The Tell el-Amarna tablets in the British Museum with autotype facsimiles

THE EISENLOHR COLLECTION I-N
EGYPTOLOGY AND ASSYRIOLOGY

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'J^HE

TELL EL-AIAEM TABLETS

BRITISH MXJSEUM.

THE

TELL EL-AMMM TABLETS

IN THE

BRITISH MUSEUM

WITH

.f^XJTOTYFB E-^OSHyniLES

PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES

SOLD AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM ;

AND BY

LONGMANS & Co., 39, Patbenobtbr Row; B. QUARITCH, 15, Piccadilly;

ASHBR & Co., 13, Bedford Stebbt, Covbnt Garden;

KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER, & Co., Patbrnostbr House, Charing Cross Road;

AND OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, Amen Corner, London.

1892

HAKRISOlSr AND SONS,

Pbintees in Obdinakx to Hee Majesty,

St. Mabtin's Lane, London.

This edition of the Tell el-Amarna Cuneiform Tablets in the
Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities of the British
Museum is the work of Dr. C. Bezold. The Introduction and
Summary have been written jointly by Dr. Bezold and Dr. E. A.
Wallis Budge, Acting Assistant -Keeper of the Department.

E. MAUNDE THOMPSON,

Principal Librarian and Secretary.

British Museum,

16th February, 1892.

CONTENTS,

PAGES.

Intkoduction . .

ix-xxiv

Summary

xxv-lxxxvi

Bibliography . .

Ixxxvii-xcii

List of Tablets

xciii, xciv

Cuneiform Texts

1-141

List of Proper Names

143-157

Plates Nos. 1-24.

INTRODUCTION

The collection oF Cuneiform Tablets recently found at Tell ^i^di^g °f t^e

. • 1 P , 1 Tell el-Amarna

el-Araarna in Upper Egypt, consisted of about three hundred tablets.
and twenty documents, or portions of documents. The British
Museum possesses eighty-two, which were purchased for the
Trustees by Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge in 1888 ; the Berlin
Museum has one hundred and sixty, a large number being
fragments ; the Glzeh Museum has sixty ; and a few are in
the hands of private persons.

The discovery is said to have been accidentally made by a
peasant woman when searching for antiquities in the loose sand
and broken stones at the foot of the mountains behind the
village, in which there are several interesting rock hewn tombs.

Tell el-Amarna, U^ill J.J' , is the modern Arabic name given site of
to the village near the ruins of the town, temple and palace ^®^ ®^''^™^™^-
which were built on the right or east bank of the Nile, about
180 miles south of Memphis, by Khu-en-aten or Amenophis IV.,
King of Egypt, about B.C. 1500. The town was called Khu-aten,
or Khut-en-aten, ^ ~^ , ^ ~wwv [1 ^A^ ; the temple, Pa-aten,
(| /v^ ; and the palace. Pa Khu-en-aten, ~^^^ 'Ss^ .

With the tablets were found ; —

1. A clay seal having two impressions of the prenomen objects found
of Amenophis IV. (IM^^ ' "^*' *'^ *^'^^*^-

■ Lepsius, Denkmalei; Abth. Ill, Bl. 97 ; Brugsch, Bid. Ge'og., pp. 82, 83.
On Jacotin's Carte Topographique de I'jSgypte [1821], Sheet 13, between Haggi
Kandll, J.jJa3 ' U-! and Geziret el-Tell, J.jJi VJ"^' *'® raarked the "Euines
d'une Grande Ville figyptienue," which must indicate the ruius of Khu-en-aten's
palace.

^ Now in the Royal Museum at Berlin.

b

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

2. Five square alabaster plaques, inlaid with the pre-
nomen and name of Amenophis III. in dark-blue glazed
faience}

r^

^^

If

3. A light-blue glazed faience plaque, rounded at the top
and inlaid with the names and titles of Amenophis III.
and his wife Thi in hieroglyphics of dark-blue yaiewce.'^

\

M 1^

o

m At ft

I ra

J:

Size of the
tablets.

This plaque was originally inlaid in an alabaster tablet
which is now lost.

4. Cover of a vase or jar made of stone resembling rosso
antico, and carved to represent a lion and a bull
fighting, the style of which seems to indicate Mesopo-
tamian workmanship.^

The size of the tablets in the British Museum varies from

?| in. X 41 in. to 2l

98 lines, the shortest 10

f in. X Ixi in. ; the longest text contains

' Now in the Royal Museum at Berlin.

' Now in the British Museum, Nos. 22,878 and 22,866.

INTRODUCTION. XI

The greater number are rectangular, and a few are oval ; Shape.
and they differ in shape from any other cuneiform documents
known to us. Some are flat on both sides {cf. Nos. 6, 25, 26, 44) ;
some are convex on both sides {cf. Nos. 3, 41, 57) ; and some
are pillow-shaped' (cf. Nos. 28-31, 36, 37, 61).

In colour the tablets vary from a light to a dark dust tint, Colour and
and from a flesb-colour to dark brick-red. The nature of the "^ "^ '
clay of which they are made sometimes indicates the couutries
from which they come.

No. 1, a draft of a letter from Amenophis III. to Kallimma-
Sin, is made of finely kneaded Nile mud ; Nos. 8-11, 36, 87,
and 41 are of the dark-red clay which is met with in the north
of Syria; five of Rib- Adda's letters are written upon the yellow
clay which is common near the Syrian coast ;® the tablets from
Shubandi, Widya, and Shuardata contain fragments of flint.^

Nos. 1 and 1 1, letters from Tushratta, King of Mitani, have Dockets ;
dockets which record the date of their arrival in Egypt ; No. 4, "^"''"^^ ^""^ ^^^

. . impressions.

a letter from Burraburiyash, bears on the Reverse an impression
of an Egyptian steatite scarab, which probably formed the bezel
of a ring ; and No, 58 has on the Reverse an impression
of a Babylonian cylinder seal.

The writing on the Tell el-Amarna tablets resembles to a Writing,
certain extent the Neo-Babyloniau, i.e., the simplification of the
writing of the first Babylonian Empire used commonly in
Babylonia and Assyria for about seven centuries B.C. It possesses,
however, characteristics different from those of any other style
of cuneiform writing of any period now known to exist ; and
nearly every tablet contains forms of characters which have
hitherto been thought peculiar to the Ninevite or Assyrian style
of writing.

But, compared with the neat, careful hand employed in
the ofiicial documents di'awn up for the kings of Assyria,

' Compare the name given to such tablets by the Arabs : jo jLs>^ " pillows."
' Judging from the colour of the clay alone, No. 44 must belong to a letter
of Rib-Adda.

' See plates 12 and 14.

b2

xu

TELL EL-AMABNA TABLETS.

Paragraphs
and margins.

Division of
words.

Punctuation.

Syllabic
spelling.

it is somewhat coarse and careless, and suggests the work
of unskilled scribes. One and the same hand, however, appears
in tablets which come from the same person and the same
place. On some of the large tablets the writing is bold and
free ; on some of the small ones the characters are confused and
cramped, and are groups rather of strokes than of wedges.^

The letters of Tushratta ^ (Nos. 8-11), Ammunira (Nos. 26,27),
Akizzi (Nos. 36, 37), the inhabitants of Tunip (No. 41), Widya
(No. 52), Pu-Adda (No. 56) and Labawi (No. 61) are divided
into paragraphs by straight lines drawn across the tablet. Some
paragraphs begin with the word shanitu, " moreover." On certain
of the tablets the left-hand edge is inscribed with one or more
lines of writing which form the end of the document and which
read from the top of the tablet to the bottom ; in letters found
at Kouyunjik such lines read from the bottom to the top.
A wide margin was sometimes allowed for such lines (see Nos.
30, 36, 37).

In ordinary Babylonian and Assyrian documents the scribe
usually ended a line with a complete word ; in the Tell el-
Amarna tablets a break in a word at the end of a line is more
frequent. Sometimes the concluding portion of the word is
carried over to the beginning of the following line f but more
generally it is written immediately beneath the first part of
the word, and is then distinguished by a diagonal wedge, \
or \ placed before it.

An attempt at punctuation seems to be indicated by the red
dots on No. 82 [see p. Ixxxv).

The spelling is, with few exceptions, syllabic, and compara-
tively few ideographs occur. It is often careless, and in some
instances syllables have been omitted. At present it is not
possible to say whether the irregular spelling is due to the

' Nos. 26 and 27 are examples of a very remarkable hand ; for the peculia-
rities of that on No. 82, see below, p. Ixxxv.

^ In this Introduction, and in the Summary which follows, the common
forms of proper names have been adopted ; for exact transcriptions see the List
of Proper Names on pp. 143 ff.

« No. 45, I. 30 f. ; No. 47, 1. 5 f. ; No. 79, 1. 11 f.

