of the mis- 
fortune. Daily I honored the Jina with flowers heavy with 
perfume and with the utmost faith I gave gifts to worthy per- 
sons. Yet I was falsely accused and worsted by the prince. 
By these good deeds I have become a noble god in this palace.' 
Again those goddesses said: 'Come now, enjoy continually 
along with us sensuous pleasures that surpass desire.' (Rauhi- 
neya replied : ) ' He who was formerly the god in this palace, his 
wives are you ; to me you are mothers and I am your son. ' The 
merchants Naga and Gobhadra (so! for Rathika above) were 
listening at that time; and the god (Rauhineya) again spoke 
thus, in a decisive manner: 'Since there is no intercourse 
between mother and son, I have no .use for this (place), even 
though it be heaven; to me it offers only sin.' The son of 
Rohini was not disturbed in the least by the women before whose 
beauty and loveliness even monks would fall. Naga went and 
told to King Srenika all this most astonishing story of what he 
did. And Srenika came and said to Rauhineya: '0 house of 
virtue, man of discretion, pardon my offense. You are our fel- 
low-believer ; the minister knows nothing at all.' 

Rauhineya publicly announces his conversion (350-368) 

At this time the birthday festival of the holy Jina occurred; 
and all the people in the city were filled with delight in the 
knowledge that Vira had descended to earth, bestowing the bless- 
ing of salvation. At this time Rauhineya folded his hands and 
said to the minister: 'Let me pay my respects to your wisdom, 
which surpasses (that) of the gods even. That liquor of yours, 
minister, saved me from a double misfortune; you did good 
to me, though I did evil to you. That which you gave me, 
minister, was a gain, that increases my hopes (of salvation) ; in 



Bduhineya's Adventures 189 

# 
manufacturing a (factitious) celestial palace for me you really 

did bring me to the attainment of a celestial palace. You did 

all this to test me, great minister. Your wisdom is preeminent 

among men, surpassing even the words of the Teacher {guru). 

The power of your hand is very great, noble miuister, since I 

have gained a celestial palace through the drink of liquor that 

you gave me. The sin that I have committed is indescribable, 

minister; yet by means of that I have become a saint in the 
three worlds by your grace. There is no other benefactor in 
the thrbe worlds but you. By me the city was tricked ; (and yet) 
by you I have been given nectar to drink. Listen, minister. 
Men who die while still (remaining) alive on earth become free 
from old age and death by the grace of Mahavira. The water 
(read 1coso°) in which the goddess was bathed that you gave me 
to drink was most excellent, since through it I have become 
faultless by the power of your hand. ' The god continued : * The 
sword that was in the hand of the goddess had extraordinary 
noble qualities ; it made all sin pass from my head immediately. 
The blow on the head that this goddess gave me with a sword 
has proved my savior from the round of existences, by the 
nature of the supreme truth. Let all the people hear ! I was a 
thief, sprung from a thief -family, of pure thief -lineage on both 
father's and mother's side, uncontrollable even by the gods. 
My father did not allow me to go to Vira's assembly; therefore 
he continually led me astray for so long a time. Having dis- 
charged my duty to his command, and having been perfected 
through the minister Abhaya, I shall now take initiation (as a 
monk) and cross over to the end of existence. Since by one 
speech of Vira I escaped {chut, cf. Parsvanatha, p. 232) from a 
snare of wit, therefore I wish now to hear all of his words.' 
Abhaya said: 'The words of Vira that you heard, sir, have 
been fruitful in glory and renown for you. As a result of 
(former) good deeds I am the repository of all the fourfold 
forms of intelligence that exist on earth. And yet, alas! even 
with these powers of wit I did not lead you off {nir-m?)^; I did 
not get you intoxicated with the liquor, nor married to the 
women. ' 

Eauhineya's dream about a former existence (369-461) 

Then the thief said: '0 minister, I had a dream just now. 
In it I perceived that you were once minister in ^vetambi. And 

1 was your bodyguard and the executor of your daily commands, 
and I always attended you, courageous and honest. One day 



V 



190 /. Helen Moore Johnson 

a wily rogue, a deceiver of the people, disguised as a great Yogi^ 
came before the minister. On account of his great dignity he 
was respectfully welcomed by the minister, who showed him 
honor, rose from his seat to greet him, and gave him presents^ 
for such is the inner nature of the good. One day the excellent 
minister found opportunity to ask him the reason for his com- 
ing, and he said to him: 'There is a forest Kautukabhandara 
(Hreasure-house of marvels'), fascinating with its manifold 
wonders, and full of various herbs, creepers, and trees. If you 
will go to that forest, then I will give you the power to obtain 
gold, and magic arts that can work many miracles, and spells 
by the hundred. ' The minister was overcome by greed and fol- 
lowed the Yogi without saying farewell to his family. Verily 
greed is hard to resist. After they had gone a great distance, 
the Yogi said to the minister: 'This forest is truly a dangerous 
place ; it is like a grove of ghosts. Here are millions of Bhillas 
('bheels,' savage men), like Yama in form, and terrible bears, 
and tigers and lions by the thousand. Consequently it jvould 
be better if you were invisible when you go there. That is the 
only possible way for humans to go into this forest.' With 
these words the Yogi applied ointment to the minister's eyes, 
and from its effects the minister became a tiger (on animal 
transformation see Parsvanatha, p. 150). The Yogi transfixed 
the tiger with an arresting-charm, mounted him, and thus easily 
traversed the road. As he was going along he met two ogres 
(rdksasas) on the way, and the elder ogre said: 'Where are 
you going right before my eyes, O Yogi? I know by his smell 
that this tiger was a human ; therefore give him to me, so that 
I can eat him!' As the great Yogi did not surrender him, a 
fight between the two ensued, and the demon was hit on the head . 
with a trident and killed. Then the second ogre assumed by his 
magic power the form of the Yogi, the lord Matsyendra (known 
in catalogues as a teacher of Yoga). When he saw the Yogi 
Matsyendra, the Yogi dismounted from the tiger and made 
obeisance to him ; and meanwhile the tiger disappeared. After he 
had made obeisance, full of devotion, when he looked about, 
neither Yogi nor tiger was (to be seen), and he was disturbed at 
heart. The second ogre had seized the tiger and run away. The 
Yogi saw them going and ran after them in close pursuit. They 
both entered some cave or other, he knew not where, while the 
Yogi, a depository of the art of deceit, remained right there in 
the forest. The ogre then said to the tiger : ' I am going to turn 
you back into a human. ' As the tiger could not speak, he made 



Rduhineya^s Adventures 191 

♦ 
an obeisance to the ogre, who quickly brought a flower from a 

banyan tree and made the tiger smell its odor, whereupon he 
became a human again, and went out of the cave. As he was 
then wandering along in the forest, he saw a civet-cat*^ making 
the forest fragrant. Out of curiosity and eagerness to catch it, 
he followed hard after and did not halt, though some unseen 
form held him back. The cat came up near him and stopped, 
and, when the minister suddenly seized it with both hands, imme- 
diately upon his touch became the Yogi. The Yogi made the 
minister leap into the air, and when he came down toward the 
ground, he could not reach it at all. Then the Yogi, his mind 
filled with anger, said : ' I made you invisible that you might do 
me a favor, -and you disappeared from my side with the ogre. 
On condition that you will always do as I tell you without any 
hesitation, I will let you down {ut-tr, caus. ; see Parsvanatha, p. 
221 ; ava-tr might be expected here) now from the plane of the 
air.' 'I shall do everything you say.' After this promise, the 
bold minister sank to the surface of the earth before the Yogi. 

Then the two departed from that place and went out of the 
forest, and saw in a certain place a black-marked creeper. 
"When the Yogi and the minister started to take hold of it, a 
ghoul (hhuta), one of a throng of ghouls, said: 'This creeper 
cannot be taken without a blood-offering; or if you try to take 
it by force, then you are dead men.' At these words the Yogi 
squeezed a quantity of blood from the minister 's body and gave 
it to the ghoul. "When they advanced to take the creeper, the 
chief ghoul seized it and ran away; and with their eyes on the 
creeper they ran after him. In the mountain there was a cleft, 
that resembled the mouth of Yama, where the ghoul entered, 
after he had opened the door-bolt. They also followed in, and 
there they came across a tank. The ghoul went into the water, 
and they stopped near by. WTien (the Yogi) had put a very 
beautiful magic ring on his companion, they two entered the 
water also, and saw a flight of steps. After traversing this 
they came to the borders of the city of Patala, where they saw 
a very large seven-storied palace. With the creeper in his hand, 
the ghoul entered the palace, where was seated an enormous 
crowd of witches. The ogres, the doorkeepers of the palace, 



41 



Here gandhajahaka ; below gatrasamkoain (394) and mdrjdra (395). 
BR. quote gatrasamlcocin and jdhdka from Hem. as hedge-hog, also jdhaka 
from Trikanda^esa as cat. The evidence seems to converge on the civet- 
cat, which is commonly called gandhamdrjdra. 



X92 Helen Moore Johnson 

scented them and swiftly ran up, greedy and eager for a taste 
of flesh ; but they were transfixed by the Yogi, who then entered 
the palace, and told the witches what the ghoul had done. The 
crowd of witches said: 'If you kill a mortal endowed with the 
thirty-two auspicious marks and give him to yonder fearless- 
hearted (ghoul), then it is possible to obtain this creeper, smce 
its guardian is this ghoul, named Bhairava ('terrible'), who 
roams at will for his own amusement.' Then the minister 
quickly drew his sword and thrust it into his own neck, where- 
upon the crowd of witches was appeased and proclaimed: 'Go 
back by the same road by which you came ; by our power you 
will right easily pass over the road. Go back, sir, into the same 
wood from which you came. There you will surely^ obtain 
wealth from the Human Tree.' Then one of the goddesses 
told the minister confidentially: 'Do you, by some means or 
other, stop associating with the Yogi. When you see the 
Human Tree, then perform the kalpana (a magic ceremony per- 
formed in a fire-pit) for him (the Yogi) with this much water,^^ 
and he himself will die (instead of killing you as he hopes).' 
After that she told him all the supernatural power of the Human 
Tree. Then he and the Yogi departed by way of the tank. 

They reached that door again, getting past the door-bolt ; and 
then the great Yogi and the minister wandered forth hither and 
yon, searching for the Human Tree; but they could not find 
it anywhere. But between a pair*^ of tanks they saw a temple 
within which sat a beautiful image of Parsvanatha, marked with 
the seven hoods of the serpent king of Patala. After they had 
made obeisance to him, the Lord of the World, they sat in the 
balcony of an out-of-doors pavilion and looked at the shrine of 
the Jina. The two tanks which were there were adorne(J with 
flights of steps; in one of the tanks there was cold water, and 
in the other hot. As they looked on, a troop of gods came 
thither, and with great enthusiasm gave a leap into the tank of 
hot water. As a result of bathing in that ,water, the gods 
became monkeys and the goddesses female monkeys; and they 
made a great chattering. By order of the monkey-chief all the 
others brought flowers heavy with perfume, and juicy fruits; 
and all the monkeys bathed the noble Jina with a supply of 
water brought by the female monkeys, and performed a pujd 
to him with heaps of flowers. And they performed a play there, 

^ Indicating the amount by a, gesture. 
*^Read °dvitaya° for °dviUya'*. 



EduTiineya's Adventures 193 

• 

charming with a variety of modes of song and with musical in- 
struments, like a play of the gods. When all the monkeys had 
performed a material and spiritual pujd,^* they set forth from the 
grove in all directions to enjoy themselves at will. After they 
had played a long time, at twilight all the monkeys gave a leap 
into the wide tank of cold water, and by its efficacy all became 
gods as before and went away to some place or other, roaming 
at will. 

The minister and the Yogi remained just as they were at that 
shrine, and they saw the same thing again on the next day. 
The minister said : ' Yogi, I am going among the monkeys today 
in the form of a monkey, if you will give me careful directions, 
s6 that I in their midst may examine all the trees. Perhaps if 
I have good luck I shall find the Human Tree.' By the Yogi's 
directions the minister leaped into the tank, assumed the form 
of a monkey, and came out among the monkeys. And when they 
had made a pujd and other rites in the sanctuary and were 
enjoying themselves, the wife of the monkey-chief asked her 
loquacious husband: *Sir, is the beautiful Human Tree, by the 
power of whose milk people know the wealth contained in the 
earth, among these trees? He replied: 'Come along in my 
company, that I may show it to you.' So saying the pair of 
monkeys^ hastened away. The monkey-minister followed the 
pair as they jumped along with ease, and the three went and sat 
still on the Human Tree. The loquacious monkey declared to 
his wife: 'My dear, this is the Human Tree, which cannot be 
obtained by men unless they offer up a man having the auspi- 
cious marks.' The monkey-minister marked it repeatedly with 
signs, and, after they had gone to their place, returned to his 
own form. When he had told this to the Yogi, they both set 
out. And when that beautiful Human Tree was near by, the 
minister performed the kalpana ^ith earth-water for the Yogi, 
who was immediately devoured, howling, by the deities that pre- 
sided over the tree. 

Now when the body-guard (i. e. the future Rauhineya, cf. 
370 above) did not see the minister, he thought: 'The Yogi has 
certainly led my master into Kautukabhandara (wood). The 
tricky wretch has taken him only to kill him. I too will follow 



44 



dravyapujdm hMvapiLjam. Mrs. Stevenson in The Heart of Jainism, 
p. 228, defines hhdvapuju as *a mental exercise . . . during which he 
meditates on undoing of karma, qualities of a Tirthankara, and similar 
subjects. ' 



194 Helen Moore Johnson 

after him; his feet are my refuge (iPe. I -am his dependent)/ 
So reflecting he too went forth, and as he wandered he eame to 
the forest, and, as a result of his previous virtuous deeds, he 
found his master. Mutually delighted, they straightway threw 
their arms about each other. The minister took the guard 's bow 
and fixed an arrow. Though his courage was sorely tested' by 
shapes of tigers, scorpions, serpents, ghouls, lions, and elephants, 
he did not admit fear into his soul. In the trunk of the Huma^ 
Tree there was a lovely couple, a man and a woman, self -created 
(i. e. not born in the natural way), well-developed and provided 
with every limb. Then he discharged the arrow, and there 
suddenly appeared in the breast of the woman an abundantly- 
flowing stream of milk. The minister drank of it with great 
Satisfaction for several days; the stream of milk stopped of 
itself, and then flowed again. By the power of the milk he had 
drunk the excellent minister saw at once all the wealth con- 
tained in the earth, as if it were in plain sight before his eyes. 
So by good fortune the minister was provided with a magic 
ointment, and resolutely crossed the whole forest with ease. 
The bold minister went with the body-guard swiftly to the city 
^ravasti, where they saw in the city. garden Kesin, the head of 
an assembly of (Jain) saints {'gana' [of 'rsis']), who was a 
learned and intelligent teacher of the religion, possessing the 
three Jewels (of the Jain faith). Then the minister and the 
body-guard sat down before him. At that time the Sage told 
them something in clear language (sphutam), but I understood 
nothing because of my stupidity, fair sir. Then the attendant 
(the body-guard), standing by^ the minister, eagerly asked: 
"What did that Sage teU you? Tell me." ''At a convenient 
time I will tell you everything, later on (fadhikam) ;" thus he 
spoke, but he never told him anything at all. > . ^ . . 

By virtue of the words of enlightenment spoken by the head 
of the assembly of saints, you became the minister of the illus- 
trious ^renika; because I did not understand those woMs of 
enlightenment, I was born on Mount Vaibhara.— I do not know 
^ whether this dream was true or false, but we will put the ques- 
tion in the presence of the holy Vira, the Jina.' 

The dream confirmed by Vira; Rauhineya's pious end (462-469) 

When he had related all this, all went to do homage to the 
holy Vira; and Rauhineya, endowed with serenity, called the 
people together. He brought from Mount Vaibhara the treasure 



<< 



Bduhineya^s Adventures 1^5 

which his father and grandfather had stolen, and gave it to the 
people,- while ^renika looked on. The noble minister Abhaya 
made an obeisance to the Lord, the holy Vira, and asked : ' Was 
the (stQj?y of a previous) existence that Eauhineya described to 
me true or false ? ' And Vira said : ' It was true ; it was not 
false^ Whereupon Rauhineya took initiation before the Holy 
Vira, and all the people, praising (him), went to their own 
homes, while Rauhineya engaged in severest austerities. The 
robber-saint, devoted to the praise of the whole series of ' forms ' 
(representations, images) of the holy Vira and the gods (with 
cryptic allusion to Deva-murti, author of this work), constantly 
stole away the minds of the pious by his own spotless virtues. 
Having resorted to starvation at the end (i. e. starved himself 
to death), and meditating on the five forms of adoration, he 
entered a heavenly palace of the noble Sarvarthas*^ and became 
a god, a partaker of bliss. Upon hearing the words of the 
princely Jina, as Eauhineya did, day by day, men who are 
devoted to the Jain religion ought to shun thieving in threefold 
fashion (in thought, deed, and word). 

Envoi (470-471) 

Devacandra, the best of teachers, was like a crest- jewel in the 
Kasadra family; Devamurti, who had; his dwelling on a seat 
under a tree at the feet of the Jina (or, under the tree of the 
'Jina's feet,' i. e. of the exalted Jina?), was his pupil. He 
composed that story, full of many flavors (rhetorical moods), a 
cause of wondering delight to wise folk. May it give pleasure 
by its beauties for as long as the moon, Mount Meru, the sun, 
and the ocean shall last. 

Baltimore, Maryland. 



*^ srlsarvdrthavimdne. Sarvdrthasiddhi (masc. I) is recorded as the 
name of a class of Jain gods. Is Sarvdrtha by itself to be understood in 
a similar sense here? Or is it the sarvdrtha palace — ^i. e., the palace 
endowed with all ^ objects^? 



"I 



AGNI VRTRAHAN AND THE AVE STAN 
VERETHRAGHNA 

Herbert William Magoun 
Associate Editor, Bibliotheca Sacra 

Verethraghna is one of the prominent Avestan gods; and 
yet he has always been something of a puzzle. His name is 
evidently derived from the adjective veretKraja/n, which is an 
exact equivalent for Vedic vrtrahan. The latter never rises 
above the level of an epithet in the Rik, though its uses are vari- 
ous. It is found most often with Indra, and its adjectival char- 
acter is made evident by an occasional superlative form. It is 
employed with both gods and things. No comparative form is 
cited, although verethrajcm has one. Moreover, a difference 
appears in the content of the two words; for the secondary 
meaning, 'victc^rious,' has been so developed in Avestan that it 
completely overshadows the primary one, and the latter has 
practically disappeared in that language. The god Verethra- 
ghna has accordingly come to be regarded as a deity of victory. 

He has been identified with Indra, because Indra happens to 
be so often referred to as vrtrahcm. The Vedic term, however, 
has not forsaken its root meaning, even if it may sometimes be 
rendered 'victorious^ in harmony with Avestan. 'Vrtra-killer,' 
' Slayer-of -Sky-dragon, ' is its prevailing sense, and that such it 
must be is made clear by Vedic usage. Thus, in various hymns, 
almost always those in praise of Indra, Vrtra himself is referred 
to as an ahi, or as Ahi, a, or the, ' cloud-serpent. ' If the identi- 
fication is not clear in some cases, the deficiency is more than 
made-up in others, and there can be no question as to the ulti- 
mate fact.^ 

^See i. 51. 4: iv. 17. 1: vi. 20. 2; 72. 3: viii. 93 (Grassmann 82). 
2: X. 113. 3, 8: and also i. 32. 1-5, 8, 11-14; 52. 10; 80. 1, 13; 103. 2, 
7; 187. 6: ii. 11. 2, 5; 12. 3, 11; 15. 1; 19. 2: iii. 32.^11; 33. 7: iv. 
17. 7; 19. 2, 3, 9; 22. 5; 28. 1: v. 29. 2, 3, 8; 30. 6; 31. 4, 7; 32. 2: 
vi. 17. 9, 10; 30. 4: vii. 21. 3; 104. 9: viii. 3. 20; 96 (85). 5: ix. 86. 
44: X. 48. 2; 67. 12; 96. 4; 111. 9; 133. 2; 139. 6. Cited by G-rass- 
mann but hardly pertinent are, — ^i. 79. 1: "Vi. 75. 14: vii. 34. 16, 17; 38. 
7 : etc. 



198 Herbert William Magoun 

When the passages in which ahi appears in this sense are com- 
pared with the well-known lists, covering five periods, into which 
the hymns of the Eig and SamaVedas have been tentatively 
distributed, certain curious things come to light. While prob- 
ably not final, they are at least interesting and suggestive. On 
the basis of these lists (Arnold, JAOS, xvm. 212 f., 218 ff,), it 
appears that about sixteen per cent, of the hymns or sections 
of hymns, involved and pertinent, belong in the first period, 
about twenty-seven in the second, about forty-six in the third, 
about eight in the fourth, and the remaining three in the last 
The identification of the two was therefore well established and 
persistent. That fact should be remembered. 

The destruction of Vrtra by Indra is referred to many times. 
A single hymn (i. 80) variously exploits the deed. It is put in 
the second period. Others barely mention the matter. In some 
of them Vrtra has been ignored by Grassmann, f eind ('enemy,' 
'spook,' 'goblin') being used instead. As such passages, how- 
ever, are mostly found in first period hymns, that translation 
is probably somewhat free, and it might be better to retain the 
original sense, since Vrtra was universally recognized as the 
fiendish enemy of mankind and was probably in the mind of 
the poet. These passages^ are not Essentially different from the 
others, and the two translations are even found together in adja- 
cent stanzas in viii. 89 (78). 3, 4, another first period hymn. 

Passages dealing with the destruction of Vrtra,^ when sub- 
jected to the Arnold test, exhibit about fifty-two per cent, of 
first-period activity, about eleven of second, about thirty-one of 
third, about five of fourth, and about one of fifth or last. They 
do not cover all the ground, however, since others include some 
different or additional agency. Other gods are involved in v. 

-"' =^Sucli as iii. 37. 5, 6: iv. 21. 10: v. 37. 4: vii. 20. 2: viii. 2. 32, 36; 
45. 3: X. 42. 5, all of the first period except the third and last, which go 
into the third. 

* While probably not exhaustive, the following list, with the other ref- 
erences given, will be found fairly complete.— i. 23. 9; 32. 5, 7, 8, 10, 11; 
33. 13; 36. 8; 51. 4; 52. 2, 6, 8, 10, 15; 56. 5, 6; 61. 6, 10, 12; 63. 4; 
80. 2-5, 10-13; 85. 9; 103. 8; 121. 11; 165. 8; 174. 2: ii. 11. 9, 18; 
14. 2; 19. 4; 30. 2, 3: iii. 30. 8; 32. 4, 6; 33. 6; 36. 8; 47. 3: iv. 
16. 7; 17. 1, 3, 8; 18.- 7: vi. 17. 1; 20. 2; 37. 5; 44. 15; 68.^3: vii. 
19.5; 21.6: viii. 3. 10; 6. 6, 13; • 12. 22, 26; 32.26; 62 (51). 8; 76 
(65). 2, 3; 93 (82). 7; 96 (85). 7; 99 (88). 6; 100 (89). 7: ix. 61. 
22: X. 28. 7; 89. 7; 104. 10; 111. 6; 113. 2, 3, 6, 8 ; 116. 1; 147. 1. 2; 
152. 3. Some of these have ahi and some have vrtrahan. 



Agni Vrtrahan and Verethraghna. 199 

42. 5, assigned to the second period, human help is suggested in 
yii. 48. 2 and viii. 21. 12; 100 (89). 12, the first two of which, 
have been put in the first period, Soma becomes a partner in 
vi. 72. 3, placed in the second period — x. 124. 6 is not perti- 
nent, — and so does Agni in vi. 60. 1, another hymn of the first 
period. These pertain to Indra. Agni acts by himself in i. 36. 
8, also of the first period, while Trita figures with Pitu (Soma) 
in i. 187. 1, a hymn of the second. He is grouped with Indra 
in viii. 7. 24, of the first period, the Maruts being given the task 
of crushing Vrtra in the stanza that precedes. Grassmann uses 
feind in all. the above first-period hymns save the last; but it 
is a questionable rendering to say the least. He retains Vrtra 
in the others, one of which (vi. 72. 3) has ahi with vrtra. 

"Where vrtresu is found, the meaning probably approaches 
that of Avestan verethra, and such passages are important as 
showing how early this secondary sense began to manifest itself , 
They are few in number and are all placed in the first period. — 
i. 7. 5 : vi. 26. 2; 46. 1: vii. 34. 3. Two others should be added 
(vi. 25- 6, first period, and x. 50. 2, second), since the meaning 
is similar though the form is in the singular. The Vrtra battle 
is still tha basic idea, with its implication of victory, though the 
application must be figurative in the passage itself in most 
instances. 

In dealing with vrtrahan, it may be well to take the less 
important uses of the word at the beginning. Indra 's impetu- 
,osity {susma) is so characterized in i. 102. 2, as are his impetu- 
ous acts (plu.) in vi. 60. 3; his thunderbolt {vajra) is treated 
likewise in i. 121. 12 and vi. 20. 9; and the Soma plant (ansu) 
fares in the same way in vi. 17. 11, with which should probably 
be placed i. 175. 5, where Grassmann wavers between soma and 
mada. The last passage is put in the first period, the other 
two from the same book in the third, the ansu passage in the 
second, and the remaining two, which are also from the sixth 
book, in the first. 

Sarasvati receives the epithet in a first-period hymn (vi. 61. 
7), and so does Trasadasyu in a second (iv. 42. 9). Manyu gets 
it in a fourth (x. 83. 3), where he is also called amitrahan and-' 
dasyuhdn. The sun god, probably viewed as a form of Agni, 
receives it in a third (x. 170. 2), along with amitrahan, asura- 
han, §,nd sapatnahan. Incidentally, it may be said that satru- 
han occurs in x. 159. 3, placed in the fifth period, and that 



200 Herbert William Magoun 

raksohan is occasionally met with.* Soma and Agni fare about 
alike. Soma is called vrtrahan in i. 91. 5 : ix. 25. 3 ; 28. 3 ; 37. 
5 ; 89. 7 ; 98. 5. The first is in the third period, and the next to 
the last is in the second. The others are in the first. The Agni 
passages show i. 74. 3 and vi. 16. 14, 19 in the first period, ii. 
1. 11 and iii. 20. 4 in the second, and i. 59. 6 and x. 69. 12 
(Vadh.) in the third. Finally, Indragni receive the epithet 
vrtrahand in i. 108. 3 : iii. 12. 4 : vi. 60. 3 : vii. 93. 1, 4 : viii. 
38. 2. All are of the first period save the first. That is of the 
third. 

It appears, then, that the Vrtra myth involves, or is applied 
to in some fashion, not only Indra but also Agni, Indragni, the 
Asvins, the Maruts, Soma, Trita, Sarasvati, Trasadasyu, the 
sun god, and Man3ru. It also appears that Indra was a 'spook- 
killer' as well as Agni and some of the other gods, even if Agni 
was more prominent than he or any of the rest in that capacity. 
Furthermore, it is evident that some of the Agni, Indragni, 
Asvin, Soma, Trita, and Sarasvati items go back to the earliest 
Vedic period with Indra ones, and that Indra 's spook-killing 
activities are equally ancient. The myth is therefore extremely 
old, and Indra himself must have been present at, or near, the 
very beginning of the distinctly Hindu cosmogony. 

The hymns, or sections of hymns, in which he is caUed 
vrtrahan are thus distribute(f ; — sixty per cent, in the first 

*It is used of Indra in i. 129. 11, of Brliaspati in ii. 23. 3 (ratha) and 
X. 103. 4, of the ASvins in vii. 73. 4 — they appear in canneetion with 
Vrtra in viii. 9, 4, Soma being their helper, — of the healer (hMsaj) in x. 
97. 6, of Agni in vii. 8. 6 and x. 87. 1 (vdjin) ; 162. 1, and of Soma in 
i. 129. 6 (Indu) and ix. 1. 2 (vrtrahantama in 3) ; 37. 3 ; 67. 20. The 
Soma passages are all placed in the earliest period, and so are the Indra 
passage, the Aivin passages, and the first Agni one. The rest are put in 
the latest period, except the first with Brhaspati, which is assigned to the 
third. Amitrahan occurs with Indra in vi. 45. 14 and x. 22. 8; 134. 3, 
and with Soma in ix. 11. 7; 96. 12, the last Soma reference being put in 
the second period, the last Indra one in the third, and the rest in the 
first. Indra gets asurahan in vi. 22. 4, as Agni does in vii. 13. 1, second 
and third periods respectively; but dasyuhan is more common, being found 
with Indra in i. 100. 12: vi. 45. 24: viii 76 (65). 11; 77 (66). 3 
{vrtrahan also). Agni is dasyuhantama, however, in vi. 16. 15 {vrtrahan 
in 14 and 19) and viii. 39. 8, as is the light {jyotis) in x. 170. 2. The 
first and last Indra passages and the last two are of the third period, the 
other three are of the first. Sapatnahan, ' rlval-kiUer, ' is nat pertinent. 



Agl^i Vrtrahan and Verethraghna 201 

# 
period, fifteen in the second, twenty in the third, and five in the 

last.^ None appear in the fourth so far as ascertained. Evi- 
dently the myth was most prominent in the first period, and 
where vrtrahan is used of other gods the implication is, not that 
it had a general sense but rather that it was employed either 
with its regular meaning or else figuratively with complimen- 
tary intent. English colloquial expressions like cracker jack 
illustrate what i« meant. Thus, Manyu, * Wrath,' was a *vrtra- 
killer of a god.' 

Where a general translation is employed, the Hindu view- 
point is obscured, and the figure is thus more or less completely 
lost sight of. This is^ particularly true of the comparative 
(Avest.) and superlative (Skt.) forms; for the original sig- 
nification must have been intensive. The English colloquial 
expressions kill . dead and kill . dead as a door nail illus- 
trate the actual content of the words as so used. Later, because 
such a killing indicates a complete victory, the sense 'victorious' 
gradually became conspicuous and in Avestan was exploited 
until it drove out the primary meaning altogether. The pro- 
cess must have accordingly begun very early or soon after the 
Indo-Iranian period. Sanskrit retained the normal sense of the 
word. 

On this basis, Indra should be found most often with the 
superlative. He is, as a matter of fact. — v. 35. 6 ; 40. 1-3 : viii. 
3. 17; 6. 37; 24. 7; 46. 8; 93 (82). 30, 32; 97 (86). 5. Agni 
and Soma are again treated alike; for the former has i. 78. 4: 
vi. 16. 48: viii. 74 (63). 4, and the latter ix. 1. 3 ; 24. 6: x. 25. 
9. Furthermore it is applied to the Asvins in viii. 8. 9, 22, to 
Indragni in vii. 94. 11, and even to things: to intoxication 
(mada) in viii. 46. 8 and 92 (81). 17, to counsel (vacas) in viii. 
89 (78). 1, and to a troop {sardha) in viii. 93 (82). 16. One 

•They include:— i. 16. 8; 81.1; 84.3; 106.6; 186.6: ii. 20. 7: iii. 

30. 5; 31. 11, 14, 18, 21; 40. 8; 41. .4; 47. 2; 52. 7; 54. 15: iv. 30. 1, 
7, 19, 22; 32. 1, 19, 21: v. 38. 4; 40. 4; 86. 3: vi. 45. 5; 47. 6: vii. 

31. 6; 32. 6: viii. 1. 14; 2. 26; 4. 11; 6. 40; 13. 15; 17. 9 (with 
vrtram); 24. 2, 8; 27. 8; 32. 11; 33. 1, 14; 37. 1-6; 45. 4, 25; 46. 13 
(vrtrahantama in 8) ; 54 (Grassmann, Valakhil. 6). 5; 61 (50). 15; 62 
(51). 11; 64 (53). 9; 66 (55). 3, 9-11; 70 (59). 1; 77 (66). 3; 78 (67). 
7; 82 (71). 1; 89 (78). 3 (with vrtra) ; 90 (79). 1; 92 (81). 24; 93 
(82). 2, 4, 15, 18, 20, 33 (vrtrahmtama in 30, 32); 96 (85). 19-21 
(vrtrdni in 18); 97 (86). 4: ix. 98. 10; 113. 1: x. 23. 2; 49. 6 (with 
vrtra); 74. 6; 103. 10; 111. 6; 133. 1; 138. 5; 152. 2, 3 (with vrtra 
and amitra) ; 153. 3. 



202 Herbert William Magoun - 

of these passages has been assigned ta the second- period (v. 40. 
1-3), two to the third (i. 78. 4 and vi. 16. 48), and the rest to 
the first. They furnish further presumptive evidence of the 
soundness of the position already taken. For that period an 
intensive meaning was the natural one, as must be apparent. 
- Further evidence concerning the Vrtra myth is to be found 
in words referring to it, such as vrtrakhdda, ' destmiction-of- 
Vrtra, ' which is used with Indra in iii. 45. 2 (third period) and 
51. 9 (second). In x. 65. 10 (third period), it is found with 
Brhaspati. Vrtratur, commonly rendered 'killing of spooks,' 
is used of Indra in iv. 42. 8::-vi. 20. 1 (rayi) : x. 48. 8;> 99. 1 
(vdjra). The second is of the first period, the others are of the 
second. It is also used of "Indravarunau in vi. 68. 2 ^ (first 
period), the slaying of Vrtra by Indra being mentioned in the, 
next stanza. ' The spooks may be questioned. - 
■-More important is vrtratiirya,- which Grassmann applies to 
Vrtra inviii. 7. 24 (Trita and Indra) and x.-104. 9, first and 
third period hymns respectively. He applies it to battles with 
spooks, or to their destruction, in vi.* 34. 5; 38. 5 (loc. :plu.) : 
viii. 37. 1 (do.), although all of these passages have been put 
in the first period. The last one has w#ra/i<mr in the same 
stanza and in each of the five stanzas that follow. ' Killings-of ^ 
Vrtra' might be more accurate ; for their conceptions, not ours, 
Epiust dominate, and they had no fear concerning inconsistency. 
Moreover, killing Vrtra did- not dispose , of :> him. ^Orassmann 
also places in the same group vi. 18. 6 (second period) and 61. 
5 (first) ; but he renders each, nevertheless, in accordance with 
the Vrtra myth. The rendering 'is probably correct; for, like 
the others, these passages seem to call for such a treatment. 
Spooks appear to be a modern rather than an ancient idea in 
this connection. 

He makes several similar Agni passages refer to spooks— vi. 
13. 1: viii. 19. 20; 74 (63). 9, 12, all in the first period— bulr- 
retains Vrtra' in ^.m. 8 (Agni as priest), which is placed in the 
third. / The . first ' mentioned indicates that 'killing-of -Vrtra' 
would probably be ,a better rendering. Brhaspati again appears 
in ii. 26. 2, Feindes^chlacht being Grassmann 's translation. 
The passage is of the second period and should be compared 
with the one above. In i. 106. 2 (loc. plu.), the Adityas.. figure, 
a third-period hymn being involved. -'Spook-slaughterings' are 
supposed to be meant; but 'slaughterings-of- Vrtra' would be 
more natural, since the Adityas were gods of heavenly light. 
Incidentally, it may be mentioned that the mother of Vrtra, 



Agni 'Vrtr^Jian and Verethraghna '^03 

♦ 
vrtraputra, is attended to by Indra in i. 32. 9, that the Maruts 

figure with vrtrahan in vi. 48. 21 {savas), and that vrtrahatha is 

used with Agni in iii. 16. 1. The first is of the third period. 

The rest are of the first. 

Last and most important is vrirakatyay whose root meaning 
is unmistakable. Grassmann recognizes it, ostensibly, in just 
half the Indra passages— i. 52. 4: iv. 19. 1: v. 29. 7: vi. 18. 9; 
25. 8; 47. 2: viii. 24. 2 (with vrtrahan); 89 (78). 5 (wfth 
vrtra) : x. 48. 8 ; 55. 7— but forgets himself in two places, i. 53. 
6 (loc. plu. and vrtrani), third period, and vL36. 2, first, and 
reverts to the battle with Vrtra. The other citations are, — iv.' 
24. 2: vi. 23. 2; 25. 1: vii. 19. 3 (loc. plu.), 10; 32. 15 (do.) : 
viii. 63 (52). 12: x. 22. 10. Of the first group, four go into 
the third period and three each into the first and second. Of 
the last group, the first goes into the third, but the others into 
the first. . ; Grassmann 's instinct was therefore better, probably, 
than his -reason; for the chances are that Vrtra ^ was referred 
to in all the passages. Two are cited in third-period hymns to 
Indragni, i. 109. 5 and x. 65. 2 (loc. plu.). rin the second 
Grassmann again abandons his classification and reverts to 
' Vrtra-killings. ' He does so rightly. Two others, both in the 
first period, go to Agni, vii. 1.' 10 (loc. plu.) and viii. 19. 20. 
In each Vrtra is appropriate, even if men are involved in the 
first. No others have been noted save a modification of the word 
' in iii. 37. 1, a first-period hymn to Indra. It is vdrtrahatya and * 
refers to Vrtra. 

When all the citations containing the various words thus far 
considered are grouped as now assigned, over half appear, in the 
earliest Vedic period. It is safe to infer, then, that this period 
marked the zenith of the myth itself. It must therefore be 
Indo-Iranic. As the Agni passages show almost the same ratio 
as all combined, it is furthermore safe to infer that Agni 
Vrtrahan was originally exactly what his name would indicate,. 
the Vrtra-killer. His well-known character, as the fire which 
came from heaven can only indicate fire from lightning. That 
points directly to a lightning god- as. the original conception 
concerning him, and Vrtra-killing. would .thus be entirely con- 
sistent with his other activities. ' When^otKer gods usurped that 
function, he woujd easily pass into a 'vrtra-killer-of-a-god,' i. e.,. 
a * victorious' one, and Verethraghna can be accounted for on 
that basis. 

A word should be said of vrtrani. Its normal application 
must be to malignant demons who are less conspicuous than 



204 Herbert William Magoun 

Yrtra though like him in character. They are naturally sub- 
ject to the conquerors of Yrtra, Indra being the most promi- 
nent.^ In X. 83. 7 (fourth' period), Manyu and a man are 
united in this connection; and Agni is invoked in vi. 16. 34, a 
hymn of the first period, and in x. 69. 6 (Vadh.) and 80. 2, both 
of which are in the third. Brhaspati figures once more in vi. 
73. 2 (first period), and it now appears that such terms when 
used with him are early, not late as ordinarily believed, and 
complimentary. Soma appears in ix. 17. 1 (second period) and 
(first) 88. 4; 109. 14, in the second of which he slays by Indra 's 
name. Of the Indra passages, twenty-six are put in the first 
peridd, five in the second, and eight in the third. It is accord- 
ingly clear that the Vrtra-spooks were likewise most prominent 
in the earliest period. The fact is of some significance. 

Passages classifying the spooks as Aryan or Barbarian are, — 
vi. 22. 10; 33. 3; 60. 6 : vii. 83. 1: x. 69. 6. They involve 
Indra (first two), Indragni, Indravarunau, and Agni Yadhri- 
asva, and cover three periods, the second (first citation), first, 
and third (two each in order). That such spooks have some 
association with Yrtra in Hindu mental processes is made evi- 
dent not merely by the term itself but also by the way in which 
related matters are occasionally spoken of. Thus, in viii. 96 
(85). 18 the item is added that the waters have demons as lords 
(ddsapaUil). The vrtrani, like other demons, are conceived of 
as going in droves; for no clear instance of the singular 
{vrtra-m) appears anywhere in the Rik. Such conceptions 
seem to have been Indo-Iranic. 

Now, it is clear that the terms vrtra (Avest. verethra) and 
ahi (Avest. azhi) were originally mere epithets, ' obstructing- 
one' and 'serpent-one,' applied to the crest of an advancing 
thunderstorm. This is made evident by the use of ahan vrtram 
vrtrataram vyansam in i. 32. 5 (third period). When the Indo- 
Iranians were longing for rain, a stationary crest would call 

*> References to him of this sort include: — i. 4. 8; 8. 2; 53. 6 (ten- 
thousand of them, with vrtrahatyesu in the preceding half stanza) ; 84. 
13 (ninety-nine of them) ; 102. 7 : iii. 30. 4, 22 (repeated ten times in 
succeeding hymns and once in x.) ; 49. 1: iv. 17. 19 (many mighty ones) ; 
22. 9; 24. 10; 41. 2; 42. 7: vi. 19. 13; 26. 8; 29. 6 (many vrtra and 
dasyun); 33. 1; 44. 14; 56. 2; 57. 3: vU. 19. 4; 22. 2; 23. 3; 25. 5; 
30. 2; 34. 3; 83. 9; 85. 3; 92. 4 (with Vayu and men) : viii. 15. 3, 11; 
17. 8, 9 (with vrtrahm)', 29. 4; 49 (Valakh. 1). 2; 90 (79). 4, 5; 95 
(84). 9; 96 (85). 18; 100 (89). 2: is. 1. 10; 23. 7: x. 49. 6 (with 
vrtrdhan) . 



Agni Vrirahan and VeretJiraghna 205 

forth the first term. At other times, a black and lowering one 
that darkened the air would suggest the second. Both evidently 
developed into proper names; for verethrajan and verethra- 
taurvan ('subduing-the-fiendO iniply a forgotten cloud demon 
Verethra, like the Vedic Vrtra, and Azhi Dahaka ('Snake 
Fiend' or 'Fiendish Snake') is unquestionably Vedic Ahi. 
The Iranians ultimately forgot the first and developed the 
second, while the Aryans of the Pan jab did just the opposite. 
Lack of rain furnished the incentive. Both variations of the 
myth recognize the lightning in the crest of an approaching 
storm. 

In the Avesta it is a battle for the light, and Apam Napat / 
seizes the 'Glory' when Atar battles with Azhi Dahaka (SBE, 
IV. Ixii. f., and xxiii. 297 ff.). The Vedic Apam Napat has come 
to be regarded as the lightning form of Agni ; but, as I showed 
long ago (JAOS, xix. 137 ff., AJP, xxi. 274 ff., Bib. Sac, lv. 
104 ff.), that is an error. He was the distant descending bolt, 
'the tall and shining lord,' and is practically the same in the 
Avesta and the Rik. 

As to Atar, this much is clear. In the Avesta he is a god of 
lightning and of fire, precisely as Agni is in the Rik. He must 
have been Indo-Iranian, else there had been no Athar-va-Veda 
and no fire-priest called an athar-van. Agni also must have 
been Indo-Iranian; for, otherwise, Latin ignis cannot be ac- 
counted for. The disappearance of Agni in the one case and 
of Atar in the other plainly indicates a mixture of the functions 
of the two gods and a consequent confusion of terms. One was 
accordingly eliminated in each instance. 

Agni, 'Agile-one,' was the lightning that sets fire to things, 
while Atar (*Athar) was probably the fire kindled by man's 
agency. It is the fire tended by men (SBE, xxiii. 360 f.) in the 
Avesta as well as a lightning god. On this basis Agni's sub- 
sequent history becomes clear. The lightning, striking and set- 
ting things on fire in the sight of various observers, could not 
fail to suggest the destruction of all spooks within its range, 
which may explain the refrain of viii. 39, assigned to the third 
period and copied in other hymns. But — the use of agni for 
both fire and lightning would surely lead to the employment of 
agni vrtrahan for the god that killed Vrtra. That much is 
plain. 

Now, observe another thing. Verethraghna, though a god of 
victory, retained the mythical features of a storm god and was 



*206 Herbert William Magoun 

worshipped as a sacred fire, which was believed to be an emana- 
tion from the fire above ; and he was regarded as a most power- 
ful protector- against foes and fiends (SBE. iv. Ixiv. §14). 
Both he and Agni (cf. RV. x. 87) became fiend smiters par 
excellence in their respective spheres. : Both accordingly, had a 
similar origin— nay, the same origin, since lightning -was the fire 
above. Agni himself came from that source as is well recog- 
nized. The two gods are therefore to be identified as different 
developments of a single original. 

This is made more clear and certain by the ramifications of 
the Vrtra myth. In the Avesta, Thraetaona is often the slayer 
of Azhi Dahaka, and Trita figures similarly in the Rik, though 
with some other god. The demon has tbree heads and six eyes 
and is identified in the Avesta as Azhi (RV. x. 99. 6, second 
period; SBE. xxm. 242. §40). In connection with RV. i. 52, 
Grassmann says: Trita in Vers 5 erscheint wie ofter 
als Gehtilfe des Indra. He also appears, in first-period 
hymns, with Agni (v. 9. 5), Indragni (v. 86. 1), and Apam 
Napat (v. 41. 10), possibly regarded as the son of Agni. That, 
at least, may be inferred from v. 41. 10, which appears, to con- 
trast the two rather than unite them. Furthermore,; in v. 18. 
2, a first-period hymn, Agni is referred to as Dvita, and Dvita 
and Trita are combined in viii. 47. 16, a fifth-period fragment. 
Trita is connected- witK thunder in v. 54. 2 (third period) and 
gets into a hole inJi. 105. 17 (third period also). He is called 
dptya, just as Thraetaona is called Athwya, and, finally, he 
appears as Traitana in i. 158. 5 (third period). 

It is probable that Traitana (Avest. Thraetaona) is merely a 
development of Trita; for the Avestan Thrita became the first 
healer and the father of Thraetaona. Both are associated with 
Haoma (Soma). The problem, therefore, is to discover an 
explanation for the diverse elements now present in the myth; 
A triad of lightning gods will satisfy all the conditions ^nd pos- 
sibly help explain the three seats of Agni (viii. 39. 8, third 
period) and the Avestan triad, tall-formed Strength, 'Vere^ 
thraghna, and crushing Ascendant (SBE. xxm. 10. §20, etc.). 

The distant descending bolt, apam napdt, would jiaturally be 
named first because most conspicuous. Then second and third 
forms would be noticed, the form that sets things afire and the 
forked lightning of the clouds. The first became Agni. The 
other became Trita, because no better name than 'Third' sug- 
gested itself. How,- then, did he becom,e a healer? Simply 



Agni Vrtrahan and Verethraghna ^07 

because a thunderstorm always brings a sense of relief and phy- 
sical betterment, and the Indo-Iranians were utterly unscientific. 
We forget that. ' Cf. RV. x. 54. 3. 

The term dptya is found in connection with Indra — other gods 
seem to be implied as well — in x. 120. 6 (second period), and 
its general sense is unmistakable. It has reference to the waters 
of the firmament, the Vouru-Kasha of the Avesta, the dwelling 
place of all the storm gods. Trita Aptya was accordingly the 
lightning first seen, that of the clouds, which disappears for a 
time — gets into a hole — as the storm draws near. That is why 
he belongs with Indra,^ and it must be remembered that vajra 
probably referred to the cause of thunder as they understood 
it but not to lightning. Indo-Iranian mentality must be remem- 
bered in all such matters. It is not strange that Trita is not 
found with Agni Vrtrahan; for Indra soon usurped Agni's 
Vrtra-killing functions, just as Atar and Thraetaona did, with 
the subsequent loss of Agni from Avestan. Vrtrahan thus 
developed into a proper name in the Avesta, and Agni's char- 
acteristics were divided between Atar and Verethraghna. The 
process was a slow growth, and later excrescences now obscure 

■^ The notion that Trita was a water deity is based on a misoonceptidn^ 
He was a water deity in the same sense that Indra was — a phenomenon of 
the thunderstorm, not anthropomorphized but simply personified and ani- 
mated as if a sentient being. Anthropomorphism came later in the -god 
of healing of the Avesta and, probably, in Tpirwv (cf. *Athar, atha/rvo/n : 
Atar, athravan). Aryans who became a maritime people with the mild 
climatic conditions of Greece could easily forget the waters of the firma- 
ment and substitute those of the seai; but a reversal of the process is 
hardly thinkable. To the Indo-Iranians, lightning was the illumination 
only. Its cause as we know it was to them a deity. They saw him in 
action. He was therefore alive and sentient. The true connection between 
the two tilings escaped them, because they were not capable of making a 
scientific analysis. They based everything' upon their own personalities, 
or their personal experience. What moved had life and intelligence. 
Therefore a lightning bolt was a god. The habit of allowing modern 
occidental conceptions to dominate in sucl^ investigations is all wrongi. 
The original conception is fundamental. To ignore it is fatal.* Thus, the 
Greek musical scale was a tetrachord. It was basic. Modern investigators 
make the octave basic. The overlapping tetrachords covered two octaves 
and two notes. The investigators cut off the two notes to get two octaves. 
The Greek symbols prove beyond a peradventure that they are wrong. 
Similarly, modern investigators make meter basic and are unable • to , find 
the compound feet of the ancients. Rhythm is basic, and Longinus was 
right: M^rpov Si irarijpfvdiJ^s'K. r. \. 



f 

20.8 Herbert William Magoun 

the entire situation. This indicates that Indra was a distinct 
Hindu creation due to a change of environment. 

When the Aryans reached the Paiijab and encountered the 
destructive hurricanes which occur in those regions, when the 
monsoons change in October, they could hardly help wondering 
whether the wind god (Vayu) and the lightning god (Agni) 
were the deities whom they worshipped. A hurricane could 
hardly fail to impress them as a driver, as any one who has had 
experience will recognize, and it would then be the normal thing 
for them to call it such. The deities would accordingly become 
' Wind-of -the-driver ' and ' Fire-of -the-driver. ' 

If they had no suitable word to express the idea, as was almost 
certain to be the case, they would be forced to coin one, and the 
suffix -ra would be available. The weak form of v^uiv would 
furnish a basis ; but Hn-ra-agni and Hti-ra-vdyu are not easy to 
pronounce, and some phonetic change would be inevitable. In 
such combinations the language has no specimens of an -nr- 
form, apparently, save *vanra and ^vdinra, although it does 
have a few cases of anusvara, — pumrdsi, pumratna, *kimrdja, 
*kimrdjan, samraksa, samranjana, samramhha, etc. That, how- 
ever, is hardly to be thought of in this connection. 

On the other hand, although svarabhakti normally follows an 
r, its development here would be easily possible, and a situation 
essentially parallel to that of Greek *6,v€p6<s would result. That 
becomes avSp6<s almost automatically, and Sanskrit belongs to the 
same family group. Certain it is that the language possesses 
dozens of words with the -n&r- combination, such as cmidra, 
gundra, iyidrapata, indripasevana, kendra, mandra, sdndra, 
scandra, syandra, tandra, tandri, etc., and it is quite possible 
that in one or two such forms the d was analogical and pros- 
thetic if not parasitic, although both influences may have had a 
share in their production. Consider the -1- of could and the 
-t- of mrtyu, neither of which is original. 

Differentiation into * Driver-and-Fire, ' or 'Wind,' would be 
both easy and natural. The compounds, however, must have 
been well' established in the language before that took place, 
since the first member plainly remains in the singular in Indra- 
vayu, precisely as it does in Indranasatya in viii. 26. 8, assigned 
to the first period. Now, ndsatyd, ' true-oi^es, ' means the two 
Asvins, the overcomers of darkness, who are called vrtrahantamd 
in viii. 8. 9, 22, also of the first period. But if they killed 
Vrtra as 'dead as a door nail,' they did so by restoring the full 



Agni Vrtrahcm and Veret^raghna ^09 

light of day after a storm. It is accordingly clear tliat 'True- 
ones-of-the-driver' will fit into the conjecture; for the darkness 
of a hurricane is sometimes oppressive. Cf. RV. i. 54. 10 (third 
period). That Indra himself was a 'Driver' needs no exploi- 
tation. 

The occasional use of Indra-agni, which happens about once 
in four times as indicated by Grassmann — ^he represents it, 
incidentally, as occurring in close connection with indrdgm in 
three first-period hymns, a second-period stanza, and a third- 
period hymn, — goes to show that indrdgm was normally felt as 
mdroragm and was made into indrd-agnl (this happens a little 
over half the time, in hymns where both occur) in the effort to 
emphasize the dvandva form as such, which also fits into the 
conjecture. Two hymns (vii. 93, first period, and x. 65, third) 
use indrd-agnl only. 

Finally, it is hardly conceivable that a god with such marked 
features as the Vedic Indra certainly was, could have disap- 
peared entirely in Avestan and left merely that part of his name 
which began as an epithet. There is no adequate reason on the 
surface of things in the Avesta to account for it. On the other 
hand, Atar supplies a reason for the loss of Agni, and there 
can be no question about the loss of the latter from the Avestan 
cosmogony. Verethraghna is his counterpart and representa- 
tive in too many ways to have the resemblance accidental or a 
mere coincidence, and the curious developments in Avestan 
religious affairs have not sufficed to obscure that resemblance to 
a degree sufficient to destroy the plain implications of the situa- 
tion. The identification with Indra will accordingly have to be 
abandoned and that with Agni Vrtrahan substituted. Other- 
wise, a satisfactory solution of the problem is hardly to be 
attained. 

It happens that the etymolo^ proposed above coincides ortho- 
graphicaUy with that found in the unabridged Petersburg Lexi- 
con; but the two differ widely in other respects, and the one 
proposed was reached independently. The dictionary of Monier- 
Williams, 2d ed., quotes the etymology in the Petersburg Lexicon 
but not with approval ; other handbooks, including that of Uhlen- 
beck and that of Leumann, fail to mention it ; and, in its 
present form, although the phonetic considerations behind it 
are sound, — the meaning is not, since Indra was a storm god in 
the beginning and only ultimately a 'subduer', — that etymology 
itself has made so little impression on scholars that it has 



5^10 Herbert William Magoun 

been consistently ignored by them. It must have been in mind 
when Professor Lanman expressed the opinion in his Reader 
that none of the proposed etymologies of Indra are satisfactory. 
If this particular etymology is left without support, that decision 
jnay still hold and hold justly. 

Any etymology that is to be satisfactory must take into con- 
sideration — this was the method actually employed and employed 
intentionally without any reference to what others had done — 
the native Aryan immigrant, facing the new conditions, with the 
mentality of that day, including its limitations. Having had 
experience with a tornado (Grinnell, Iowa, June 17, 1882), I was 
in a position to get some idea of what was, involved. The mental 
picture of a driving storm led straight to the idea of a 'Driver.' 
Then came a painstaking effort to determine whether Indra had 
in it any such idea. It certainly seemed as though it did, and the 
facts of the language agreed in all details. Whatever else may be 
said of this new tentative suggestion, it appears to have been 
reached by a totally different road from that employed by the 
lexicon, since verbal form seems to have first influenced the lexi- 
cographer, while the basic idea behind the word itself was what 
led to these conclusions. 

■^AMBRTOGE, MASSACHUSETTS. 



THE LIFE-INDEX: A HINDU FICTION-MOTIF* 

Ruth Norton 

Fellow in Sanskrit, Johns Hopkins University 

One of the most clearly recognized of man's instinctive 
desires is the wish for length of days and the assurance of safety 
for mortal life in a precarious existence. In spite of his nearly 
universal belief in a life after death, man has always possessed 
this longing. It is not surprising, then, that it appears again 
and again as one of the fiction-motifs of nearly every folk of 
the world. Rather more surprising is the fact that in the folk- 
lore of many nations there is one prime means of securing 
human life from any injury. This method is to make life 
dependent upon some external object, and then to guard the 
object in every w?iy possible. Such an object is known to 
students of folklore as the Life-Index, 

Parallel to this in the minds of both primitive and civilized 
man is the almost equally great desire to know of the health 
and well-being of an absent friend. Here folklore again gives 
an index as the solution of the problem. This is, as it were, 
the passive form of the motif ; it is the harm done to the person 
that affects the index, while in the active aspect the life of the 
individual is destroyed if the index is injured. A further 
'corollary is developed in the case of the passive index, namely, 
that a man travelling in distant lands may know of the state of 
his harem by a token which he carries. 

After this short introduction it may be seen how naturally 
the great mass of material falls into two main groups. The 
subject has been so divided by other writers who have treated 
it from time to time,^ and I follow their lead in the matter. I 

« 

* This highly condensed account of the Life-Index as it appears in Hindu 
fiction is to be regarded as a contribution to the 'Encyclopedia* of Hindu 
fiction motifs proposed by Professor Bloomfield some years ago {JA08 36. 
5.4 ff.), to which several other contributions have already been made by 
Professor Bloomfield and others (compare Dj-. W. N. Brown *b article in 
this volume). 

^ Hartland, E. S. : The Legend of Perseus, ii. 1-54 et passim. Cf . also 
his article in Hastings: Encyclopedia of Religion and EtMcs, viii. 44 ff. — 
Clouston, W. A. ; Popular Tales and Fictions, i, 168 fP. — ^Macculloch, J. A. -. 
The Childhood of Fiction, pp. 118 ff. — Frazer, J. G.: The Golden Bough, 
2nd Ed., xi. 95 ff. Of these the first two writers employ the term *life- 
'index', while Maceulloch uses 'separable soul*, and Frazer ^external soul.' 



212 Buth Norton 

cannot hope to add materially to the discussion of the motif, but 
perhaps by treating the subject from the point of view of Hindu 
fiction alone, where it is encountered often and in varying forms, 
it may become possible to clarify a few points left in a hazy or 
unsatisfactory condition. 

I. The Active Indexr 

It seems fitting that the story chosen to illustrate the active 
index should be the version which appears in Miss Frere's Old 
Deccan Days (pp. 1 ff.) under the title 'Punchkin,' since the 
book is the first of a long series of collections of Hindu -tales, 
and since the tale itself has become the locus classicus for the 
motif in certain cases.^ In relating the story I shall limit' 
myself to the portion dealing directly with the motif under dis- 
cussion. 

Punchkin is a magician who has enchanted seven royal 
brothers, and finally stolen the wife of the seventh. ' The son 
of this unhappy woman is brought up by his sorrowing aunts 
until he is fourteen, when he plans to find his lost family, if 
possible. After a long journey, he comes to a land which seems 
full of stones, rocks, and trees, in the midst of which stands a 
palace, and nearby the small house of a Malee. From the 
Malee's wife the young man hears the story of the enchantment 
of his father and uncles as well as of the long imprisonment of 
his mother, who will not submit to marriage with Punchkin. 
After several attempts he discovers himself to his mother and 
with her assistance learns the location of * Punchkin 's index, 
which is carefully described. 'Far, far away, hundreds of 
thousands of miles from this, there lies a desolate country cov- 
ered with thick jungle. In the midst of the jungle grows a 
circle of palm trees, and in the center of the circle stand six 
chattees full of water, piled one above another: below the sixth 
chattee is a small cage which contains a little green parrot;— 
on the life of the parrot depends my life;— and if the parrot is 
killed I must die. It is, however, . . . impossible that the 
parrot should sustain any injury, both on account of the 
inaccessibility of the country, and because, by my appointment, 
many thousand genii surround the palm trees and kill aU who 
approach the place.' • 

Nothing daunted, the prince sets out to obtain the parrot and 
succeeds with the timely aid of two young eagles that he has 

'Of. aodd, E.: 'The Philosopliy of Punchkin', FolMore, ii. 289 ff. 



The Life-Index '■ 213 

* 

rescued. Since he holds the parrot, he is able to force Punch- 
kin to lift his spells, upon which he dismembers the parrot. 
Punchkin suffers a like mutilation, but does not finally die until 
the bird's neck is wrung. 

The active index seldom occurs in the literature of India, but 
the few appearances show it in its normal state. In Section 135 
of the Vana Parva of the Mahabharata, the life of Medhavi, the 
son of Valadhi, the sage, is made dependent upon the everlast- 
ing mountains as a reward for his father's piety. The son, who 
is not of the same temperament as his father, learns this, grows 
arrogant, and insults the hermits. In punishment for this 
irreverence, the leader of the hermits ends the youth's life by 
causing the mountains which were the 'nimitta^ of his life to 
be destroyed by buffaloes^ Another story, purporting to come 
from a literary source, may also be treated here. In a Telugu 
version of the conflict of Rama and Havana, supposedly trans- 
lated from a Sanskrit version of the Jaimini Bharata, after 
Hanuman has freed Rama and Lakshmana from Ravana (called 
Mairavana) , he attempts to kill the demon, but does not succeed 
until on the advice of Dordandi, the sister of Ravana, he secures 
the five bees which contain the five vital airs of Ravana, and 
which are situated on a mountain 60,000 kos away.^ A further 
example of the index, from the Katha Sarit Sagara, will be 
treated in a group to which it is closely allied. 

In folklore the index appears as any conceivable object, ani- 
mate or inanimate. It may be a necklace; when it is worn by 
an enemy the owner becomes to all intents and purposes life- 
less; when it is removed by the enemy at night, however, the 
owner "returns to life.* A hero is forced into a 'long sleep', 
because his jewel is thrown into the sea.^ Jiilg's Kalmuckische 
Mdrchen gives two good instances of a talisman belonging to 

' Wilson, H. H. : Descriptive Catalogue of the Mackenzie Mss., i. 329. 
The story is cited by Clouston, op. cit., i. 350, who has failed to note the 
interesting fact that in the same volume of the Catalogue, p. 218, the 
story appears without any reference to this motif, thus showing how the 
folk-motif has made its way ill to single versions of literary works, other- 
wise identical. 

*Frere: op. dt., pp. 230, 241; Steel, T. A., and Temple, E. C: Wide- 
Awalce Stories, p. 83; Day, L. B.: Folk-Tales of Bengal, p. 2. In the 
first two stories the necklace was stolen from the owner; in the other two 
it had been secreted in a fish and carefully guarded in a distant river or 
in the pool before the palace. 

'Crooke, W. : 'Folktales of Hindustan', Ind. Ant. rri. 188. 



214 Buth Norton 

« 

the khan of a certain country. When the talisman is thrown 
on the ground, the khan's nose bleeds until he dies.^ Again, 
a pair of earrings with diva's impression are thrown into the 
fire, and when the impression is defaced the owner dies. He 
is revived when his brother repairs the image.' 

The sword figures as index for a heroic prince in a cycle of 
stories best classed under the tale of 'Prince Lionheart and his 
Three Friends', a story containing many interesting elements, 
not the least interesting of which is the appearance of both 
active and passive indices. The prince's life depends upon his 
sword, which an old witch obtains by working upon the feelings 
of the prince 's wife. When the sword is heated the prince feels 
a fever creeping over him, and tries to save himself by recover- 
ing the sword. A rivet falls from the hilt, however, and as the 
hilt drops the head of the prince drops as well. Lionheart and 
his princess, who has been abducted meanwhile, are in a very 
unhappy plight, until the three friends discover his death, 
thanks to the barley plants he has left with them as tokens 
(passive indices), and come to his rescue. The blacksmith, 
forges a new rivet, the knife-grinder polishes the blade, and the 
carpenter rescues the fair princess.^ 

The other stories vary the details slightly, but the similarity 
of the motif is recognizable thruout. In one story the hilt does 
not -fall, and the blade is merely clouded by the fire. Since the 
end of the sword remains bright, a friendly giant, added in 
this version, polishes the rest of the sword, and so gradually 
rescues his friend.^ Another, and a very poor, version of the 
story changes the details of the passive index, but gives the 
incident of the sword in substantially the same way as the last 
story, except that the sword is tended and (as it were) nursed 
back toliealth( !), without any definite means being described.^* 
A further variant makes the sword the index of a giant. The 
passive index is the same as above." The story in a still more 
mutilated form is also told of a Yaka.^^ Other variants give 
different methods of cleaning the sword; in one it is restored 
by 'authorization of the Deity' (a sort of unnamed deus ex 

■"See p. 58; p. 23 mentians a talisman of the same sort, but this may 
be considered an index only by inference. Jiilg, p. 23=: Busk, R. H.: 
Sagas of the Far East, p. 58 ; Jiilg, p. 58 = Busk, p. 133. 

"WHson: op. cit., ii. 53. « Steel and Temple: op. mt., p. 47. 

° Chilli, Shaik : Folk-tales of Hindustan, p. 51. 

'"Parker, H.: Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon, i. 165. 

^'Ilid., ii. 162 ff. ^^'lUd., iii. 35 ff. 



The Life-Index 215 

machina!), in another it is cleaned at a^-iver, while in a third 
it is polished with limes of the tree left as passive index.^^ The 
Katha Sarit Sagara has the sword as index in one story, but 
here it is the wife of the owner who destroys it, and Durga who 
restores its brightness.^ 

In the case of the 'Lionheart' stories, the sword is burned 
by an enemy of the prince, usually for the purpose of stealing 
his beautiful wife; in a story from Salsette the prince forgets 
the sword, it rusts, and his friends appear just in time to save 
his life by polishing the blade/^ 

Leaving this group of tales, we find others using the inani- 
mate index. A Pamir story tells of a giant whose head always 
flies on again, as fast as cut off, until the hero is informed of 
his life-index. Two stones lying on either side of him are to be 
broken open, the heads of two magpies that emerge from them 
are to be cut off from the left; the stick by his side is to be 
broken across the knee, and the lamp inside it quenched in 
water; the warning is added that if any of these instructions 
are disregarded the giant will not die.^® In a story from the 
Shans the breath of life of a group of ogres is in an urn, and 
their life is so tied up in the string of a bow that if one is 
killed the string grows taut, and if the string is stretched all 
will die.^^ A Kashmir story mentions a verandah pillar that 
must be broken, and a second tale gives a long list of indices of 
a demon family, including a spinning-wheel. Another from the 
same group uses an earthen vessel; it is interesting as being 
one of the few cases where the index is pointed out by a relative 
of the demon.^^ 

"2M^., 257, 268, 379. 

"Tawney's tr., i. 386 f. It has been suggested that the story of Vik- 
rama and the Brahmarakshasa (Tawney, ii. 582) is an example belonging 
here. Yikrama draws a picture of the rakshasa in the dust and when he 
cuts off the head of the figure blood flows from the neck of the rakshasa. 
This, however, is not the life-index, for the head of the rakshasa does not 
fall off. Moreover, active indices are not established at will by a third 
person. After a moment's consideration any student of folklore will 
place this motif in the category of black magic. 

"D'Penha, G. F.: 'FolHore of Salsette', Ind. Ant., xvii. 50 ff. 

" Jour, As. Soc. Bengal, xlvi. pt. 1, No. 2. 

" Milne, L. and Cochrane, W. W. : TTie Shans at Home, p. 235. This is 
a very interesting illustration of a combination of the active and passive 
indices. 

" Knowles, J. H. : Folk-Tales of Kashmir, pp. 134, 49, 73. Cf . Wilson, 
cited above. 



216 Buth Norton 

Flowers and trees seem to have had small appeal as indices 
to the tellers of the tales, for we find only scattered references 
to them. Flowers are mentioned in the first story of Miss 
Stokes's collection, entitled Indian Fairy Tales; they are de- 
stroyed while the queen sleeps, but God later revives her. A 
tale from the Salsette adds the interesting item that if one of 
the three index-trees of the rdnkhas is cut he will be stricken 
with a fever, while if all are cut with one blow death will be the 
outcome.^^ A third tale, this time from Bengal, employs the 
lemon as the index of a group of rakshasas; if a lemon is cut 
in half, they also suffer that fate.^° 

Most popular among the indices are the bee find the bird. 
An ogre's life is dependent upon the life of a queen bee, who 
rules a hive of furious bees ; when she finally is brought to the 
ground dead the ogre must follow suit.^^ Or a jinn has his life 
bound up with that of a bee in the crop of a starling in a gold 
cage on the top branch of a solitary tree, guarded by a savage 
horse and a ferocious dog, which can, moreover, only be killed 
by a prince named Lionheart. The jinn's secret is finally 
wheedled from him by his captive, and Lionheart is informed 
of it, as well as of a means of pacifying the horse and dog. He 
immediately dismembers the bee, kills the jinn, and frees the 
maiden.22 t 

Bengal furnishes us with three more examples of the bee as 
index. In one story ^^ the life of a group rakshasas is bound 
up with a pair of bees. The demons can only be killed on con- 
dition that the lame son of Queen Duha shall cover his eyes with 
a cloth folded seven times, lift a pillar of crystal out of a tank 
at one diving, as well as a knife and a bitter gourd, cut thru 
the pillar at one blow, find the gourd in the center of it, and 
on opening the gourd discover the two bees. He is then to 
smear his hands with ashes, catch the bees as they fly'away, and 
squeeze them to death ; care is to be taken, moreover, that no 
drop of blood falls to the ground, or the demons will become 
twice as numerous. Another story varies this by omitting the 
gourd, knife, and seven folds of cloth. The pillar, however, is 
still crystal, and situated in a tank. The number of rakshasas 

^"D'Penha, G. F.: 'Folk-Lore of Salsette', Ind. Ant., xxii. 249. 
*^Damant, G. H.: 'Bengali Folklore', Ind. Ant., i. 171. 
*^Knowles: op. cit., p. 383. =« Steel and Temple: op. cit., p. 59. 

="Damant, G. H.: 'Bengali Folklore', Ind. Ant., i. 117. This story 
also uses the passive index. 



The Life-Index 217 

to spring up is here one thousand.^* Tlie third story varies the 
matter still more. The bees are explicitly called male and 
female; the pillar is gone, and the receptacle is now a wooden 
box ; moreover, only one with a moon on his forehead and stars 
on the palms of his hands can obtain the box, and if he allows 
one drop of blood to fall to the ground he will be torn in seven 
hundred pieces by the furious demons.^^ Needless to say, in 
each of these cases the hero skilfully and manfully carries out 
all the requirements, and rescues the captive lady, who has 
helped him by obtaining the secret from the demons. 

'By far the most popular index of all is the bird, the index 
of Punchkin ; but we find little variety in its use. It seems, in 
fact, that the bird can only be killed by having its neck wrung, 
and, even when the dismemberment is protracted, that is always 
the outcome. The true scope of the narrator's imagination is 
to be found, not in the manner of the bird's death, but in the 
intricate details of its protection. 

In the stories that use the bird as index the hero is uncom- 
monly fortunate, for the bird is often directly pointed out to 
him or even placed in his hands. This is true of a series of 
stories, some of them more or less alike in other details.^^ It 
is not always so, however, for the wise demon usually guards his 
index well; only a brave and' fortunate man can reach it. 
Sometimes it is merely in a cage on a tree in a distant forest,^ ^ 
or on a distant island ;^^ but such comparatively slight obstacles 
seldom occur. It is rather found that the bird is at some dis- 
tance in a cage, on the head of a fat snake, on top of a tree 
surrounded by tigers, bears, scorpions, and serpents ;^^ or in a 
cage hung on a shaft in the middle of 'seven and seven seas', 
which no man has ever crossed;^" or yet again the bird is in a 
nest in a tree on the other side of the sea, while an added injunc- 
tion recalls the case of the bees, for no blood may fall to the 
ground when the bird is killed.^^ A further instance makes the 
difficulty of procuring the bird greater by placing it on a red 

"Day: op. cit., p. 81. ^^ Ibid., p. 243. 

'"Stokes: op. cit., p. 59; Day: op. cit., p. 116 ff.; Ejiowles: op. cit., 
p. 49 (here a large group); Chilli: op. cit., p. 114 (again a long list); 
Parker: op. cit., i. 190; Damant: Ind. Ant., 1. 171. 

" Crooke, W.: 'Folklore in Hindustan', Ind. Ant., xxii. 324. 

"^Wadia, P. T. H.: 'Folklore in Western India', Ind. Ant., xvi. 191. 

" Stokes : op. cit., p. 58. 

™ Venketswami, M. N.: 'Folk-Tales of the Central Provinces', Ind. 
Ant., xxvi. 108. ^^ Stokes : op. cit., p. 187. 



218 Buth Norton 

stone in an impenetrable rock, only to be opened with the 
magical formula, 'Great Raven, open the door.'^^ Again, there 
are two birds, one of which is to be freed, while the other is to 
be killed.'^ And finally, life rests in an egg inside the bird; 
the egg is to be broken in two.^* 

The few remaining cases of the active index in Hindu fiction 
are perhaps of more interest than some of the foregoing, because 
of the choice of the index or additional details. In a story in 
Chilli's Folk-Tales of Hindustan (p. 114), the life of a family 
of demons is dependent upon an aviary containing various 
kinds of birds. The hero kills all except a peahen, which is the 
index of the ogress queen who has injured his mother. In other 
versions of the story the prince takes the index home and dis- 
poses of it, usually after dismemberment; here the idea is 
added that when the peahen is forced to da^ce the ogress must 
do the same. A second tale illustrates the same sympathetic 
relation between the index and its owner. After catching two 
'bohmae' birds, which have their nest in a cotton-tree in the 
midst of the sea, the hero dismembers them while still distant 
from the magician whose index they are. On reaching the 
home of the magician, he is joined by the inevitable captive 
lady, and, since he still holds the heads of the birds, he is fol- 
lowed on his way by the head df his victim. On the road home 
they pass a burning oven, into which the young man throws the 
two heads, whereupon the magician's head follows and is 
destroyed.^ ^ 

An unusual location for the index is found in Ramaswami 
Raju's Tales of the Sixty Mandarins (p. 182), where the toad- 
index is hidden in the center of a great rock by the summer 
palace of the father of the kidnapped princess. The princess, 
who is imprisoned with nine hundred and ninety-nine other 
maidens in an invisible castle in the clouds, informs her father , 
by dropping down her slipper with a message within it. 

The only example of one mortal as another's index occurs in 
O'Connor's Folk-Tales of Tibet (pp. 113 f.), where a boy is the 
index of a giant, who hides him in a subterranean chamber. 
Here, again, a magic formula, 'Open, blank waU,' must be 
uttered in order to jeach the boy. Still more unusual is the 



82 



O'Connor, W. F. T.: Folk-Tales from Tibet, p. 154. 
""Wadia, P. T. H.: 'Folklore in Western India', Ind. Ant., vTrii. 318. 
"Shovona Devi: Orient Pearls, p. 123. 

""Bompas, C. H.: Folklore of the Santal Parganas (Bodding, collector), 
p. 224. 



The Life-Index 219* 

story among the Khasis, that the life of a king depends upon his 
own entrails, which he must wash daily, without allowing any- 
one else to secure them.^J The last of a long and varied series 
of indices is that of the demon Jalandhara, who in his war with 
the gods proved invulnerable until Vishnu, having assumed his 
form, consorted with his wife Vrinda, for her chastity alone was. 
the index of the demon *s strength, and hence of his life.^'' 

Before turning to a few more general matters which must be 
discussed in connection with the active life-index, I wish to point 
out a distinction not often made by writers on this subject. 
A Siamese story gives a further version of the conflict of Rama 
and Ravana; Thossakan (Ravana) actually removes his life 
from his body and puts it in a box, which he leaves in the cave 
of a hermit. Hanuman discovers the location of the soul, dis- 
guises himself as Thossakan, secures it, and hurries back ta 
Rama thru the air, waving the box violently. The force of the 
motion is fatal to the soul, so Thossakan falls lifeless.^ ^ This, 
however, is not a real example of the life-index: there is no- 
index here at all, but a removal of the life from the body tem- 
porarily for greater safety. It belongs to the same class as the- 
frame-story of Pancatantra IV, where the clever monkey out- 
wits the crocodile by telling him that his heart is in a fig on a 
tree by the river. This latter instance is a case of bluif , but is- 
based on a belief in the possibility of such things.^* 

If the index is so well hidden, it may be asked, how does the 
hero learn its location? There are two usual methods; the 
index is either pointed out directly, as noted above in connection 
with the bird-index, or the hiding-place is discovered by trick- 
ery. In the latter case, the informant is either consciously in 
league with the hero, as in the story of - Punchkin, or she is 
tricked by some enemy of her husband or father, as in the tales 
of Lionheart. The problem of gaining access to an exception- 



"•^ Gurdon, P. E. T. : The Khasi^, p. 183. 