INTRODUOTIOX. XI II

ignorance of the scribe, or to dialectic peculiarities ; in either
case much useful knowledge concerning the grammatical struc-
ture of the language is to be gained therefrom.

The Semitic dialect in which these letters are written is Language.
Assyrian, and is, in some important details, closely related to
the Hebrew of the Old Testament. The forms of pronouns are
particularly noteworthy.

A peculiar feature in these tablets is the numerous glosses Glosses,
which occur. They are of three kinds, and consist of: —

1. Explanations of Sumero-Accadian ideographs by Assyrian
words spelt in syllables ; the ideograph coming first, and the
Assyrian word second, but separated from the ideograph by a
diagonal wedge, e.g. : —

a. &<yy ISH ^ &!{ ti "Ihl *?'*»'*' " ^^^^ " (Heb. ID^?).
J. y^ y)*«. A. MISH '\ {^tt tl mUna, " water " (Heb. D'D).

2. Explanations of Sumero-Accadian ideographs by Canaanite '
words spelt in syllables ; the ideograph coming first, and the
Canaanite word second, but separated from the ideograph by a
diagonal wedge, e.g. : —

a. ^^ "^yy^ KHAR.SAG \ ^i <y"-«-yi<y >-yy<y kka-ar-ri, "mountain."

(Heb. "nn)

b. ^i-^i GAR "^ -gy ti -^y labitu, "tile."

(Syr. 1^^)

c. ty tyyy gish.ma \ y? ^4 *!^ «-'*«-' "ship."

(Heb. ■'iN or nj5«)

3. Explanations of Assyrian words in syllables by Canaanite
words in syllables, e.g. : —

«. gtyy^-yy^ \ -^yy <|gy s^

ra - bi - zi zu hi - ni •' prefect." (Heb. pD)

' "Canaanite" is the name which has been given to the native dialects
spoken by the vassals of Amenophis in Syria and Palestine. They closely
resemble the Hebrew of the Old Testament. The Canaanite forms found on
these tablets are new.

XIV

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Lax use of
determinatives.

Dual.

Ideographs.

Proper Names.

Age of the
tablets, and
contents.

li - ih -

=! ^T <>

\

IV,

su - us

ya -

-<SE © IH <--

az - ku - ur - mi

^T

ni -

" let him meditate." (Heb. 13]'^)

H khu - ul-lu « yoke." (Heb. ^yj

An instance of three words in Assyrian translated by three
in Canaanite is —

!=E ^4 M -<!< Ml \ ^-r <T^ m^

i - na kat - ti - shu ha - di - u

" in hands his " "in hands his." (Heb. T^T.'^a.)

As compared with the practice observed in other cuneiform
documents, determinatives and phonetic complements are care-
lessly used. For example, the plural of nouns is usually ex-
pressed by H"-, ^T{ or >■■-, or by a doubling of the ideograph ; but
in these tablets we find !«-«- -^I?, or the doubled ideogi-aph plus
T"-"-, or *->- ^]. Usually, pronouns ai-e placed after the sign for
the plural ; but in these tablets they sometimes come before it.

The two wedges, the sign of the dual, which are usually
placed after the noun, e.g., <(y^ify " eyes," K^IT "feet," appear in
these tablets before the noun.

In compound ideographs the order of the signs is sometimes
inverted, e.g., t:-W AV, for &!!? m^, ^ ^ for >2^ ^, 4S -<E for

Besides the Semitic names, a few are Egyptian, e.g.,
Araanappa, Mani, Manakhbirj'a ; a few are Mitanian, e.g.,
Tushratta, Gilu-khipa, Tatum-khlpa ; and a few are Kassite,
e.g., Burra-buriyash, Kuri-galzu, Kara-duniyash, Kara-indash,
Shindi-shugab (?). The origin of many names, e.g., Ti'uwatti,
Itagamapairi,^ Widya, and Wyashdata, is not yet definitely
ascertained.

The documents were most probably written between the
years B.C. 1500-1450. They consist of: A letter from Amen-
ophis III. to Kallimma-Sin ; three letters from Burraburiyash
King of Karaduniyash, to Amenophis IV. ;, three letters from the

' The reading of many of the proper names must be considered as
tentative. For the complete list see pp. 143 ff.

INTRODUCTION. XV

King of Alashiya to the King of Egypt ; three letters from
Tushratta, King of Mitani, to Amenophis III. ; a letter from
Tushratta, probably to Thi, wife of Amenophis III. ; fourteen
letters from Rib-Adda, governor of Byblos, eleven of which are
addressed to the King of Egypt, and three to Amanappa, an
Egyptian official ; two letters from Ammunira of Beyrut ; four
letters from Abi-milki of Tyre ; fifteen letters from governors
of towns in Phoenicia and Syria ; twenty-seven letters from
governors of towns in Palestine ; eight letters from governors
of towns the positions of which are unknown ; and a part
of a mythological text referring to the goddess Irishkigal.

They give an insight into the nature of the political relations Historical
which existed between the kings of Western Asia and the kings "^^^'*®-
of Egypt, and prove that an important trade between the two
countries existed from very early times. They also supply
information concerning offensive and defensive alliances between
the kings of Egypt and other countries, commercial treaties,
marriage customs, religious ceremonies, and intrigues, which has
been derived from no other source.

They offer a new field for the researches of the geographical
student, and promise important results. The identification of
many towns and countries mentioned in the Bible and in
Egyptian inscriptions has already been obtained.

In addition to facts which they record concerning the general
condition of Western Asia and Egypt, they give us for the first
time the names of Artatama, Artashumara, and Tushratta, Kings
of Mitani, and of Kal]im(?)ma-Sin, King of Karaduniyash.

The dialect in which these letters are written is of special Philological
interest for Semitic philology, as it affords a new proof that the ^^^'^''*
age of a Semitic dialect cannot be altogether judged from the
state of the development of its grammatical forms. It also
supplies a number of new words and forms, and exhibits peculiar
grammatical constructions, the existence of which has been
hitherto unsuspected, and which have a close affinity to the
language of the Old Testament. On this account they will be
regarded as of the highest value in the study of Hebrew.

XVI

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

The conquest The Egyptians appear to have gained their first foothold in

by^f ™^''^ Syria under Ahmes or Amasis I., the first king of the XVITTth
Egyptians. dynasty, about B.C. 1700.

He brought to a successful close the war of independence
against the Hyksos rule which had been commenced by the
Theban kings of the XVIIth dynasty, and captured Avaris,

Amenophis I.,
B.C. 1666.

Thothmes I.,
B.C. 1633.

Thothmea IL,
Hatshepset.

Thothmes III.,
B.C. 1600.

C3

5 ^ , the chief stronghold of the Hyksos in the east of the

He followed up his
(a city

N^%/1

Delta, and drove them from the country,

victory by marching upon Sharhan,

to the south of Gaza, and mentioned in Joshua xix. 6), in the

fifth year of his reign ; but he was not strong enough to advance

further into Syria.

Amenophis I. made war upon the Aamu-Kehak, or Asiatics,
but he undertook no campaign in Syria or Mesopotamia.

Thothmes I., the first great warrior and conqueror of the
XVIIIth dynasty, after subduing the Nubians and other nations
to the south of Egypt, advanced to the conquest of Palestine,
Syria and Mesopotamia.' In northern Syria or Ruthen he set
up a tablet to record his victories and to mark the limit of the
frontier of Egypt.

During the reign of Thothmes IT. no expedition to Mesopo-
tamia is recorded ; but it is probable that the people conquered
by his father continued to pay tribute. The princes of Kuthen
appear to have remained the vassals of Egypt during the reign
of Queen HItshepset. Upon the wall of a room in the temple of
D6r el-Bahari is painted a scene in which she receives the tribute
of Euthen.^ Her famous expedition to Punt could never have
been sent out had any powerful enemy of Egypt been actively
hostile.

Shortly after Thothmes HI. ascended the throne, a rebellion
broke out which extended from Sharhan to the Euphrates.' He

In Egyptian

ra

w

1

I^^N/I

Neharina = the country called

2!1!:]3 DlS. " Aram of the two rivers," in Genesis xxiv. 10 ; the — I'iOU Lt£i, or
^ZojOU L»^ of the Syriac writers ; and j > ••>- of the Arabs.
' Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, II, pi. 14.

-> «

INTRODUCTION. XVU

at once set out to crush the rebels, and marching by the way of
the Peninsula of" Sinai reached tlie loyal city of Gaza in a few
day^. He there learned that Megiddo was in the hands of the
Prince of Kadesh ; sixteen days later the two armies joined
battle ; the rebels were defeated and Megiddo was captured.
In the 23rd year of his reign the princes of Ruthen and
Mesopotamia paid tribute to him, and he received as his wife
the daughter of tlie prince of Ruthen. This seems to have
been the beginning of the custom of Egyptian kings to take
wives from the royal houses of the nations whom they con-
quered. His example was followed by Amenophis III., who
married several princesses from Mesopotamia ; by Rameses IT.,
who married a princess of the Cheta ; and by Rameses XII. ,
who married a princess of Bechten.

During the 24-30th years of his reign Thothmes captured
Tunip, where he established the worship of the gods Amen and
Harmachis ; Aradus, Tyre, Kadesh on the Orontes, and
Carchemish.

In the 33rd year of his reign he set up a tablet at Ruthen,
near that of Thothmes I., mentioned above, and another at Nl,
a town on the Euphrates. He also received tribute from the
Cheta and other powerful nations.

His last great campaign, against the powerful league of the
kings of Kadesh, Tunip, Arantu, etc., took place in the 41st
year of his reign.

In the Tell el-Amarna tablets Thothmes III.^ is named
Manakhbirya = Men-cheper-Ra, fo^^^ of the Egyptian
inscriptions, and his institution of the worship of Amen and
Harmachis at Tunip seems to be referred to in a letter from
the people of this city,^ probably to Amenophis IV., in which
they claim his protection as Thothmes III. had protected them,
and because the gods of the two countries are the same.

The lists of countries and cities subdued by this king in
Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia, which are engraved on the
walls of the temple of Karnak, together with the Tell el-Amarna

' See p. Ixx. '' No. 41 ; see below, p. Ixxi.

B.C. 1566.

B.C. 1533.

B.C. 1500.

xviii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

tablets, afford the means of identifying a considerable number of
cities in Western Asia.

Amenophis IL, In Eutlien Amenophis II. slew seven kings, and took their
bodies to Egypt ; six were hung up at Thebes, and one in Napata
in Nubia. He marched as far as Nl on the Euphrates, where be
was well received.

Thothmes IV., Thothmes IV. is said to have conquered all his foes from the

far south of Nubia to Mesopotamia on the north, but no details
of his expeditions are forthcoming.

Amenophis III., Amenophis III., the son of Thothmes IV., was not a great-
conqueror Hke his grandfather ; but the Egyptian monuments
state that he subdued Kadesh, Tunip, Sankar, Carchemish,
and north-western Mesopotamia. His expeditions, however, to
these countries partook more of the nature of triumphal pro-
gresses than of wars : lion -hunting in those parts being
apparently one of the chief attractions. Several large steatite
scarabs state that he slew one hundred and two lions with his
own hand during the first ten years of his reign.

Wives of From the Tell el-Amarna tablets we learn that besides Thi,

the Mesopotamian princess whose arrival in Egypt in the 10th
year of his reign is mentioned on a scarab,' Amenophis III.
married at least five other ladies from various parts of Western
Asia. From the first tablet in our series it appears that
he had already married a sister and a daughter of Kallimma-
Sin, King of Karaduniyash, a country probably lying to the
north-east of Syria, and that he was renewing a proposal for
another daughter named ^ukharti [i.e., "little one"). He had
originally made the proposal when Sukharti was a child, and
negotiations had consequently to be delayed until she had
grown up, when Kallimma-Sin himself informed him of the fact.
The tablets numbered 8, 9 and 10 prove that from the
house of Shutarna, son of Artatama, King of Mitani, Amenophis
married two ladies, viz., Gilukhipa, the sister of Tushratta,^ son

1 The text is published by Brugsch in ^g. Zeits., 1880, p. 82.
' He succeeded to the throne of Mitani after the death of his brother,
Artashumara, who had been murdered by rebels.

Amenophis.

INTRODUCTIOX. XIX

of Shutarna, and T4tumkhlpa, Tushratta's daughter. Of the
latter no mention is made in the Egyptian inscriptions ; but it
is stated on the scarab mentioned above that GRukhipa,
" ^^ u j^^ v\' ^^^^'^P^> ^^® daughter of Shutarna, the Prince of
Mesopotamia, was brought to His Majesty together with three
hundred and seventeen of the first ladies of her train." ^ The
Tell el-Amarna tablets show that Tushratta frequently sent
gifts to his sister and daughter with the letters which he sent
to his son-in-law Amenophis.

Neither Gilukhipa nor Tatumkhipa was acknowledged
" Queen of Egypt," this honour being reserved solely for the
lady Thi, or Tii, ( 1 1^ w ^ ] , who, as already stated, had become
the wife of Amenophis in the 10th year of his reign. Her
father's name was luaa, fl Q ^ "^^ ^ - and her mother's
s= ^ (1 ^^ Jj , Thuaa. It is not stated that she was the
daughter of royal parents, but the frequent occurrence of her
name on scarabs, rings, vases, amulets and other objects bears
testimony to the unusual position and influence of this queen.
The tomb of a Queen Thi, who is described as " royal daughter, Thi, Queen of
royal sister, royal mother, royal wife, great lady, lady of the ^^P*'
North and South," ^ was opened early in this century at Thebes.
There is little doubt that it was the tomb of the chief wife
of Amenophis. The portrait of this lady ^ represents her with
a fair complexion and blue eyes ; the colour of her skin is
that of natives of north-eastern Syria. Thi was the mother of
Amenophis IV. She also gave birth to a daughter, Set- Amen,

anit en hen-f an^ ut'a senb set ur en Neherna

III en

III

<S(g nil

^]evis?^^fai~^^^i

Satharna Kilkipa tep en xenra s 817

" Brugsch, Recueil de Monuments ^gyptiens, ii, 63, 1.
' Rosellirii, Monumenti Storici, pi. 19, No. 21.

c2

XX TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS,

neifii-^ 1 rpj^g British Museum possesses a blue-glazed faience
stibium tube^ and a double wooden stibium tube^ inscribed
■with the names of Amenophis and Thi. Thej probably formed
part of the toilet service deposited in the tomb for the Queen's
use.
Babylonian Queen Thi's name appears in the Tell el-Amarna tablets *

forms of names . , „ c i^ ■o.ah -^ vv m- • • i i • ttt • i

of Amenophis 1^ the lorm ot ^ ^J £? ^\}, li-i-i; Amenophis ill. is named

and Thi. Mimmuriya, Nimmuriya, and Immuriya, each form representing

in Babylonian the king's prenomen Neb-Mat-Ra [ •^:i:::7^oJ. Tn

the forms Mimmuriya and Nimmuriya we have the interchange
of the letters M and N, which is common in the Semitic
languages.® It has been assumed that the name Mimmuriya
is that of Thothmes IV., because in a tablet in Berlin (No. 23),
from which the name of the person addressed is broken off, and
which is supposed to have been written to Amenophis III.,
mention is made of " Mimmuriya, thy father." There is,
however, no reason for the assumption that the tablet was
addressed to Amenophis III. ; on the contrary, the following
extract ^ from it proves that it was written to Amenophis IV. : —
The writer, Tushratta, says : " Kh4mashshi, the envoy of my
brother [the King of Egypt], hath informed me of the contents

' As recorded in an inscription on a frag-ment of wood, used for inlaying,
now in the British Museum, No. 5899a. Amenophis had two other daughters,
Auset and Hentmerheb.

* Mo. 25726, Fourth Egyptian Room, Northern Gallery, Case B.
' No. 2598a, Fourth Egyptian Room, Northern Gallery, Case E.

* Berlin Collection, No. 23, rev. line 54; No. 24, obv. lines 3, 8, 9, 45, 46,
61, 63, 66; rev. lines 13, 30,49"", 93.

* See Wright, Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, p. 67 ;
Bondi, Dem Hebraisch-Phmizischen Sprachzweige angehorige Lehnworter, p. 42 ;
Earth, Zeits.f. Assyr., Vol. II, pp. Ill ff. ; Vol. IV, pp. 374 ff.

« L. 37. <VMJ T [?]?< I? + <!- ^ E^ gK jy %n ^^ BV,^ V,

t^i w^M Ksisy R? ^^ri ^14 ^-^ <vm ^ ?? ^) %u ^^ bu
38. 1? H mi y]— M -i<y^ ^- m ^y <« -^ m <hm ri zi^i -+ ^^
-y^ '^m i^ <m B h ^y? ^^y << y <^^ -^ -yy<y bi\ 39. y? -i ^y-i
<y— yy<y ^4ji ^^ ^-4- y? ^ y- <hM ^-iy (the Bei-iin edition has ^vy)

-+ .^ < ^y ^^y -|< y .^ t^y ^^ >-yy<y gy? <y^^yy<| ^=^^4 ^.>f.