^^ Ramabai (R. D. M.) : ' The Legend af Tulasi as Told in Southern 
India by the Orthodox,' Ind. Ant., xvi. 154 ff. This story is told to^ 
emphasize the power of a wife's chastity, which accounts for the unusual 
index. 

"^Bastian, A.: Die VolTcer des Oestlichen Asiens, iv. 340 f. 

°® Cf . also Jat. 208, and the versions of the Pancatantra. I introduce- 
this case here in order to call attention to the sharp distinction between 
these two themes, and to correct the treatment found, e. g., in Macculloch 's 
CMldhood of Fiction, p. 131, where they are, if not quite confused, at least- 
not clearly enough separated. 



220 Ruth Norton 

ally well-guarded index is solved by the intraduction of tlie 
helpful animal motif. Often the hero- kills a cobra that is 
attacking the nest of a pair of birds, absent at the time to obtain 
food for their young. On their return they reward the bene- 
factor by giving him the two young birds he has saved ; with the 
timely aid of the latter the hero fulfils his mission. 

A final question greeting the student of the life-index relates 
to the choice of index. What may be considered the criterion ? 
An extended study has not resulted in a (definite conclusion. 
Except in the case of flowers the index possesses indefinite per- 
manence, a requirement governing the choice of mountains, or 
a jewel, or a sword; it may also be a bird or insect of propor- 
tionately long life. The smallness of an object may be taken 
into consideration, on account of the ease with which it may be 
hidden. It is difficult, however, to explain the choice of a boy, 
or of flowers, things transitory in themselves, unless it may be 
due to the fact that the story-tellers gradually became indiffer- 
ent to the main idea of security, and began to seek new and 
varied repositories of the soul. It may be noted also that the 
boy is very securely guarded.**^ 

II. The Passive Index 

The passive index shows the reverse side of the picture, being 
used to learn the condition of absent friends. While this motif, 
too, has many illustrations, it is, in the main, simple. A plant, 
or some object closely associated with the departing person, is 
usually chosen ; the appearance of this token is dependent upon 
the condition of the traveller. 

As example of the passive index I choose the only case known 
to me from Hindu literature. In Jataka 506 the Future 
Buddha, who has been born as a Naga king, when about to leave 
for the fulfilment of his vows of fasting, tells his wife : ' If any- 
one strike me or do me hurt, the water in this pool will become 
turbid. If a roc bird carry me off, the water will disappear. 



40 



No very clear distinetioiL as to the choice of a life-index appears to 
be made between mortal men and supernatural beings. Yet there does, 
perhaps, seem to be a tendency for a mortal's index to be some inanimate 
object closely connected mth him, as a sword, a jewel, or a necklace. 
However, in one story (Parker, op. cit., i. 190), a parrot is the index of 
a human being. The mountains of Mbh. 3. 135 are clearly regarded as 
extraordinary. With demons and the like, the range of objects used as 
indices is much greater. 



The Life-Index^ ^^1 

If ar snake-charmer seize me, the water will turn to the color of 
blood; '^^ The serpent-king is caught, and the pool accordingly 
turns blood-red. 

In folklore there is likewise a less imposing array of instances 

of the passive index. Chief among them is the tree or plant. 

Each of several men, who are on the point of separating, plants 

a tree; on returning to this spot, any of them may learn the 

condition of the others by examining their trees.*^ A Bengali 

tale describes a prince who plants a tree in the palace court, 

and leaves it as a sign of his health. The fading of the leaves 

shows his danger at the hands of a rakshasi, so his younger 

brother goes to his rescue.*® Still another Bengali story uses a 

plant as index. When Queen Duha's lame son goes out to find 

the tree with golden branches, which alone can cure his father's 

blindness, he leaves a plant with his mother, informing her that 

its fading means misfortune, and its death his death.*^ Flowers 

on a tree* are the token of a boy in a tale from Ceylon.*^ If 

cut flowers are given as an index, they will not fade unless the 

donor is in trouble. In a tale from the Central Provinces, the 

departing hero leaves one wife a flower which will become black 

if he dies, and bids her follow him if this occurs.** A princess 

in a Punjabi tale presents her sister with a flower as a token 

of her health,*"^ and a girl gives her brother a flower for the 

same purpose.*^ Unhusked rice is given to their sister by seven 

brothers, when they go to find the sun and moon for her; but 

no use is made of the token later in the story.*® 

The Lionheart cycle employs the passive index, with as much 
diversity in the variants as in the case of the active index. The 
story, as given by Steel and Temple,^** uses a barley plant, which 
is left by the prince with each of his friends; in Ceylon the 
preference seems to be for a lotus flower,^^ or a lime tree,^^ or 



41 
42 



Cambridge Translation, iv. 283. 

Julg: op. dt., p. 5 = Busk: op. cit., p. 106. *^Day: op. cit., p. 182. 

**Damant, G. H. : ^Bengali Folklore,^ Ivd. Ant., i. 116. 

** Parker: op. cit., iii. 78. 

*^ Venketswami, M. N. : 'Folklore in the Central Provinces,' Ind. Ant., 
TTnri. 450. 

*^ Swynnerton, C. : Bomantic Tales from the Panjah, with Indian Nights ' 
Entertainments, p. 460. • ^ Wilson : op. cit., ii. 52. 

* Shakespear, J. : The Lushei Kuki Clans, p. 182. 

"Op. dt., p. 52. °^ Parker: op. cit., iii. 254. 

'^Ihid., iii. 376. A flowering tree of vague species occurs iii. 268. 



222 Ruth Norton 

even both.^^^ The three Yakas, who are the three friends in one 
version, choose a lime tree, a flower tree, and a lotus pond. 
When the eldest is killed by the burning of his sword, his second 
brother cleans the sword with the limes; when the latter is 
struck down by pestilence, his brothers offer the flowers to the 
gods as a cure. Unfortunately, we are not informed of the cure 
in case the lotus pond had become muddy.^* In the Salsette 
version of the tale we have a plant of no particular variety, 
which will fade if the prince becomes ill, and die if he dies. 
When the prince neglects the sword, it is because of the timely 
warning given by the fading plant that the friends arrive in 
time to save his life.^^ Many details of the story of Ta-ywa, 
^ told by the Karens, are like the Lionheart cycle, tho.the 
entire story is not parallel. Here, again, plants are the index 
of Ta-ywa 's life and health.^® 

Milk is a frequent index, signifying the danger or death of 
a person by turning to blood. In a Bengali story a mother 
leaves some milk from her own breast with her son, warning him 
that the milk will turn red if his father is killed, and even red- 
der if she herself is also killed. Later the woman's co-wife, 
who is an ogress, kills the man and woman, and the sons of the 
two wives flee, warned by the change in color of the milk. The 
jsame incident is related by the Santal Parganas, except that in 
this story the mothers are cow and tiger.^'^ Added to the change 
of milk to blood, in Shovona Devi's Orient Pearls,^^ is an arrow 
stuck bolt upright in the bowl of milk. If the milk is discolored, 
the six brothers are in danger; if the arrow in the bowl falls, 
they are dead. At the first sign of danger, the youngest is 
urged to come to their rescue. ^The change of milk to blood is 
used as a token in Miss Frere's Old Deccan Days (p. 263), 
where the taste of milk is like blood to the young wife, after her 
husband has been killed. This, however, was not given as an 
index by the husband on his departure. 



S3 
S4 
5i 
M 

B7 



'Ihid., i. 162; ii. 165 f. 

' lUd., iii, 35 ff . For the pond ef . Jat. 506, cited above. 
D'Penha, G. F.: ^Folklore in Salsette,' Ind. Ant., xvii. 54, 104 ff. 
'Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, 1865, pt. 2, No. 2, p. 184. 

Day: ep. dt., p. 68; Bompas (Bedding): op. dt,, p. 321. The 
second story is parallel with the first thru this incident, but does not coii- 
tinue beyond it. Here it may be noted that among the Santal Parganas 
hunters' wives place water under the bed at night; if it turns red, game 
has been killed (Bompas: op. dt., p. 417). =«P. 30. 



The Life-Index 223 

Very few inanimate, material objects are employed as passive 
indices. When a girl drops her needle she will know that her 
sister is in trouble.^® A departing husband leaves a lighted 
lamp with his wife; it is to keep burning as long as he lives. 
Another leaves her the Mangaldsusram, which he had hung 
around her neck at the wedding ceremony, and which is to turn 
black at his death. ®*^ Another story gives a string of beads and 
a flower as the indices of two princes, when they go out, one 
after the other, to find the enchanted bird, music, and stream.^^ 

The motivation of the passive index differs from that of the 
active index, in that the passive index is generally selected by 
the person indexed, while the active index is simply assigned by 
fate, or, which perhaps means the same thing, taken for granted 
without any statement of the instrumentality which made the 
selection and assignment of it. In this respect the chastity 
index, which we shall presently discuss, is like the passive life- 
index, of which in fact it is only a variant. It is regularly the 
wife who chooses the token that is to be an indication of her 
conduct ; only in the Katha Sarit Sagara story of Guhasena and 
'Devasmita (see below), the tokens are assigned by a god; pos- 
sibly the fact that they are in this case mutual and reciprocal 
may have something to do with this. 

III. The Chastity Index 

If the friends remaining at home are anxious to know the fate 
of the distant traveller, it is not surprising that the absent hus- 
band should desire to be kept informed of the security and 
fidelity of his beautiful wife at home. This corollary to the 
passive index may best be called the chastity-index. It appears 
twice in the Katha Sarit Sagara, first in the story of Guhasena 
and Devasmita, to each of whom Siva gave a red lo^us, with the 
warning that infidelity on the part of either would cause the 
other ^s flower to fade.®^ The second instance is the story of 
Bhanadatta, whose wife has disappeared but has not proved 

** Swynnerton : op. cit., p. 461. Her own index is a flower; see above. 

*"Damant, G. H.: Ind. Ant., i. 218; Venketswami, M. N., ihich, xxxi. 
449. 

*^Draeott, A. E.: Simla Village Tales, pp. 204 ff. This is a very good 
version of the story of the speaking bird, the singing tree, and the yellow 
water, familiar from the Arabian Nights; see Burton, E.: Supplemental 
Nights, Vol. IH, p. 510. "- Tawney's tr., i. 86. 



224 Buth Norton 

untrue to him, and whose garland has therefore not withered.*^ 
In the Tuti Nameh«* the token is a rose, and in the Tota Kahani 
it is a bouquet of flowers that will wither if the wife proves 
false.«^ 

From the foregoing detailed account of the occurrence of the 
life-index in Hindu fiction, one fact is conspicuous; the motif 
belongs to folklore, and not primarily to literature. It is a con- 
ception current among the folk, based, as has been observed, 
upon instinctive desire. It does not stand alone as the keynote 
of the story, but is one of the many motifs employed to orna- 
ment the story, and is often adscititious. It is not limited to 
combination with any particular motif, and may be inserted in 
any story; yet it is an integral part of two cycles, 'Lionheart', 
and 'The Son of Seven Mothers'. It wanders freely, and where 
it is incorporated into the literature, this is often due to folk- 
influence upon a single version, as in the Telugu version of the 
Jaimini Bharata, mentioned above. The development of the 
passive index into the faith-index is, however, apparently a liter- 
ary product, since it appears there in its best form. 

The interrelation of this double motif, and its possible con- 
nection with folk-practices, are questions that must interest any 
student of ethnology. The problem, however, must remain 
unsolved until further study of the motif, as found among other 
peoples and nations, shall provide a broader basis for its solu- 
tion. Its relation to folk-magic and folk-medicine, as suggested 
by Frazer in volume 11 of The Golden Bough (2nd Ed., pp. 95 
ff.), may then be discussed with some hope of success. Such a 
relation may prove to exist in the final analysis, tho it is not 
evident from the material at the disposal of the Indologist alone. 
Be that as it may, it is hoped that the present treatment of the 
Hindu aspect of this interesting folk-motif will serve to throw 
some light upon the topic when such a" study is eventually 
undertaken. 

Baltimore, Maryland. 

"^lUd., ii. 600 f. Swynnerton, op. cit., p. 335, has also a flower as the 
tol^en. •« Rosen's tr., i. 109. 

•^ I am indebted for this last reference to Parker, op. cit., i. 165, where 
are also to be found other references to the life-index motif (ef. indices 
to the three volumes). The notes in Steel and Temple, op. dt., also afford 
a few further parallels. I wish also to acknowledge my indebtedness to 
Professor Mam-ice Bloomfield and to Dr. W. Norman Brown for additional 
material, as well as for helpful suggestions in the treatment of the subject. 



THE VBDIC PRESS-STONES 

Samuel Grant Oliphant 
Professor of Greek, Grove City College 

; A STUDY of the Vedic press-stones may well begin with an 
examination of the Avestan implements for braying the haoma, 
since we may trace there in smaller compass and clearer outline 
the means employed in that pre-ethnic period from which both 
Iranian and Indian customs descend and develop. 

In the Avesta the two words hdvana and havana are used to 
designate these implements. These are the etymological equiva- 
lents of the Sanskrit sdvana and savana, but the denotation is 
very different in the two languages. 

Havana is a masculine noun and is not found in the singular 
or the plural/ but only as an elliptic dual. It is the far more 
frequent^ designation for the Avestan press, the mortar and 
pestle, used in braying the shoots of haoma. In Ys. 27. 7, and 
Vsp. 12. 2, this dual hdvana changes into a heterogeneous femi- 
nine singular, found only in the genitive form hdvanayds,^ as 
a collective designation for the mortar and pestle. 

In one instance only (Vd. 14. 10, yaesdm zayandm vastryehe 
fsuycmto . . . asmana hdvana, 'of which implements of the 
cattle-raising husbandman [is] the stone hdvana^) is the word 
cited for other than the mortar and pestle of the haoma ritual. 
Here Bartholomae would give it the wider sense of a press for 
wine, oil, or fruit, but as we have ydvarenem zgeresno • vayBaium 
(*the round-headed pestle') in the immediate context, and as 

^ The unique plural form hdvanaeihyo in Nir. 81, in the MSS. and the 
editions of Darmesteter and Sanjana, has no justification as a plural and 
Bartholomae (col. 1713) properly emends it to the normal dual hdvanaeiiya. 

=^The N. A. V. form havana is found in Ys. 22. 2% 21^; 24. 2^; 25. 2=^; 
Vsp. 11. 2\ 4"; 12. 5^; Gah 4. 5'; Vd. 5. 39, 40; 19. 9. The I. D. Ab. 
form httvanaeibya is found in Vsp. 10. 2^; Yt. 10. 91; Afr. 4. 5; Nir. 
81; 108 (where it is to be supplied again with asdnaenaeihya) . This list 
is probably not exhaustive. 

^ In transliterating, I have followed the scheme of Bartholomae in his 
Worterbuch with a few changes for typographical convenience. Thus for 
the anaptyctic vowels, I have e and i ^respectively; a (a with tilde) 
for a with nasal hottk; n for the first nasal; t for the last dental; c and j 
without breves. 



226 Samuel Grant Oliphant 

the word yavarena naturally suggests the pestle as used in 
crushing grain (Av. yavo, Sk. yavas), hdvana would seem here 
to designate the ordinary household mortar and pestle with 
which the corn was crushed. The Pahlavi commentary explains 
zurtdk i art, the Pahlavi rendering of yavarena, as dsyak e pa 
dost ( ' a handmill ' ) . 

The other word, havana, is used in the singular in Ys. 10. 2^, 
and Nir. 107, as a collective name for the haoma press. In the 
former passage we have mention of the fratarcm havanem (the 
lower h., or mortar) and of the uparem havanem^ (the upper h., 
or pestle). In the Nir. 107, daityo ainyo havano ddityo ainyo 
[havano] ('the one h. and the other h. is thus lawful'), we may 
have a reference to the same upper and lower havana, or, more 
likely, to the havana of metal (ayanhanaeihya) and the havana 
of earth (zemaenaeibya) mentioned in the first line of the pas- 
sage. The elliptic dual is used with the same meaning, 'mortar 
and pestle, ' in Vd. 14. 8, havana ddityo ■ kerda, and also in 
Nir. 107, according to the Mss. and editions of Darmesteter and 
San j ana, but Bartholomae would here emend to the more fre- 
quent hdvanaeihya. 

The hdvana may be asmana^ (stone) or ayanha^na (metal, 
prob. copper or bronze, but Bartholomae renders it by 'eisen 
with an interrogation point), according to Ys. 22. 2, 21; 24. 2 
25. 2; Vsp. 10. 2; 11. 2, 4; 12. 5; Gah 4. 5. The havana 
according to Nir. 107, may be ayanhaena or zemaena (of earth) 
but not astaena (bone), or drva^na (wood), or fravdxsaena 
(horn). 

The priest that has charge of the mortar and pestle and of the 
preparation of the haoma is called hdvanan (Vsp. 3. 1 ; Yt. 10. 
90; Gah 3. 5; Vyt. 15; Vd. 5. 57, 58; Nir. 68, 72, 79, 81, 82). 
He ranks next to the Zaotar, or chief priest, and stands first 
among the seven Ratavo, or subordinate priests. 

The act of braying the haoma is expressed by the verb hunaoiti 
(Ys. 27. 7; Vsp. 12. 2, 3; Yt. 9. 3, 4; Vd. 6. 43; 18. 12; Nir. 
68, 72), cognate to the Sanskrit sunoti, which designates the 
same act. The motion of the pestle is described by the verb 
fra-savaiti (Ys. 27. 7; Vsp. 12. 2, 5) cognate to the Sanskrit 
cyavate (cf. grdvacyuto, VS. 7. 26^; ^B. 4. 2. 5. 2: [grdvdnas] 

*'Dans les Jciryds de Pt.* ad Y. XXVIII. 1, le pilon est appele *'apar 
Jidvan." ' Darmesteter, Le ZA, p. 98. 

•*The Pahlavi version consistently renders asmana by asimen, * silver,' 
whence Darmesteter regularly has *d 'argent.' 



The Vedic Fress-8tones 227 

acucyavus, RV. 8. 42. 4^ : and hdstacyutebhir ddrihhis 9. 11. 5*) . 
The act of * throwing the pestle into gear^ is expressed by the 
verb vimant (Nir. 72),^ cognate to the Sanskrit manthati. 
In this same passage (Nir. 72) we have the other name for a 
pestle, anhavoma, not cited as occurring elsewhere, but designat- 
ing the haoma pestle. 

Of the two words hdvana and havana, each designating the 
mortar and pestle, we have seen that the former alone may 
designate aught else than the haoma implements and that when 
so used the pestle had a distinctive name that was suggestive 
of its use in pounding corn. The latter, on the other hand, is 
found indicating only the implements for braying the haoma. 
This may indicate an original distinction as generic and specific. 
Not a single verb or adjective seems to be common to both of 
them, but this may be due to the few instances of havana. 

For the Avesta this is practically the whole story of the 
nomenclature. We see that the mortar and pestle were the 
implements used for braying the haoma. The vocabulary is 
simple and definite. So great has been the conservatism of suc- 
ceeding generations that hdvan became the New Persian word 
for mortar and ydvar, or ydr, for pestle; and the mortar and 
pestle are the implements still used by the Parsis for braying 
the modern * haoma.* 

Plutarch {de Iside et Osiride, II. 369E) refers to the haoma- 

WOrship of the Magi as follows : -rroav ydp rwa KOTTTOvTes OfxwfiL kuXov- 
fjievrjv iv oX/aoi, tov aSi/v avaKaXovvrai kol tov ctkotov ' clra /iii^avrcs aifiaTi 
\vKOV a'<f>ay€VTO<Sf «is tottov dviyAiov iK<f>€pov(Ti /cat piTTTOva-L. /cat yap rStv 
<f}VTS>v vofxC^ovcTL TO. fitv TOV oyadov deov, ra Se tov kukov Baifiovo^ elvai . 

It is questionable, however, whether oA/xo? may be made to imply 
the continuance of a stone mortar to Plutarch 's time. 

Anquetil {ZA. II. 534) says the mortar and pestle *doivent 
etre de metal (les riches en ont d 'argent) pour qu'on puisse les 
purifier plus facilement.' Haug {Essays on the Parsis^, 394) 
says that the modern implements are generally of brass or cop- 
per, but 'more valuable metals can be used.' On p. 396 he 
tells us that 'The hdvanlm, or Homa mortar, is generally 
shaped like a wine-glass, with foot and stem, but much larger ; 
and the pestle or dastah, chisel-shfiped at one end, is kept till 
wanted on one side in the large water- vessel. ' Illustrations of 
these implements may be seen in Darmesteter {Le ZA. t. 1, pi. 

" The MSS. and edd. have the corrupt and meaningless vaemandt, happily 
emended by Bartholomae. 



228 Samuel Grant Oliphant ^ 

VI, and also IV). In the latter plate they have been placed on 
the urvis, in front of the Zot. 

Haug (282) gives a good account of the differences between 
the modern Brahmanic and Parsi methods of preparing the soma 

(haoma). 

On turning to the Vedas we are at once struck by the rich 
and diversified vocabulary connected with the press-stones in 
contrast to the jejune and limited one of the Avesta, and with 
the more developed mechanisms. Yet there is unmistakable evi- 
dence for an originally close parallel, even in minor details, to 
the Avestan type. 

RV. 1. 28 is a hymn to be sung during the preparation of the 
soma for the house-holder's sacrifice to Indra, in which the man 
and wife {ndrl 3*) and members of the household {vibadhndte, 
4^, sotfbUh, 8^) prepare the libation, apparently without the 
aid of an Adhvaryu or other priestly assistant. For conven- 
ience of reference the hymn is given here in full. 
Ydtra grdvd prthuhudhna urdhvo hMvati sotave / 
ulukhalasutdndm dved v indra jalgidah // 1 // 
ydtra dvav iva jaghdnddhimvanyd krtd /ulu° // 2 // 
ydtra nary apacyavdm upacyavdm ca siksate /ulu° // 3 // 
ydtra mdnthdm vibadhndte rasmm ydmitavd iva/ulu° // 4 // 
ydc cid dhi tvdm grhe-grha ulukhalaka yujydse / 
ihd dyumdttamam vada jdyatdm iva du7iduhMh // 5 // 
utd sma te vanaspate vdto vi vdty dgram it 
dtho indrdya pdtave sunu somam ulukhala // 6 // 
dyaji vdjasdtamd td hy need vijarhhrtdh / 
hdrl ivdndhdnsi hdpsatd // 7 // 
td no adyd vanaspatl rsvdv rsvehhih sotfbhih / 
indrdya mddhumat sutam // 8 // 
uc chistdm camvdr hhara somam pavitra a srja / 
ni dhehi gor ddhi tvaci // 9 // 

In every re, except the last, of this hymn, we find the mortar 
and pestle either explicitly mentioned or directly implied. 
Thus we have ulukhalasutdndm in 1*^-4*, ulukhalaka in S'', 
ulukhala in 6^, dyaji vdjasdtamd in 7* qualifying the elliptic 
dual understood, and the dual vanaspatl as a metonym for the 
same in 8^. We have also grdvd == ulukhala in 1^, adhimvanyd 
agreeing with the elliptic dual understood in 2^, apacyavdm and 
upacyavdm, the movements of the pestle, in 3^^, nmnthdm, the 
pestle, in 4*, and vanaspate, the same, in 6^. 

We find also a remarkable series of identities or resemblances 
to what we found in the Avesta. 



The Vedic Press-Stones 229 

Thus grdvd (1^), ulukhalaka (5^) aifB ulukhala (6^) are col- 
lective singulars, like fiavana, designating the mortar and pestle 
for braying the soma; prthuhudhna (1^) recalls the traditional 
broad-based mortar of Haug's description; urdhvo (1^) finds a 
parallel either in the uparem havanem of Yasna 10. 2, or in the 
mra/ngs of Yasna 27 that state how at stated times in the per- 
formance of the ritual the Zot raises the pestle to the height of 
his ears or eyes; ulukhalasutdndm (l*-4^) has a parallel in 
hdvanaydsca haomdm hunvaimiya (Vsp. 12. 2) ; the adjectival 
adhisavanyd (2^) in number recalls the elliptic dual hdvana and 
in etymology the Avestan adjective Mvanay-; krtd (2^) is the 
Avestan kereta (Vd. 14. 8) ; apacyavdm upacyavdm ca (3^^), 
as terms for the movements of the pestle, are cognate with the 
Avestan frcbsuiwyd (Ys. 27, 7), fraMvayamnayd (Vsp. 12. 2) 
and frasdvayamna (Vsp. 12. 5), designating the same move- 
ments; mdnthdm (4*), the pestle in gear, recalls the Avestan 
vvmandt (Nir. 72), the verb expressing the act of throwing the 
pestle into gear, and the very word suggests that the Avestan 
mode had some counterpart to vihadhndte rasmm of the context ; 
grhe-grha ulukhalaka yujydse (5^) is represented by hdvana 
. . . frasdvayamna nmdnwya (Vsp. 12. 5) ; dyumdttamam 
[vddanam] (5^), compared with dunduhhih, recalls the clear, 
ringing sounds made, according to the nirangs, by the Zot in 
striking the pestle once, twice, thrice, or four times, against the 
sides of the metal mortar. According to Dadistan (48. 31) 
these summon the powers of Heaven and announce their pres- 
ence, as here they summon Indra. Again the vanaspate (6^) 
and vanaspatl (8^) indicate that one or both implements were 
sometimes, or had at some earlier period been, made of wood. 
The Nirangistan (107) pronounces the wooden havana to be 
aratufris for crushing the haoma, a prohibition that assumes 
such a havana and at legist an occasional use of it for this pur- 
pose. The hypallactic vdjasdtamd (7^) has its equivalent, with- 
out the figure, in haomo aeihis . . zdvare aojdsca haxsaiti (Ys. 
9. 22), and dyafl (7^) has to some extent a parallel in hdvana 
fraoirisimna (Vsp. 12. 5), mddhumat sutam (8°) has an etymo- 
logical counterpart in haomahe maZo (Ys. 10, 8) and in haomdi 
maSdi havanuhdi (Ys. 11. 10). The camvor (9^) are represented 
by the tasta zaoOro • tarana (Vsp. 10. 2; Nir. 66) and pavitra a 
srja (9^) is the Avestan varesdi haomo • amJiarezdndi (Vsp. 10. 
2), Hhe haoma-filtering hairs,' in which srja and harez are 
cognates. The hymn shows how much Indian and Iranian may 
have in common, not only in thought but also in its expression. 



230 Samuel Grant Oliphwnt 

The hymn is remarkable in other respects. It contains 
seventy-six different words occurring in a total of eighty-one 
forms, of which twenty-one,^ more than a quarter of the whole 
number, are airal dprjfiiva for RV. The hymn is demotic rather 
than hieratic. This is shown, in part, by the fact that so little 
of it re-appears in the ancillary Vedic literature. None of the 
padas of 1-4, 8, or O*", is shown by the Concordance to appear 
elsewhere. Those of 7 appear only in Nirukta 9. 36. Those of 
5 and 6 appear in ApS. 16. 26. 1 and 3 respectively, in connec- 
tion with the Agnicayana, and those of 5 appear also in M^. 6. 
1. 7. Pada 9^ reappears in RV. 9. 16. 3 and 51. 1. More 
important, as showing something of the relative age of the hymn, 
is the fact that 5^ and 9^ appear in AB. 7. 17. 2 and 1, in con- 
nection with the anjahsava in the ^unahsepa-dkhydna, a legend 
that appears to be proto- Vedic at least, from the allusions to it 
in.RV. 1. 24. 12-13, and in 5. 2. 7. 

In this ancient and demotic hymn we have found the grdvan 
identified with the ulukhale, the mortar and pestle, an identifi- 
cation amply confirmed elsewhere, e. g. AV. 9. 6. 15, yany 
ulUkhalarmosaldni grdvdna evd te; HG. 2. 14. 4% ulukhaM grd- 
vdno ghosam akrata; MG. 2. 4. 8^, ulukhald grdvdno ghosam 
akurvata; ApMB. 2. 20. 34^ and ApG. 8. 22. 5, dulukhald grd- 
vdno ghosam akrata; SMB. 2. 2. 13^, dulUkhaldh sampravadanti 
grdvdnak. 

The implements of our hymn were made of wood, vanAispate 
(6^), vanaspatl (8^). So also in AV. 20. 136. 6, and ^S. 12. 
24. 2. 7, we have 

mahdnagny ulukhalam atikrdmanty dbravit / 
ydthd tdva vanaspate nighndnti^ tdthdiveti // 

In AVPar. 23. 2. 2-3 (a passage for which I am indebted to 
Professor Boiling) the uldkhala and musald are made of vdrana 
wood {Cratceva Boxhurghii), doubtless because of the apotropaic 
and other magical virtues ascribed to this as shown in AV. 10. 
3. Also AV. 3. 10. 5 has wooden grdvdnas: vdnaspatyd grd- 
vdno ghosam akrata. This is repeatedly asserted in the ancillary 
literature, as prthugrdvdsi vdnaspatydh in MS. 1. 1. 6j 3. 12; 

■^ These are ulukhalasuta, adhisavanyd, apacyavdm, upacyavdm, vMkJiOr 
Idka, ulukhala, sdtave, jalguldh, Mksate, Tndnthdm, viladhndte, ydmitam, 
yujydse, dyumdttcmam, sunu, dyajl, vijarlhrtdh, bdpsata, vanaspaU, rsvav, 
sistdm. The first six as words; the rest as forms of their respective words. 

® So niyne is used, in Yasna 10. 2. 



The Vedic Press-Stones 231 

4. 1. 6 ; 8. 3 ; and hrhddgravdsi vdnaspatyah in VS. .1. 15 ; MS. 
1. 1. 6; 3. 13; 4. 1. 6; 8. 6; KS. 1. 15; 3L 4; SB. 1. 1. 4. 10; 
and hrhdn grdvdsi vdnaspatydh in VSK. 1. 5. 4. 

These passages complete the cycle, grdvan^=ulyJchala=vdnas- 
pdti, and furnish ample evidence that the gravdnas were some- 
times the mortar and pestle and were sometimes wooden. This 
forbids ns to think of them always as ^press-stones/ as regularly 
translated in our dictionaries and handbooks. The cognates of 
the word grdvan, as shown by Uhlenbeck, convey only the idea 
of 'press' or 'mill' without any necessary connotation of the 
component material. 

From the phenomena adduced our hymn seems to present a 
primitive mode of pressing the soma, either identical with the 
ancient Iranian mode, or very similar to it. We have a mortar 
and pestle, wooden unless the word had already become stereo- 
typed and meaningless, and the pestle is turned by a cord in 
the fashion of the churning-stick. The Avestan passion for the 
utmost cleanliness would naturally lead to the prohibition of 
such porous materials as wood, bone, or horn, as we saw in Nir. 
107. 

In RV. 9. 102. 2, we find another early press ; 

upa tritdsya pdsydr dhhakta ydd guhd paddm / 
yajndsya saptd dhdmahhir ddha priydm // 

Trita, that 'mysterious ancient deity,' dwelling in the utter- 
most reaches of the heavens, is pre-ethnic in time. In name he 
corresponds to the Avestan ©rita; in patronymic Aptya to the 
Avestan A^wya, but in legend there has been an unwonted con- 
fusion between him and the Avestan ©raetaona, the Yedic 
Traitana. This ©raetaona of the A^wya family was a famous 
hero of Iranian saga, the New Persian Faredun, whose great 
exploit was the slaying of the three-headed demon Azay Dahaka, 
by far the strongest Druj that Anra Mainyu brought forth to 
destroy all that belongs to Asa (Righteousness). The story, told 
in Yasna 9. 8, has its counterpart in RV. 10. 99. 6 ; 120. 6, where 
Trita slays the demon Vrtra in the form of a triple-headed boar. 
In the Avesta, ©rita of the Sama family was the first physician 
(Vd. 20. 2, paoiryo masydndm Oamnanuhatdm . . . yaskem 
yaskdi ddrayat mahrkem mahrkdi ddrayat). His longing for 
the art of healing was rewarded with the happy gift from Khsha- 
thra Vairya, the Amesha Spenta, of the power to 'withstand' 
(pcdtistdtee) a list of twelve specified diseases and three causes 



232 Samuel Grant Olipham^t 

of disease, .ayosyd (evil fortune, or ace. to Bartholomae, evil 
eye), puityd (foulness) and ahityd (uncleanness). 

There is a curious resemblance to this in A,V. 6. 113.. 1 and 3 
(quoted with the SPP. emendations), 

trite devd amrjatditdd enas 

tritd enan mawisyesu mamrje / 

tdto yddA tvd grdhir dnase 

tdm te devd l)rdhmand ndsayantu // 1 // 

dvddasadhd nihitam tritdsya 

dpamrstam manusydiyiasdni / 

tdto— ' II 3 // 

Here the gods have cleansed ('wiped') enas in Trita and Trita 
has cleansed it in men. Now enas is often, perhaps oftenest, 
'sin, guilt,' but it is also 'evil, bane, calamity, misfortune, vio- 
lence, sickness,' etc. The last two of these are much nearer 
the etymological meaning of the word than the first two and are 
far more frequently associated with the Avestan cognates. 
They seem quite appropriate also for some passages in RV. and 
AV. Here the verb indicates it as something unclean and c 
indicates that Grahi, the demoness of sickness and disease, 
'reaches' mortals in consequence of it. The Comm. thinks that 
enas here is paravitti ('overslaughing,' in the form of the mar- 
riage of a younger before an elder brother) as in the preceding 
hymn. But overslaughing is not called enas in 112 and no 
cleansing is there mentioned for it. There is instead only free- 
ing (munc) from fetters {pdsds). In 113 we have a cleansing 
power that is a divine gift as in the Avesta and enas lends itself 
easily to the idea of the puityd and the dhityd of the Avestan 
passage. Then even the twelvefold [enas] that is 'laid down' 
{nihitam, 3*) is curiously reminiscential of the twelve forms of 
sickness to be 'withstood' in the Avestan passage. 

With this passage I should compare another, AV. 19. 56. 4, 
also referring to Trita the physician, 

nditam viduh pitdro notd devdJi 
t , yesdm jdlpis cdraty antard tdm / 

trite svdpnam adadhur dptye ndrah 
dditydso vdrunendnusistah 1 1 

As shown by the context (1^), 

yamdsya lokdd ddhy d hdbhuvitha 
the sleep of 4^ is to be identified with that in AV. 16. 5. 1^ 
grdhydh putrd ^si yamdsya kdranah, 



The Yedic Press-Stones 233 

and therefore it falls within the physician's prophylaxis or 
therapeutics to the end that he may grant a long life (TS. 1. 8. 
10.2). 

So in RV. 8. 47. 13, the gods are invoked to consign to Trita 
ydd dvir ydd apicydm . . . duskrtdm and in the following 14-17 
to banish to him the dusvapnyam. This may seem to be due to 
his dwelling in the uttermost heavens and so a wish that these 
evils may be sent as far away as possible,-- but we must remember 
that every primitive physician is supposedly gifted with the 
apotropaic powers of the shaman. 

I am inclined then not to consider these passages as referring 
to Trita as the scape-gpat of the gods but as the primeval medi- 
cine-man. It may well be that in them we have the materials 
from which the later legends of the scape-goat Trita were 
evolved. The use of mrj and enas {cL Av. dhityd, 'uncleanness' 
which became the New Persian dho, 'sin') in AV. 6. 113, and 
the 'wishing' of the evil or unpleasant thing 'on' Trita would 
go far in giving rise to such legends in later Brahmanic specu- 
lation, and to the resultant perversion of the earlier conception. 

Again both ©rita and Trita, as the physician, have a special 
connection with haoma, or soma, the healing plant /car' l^oxqv. 
Yasna 9. 4-10 reports that Vivahvant was the first mortal to 
press the haoma ; A^wya, the second ; ©rita, the third, whereby 
he won the guerdon of two sons of the highest fame, Urvaxsaya, 
judge and lawgiver, and Kercsaspa, one of the greatest Iranian 
heroes. In RV. 1. 187. 1, soma is the drink of Trita, by the 
strength of which he rent Vrtra joint from joint. His mighty 
feats made him the original demiurge of the Indian pantheon. 
In 2. 11. 20j 6. 44. 23; 8. 12. 16; 9. 32. 2; 34. 4; 37. 4; 38. 2, 
he is engaged in pressing, cleansing, or otherwise preparing for 
Indra the amfta, the celestial soma, the counterpart of the 
Avestan gaakerena, the creation of Ahura Mazda {mazda ■ data, 
Yt. 1. 30; S. 1. 7; 2. 7), the drink by which men will become 
immortal on the Resurrection Day (Bund. 42. 12; 59. 4). 

Returning from this digression, designed to present an ade- 
quate setting of our passage in RV. 9. 102. 2, quoted above, we 
note the new word, pdsydr, used to designate the press of this 
pre-ethnic Trita. The word is found elsewhere in the Vedas 
only in RV. 1. 56. 6^, where vrtrdsya pdsyd are the stone bulwarks 
of Vrtra. The word belongs to a group of cognates denoting 
*-stone, ' hence we have here an unmistakable transition from the 
wooden implements of 1. 28, to stone utensils. This dual pdsydr 
at once recalls the asmcma hdvana of the Avesta. No other 



234 Samuel Grant Oliphamt 

identification could be so apposite in the light of the statements 
regarding Trita, his functions, and his age. 