INTRODUCTION. XXI

of my brother's despatch, and I have understood them. And
now, I say that just as I was in friendship with Mimmuriya
thy father, so also will I be more than ten times more so
with Napkhurriya. Thus did I s})eak to Kh&,mashshi, thy
messenger." It is certain that Napkhuriya is the Babylonian
form of the prenomen of Amenophis IV., Nefer-cheperu-Ea,
f O J § I J , and it is equally certain that by Mimmuriya is meant
his father, and not his grandfather. Moreover, the occurrence
in the Berlin Tablet No. 24, which, it is admitted, is addressed
to Araenophis IV., of a reference to the messenger Kh^mashshi,
is a proof that both it and Tablet No. 23 are contemporaneous.
It is quite evident from paragraphs II and III of Tablet No. 9
of our series, as will be seen on referring to the Summary at the
end of this Introduction, that Tushratta only ascended the
throne of Mitani after Amenophis had begun to reign in Egypt,
and on this account he specially asks him to continue to himself
the friendship which he bore to his predecessor Shutarna. In
this tablet the King of Egypt is named Ni-ib-mu-a-ri-ya, and
in No. 10, Ni-im-mu-ri-ya ; both of which forms I'epresent the
Egyptian Neb-Mat-Ra, i.e., Amenophis III. Moreover, No. 10
bears a hieratic docket stating that the tablet was brought to
Egypt in the 36th year of the king, who must have been
Amenophis III.; for Thothmes IV., according to the testimony
of all the authorities, including the monuments, reigned less
than ten years. In Tablet No. 8 the king's name appears as
Mimmuriya (or Immuriya), and internal evidence shows that
it was addressed to the same person as Nos. 9 and 10. Finally,
in Tablet No. 11 the Queen of Egypt is quoted as styling her
husband Mimmuriya, and apparently as referring to Napkhurriya
(Amenophis IV. ) as his son.

^^Y 40 !.m ^y <y4M]r I? 2M -+ ^4 I? ^4 n?< I? + <I- 4^

ES-^ 'W'-^ 2T*-T "fcf ^^EJI i^ ^ Kha-a-mash-shi mar-shipri-shu sha akhi-ya
pa-za-du a-na mukhi-ya il-li-gu u pa-za-du sha akhi-ya a-ma-ti-shu ik-bu-u-ma
ish-mu-u u a-ka-an-na ak-ta-bi ki-i-mi-i it-ti Mi-mu-ri-ya a-bi-ka ar-ta-na-'-
a-mu-mi u i-na-an-na x-shu it-ti Na-ap-khur-ri-ya ar-ta-na-'-am-rni daiiriis(is)
u a-ka-an-ua a-na Kha-a-mash-shi m^r-shipri-ka ak-ta-bi.

XXll TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Amenophis IV. Amenophis III. was succeeded by his son Amenophis IV., or
'"'^!'."^r''^*^"' Khu-en-aten, who is commonly known as the "heretic king."

B.C. 1466. _ ' " _ °

His reign was comparatively short, extending to about twelve
years. Although the peoples of Syria and Ethiopia paid him
tribute, his hold upon those countries cannot have been firm.
Soon after the beginning of his reign he publicly seceded from
the worship of Amen, the great god of Egypt, and endeavoured
to supersede the old religion of the country by the worship of
Aten or the disk of the Sun. His hatred of Amen was so
excessive that he changed his name from Amen - hetep
(Amenophis) to Khu-en-Aten (z.e., "the splendour of Aten"),
and erased the name of the god from the walls of temples and
other public buildings. His attempts t(3 alter the woi'ship of
the country were vigorously opposed by the priesthood, and in
the end he was compelled to withdraw from Thebes. He retired
to a spot about 180 miles above Memphis on the Nile and built
there an entirely new town, temple, and palace (see above, p. ix),
in which he lived with his mother, his wife, and his seven
daughters. After his death the town seems to have been for-
saken and shunned, and no buildings were erected on or near
its site. The plan of the streets can be distinctly traced to
this day. The portraits of Amenophis on the monuments are
frequently caricatui-es ; he is represented with receding fore-
head, thick lips, protruding chin, round shoulders, and pendulous
belly. They afford proof, if any is required, that Khu-en-Aten
and Amenophis IV. are one and the same person. Some
scholars have suggested that he was a eunuch, and some that
he was a woman.

In the Tell el-Amarna tablets Amenophis IV. is called
Napkhurriya = Nefer-cheperu-Ea, the first portion of his pre-
nomen (ojii^^j Nefer-cheperu-Ka ua-en-Ea. According to
Tablet No. 3 he gave one of his daughters in marriage to
the son of Burraburiyash, King of Karaduniyash. His father
Amenophis III. refused to entertain the proposal of Kallimma-
Sin, King of Karaduniyash, to marry an Egyptian princess,
haughtily replying that " the daughter of the King of the land

INTEODUCTION. XXUl

of Egypt hath never been given to a •' nobody.' " It is probable
that Burraburiyash w&s a more powerful king than his pre-
decessor, and had grown strong as the Egyptian power waned in
Western Asia, and could therefore better claim such an alliance.

A large number of the present tablets are addressed to Decline of
" the King of Egypt," either Amenophis III. or Amenophis IV. in^estem'As'ia.
Nearly all of them consist of reports of disasters to the
Egyptian power and of successful intrigues against it, coupled
with urgent entreaties for help, pointing to a condition of dis-
traction and weakness in Egypt. That some may have been
addressed to Amenophis III., probably in his declining years,
may be inferred from the fact that the despatches of the
governor of Katna (Nos. 36, 37) to that king are couched in a
similar strain ; but it is probable that most of them belong to
the next reign, and reflect the troubles which we know resulted
from the struggle between Amenophis IV. and the old priesthood.

The most graphic details of the disorganized condition, and
of the rival factions, of the Egyptian dependencies lying on
the coast-line of Phoenicia and northern Palestine, are to be
gathered from a perusal of the despatches of the governors of
the cities of Byblos, Beyrut, and Tyre.

Bib- Adda, of Byblos, reports the revolt of almost the whole
district under his command ; the successes of his rivals Abd-
Ashirta and his active son Aziru ; the loss of the ships of
Sumuru, Beyrut, and Sidon, and the capture of his own ship ;
above all, the siege and capture of the important northern city
of Sumuru, or Simyra, which commanded the road to Aradus.
Beyrut has fallen (No. 17) and the enemy are closing in upon
Byblos. Appeal follows appeal for help ; but the King of
Egypt is indifferent and unmoved. Bib-Adda's enemies include
members of his own household, but he still protests his un-
swerving loyalty, and only in his despair does he threaten to
abandon the city and renounce his fealty to the Egyptian king.

Ammunira, of Beyrut (Nos. 26, 27), takes the other side.
He had repulsed Eib- Adda's appeals for help (No. 16), and
perhaps it was on this account that the latter had reported

XXIV TELL BL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Beyrut as lost, meaning that it was in the hands of one of the
adverse faction. Now Ammunira denounces Rib-Adda as the
oppressor of the King of Egypt's officials (apparently referring
to Abd-Ashirta and Aziru and others of his faction) ; and he is
watching the men of Byblos until he shall learn the king's
pleasure. Abd-Ashirta himself appears in the correspondence
with a letter (No. 33) protesting his loyalty.

Abi-milki, governor of Tyre, belongs to the party of Rib-
Adda (Nos. 28-31). His appointment to his government had
been the signal for his enemies to attack him ; and Zimrida,
governor of Sidon, through whose agency (whether by force or
guile) Sumuru had fallen, now, with the assistance of Aziru and
the men of Arvad, or Aradus, lays siege to the island-fortress of
Tyre, first capturing Sazu on the mainland and thus cutting ofi"
Abi-milki's supply of wood and water. The last that we hear
of the unhappy governor is his withdrawal from Tyre, apparently
in disgust at being superseded ; and we may infer that, in the
end, the whole of the littoral between Sidon and Aradus passed
into the power of the faction led by Abd-Ashirta and Aziru.

Origin of The details of the worship of the Disk which Amenophis IV.

i^'vZ?^ 'P tried to establish are unknown, and the Tell el-Amarna tablets
give us no information. A point of interest, however, concern-
ing the religion of Egypt is brought out in No. 36, in which
Akizzi, governor of Katna, when applying to Amenophis III.
for means to ransom the " Sun-god of Egypt," which had been
carried off by the people of Khatti, declares that Shamash, the
Sun-god, the god of his fathers, became also the god of the
ancestors of Amenophis, and that they called themselves after
his name. This evidently has reference to the title " son of
the Sun " which was adopted by nearly every king of Egypt,
and indicates that Akizzi believed that the worship of the Sun
was introduced into Egypt from Asia.

In the following Summary translations of passages have
been made as literal as possible, but some of the renderings
are necessarily free.

in Egypt.

SUMMARY OF THE CONTENTS OF THE TABLETS.

1. — Letter from Amenophis III., King of Egypt, to Kallimma(?)-
Sin, King of Karaduniyash.'