The evidence from the dual of grdvan supports this. We 
have found the singular as a collective name for the mortar and 
pestle, as was the Avestan Havana. In EV. this dual is found 
only in 2. 39. 1^, in a long series of Asvin similes, where the dual 
may be altogether due to the figure, and is entirely indefinite in 
meaning, whether mortar and pestle, or two press-stones, or two 
presses. In AV., however, this dual is found in 6. 138. 2; 11. 
1. 9 and 10. In the latter hymn we have, — 

etdu grdvdndu sayujd yundhi edrmani 
nirhhindy ansun ydjamdndya sddhu / 
avaghnati ni jahi yd imam prtanydvah 
iirdhvdm prajdm udhhdranty ud uka / / 9 // 
grhdnd grdvdndu sakftdu vlra haste / 10* / 

As in RV. 1. 28, the wife of the sacrificant is engaged, as 
shown by the feminine participles and by the ndrl in rca^ 13, 14, 
and 23. The imperatives ni jahi and ud uha well describe her 
operation of the pestle. That the grdvdndu are held in the hand 
is indicated by grhdnd . . . huste. The context amply demon- 
strates that the implements are in use here in hulling rice for 
the hrahmdudand and both Kausika and Sayana expressly state 
that the grdvdndu in both these instances are the ulukhalamusale. 
In AV. 9. 6. 15; 10. 9. 26 j 11. 3. 3; 12. 3. 13, we find the 
ulukhala and musala thus employed in hulling rice, and in 9. 6. 
15, the grdvdnas, as we have seen, are identified with the uUi- 
khalamusaldni. In the remaining instance of the dual, AV. 6. 
138. 2, 

kllhdm krdhy opasinam dtho kurlrinam krdhi / 
dthdsyendro grdvalhydm uhhe hhinattv dndyau //, 

the mortar and pestle would seem more convenient and better 
adapted than any other rendering of the word for the desired 
piece of surgery. 

So far then as the dual of grdvan is concerned, the meaning 
mortar and pestle may be considered established for three of the 
Vedic occurrences and there is no reason to assume any other 
meaning for the fourth. In the light of BV. 1. 28. 1, where we 
found grdvan = ulukhala, it seems quite probable that in all 
four instances the dual is elliptic in nature, a parallel to the 
Avestan Havana and Havana. In its wider application to the 
mortar and pestle for other purposes than braying the soma, we 
have a parallel to the Avestan Havana. 



The Vedic Press-Stones 235 

In RV. 10. 101. 10 and 11, we have both the stone grdvdnas 
and the wooden mortar and pestle : 

d tit sinca hdrim Im dror updsthe 
vdsibhis taksatMmcmmdylhhi'k / 
pari svajadhvam ddsa haksyabhir 
uhhe dhurdu prdti vdhnim yunakta // 10 // 

uhhe dhurdu vdhnir dpihdamdno 

amtdr yoneva carati dvijdnih / 

vdnaspdtim vdna dsthdpayadhvam 

ni s'6, dadhidhvam dkhananta utsam // 11 // 

The language is so luxuriantly tropical that a definitive deci- 
sion in all details is difficult. We may, however, safely adopt 
Grassmann's suggestion that the vds^s asmanmdyls are the storie 
grdvdnas, unless we supply some other accusative than hdrim 
as the object of taksata, and may further identify the ten 
kaksyds, after numerous parallels, with the ten fingers, the 
vdhnis in both instances with the pestle in gear, and vdnaspdti 
and vdna with the pestle and mortar respectively.^ 

All the implements thus far considered for pressing the soma 
have been identifiable with the mortar and pestle. It is not 
probable, however, that this is true in all cases in the Vedas. In 
the ancillary literature we find another form of press and evi- 
dence for this is discoverable in RV. 

Our best description of this press is found in Apastamba's. 
grauta-Sutra 12. 2. 15-16: 

tasmins {carmani) catura grdvnah prddesayndtrdn urdhvasd- 
nitn dhananaprakdrdn asmanah samsddayati / uparam prathis- 
tham madhye pancamam / / 15 // tarn ahhisammukhd hhavanti 

'II 16 //. 
' (The Adhvaryu) sets together on this (skin) four press-stones, 

a span each in measure, high-backed ones, well adapted for 

striking. He places a fifth, the broadest one, the upara, in the 

middle. Upon this last the others are placed, face to face to it.' 

The Commentator's exegesis of 16 makes it very plain, itare 

grdvdnas tarn uparam dbhimukhd 'bhavanti ('The other grdvdnas 

become face to face with the upara'). 

As this twelfth prasna is an account of the preparation of the 

Prdtahsavanam, these stones were indubitably designed to press. 

°A possible alternative would make vdna the base of the mortar. Cf. 
SS. 13. 29. 5, ululchalabudhno yupah, explained by the Comm. ulmkhala- 
tudhnakaro yupo. This does not seem nearly so good. 



236 Samuel Grant OUphant 

the soma. Also in Kausitaki Brahmana, 29. 1, we have a ref- 
erence to the same or a similar press, vimuncatsu td vdi catur- 
dasa hhavoMti dasa vd angulayas catvdro grdvdnah ('At their 
loosening, they, indeed, become fourteen, ten the fingers and 
four the press-stones'). As this is from the recitation of the 
Eotraka at the Mddhyamdinasavanam, the reference is again to 
a soma-press. Monier- Williams cites this as evidence for a press 
of four grdvdnas, adding that the original number was two, and 
later, according to a scholiast on SB., five. I find no other refer- 
ence to a press of four stones and believe the four grdvdnas of 
KB. to be the four upper stones of the Apastamba press when 
loosed from the fixed upara. Otherwise we should seem to have 
a press of three upper stones and one lower. 

The Comm. on SB. 3. 5. 4. 24 knows the Apastamba press. 
Commenting on the text atha grdvna updvaharati, he writes 
adhisavanacarmani ahhisavasddhandn pdsdndn pancdharanti 
('On the adhisavana-hide they place five stones effective for the 
ahhimva^). As shown by the context this was in the prepara- 
tion of the pressing-place made on the upavasatha or last upasad 
day. 

If now we add to this scholion the rest of the text in 24, dantd 
hdivdsya grdvdnas tad yad grdvabMr ahhimnvanti yathd dad- 
'bhih psdydd evam tat tan nidadhdti . . . etad u yajnasya sirdh 
samskrtam, and compare with this the text of the Grhya-Sutra 
of Asvalayana (4. 3. 5 and 14) where, when the various household 
implements are laid out with the corpse of their deceased owner, 
we find datsu grdvnah . . . idukhalamusale janghayah ('At 
his teeth the press-stones ... at his shins the mortar and pes- 
tle') and the variants of these in the Sankhayana-Srauta-Stitra 
(4. 14. 26 and 32), apsu^^ grdvdnah . . . urvor asthivatos colu- 
khalamusale ('In the water the press-stones ... at his thighs 
and knees the mortar and pestle'), we have these results: the 
symbolic equation ddntah = grdvdnah, whence we may infer a 
like symbolism in each Sutra between the several implements 
-and the parts of the body by which they are respectively placed ; 
also the grdvdnas in each instance are of the Apastamba type, 
ience the natural plural, the proper distinction from the ulu- 
khalamusaU; and so we may add these two Sutras to our 
authorities for the Apastamba press. 

^° Such is the reading of the text. The Comm. (p. 202) says, hutsu 
grdvdna iti kecit pathanti /sa ca pdthah samyagasamyag Hi srutito nir- 
nayah // In spite of his appeal to sruti as decisive, neither reading can be 
.accepted. The datsu of Asvalayana is undoubtedly the correct reading. 



The Vedic Press-Stones 237 

In RV. 10. 94. 5, we seem to have a reference to this type of 
press, 

nydn ni ya/nty uparasya niskrtdm 

puru veto dadhire suryasvitah // 

As the subject, suparnd, is metonymic for grdvanas, we have 
here plural stones placed downwards upon one fixed nether 
stone, hence rather obviously a press like Apastamba's. In RV. 
10. 92. 15 we find grdvdna urdhvdh, and in 3. 54. 12, urdhvdgm- 
vdno, both of which may refer to presses of this type, though 
there is the alternative of such a plurality of presses as would 
seem from the plural nether stones to be indicated in 10. 175. 
3, grdvdna uparesv d mahlydnte sajosasah. 

In 8. 26. 24, grdvanam ndsvaprstham manhdnd is predicated 
of Vayu. The adjective dsvaprstham at once recalls the urdh- 
vasdnun applied to Apastamba's grdvdnas, and leads us either 
to identify grdvan here with one of his press-stones, or, more 
likely, to take it as a collective singular for the entire Apastamba 
press. In favor of the latter is manhdnd, which we may com- 
pare with the purii reto of the Apastamba type in 10. 94. 5. 
It is shown below that liberality, profusion, etc., is character- 
istic of this type of press. 

In 8. 34. 3, dtrd vi nemir esdm urdm nd dhunute vfkah, we 
have the only mention in the Vedas of a nemi for the press- 
stones. Such would seem necessary for a press of the Apas- 
tamba type. The upper stones must have been fastened together 
in some way, probably by a frame-work attached to their 'high 
backs, ' with a nemi around the whole, and a spout or nozzle on 
one side, such as Apastamba in 12. 1. 9 ; 13. 9, describes in the 
case of the grdvdnam updnsusavanam with a mukha towards 
the south. On the other hand the nemi of our passage may be 
only the rim of the mortar about which the soma sprays are 
shaken by the rotating, pounding pestle. 

Thus far we have found two types of grdvan. For conven- 
ience we may term one of these the Apastamba type, the other 
the ulukhale type. In the use of the latter term I would not 
be understood to mean that it is always necessarily a mortar 
and pestle, but also any sort of press evolved from these. Such 
a press might easily take the form of two stones, wooden blocks, 
etc., an upper and a lower, with either a vertical or a rotary 
motion, worked by hand or mechanical device. The original 
mortar and pestle, however, continued in use, along with any 
derivative form or forms. The modern Brahmanic custom of 



^38 Samuel Grant Oliphant 

using a large flat upara upon which the soma is pounded to a 
mass of pulp by a smaller stone held in the hands, as described 
by Haug (282), is obviously a derivative from the ulukhale 
type. It may well have been that special derivative forms were 
used for specific purposes of which Apastamba's grdvopdnsusa- 
vana, apparently a small press from the statement that it was 
samsprstam pdtrdhhydm, may have been a specimen. By 'the 
Apastamba type' I shall designate a press with plural upper 
stones working on a single lower one. 

The singular of grdvan may naturally be used of a complete 
press of either type. The dual in three of the four instances 
in which it occurs has been found to be the ulukhalamusaU. 
The plural would naturally be used to designate plural presses 
of either type. We have found a few definite instances in which 
it seems to refer to the Apastamba type. I believe that we can 
point out at least probable instances of the other also. 

To the ulukhale type I should refer especially those instances 
in which we have words, expressions, or details of usages which 
we have found to characterize the ulukhale. Remembering, 
however, how readily such terms are transferred in language 
even to very dissimilar objects, especially when they perform 
the same or a similar function, I grant that any certainty is out 
of the question in specific cases. Though the tests are purely 
tentative they will not be valueless in the sequel. 

One word that we should naturally apply to the uMkhale type 
is tud and we find grdvnd iunno said of soma in 9. 67. 19* and 
20*. We do not find it with any plural, however. We have 
found vad to be characteristic of the ulukhale and this is asso- 
ciated with grdvan in RV. eleven times, of which six are plurals 
(sg. 1. 83. 6"=; 135. 7*; 5. 31. 12^; 8. 34. 2*; 10. 36. 4*; pi. 5. 
57. 2^; 10. 94. 1% 1^ 2% 3% 4*). The same metaphor of the 
voice was found to be characteristic of the mortar and pestle. 
In some form oi vac this is found with grdvan seven times, twice 
in the plural (sg. 1. 84. 3^1; 5. 25. 8^ 36. 4^ 10. 64. 15^; 100. 
S^- pi. 10. 76. 6^ 94. 5*), also Id (sg. 4. 3. Z^), re (pi. 5. 
.31. 5^), krus (pi. 10. 94. 4^). These represent' one half of the 
verbal forms found with grdvan. Another characteristic word, 
as we found several times, was ghosa. We have it thrice with 
grdvan (sg. 8. 34. 2^^; pi. 10. 76. 6<i; 94. 4^). We have seen that 
the ulukhala was used to drive away demons, disease, etc. This 
shamanist use of the grdvdnas is employed to destroy the raksd- 
sas (7. 104. 7), to drive away rdksdnsi . . . dusvdpnyam nirrtim 



The Vedic Press-Stones 239 

visvam atrinam (10. 36. 4), to banish duchundm and durmatim 
(10. 175. 2), to circumvent tlie mdyd of Svarbhanu (5. 40. 8). 

That these apotropaic grdvmias belong to this type is sup- 
ported also by the fact that this lies within the province of Trita 
the physician and also by the Avestan use of the havana for the 
same purpose, as e. g. Ys. 27. If., snaOdi anrahe mainyius 
snaOdi aesmahe snaOdi mdzainyandm daevandm snaOdi vlspandm 
daevandm varenyandmca drvatdm fradaBdi ahurahe mazdd 
('for the striking of Anra Mainyu, for the striking of 
Aesma, for the striking of the demons of Mazana, for 
the striking of all the demons and fiends of Varena, for the 
aggrandizement of Ahura Mazda'). The mrangs state that at 
the first snaBdi the Zot strikes the pestle against the mortar on 
the side eastward ; at the second, on the side southward ; at the 
third, on the side westward ; at the fourth, on the side northward. 
The symbolism is that the hdvana is the weapon that crushes 
the demons at every point of the compass. So in Vd. 19. 9, 
Zarathushtra says that the hdvana, the cups, the haoma, and the 
words uttered by Mazda, are his best weapons against Anra 
Mainyu. A parallel to this symbolic ringing of the pestle and 
mortar is found in the Vedic upahdd and upahdi of the grdvdnas 
in EV. 7. 104. 17*^, ghnantu rakmsa upahddih, and 10. 94. 4<*, 
dghosdyantah prthivim upahdihhih, words that seem onomato- 
poetically to represent the heavier sounds made by striking 
wooden or stone implements together in this way. 

Then the converse side of this power appears in summoning 
by these metallic ringings the gods and the powers of good, for 
which we have already cited the Dadistan with reference to 
Yasna 27, on the Avestan side. We find illustrations of this in 
RV. 8. 34. 2, where the grdvdnas summon Indra; in 8. 42. 4, the 
Asvins; in 9. 80. 4, visvdn devdn; in 9. 82. 3, Parjanya; also 
in 1. 89. 4, and 10. 175. 2, in bringing hhesajum; in 10. 175. 3, 
in bringing vfsnyam; in 10. 94. 2, in vistvi . . . sukrtydyd. 

Another characteristic term of the uMkhale is yuj. This is 
found with grdvan ten times (2. 12. 6; 3. 4. 9; 30. 2; 57. 4; 
5. 37. 2; 40. 8; 10. 35. 9; 94. 6, 7; 175. 1). The uUhhale 
are yoked to dhuras like a horse, and so the grdvdnas in 10. 94. 
6 and 7, and 175. 1. Both with the Avestan hdvana and with 
the uMkhale, cyu was used as a characteristic term of the move- 
ment. It appears also in 8. 42. 4, with the grdvdnas. 

In the remaining instances of grdvan in RV. that of 5. 40. 2 
would naturally follow that in 8 below, which by two tests would 



240 Samuel Grant Oliphant 

be assigned to the ulukhale type. The urdhvo of 10. 70. 7 indi- 
cates the same type. To this also the context points in 3. 42. 
2 ; 8. 13. 32 ; 9. 113. 6, all invocations of Indra : 8. 27. 1, invo- 
cation of the Visvedevas; 5. 48. 3, apotropaic against Vrtra. 
One singular (7. 33. 14) and three plurals (10. 78. 6; 85. 4; 
94. 10) remain undetermined by the tests applied. 

The results are everywhere consistent except in the case of 
10. 94, alone. This, as we have seen, contains the strongest evi- 
dence in RV. for a press of the Apastamba type, yet a round 
dozen of the tests would place it in the ukukhale column. This 
at first thought may seem to invalidate any presumed value of 
the tests, but a solution for this anomaly will be presented later. 
A summation of the results shows that in RV. eighteen of the 
twenty singulars of grdvan may tentatively be assigned to the 
mortar and pestle type, as may twenty-two of the twenty-eight 
plurals. One singular and three plurals seem to favor the Apas- 
tamba type of press. 

If now we apply the same tentative tests to AV., which has 
six singulars, three duals, and four plurals (excluding those 
found also in RV., and hence already counted) of grdvan, we 
find like results. In 10. 9. 2, the grdvan is the mortar and pestle 
in use for hulling rice for a satdudana. The other five singulars 
are apotropaic; 5. 22. 1 to drive away fever {takmdnam dpabd-_^ 
dhatam) ; 6. 3. 2, to protect {pa) from distress; 12. 3. 14, to 
slay {ha7i) the Raksas; 12. 3. 21, to avert defilement by cleans- 
ing the clothes of a corpse {sumbhdti malagd iva vdstrd) ; 5. 20. 
10, a simile with the apotropaic dancing {ddhi nrtya) of the 
war-drums (dwndubhi) to avert war and confound the enemy 
and obtain booty. The three duals have already been found to 
be identical with ulukhale. The four plurals are assignable to 
the same type, as in 3. 10. 5, they are wooden {vdnaspatyd grd- 
vdno) that make a ghosam; in 4. 24. 3, we have pror-vad; in 9. 
6. 15, they are ulukhalamusaldni, and in 27 following the same 
are yuktd. 

The totals, then, for the two Vedas are ; of the twenty-six 
singulars of grdvan twenty-four may be tentatively assigned to 
the ulukhale type, so also three of the four duals, and twenty-six 
of the thirty-two plurals. To the Apastamba type we may 
assign one singular and three plurals. One singular, one dual, 
and three plurals remain unassigned by the tests applied. In 
a number of cases two, three, or even more of the tests have 
applied to the same example. These may be considered the best ' 



The Vedic Tress-Stones 241 

established. The results, regarded as purely tentative, are 
emphatic enough to establish the great preponderance of the 
mortar and pestle type. 

We have another term for the Vedic press in adri, more fre- 
quent than grdvan in the RV. but not existent in this meaning 
in the AV., save in two very doubtful siagulars. RV. has sixty- 
three plurals, three duals, and seventeen singulars if we include 
every possible doubtful case. 

If we apply the same tentative tests as before to ddri, we are 
surprised at the very meagre results. Thus tud is found but 
once with ddri (10. 94. 14, d krildyo nd mat dram tuddntah) and 
here the stones are striking their mother rather than the soma, 
a passage, however, suggestive of the Apastamba type, with 
plural upper and singular lower stone. There is no mention 
of upara, prthuhudhna, id, krus, with ddri. Then urdhvd, 
ghosa, vad and cyu occur but once each, vac but twice, and while 
yuj occurs five times, the ddrayas are never yoked to the dhuras. 
Nor is the ddri ever guided by the rasmi, nor is it identified with 
vdnaspdti. It has no series of resemblances to the Avestan 
implements as the grdvan was found to have. It is apotropaic 
only in two hymns in the tenth mandala. These are vital dis- 
tiQctions that set the ddri apart from the grdvan, at least from 
the predominant type. We shall see that the ddri has its own 
characteristics, and the difference between them and those of 
the grdvan is pronounced. Quite conclusive is the evidence from 
the hymns in which both words are found. Excluding for the 
present 10. 94, we have seven hymns in which both occur. These 
are 1. 135 {d. in 2% 5^; g. 7^) ; 5. 40 {d. 1^ g. 2% 8^) ; 7. 35 
(d. 3<'; g. 7^) ; 9. 67 {d. 3^ g. 19^) ; 9. 80 (a. 5^ g. 4«) ; 10. 
76 (a. 2^ 4d, 7% 8^; g. 6^) ; 10. 78 (a. 6^; g. 6^). In all these 
nineteen instances the only encroachment of either upon the 
characteristic territory of the other is the apotropaic use of ddri 
in 10. 76. 4. This is the strongest evidence that the fsis in gen- 
eral had different concepts of the two words. 

Our task, then, is to differentiate them. First, we note that 
ddri belongs to a group of cognates connoting the idea of 'hard 
stone,' 'solid rock.' All the evidence in RV. points to this 
composition. It is only in post-Rigvedic times that we find the 
mantra that runs thus, ddrir asi vmiaspatydh (VS. 1. 14; TS. 
1. 1. 5. 2; TB. 3. 2. 5. 8; 6B. 1. 1. 4. 7; Ap^. 1. 19. 8; KS. 1. 
5; 31. 4), probably a mere Brahmanic variation of that other 
mantra, grdvdsi vdnaspatydh, made at a time when the original 
difference was largely forgotten. So we may assume an original 



242 Samuel Grant OUphani 

difference of component material; but this was not a constant 
differentiation, since we have found stone grdvanas, if not 
wooden ddrayas, in the Vedas. The ddri is Idbrhand (5. 41. 
12), pdrvata (10. 94. 1), asramand, dsrtUta, dmrtyu, andturd, 
a jar a, and dmavisnu (10. 94. 11), dhruvd, ksemakama, and 
a jury a (10. 94. 12), a series of epithets strikingly appropriate 
to its etymological origin. 

Another distinction is that grdvam, is generic and demotic, as 
we have seen, but ddri is specific and hieratic, not found as 
press-stone outside of RV. and mantras therefrom, with few, if 
any, exceptions outside of the one already quoted. 

As an aid to the further differentiation of the two words 
synoptic tables for the RV. have been made as follows; (a) the 
metres of each; (b) the deities of the various rcas containing 
each; (c) the objects and thoughts associated with each; (d) 
the epithets of each; (e) the similes and metaphors of each; 
(f) the sounds associated with each; (g) the favorite verbs of 
each; (h) all other verbs used with each. In a striking manner 
these tables tell practically the same story. 

Of the tables the first is of little value in this connection. It 
was suggested by a statement in KB. 29. 1, jdgatd vdi grdvdndh. 
Of the 49 rcas in RV. in which the word grdvan occurs, 16 
(33%) are in jagati; 14 (28%) are in tristubh, catalectic 
jagati, a total of 30 (61%), which amply proves the correctness 
of the statement. In the case of ddri, gayatri leads with 23 
instances, 36.5% of the total of 83 rcas containing the word in 
this meaning. Jagati comes next with 20 (24%) and tristubh 
third with 19 (23%), so these two combined have 39 (47%). 

Under grdvan in the 'Deities' table, Indra and the Visve- 
devas tie with 12 (24%) each, grdvanas is third with 9 (18%) 
and Soma next with 5. In ddri, Soma leads with 27 (32.5%), 
Indra comes next with 20 (24%), grdvanas third with 9 (11%), 
and Visvedevas fourth with 6. This indicates that the special 
nidus of grdvan is under the aegis of the greater deities, while 
that of ddri is by the flowing soma. The latter is shown also by 
the 27 rcas containing ddri in the ninth mandala. 

A word may be known also by its companions. The table of 
•associates' shows a wide difference in the nature of , the com- 
panions of the two words. It has been thought best to limit the 
quest for the associates to the re in each instance, as otherwise 
the task would be considerably greater but the comparative 
results little different. The starred words in each list are not 



The Vedic Press-Stones 243 

found on the other. The grdvan list contains 115 words with a 
total of 163 occurrences; the ddri list, 106 words with a total 
of 254 occurrences. These lists readily divide into twelve 
groups, in the first seven of which ddri predominates; in the 
other five, grdvan. In an ddri-group the italic numeral, when 
appended, will indicate the number of times the word is found 
'associated' with grdvan, and vice versa in a grdvan-growp. 

Our first group describes the soma brew, both qualitatively 
and quantitatively: mddhu, 18-5; *indu, 12; siitd, 6-3; mdda, 
5-5"; *rdsay 4; dhdrd, 4i-l'^ *uksdn, 2; *matsard, 2; sdvana, 
2-1 ; *dnjas, *drnas, *urmi, *tavds, *dhdyas, '^samudrd, *vdtdpya, 
1 each; retas, 1-1, a total of 63-12. The second relates 
to the mingled milk: go, 12-1; *dhenu, 3; *'ddhas, 2; *pdyas, 
*piyusa, *vaksdnd, each 1; a total of 20-i. The third refers to 
the water: dp, 14-i; sindhu, 1-1; *avatd, *utsa, *udaprut, 1 
each ; a total of 18-5. The fourth deals with the soma vessels : 
*k6sa, 3 ; *cam4, 3 ; *kaldsa, *camasd, *avatd, 2 each ; *ararinda, 
*dhisdnd, *p'wskara, *vdna, *sddas, *sddman, *sruc, *hotrd, 1 
each; a total of 20-0. The fifth group deals with the soma 
sieve : dvya vara, 5-1 ; *g6s tvdc, 4 ; pavitra, 4-i, *r6mam,, 2 ; a 
total of 15-5. The sixth relates to the soma plant : ansu, 4^-1 ; 
dndhas, 2-1, while grdvan has *sdkhd vrksdsya arundsya, 1 ; a 
total of 6-3. The seventh contains those that prepare the soma : 
nf, 11-3 ; ksip, 5-5 ; *buhu, 2 ; satf, 1-1 ; *gdhhasti, *ddsvds, 
*samitf, *susuvds, 1 each ; while grdvan has also *ilrdhvdgrdvan, 
1, *yuktdgrdvan, 3, *sutdsoma, 3, *grdvagrdhhd, *grdvahasta, 
*sunvdn, each 1 ; a total of 23-16. 

In the eighth group, that of the officiants at the sacrifice, 
grdvan takes the numerical lead with a total of 24-i4, as follows : 
adhvaryu, 3-3 ; hrahmdn, 3-1 ; vipra, 3-5 ; hotr, 2-3 ; *ydjamdna, 
3; *pur6hita, 2; *avavdj, *Mri, *k1rin, *coditf, *vedhds, *sdnstr, 
*stotf, each 1; manlsin, 1-1, and *vdhni, 1. The ninth group 
deals with the sacrifice: adhvard, 9-6; harhis, 5-3; sdmiddha 
agni, 8-5; yajnd, 5-5; *vedi, 2; *dmis pakvd, *pras'^, and 
*svdrilndm miti, each 1 ; a total of 32-14. The tenth group has 
to do with the devotional exercises: *arkd, 2; 'brdhina/n,~2-3 ; 
ukthd, 1-3; dhi 1-4; mati, 1-3; havis, 1-1; *ardmati, *fc, 
*chdndas, *ndmas, *hdrhati, *mdnman, *sasti, *sl6ka, *sdma/n, 
*hdva, *haA)irddya, *h6trd{hu), 1 each, and ddri has also havyd, 
1; a, total of 20-i5, but grdvan has 18 words to the '6 of ddri. 
The eleventh group is apotropaic: raksds, 3-1; nirrti, 1-1; 
*pani, 2; *atrina, *duchuim, *durmaUy *dusvd/pnya, *dvesas, 



244 Samuel Grant Oliphant 

*mdyd, *rdksa^, 1 each, and ddri has also *dmivdf *dmati and 
*dvarti, each 1 ; total 13-^. The last group contains the special 
desiderata mentioned in the re: *dvas, 2; *dgati {indrasya), 2; 
*dditi, 2; ^hhesajdm, 2; *pdthas sumekam, *mdnas {indrasya), 
*vaksdnd {dprktd), *sdrma, ^sakhitvd (sdmasya), *sdrvatdti, 
each 1 ; rdiy 1-1, and ddri has also *rayi, 2; *is, *uti, *vdsii-vasu, 
^susma, *dbh%bhuti pdunsya, *srdvas hrhdd, each 1; total of 
16-9, 

Thus the 'associates' of ddri are connected mainly with the 
pressing, cleansing, storing, etc., of the soma, the physical prep- 
aration for the sacrifice and its enjoyment. Those of grdvan 
are connected rather with the actual offering and the worship. 

Grdvan is qualified by 46 different adjectives and ddri by 41. 
Only six are common to both (urdhvd, g. 5-a. 1; somasut, 1-1; 
somin, 1-1; ajar a, 1-1; vfsan, 4-2; vrsahhd, 1-1). Grdvan 
is upara, madhmut, each thrice; yuktd, 5 times; vadat, 4 
times. The ddri is hdri thrice, diu and hast ay at a, each 
twice. No other adjective on either list occurs more than 
once. The grdvan is prthuhudhna, an epithet that occurs with 
it also in VS. 1. 14, and 6B. 1. 1. 4. 7. It is prthu in MS. 1. 1. 
6 : 3. 12 ; 4. 1. 6 : 8. 3, whence it seems distinctive on the phy- 
sical side. The term is not applied to ddri. The phrase ddrayas 
pdrvatds (10. 94. 1) is perhaps reinforced, rather than offset, 
by grdvnd pdrvatds of KS. 35. 15, as the latter is probably the 
generic use of grdvan. Trdild and dtrdila might be really 
informing if lexicographers and commentators could agree as to 
the denotation and connotation of these apparently contra- 
dictory epithets of ddri (10. 94. 11). The dsvaprstha grdvan 
is in no way matched by the somaprsthdso ddrayas. The grdvan 
alone is ukthabhft, sdmahhft, mayobhU, sukft, vistvi sukrtydyd, 
and cdru; the ddri alone is vipipdnd, gavi% somdd, and supivds. 
These contrasts are akin to those of the previous table and both 
tend to show that the grdvan is the Mary, and the ddri the 
Martha, of the sacrifice. 

Of comparisons, similes and metaphors, the grdvan has 
seventeen, the ddri thirteen. The favorite of the former is the 
bull, four times ; that of the latter is the horse, twice. The ddri 
is not compared to a bull, but the grdvdnas once have the pro- 
thdtho drvatdm. This may distinguish them as strong and swift, 
respectively, a distinction in some degree confirmed by the epi- 
thet vfsan four times applied to grdvan and dsii twice applied 
to the ddri; also the grdvam is ugrd and the ddri is dsvdpastaras 
than Vibhvan himself, though he was wind-swift {vat a jut as) 



The Vedic Press-Stones 245 

and encompassed the heavens in a day. The Maruts shine 
{surdyas) like grdvdnas and forever crush {ddardirdso . . . 
visvdhd) like the ddrayas. Agni roars (ucyate) like the grdvan, 
but the ddrayas are better pitukftas than he. Vayu is as liberal 
as a grdvan that has a horse's back {dsvaprstham manhdnd), 
but the ddrayas are more soma-drunken {somarahhastara) than 
he. The grdvan is compared to a karur ukthyds, a jan^r, and 
to vipras; but the human counterparts of the ddrayas are the 
anjaspds and the vdpanto Mjam dhdnydhftah; Mary and Martha 
again. Not only the spheres are different, but there is also an 
increasing manifestation of more speed and greater profusion 
in the case of ddri, along with an additional detail here and there 
that all bid fair to be of aid in an ultimate differentiation. 

In the table of 'sounds' we have interesting contrasts, some 
of which have already been used as tests. Thus vad eleven 
times with grdvcm and but once (10. 94. 13) with ddri; vac^^ 
with grdvan seven times and but twice (7. 68. 4 ; 10. 94. 14) with 
ddri; svas with grdvcm twice (5. 36. 4; 10. 94. 6), with ddri 
once (5. 86. 6) ; ru with grdvan twice (10. 94. 3 and 6), with 
ddri once (10. 94. 12) ; ghios with grdvan thrice (8. 34. 2 ; 10. 76. 
6; 94. 4), with ddri once (10. 94. 1) ; re with grdvan (5. 31. 5), 
with ddri (5. 45. 7) ; upahdi with, grdvan (10. 94. 4), with ddri 
(10. 94. 13). These seven alone are common to both words. 
Others with grdvan alone are id (4. 3. 3), krand (10. 94. 2), 
krus (10. 94. 4), ilnkh (10. 94. 3), pruth (10. 94. 6), upabdd (7. 
104. 17). Those with ddri alone are nu (5. 45. 7), hu (7. 22. 4), 
sloka (1. 118. 3; 139. 10 j 3. 53. 10; 58. 3; 10. 76. 4; 94. 1). 
Prosopopeia occurs with grdvan twenty-six times to eleven with 
ddri. Sound in the case of the grdvan is expressed by thirteen 
terms and in the case of ddri by ten. * 

The verbs of sound, taken together, form the favorite group 
of grdvcm, but of all verbs su is the favorite of ddri, occurring 
thirty-seven times.^^ This is found a dozen times with grdvan 
also. The next favorite with ddri is duh, found seventeen times. 
It does not occur with grdvan. The third in favor with ddri is 

"As the passages for vad and vac with grdvan have already been indi- 
cated, they are not repeated here. 

"The radical su is thus found in 1. 130. 2j 135. 5; 137. 1; 139. 6; 2. 16. 
5; 3. 44. 1, 5; 4. 45. 5; 5. 40. 1; 7. 22. 1; 68. 4; 8. 1. 17; 4. 13=^; 22. 8; 
82, 5; 9. 11. 5; 24. 5; 34. 3; 51. 1; 63. 13; 67. 3; 68. 9; 71. 3; 
72. 4; 75. 4; 86. 23, 34; 101. 11; 107. 1, 10; 109. 18; 10. 28. 3; 76. 2, 
4, 7, 8. The radical duh, 1. 54. 9; 121. 8; 137. 3*; 2. 36. 1; 4. 50. 3; 8. 
38. 3; 65. 8; 9. 34. 3; 65. 15; 80. 5; 96. 10; 97. 11; 10. 76. 7"; 94. 9\ 



346 Samuel Grant Olipkant 

My occurring nine times, but eight are repetitions of the same re, 
except that yajndm is substituted for hdrim in the last.- Fifteen 
other verbs are shared by the two words; yuj {g. 10, already 
givenj a, 3. 1. 1; 41. 2j 5. 43. 4; 7. 42. 1; 10. 94. 12) : hhr {g. 

5. 31. 12 J 7. 33. 14; 10. 94. 6; a. 1. 165. 4; 10. 76. 4; 94. 1) : 
hem {g. 7. 104. 17; d. 9. 98. 6; 10. 76. 4) : tud (g. 9. 67. 19, 20; 
a. 10. 94. 14) : sidh {g. 10. 36. 4; 175. 2; ^. 10. 76. 4; 100. 8) : 
iri^ {g. 10. 85. 4; 94. 6; d, 1. 118. 3; 7. 22. 4; 10. 94. 12) : caks 
(g. 10. 92. 15 ; d. 8. 4. 13) : &/ifl5 {g. 10. 94. 3 ; a. 9. 79. 4 ; 10. 94. 
13) : cyu {g. 8. 42. 4; 4 9. 11. 5) : "^as {g. 8. 27. 1; 10. 94. 10; 
100. 9; d.l. 109. 3; 5. 11. 12; 8. 72. 11; 10. 94. 11) : i {g. 10. 
94. 5; d. 10. 94. 8) : kr {g. 1. 84. 3; 10. 94. 5; 175. 2; a. 3. 53. 
10; 10. 94. 14) : gralh {g. 1. 162. 5; d.l. 139. 10) : &M (g. 1. 
28. 1; 7. 35. 7; 10. 70. 7; d. 10. 76. 8) : yam {g. 8. 34. 2; 10. 
94. 6; d. 5. 45. 7; 9. 34. 3 ; 10. 76. 2). Twenty others^^ occur 
with grdvan alone, and twenty-three with ddri alone. 

The verbals su and duh make 50% of the total with ddri, but 
less than 25% of the total of grdvan. The verbals vad, vac, 
re, id, and krus, together make one third of the total for grdvan, 
but less than 3% for ddri. These are the numerically striking 
distinctions. In details, however, more interesting differentia 
appear. The grdvdnas speak {vad) uirdm (5. 37. 2), 'brMt 
(10. 94. 4), satdvat, sahdsravat (10. 94. 2), as a kdrur ukthyds 
(1. 83. 6) ; but the ddrayas- only by upahdihhis at their loosen- 
ing (10. 94. 13). The grdvdnas raise their voices {va^) divitd 
divitm^atd (10. 76. 6), hrhdd' {5. 25. 8; 36. 4; 10. 64. 15), as 
eagles in the vault of the sky, where they dance (nrt, 10. 94. 5) ; 
but the ddrwyas raise theirs only to call the Asvins (7. 68. 4), 
or to cry for the soma (10. 94. 14). The grdvdnas hum over 

^* The verbs vn\^ grdvan, but not with ddri, are, ar, 5. 36. 4; 'as, 10. 94. 
2; ^as, 10. 94. 10; gras, 10. 94. 6; car, 5. 31. 12; -jar, 2. 39. 1; jus, 10. 
94. 10; ^dha, 10. 94. 5; 175. 3; ims, 9. 82. 3; nrt, 10. 94. 4, 5; 'bhur, 10. 
76. 6; mahiy, 9. 113. 6; 10. 175. 3; rdbh, 10. 94. 4; ris, 10. 94. 10; vas, 

6. 51. 14; vah, 10. 94. 7; ^va, 1. 89. 4, zeugmatie; 'm<i, 10. 94. 3, 4; 108. 
11; His, 10. 94. 2; ^.m, 10. 175. 1, 4. 

Those found with^ a^fri, but not with grdvan, are, aj, 3. 44. 5; anj, 6. 
63. 3; ds, 10. 94. 9; Tend, 9. 66. 29; 10. 94. 14; cay, 10. 94. 14; ju, 3. 58. 
8; dhan, 1. 88. 3; naks, 6. 63. 3; mws, 10. 94. 9; nu, 5. 45. 7; *'par, 
6. 48. 5; pa, 7. 22. 4; pu, 1. 135. 2; 5. 86. 6; pre, 10. 94. 13; bhaj, 7. 
39. 1; 10. 94. 8; mih, 10. 104. 2; ml, 10. 94. 13; mrj, 10. 76. 5; vrt, 10. 
94. 14; sad, 8. 63. 2; sio, 8. 53. 3; ^r, 1. 73. 6; sJcdbMy, 10. 76. 4. • 

All these have been given with the numbering and form of the radicals 
in Grassmann. 



The Vedic Press-Stones 247 

the cooked flesh (pakvd dmisi) at the sacrifice (10. 94. 3) while 
the ddrayds find pleasure in the beestings of the soma plant (10. 
94. 8). To press the soma the grdvanas hhuranti (10. 76. 6), 
or Savitar suvatu dhdrmand (10. 175. 1 and 4) ; but the ddrayas 
revolve {vivrt, 10. 94. 14) or men make them spin {dhanayante 
1. 88. 3) for the Maruts. The vddan grdvd is pressed (avahhri- 
yate) upon the vedi, where the Adhvarjnis keep it in rapid 
motion {jlrdm cdranti, 5. 31. 12), while the ddrayas sit on the 
ox-hide (9. 79. 4; 101. 11; 10. 94. 9), or in the lap of the 
dhisdnd {Jl. 109. 3). 

As one surveys these lists he notes comparatively few iden- 
tities and of these fourteen are due to the one hymn, 10. 94. 
The more one scans the lists the more the differences stand out, 
and the impression grows of a fundamentally differing concep- 
tion of the two words. There was probably more or less trans- 
ference from one to the other, possibly mutual to some extent, 
yet undoubtedly greater from the generic to the specific, but 
at the most this w^s slight in extent. The outstanding fact is 
that the divergences are many and pronounced. The ddri has 
little in common with the ulukhale; the grdvan much, in many 
cases being identical with it. We know of but two types of 
Vedic press. We must assume another or identify the ddri 
with one of the two known. If either, it must be of the Apas- 
tamba type. We have already seen this indicated in 10. 94. 
14, krildyo nd mMdram txiddntah — plural upper stones dancing 
upon and beating a singular lower one. This, again, would 
account for the great disparity of the singulars and plurals of 
ddr% seventeen to sixty-three, while those of grdvan were so 
evenly divided, twenty to twenty-eight. It would be quite 
natural to designate such a press as the 'stones.' Speed and 
profusion have been found characteristic of the ddrayas. A 
press of the Apastamba type could easily be geared up to pro- 
duce the speed of a revolving mill-stone. Such a press would 
naturally yield soma in such profusion as even, in comparison 
with the mortar and pestle, to justify the hyperbolic terms in 
such a hymn as 9. 96. 7-9, nd sindhur . . . somah, sahdsraretd, 
amsor urmim, sahdsradhdras, and others no less extravagant. 
Such a press would naturally be intended for the production of 
soma on a greater scale than the uLukhala would yield except 
in considerable time or considerable numbers. The 'associates,' 
comparisons, epithets, and verbs, all favor such a press as is 
engaged primarily for producing soma in large quantities and 
quickly. 



248 Samuel Grant Oliphant 

Does any evidence conflict with this identification? I have 
found but two items that could possibly be so construed. One 
is the ddrir urdhvo of 7. 68. 4. This, however, may be a collec- 
tive^* designation for the press, or merely a borrowed epithet 
from the normal urdhvo grdvd, or urdhvd may here mean 'ele- 
vated,' 'erected,' etc. The other is that Apastamba distinctly 
calls his press grdvan, but we have already found this to be the 
generic and popular name for the soma-press in the literature, 
while adri is hieratic and confined practically to the RV. 
Hence, he would naturally use this term. 

I am then strongly inclined, in the light of the evidence 
adduced, to the conclusion that in the Vedas we have two types 
of press, and only two, one the mortar and pestle, and possibly 
derivative forms of the same, the other a press of the type 
described by Apastamba, with possible variations also ; and that 
in the Vedas grdvan regularly refers to the former and ddri to 
the latter. 

There is, however, an occasional tendency of ddri to encroach 
upon the demesne of grdvan, as is noticeably the case in the 
three duals of ddri in RV. If we apply the tests suggested by 
the tables, especially that of * associates, ' we shall find in each 
instance items suggestive of the entourage of grdvan rather than 
of ddri. The first of these duals is in 1. 109. Z, tdhy ddri dhi^d- 
ndyd updsthe. The more immediate context has soma^ya prdyati 
\2^)j vfsano madanti (3*^), dhisdndyd updsthe (3<^), dhisdnd 
(4*), s6ma/m . . . sunoti (4^), mddhund . . . apsu (4*^), all 
characteristic 'associates' of ddri, but near by are also mdnasd 
(1^), prdmatir {1^), dhiyam vdjaydntlm (1<^), stomam . . . 
ndvyam {2^), harhisi and yajne (5*^), which we naturally asso- 
ciate rather with grdvan. In 7. 42. 1, yujydtdm ddri adhvardsya 
pesah, only dhen4va udapruto {V) is characteristic of the 
sphere of ddri, while hrahmdno and dngiraso (1^), yujydtdm and 
adhvardsya (1^), belong rather to that of grdvan. In the 
remaining instance, 7. 39. 1, hhejdthe ddri rathyeva pdnthdm, 
ddri has brought nothing with it unless it may claim the verb 
alone, which is found with it also in 10. 94. 8. On the other 
hand, urdhvd agnih (1^), jurnir and devdtdtim (1^), rtdm and 
hotd (1^), harhir (2^), yajnesu yajniydsa urmh (4*), and 
sadhdstham (4^), would all be proper associates for grdvan. 
Thus our first dual is attended by about as many of the asso- 

''*Cf. Mstayato ddrih (10. 67. 2) as a collective, equivalent to ddrayas 
in 4, 7, and 8, following. 



The Vedic Press-Stones 249 

dates of grdvan as of its own, but tliet>ther two are practically 
cut off from their own and overwhelmingly surrounded by those 
of grdvan. 

Reasons for ddri rather than grdvdndu in these passages are 
not hard to find. One is the well-worn and overworked, but still 
valid at times, metri causa. The dual of grdvan will not work 
here, unless one change either the metre or the accompanying 
vocabulary. Another may be that, as we have found in the 
existing instances, the dual of grdva/n was so completely identi- 
fied with the ulukhalamicsale that the rsis chose ddri to avoid 
this connotation and to denote more definitely a press of two 
stones. Again ddri connotes an idea of sthdulalaksya, munifi- 
cence, liberality, etc., which might readily lead the rsis, naturally 
prone to extravaganzas of diction, to use it in preference to 
grdvan, just as even Occidental man has not ceased to believe, or 
at least to act upon the belief, that he can beguile his God by 
profuseness of profession. Such would seem to be the case also 
with the plural ddrayas in some instances, as e. ^. in 3. 41. 2 and 
6. 63. 3. 

In 7. 42. 1, the dual ddri are the ornament, not the two orna- 
ments, of the sacrifice, and in 7. 39. 1, they pursue a single 
pdnthdm, acting in unison as the rathyd, the two usual occupants 
of a chariot. These are decisive, not for a duality of presses, 
but for one press of dual stones, but whether the upper is a com- 
posite, as in the pure Apastamba type, or single as in the 
ulukhale type, does not appear unless we stress the 'associates' 
to favor the latter in a derivative form. I see no reason to inter- 
pret the dual differently in 1. 109. 3, as the interpretation given 
is adequate and apposite here as elsewhere.^^ 

Two other words remain. In 8. 2. 2, we have dsna in suto 
d5?iair, as a name for the press-stone. Its 'associates' dhutah, 
dvyo vdrdih, pdripiltah, and nikto nadisu, as well as its cognates, 
all fix it as a synonym, of ddri. In 3. 35. 8, imdm ndrah pdrva- 
tds tubhyam dpah sdm indra gohhir mddhumantam akran, pdr- 
vatds may indicate the mountains as the home of the soma plant 
or of the press-stones. In the latter case it is only an equivalent 
for ddra/yah pdrvatds as in 10. 94. 1. 

"In RV. 1. 109. 3, Oldenberg (as Professor Edgerton has communicated 
to me) takes the dual as due to the fact that it is used metaphorically for 
Indra and Agni. So Sayana (see note in Grijfi&th) explains it in 7. 42. 1, 
us the Tajamdna and his wife. This method of hermeneutics is antipodal 
to mine. 



250 Samuel Grant OUphant 

I have reserved 10. 94 for a separate consideration. This 
bizarre hymn of an equally bizarre author, if tradition be trust- 
worthy, is one of the three dedicated to the grdvdnas. It is the 
only hymn assigned by tradition to Arbuda Kadraveya Sarpa, 
or to any of his family, and one of two assigned to sarparsis. 
According to the Pancavinsa-Brahmana, 25. 15, this Arbuda was 
a Gravastut priest that was an officiant at the snake festival. 
He is known also from AB. 6. 1, and KB. 29. 1. In the fourteen 
stanzas of the hymn we have at least two dozen Vedic aira^ 
elprj^eva. The hymn is late and has many 'reminiscences' from 
earlier ones. At least that seems the most reasonable explana- 
tion of the number of terms transferred in it from the grdvdnas 
to the udrayas. These two names are almost inextricably con- 
fused in the hymn. In this it is in marked contrast to what 
we found to be true in the other seven hymns containing both 
names. It has been the one disturbing feature in the applica- 
tion of tests made. It is the one hymn that contains the 
strongest evidence for the Apastamba type, both with the name 
grdvmi and with ddri. The logical explanation for the discrep- 
ancies due to this hymn is that to its iauthor the words are so 
synonymous that he makes no attempt to distinguish between 
them. The generic and the specific, the demotic and the hieratic, 
simply blend and he uses now this, now that, without any 
attempt to differentiate. If Apastamba could call his press of 
five stones by the name once identifiable with the mortar and 
pestle, so could Arbuda at his pleasure. With this interpreta- 
tion, we have a remarkable consistency in the Vedas in the use 
of the terms grdvan and ddri and in their respective attributes.^® 

Grove City, Pennsylvania. 

" In the preparation of this article the writer has had access only to the 
texts, the lexiea of Bartiiolomae, Monier-Williains and Grassmann^ versions 
of BV. by Grassmann and GrifS.th, and of AV. by Whitney-Lanman, of 
ZA. in SBE IV, XXIII, and XXXI, and works mentioned in the article. 
He has had no access to other handbooks or journals. If it so happen 
that any part of his work has been anticipated, he trusts that it may still 
be of value as corroborative, supplementary, or corrective. 

[Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth. 1. 152ff., anticipates a very few of the data, 
but none of the important conclusions, of this article. Except for a 
momentary qualm (op. cit. 161 f.) he treats grdvan as meaning only 'stone' 
and as synonymous with ddi-i whenrrsoma-press. So, apparently, have all 
other scholars. See Zimmer, AIL. 278; Pischel, Ved. St. 1. 109 j Oldenberg,' 
Noten, 1. 24, n. 2. — Editors.] 



LICENSED FEET IN LATIN VERSE : A STUDY OF THE 
PRINCIPLES OF EXCEPTIONAL SHORTENING, OF 
DIAERESIS, AND OF SHORT VOWELS IN HIATUS 

Robert Somerville Radford 
Professor of Latin, University of Tennessee 

The present paper might equally well be called, so far as 
regards its chief content, a study of popular prosody in literary 
Latin. Students of Latin versification owe much to the learned 
and truly monumental work of Lucian Miiller, the Res Metrica, 
yet after all this most valuable and elaborate treatise is not free 
from serious faults. It is severely restricted in its scope to the 
period subsequent to Ennius, and it is in many respects a pro- 
duction of the narrower grammatical school; hence its treat- 
ment of exceptional shortenings, of diaeresis, and of short vowels 
in hiatus leaves much to be desired. The principles which I 
shall discuss in the present study involve directly only a few 
hundred verses perhaps in the Latin poets, but indirectly they 
have an important bearing upon the conception which we should 
form of Latin verse in general and of the manner in which its. 
development has occurred. I shall seek to show,^ with impor- 
tant results, as I hope, both to the language and to the metre, 
(1) that nearly all the initial licenses of .final o, such as void, 
scio, Pollio, quomodo, findo, tegendo and the like, remarkable 
shortenings like the commodd (imp v. 1st conj.) of Catullus and 
the gratuitus of Statins, the ludicre of Ennius, the coruptum of 
Lucilius and Lucretius, the super ne of Lucretius and of Horace, 
the posted of Ovid and Oermanicus, Juvenal's Calpe, Vergil's. 
Kic{c), Horace's Proserpma, Ap{p)ulia and CatU{l)us, Mar- 
tial's c6{t)Udianus and mutoniatus (law of mdmilla and law of 
conscrihUlo) , do not usually occur at random, as has heretofore 
been Eissumed, but are justified and, in a measure, legitimatized 
(just as in English poetry) through the influence of mass and 
through the reader's knowledge of established metrical usage. 

* Of the headings here named it will be possible, in the present article,, 
to discuss only the first, viz. that relating to exceptional shortenings, but 
it is hoped that even in the present introductory discussion the principles 
involved will be clearly seen to be applicable to all the cases mentioned 
alike. 



252 Robert Somerville Radford 

For the poet has first firmly established his metre by many per- 
fect lines; hence the reader knows just what he is to expect in 
certain necessary parts of the verse, and is therefore amply pro- 
tected at these points against the possibility of metrical ambi- 
guity. Similar conclusions will be reached (2) respecting 
nearly all the notable cases of diaeresis, not only dissoluo, suetae, 
siluae, but deinde, cm, huic, Orpheus, Peleus, Troia, suMecta^ 
quadrmngulum, fortassean, anteit, vehemens, nihil, prehendo, 
etc.f and (3) perhaps most strikingly of all, with respect to 
the cases of short vowels (without m) in hiatus — only another 
case of diaeresis or the separation of 'syllables — ^like Horace's 
male ominatis, Catullus' hercule et and factum male, o miselle 
passer, Persius' discite, a miseri, Vergil's dea. Ille, Sidonius' tu 
sine illo, Luxorius' magnum deprendere usum, Ennius' hos ego 
in pugna, etc.,^ which have been doubted needlessly by so many 
scholars. Since metrical ambiguity is everywhere avoided, it is 
evident that these occasional and exceptional, yet legitimate, 
usages are admitted chiefly in the characteristic feet, i. e., those 
feet which bear the pure and necessary rhythm and which 
imperatively demand a certain number of short syllables. The 
precious shorts, which the original Roman language seemed so 
greatly to lack, must ordinarily be provided by art and by a 
thousand refinements of form and syntax (such as archaisms, 
neologisms, constructions of Greek syntax, diminutive forma- 
tions, hypallage or poetical inversion of the Vergiliau variety, 
hendiadys, apostrophe, hyperbaton and the like*), yet may some- 

^I shall not actually reach in the present paper the cases of dialysis 
named, which are discussed by Miiller, I. I., pp. 317f., 304f., 294f., and by 
Hoche, Metra des Seneca, p. 54, but even the casual reader who will turn 
to the examples in Miiller will see that they illustrate the principles set 
forth. 

'I shall not actually discuss the examples under this third head, but 
they may be found in Miiller, p. 370f. The principle of the pure or nec- 
essary foot and the absence of metrical ambiguity under the dipody law 
furnish a sufieient explanation also, I hold, of the examples of short 
vowels (without m) in hiatus T^hieh Maurenbrecher has collected with such 
care and industry (Hiatus im alt. Lat., p. 200f.), but upon which, in com- 
mon with most Plautine scholars, he passes a most mistaken and erroneous 
judgment. A detailed discussion and explanation of the Plautine exam- 
ples, however, is quite necessary, and this I plan to give in a separate 
article. 

* Thus the writer considers most unfair and ungracious, for example, 
the remark of Postgate that *the device of postponing qite metri gratia 
in the second half of a pentameter is ridden to death by Tibullus,' e. g. 



Licensed Feet in Latin Verse 253 

times be supplied also by systole and. by that bolder license 
which, the speech of Plautus and of Lucilius could never wholly 
forego. If then there are (as is quite evident) distinctive feet 
in Roman classical verse with which the poet is especially pre- 
occupied and which he provides for in advance, it is clear that 
the subject of the special peculiarities which they exhibit is a 

Tib. 1. 1. 40 pocula, de facili composmtque luto. The truth is that 
Tibullus, the unexampled master of elegance and purity, could scarcely 
have composed his pentameters at all without 'riding to death' both the 
- displaced que and the well-known use of the aorist infinitive (as 1.1.30 
nee pudeat . . . increpuisse boves). Catullus and the other 'singers of 
Euphorion' renounced entirely the elision of final s, — a counsel of perffec- 
tion almost comparable to the restoration of the e mute in French. For 
many reasons then it is not surprising that they so greatly affect and * ride 
to death' the use of diminutives, comparatives, verbal nouns in -io, and 
the like, as Oat. 3.18 meae puellae | flendo turgiduli rubent ocelli; 3.1 
lugete, Veneres Cupidinesque | et quantum est hominum venustidrum; 
7.1 quaeris, quot mihi hdsidtidnes. To form the difB.cult fifth foot, Vergil 
often uses hendiadys and hypallage (rhetorical inversion or artificiality 
of expression), usually with very happy and poetical effects, e. g. 'Such 
a soil will produce the choicest liquor such as from sacred bowls we pour 
forth to the gods and from cups of gold' (Georg. 2.191 hie laticis, qualem 
pateris liba^mus et aura) ; ' all are of the same mind, to leave the accursed 
land and to give the south winds to the eager ships' (Aen. 3.61 et dare 
cWssibus Austros, poetical inversion for dare classes Av^tris) ; ' she dis- 
guises her purpose in her looks and shows calm hope upon her brow' 
(Aen. 4.477 ae spem fro^nte serenat, inversion for spe frontem serenat, 
'she smooths her brow with hope'). Yet the ancient critics, as we learn 
from the sixth book of Macrobius, noted that some of the numerous cases 
of hypallage, used metri gratia by Vergil in the fifth foot, are not wholly 
successful, as 'Like fires launched on a dry forest with branches of 
crackling bay' (Aen. 12,522 arentem in silvam et virgulta sona^ntia lauro, 
'branches crackling with bay,' instead of 'branches of crackling bay'); 
'they crowd to see the bodies and the spot reeking with freshly shed blood' 
(Aen. 9.455 tepida'^que recentem \ eaede locum, 'the spot still fresh with 
the warm blood'). In the mythology Telephus oould be healed only by the 
rust from the spear of Achilles which had injured him, and in a somewhat 
simOar way we may say that Greece will heal the wounds which she has 
inflicted on the original Eoman language by freely giving to the Augustan 
poets all her figures of grammar and all her constructions of syntax. On 
this whole subject, see especially the learned and brilliant study of Kone, 
Die Sprache der romischen Epiker, Munster, 1840, which is so highly 
praised by Christ and Brock, but so strangely neglected by Miiller. Kone, 
writing in 1840, often faUs, it is true, into exaggeration and positive 
error, yet how masterly, for example, is his treatment (p. 15) of Horace's 
Greek infinitive with adjectives (e. g. C. i:i0.7 callidum quidquid placuit. 



1J54 Robert Somerville Radford 

fairly complex one, and even a preliminary article cannot be 
' written without some reference to the forms of declension and 
conjugation, and even more especially to the figures of grammar 
and the figures of rhetoric. For it is by the help of these latter 
that the Augustans have created in fact a new language in con- 
formity to the new prosody of Ennius,^ and so have finally 
obtained (as for example, in Ovid) a super-abundant and almost 
miraculous supply of short syllables. Students of Roman 
comedy are of course thoroughly familiar at the present time 
with the distinctive foot of the early iambic verse, that is, the 
pure iambus of the verse-close, and with the many licenses which 
it exhibits. It is true that a few excellent scholars such as 
Lange, Staedler, Scheffler, Zingerle and Brock" have studied the 
often fixed position of words and phrases in the different feet 
of the hexameter and even of lyric verse, but it can scarcely 
' be said that the valuable results which they have gained in part 
have received the attention which they merit or have become 
widely known. Thus the characteristic or licensed feet in the 
metres of Plautus and Terence have been carefully observed, 
while those in the verse of Vergil, Horace and Catullus have 
usually been much neglected. 

The Roman language originally possessed, like English, a 
great wealth of common or 'half -long' syllables, such as doml/t, 
sed-au/ut, vide/e, volu/uptatem, quid-d/dccepisti, i/ille, and the 
like, and something of the fiexibility, the variety and the free- 
dom that belong to our English verse, appears also in the vigor- 

iocoso I c6iidere f6rto, — ^necessary dactyl of the Adonic) and of Vergil's 
use of the infinitive for the gerund (Aen. 2.10 sed si tantus amor casus 
cogno^scere nostros | et — supremmn audi're laborem). He quotes moat 
aptly also (p. 8) as an example of the natural Latia word-order the fine 
verse of Ennius Ann. 509 M. tiun lateralis dolor certissimus nuntius mortis; 
afterwards, as he so clearly points out, the 'singers of Euphorion' and 
the Augustans, rejecting the elision of final s, were compelled either to 
resort to artificial positions or to the poetical variation of the gender 
which is seen in summa dies, dura silex, aurea funis, acerba cinis, horrida 
pulvis (pp. 85, 93, etc.). In short, Kone's treatment of the dactylic poets 
is often both more instructive and more stimulating than that of Lucian 
Miiller. 

^ This is most admirably shown in the work of Kone already quoted. 

"See Lange on the Infinitive Passive in -ier, DenTcscJvriften d. Wien. 
AJcad. X (1860), p. 1-58; Staedler, De serm. Lucret., Jena, 1869; Scheffler, 
De perfecti in -vi formis apud poetas dactylicos, Marburg, 1890 ; Zingerle, 
Zu spdteren lat. Dichtern, Innsbruck, 1873 and 1879; Brock, Quaestiones 
Grammaticae, Dorpat, 1897. 



Licensed Feet' m Lat^ Verse ^ 255 

ous iambics^ cretics and anapaests of Plautus and other early 
Eoman poets. It is true that in an important sense Rome itself 
was conquered by Ennius, who won in the sphere of literature 
a victory almost as complete as that achieved by Scipio at Zama 
or Alexander at Issus and Arbela, and as a result the course of 
development of the language was actually changed and reversed 
for a period of several centuries.'^ Poetry turned from its early 
rugged strength and its large variability to an elegance and an 
artistic perfection, a truly classical precision, which, in view of 
the original Roman material and the native bent, could only be 
acquired by learning and unremitting study. The system of 
Greek prosody which Ennius introduced and which he imposed 
upon Rome sought above all else to reduce the number of com- 
mon and variable syllables, and so to attain an almost mathe- 
matical exactness. Therefore in a later age Caesius Bassus, the 
teacher of Persius and the gifted lyric poet so highly praised 
by Quintilian, could not understand the freedom and the flexi- 
bility which the early Roman verse had enjoyed, and hence, 
-without regard for the principle of the well-established metre, 
he severely censured^ the line of Terence, which Horace {Sat. 
2. 3. 264) was able to convert, by two slight changes, into a 
dactylic hexameter, viz. Eun. 49 : exclusit : revocat : redeam 1 
non, si me obsecret. 

The criticism is easily intelligible in one to whom the precise 
and elegant prosody of Greece had become all in all, but with 
respect to early Roman poetry it is no more correct than the 
judgment passed by another learned critic, Dr. Samuel Johnson, 
upon the irregular verses of Milton. According to Dr. John-, 
son 's essay, every ' deviation from the rigor of exactness injures 
the harmony of the line considered by itself; how erroneous 
this view really is, may be readily seen by any one who will turn 
to Professor Corson's Primer of English Verse and read the 
fourth chapter in which he reviews Johnson's criticism of 
Milton, and points out, with many apt examples, the 'special 
expressiveness' of variety in English verse. I hasten to add 
that the freedom of the early Roman prosody could never be 
wholly suppressed even in literary Latin,® although elegance 

'On the effect of the dactylic hexameter upon the development of the 
Xiatin language, see, in addition to Kone, Christ, Metr.,^ pp. 19, 25 ; Brock, 
L I., p. 76f. 

" Ap. Eufin. Metr, Terent. 556 K. 

'Compare also the examples of popular prosody cited by Lindsay, The 
Captivi, p. 32. 



256 Eohert Somerville Radford 

and precision everywhere became the rule in a lan^age of 
exceptional beauty and charm. Not only was Ennius unable 
wholly to suppress the common syllables, as in siM/i, cave/e, 
vide/e, palu/us, but his actual system, as we shall presently see, 
is usually somewhat misunderstood and is represented as more 
rigorous than was really the case. For even in the Ennian 
prosody the Roman language does not wholly give up the very 
considerable variety and flexibility which was its original birth- 
right, and the Roman poets always possess some power of mould- 
ing their material according to pressing needs and of escaping, 
by means of numerous licenses and variations, from too narrow 
an interpretation of metrical form. In illustration of this fact 
I shall discuss the following four topics: (1) the freedom simi- 
lar to that of early Latin poetry, but greater, which English 
verse often exhibits; (2) the licenses which belong to the pure 
iambic verse-close in Plautus and Terence; (3) the greater 
freedom which Lucian Miiller also recognizes in certain feet of 
the hexameter, although he fails to draw the necessary conclu- 
sions from the facts noted; (4) Ennius' own usage as seen in 
his hexameters. 

I. Examples of Freedom in English Verse 

If we are composing a single line as an example of the metri- 
cian 's art, we can evidently take no liberties in English versifi- 
cation, and we cannot depart in the least from the standard or 
strict norm. But if a poet is composing a great body of verse, 
then he may take many liberties after he has once clearly estab- 
lished his metre and gained the ear and the confidence of his 
reader. Hence English poets often seek to vary the cadence of 
their verse and, after many smooth and perfect lines, introduce 
irregular ones, frequently with greater clearness of imagery 
and with some striking effect, e. g.: 

Headlong themselves they threw 
Down from the verge of Heaven : eternal wrath 
Burnt after them to the bottomless pit. 

Milton, P. L. vi. 864f. 
Down the long tower-stairs, hesitating. 

Tennyson, Lancelot and Elaine. 
I saw the flaring atom-streams 
And torrents of her myriad universe, 
Ruining along the illimitable hiane. 

Tennyson, Lucretius. 



Licensed Feet in Latin Verse 257 

In such, lines as these the poet really uses an irregular or 
exceptional foot after he has first created what we may call a 
psychological atmosphere or mental attitude, and has established 
his metre by many faultless lines. Under such circumstances 
the freer foot presents no difficulty and is by no means displeas- 
ing to the reader. The early poets of Rome availed themselves 
of a somewhat similar freedom, and composed their verse largely 
according to the ear. The later classical poets observe the 
formal rules of the Ennian prosody taught in the schools, but 
since it is difficult entirely ta supersede nature, they not only 
seek variety by means of the many different schemata of the 
hexameter, but they also compose at times according to the ear 
and according to their recollection of particular words as they 
stand at prominent places in the line. This may best be illus- 
trated from a few peculiar and difficult, but notable words which 
the classical poets, for the sake of metrical convenience, place 
before the fixed caesura, such as mdlHisti, fortultus,^^ grdtuUus, 
pltmta, drcudtus, conuhmm, vietus, Hddndnus, etc. The con- 
sent and the approval of the grammarians and the precisianists 
is gained origvnaXly of course only by the theory and the artifice 
of synizesis and by the necessity of providing for the masculine 
caesura. Typical examples are Lucil. 59.5 B. id quod maluisti*, 
te; Cat. 62.57 cum par conubiu^m maturo; Verg. Aen. 7.253 
quantum in conubio^; Juv. 13.225 non quasi fortuitu^s necj 
Manil. 1.182 nam neque fortuitous. But after these words have 
once gained their fixed position in the line, the original theory 
is largely lost sight of and it makes absolutely no difference in 
some cases whether we call the license employed synizesis or 
correption (systole) or even the irregular foot ( — ^ — ) admit- 
ted in a difficult word under the camouflage of synizesis. For 
nothing can be clearer than that the license in question does not 
offend the eye or do violence to the literary script. Hence in 
the end, as is well known, coniibium {conuhjum), like diutur- 
nus,^^ is often correpted (conuhium) ,^^ and — ^not unlike Com- 
modian in a later age— Statins has composed, according to the 
ear and his recollection of the caesura, a remarkable hendeca- 
syllable, which yet observes most scrupulously all the traditional 
rules, viz. Silv. 1.6.16 largis gratuitum cadit rapinis. For the 
license which he admits is here abundantly justified both by the 
choriambus (as we shall see later) and by the regular caesura. 

"MiiUer, I. I., p. 302. 
"Miiller, I. I., p. 431. 
"Miiller, I I., p. 303 j Munro on Lucret. 3.776. 



258 Robert Somerville Badford 

II. Licenses of the Iambic Verse-Close 

It is well known that, for the sake of metrical convenience, 
Plautus and Terence admit many less familiar forms at the end 
of the line or hemistich which are not acceptable elsewhere.^* 
Lindsay's terse statement is here a most excellent one (Captivi, 
p. 42) : 'It is in this part of the line that all forms and scansions 
that are little used, whether on account of antiquity or of nov- 
elty, are to be looked for.' It is therefore in the verse-close 
that we find such archaisms and neologisms as face, siet, creduas, 
duint, laudarier,^^ fuerit, fieri, sumpserunt (vulgar scansion of 
Perf. Ind.), purigo, mavolo, amaveram, amavero, cognoverim, 
periculum, dextera, nihil, deos, etc. Brock has shown that 
essentially the same principles are followed by the later iambic 
poets, such as Catullus, Horace and Seneca, and Schmidt^^ long 
ago pointed out that it is only in the verse-close that Seneca 
shortens the first syllables of the Greek words Hehrus, Cyclas, 
hydra, and admits, through metrical exigency, Hehrus, etc. 

As I have myself noted also at some length in my study of 
Plan tine Synizesis,^° many of these words which the dramatic 
poet places at the end of the line do not have in ordinary speech 
the full value of three morae in their last two syllables, but 
contain a greatly weakened or diminished syllable, viz. ama^^ram, 
pericHum, n'Hl, d^os, etc., yet these faintly uttered syllables in 
the verse-close do not disturb the reader or cause serious metri- 
cal ambiguity, for the reason that the poet has firmly established 
his metre by many perfect closes and the reader expects, in the 
last foot, to give even a weak syllable the value of a full mora. 
Furthermore it is legitimate for the iambic poets to resort to 
diaeresis and to resolve the eu diphthong for the purpose of 
forming the verse-close, as Accius frgm. 668 R. iam banc urbem 

^'' Engelbrecht, Stitd. VindoT)0'nens. VI 219ff.,' Brock, Quaest. Gramm., 
p. 79f.; Hauler, Tlinl. z. Phormio,^ p. 63. 

"I do not agree, however, with the view of most critics that the full 
forms such as laudarier, siet, duit, etc., are restricted absolutely and with- 
out exception to verse-closes, but I hold that they are sometimes, though 
very rarely, admitted to form any pure iambic foot such as the second or 
fourth, as Ter. Hec. 637 sia 6st, ut aliter tua sie^t sent^ntia; also to 
form the licensed first foot, as Ad. 83 si6it, quid tristis 6go sim?; cf. 
Plant. Amph. 189 du§illo extincto m^xumo. Compare, for a somewhat 
similar view. Hauler, Mnl. z, Phorm.,^ p. 63, n. 2; Stange, Be archaismis 
Terent.y p. 33f. 

"De Senecae trag. rationihtis metricis, p. 34. 

^' Trans. Am. PhU. Assoc, XXXVI (1906), p. 164f. 



Licensed Feet in Latin Verse 259 

ferro vastam, faciei Peleiis ; Phaedr. 5.1.1 Demetrius qui dictus 
est Phalereiis.^^ Again the language of the dramatic poets is 
simpler and more natural than that of the Augustans, but it 
is well known that, in order to form the two difficult feet of the 
close, they often break up the usual word-orders and resort to 
tmesis-forms and a more artificial arrangement of words and 
phrases (hyperbaton) .^® We shall see later that the same licenses 
which belong to the pure iambus in dramatic poetry, belong, 
in dactylic verse, to the pure dactyl, and, in logaoedic verse, to 
the necessary choriambus. 

I may illustrate the principles just set forth from the much 
discu^ed scansion of fmstra, which has a short final in Plautus, 
but a long final in classical poetry. The view of most critics 
to-da;f is that an exceptional shortening, a new scansion, should 
appear last in the pure feet. Nothing could be more contrary 
to the actual facts. Owing to the pressing need of short sylla- 
ble9, such a scansion makes its appearance first in the necessary 
feet. In other words, as soon as a syllable becomes doiibtfid, 
the new scansion appears in the pure feet. Thus frustrd/d, with 
the doubtful final, was the real quantity of the adverb in Plau- 
tus' time, yet the poet never uses it with the last syllable long, 
but places the phrase ne frustrd sis six times in verse closes.^* 
Similarly the final syllable of the interjection eia, according to 
the grammarians, was doubtful (Miiller, p. 420), yet Ennius 
and the classical poets place it always in the first and fifth feet 
with correption. 

III. Muller's Discussion op Licensed Feet 

The fact that certain feet of the hexameter as well as of lyric 
and iambic verse admit occasionally very marked licenses by no 
means wholly escaped the observation o| Miiller. Thus he rec- 

" Miiller, I. I., p. 317. 

"See, for example, Nilsson, Quomodo pronomina apud Plant, et Ter. 
coUocentur, Lund, 1901, pp. 9, 41, and the forthcoming University of 
Chicago dissertation of Dr. Bertha E. Booth, The Collocation of the 
Adverl) of Degree in Boman Comedy and Cato. 

"It need not be said that I reject the view of Lindsay, L, L., p. 558, 
and the former view of Stolz, G^r./ $ 87, that frustra is an Ace, Plur. Neut., 
and also the theory (Lindsay, L. L., p. 593) that superne is not the adverb 
of supernv^. Lucretius takes the shortening of superne from the vulgar 
speech, where it was doubtless used as a preposition (just as in Umbrian) 
and so further weakened. 



260 Uohert Somerville Radford 

Quizes unreservedly both in his Ues Metrica^^ and in his 
Satires^^ of Horace that length by position before sc, sp, st and 
z is neglected by many authors in the first foot, * which enjoys 
a greater freedom/ in the fifth foot 'because of its pure dactylic 
nature, '^2 and finally in *other metres 'which require a short 
thesis,' i. e. require a pure iambus, a pure trochee or a pure 
dactyl. This statement, which shows in minute detail a genu- 
ine understanding of the somewhat complex principles involved, 
is fully elaborated and wonderfully complete — as a result, no 
doubt, of the long controversies over the rule of s impure, in 
which many eminent classical scholars have taken part. We 
could wish that he might have shown similar completeness and 
similar insight when he discussed, for example, the shortening 
of final o and the question of short syllables in hiatus. — ^Miiller 
recognizes also in his citations the occasional neglect of position 
in the fourth foot, which in this license, as in many others, some- 
times assimilates itself to the fifth foot,^ as Prop. 4.18.21 
venu^ndata Scylla figura. The usual license and usual neglect 
of position is seen of course in Verg. Aen. 11.309 spem ... in 
armis | po^nite: spes sibi quisque; 3.270 nemoro^sa Zacynthos 
(proper name also involved). Miiller correctly recognizes also 
as fully legitimate the shortening in the pure fourth foot of the 
trimeter, as Prud. Steph. 10.688 magistra spe^ctet impia. Bet- 
ter examples are offered, however, by Seneca^* (whom he does 
not quote), as Oed. 541; Agam. 433; Here. F. 916 trucis antra 
Zegthi; Thy est. 845 tramite zonas (lyric anap., two shorts 
difficult to provide and here without metrical ambiguity) ; Oed. 
421 retinente zona (Sapphic, pure trochee). Shortening is also 
allowed rarely in the pure dactylic penthemimer (second half 
dact. pentam.) as Mart. 14.151. Finally, if we add that a single 
case occurs in which a Roman poet has shortened such a sylla- 
ble within the hexameter in the second trochee (Prop. 4.5.17 

^P. 386f. 

^^ Einl., p. xxix. 

^A good statement of usage according to the feet of the hexameter is 
also given in the GUdersleeve-Lodge Latin Grammar, § 784.9. 

^ That the fourth foot, when dactylic, should be assimilated sometimes 
to the fifth and share in both its licenses and its agreement with the prose 
word-accent, is not surprising; compare the relation between the two 
complete feet of the dactylic penthemimer. 

^Eamsay, Latin Prosody, p. 277 (London, 1863; an old, but still valu- 
able manual) ; cf. Hoche, I. I., p. 5. 



Licensed Feet m Latin Verse 5J61 

• 

consului^tque striges), we shall have a complete statement of 
these licenses. 

If we turn next to Miiller's treatment of hiatus in the thesis,^^ 
we find that he again clearly recognizes the existence of licensed 
feet, viz. the first and fifth feet of the hexameter (sometimes 
also the fourth foot), and the necessary cyclic or irrational 
dactyl of the hendecasyllable. Thus he admits hiatus in the 
thesis in the case of dactylic or pyrrhic words ending in m, as 
Enn. Ann. 322 M. du^m quidem unus; ih. 354 miHitum octo. 
He recognizes hiatus also in cretic and iambic words, with short- 
ening of the long vowel (semi-hiatus), as Verg. Aen. 3.211 
i^nsulae fonio in magnoj Georg, 1.281 imponere P^lio Ossam. 
From the hendecasyllable he quotes only Cat. 57.7 uno in lectulo, 
erudituli ambo, but, besides 55.4 (circo te in), Catullus has 
10.27 deferri. Mane inquii puellae. After a dactylic fourth 
foot Homer sometimes allows hiatus, even when a bucolic caesura 
is not recommended by the sense,^** and Vergil uses the same 
license, as Eel. 3.79 et longum, 'Formose, vale,* vale/ inquit, 
*Iolla.' Still more legitimate is hiatus in bucolic punctuation; 
for in this case, as is well known, the fourth foot must he o, pure 
dactyl, e. g. Eel. 8.11 a te principium, tibi de^sindm: accipe 
iussis I carmina tuis. Finally, I may add that hiatus is allowed 
in the pure dactylic penthemimer, as Cat. 114.6 dum domo ipse 
egeat. I need not here refer to Miiller's views on short vowels 
in hiatus; he had here no clear or settled principles that could 
throw light upon this vexed question. 

Again Mtiller has a valuable study^'^ of the use of neque, 
which becomes a pronounced archaism in the Empire and is 
therefore admitted only in licensed feet. In Martial and Lucan, 
for example, neque occurs (except for the locution neque enim) 
only in the cyclic dactyl of the hendecasyllable and in the first, 
rarely the fourth, foot of the hexameter. How little Miiller 
understood the doctrine of licensed feet taken as a whole, is here 
fully evident; he remarks casually in explanation that 'the first 
foot and sometimes the fourth possess a larger freedom,' and 
does not even stop to note the striking fact that the fifth foot, 
so highly privileged heretofore, no longer appears in the. reckon- 
ing. In the mythology a search was always made for the lost 
Osiris and for the beautiful youth, Hylas, who went down in 

»X. L, p. 370f. 
"Christ. Metr.,'' p. 179. 
"L. I., p. 503f. 