This document is of more than ordinary interest, being the only
known letter of Amenophis III. in the Babylonian language and
writing,^ and being addressed to a king who has become first known
to us by the Tell el-Amarna tablets. Kallimma-Sin^ is probably to
be placed in the gap which occurs in the list of Babylonian kings
immediately preceding Kara-indash, especially as his name is clearly
Babylonian and not Kassite. He probably belongs to the fourth
dynasty of Berosus, who describes it as "Chaldean."*

The letter begins : — " To Kallimma-Sin, King of Kara,duniyash,
my brother, thus saith Amenophis, the Great King, the King of
Egypt, thy, brother : ' I am well, may it be well with thee, with thy
government, with thy wives, with thy children, with thy nobles,
with thy horses, and with thy chariots, and may there be great
peace in thy land ; with me may it be well, with my government,
with my wives, with my children, with my nobles, with my horses,
with my chariots, and with my troops, and may there be great peace
in rny land.' "

' Northern Babylonia, conterminous witli Assyiia.

'^ A tablet at Gtzeh (B., No. 10), written in the cuneiform character, in an
unknown language, appears to be a despatch from Amenophis III. to Tarkhundaradush,
King of Arsapi ; but some scholars maintain that Amenophis III. is the person
addressed, and not the writer.

' A letter of Kallimma(?)-Sin to Amenophis III. is preserved at Glzeh (B., No. 1),
another is at Berlin (B., No. 2), and a third seems to be that which forms No. 3 of
the Berlin Collection.

' See Gutschmid, Beitrdge zur Geschichte des alien Orients, 1858, p. 20.

d

XX\1 TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Amenophis then states that he has understood the words of the
despatch concerning Sukharti,^ daughter of Kallimma-Sin, which her
father has sent to him. He appears to have asked the hand of this
lady in marriage, and Kallimma-Sin had replied, " Thou wishest for
my daughter to wife ; but from the time when my father gave thee
my sister to wife, no man hath seen her, and none knoweth whether
she be alive or dead," implying that he was not prepared to send his
daughter Sukharti to Egypt until be was well assured that her aunt,
his own sister, was alive and was being treated in a manner befitting
the wife of the King of Egypt. With the despatch containing the
extract here quoted by Amenophis, Kallimma-Sin had sent mes-
sengers, viz., .^ika, son of Zakara, and other high officials, to bring
back news of his sister. Referring to this embassy, Amenophis now
replies that none of its members was personally acquainted with
Kallimma-Sin's sister, as they were not old enough to remember her
marriage, which had taken place during the lifetime of Kallimma-
Sin's father ; and he recommends him to send a wise man^ who was
personally acquainted with his sister and had conversed with her,
and who would thus be able to recognize and speak with her.

Then follows a break in the text (7 lines).

Kallimma-Sin had also referred to the conversation which the
Egyptian king had held with his messengers, and to the orders
which he had given to his wives that they should assemble and
appear before them, and he had informed Amenophis that his mes-
sengers had failed to recognize his sister, the queen, from among the
other ladies who stood before them. In reply to this, Amenophis
now writes, "Since thou sayest, 'My messengers cannot identify
her,' I answer, ' Then who can identify her ? ' and I ask further,
' Why dost thou not send a wise man who might give thee a trust-
worthy account, and describe to thee the comfort and good health of
thy sister here V Command, then, one of thy wise men to come and
examine her household, and let him see for himself the honour in

' I.e., " Little one."

' Tlie Babylooian word is g^ ha-mi-rum; compare the word 10| , a name
given by the Hebrews to a heathen piiest.

SUMMA.RY OF CONTEXTS. XXVU

which she is held by the king,"— in fact, repeating what he had
already said in the earlier part of the letter.

Kallimma-Sln also had written to the effect that, although his
messengers had seen the wives of the king assembled before them,
and although a certain woman had been pointed out to them as his
sister, it was impossible for them to be sure that she was not a
native of the land of Gagaya, or of Khanigaibi,^ or of Ugarit ; and f^
he had asked : who was there that could truthfully assure them that
the woman was his sister ? or who was there upon whom they could
rely to tell them truthfully if she were dead or alive ? Most unfor-
tunately the lines of text which gave the comments of Amenophis
upon this extract are broken, but the few words which remain here
and there seem to indicate that he appealed to Amen, the great god
of Egypt, to bear witness to the truth of his words, and that he
assured Kallimma-Sin that " kings of the land of Egypt " were not
wont to act deceitfully.

Referring to the matter of the bestowal of his daughter's hand,
Kallimma-Sin had stated that it was his custom to give his daughters
in marriage to the " kings of Karaduniyash," and that the messengers }i'<'i~
who took them to their future homes were treated with generous
hospitality, and that handsome gifts were sent back to him in their
hands by the husba.nds' relatives. Amenophis replies that whatever
the great kings and nobles of Karaduniyash may possess and are
willing to give to Kallimma-Sin as dowries for his daughters, he not
only possesses, but is willing to give, far more than they all ; nay !
he is even prepared to send Kallimma-Sin a gift in honour of his
sister who is now living in Egypt with him. He also saj's that he
will not discuss the words spoken by his father (Thothmes IV.),
which Kallimma-Sin had quoted, and he asks that they may be
forgotten, especially as he wishes for "brotherhood" to be maintained
between the houses of Egypt and Karaduniyash. This last obser-
vation is a reply to Kallimma-Sin 's words: "Now let us two be
brethren," and following this up, the Egyptian king announces that he
has sent his messenger to make a commercial treaty, the chief points

' Usually read Khanirabi. This country was situated near Lake Van. See
Norris, Assyrian Diet., Vol. II, p. 435.

d 2

'/.((.,

'"• C„y

Xxviii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

of which seem to be as follows : — Any Mesopotamia!! travelling in
Egypt with merchandize shall pay certain duties to the King of
Egypt, and should the traveller, whether a trader or otherwise,
refuse, the duty shall be exacted by force. Among the articles upon
which duty shall be levied are mentioned gold, silver, oil, clothing,
and other objects of value.

The mutilated condition of the text of lines 71-77 makes it im-
possible to give a connected rendering of them, but it appears that
Amenophis complains that the first and second company of messen-
gers who came to Egypt from Mesopotamia made false reports on
their return home.

When Amenophis applied for the hand of Kallimma-Sin's daughter
^ukharti, he appears to have demanded a contingent of Mesopotamian
soldiers also. Kallimma-Sin had replied tliat " he had no soldiers,"
and that "his daughter Sukharti was not beautiful." To this
Amenophis now answers that he knew that " these words were not
the words of Kallimma-Sin," and that he believed that " the Meso-
potamian messengers had spoken falsely"; there is no one of whom
to make enquiries whether Kallimma-Sin has soldiers, or not, or
whether the chariots and horses which bring the messengers are his,
or not ; but in any case he advises Kallimma-Sin not to believe the
reports of his returning messengers, as they are afraid of him,
and they lie concerning the King of Egypt. Kallimma-Sin must
have previously asked that certain chariots, and horses, and officers,
whom he sent to Egypt should be returned, for, referring to them,
Amenophis says that " they had been seen by no man"; Kallimma-
Sin may have sent then^ to the frontier of his own territory, but in
Egypt they had certainly not been seen. The chariots and horses
which are in Egypt belong to himself. The chariots which have
recently arrived he intends to load with oil, and to send them back
to Mesopotamia under the charge of Rika.

The concluding lines of the letter repeat the request that
KaUimma-Sin will send his daughter Sukharti to Egypt.

[In a tablet preserved at Berlin (No. 3, 1. 27) it appears that
Kallimma-Sin had stated that Amenophis had had no children by
his daughter whom he had already given to the Egyptian king, and

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. xxix

hence it would appear that Amenophis had not only married Kallimma-
Sin's sister, but also one of his daughters, before he asked for the
younger daughter Sukharti. In the same letter he refers to a former
request to Amenophis that he would give him an Egyptian princess
to wife, and quoting the Egyptian king's answer : " The daughter of
the King of the land of Egypt hath never been given to a ' nobody,' "
he asks, " Why not ? Thou art king and canst act as thou pleasest;
and if thou wilt give [her to me], who shall say a word [against it] ?
When these words were reported to me I wrote again, saying, ' Surely
there be daughters of nobles (?) who are beautiful women [in Egypt].
Now, if thou knowest a beautiful lady, I beseech thee to send her
unto me ; for who here could say that she is not a princess ? ' But if
thou wilt not send such an one, then dost thou not act as a friend
and brother should. Now even as thou, because we are connected
with each other, hast written unto me concerning a marriage [with
my daughter], so because of our brotherhood and friendship, and
because we are connected, have I also written unto thee concerning
a marriage [with thy daughter]. Why has not my brother sent me
a wife ? Inasmuch as thou hast not sent me a wife, in like manner
will I do unto thee, and will hinder any [Mesopotamian] lady from
going into Egypt."