262 Robert Somerville Radford 

quest of his pitcher and was carried off by the nymphs, but 
Miiller makes no search for the lost dactylic foot. The reason 
for the exclusion of the fifth foot is, however, perfectly obvious. 
Lucan^^ very rarely forms the fifth foot from a monosyllable 
followed by a pyrrhic word, such as at mihi, na^m neque Pindi 
(Verg. Eel. 10.11), and he never allows conflicts in • accent, such 
as htimu^m neque tdnto {Georg. 2.153). In the later develop- 
ment neque is therefore excluded both from the fifth foot and 
from the penthemimer by considerations relating to complete 
agreement of accent. 

Fortunately we are not dependent upon the study of a single 
archaic usage. Thus Lange^^ has collected all the examples of 
the use of the obsolete infinitive passive in -ier, and pointed out 
that its proper place in the dactylic poets is in the fifth foot; 
it is admitted also rarely in the first and fourth feet.^" A 
typical example is Yerg. Aen. 4.493 dulce caput, magicas invitam 
acci^ngier artes. In a precisely similar way it is freely admit- 
ted by Catullus in the cyclic dactyls of his Glyconics and Phere- 
cratics, as 61.42 se citarier ad suum; ih. 68 stirpe nitier: at 
potest; ih. 65 compararier ausit; and it is used by Horace once 
in the Adonic, C. 4.11.8 spargier agno. 

Scheffler, in his study of the forms of the perfect endiujg in 
-vi in the dactylic poets, has also shown that the full or obsolete 
forms in -averam, -averim, -avero and in -iveram, -iveri/m, -ivero 
are retained chiefly in the fifth foot.^^ Thus Vergil uses the full 
forms in -averam and -averim eighteen times in the fifth foot 
and four times in the fourth. Archaic verbal forms are also 
freely admitted in the cyclic dactyl of logaoedic verse ; cf . Cat. 
34.8 deposivit olivam (Pherecrat). Zingerle^^ j^^s also noted 
that certain words and phrases are regularly placed in the 
clausula of the hexameter from Ennius to Paulinus of Nola, 
while Asmus^^ has pointed out that of one hundred and sixty-five 

^ See Trampe, De Lucani Arte Metrica, p. 31. 

^ DenTcschriften d. Wien. AJcad. X, p. 1-58. 

^°0f the eighty-four examples which occur in the hexameter, sixty-eight 
are in the fifth foot. It is probably not found in the first foot after 
Lucretius and Cicero's Aratea. Vergil used this form five times in the 
fifth foot and once in the fourth (Aen. 8.493) ; Horace used it six times 
in the fifth and twice in the fourth foot with bucolic punctuation (Sat. 
1.2.78; Ep. 2.2.151). 

'^L. I., p. 7, p. 41f., p. 50f.; Brock, I. I., p. 140. 
L. I., I 44f.; II 49f. 
' De appositionis ap. Plant, et Ter. collocatione, p. 27. 



32 
33 



Licensed Feet in Latyi Verse 263 

proper names in the first book of Propertius, one hundred and 
thirty-two occupy prominent positions in the verse (23 standing 
in the beginning of the verse, 35 in the end and 74 in the cae- 
sura) . I may add that the archaic and vulgar fulgere, fervere, 
conivere^^ used £ls verbs of the third conjugation stand in the 
first and the fifth, more rarely in the fourth foot, and it was 
no doubt in such a position that Catullus used the cavere cited 
by Servius (on Aen. 3.409). Similarly Vergil, for example, 
with only one exception, allows consonantization in abiete (i. e., 
dhjete), ariete, arietat, parieiihus, genua and temiia only in the 
first and the fifth foot (seventeen times in all).^^ The same 
license is also allowed in the hendecasyllable, as Priap. 2.10 
templi parietibus tui notavi. The single Vergilian exception 
occurs when the hardening is admitted also immediately before 
the caesura, as Aen. 2.442 haerent pa^rietibus scalae ; for Brock, 
Stange and others^ ^ are wholly right in holding that before the 
fixed caesurae we have other, but rarer, positions which admit 
greater freedom. I shall reserve, however, the treatment of 
licenses before the caesurae for a separate study. Miiller can- 
not conceal his amazement also {I. I., p. 295) that the scansion 
vehemens, instead of the usual vemens (veemens), is found only 
twice in all Latin poetry, and each time in the necessary dactyl 
of the hendecasyllable, but there is nothing really surprising in 
this fact to any one who will observe carefully the exceptional 
forms which are sometimes employed to form the pure or nec- 
essary feet. Therefore we should neither blame Ausonius, as 
Miiller does (p. 294), for writing Idyll. 11.16 Gangeticus a^nteit 
ales, nor need we be surprised to find mhU and nihllo occurring 
first in the verse-closes of Terence and in the cyclic dactyls of 
Catullus, as 61.193 caelites. nihilo minus (Miiller, p. 296). 

IV. Ennius' Own Usage 

The beginning of many metres often exhibits a greater free- 
dom,^ '^ and it is well known that Ennius in a few cases allowed 

" On these and similar forms, see also Kone, p. 167 ; Eamsay, p. 289. 

^'Examples in Johnston, Metrical Licenses of Vergil, p. 7f. 

"^ Brock, I. I., pp. 77, 88 n. 1, 89, 95; Stange, Be Arohaismis Terent., 
p. 33. 

"Miiller, I. I., p. 139. Compare the well-known freedom in the first foot 
of the iambic and trochaic metres of Plautus, and compare also the 
familiar 'trochaic license,' which is employed especially in the first foot 
of English verse (Gmnmere, Handbooh of Poetics, p. 212). 



264 Robert Somerville Radford 

even the proeeleusmatic and the anapaest as a substitute for the 
dactyl in the first foot,®® e. g.: 

capitibu' nutantis pinos rectosque eupressos. — Ann. 267 M. 
melanurmn, turdmn, merulamque umbramque mBxmajn.—Sat. 59 M. 

Somewhat similarly Lucretius begins a Jiexameter (4.1026) 
with pueri, but was persuaded perhaps by the learned gram- 
marians of his age to adapt his verse more carefully to the eye 
of the reader and to write with a species of camouflage : pu^ri 
saepe lacum; compare also the unusual syncope in Juv. 3.263 
stri^glihus et pleno, where the reader is perhaps permitted to 
recite, if he wishes, stri^gilibus. Exon {Hermath. 13.158) main- 
tains, with good ancient authority, that even Vergil allowed the 
use of the anapaest in the first foot in Georg. 1.482 flu^viorum 
rex Eridanus. Undoubtedly the reader, whose license is always 
greater than that of the poet, is permitted to recite the first 
foot here as an anapaest if he wishes, but it is probable that even 
in the first foot the Augustan poets and grammarians, who were 
so familiar with all the usages of Homer, would have greatly 
preferred the nomenclature, at least, of synizesis (fluv jorum). 
Ennius also occasionally admitted shortening in the first foot, 
sometimes even in violation of the orthography and the law of 
position, as Ann. 102 M. vi^rgines^^ nam sibi quisque; ib. 287 
no^n envm rumores ponebat; ih. 481 si^cuti fortis equus. These 
examples are familiar to all students of Ennian verse, although 
the logical conclusion respecting the greater freedom of the first 
foot is by no means always drawn. It is much more important 
to point out that the fifth or pure dactylic foot also enjoys 
exceptional freedom in Ennius, e. g.: 

. . . . pars lu^dierB saxa | iactant. — Ann. 63 M. 

quis pater aut cognatu' volet nos co^ntrd tueri? — ^Ap. Varr. L. L. 7.12." 
Surrenti tu elopem fac emas, glaueu"^ apud Cumas. — Sat. 26 M. 
.... memini me fi^eri pavom. — Ann. 9 M. 

In the last verse Ennius, who has fieri {A. 501) and fleret 

^Reichardt, Fleekeisen 's Jdhrlucher, 1889, p. 785; Gleditsch, Metnk, 
§173.3; Lindsay, Captivi, p. 97; Exon, Hermathena, 13.158; cf. Miiller, 
Z. I., 147, 

'®We cannot wonder that Ennius allowed himself certain liberties; for, 
strictly speaking, virgines, feminae and filiae are all excluded from the 
Latin epic (Kone, I. I., p. 51). Paulinus of Nola (36.142) also correpted 
this beautiful word rather than forego altogether its use: Vestae quas 
vi**rgines aiunt. 

*° Mistakenly given by Miiller as FaJ). 428. 



Licensed Feet in Latin Verse 265 

{A. 371) within the hexameter, claims the same liberty as 
Plautus in' his verse-closes {fl — ). He may very possibly have 
actually written here the archaic Inf. fiere, which he uses else- 
where for the first or the fifth foot (Ann, 10.20) and which edi- 
tors usually substitute here; compare the Au^stan poetical 
ablatives caeleste, perenne, himestre, impare, separe, mare, etc. 
Laevius also uses fiere in the hendecasyllable (Gell. 18.7.10). 

We conclude then that in the first foot Ennius allowed short- 
ening even against the script and the testimony of the eye, as 
in virgines nam, non emm rumores, sicuti. In the pure fifth 
foot also he admitted ludicre, contra, fieri, and fiere, and once 
even against the eye apud Cumas. After all the 'old man elo- 
quent' of Roman schoolmasters was a genuine and original poet, 
and was not wholly a servile imitator even of Greece. His 
system approaches closely, it is true, the precise and elegant 
Greek prosody, and seeks to suppress almost all common sylla- 
bles, yet it still retains and openly admits a few Roman licenses. 
Thus it is, in the well-chosen words of Horace,*^ that some traces 
of 'rudeness' and of native strength will always remain in the 
Roman poets. 

Furthermore while Ennius in his hexameters regularly retains 
the original quantity of the verbal endings — at and — et after 
a long syllable, ^^ we find that he allows shortening here by 
exception in the fifth foot, as Ann. 138 M. mam^de^hdt homo- 
nem ;*^ Ann. 235 pot&^sset in armis j Bat. 14 sple^ndet et horret ; 
so also Terence, Ad. 453, shortens audiret haec (scanned like 
auferent) in the pure iambus of the verse-close. Similarly we 
find the shortening of mUes for *7mless and prodes for *prodess 
first in the fifth foot, as Enn. Ann. 277 M. miHes amatur ; Lucil. 
306 B. m/iHes Hibera; ih. 876 pro^des amicis. The simple verb 
es for *ess first appears in Enn. Ann. 580 M. in the first foot 
-(au^sus es hoc ex ore tuo), and exos for *exoss first appears in 
Lucr. 3.721 {e^xos et exsanguis). A striking example is af- 
forded also by sanguis. In the age of Lucretius, as is well 
known, sanguis for *sanguins was still long within the verse 
(Lucr. 4.1050; 6.1203), but it was beginning to shorten, /and 

"■Ep. 2.1.160 mansenint hodieque manent vestigia ruris. 

^Lindsay, L. L., p. 214; Skutsch, Pauly-Wissowa V, p. 2621, s. v. 
'Ennius.' 

" Note here also in homo^nem the notable archaism which is so common 
in the fixed clausula, as Ann. 8 nee dispendi facit hi^lum; 168 ilia due"llis; 
322 supere*scit; 415 sive moriVur. The usage of Lucretius and even of 
the Augustans is similar. 



266 Robert Somerville Radford 

Lucretius therefore allows it to be short in the fifth foot, viz. 
1.853 sa^n^is et os<sa>. Hence Munro is mistaken in saying 
that sanguis is unknown to Lucretius, and the correction to 
sanguen et ossa is quite unnecessary. Merrill, the latest editor, 
restores sanguis to the text. Similarly, like TibuUus also 
(1.6.66), Vergil still considers sanguis long within the verse 
{Ae7i. 10.487), but ventures to shorten it three times in the first 
foot, viz. Aen. 2.639 {sa^nguis, ait) ; 5.396 ; Georg. 3.508. Horace 
also correpts sanguis in a cyclic dactyl, C. 1.24.15 num vanae 
redeat sanguis imagini (Asclep.). So also to^rques appears 
first in Statins, Theh. 10.518 to^rques in hostiles (so IQotz, 
though P has to^i'quis), while Propertius (4.10.44) prefers an 
unusual spelling {to^rquis ab incisa). 

I trust that my meaning is sufficiently clear. The first and 
the fifth feet of the hexameter (more rarely the fourth), the 
necessary dactyls of the pentameter, the cyclic dactyls (or 
choriambi) of logaoedic verse, the necessary iambi of the tri- 
meter, possess special licenses, if the poet needs or thinks he 
needs to avail himself of these. The striking shortenings that 
the literary language has accepted from the time of Ennius on, 
viz. the correption of final — at, — et, etc., after long syllables 
and especially that of final — o, have all been carried out and 
achieved through the licenses of these feet, and the student who 
overlooks this fact can scarcely trace with accuracy the later 
development of Latin prosody. Shortened proper names, such 
as Ldvinia, Fldena, Apulia, oficur only within these feet. Yet 
in the broader sense every part of the standardized hexameter 
possesses some special freedom of its own. Especially do surpris- 
ing shortenings occur sometimes — though much more rarely — 
immediately before the masculine caesura (as has already been 
mentioned), and also in the second word before the fixed cae- 
surae, i. e. in the second or even the third trochee. Thus Ennius 
regularly has the ending — or in nouns, but we find Ann. 455 M. 
totum su^dor habet. Lucretius begins by shortening the less 
stable adverbs superne and imferne repeatedly in the fifth foot 
(4.439; 6.187; etc.), but he ends by shortening superne twice 
in the second trochee, e. g.: 

tecta swp^rne timent, metuunt infe'^rne eavernas. — ^Lucr. 6.597. 

The Latin language has such a deficiency of short syllables 
that Horace follows readily the example of the great poet of 
Nature in order to form the necessary iambus of his Alcaic verse : 

sup6rne niseuntur leves. — Hor. C. 2.20.11. 



Licensed Feet in La^in Verse 267 

Similarly the poetical forms of the ablative in e, as caeleste, 
cogTiomine, impare, mare, etc.,** belong regularly to the charac- 
teristic feet metri gratia, but Lucan and Ovid have a right, too, 
to place these forms, if they wish, in the trochaic caesura, as 
Luc. 7.391 erepto nataHe feret. tunc omne Latinum; Ov. Fast. 
3.654 amne pere^nne latens Anna Perenna vocor. The system- 
atic shortening of final o can only be carried out by means of 
the characteristic feet, as is done by Catullus, Horace and Ovid, 
but we find also very rare early examples of iambic shortening 
before the fixed caesurae, as Verg. Aen. 3.602 hoc sat eri^t. 
Scio me; Lucr. 6.652 nee tota pa^rs, homo terrai quota totius 
unus; cf. Pers. 5.134 et quid aga^m? Rogas? en, saperdas. 

Usage Subsequent to Ennius 

As we know from Quintilian*^ and other authorities, not only 
the forms but also the quantities of words {mensurae verhorum) 
were thoroughly taught in every literary school and, no doubt, 
also in every club or college of the poets.*® Thus the rules for 
final syllables especially in the new prosody were early reduced 
to a rigorous system and were thoroughly mastered. Hence, 
in spite of the fact that the Latin metres really possess an 
unmistakable freedom in certain feet, the Alexandrian technique 
and the strict rules of the grammarians bar the way, and in 
general only a few isolated examples of popular shortening are 
here admitted by the writers of literary Latin, that is, of the 
'Schrift-' and ' Hochlatein. '*'^ The great outstanding excep- 
tion to the conservative and learned tradition in classical Latin 
is of course the thorough-going shortening of final o, which was 
first freely admitted in the characteristic feet by Catullus, 
Horace and Ovid. After the poetae novi, however, had re- 
nounced entirely the apocope of final s, this extensive innova- 
tion became strictly necessary by way of compensation, and we 
may be sure that the great literary teachers of the late Republic, 
such as the Greek Parthenios of Nikaia and the Roman Valerius 
Cato, themselves gave the signal and approved the license. As 
regards the restoration of final s, it took place very gradually, 
as Maurenbrecher has so well shown, but it was in the first place 

"Miiller, pp. 483, 477; more fuUy Kone, I. I., pp. 70, 90, 111, 128, and 
Neue-Wagener, FormenleJi/re IP 54ff.; T 229. 
«Quiiitil. 10.1.10; cf. 1.8.13. 
^^ Schola poeta/rum, Mart. 3.20.8; 4.61.3. 
Cf. Maurenbrecher, Miatus, p. 72. 



4T 



268 Robert Somerville Radford 

an extremely bold and well-nigh unparallelled undertaking, in 
some respects almost comparable to the recall of the French e 
mute; the complete success finally gained showed clearly that 
the academicians and precisianists were absolute masters of the 
'Hochlatein.' As a consequence the Augustan poets, Vergil, 
Horace, and Tibullus, composed their verse in a period when 
the rules of prosody were most severe and the poetical language 
was most narrowly contracted. For metrical reasons the best 
poets placed in the cyclic dactyl or in the verse-close occasional 
obsolete or vulgar forms, as face (Cat. 36.16), farrier (Verg. 
Aen. 11.242), i^nqiie ligatus {Aen. 10.794), ho^sce secutus (Hor. 
Sat. 1.4.6), parvi^ssima quaeque (Lucr. 1.615), parvi^ssvmus 
(Varr. Papiap. 6 R., iambic close). They close the verse also 
with homo^nem (Enn. Ann. 138 M.), e^scit (Lucr. 1.619), ohiHit 
(Verg. Aen. 6.801), mori^ri (Ov. Met. 14.215), cupi^ret (Lucr. 
1.71), veta^vit (Pers. 5.90), or they force the accent in i^llius 
(arma), perd^gro, tene^hrae and the like. Because of the fre- 
quent difficulty of composing the close, they admit also the 
hypermeter to an extent undreamed of by the Greeks, as Verg. 
Aen. 1.322 homintimque loc6^rumqu{e) \ e^rramus. It would be 
passing strange then if they did not admit also an occasional 
archaic or popular scansion in the necessary feet. 

I purpose to discuss shortening itself under the following 
seven heads :*^ (1) the shortening of final vowels, such as 
superne, Calpe, postea, commoda, etc., including the shortening 
of final 0, which has received a vast extension; (2) shortening 
by the extensive use in poetry, metri gratia, of exceptional and 
vulgar ablative forms spelt with e instead of i, as praepete and 
sospite in Ennius, and later caeleste, cognomine, humile, divite, 
mare, etc. (see Miiller, p. 483 ; Neue-Wagener, Formenlehre, 
IP 54ff,; P 229; Kone, I. I., pp. 70, 90, 111) ; (3) shortening 
by the reduction of the double consonant in writing or in speech 
to a single one, such as hic{c), hoc{c), cor{r)uptus, tintin{n)ant, 
Catil{l)us, etc. This head comprises examples of the law of 
mamilla, such as co{t)tidiaMios, Brit {t) anus, and we may also 
include here cases like cotiirnix, mutoniatus (compare conscri- 
hillo) ;*® (4) shortening in Roman proper names, such as 
Ldvinia, Grddivus, Proserpina, Gyrene (not the Greek mytho- 
logical heroine, but the city of Roman Africa) ; (5) shortening, 
metri gratia, in any compound of pro, as a species of poetic 

*" Only the first of these will be completed in the present paper. 
*• Cf . Miiller, p. 447f . 



Licensed Feet in Latin Verse 269 

« 

camouflage, as though the preposition were always of doubtful 
quantity; (6) shortening through absolute metrical necessity, 
as in diaturnuSy diuturnior, egerlmus, Hannibdlem, flcedulas, 
zmaragdos; (7) certain or probable shortening, through metrical 
convenience, under the camouflage of synizesis, as gratuitus, 
conuhium, Leucosiam, Paeoniis, ServUiios, Hadridnus ('the 
irregular foot'). 

Under several of these categories the well-attested literary 
examples are very few; they can be counted almost upon the 
fingers of the two hands. Examples of short syllables in hiatus 
and even of diaeresis are also very rare. Yet the remarkable 
and significant fact is that, in a language which is entirely 
devoted to Alexandrian precision and refinement of technique 
and which has changed so completely a large part of its original 
character, these few examples still continue to occur incontest- 
ably in the very best and choicest authors. The historical 
grammarian, we know, does not' esteem the law of mamilla quite 
negligible because in the literary period only half a dozen words 
fall under its operation. Furthermore we cannot disregard the 
few occurrences in the 'Hoch-' and ' Schrif tlatein, ' when we 
consider the numerous similar licenses which occur freely in the 
popular poetry of the Carmina Latina Epigraphica. Still less 
can we neglect even the rare and occasional occurrences when 
we reflect that one of the categories, viz. the shortening of final 
Of which at first was only one of these insignificant licenses, has 
finally obtained the widest possible acceptance, and that a second 
category, the shortening of Roman proper names, is also numeri- 
cally large. 

I. Shortening op Final Vowels 

It is naturally in indeclinable forms such as adverbs that we 
find the few examples of unusual shortenings with final i, e 
and a chiefly admitted, viz. firmiterque, sicuti,^^ superne, 
inferne, postea, contra, also sollo,^^ and later many other 
adverbs in o, such as ergo, vero, immo, intro, etc.; see Miiller, 
p. 416f. Examples are Lucil. 315 B. fi^rmiterque hoc peniteque 
tuo sit pectore fixum; 164 B. si^cuti, cum primus ficos propola 

"Miiller does not even mention sicuti, but cf. Bamsay, Pros., p. 51; 
Gildersleeve-Lodge $ 707.4.4, 

•1 Miiller regards sollo as an ablative and as equivalent in meaning to 
omni/no; another and doubtless better view (Lindsay, L. L., 207, 400) 
explains sollo as an Oscan Neut. PL, Lat. tota. 



270 Robert Som^rville Badford/ 

recentis; Lucr. 2.536 si^cuti quadripedum cum primis esse 
videmus (^so Merrill, 'the latest editor; see also Munro's critical 
note in which he admits the weight of MS. authority) ; 3.816^ 
si^cuti summarum summast (but 5.361 si^cut summarum) ; Cic. 
Arat. 131 si^cuti cum coeptant. Superne and inferne occur 
often in Lucretius, as 4.439 supe^me gubema; 6.187 infe^me 
videmus, see above, p. 266. — German. Phaen. 568 Lanigeri et 
Tauri, Geminorum, po^stea Cancri (Miiller, p. 420: post ea, 
which is a barbarism and scarcely Latin) ; Ov. Fast. 1.165 
po^stea mirabar cur non sine litibus esset (Merkel : post ea) ; 
perhaps Varr. Lex Maen. 11 po*steaquam homines (troch. sept., 
cf. Miiller, p. 547) ; Manil. 2.253 co^ntra iacet cancer patulam 
distentus in alvum; Enn. A7in. 550 M. he^ia machaeras; Yal. 
Fl. 8.109 e4a, per ipsum (see above, p. 259) ;^^ Lucil. 311 B. non 
so416, dupundi; Ov. Trist. 1.1.87 e^rgo cave; Stat. Theh. 2.187 
nos ve^ro volentes; Mart. 1.85.4 fenerat immo magis (penthe- 
mimer), etc. 

Cave and put a ^re found also chiefly in the licensed feet, 
though they also occur rather freely elsewhere ; yet within the 
hexameter the more usual scansion is cave and putd. — Cat. 10.26 
istos commoda ; nam volo ad Sarapim | def erri. The shortening 
here also provides for Catullus' favorite diaeresis after the 
second foot. We should remember too that it is precisely at 
this point in the hendecasyllable or the Glyconic that he correpts 
cave three times (as 50.18 nunc audax cave sis) and allows the 
new shortening of o seven times in iambic words {void, dabo, 
homo), as 13.11 nam unguentum dabo, quod meae puellae. 
Lesbia's poet could not know that he would astound the gram- 
marians of a distant age by this single license, ^^ which is really 
no bolder than that of c. 85.2 ne^scio, or that of Maecenas' 
hendecasyllable addressed to Horace: plus iam diligo, tu tuum 
sodalem. For it was not yet clearly determined whether final 
a or e or would be shortened to afford the relief which the 
Koman poets so greatly craved. — ^Mart. 10.20.1 me Salo Ce^ltiber 
oras (Gk. KeArt^i^p, and Celtiber, Cat. 39.17) ; similarly, accord- 

'^^ The MSS. give also sexaginta and trigintd in the second trochee : Mart. 
12.26.1 sexaginta teras; Manil. 2.322 ter trigi^ta quadrum partes, where 
the usual correction to sexagena, etc., is scarcely necessary. 

"^For similar popular shortening in hendecasyllables and Glyconics, 
see Lampr. Alex. Sev. vit. 38 (Baehr. frgm. poet. Rom., p. 381) ptilclirum 
qu6d vides esse nostrum regem, and Severus' reply: pulchrum qu6d putas 
^sse vestrum regem; also the popular song, Ba^hr., p. 332 mulsum qu6d 
probe t^mper^s. 



Licensed Feet in Latin Verse 271 

ing to Victorinus (Miiller, p. 399), Samnis was later shortened 
to Samnis just as sanguis and pulvis. — Juv. 14.279 aequora 
transiliet, sed longe Ca^lpe relicta. Bentley, quoting Philostra- 
tus, argued here for the ablative of a nominative Calpis, and 
this is possible, since the fifth foot is a favorite place for 
neologisms. Far more probable, however, is the ancient view 
(Priscian VII § 8) that we have here a correption of the usual 
and current form; cf. Auson. Idyll. 6.24 et de nimboso saltum 
Leuca^te minatur ; compare also salve repeatedly G. L. E. 1504 
(age of the Antonines). It is to be remembered also that it is 
in the fifth foot that Juvenal has such shortening as 3.232 
vigila^ndo, sed ipsum, not to mention 11.91 postre^mo severos; 
1.169 se^ro duelli, and earlier Hor. Sat. 1.9.43 Maecenas quo^- 
modo tecum. The 'singers of Euphorion' admit in Greek 
words a Dat. Sing, with correpted i metri gratia (Miiller, pp. 
488,496), but only in licensed feet; Statins here usually writes 
e for the correpted i on the principle of caeleste for caelesti and 
of sihe, quase, here, for sil)% quasi, Jieri.^^ Examples are Stat. 
Theh. 3.521 saepius in dubiis auditus la^sone Mopsus (Klotz 



04 



Quintil. 1.7.24; 1.4.8; nise OIL. V 4113; ube IX 3895, see Mauren- 
brecher, Eiat., p. 193 and Lindsay, L. L., p. 25. For the Dat. Sing, in 
-e in old inscriptions, perhaps -e, see Lindsay, L. L., p. 387; Stolz, 
Formenlehre,^ § S5 ; Maurenbrecher, I. I., p. 192, however, argues for -e. 
The vulgar Dative in -e is occasionally used by the poets (Miiller, I. I., 
497), as Enn. Ann. 395 M. malo* cruce, fitur, uti des; probably Ov. HeVf 
4.64 me tua forma capit. capta pare'nte soror ('My sister was captivated 
by your parent,' parenti) ; 5.75 desertaque co^niuge ploret; 5.126; 
12,162; perhaps Verg. Aen. 10.653 coniuneta crepi'dine saxi. It would 
be possible also to hold that Ovid forces the grammatical construction and 
uses poetically the abl. of the instrument. The question is a complex one, 
and only a somewhat hasty treatment is given in Neue I,^ p. 195. In 
any case Statins, in writing glaucae certantia Bo^ride, follows weU- 
established principles of Latin orthography, which show a great dislike 
for final -i (Miiller, p. 497), and usually allow it only in the small nisi, 
sibi, ihi group. Hence we have mare for older *mari, mite for older 
*mit% (Lindsay, L. L., 206), and final -is, when the s is dropped, is properly 
written e in Latin, as in the well-known simile est, quale est, pingue est, 
etc., of the early dramatists (see examples in Leo, Plant. Forsch., p. 259) ; 
later also CLE. (Biich.) 977 aetate his parva iaceo, lacrima^bile semper, 
i. e. lacrimabili(s) ; CIL. I 63, 64 tribunos militare; I 818 Dite pater; 
so always in mage, i. e. magi(s) and fortasse, i. e. fortassi(s), while pate 
est represente both poti(s) est (masc.) and pote est (neut.). Even in 
Cat. 64.247 it would be possible to read Minoide; the best MSS. have 
Minoida. 



272 Robert Somerville Radford 

needlessly corrects to lasoni) ; Silv. 4.2. 28 et Chios et glaucae 
certantia Dc^^ride saxa (Klotz Doridi) ; Achill. 1.285 Pa^lladi: 
perhaps Juv. 15.5. dimidio magicae resonant nbi Me^mnone 
chordae (see Duff's note, P^ has Memnonie) ; Cat. 64.247 Mino^- 
idi; 66.70 Tethyi (penthemimer) ; Ov. Her. 8.71 Ca^stor(i) 
Amyclaeo. — We find occasional shortening of iambic words in 
the fourth ioot, as Hor. A. P. 65 diu* palus aptaque remis ; Yal. 
Fl. 5.594 mero:^ vide lata comantem; Hor. Sat. 2.5.75 eriH: 
cave te roget ultro; possibly also Ov. Trist. 1.8.21 idque quod 
ignoti faciu^nt, vale dicer e saltern, that is, if vale is the MS. 
reading here (Haupt vae; Merkel vel). — Here belongs also 
apparently the correption of the perfect ilt and its compounds 
exnt and transilt; for, notwithstanding the arguments of Munro 
on Lucr. 2.1042, scholars usually hold that the final syllable in 
these perfects is normally long (Miiller, p. 399). Vergil, how- 
ever, who shortens hic{c) twice, and, with elision, shortens 
Pollio, niintio, audeo in the first foot (Miiller, p. 414) , also cor- 
repts exiit in this foot, as Georg. 2.81 e^xiit ad caelum; Aen. 
2.497 e^xiit oppositas, yet he carefully avoids placing either -o 
or -U in the close, though, from the regular verb, amhio, he 
admits Aen. 10.243 a'^mbiit auro. The Flavian poets are the first 
to corrept these perfect forms in the close, as Sil. 13.166 tra^nsiit 
ictu ; Sulpic. Sat. 23 e^xiit arces. 

To treat adequately the shortening of final o would require a 
separate article. I select, however, a few early and notable 
examples, including trochaic words and the abl. of the gerund: 
Yerg. Ed. 8.43 nu^nc scio quid sit amor; Tib. 2.6.41 de^sino; 
Hor. C. 2.1.14 et consulenti Pollio curiae (Alcaic) ; Sat. 1.10.42 
Poniio regum ; Sat. 1.4.104 di^xero ; Sat. 1.4.93 me^tio ; Lygd. 
6.3 aufer et ipse meum periter medica^ndo dolor e; Ov. Her. 
9.126 fortunam vultu fassa tegendo suam (penthemimer; so 
Merkel with G) ; Prop. 3.8 (9). 35 mare fi^ndo carina. MuUer 
neglects entirely the feet in which the new scansions occur. The 
following are examples which he therefore wishes to correct (p. 
415f.), pronouncing them too bold and a violation of the usage 
of their respective authors: Grat. Cyneg. 55 repo^nito fumo; 
Oy. Met. 15.599 ne^mo mihist; Pers. 6.55 acceMo Bovillas; Sil. 
S.193 sat ve^ro superque. 

Knoxville, Tennessee. 



INDEX OF VEDIC AND AVESTAN PASSAGES 



Note. — ^For occasional references to other works, see tlie Index of Subjects. 
Lll references in, this and the following indices are to pages. 



VEDIC 
Rig Veda 

1.4.8 204n. 

7.5 199 

8.2 204n. 

16.8 201n. 

19 3 

23.9 198n. 

24.9 4 

12, 13 230 

28 228fe., 233f. 

28.1 234, 246 

13, 14, 23 234 

31.16 15 

32.1-5 197n. 

5 198n., 204 

7 198n. 

8 197n., 198n. 

9 ". 203 

10 •. 198n. 

11-14 197n. 

11 198n. 

33.13 198n. 

36.8 198n., 199 

50.12 9 

51.4 197n., 198n. 

52 206 

52.2 198n. 

4 203 

6 198n. 

8 198n. 

10 197n., 198n. 

15 198n. 

53.6 203, 204n. 

54.9 245n. 

10 209 

56.5 198n. 

6 198n., 233 

59.6 200 

61.6, 10, 12 198n. 



1.63.4 198n 

73.6 246n. 

74.3 200 

78.4 202 

79.1 197n. 

80 198 

80.1 197n. 

2-5, 10-13 198n. 

13 197n. 

81.1 .201n. 

83.6 238, 246 

84.3 201n., 238, 246 

13 204n. 

16 157 

85.9 198n. 

., 88.3 246n., 247 

89.2, 3 6 

4 239, 246n. 

91.5 200 

19 6 

95 3 

97 8 

100.12 ..200n. 

102.2 199 

4, 6 3 

7 ....; 204 

9, 10 3 

103.2, 7 197n. 

8 198n. 

105.17 206 

106 2 

106.2 202 

6 201n. 

108.3 200 

109.1-5 T. ..248 

3 246f., 249 with n. 

5 203, 248 

118.3 245f. 

121.8 245n. 

11 198n. 



274 Index 

1.121.12 199 3.1.1 'T. 

129.6, 11 ...200ii. 4.9 

130.2 245n. 12.4 

135.2 241, 246ii. 16.1 

5 241, 245n. 20.4 

7 238, 241 29.10 

137.1, 3 245n. 30.2 

139.6 245x1. 4 

10 245f . 5 

158.5 206 6 

162.5 246 8 

164 120n., 124, 127f . 22 . 

164.10 128 31.11, 14, 18, 21 

165.4 246 32.4, 6 

8 198n. 11 

174.2 198n. 33.6 

175.5 199 7 

186.6 201ii. 35.8 

187 3, 5 36.8 

187.1 199, 233 37.1 

6 197n. 5, 6 

191 4, 17 38.4 

191.4 15 40.8 

• 8 17 41.2 24( 

4 

2.1.11 200 42.2 

11.2, 5 197n. 44.1 * 

9, 18 198n. 5 245ii., 

20 233 45.2 

12.2 7 47.2 

3 197n. 3 

6 239 49.1 

8 126 51.9 

11 19711. 52.7 

14.2 198n. 53.10 

15.1 197n. 54.12 

16.5 245n. 15 

19.2 197n. 57.4 

4 198n. 58.3 

20.7 201n. 8 

23.3 200n. 

26.2 202 4.3.3 23J 

30.2, 3 198n. 16.7 

33.1 6 17.1 107n., 

36.1 245n. 3 

39.1 234, 246n. 7 



8 



index 



275 



4.17.19 204h. 

18.7 198n. 

19.1 203 

2, 3, 9 197n. 

21.10 198n. 

22.5 197n. 

9 204n. 

24.2 203 

10 204n. 

28.1 197n. 

30.1, 7, 19, 22 201n. 

32.1, 19, 21 201n. 

41.2 204n. 

42.7 204n. 

8 20^ 

9 199 

45.5 24511. 

50.3 245n. 

57.7 10 

58 ^ 5 

58.8 2 



5.2.7 . 

9 . 

9.5 . 

11.12 

18.2 , 



,230 

.148 

206 

246 

,206 



25.8 238, 246 

29.2, 3 197ii. 

7 203 

8 197n. 

30.6 197n. 

31.4 7.197n. 

5 238, 245 

7 19711. 

12 238, 246f. 

32.2 197n. 

35.6 ".....201 

36.4 238, 245f. 

37.2 2381, 246 

4 ...' 19811. 

38.4 201n. 

40.1-3 201 

1 241, 245n. 

2 239f. 

4 201n. 



5.40.8 239fe. 

41.10 206 

12 242 

42.5 198-199 

43.4 246 

45.7 ^ 245f. 

48.3 .' 240 

54.2 206 

83.6 16 

86.1 206 

3 201n. 

6 245, 246n. 

6.11.4 11 

13.1 202 

16.14, 15, 19 200 

34 204 

48 201 

17.1 198x1. 

9, 10 197n. 

11 199 

18.6 202 

9 203 

19.13 204n. 

20.1 202 

2 197n., 198ii. 

9 199 

22.4 200ii. 

10 204 

23.2 203 

25.1 203 

6 199 

8 203 

26.2 199 

8 204n. 

29.6 204n. 

30.4^ 197n. 

33.r 204n. 

'3 204 

34.5 202 

36.2 203 

37.5 198n. 

38.5 202 

44.14 204n. 

15 19811. 

23 233 



276 Index 

6.45.5 201n. 7.25.5 

14^ 24 200ii. 30.2 

46.1 '. 199 31.6 

47.2 203 32.6 

6 201n. 15 

8 " 11 33.14 24( 

11* ' " " ^ ^ ^ * . . . 1 8 34.3 199, 

48.5 246n. 16, 17 '. 

7 4 35.3 

21 203 _ 7 24: 

51.14 246n. 38.7 

52.2 15 39.1 246n., 

15 6 2, 4 

56.2 204ii. 41 

57.3 204n, 42.1 246, 

60.1 199 48.2 

3 199f. 49.3 

6 204 54.1 

61.5 202 55.5-8 

7 199 68.4 245 with n., 24( 

63.3 246n., 249 73.4 

68.2 202 83.1 

3 198n. 9 

72.3 197n., 199 85.3 

73.2 204 92.4 

74 4 93 

75.4 2, 9 93.1, 4 

12 11 94.11 

14 197x1. 103.1 

16 9 104.7 

19 9 9 

17 239, 

7.1.10 203 

8.6 200n. 8.1.14 

13.1 200n. 17 

19.3 203 2.2 

4 204n. 26 

5 198n. 32, 36 , 

10 203 3.17 

20.2 19811. 19 

21.3 197n. 20 

6 : 198x1. 4.11 

22.1 245n. 13 245i 

2 204n. 6.6,13 

4 245f. 37 

23.3 204n. 40 



Index 



277 



8.7.24 109, 202 

8.9,22 201,208 

9.4 200 

12.16 233 

22, 26 198n. 

13.15 201n. 

32 240 

15.3, 11 204n. 

17.8 204n. 

9 201n., 204n. 

19.20 202 

21.12 199 

22.8 245n. 

24.2 201n., 203 

7 201 

8 201n. 

26.8 208 

24 237 

27.1 , 24t), 246 

8 201n. 

29.4 204n. 

32.11 201n. 

26 198n. 

33.1, 14 201n. 

34.2 238f., 245f. 

3 237 

37.1-6 201n. 

1 202 

38.2 200 

38.3 245n. 

39 205 

39.8 200n., 206 

42.4 227, 239, 246 

43.11 11 

45.3 198n. 

4, 25 201n. 

46.8 201 

13 201n. 

47.13-17 233 

16 206 

17 ..16 

49.2 20411. 

53.3 246n. 

54.5 201n. 

61.13 11 

15 201n. 



8.62.8 198n. 

11 201n. 

63.2 246n. 

12 203 

64.9 201n. 

65.8 245x1. 

66.3, 9-11 201n. 

67.17 14 

70.1 201n. 

72.11 246 

74.4 201 

9, 12 202 

76.2, 3 198n. 

11 200x1. 

77.3 200n., 201n. 

78.7 201x1. 

82.1 201n. 

5 245n. 

89.1 201 

3 198, 201n. 

4 198 

5 203 

90.1 201x1. 

4, 5 204x1. 

91 2 

92.17 201 

24 201n. 

93.2 197n., 201n. 

4 201n. 

7 198n. 

15 201n. 

16 201 

18, 20 '..... 201n. 

30, 32 201 

33 201n. 

95.9 204ii. 

96.5 197n. 

7 198x1. 

18 204 with n. 

18-21 201n. 

97.5 201 

99.6 198n. 

100.2 204n. 

7 198x1. 

12 199 



y 



278 Indesi 

9.1,2 200n, 9.98.10 

3 200n., 201 101.11 245n 

10 204x1. 102.2 23 

11.5 227, 245n., 246 107.1, 10 

7 200n. 109.14 

16.3 230 18 

17.1 204 110.1 

23.7 20411. 113.1 

24.5 245n. 6 240, 

6 201 

25.3 200 10.5.6 

28.3 200 14.13 

32.2 233 15.2 

34.3 245n., 246 17.10 

4 233 22.8 

37.3 200n. 10 

4 233 23.2 

5 200 25.9 

38.2 233 28.3 

51.1 230, 245n. 7 ; 

61.22 198n. 35.9 

63.13 245n. 36.4 238 

65.15 245n. 42.5 

66.29 246n. 48.2 

67.3 241,245x1. 8 

19 238, 241, 246 49.6 201n. 

20 200n., 238, 246 50.2 

68.9 245x1. 51.19 

71.3 245n. 54.3 

72.4 245n.^ 55.7 

73.4, 6 16 58 

75.4 245n. 60.11 

79.4 246f. 12 

80.4 239, 241 64.15 238, 

5 241, 245x1. 65 ' 

82.3 239, 246x1. 65.2 

86.23, 34 245n. 10 

44 197n. 66.8 

88.4 204 67.12 ] 

89.7 200 69.6 

96.7-9 247' 12 

10 245n. 70.7 240, 

12 200x1. 72.4, 5 

97.11 245n. 74.6 2 

98.5 200 76.2 241, 245n., 

6 246 4 241, S 



•> 



In^epc 



279 



10.76.5 246n. 

6 238,241, 245fif. 

7 241, 245n. 

8 241, 245n. 246 

78.6 24f0t. 

80.2 204 

82.2 I 6 

3 15 

83 14 

83.3 199 

7 204 

84 13 

85.4 240, 246 

31 4 

87 206 

87.1 200n. 

89.7 198n. 

90 119, 124, 126f. 

90.2 10 

91.1 9 

92.15 237, 246 

94 240f., 247,250 

94.1 238, 242, 244ff., 249 

2 238f., 245f. 

3 238, 245fE. 

4 ' 238f., 245f. 

5 237f., 246 

6 239, 245f. 

7 239, 246ii. 

8 246fe. 

9 245n., 246n., 247 

10 240, 246 

11 242, 244, 246 

12 242, 245f. 

13 245f. 

14 241, 245fe 

96.4 197n. 

97.4 12 

6 : 200n. 

12 12 

14, 20 6 

99.1 :i:02 

6 206, 231 

100.8 238, 246 

9 .246 

101.3, 4, 8 10 



lQ.l8l.10, 11 235 

103 9 

103.4 200n. 

10 , 9, 2Qln. 

12 .11 

13 9 

104.2 246n. 

9 202 

10 198n. 

108.11 246n. 

111.6 198ii., 201n. 

9 197n. 

113.2 ....'. 198n. 

3 197i^., 198n. 

6 198n. 

8 197n., 198n. 

116.1 198n. 

120 14 

120.6 207, 231 

121 7, 124fe. 

124.6 199 

125 124, 126 

126 3 

128 8 

129 122^ 

'129.4 9, 122 

133.1 201n. 

2 19711. 

134.3 200n. 

136 2 

137 14, 16 

138.5 201n. 

139.6 197n. 

141 13 

145.1, 3 12 

6 15 

147.1, 2 198n. 

152 13 

152.2 201n. 

3 198n., 201n. 

153.3 201n. 

155.2, 3 4 

159 5 

159.1 17 

3 199 

161.1-4 13 



280 Index 

10.162.1 20O11, 

3, 4, 6 4 

163 7 

163.5 143 

166.2 16 

168 2, 17 

170.2 199, 200n. 

173.6 16 

174 12 

175.1 239, 246n., 247 

2 239, 246 

3 237, 239, 246n. 

4 246n., 247 

180.2, 3 10 

184.2 10 

191.3 9 

Eig Veda Khilani 

7.55.1 16 

103.1 16 

10.103.1 11 

127.1, 2 12 

128.1 8 

8 10 

11 11 

Atharva Veda (Vulgate) 

1.2.2 11 

4 120n. 

19 9 

20 13 

21.1-4 13 

22 9 

29 12 

29.5 17 

33 9 

35.2 10 

2.1.1 15 

6 10 

12 15 

28 9 

33 r7^ 7f. 

3.1 16 

2 11 



3.3 . '. 




4 


7 


10.5 


230, 


11 




12 


15.4 


16 


17 


1 
........... 1 


18.1, 4 


6 


19 


19.6-8 


20 


21 


— 


21.10 


25.3 - 


4.2 


7. 12 


3.2 




5 


8 


9 


11 


13 


14 


15 


-^^j 


19.6 


24.3 ! 


30 


124. ■ 


31 


■^**^j • 


32 


33 


34 


35 


- 


5.1 


16 1 


2 




3 


6 


20.10 


( 


22.1 


( 


23 


6.3.2 


( 


15.2 


46.3 



6.51.2 

52.2 


11 

15 


54.3 


9 


64 


, 9 


80.1 


2 


83.2 


133 


91.2 


, 15 


3 


14, 16 


112 


232 


113.1, 3 ... 


232f. 




, 234 


7.1 


120 


12.2 


133 


42 


4 


50.4 


3 


53.5 


13 


79.3 


126 


82.1 


5 


3 


10 


84.1-3 . . . 


10 


86.1 


8 


94 


16 




148 


9 


119 


10 


119 


9.2 


122 


6.15 

27 


230, 234, 240 

240 


9 

9.10 .^. . . 


120n., 124, 127f. 

128 


10 

L0.2 


120ii., 124, 127f. 

119 


3 


230 


7 


119, 120n. 


8 


119, 120n. 


8.43. 44 . 


119 


9.2 


240 


26 


234 


10 


122 


Ll.1.9, 10, 13, 
3 


14,23 234 

119, 122 



Index 281 

11.3.3 234 

4 121 

5 119 

7 119, 122 

8 .119 

12.3.13 234 

14, 21 240 

13 (Book) 120 

13.1.2 6 

3 121f. 

14.1.41 2 

2.10 4 

16.3, 4 120n. 

5.1 232 

18.1.46 6 

19 (Book) 9,18 

19.6 119, 124, 126f. 

6.4 10 

13 : 9, 18 

15 11 

47 12 

52 9, 122 

53 119 

54 119 

56.1,4 232 

57.1 16 

58 10 

62 11 

20.96 4 

96.6-9 13 

107.4-12 14 

136.6 230 

Atharva Veda, Paippalada 

1.7.2 17 

11 12, 18 

12 9 

20 9 

, 21.3 12 



282 Index 



J.,UKJ ••• 

28 


9 


30 


9 


51.4 


15 


53 


9 


53 2 .... 


6 


54 1 


4 


56 


^9f. 


61 


13 


62 


13, 18 


62 4 


18 


65 


6 


77 .... 


10 


83 2 


10 


84 


1 




10 


95 4 


4 


99 1 


12 


107 


2 


109 


4, 5 


110 


10 


Ill 1 


15 


2.5 


15 


5.4 


12 


6.1 


15 


9.5 


10 


22 


10 


30 


6 


30.1 


6, 17 


32.5 


"J -^ ' 

11 


33.2 


15 


37.2 


15 


41 


5 


70.5 


11 


74 


11 


88 


13, 18 


3.1 


16 


2 


16 


2.7 


14 


5 


11 


6 


16 


9.7 


4 


12 


11 


30.1 


15 



3.33 

34 1 

34.7 

35 

36 

4.1 7,17,1 

1.2, 3, 8 

4 

' 2 

6 

7 

7.4, 6, 7 

12 1 

12.6 

16 

16.7 

17.5-7 

19.1-3 

26 

28 

29 

29.8 

31 

31.1, 5 

32 14 

3T2.1, 2 

5.3.1-3 

4 i 

4.1-8 

3 

6 

7 

9.4 

11.6 

13.1, 8 

18 14, 16 

38 

39 

6.1 14 

2 



3.4 .. 
5 .. 
8.6, 7 



Incle^i 



283 



6.11 

la 
17 

, 20 



..16 
3, 5 
...3 
..12 



7.2 17 

3.1, 6. 4 

10 6 

4 9,18 

5.9 6 

6 - 6 

6.1, 8 4 

7.3 12 

10.1, 6 12 

11 4 

12.3, 10 12 

13.2 J 4 

18.4 4 

8.3 12 

10.11 10 

13 5 

13.8 2 

14 3 

20.9 4 

16 (Book) 120u. 

Atharva Veda Pariiistas 

23.2.2, 3 .' 230 

32.22 .'. ..120n. 

42.2.9£e 130 

11 122 

44.4.2 130 

Sama Yeda 

2.1208 9 

1210, 1211 11 

1212, 1213 9 

1222 9 



Araeya Sarohita 



4.6 



,10 



1.15 231 

7.26 226 

12.77ff a 

78, 86 12 

17.42,45,46 : 9f. 

44, 47 11 

89-99 5 

i9.87 ;i43 

25.15, 16 6 

71 143 

27.7 10 

31.2 10 

32.10 15 

33.28 !..!ll 

34.32 12 

51 '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.10 

39.8 143 

Vajasaneyi Samhita, Kanva 
1-5.4 ....231 

Taittiriya Sariihita 

1.1-5.2 241 

4.45.1 4 

6.12.4 !";''.10 

8.10.2 233 

22.5 4 

4.1.7.3 10 

^ 2.6 6 

6.4.4 10 

7.14 8 

5.7.4.3 6 

M^itrayani Samhita 

1.1.6 230f., 244 

' 3.39 4 

2.7.12 10 

12.15 10 

4.1.6 230f., 244 

11.2 4 

14.2 6 

15 11 

17 6 



Vajasaneyi Samhita 
1.14 241, 244 1.5 



Kathaka Samhita 



,241 



\ 



284 



Index 



1.15 231 

4.13 4 

8.16 10 

11.12 4 

13.15 6 

18.16 10 

31.4 231, 241 

35.15 244 

37.9 11 

38.13 10 

40.7, 8 5 



Taittiriya Aranyaka 



Kathaka Sariihita, A^vam. 



6.1 



Aitareya Brahmana 



2.7 

6.1 

7.17.1, 2 



.11 



,143 
,250 
,230 



Kausitaki Brahmana 
29.1 .' 236, 242, 250 



1.2.8 . . 


Gopatha Brahmana 


. .2 


16 . 






25.15 . . 


PancavinSa Brahmana 


?150 


1.1.4.7 . 


Satapatha Brahmana 
..241, 


9AA 


10 


...... — -^-»-j 


9,?,^ 


3.5.4.24 




?^36 


8.3.25 




143 


4.2.5.2 . 




?,?,f^ 


12.9.1.3 




143 


2.4.3.2 . 


Taittiriya Brahmana 


8 


7.13.3 




n 


3.2.5.8 . 




?A^ 


7.6.22 




,9 


12.2 




. , 6 


Sama Mantra Brahmana 
2.2.13 


.230 



2.3.1 . 

6.11.1 

10.1.4 



Chandogya Upanisad 

1.1.10 ■ '. 13 

2.14 13 

3.12 13 

4.5 13 

3.12.9 13 

13.1-8 13 

18.3ff 13 



4.5.3 . 

6.4 . 

7.4 . 

8.4 . 
5.1.1 

19.4 



.13 
.13; 
.13; 
,13! 
,13: 
,14 



Brhad Aranyaka Upanisad 

1.2.1, 3, 5, 8 ...13! 

3.8, 9, 17,19 13! 

2.1.4,5,6, 7 13! 

3.1.5-8 13 

2.11 1 

9.34 13! 



2.5 



Maha Narayana Upanisad 



Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 

4.14.26, 32 2 

9.28.10 

12.24.2.7 2 

13.29.5 23i 

Apastamba Srauta Sutra 

1.19.8 2 

4.15.1 

12.1.9 2 

2.15,16 .' 2 

13.9 2 

16.14.5 

26.1,3 2 



Latyayana Srauta Sutra 



3.2.7 



Index 



285 



Manava Srauta Sutra 

6.1.7 230 

A^valayana Grhya Sutra 
4.3.5, 14 236 

KauSika Sutra 

18.25 120n. 

43.13 ^ 6 

Hiranyake^i Grhya Sutra 

1.10.6 11 

2.14.4 r 230 

Manava Grhya Sutra 

2.4.8 230 

18.2 4 

ApastamW Mantra Brahmana 
1.16 5 

17 7 

2.8.4 11 

20.34 230 



Vispered 

3.1 ...226 

10.2 225n., 226, 229 

11.2 225n., 226 

11.4 225n., 226 

12.2 2251, 229 

12.3 226 

12.5 225n., 226, 229 

Yasht 

1.30 233 

9.3, 4 226 

10.90 226 

91 225n. 

11.2 138 

24.15 (Vyt. 15) 226 

Gah 

3.5 226 

4.5 225n., 226 



Sirozah 



1.7 
2.7 



,233 
.233 



Apastamba Grhya Sutra 
8.22.5 230 



Afringan 



Nirukta 



9.36 



230 



AVESTAN 

Yasna 

9.4-10 233 

8 231 

22 229 

10.2 226, 229, 230n. 

8 229 

11.10 229 

22.2 225n., 226 

21 225n., 226 

24.2 225n., 226 

25.2 225n., 226 

27.1, 2 ...239 

27.7 225f., 229 



4.5 



,225n. 



Vendidad 

5.39, 40 225n. 

57, 58 226 

6.43 226 

14.8 ! 226, 229 

10 225 

18.12 226 

19.9 225n., 239 

20.2 231 

Nirangistan 

66 229 

68 226 

72 226f., 229 

79 226 

81 225n., 226 

82 226 

107 226, 229,231 

108 225n. 



INDEX OP WOKDS, STEMS, AND ROOTS 



\ 



SEMITIC LANGUAGES 

Note. — In the following indexes of Semitic languages, words, roots, 
formative elements are arranged in the order of the consonants of the Hel 
Alphabet, vowels being disregarded except when two or more words ] 
identical consonants, in which case the order of the English vowels is f ollo^ 
Consonants not found in Hebrew are grouped with their etymological eqi; 
lents. The order of consonants here employed is as follows: ', b, g (inel 
d, h, y,, a (incl. d), fp (incl. h), t, i, Tc, I, m, n, s, ' (incL g)j p (ind. f), Q (: 
^)) Q.} "*'} ^) -s (incl. ]>)j t. The difference between the various varieties of 
Q, viz., Si, 4, <S3, etc., is disregarded in the indexes. Words vnth initial vowel 
placed under '. A complete list of a.11 roots mentioned as such is given m 
General Semitic; some few are referred to again under the individual langua 



General Semitic 

^(prefix) 38 bis 

V'br 46 

V'l' 39 

V '^^5 41 

V'nh 44,45 

V 'f^^ 45 

V ''^Q 45 

'aqtalu^ (formal type) 37 

* 'amah 41 



45 

42 

46^ 

45 

41 

45 

45 



V&g' 

^yhs 

Vg^s 

Vgss 

*diihh 

'\/dlp 

ydpp 

h (formative) 38, 39, 42 

\/'hdi 47 

n (formative) 38 bis, 39 bis 

yvM 43 

*zi'h 41 

■\/zU .\ 46 

yz'q 45 

-\/zr 41, 45 

yzr' 45 bis 

i (formative) ... .38 bis, 39 bis 



^J^bs 

yid 

vk 

yM 

Vf& 

yj^n 

iss 

yitn 

ykhd 

ykli 

yklh 

""kalb 

yUrhl " 

ykr^ 

yktr 

I (formative) 

m (formative) 38. 

ymt 

ymlt 

ymmr. 

yrngg ' 

ymrr 

ymss 

ymt 

n (formative) 38, 

yn'q 

y/ng^ 45 



Index ' ^Sl' 

# 

yjng'p 45 ^qtl 46 bis 

yjnd 44 qatil, qaful, qattdl, 

yjnhg 45 qittel (formal types) .... 37f. 

^nhmy 45 bis ^/qtm 46 

^/nhq 45 Vo'f^ 46 

•s/nt 44 -Vqf ~. 46 

^/ntp 45 VqtP • 46 

^/nps '. 42 \^qm 39, 42 

s/nql) ■ 45 \/qp' 45 

^/nqz 45 \/qpd 45 

■\/nq^ 45 VqP9 • -45 

^/nqp 45 VqQ 35, 39 

^ynqr 45 Vqgl) 35 

{^ntl 39 \^qgi 35, 39 

^/ntn 39, 43 ^/qQ' 35 

V'6s 45 \^qQP 35 

ygdp 45 yqgg 35 

yV 39 ^Jqgr 35 

*' aqrab 41 yqrli ..47 

V'^P 45 yqti 36, 38, 46 

*pu, *pt, *pd 41 r (formative) 3Q 

Vp^' 4'5 ^/rM 46 

{/pi 38 Vrgz 45 

\/pr 46 -Vrgl 46 

^/pU 43, 46 ^rgs 45 

^/pli 46 ^^rhh 45 

'Vpqh 45 \/rhq 45 

Vpsr 40, 44 \^r'd 45 

■\/pth,pt}h 40,44,45 yr'l 45 

ypti 40, 44, 45 V^' ^ 45 

^/ptr 40 V^'P 45 

^JQhl 45^ yr's 45 bis 

^Quli 45 yrg " 42 

ygV .'39 .9 (prefix) ! .... 38 

yg'q 45 ^/sU .^ 40 

Vpp 45 ^/stp 45 

ygpd 45 {/^skh / 45 

ygfr 39 ^/skn 45 

ygrJi, ' 45 ^/slh 47 

yqth 46 ViV 39 

yqtt 46 ysqi 45 



288 



Index 



ysr' 39 

ysti 45 

t (formative) 38 ter 

ytpp 45 

ytr' 39 

Assyrian 

dbaru 46 

egu 43 

aggu 43 

amsala, ansala 41 

amsat ' 41, 44 

andhu 44, 45 

itimdli 41 

gdbsu 46 

gasru 46 

da'dpu 47 

dabru 46 

dannu 46 

darru '. 46 

datnu 46 

zihu 46 

zizdnu 46 

zikkitu 46 

zumhu 46 

zunzunu 46 

zuqaqtpu 46 

zirhdlu 46 

zirzirru 46 

huliam 46 

hussu 46 

kahtu 39 

karhallatu 47 

lahhu 42 

mahagu 47 

nagdgu f 46 

nagdsu 47 

nadru 42 

nimru 42 

napdsu 42 bis 

nehi 42 

vasru 42 



natdku 

siriam 

sardqu 

Qelu 

rdbu 

*rehu 

rebitu 

raggu 

ragdmu .... 
ramdku .... 
ramdmu .... 

rapdsu 

rashu 

russu 

segu 

sagdmu .... 
selabii, selihu 

sapdku 

sardqu 

tabdku 

timdli 



Ethiopic 

'agadd 

'eger 43 

'ed 

'ahara 

'anf 

^af, ^afu, 'afd 

halaga 

gazama 

dehra 

dafa 46 

yuKb 

hadafa 

harasa 

haraga 

haraga 

kahda 

kehda 

lahasa 

lasd 



Index 



289 



d^a 

dJia 46 

'^er 41, 45 

"-aba 47 

lata 46, 47 



)aia 



laga 46 \ dafara 



46 dahd 47 

danna 47 

dasa* a 46 

dasara 46 

dafa^ a 46 bis 

46 dajfa 45 



fa ., 
dafa 
tqata 
qrh . 
raga 
rah a 



46 
46 

,46 
.47 
,46 

,47 



Arabic 

b (final element) 41 

zraqu^ 37 

la 42 

hmaru^ 37 

'.ra 42 

tama 44 

a 42 

msu^ 44 

naha 45 

nna (verb) 47 

nna, 'annahu 43 

nna, Hnnahu 43 

fala 38 

farra 39 

tatala 38 

39 

, 39 

b 39 

l)hatu» 47 

Mnu^ 47 

dda ; 48 

■uzu*" 47 

■ufu"- 47 

daha 47 

dama 48 

mdahiC^ 41 

f aza -43 



46 

dafasa 46 

daqqa 47 

dara^a 46 

^/hdi 47 

hanna 47 

^uhh 43 

ualada 38 

dird'u^^ 45 

hahata 47 

hadfu'' 46 

hanna 47 

hasuna 38 

hafaqa 46 

tanna 47 

kurd'ti"' 45 

lahata 47 bis 

lahisa 47 

lajada 47 

lajana 47 

lid 38 

lahasa 47 

lahika 47 

lahisa 47 

lahafa 47 

lataha 46, 47 

latama 46, 47 

latasa 46, 47 

lata' a 46, 47 bis 

laka 47 

laipW" 42 

lamasa 41 

lasiha 47 bis 

lasada 47 

lassa 47 

la' alia, la' allahu 43 



290'- 



Index 



lafanna 43 

la'iqa .47 

laqqa 47 

lapama 47 

latdha 46,47 

mautu"^ 39 

mahada 47 

massa 41 

magga 47 

marada 47 

marapa 47 

masaja 44 

saja^ a 46 

sdhdba 47 

safdka 46 

safa' a 46 

safaqa 46 

gamada 44 

'ankdbW^, ' ankdbutw^ 41 

fahata 43 • 

fariha 38 

dahika 44 

dila'u» 39 

gafaqa 46 

^/Qfr 39 

gaqa' a 46 

qadiba 47 

qalhasa 47 

qaggabu^ 37 

qaraga 46 

ramdha 46 

ranna 47 

ragapa 47 

rafasa . 44, 46 

radi'a, radaf a 47 

sdhaha 43 

sat ana 47 

sakaha 43 

sdkala 43 

pa'labw^ 41 

pu'dlW" 41 

sariba 47 



tamtama 



Hebrew and Phenician 

'aihir 

'dtam 

'dken 

Hllem 

'almoni 43 

'amen 



ernes 
'dnah 



anan 

oOoXo^aS, cf. *'atalleh. 
hen ' 

ous ^. , 

gihhe^h , 

Vg'bs 

gddad 

gannab , 



gafa^ 

ddhd 

ddhap 

daiidn 

ddlaq 

*dalt 

delet 

hah 

hdgd 

hddd 

hddap 

hislik ( ^/slk) 

zehub 

zerd°^^ 

zeret 41 

hdhat 

haras 

idbes 

idlad 



idsdn 



loses, msis 

y/itn 

kdhed . . . . 



Index 



291 



kolaf 47 

Icihhed .47 

kihhes 47 

keluh 44 

ken 42 

kisse 39 

kaptor 42 

ker^af aim 45 

kereti 43 bis 

koteret 42 

led 38 

Idhaq 47 

Idias 46, 47 

kis 42 

Idqaq 47 

Idsdd 47 

liskd 47 

mahag 47 

mdhaq 47 

mekurhdl {-\/krM) 47 

\/mlt 47 

memer 38 

mdsak 44^ 

*mipldt 43 

y/mgg 47 

miqdds (VQds) 43 

miqldt {^qlt) 43 

*mdsag 44 

ndgaf 47 

ndgas 47 

nddah 46 

y/nt 44 

ndtas 47 

nimlat {ymlt) 47 

ndsak 44 

ndpal 38 

niskd 47 

iidtak 46 

sanuerim ; .... 42 

sdpaq 46 

sirion 46 

Huuer 37, 42 



*'atalleh {dOoko^aS) 43 

'atallep 36,43 

^^dmag 44 

'op 43 

'dgam 44 

'are miqldt 43 

pe .' 36 

pdga' 47 

pdgas 47 

pahat 43 

■Vpr 46 

■Vpli 46 

Vpli 46 

pdlat .47 

palmoni 43. 

peloni ? 43 bis 

pelisU 43 

peleU 43 bis 

peser 44 

pdtar 44 

pitron ,40 

gdhaq 44 

geld' 39 

gdme' 43 

gdmaq 43 

gepet 42 

qoba' 47 

qaiiem 39 

qdgd 39 

qdgag 39 bis 

qere^h 47 

mtas 47 

mmas .44 

mmas 44 

rdnan 47 

ru'as 43 

*rdpas 44 

rUg 42 

sdtam 47 

sdtan 47 

se'ol 43 

sohel 44 



202 



Index 



saga' 46 

salmt 43 

salah 47 

yUk 47 

su' al 41 

sa'ar 39 

sdpak 46 

sdpal 38 

sirion 46 

tdnut ( \^nt) 44 

tdpap 45 

Syriac and other Aramaic 

'el'd 39 

* 'amsd 44 

'an ' 47 

atmill 42 

hehet 42 

gad 48 

gedam 48 

gauud 47 

gehek 44 

gam 48 

genah 44 bis 

ge'd 44 

ge'ar 44 

gesar 44 

dehd 47 

dunhd 40, 44 

derd' a 45 

hegd 48 

Vhdi 47 

hedas 48 

hemas 48 

herag 48 

zaddeq 44 

zddeqd 44 

zanep 44 

zekd .^ 44 

ztpd 44 

zarid 41, 45 

l^elat 47 



tartem , 

turtdsd ....... 

turtdrd 

tartes 

tarmes 

teras 

*iidda' 

iahb 

iehah 

nnda' 

kulbdsd 

karheld 

kurseid 

I (preposition) 

lehak 

letas 

laitd 

mehd 

mehdr 

^/mgg 

Vng' 

\^ntl 

setan 

' emag 

pega' 

pahhet 

Vpit 

pelat 

pesar 



.U 



gapra 

*geparpdrd 

qd'em 

qelubid 

qapsd 

y qrJi 

reheh 

rehet 

ramhiil 

ramsd 42 

ramsul 42 

repas 44 

sulbd 40 



Index 



293 



leldh 47 

sem 39 

semdhdt 39 

sammah 39 

s^par 44 



separpdrd 44 

seridnd 46 

tamtem 48 

ta'ld 41 

tar'd 39 



INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES 



Sanskrit 

dksan : 139 

aksi 139 

-ahs-noti 147, 156 

angu^tlia 141 

aj 246n. 

ajara 242, 244 

a jury a 242 

anj 246n. 

anjaspd 245 

atrdila 244 

atka 1 54 

adri 241fr. 

adhikam ' 194 

adhisavanyd 228f . 

an-ak 139 

anakti 149f , 

andtura 242 

anukramdgata 172n. 

antastya 142 

ap 236 

apacyava 228f . 

aparigraha 160 

apdst{h)i- 141 

abhisnak 157 

amavisnu 242 

amrta 233 

amrtyu 242 

ambikdtva 176n. 

ar 246n. 

arjuna 168n. 

arjunaketu I6811. 

avaskara 157 



avastha,-d 142 

avasvdpinl 166 

avwadat I6611. 

avydja 176 

^as 246ii. 

'as 172n., 246n. 

asrthita 242 

asna 249 

asramana 242 

asvaprstha 237, 245 

^as 246 

asatyatydga 160 

asteya 160 

asthan 142 

as-yati 156 

ahi 197ff., 204 

ahinsd 160 

dga 153 

-dtmaja 188 

ddardt 178 

ddardira 245 

dptya 231 

dhharana 166n. 

dhhdra 166n. 

amis i . . . 247 

dyaji 228f . 

dsana 172ii. 

did 175n. 

dsu 244 

dsvapastara 244 

ds 246n. 

dsana 172n. 

i 246 



294 



Index 



inddhe 150 

indra 208 

isira 246 

Id 238, 241, 245f. 

ukthahhrt 244 

ugra 244 

uccdlita 169ii. 

utsa, udan 157 

udara 143 with n. 

unatti 143, 157 

unap 148, 151 

upacyava 228f . 

upahda 239, 245 

upahdi 239, 245f. 

upara 235f ., 241, 244 

upastha 142 

updya 167 

ulukhalaka 228f . 

ulukkalasuta 228f . 

ulukhalamusale, 

234, 236, 238, 240, 249 
ulukhale, 

228ff., 234, 238ff., 247, 249 

unkh 245 

lirdhva.. 229, 237, 2401, 244, 248 

urdhvasdnu 237 

re 245f. 

rna-dhat 157 

rnjate 150 

rsi 194 

e-ta, enl 150 

enas 232f . 

odatl 144n., 157 

ostha 142 

kaksya 235 

kamala I6811. 

kamaldnana 168n. 

kalpana 192f . 

kdru '.' 245f . 

kdstha 171n., 179n. 

kdsthahhaksana 179n. 

kinmka 175n. 



kiye-dha 148n. 

kustha,-ikd 142 

kr". 246 

krnatti 154 

krt 156n., 158 

krta 2^9 

krsnavakramukha 175ii. 

ko'sa- 1881 

kostha 142 

kdumudisamyaktva 163 

krand 245 

krld 246n., 247 

krus 238, 241, 2451 

ksane 140 

ksdtra 176ii., 187ii. 

ksemakdma ^ . 242 

ks-nduti 147 

khanjarita 175 

khadira 184 

khdtra 176ii, 

gana 194 

gandhajdhaka 191n. 

gahhasti 141 

gavis 244 

gdtrasamkocin 19 In. 

guna .167 

guru 173, 189 

gudha 175 

grnatti 154 

grhyasittra .\ . . . 169n. 

gomaya 183n. 

grabh 246 

gras 246n. 

grdma 167ii. 

grdvacyuta 226 

grdvan 228ff., 234ff, 

grdsa 167 with n. 

grdhi 233 

ghus 245 

ghosa 238, 2401 

caks 246 

cat' 178 



Index 



295 



camu 229 

car 246n. 

cal 169n. 

ca/y 246n. 

cdru 244 

cinoti 154 

cyu 226, 239, 241, 246 

chinatti 154 

chrnatti 157 

chut 189 

jaU 144, 154 

jathara 144 

janagrha 187n. 

^jar 246n. 

jaritr 245 

jalarekhd 182ii. 

jdgata . 242 

jdla 144 

jdhaka 191n. 

jtra 247 

jus 246n. 

ju 246n. 

jiita 144 

jhagataka (jhak°) 98n. 

t{v)anakU 152 

tilaka 174 with. n. 

tunjaie 153 

tud ,238,241,246 

tundate 154 

tr-^ava, ud 191 

trnhanti 148 

trnatti 155 

tr-ne-dhi 148, 151 

irdila 244 

trita 231ff . 

t{v)anakti 152 

tvayakd 176 

daksind 183 

dadhrk, dadhrsa 139n. 

dant 236 

dalati 156ii. 

dunduhhi 229 



dusvapnya . . . / 233, 238 

duh 2451 

deva 182 

dyumattama 229 

dramaka 167n. 

dravyapujd 193n. 

dviiaya 192n. 

dhan 246n., 247 

dhd 246n. 

dhdnydkrta 245 

dhisand 247f . 

dhur '. 239,241 

-dhrk 139n. 

dhruva 242 

naks 246n. 

naksatra 183 

. nat {+ud, vi) 173n. 

i nadl 157 

navate 147n. 

navadvdra 161, 166 

nas 246n. 

ndka 153 

ndga / 154 

7idri 228, 234 

nins 246n. 

niksati '. 148 

ni jahi 234 

nidhd 151 

nindati 155 

nimesa 187 

niyojana 174 

nilisukay-tva 185n. 

nisedhikd 182n. 

nihsidh, nihsedhikd 182ii. 

nl+nis 189 

nu (cf. nduti) . .147n., 245, 246n. 

nrt 246 and n. 

nemi 237 

nduti (cf . nu) 156 

nyunchana^ka 174 with. n. 

pancama 187 

pattakula 176, 186 



296 



Index 



pati, patm 140, 150n. 

pannaga 154 

par 246n. 

paratd, °dd 183ii. 

parigrahapati 180 

parv,-ati 166 

parvata 166, 242, 244, 249 

paldsa 1'^^ 

pali-knl 140 

pavitra 229 

2p(i 246n. 

pdtita 1^'^ 

pdsyd 233 

pinsanti 1^'-' 

pinak 1^2 

mnasti 1^^^ 

pitukrt 245 

pindka 1^2 

plyati 152 

puccha 1 ' 8 

pundra 1'^^ 

pumd(n)s 151n. 

pulasti 142 



246n. 



pu 

pujd 182,186,1921 

pre 246n. 

prnakti 151 

prthu '.244 

prthugrdvan 230 

prthubudhna 229, 241, 244 

prthustu 142 

prsti 142 

prstha 142 

prakurydta 169n. 

pratipanndmhikdtva 176n. 

prayojana 174f . 

prUth 245 

prothatha 244 

phata , 184n. 

phalikd 184n. 

hadhndti 148 

hahrhdna 242 



hahhulaphalika 184n. 

hddha 148n. 

hrJiat 231, 246 

hrahmacarya 160 

hrahmodya 120, 129, 132 

hrahmdudana 234 

hhaj 246n. 

hhan-ati 156 with n. 

hhanakti 156 

hhavann asti 180 

hhas 246 

Ihdra 166 

hhdvapujd 193ii. 

hhinatti 155f. 

hhisaj 156 

hM, hMs, hMsana 149, 156 

hhuktahatta 167ii. 

hhunakti " . . . 153 

hhur 246n., 247 

hJul (n.) 167n., 171 

&M (v.) 246 

hhuta 191 

hhr 246 

hhesaja 239 

hhyas 149 

manhand 237, 245 

madhumat 229 

madhusut 244 

madhyatas I6611. 

manthati 227 

manthd 228f . 

mayohhu 244 

maraTidnta I8I11., 187n. 

marv I6611. 

mastaka 142 

mahisl,-pdla 182ii. 

mahly 246n. 

mdrjdra 191n. 

mdtfn (ace. pi.) 3 

miyedha 148n. 

mih 246n. 

ml 246n. 



Index 



297 



mukta 176 

mukha 175n. 237 

musti 141 

musala \ 230, 234 

murchaksepa 177n. 

muUM 171n., 179n. 

mrf 233, 246n. 

mrnjata 149 

mrnati 150, 153 

mesa 187 

i^red 148n. 

yakrt 139 

yam 246 

yama, yamala, yamya 146 

yava 227 

ydcatha v 179 

yuj 239ff., 244, 246 

yunakti 148, 153 

yogim 162 

yogya 183n. 

raksohan 200 

rahh 246n. 

rasmi 229, 241 

rdk$asa 162, 190 

mjptsava 177 

msikd 172n. 

rds, rasaka 172n. 

rinakti 153 

ris 246n. 

ru 245 

mnaddhi 151 

retas 237 

rduhineyaka 168n. 

limpati 147 

Iff-m 153 

lupyate, °ta 172n. 

lokahhds4nuga 182 

'oharekhd 181 

jansa ; 174 

mc 238, 241, 245f. 

md 238, 2401, 244ff. 

{avlvadat, see this) 



vana 142,235 

vanaspati 228ff., 235, 241 

vanaspati (?) 165 with n. 

vanisthu 143 

vas 246ii. 

vasti 142 

vah : 246n. 

vajkni 235 

^va .^ 246n. 

vdgura 142n. 

vdjasdtama 229 

vdtajuta 244 

vdnaspatya 230f., 240f. 

vdra 152 

vdsi 152, 235 

vdsayati 152 

vdhana 176 

^vid 246ii. 

vinakti 151 

vindta 155 

vipipdna 244 

vipra 245 

virmna 195n. 

vivadha '. 151 

vivrt 247 

visopaka 167n. 

^vis 246n. 

vistvi (sukrtyayd) . . . .239, 244 

visthd 141f . 

vrkkdu 141 

vrnakti 154 

vrt 246n. 

vrttif-stha 181 

vrtra 199,2031 

vrtraturya 202 

vrtrahan 197ff . 

vrddhd, yuvati 176 

vrsan 244 

vrsahha 244 

vrsnya 239 

vedi 247 

vesl 152 



298 



Index 



vodhum 148ii. 

sat 156n. 

satdvat 246 

sad 156n. 

sdstra 186 

sinasti 156 

sildrekhd 182n. 

slyate 156 

suka 175ii. 

supti 141 

srnga (-pucchaparihhrasta) 

178n. 

srdddha 172 

sru ../. 246 

sruti, srusti 141 

sloka ...,'. 245 

svas 245 

sodasa 148n. 

saktu 156 

sakthan 142 

sad ,. 246n. 

sadana 172 

sampraddya 187 

sarparsi ..^. 250 

sarvdrtha,-siddhi 195n. 

savana 225 

sahasravat 246 

sddha 148n. 

sddhii 185 

sdmahhrt 244 

sdvana 225 

sic 246n. 

sidh 246 

sinoti 148f . 

su 245ff. 

sukrt 244 

sunoti 226 

suparna 237 

supivas 244 



suhhndti 155n. 