Notwithstanding his indignation, Kallimma-Sin proceeds forth-
with to discuss the matter of a loan of a quantity of gold, which,
however, he really intends should be a dower for his daughter ; and
he asks that it may reach him during the months of Tammuz and
Ab {i.e., the latter half of June, the month of July, and the first half
of August), during the period of harvest, for he wishes to pay to the
temple the completing part of an ofi'eriiig which he has vowed.
If Amenophis cannot send him the gold, to reach him by the time
stated, what good is there in his sending it at all ? For what use can
he find for gold when the work for which it is intended is all over
and done ? If Amenophis should send even three thousand talents
of gold when the work is done, he will not accept it, but will
return it, and will conclude that hencefortli all question of the
marriage of the King of Egypt with his daughter is at an end.
What answer Amenophis made to this letter, or whether he sent the

XXX TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

gold or not, is unknown ; but some satisfactory arrangement must
have been arrived at, for, from a tablet preserved at Glzeh (B., No. 1),
we learn that Kallimma-Sin afterwards wrote to Amenophis saying :
" With reference to thy request that my daughter Suliharti be given
to thee to wife, my daughter gukharti hath now come to the age of
puberty and may be married ; if thou wilt write unto me, she shall be
brought unto thee." Thus it appears that Amenophis "contracted
affinity " with several of the kings of Mesopotamia by marrying their
daughters and sisters.]

The present tablet is probably a copy of the despatch which was
actually sent to Mesopotamia ; written by a native of Mesopotamia,
maintained at the court of Amenophis as the official scribe for such
correspondence. If it be not a copy, it must be the original which,
for some reason or other, was never sent.

2.7— Letter from Burraburlyash,^ King of Karaduniyash, to
Amenophis IV., probably soon after he became King of Egypt.

This letter, which is one of the most important of the British
Museum series, begins by stating that Burraburiyash is himself in
good health, and he hopes that Amenophis, and his wives and children
are also in good health, and that his country and army and govern-
ment are in a prosperous condition. In days gone by their fathers
were agreed in friendship, and used to accept and return each
other's gifts, without any definite feeling of obligation. Amenophis
had recently sent him a gift of two manehs of gold, but this is a
much smaller quantity than his father Amenophis III. was wont to
send. Burraburiyash entreats him to send at least the half of what
his father used to send, and asks why so little as two manehs has
been sent. To account for his urgency, he explains that he has
promised to contribute largely to the support of the temple of the
god of his native land, a promise which he is bound to carry out ;
he begs that Amenophis will send " much gold," and in return he
promises to send him anything that he wishes for of the productions
of his land. He next reminds Amenophis that in the days of his

' Four letters of this king are preserved at Berlin (Nos. 4, 6-8).

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. XXXI;

father Kurigalzu the Canaanites sent a messenger inviting him to
join them in an invasion of Kannishat, a district under the
suzerainty of Egypt ; but that Kurigalzu declined to make any
league with them, and sent their messenger away with an answer
that, if they induced any other king to join them in an attack upon
the possessions of the King of Egypt " his brother," he would go
forth against them in battle. Kurigalzu formed this resolution after
consultation with Burraburiyash his son. Burraburiyash continues
that he had sent to Amenophis accounts of the recent proceedings
of the Canaanites by the hands of a trusty Assyrian messenger, and
claims that it is not his fault that the Canaanites had actually
invaded Egyptian territory in Mesopotamia. He begs Amenophis
to remember that, as long as thei'e is an offensive and defensive
alliance between them, the Canaanites are powerless to do much
barm and may be easily driven off. To disarm the wrath of the
Egyptian king, he sends him three manehs of lapis-lazuli and five
pairs of horses for five wooden chariots.^ The invasion here referred
to appears to have been one of the periodic migrations usual among
all nomad tribes in Mesopotamia, when seeking pasturage and water
for their cattle.

3. — Letter from Burraburiyash, King of Karaduniyash, to
Amenophis IV., King of Egypt.

After the usual salutations, Burraburiyash refers to the amicable
relations which existed between Karaindash, a former King of Kara-
duniyash, and the father of Amenophis in days of old, and he hopes
that these relations may be continued. He complains, however, that
the messengers of the King of Egypt have come to him three times
in succession without bringing any gift with them, and he will
therefore send no gift to Amenophis. He adds, "If thou hast
nothing of value for me, then have I nothing of value for thee." He
next complains that the messenger who was sent to him from Egypt
with twenty manehs of gold did not deliver them ; five appear to
have been offered, but these Burraburiyash refused to accept. Re-

' It is probable that these chariots were made of a special kind of wood.

xxxii TELL EL-AMAKNA TABLETS.

peating the hope that peace may exist ^ and wax old between Egypt
and Karaduniyash, Burrabiiriyash seems to propose to send certain
gifts to Egypt, in return for which he expects to receive chariots,
which his messenger Shindishugab will bring back. In conclusion
he hopes that their messengers may travel together as in days of old,
and he sends two manehs of lapis-lazuli as a gift for Amenophis,
and various presents for " thy daughter, the wife of my son." The
fact that a daughter of Amenophis IV. was married to a Mesopo-
tamian prince is new, and is of considerable interest ; whether
this prince was Karakhardash, who succeeded his father on the
throne of Karaduniyash in the time of Ashur-uballit,^ King of
Assyria., cannot at present be decided. As appears above (p. xxix),
Kallimma-Sin was refused by Amenophis III. the hand of one of his
daughters, as "The daughter of the King of the land of Egypt hath
never been given to a ' nobody.' " It would seem then that Burra-
buriyash must have been an independent king, while Kallimma-Sin
was a " sh^kh " of comparatively little importance.

4. — Letter from Burraburiyash, King of Karaduniyash, to
Amenophis IV.

This tablet is much mutilated ; three of its four corners are
wanting, and several of the signs which remain are nearly effaced.
Line 17 of the Obverse is continued across the Reverse, which is
almost blank. At the bottom left-hand corner of the Eeverse is the
impression of a scarab, or the bezel of a ring, which was inscribed
with the hawk of Horus wearing the crowns of the North and
South, ^, the disk of the sun, Q, a winged uraeus, and other signs
the impressions of which are wanting.

After the usual salutations, Burraburiyash states that he has
heard that the King of Egypt possesses fair palaces, and that he is
preparing to send back with Shutti,^ an ofl&cer of Amenophis, fair gifts
for his fair palaces, consisting of an ivory and gold throne, wood and

' With line 21 a break in the text begins, and it is uncertain how many lines are
wanting at the end of the Obverse and the beginning of the Reverse.

» A letter of this king to Amenophis IV. is preserved at Gizeh (B., No. 9).
' Thjs ftame is probably Egyptiiin.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. XXXIU

gold thrones, and a number of golden objects, the weights of which
are specified in manehs and z'dzu. These gifts probably formed part
of the dowry of the daughter of the Egyptian king who was about
to " contract .afiBnity " with the royal house of Karaduniyash.

5. — Letter from the King' of Alashiya to the King of Egypt.'

The name of the country of Alashiya has not hitherto been found in
any cuneiform document except the Tell el-Amarna tablets ; in which,
however, it is spelt ^"^ T? -EHI- i&S Alashiya, or \'' !| -£l "^zyif -gy^
Alasiya. In the Egyptian inscriptions a city fl^<=>[Qi| 1^
Alesa is mentioned pretty often; and it is most probable that the
Egyptian Alesa and the Assyrian Alasiya are one and the same
town or city or district. A country called (J ^ "S -®^ I Asale,

■J •' 1 2li I I r^^^/i

mentioned in British Museum Papyrus No. 10,247, p. 23, 1. 6
{Select Papyri, pi. 57), was thought by Chabas [Voyage, p. 225)
to be another form of (1^ '9 1 Alesa; and Maspero (Recueil,
t. X, p. 210) is of the same opinion. In 1. 49 of the present tablet,
the King of Alashiya seems to refer to the countries of Khatti and
Shankhar as if they were neighbouring tributary states. If this be
the case, Alashiya was probably situated to the west or south-west
of Tunip and Aleppo, and sufficiently near them to be able to
supply a contingent of men to the great league of cities of Northern
Syria, which lost no opportunity of rebelling against the kings of
Egypt. In the Egyptian inscriptions the general position of Alesa
and the cities mentioned in connexion with it is sufficiently
indicated, and it may without much hesitation be assumed that by
the names Alesa and Alashiya, the Egyptian and Babylonian writers
indicated the same country. In the annals of Thothmes III. and
Amenophis III. no mention appears to be made of Alesa, but during
the reign of Eameses II. it is certain that the people of Alesa
included among their allies the inhabitants of a number of cities to
the south-east and south-west and west of Aleppo; for in the list of
the conquered peoples of Northern Syria drawn up for that king

^ The name of this king is unknown.