'-su 246n. 

sutra 169n. 

suri 245 

sr 246ii. 

srja ,229 

sevd 184 

somaprstha 244 

somaradhastara 245 

somasut 244 

somdd 244 

somin 244 

skahhdy .246n. 

stMyate 171n. 

sphutam 194 

sphurjati 156n. 

svakta 156 

han 246 

hari 244 

haUksna 140 

hasta 141, 234 

hastacyuta 227 

hastayata 244 

hi 245 

hinasti 156 

hinoti 156 

hu 245 

heti 156 

Peakeit 

ghamgala 98n. 

sa-vakklo 140 

AVESTAN^ 

aiwy-dxstar 139 

ayasyd 232 

anhavana 227 

ayanhaena 226 

aratufris 229 



^ In deference to the wishes of the several contributors, their somewhat dif- 
ferent systems of Avestan transliteration have not been altered. The alphabetic 
order of Bartholomae has been followed. 



Index 



299 



istaena 226 

ismana 2251, 233 

isa 231 

m 1381 

ihityd .....2311 

ista (hate) 156 

pta (frqsta) 149 

Irinaxti 153 

upara 226, 229 

usi 138 

kaya-hd " 148n. 

kereta 226,229 

^aokevena 233 

vmu 147n. 

nnaOdmaide 154 

zinasti 155 

lasta (zaoOro • harana) 229 

iaitya 226 

Irvaena 226 

oaiti ■ statie 231 

oas 158 

ouityd 232 

iaesaza 157 

ianadami 151 

Waoirisimna 229 

^ratara 226 

'ravdxsaena 226 

Va • savaiti 226 

'rasdvayamna 229 

'rasdvayamnayd 229 

rasutayd 229 

laeza 148 

id8a 151 

laddnto 155 

laf-m 151ii. 

mfya 151ii. 

viyne 230n. 

Yh9r9nchite 153 

riqnari 148n. 

%inas ^ 149 

mydsaite 149 

ava 226 



yakar9 139 

ydvarena 2251 

vaeg 152 

vaeha, vae8i 152 

vaep 152 

vaend, vaema 152 

varesdi {haomd- anhar^zdndi) 

229 

verethrajan 197, 205 

V9r9hka 141 

vinasti 155 

vimant ...:.. 227, 229 

vinasti 155 

vmaoiii 152 

vlnddayen 152 

snaS 154 

zaotar 226 

zemaena 226 

haoma 225ff,, 229, 233, 239 

haomahe maZo 229 

harez 229 

havana 225ff., 229, 234 

hdvana . . .225ff., 229, 2331, 239 

hdvanan 226 

hdvanay 229 

hdvanayds 225, 229 

hunaoiti 226 

Pahlavi 

apar hdvan 226n. 

aslmen 226n. 

dsydk e pa dast 226 

urvts 228 

dastah 227 

zot 227,229, 239 

zurtah i art 226 

hdvanlm 227 

New Persian 

dho 233 

dastah 227 

ydr, yavar 227 



300 



Index 



hdvan 227 

hdvamm 227 

Armenian 

akn 139 

anun 156 

leard 139 

neard 139 



Albanian 



ent . . 
g'ist. 
lengor 
si ... . 



154 
141 
.32 
139 



Greek 

(/r)ayw/At ^ 156 

ayos 153 

dyo\^p]crT6s 141 

AhUrj 154 

aLv6<s 150 

aKvr}(TTL<i 142 

OLKTI^ 156 

Ai^vrj 147n., 156 

aTrXoos 158 

•AttoXXo) 145f . 

a-TTO-vapc 147 

*Apye'L(f>6vTr]s 145 

"ApTCfXLS 144 

aa-a-OfMu 154 

arpLov 151n., 154 

'A<f)poSiT7j 144 

jSovs, ^(os 138 

ya<TTrjp 144 

SaLfXijiv 146 

SoOAos, SwXos 138 

ey^os 153 

-evrjvoOe 151n. 

evTccn- 153 

ivToaOiOL 142 

{p)€pyov 154 

epcTO _. . 150 

epvKeL, kpvofjjai, tpv^Jia, ipiay . . . .151 



rivBov . . 

KOpdnnj 

Kva-6o<s 

KVOTTtS 



149 
140 
..11 
..V. 
.141 



XivafULt 1' 

AtTrapos 140, 143i 

/xao-^os 1^ 



li 



vaos . 
vdcraeL 
vaoTTOS 



fJUl(T(r€L 

fidcTTa^, fxacTTOS 1^ 

/AcA.eto'Tt 1^ 

IXXXTTa^ 1^ 

va/CTOs 152] 

lA 

:...151 

152] 

If 

vco-yei^s, veo-ytXos . . . •• 1^ 

vetfypo^ 1^ 

vi/Svs .It 

vo^os 1« 

vwyaAxx It 

iiaa-e : $veL It 

6Sov9 : 137 

OKKOV it 

OKTaAAos It 

oX.flO'S 2/ 

ow/xa i« 

7raAja(t)crTi7 1^ 

TreXa? li 

TreXtTvos 1^ 

TTLKpOq 1J 

■TriXvaTat li 

7rtjU.7rA.av€Tat 1< 

7rA.€K0) li 

-TTOlKtXoS li 

TToaOr}, iroo"0iov 1' 

irovs : TTtos 137 

TrpovcoTriys li 

TTTatiet li 

7rv8a-pL^€L li 

paUt 138 

O"€t'<0 1 



Index 



301 



&Ktpo<s 156 

&k<iip, (TicaTos 142, 157 

<r7r€Tj8ct 138 

o-^o^ci 156n. 

&<f>dpayo<s 156n. 

&<f>T^v . . . .s 156n. 

Tivdcr<rei i 152 

Tpe((r)€L 156 

vSa-p-qSf vScpos 143n. 

rSos 157 

-^pto> 149n. 

^oivr) l45 

Xetpctfv 146 

Latin 

dbiete 263 

acies 139 

aes 150 

anteir 252, 263 

Ap(p)ulia 251, 266 

ariete 263 

caeleste 265, 267, 268, 271 

Calpe ...'. 251, 271 

capit 137 

Cani{l)us 251, 268 

cave 270 

ciet 156 

commodd 251, 268 

con-futo 153 

conird 264f., 270 

conuhium 257, 269 

eoruptus 251, 268 

costae 142 

cdt(t)idianus 251, 268 

credit 158 

crista 142 

cm 252 

curvus 154 

{de-)frutum 145 

deserit 153n. 

dicat 138ii. 

Doride {^di) 272 



dufilus 158 

E-geria 147 

eid 259, 270 

ensis 156 

€S 265 

exvit 272 

exos .265 

ferhinae 264n. 

fervere 263 

pere 265 

flare 144ii. 

fiuere 144n. 

fortmtus 257 

frustrd 259 

fugit 153 

fuigere 263 

fungitur 153 

gaesum 156 

gemellus 146 

genius 146 

gratuitus 251, 257, 269 

Hebrus ..258 

Uc{c) 251,268,272 

huic .252 

immo 269 

impare 267 

inferne 266, 269f . 

infula 151 

intestina 142 

Ldvinia 266, 268 

ludicre 251,264 

mage, magi (s) 271n. 

mare (abl.) 265, 267f. 

memnone (°ni) 272 

miles 265 

napurae 151n. 

narrat 156 

natrix 154 

ndre, ndvis '1 . 147 

netrundines 140 

necesse 153 

necto 153, 158 



302 



Index 



neque 261 

nihil 252, 263 

nodus 151 

nd(u)men 156 

novacula 147 

pavit, pavimentum 138 

PeUus 252, 259 

pello 152 

perenne (abl.) 265, 267 

per-fines 155 

pilum 152, 155 

pinsunt 152 

plectit 158 

posted , 251, 270 

prodes 265 

Proserpina 251, 268 

pu{e)ri 264 

quomodo 251, 271 

rapit 137 

re-dimio 146 

renes .^ 140 

saltus 157 

sanguis 265f. 

scapulae 141 

scindit 154, 158 

sicuti 264, 269 

siet 258 

sinexter 35 

stuprum 154 

superne . . . .251, 259n., 266, 269 

taeda 152 

tegendo 251, 272 

tendit, tendicula 158 

terit 155 

tesca 147 

Trinacria 153n. 

unda 143, 157f. 

uruca 143n. 

urvare 151 

vehemens 252, 263 

velum 142n. 

Venilia 144 



vensica 143 

venter 143 

Venus 144 

vergit 154 

vermis 154 

vertit 158 

vexillum 142ii. 

vi-ginti i55n. 

vin{e)xit 152n. 

virgines 264 

zmardgdos 269 

Pbaenestine 
nef rones 140 

Umbrian 
viu uruvu 151 

Old Irish 

henim 155 

boss 141 

etim 154 

Middle Irish 
loss 142 

Welsh 

hon-llost 142 

hys 142 

dust 141f . 

nedim 155 

Gothic 

aquizi 156 

augo 138 

b-nauan 147, 153ii. 

hrusts 142 

falpan 158 

fotus 35 

hilpei 144 

nati 155 

natjan 157 



\ 



Index 



303 



sneipan 152n., 154 wtiist 141 

iunpus 35 wrist 141 



(Old) Norse 

eista 142 

Must :.. ..1411 

il-kvistir 142 

nista , . .1551 

nyra 140 

skarn 157 

skide 157 

snage 153 

vds 144 

Old High German 

houwen 153n. 

chrumhe-lingun 32 

wasal 144 



Old Swedish 



nek 



154 



Old English 

sprecan 156ii. 

pwltan 152 

Modern German 
diehel, dobel, dohel, dubel. . .27 

leiste 142 

schaufel 141 

wanst 142f . 

Modern English 

hrustle 137 

finds 152 

fist 142 

liver 139 

snack, snatch 153 

snake 154 

speaks 156n. 

tells 156n. 

throws 156 



Lithuanian 

dudra 144n. 

hats, haisd, haisunas 157 

ddburys 26 

dambralupis 26n. 

ddmbras 26ii. 

dauhd 26 

daubas 27 

dauhe 27 

daubike 27 

dauMszkis 27 

dauhotas 27 

dauhurd 27 

dauhurele 27 

dauhurys 27 

*dykd 33 

dyka-dunds 33 

dykas 33 

dohai 27n. 

duba 'farm' 27 

dwfea'barn' 27 

duba 'hollow of a tree' 27 

dubai 27n. 

dubelis 27 

dubeti 28 

dubyn 28 

dubininkas 28 

dubinti 28 

dubirania 28 

dubyti 28 

dubla (...,28 

duble 28 

dubles 28 

dubll 29 

dubliai 29 

dublineti 29 

dublinge 29 

dublinge 29 

dublingine 29 



304 



Index 



dublinti ^ 29 

diiblys 29 

dubos 27n. 

duhrdvas 29 

duhsoti 29 

duhti 24, 30 

duburas 29 

duhurys 29 

duhuriuotas 29 

duhurkis 29 

dubus 30 

dilgnas 25, 30 

dumblas : 30 

dumblija 30 

dumblinas 30 

dumhlynas 30 

dumhlyne 30 

dumhlingas 30 

dumhlinti 30 

dumhlus 30 

diimhlutis 30 

dumhrus . . . r. 30 

dumhu 24, 30 

dumbiirys 30 

duba 30 

dubate 30 

dube 30 

dubekasys 30 

dubele 30 

dubetas 30 

dubinti 30 

dubkasys 31 

dubpdraszas 31 

dAcbti 31 

dubummas 31 

dubute 31 

gaudone 23 

globa 31 

glomoti 31 

[golimba-] 22n. 

grabkasys 31 

V y-nis 150 



mkstas 142 

iszdubavyti 31 

iszdubeti 31 

krintu 156 

lekmene 32 

mmkyti 149 

nyksztys 141 

nokti 153 

novyti 147 

paisyti 153 

pa-zastis 141n. 

pauksztas 33f . 

peikti 152 

pellis 152, 155 

pUkas .140 

pirsztas 141 

szleivas 33 

szUwis 32f. 

szlivas -. 32 

szllvis 32 

vambras 26n. 

vims 152 

Lettish 

bemberis 22n, 

dikd stdwet 33 

diks 33 

dumbrdjs 30 

dumbras 30 

dumbrs 30 

Idpsta 142 

slums 31 

Old Prussian 

dubelis 28 

golimba- 22n. 

instixs 141 

klupstis 142 

padaubis 30 

Old Bulgarian 
besH 157 



Index 



305 



cediti 152 

cel-usti 142 

gritsU 141 

na-l^sti 32 

navl 147 

nevodu 151, 157 

mzq 148 

noB 153 

ocese 139 



oBio 139 

p§sU 141 

prustu 141 

skar^du 157 

sw 155n. 

tr^sq 148 

Serbian 
negve 154 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS 



Abhaya, minister, 161; accused of 
grafting, 161, 180f.; relations with 
Eauhineya, 162, 170ff.; former in- 
carnation of, 189ff. 

Abhayakumara, minister, 165 

Ablaut, see Phonology 

Accent, Lithuanian, 19 

Adityas in Vrtra myth, 202 

Agni, and ignis, 205; and soma., 200; 
an4 Verethraghna, 205f.; and 
Vrtra, 199f.; as Dvita, 206; his- 
tory of, 205; lost in Avestan, 205, 
207, 209; with dasyuhantcma, 
200n.; with vrirahan, 199f,, 205; 
with vrtraturya, 202 

Agni Vrtrahan, 203, 207; a lightning 
god, 205; Indo-Iranian, 205f. 

Ahi, see Vrtra 

Allahabad, early place of pilgrimage, 
79 

Amitrahan, in Rigveda, 199 

Analogy in Semitic, 38n. 

Anapaest for dactyl, 263f. 

Anguttara Commentary, 105, 108 

Animism in India, 80f.; relation to 

Upanishads and philosophy, 83; 

teaches all-prevading spirit, 83f.; 

relation to monism, 84f.; relation 

•to transmigration, 85f. 



Anquetil du Perron, on haoma-press- 

ing, 227 
Anra Mainyu, 231 
Anthropomorphism among Aryans, 

207n. 
Apaih Napat, 205f. 
Aptya, of storm gods, 206 
Arhaddasa, merchant, 163ff. 
Aryans, superiority of overestimated, 

77fe. 

Assimilation, see Congeneric Assimila- 
tion 

Ai^vins, and Vrtra^ 200 ; with vrtra- 
hantama, 208f. 

-at in Latin verbal endings, shortened, 
266 

Atar, 205fe. 

Atharva Veda, philosophy in, 116ff.; 
tinged with Dravidian ideas, 83 

Atharva Veda Pari^istas, see Pariiis- 
tas 

Atheism of Buddhism changing to 
theism, 93 

Athwya, 206,' 231, 23r' 

Auspicious marks, 171, 192f. 

Avebury, Lord, 155 

-averam, Latin verb-forms in, 262 

Avestan vocabulary of pressing, com- 
pared with Vedie, 229 



306 



Index 



AzM Dahaka, 205f., 231 

Benares, early place of pilgrimage, 
79 

Betel, 178f. 

Bhagavad Gita, on ways of salvation, 
93 

Bhairava, 192 

Bhaktimarga, see Salvation 

Bharata, 177 

Bhartrhari, Niti^ataka, quoted, 89 

Bhillas, 190 

Bidhata, 91n., 98 

Bilhana, 165 

Black magic and Life Index, 215n. 

Blending (word), see Congeneric As- 
similation 

Blending of races, effect on culture, 
77 

Blood-offering, 191f. 

Bloomfield, M., 18, 89n., 96n., 117, 
.118n., 121n., 130, 132n., 134, 137f., 
141, 158ff., 174n., 176n., 183n., 
211n. 

Bluff, motif of Hindu fiction, 89n., 219 

Boas, P., 145 

Body, parts of, 137ff. 

Boehtlingk, Indische Spriiche, 49ff. 

Brahmanas, spirit of, 131ff, 

Brhaspati, and Vrtra myth, 202; and 
vrtrani, 204 

Bridegroom, substituted, 100; kid- 
napped by Eauhineya, 180 — 

Buddha, see Gautama 

Buddhaghosa, 105, 108 

Buddhism, relation to Jainism and 
Upanishads, 82ff. ; less Aryan than 
Upanishads, 87 

Bundahish, quoted, 233 

Caesura in Latin verse, license before, 
263, 266 

Caland, W., 118 

Oanakya, 49ff. 

Candapradyota, 182 

Chandogya Upanishad, animistic quo- 
tation from, 83 



Chastity Index, 223f. 

Childlessness fated but escaped, 99, 

102 
Citragupta, helps worshipper escape 

fate, 100 
Clausula, licenses in, in Latin verse, 

258, 265, 268 
Commerce, seaborne, of Ancient India 

(Dravidian), 77f. 
Composition: 'look-see' type, 148, 

1571; ' par (t) -take' type, 157f. 
Congeneric Assimilation, 35ff., 137ff.; 

in Semitic vocalism, 37f. 
Contamination, see Congeneric Assim- 
ilation 
Courts of ancient Indian kings, 86f. 
Crooke, W., 80 
Culture as product of racial blendings, 

77, 87 

Dadistan, quoted, 229, 239 

Dainos, Lithuanian, 20, 21n. 

Death, temporary, lOOff.; marvelous 
escapes from, 105ff. 

Deussen, P., 116, 122n., 126 

Devacandra, 195 

Devamurti, 195 

Dhammapada Commentary, 105, 110, 
115 

Dhatr, 91 

Diaeresis, 252, 258, 269 

Digha Nikaya Commentary, 107n. 

Diminutive -ha, 168n., 176 

Dinkard, 105, 112 

Disease of Language, 145 

Donalitius, Lithuanian poet, 20n. 

Dravidians, important element in In- 
dian population, 76f., 87; influence 
on Indian culture, 77f.; on lan- 
guage, 78f . ; on religion, 79flf . ; part 
in ancient commerce, 77f.; intelli- 
gence of, 78 

Dual, elliptic, 225f., 229 

Durga, perhaps Dravidian, 79 

Dvandvas with initial sing, in Eig- 
veda, 208f. 

Dvita, 206 



Index 



30 



-e, vulgar Latin dative in, 271f. 

Eating interrupted daily by fate, 98 

ElepHant with pearls on forehead, 96 

Elliptic dual, see Dual 

Elmore, W. T., 80 

Emancipation, see Salvation 

Ennius, influence and usage of, 251, 

254f., 263f. 
Epics, ancient India in, 78 
Escapes, from death, legendary, 

105ff.; from fate, 89ff. 
-et shortened in Latin verbal endings, 

266 
External soul (see also Life Lidex), 

211n. 

Faith Token, see Life Index (Chastity 
Index) 

Earedun, 231 

Fate, as kismet and karma, 90; es- 
caped, by divine aid, 92f., lOOf.j 
by human shrewdness, 91f., 95ff.; 
by immediate action of karma, 94, 
103; inevitable, 89, 91; transferred 
from one man to another, 103; 
written on forehead, 90f., 96 

Feet, licensed, in Latin verse, 251, 253, 
258f,, 264, 266 

Fiction Motifs, Hindu, Encyclopedia 
of, 89n., 211n. 

Folk-songs, Lithuanian, 20f. 

Folk stories borrowed from literature, 
95n. 

Gralanos, Demetrios, 49ff. 

Gambler becomes Indra, 99 

Gane^a, 183 

Ganges, 81, 165, 168, 171 

Gautama (Buddha), and predecessors, 

81f. 
Gautama Svamin, 163 
Gender, Latin poetical, 254n. 
Ghouls, 162, 191f. 
Girl fated to be prostitute, 96f . 
Gobhadra, merchant, 188 
Gods, treatment of in Vedas and 

Upanishads, 75; of Aryans and 



Dravidians contrasted, 80f.; statu 
of in philosophy, 84f.; characteris 
^cs of, 162, 173f., 187; change( 
into monkeys, 163, 192; factitious 
186f ; outwitted by men, 95ff. 

Gomaya, 183 

Gorakhnath grants barren woma: 
chHd, 102 

Grierson, G. A., 78f. 

Haoma pressing, 225f., 229, 233, 239 
implements, 225ff., 239; their ma 
terials, 225f., 229; symbolism ii 
their use, 229, 239; priests, 226 
compared with Vedic soma, 22S 
(Cf. Soma presses.) 

Haplology, 137 

Haroun al-Easchid, incognito motii 
164 

Haug, on haoma pressing, 227 

Hemacandra, YogaSastra, 165 

Hiatus, short vowels in, 252, 269 
long vowels in, 261 

History, definite, earlier in North In 
dia than in South, 78 

HitopadeSa, quoted, 90n. 

Hospitality to angels of death, safet; 
thru, lOlf. 

Human tree, magic tree of wealth 
162f., 192fe. 

Hunter gets one animal daily, 96f. 

Hypermeter, Eoman use of, 268 

•% final, abhorred in Latin and writtei 
e, 271f. 

-ier, Latin infinitive passive in, 262 

Impossible conditions fulfilled, 96 

Incest of woman with son, 91 

Incognito motif, 164 

Indeterminism, 89ff. 

Indo-Iranian mythic conceptions 
204f., 207 

Indra, man becomes I. for a day, 99f . 
the god, a Hindu creation, 208f. 
and Verethraghna, 197 ; and vrtrdm 
204; origin of, 208f.; Vrtrahan 
197, 200f.; with vrtraMntcma, 20! 



308 



Index 



Indra-agni (Indragni), 200f., 208f. 
Indravayu and similar compounds, 

208f. 
Intelligence of Aryans and Dravidians 

contrasted, 77 
-iveram, Latin verb-forms in, 262 

Jackson, A. V. W., 105n. 

Jaimini Bharata, Life index in, 213 

Jainism, synchronous with Buddhism 
and Upanishads, 81 ; common source 
with them, 82; a national religion, 
82 J less Aryan than Upanishads, 
87; five vows of, 160; glorification 
of, 183; wine forbidden by, 161; 
three jewels of, 170, 194; cere- 
monies of, 182f. 

Jataka, Life Index in, 220f. 

Jina (see also Mahavira and Vira), 
160ff., 169, 173, 182f., 185f., 188, 
192, 194'f. 

Jinadatta, merchant, 163f. 

Jnanamarga, see Salvation 

•Tea, Sanskrit diminutive suffix, 168n., 

176 
Kali, probably Dravidian, 79 
Kama, Atharvan hymns to, 122 
Kamma, power of, 105ff. (See also 

Karma) 
Karma, results of, 86; relation to 

Fate (q. v.), 90ff. (Cf. Kamma) 
Kasadra, family, 19*5 
Katha Sarit Sagara, Life index in, 

215; chastity index in, 223 
Kau^ika Sutra, relation to Atharva 

Veda, 118ff., 129 
Kautukabhandara, forest, 190, 193 
Keresaspa, 233 
Kelin, 194 

Kismet and Karma contrasted, 90 
Klatt, 50fe. 
Knowledge, as means of salvation (see 

Salvation), and as power in magic, 

131fe. 
Kressler, O., 49ff. 
Kshatriyas, and philosophy, 86 



Kubera, 176 

Kundalatika, merchant's wife, 164 

Lament of wife over dead robber, 
170f. 

Language, Dravidian, influence on Ar- 
yan, 78f . ; science of, see under Lin- 
guistics 

Leskien, A., 21ff. 

Life Index, 211fif.; Active, 212-220 
(literary, 213; folklore, 213fie.) ; 
choice of index, 220 and n. ; Passive, 
220-223 (Uterary, 220; folklore, 
221ff.) ; Chastity Index, 223f. ' 

Life lengthened, 95 

Lightning instead of killing strikes lit- 
tle finger, 10 In. 

Linguistics, see Congeneric Assimila- 
tion, Disease of Language, Morphol- 
ogy, Phonology, Semantics 

Lionheart, Prince, 214fe., 219, 221, 
224 

Lithuanian — aiccent, 19; archaism of, 
19; comparative value of, 19; folk- 
songs, 20, 21 and n.; grammar, 
20f.; lexicography, 20f.; literature, 
20 and n.; oral tradition, 20f.; or- 
thography, 20 

Lohakhura, father of Rauhineya, 
160f., 163, 165, 167, 169f., 172 



Madhyade^a, population largely Dra- 
vidian, 76f. 

Magadha, 160, 163, 165; population 
largely Dravidian, 76f.; connected 
with origin of Upanishads, Bud- 
dhism, and Jainism, 81 

Magic (see also Black M., Sympa- 
thetic M.), in Veda, 117ff., 131ff. 
used by thieves, 160f., 166, 168 
179, 181; ointment, 162, 190, 194 
charms, 165, 168, 179, 185, 190ff. 
ceremony, 174, 191fe.; tree, 192ff. 
tanks of water, 191ff.; milk, 194 
distinguished from Life Index, 
215n. 

Mahabharata, Life Index in, 213 



Index 



309 



Mahavira, 163, 184, 189; predecessors 

of, 82 (see also Vira, Jina) 
Manyu Vrtrahan in Eigveda, 199ff. 
Maruts and Vrtra in Rigv^da, 199 
Matsyendra, Yogi, 190 
Mechanical DoU, 162, 185f. 
Men and Vrtra in Rigveda, 198 
Merriments of man shared by beings, 

99 
Meru, Mount, symbol of permanency, 

181, 195 
Metempsychosis, see Transmigration 
Milton, versification of, 255f. 
Ministers, Hindu, character of, 186 
Moksa, see Salvation 
Monism, evolved from Animism, 85 
Monseur, 49ff. 
Monsoons, effect of, 207ff. 
Morphology — Comparative, 145 ; in- 
fixed na^l class of verbs, 147ff.; 
monosyllable impermanent, 158 ; 
neuter plural in -i, 145; participles 
with strong grade, 148n. 
Motifs of Hindu fiction, encyclopedia 

of, 89n., 211n. 
Mrcchakatika, locus classicus for 

thieves' methods, 161 
Miiller, L., criticism of, 251, 259f. 
Miiller, Max, 145 
Mukti, see Salvation 

Naga, merchant, 187f. 

Nagas (mythological serpentine be- 
ings), 183 

NanakSa rescues man from death, 
lOlf. 

Narada, instigator of strife, 179 

Nasal infix, verbs with, 147fC. 

Nyaya philosophy, 84 

-0 final, shortened in Latin, 266-270 

Ogres, 162, 190f. 

Oldenberg, H., 7n., 8n., 12n., 249n., 

250n. 
Ordeals, 184ff. 
Ox, single, to provide living for boy, 

96f. 



Padmodaya, king, 163f. 

Palace, seven-storied, 175, 186. 

Pandavas, as characters in story of 
Rauhijjeya, 1771, 180 

Parigistas of Atharva Veda, relation 
to Atharvan tradition, 118ff., 129 

Par^vanatha, Jain savior, 192; 'Life 
and Stories of P.' (Bloomfield), 
159, 166, 174n., 178, 185, 189, 191 

Partridge, 183 

Patala, city of lower world, 162, 191 

Peacocks, 168 

Persson, 137, 142n., 151, 154, 158 

Philosophy, Hindu, postulates of j 
83ff.; different systems of, 84f.; 
questions arising from, 84ff . ; VediCj 
83, 116ff., 130ff. 

Phonology: Loss of aspiration in Skt, 
thy, thv, 141; Skt. interior as', az, 
ad, 148n.; Skt. -?i(<?)r-, 208; Ab- 
laut: ex — X, 147n.; su — sw — s — in 
— zero, 156; ei — e — i and eii — e — u^ 
138n. -^ 

Plutarch, on haoma pressing, 227 

Population of India, prevailingly Dra 
vidian, 76^, 87 

Prana, in Atiarvan philosophy, 121 

Prasenajit, king, 160f., 165f., 168 

Press, see Haoma, Soma Presses _ 

Proceleusmatic for dactyl, in Latir 
verse, 264 

Proper names, metrical licenses in, ii 
Latin, 266, 268f. 

Prosody, Latin popular, 251, 257 
267f., 269 

Prostitute outwits fate which limitf 
her number bf lovers, 96f. 

Puja ceremonies, 182, 192f. 

Punchkin, 212f., 217, 219 

Puppet or mechanical doll, 162, 185f 

Purusa hymns of Veda, 119, 126f. 

Race blending, effect on culture, 77 
Rajagrha, city, 160f., 165ff., 175, 182 

188 
Rajputs, 166 
Raksasas, see Ogres 



310 



Index 



Eathika, merchant, 187f. 

Eauhineya, thief: two incarnations 
of, 160, 162, 189flf . ; f amUy of, 160 j 
' magic arts of, 161, 168, etc.; chal- 
lenges king and minister, 172 ; first 
theft and its celebration, 173f.; 
hears Vira's sermon, 173 j descrip- 
tion, 175; lives as merchant, 175f.; 
persecutes police, 176ff.; submits to 
ordeal, 185f.; converted to Jainism, 
188f. ; takes initiation, 195 
\ Eauhineya- earitra, manuscripts of, 
159; date, 165; author, 195. 

Eawlinson, H., 77 

Eelease of soul, see Salvation 

Eeunion of separated lovers by verse, 
lOOf. 

Eisley, on ethnology of India, 76f. 

Eitual, importance of in Eigveda, 75 

EohinT, mother of Eauhineya, 167, 
170, 188; laments for husband, 
170f . ; reproaches Jier son for not 
stealing, 171; celebrates Ms first 
theft, 174f. 

Eohita hymns of Atharva Veda, 120 

Eoth, E., 5n., 9n. 
^ Eupyakhura, grandfather of Eau- 
hineya, 160, 163ff., 172 

Eupyakhura, 163 

-s final in Latin, recall of, 253f., n., 

267 
s impure, shortening before, in Latin, 

260 
Saints give blood to Visnu, 10 2f. 
Saints help to escape fate, lOlff. 
Salvation, means of, 86; by devotion, 

86, 92ff,; by knowledge, 86, 92f., 

131fe. 
Sambhinnamati, minister, 163 
Samyaktvakaumudi, story of, 163ff.; 

date, 165 
-Sankhya, accepts plurality of spirits, 

85; theory of salvation, 86 
SantaJs, 88 
Sarvarthas, 195 
Sarvartha-siddhi, 195n. 



Sat and Asat, story of, 103 

Satanika, 183 

Sava hymns of Atharva Veda, 122 

Schick, J., 108n.,^110n. 

Schmidt, Johannes, 138 

Seasons, poem by Donalitius, 20n. 

Semantics. Belly, intestines, pu- 
denda, 142; bends (< binds) : 
twines, 154n.; blow: flow, 144n.; 
body, sundry parts of, 142; coagu- 
lates < cuts, < presses, 152 ; cut- 
ting, striking, rubbing, 154f.; en- 
joys < eats < breaks off, 153 ; fills 
< bursts, 151; finds < strikes, 155; 
hand and (finger group, 141; hates: 
throws, 156; leaves r= not takes, 
goes from, 153n. ; makes < kneads, 
154 ; makes <C weaves, 155 ; nose < 
dripper, 141n, ; nose : snore, •156n. ; 
runs (proceeds): nms (directs), 
157 ; scolds < strikes, 152 ; sifts < 
splits, 151f.; snake < rope, 154; 
speaks < strikes, 155n. ; throws < 
twists, turns, 152; weave < draw, 
149; wind: water, 144n. 

Semitic languages, divisions of, 40; 
abbreviations of names of, 36; al- 
phabets, transliteration of, 36. (Of. 
next) 

Semitic roots, theory of, 36, 37; de- 
velopment of new, 38, 39; classes 
of congenericaUy assimilated, 40 f.; 
reason for meagemess of evidence 
for theiiL extension by congeneric as- 
similation, 48 

Seng-houei, 105 

Separable soul, 211n., 219 and u. 
(Cf. also Life Lidex) 

Siva, perhaps Dravidian, 79 

Sneezing saves boy from death, 102n. 

Soma, and Vrtra, 199f.; and vrtrdni, 
204 

Soma presses and pressing, 228ff.; 
press of EV. 1. 28, 228-231; pdsya, 
press of Trita, 231, 233f.; gravari!, 
228ff.; grdvan =z ulinch4ila, 230f., 
234; adri, 241ff.; 'Apastamba 



Index 



311 



press ^ 235ff., 240, 247ff. (same as 
adri, 247f .) ; contrast of grdvan 
and adri in vocabulary, 24ljBf . ; mate- 
rials of presses, 229f., 2341, 241f.; 
connection with Trita, 233. (See 
also Haoma) 

Son denied brahman, 99 

Son of Seven Mothers motif, 224 

Soul's binding and release, see Salva- 
tion 

Speculative hymns of Veda, see Phi- 
losophy, Vedie 

Spirit, cosmic, identified with Deity, 
84 

Spooks, and Agni in Eigveda, 205; 
classified, 204 

Sraddha, 81, 172 

Sravasti, city, 194 

grenika, king, 161, 163, 165, 168, 173, 
177f., 183, 186, 188, 194f. 

Substituted bridegroom, 100 

Subuddhi, minister, 163 

Suffixes, containing -st(h)-, 141ff.; 
diminutive -lea, 168n.; 176 

Sutras, 75 

Suvarnakhura, thief, 163f. 

Svetambi, city, 189 

Swallowing the god, 98 

Symbolism of use of haoma imple- 
ments, 229, 239 

Synchysis, 137 (see Congeneric As- 
similation) 

Syncretisms, cultural, in India, 80ff., 
87 

Synizesis, Latin, 257, 2631, 269 

Systole, Latin, 253, 257, 259, 266 

Tantras, 79 

Temporary death, lOOflf. 

Thief -catching statue, 185f . 

Thieves, technique of, 161, 177f.; ac- 
complishments of, 160f., 166, 168, 
171ff., 177ff., 181ff.; bought off by 
tribute, 160, 166f.; famHy tradi- 
tion of, 169, 1711; ceremony in 
honor of first theft, 174 (Cf. next) 

Thieving, as profession, 160, 169; 



technical methods of, 161, 177f.; 
blame shifted to innocent person, 
161; with aid of magic, 160ff. (CI 
preceding) 

Thraetaona, 206f., 231 

Three fish, fable of, 92 

Thrita, 206, 231ff.; connection with 
haoma, 233 (See also Trita) 

TibuUus, elegance :of, 253n. 

Tota Kahani, Chastity index in, 224 

Tradition, Vedie, character of, 123ff. 

Traitana, 206, 231 

Transformation to animals, of hu- 
mans, 162, 168, 172, 180, 190, 193; 
of gods, 163, 192 

Transmigration, relation of to ani- 
mism, 80, 85; importance in Indian 
thought, 85; reason for, 85f. 

Tribute paid to thief, 160, 166f ., 170ff. 

Trita, 231ff., 239; connection with 
Soma, 199, 231, 233; and Agni, 
2061; and Indra, 202, 2061; not a 
water-deity, 207n.; one of a triad, 
2061; and Vrtra, 199, 206 

Tuti Nameh, Chastity index in, 224 

Ucchista hymn of Atharva Veda, 122 

Uditodaya, king, 163 

TJpanishads, place and time of origin, 
811; relation to Buddhism and 
Jaiaism, 81ff.; accept Vedie gods, 
82; new thought of time, 82f.; re- 
lation of kshatriyas to, 86f.; debt 
to Dravidians, 87; practical aims 
and quasi-magical methods of, 131ff. 

UrvakhSaya, 233 

Usener, 144f . 

Vaibhara, Mount, resort of thieves and 
ascetics, 165, 172, 175f., 194 

Vaitana Sutra, value as interpreter of 
Atharva Veda, 118 

Vajra, in Rigveda, 207 

Vartrahatya in Rigveda, 203 

Vayu, 208 

Veda, Rig, typical of early Aryan 
thought, 83; Atharva, tinged with 



312 



Index 



Dravidian ideas, 83. (See Philoso- 
phy, Vedic; Tradition, Vedic] 
Magic, in Veda) 

Vedanta system of philosophy, 84ff. 

Venatata, city, 168 

*Verethra, 205 

Verethraghna, accounted for, 204 
206f. ; a fiend-smiter, 205f.; and In- 
dra, 197 

Verethrajan, 197, 205 

Vergil, hypallage in, 253n.; restricted 
language of, 268 

Vernaculars, modern Indian, influ- 
enced by Dravidian, 79f. 

Verse as means of reuniting lovers, 
lOOf, 

Verse-close, Plautine, 258 j licenses of, 
265, 268 

Versification, Latin, 255f.j English, 
256f. 

Videha, population mainly Dravidian, 
76f.; and origin of Buddhism, 
Jainism, and Upanishads, 81 

Vidhatr, 91 

Vikrama, killed by son of infant girl, 
96; his length of life doubled, 95 



Vira, 160, 169, 173, 187ff., 194f. (See 

also Jina, MahSivira) 
Visnu ill, asks saints for blood, 102f. 
Vivahvant, 233 
Vrtra, 231, 233; and Ahi, 197f.; and 

Indra, 198; destruction of, 198ff.; 

myth of, 200£f. (Indo-Iranian, 

204f.) ; mother of, destroyed, 202f.; 

vrtrdni, 203f. 
Vrtrahan, in Rigveda, 197ff. 
Vrtrahantama in Rigveda, 197, 201, 

208 
Vrtrahatya in Rigveda, 203 
Vrtra-killer in Rigveda, 197, 204 

Walde, 155n. 
Whitehead, Bi^op, 80 
Witches, 162, 1911 
Works, see Karma (Kamma) 

Yama, 190f. 

Yogi, rogue disguised as, 162, 190ff. 

Yudhisthira, 181 

Zad Sparam, 105, 113 
Zartusht Niamah, 105, 114 



ERRATA 

Page 39, lines 8-10 from bottom: for S. sammah, semahdt, sem, read 
sammaJi, iemdhdt, and sem. 



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