* Probably Amenophis III. or his son Amenophis IV.

xxxiv TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

{see Denlmaler, Abth, iii, Bl. 131) the names of Neherni (Meso-
potamia) |-g ^c=^, yiZesa (j^ i ^\^^ ax\d Sanlcert ^\ j^ ^
{Denkmciler, Abth. iii, Bl. 145a) are grouped together.. The King of
Alashiya states in his letters that he sends as gifts to the King of
Egypt bronze, wood, oil, and horses ; and British Museum Papyrus
No. 10,249 (Anastasi IV.), pp. 16, 11. 2-4; 18, 11. 8-10 {Select
Papyri, pU. 96 and 98) mentions as products of Alesa and the
neighbouring countries horses, unguents, cows, etc. There appears
to be little doubt as to the identity of the countries. That the
Egyptians believed Alesa to be the same country as that called
Alashiya by the Babylonians we know from the hieratic docket
written upon one of the Tell el-Amarna tablets preserved at Gizeh
(B., No. 12) and inscribed with a letter of the King of Alashiya, the

transcript of which reads a ~^ ~^"^ TO W^ "'•'^^ ^ y 1 '^^^ *^^^

en ser en Alesa, " Letter of the prince of Alesa."

The present letter begins : " To the King of Egypt, his brother,
thus saith the King of Alashiya, his brotiier : ' I am well, and it is
well with my government, with my wife, with my children, with
my nobles, with my horses, and with my chariots, and in my ter-
ritories is great peace. And with thee, O my brother, and with thy
government, with thy wives, with thy children, with thy nobles, with
thy horses, with thy chariots and with thy territories may it also be
well.' " The King of Alashiya next announces that he sends his own
messenger to accompany the messenger of the King of Egypt, and also
that he sends 500 pieces of bronze as a gift to " his brother " the
King of Egypt, praying him not to be offended because of the
small quantity, as the " hand of Nergal," i.e., the pestilence, had
killed all the people of his land and it was not possible to continue
the manufacture ; therefore let him not " take it to heart." He
then begs the King of Egypt to send the two messengers back to
him as soon as possible, and promises to send him in the future as
much bronze as he may wish ; in return he asks for a large amount
of silver of which he is in need to make a contribution to the temple
of his gods, and he offers to send to Egypt whatever Amenophis may
wish for. He also sends by the hand of his messenger an ox, and

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. XXXV

two measures of choice oil, for which Amenophis had asked, and
accompanying them, also, as a gift, runners " swifter than eagles."

The meaning of the next paragragh is not clear, but it appears to
refer to some horses and chariots which had become the property of
the King of Egypt.

In the following paragraph the king states that one of his
subjects died in Egypt, where he left property, and, as his wife and
son live in Alashiya, he asks Amenophis to have the property
collected and to send it back to the relatives of the deceased by the
hands of the Alashiyan messenger. About three years before an
Egyptian messenger had arrived in Alashiya, and having remained
there some time was unable, through the pestilence, to leave the
country. The King of Alashiya now begs the Egyptian king not to
take this amiss, and, making the severity of the epidemic an excuse
for the Egyptian official's delay, points out that his own palace had
been attacked, and that the child to which the queen had recently
given birth had fallen a victim to the disease. Repeating his
request that Amenophis will send the money and the property of
the dead Alashiyan, the king begs him not to make any treaty or
league with the Kings of Khatti ^ and Shankhar,^ and promises that
whatever gifts they may send to him he will pass on to the
Egyptian king, together with the addition of a like amount from
himself. The idea of the King of Alashiya^ is, apparently, to

1 This country has often been identified with the Egyptian j=j I Cheta.

2 A country called '9 . 5 ^\ <c=> I Sanhar, situated near Cheta and

Alesa and (J ^ -^N? <r-> Amaure, is mentioned in the Earyptian inscriptions,

and probably represents the country called Shankhar by the Babylonians. Sankar
was famous for its fine horses, c/ 8 ^ Q { '^ ^"^^ "^ "^ \ ^^ '^^^

ml© 77T "o" . . ® ^ <=> I (B.M. Papyrus Jv'o. 10,249, p. 18, 1. 9). The
III I III I I I I _M^ I l >^^ ^ ^•' > ) ^' ! y

orthography of Shankhar is precisely the same as that of the Hebrew 15?36?' Shinar,
the name having possibly shifted in process of time from tiie eastern frontier of
Babylonia to the Singar hills, adjoining the country of the Khatti. The horses of
the desert south of the hills are still famous. It may be conjectured that the site
of Alashiya was near Kharran, but the name is not to be recognized in the
geography of the district.

3 Four letters of the King of Alashiya are preserved at Berlin (B., Nos. 11, 13, 15,
16), and three (?) at Gizeh (B., Nos. 12, 14, 17 (?)).

e 2

XXXvi TELL EL-AMABJS'A TABLETS.

prevent Amenophis from opening up any direct communication with
his own neighbouring friends and allies.

In the last paragraph the king appears to say that he has given
his messenger full power (?) to act. on his behalf, and that he hopes
that the Egyptian king will do likewise.

6. — Letter from the King of Alashiya to the King of Egypt.

After salutations, he complains that the Egyptian messenger
did not come into his presence. He is anxious to hear if Amenophis
is angry with him, and in his uncertainty he sends a special
messenger and with him one hundred talents of bronze. Previously
he had sent to Egypt, by the hands of an Egyptian messenger, a
wooden couch plated with gold, a chariot decorated with gold, two
horses, garments, precious stones, oil, etc.

Here follow eighteen lines so mutilated that it is impossible to
give a connected rendering of them. But it appears that several
of the gifts were lost on their way to Egypt.

After this break, the text seems to refer to a wish on the part of
the King of Alashiya to make arrangements for the transport of
merchandize,^ and to the pa,ssage of the Egyptian and Alashiyan
messengers in safety. He complains that, while he sends to Ameno-
phis everything that he wishes for from his coiintry, Amenophis
gives him nothing in return, although he has been in the habit of
sending gifts to the Egyptian king ever since he ascended the
throne.

7. — Letter from the King of Alasiya [Alashiya] to the King of
Egypt.

After the usual salutations, he announces the despatch to Egypt
of a gift consisting of five talents of bronze (?) and five pairs of
horses, etc. He has sent the messenger of the Egyptian king back
to his country quickly, and he prays that Amenophis will send back

' Compare the commercial treaty proposed by Amenophis III. to Kallimma-Sin,
King of Karaduniyash {see pp. xxvii, xxviii). On a tablet at Gizeh (B., No. 12,
11. 14 ff.), the King of Alashiya introduces his merchant Qamgar) to Amenophis by
letter.

SUMMAKY OF CONTENTS. XXXVll

the Alashiyan messenger with equal speed ; if he needs any further
gifts and will write them on a tablet, they shall be sent to him
without delay. He also urges Amenophis to send back the Alashiyan
messenger with the much-needed money.

The end of the text is much mutilated, but enough remains to
show that the letter was despatched to Egypt by a special mission
consisting of four or five members, among whom were Kunia, Itilluna,
and Ushbarra (?).^

8. — Letter from Tushratta, King of Mitani,^ to Amenophis III.,^
King of Egypt.

This tablet is the largest and finest of the collection, and very
few signs are wanting in the text, which is written in a bold, clear
hand. The letter is divided into thirteen paragraphs, the contents
of which are as follows : —

Par. T. " To Mimmuriya, the Great King, King of Egypt, my
brother, my son-in-law, who loveth me, and whom I love, thus saith
Tushratta, the Great King, thy father-in-law, who loveth thee, the
King of Mitani, thy brother : ' I am well, and may it be well with
thee, with thy government, with my sister and thy other wives,

^ These names are not mentioned elsewhere in the Tell el-Amarna tablets.

' The principal variant forms of this name are Mittdnni, Mitani, and Mitan,
A country also called Mi-ta-a-ni, in which Tiglath-Pileser I. went to hunt wild cattle,
is mentioned in the aijnals of that king {see Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions:, Vol. I,
pi. 14, 11. 62 ff.). Whether the two countries are identical is doubtful. In line 17 of
the famous stele which records the conquests of Thothmes III. (for the text see
Mariette, Karnak, pi. 11, and Mariette, Notice de Bulaq, p. 80), mention is made of a

country called V\ Mdthen, which, as it is referred to in connexion with

JiJ^ S=3 rv/-wi

the " country of the West and Phoenicia " 5=s5=f ft ^^. c^vi , was probably

situated on the eastern border of Syria, facing the great Mesopotamian desert, and
may well be compared with the Mitani over which, in later days, Tushratta ruled.
In the list of nations conquered by Rameses III. about b.c. 1200, inscribed upon the
outer wall of the Temple of Medtnet Habu, the name of this country also appears

to occur in the form . <vwwv ^^ i^^vi Mdthena (see Dilmichen, Historische

Inschriften, pi. XII, No. 39, last row, and pi. XVII, No. 34 ; in the first of these
places the name is given side by side with that of Carchemish).
' S&e Introduction, p, xxi.

XXXviii TELL EL-A.MAE,NA TABLETS.

with thy children, with thy nobles, with thy chariots and horses,
with thy land, and with everything which is thine. May peace
be multiplied unto thee.' "

Par. II. Tushratta calls to mind the great friendship which
existed between his father Shutarna and Thothmes IV., King of
Egypt, father of Amenophis, to which Amenophis himself greatly
contributed by becoming the friend and ally of Shutarna. The
friendship between Tushratta and Amenophis is ten times stronger
than that between Amenophis and Shutarna. May Kimmon^ the
god of Mitani, and Amen the, god of Egypt, on behalf of each,
prosper the friendship which they have established, and in the future
make it to continue in its present happy state.

Par. III. He acknowledges the receipt of the despatch of
Amenophis, by the hands of the messenger Mani, in which was
written : " My brother, let thy daughter be my wife and mistress
of Egypt." He received Mani with all tokens of friendship,
wishing to please Amenophis. He also brought his daughter into the
presence of Mani, who looked upon her and saw that she was fair and
pleasing in his sight and rejoiced for the sake of Amenophis. He
hopes that she will have a happy life in the land of Egypt, and prays
that Ishtar the goddess of Mitani and Amen the god of Egypt may
mould her to please the will of Amenophis.

Par. lY. Tushratta also acknowledges the receipt of a friendly
despatch which Giliya ^ brought back to Mitani from Amenophis.
The contents pleased him so greatly that he exclaimed that, even if
it were possible to dissolve all the friendship which had existed
between them in times gone by, the words of this message ^ alone
would, for himself, suffice to re-establish their friendship for ever.

^ In Babylonian, Tissub-bili, a name formed of Tissvb, the native name of the god
Eamman in Mitani, and bili — Heb. ^V^ " lord," Greek BaaX. On K. 2100, col. 1, 1. 18,
Ti-hh-su-ub appears to be the name of Ramman in the country of su-ki = Mitani (^?).

^ In a list of contributions in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum
(K. 8247, Col. IV, line 11) mention is made of a person called | -yf.^ JilJ ^ f?
Gi-lu-u-a. Gilua and Giliya are probably the same name.

' The message of Amenophis was probably a promise to send gold, which seems
never to have been fulfilled.

SUMMABY OF CONTENTS. XXXIX

Pars. V-VIII record the contents of a letter which Tushratta
had sent to Amenophis previously to the receipt of the despatch just
mentioned. He had written expressing the hope that there might
be warm friendship between them, and that Amenophis would give
proofs by his deeds that his friendship for Tushratta was ten times
stronger than it was for Shutarna. He then asks Amenophis to
send him more gold than he sent to his father, to whom he used to
send much gold, including a libation bowl and vessels profusely-
decorated with gold ornaments ; moreover, he sent to Tushratta
himself an object in which gold was used as freely as if it were
bronze.^ Tushratta's grandfather promised to send Amenophis
certain articles used in war or the chase. Tushratta is now getting
these ready, and will deliver them to him complete in number and
in good condition. Finally, he artfidly represents that the gold for
which he asks is to serve as his daughter's dowry.^

Par. IX. Passing on to matters of the present, he writes :
" When my brother Amenophis has sent the gold, if I ask, ' Ts it
enough ? ' the answer may be, ' Fully enough ' ; or I may ask, ' Is it
the full amount ? ' and the answer may be, ' It is more than the full
amount.'" In the latter case^ Tushratta declares that he will be
"very glad," but adds, after the oriental fashion, "With whatsoever
my brother sendeth I shall be greatly pleased."

Par. X. Tushratta repeats the request in this and his former
letter that the friendship between himself and Amenophis may be
stronger than that between Amenophis and Shutarna, and he points
out that his need for gold is twofold : (1) for payment of expenses
incurred in sending to Egypt the articles of war and the chase which
his grandfather promised Amenophis ; and (2) as dowry for his
daughter.

Par. XI, the longest in the despatch, consists for the most part
of entreaties for more gold and that the quantity usually sent may

^ This appears to be the meaning of lines 37 and 38. Par. VII is practically a
repetition of -Par. V.

* It is doubtful which of Tushratta's daughters is here referred to.

' Tushratta means that he would be very glad to have more gold sent to him
than the exact quantity agreed upon between them.

xl TELL EL-AMAENA TABLETS.

be increased. The gods have done well in making gold as plentiful
as dust in the land of Egypt ; in the future may they make it still
ten times more plentiful. Tushratta would not offend his brother
Amenophis by asking for gold, but on the other hand he himself
does not wish to be offended by having anything less than a large
quantity of gold sent to him. In return, if Amenophis wishes for
anything in the country of Mitani for his palace, let him send a
messenger, and Tushratta will give it to him to take back. His
palace and his country Mitani belong to Amenophis.

Par. XII. Tushratta announces the despatch of his messenger
Giliya to Egypt, and begs Amenophis not to detain him but to let
him return speedily. He will be very glad to hear of the despatch
of a gift from Amenophis by the hands of Giliya, but he is eager to
know what arrangements Amenophis will make as to the amount and
despatch of gifts to him in the future. In conclusion, Tushratta
prays that Eimmon the god of Mitani and Amen the god of
Egypt may make this letter and the answer of Amenophis to reach
their respective destinations in safety ; that the nature of their
correspondence in the future may be of the same friendly character ;
and that their friendship may be as firm and close in the future
as it is in the present.

Par. XIII enumerates the gifts which Tushratta sends to Amen-
ophis by the hands of Giliya, viz. : one large golden object inlaid
with lapis-lazuli ; a large vessel of gold inlaid within with lapis-
lazuli, weighing in all nineteen measures of gold and twenty
measures of lapis-lazuli; a large vessel of gold inlaid within with
MiaMli-stones, weighing in all forty golden zAzu of Ishtar, and forty-
two measures of MaZz2^i-stones ; ten pairs of horses ; ten wooden
chariots, with all their fittings complete; and thirty eunuchs.

9. — Letter from Tushratta,^ King of Mitani, to Amenophis III.

This almost complete letter is carefully written, and is divided
into nine paragraphs, viz. : —

1 This letter was probably written soon after Tushratta became' king of Mitani.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. xli

Par. I. " Thus saith Tushratta, King of Mitani, thy brother, to
Amenophis, King of. Egypt, my brother : ' I am well, and may it be
well with thee, and with Gilukhipa^ my sister, with thy government,
with thy wives, children, and nobles, and with thy body-guard,
horses, chariots, and land.'"

Par. II refers to Tushratta's accession to the throne. On the
death of his father Shutarna, his brother Artashumara became
king, but was soon after slain by rebels who had conspired against
him. Tushratta, though very young, gathered together all those
who were favourable to his succession, and, by the help of the good
fortune which stood by him, he succeeded in capturing the rebels,
headed by one P.irkhi (?), and in slaying the murderers of his brother;
he then ascended the throne and began to rule the kingdom of
Mitani.

Par. III. Knowing that his father Shutarna and Amenophis
were good friends, he ventures to send this despatch, and hopes that
when Amenophis has read it he will feel favourably disposed towards
him. Shutarna, by reason of his love for Amenophis, which exceeded
that of Amenophis for Shutarna, gave him his daughter Gilukhlpa
to wife. Now let Amenophis transfer the friendship which he had
for Shutarna to himself

Par. IV. Continuing the same subject, he claims this friendship,
and feels sure that his claim will be allowed when Amenophis hears
that the King of the Khatti had invaded Tushratta's territory, and
that, Riramon the god of Mitani having delivered him into his
hand, he had slain him.

Pars. V and VI announce that Tushratta is sending, as a gift
selected from the spoil captured by him from the Khatti, a chariot,
two horses, a youth and a maiden ; in addition, he sends him five
chariots and five pairs of horses from his own stables.

Par. VII. He sends as a gift for his sister Gilukhlpa a pair of
gold bracelets (?), a pair of gold earrings, a /golden toilet ("?) bowl, and
one full measure of choice oil for anointing.

Par. VIII. He announces the despatch of Giliya his messenger,
accompanied by Tunip-ipri, and he begs that Amenophis will send

' See Introduction, p. xix.

xlii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

them back to him speedily, and that they may bring him word that
Amenophis has sent him a gift to rejoice his heart.

Par. IX. In conclusion, he repeats his entreaty for the friendship
of Amenophis, and hopes that he will send his messengers with return
gifts for him, and that they may soon arrive.

10. — Letter from Tushratta, King of Mitani, to Amenophis III.

This letter, which is divided into five paragraphs, begins with the
usual lengthy salutations, but also contains a greeting to Tsltumkhtpa,
the daughter of Tushratta, who has become the wife of Amenophis.
He addresses Amenophis as " my son-in-law, whom I love, and who
loveth me," and refers to himself as "thy fathers-in-law, who loveth
thee."

Pars. II and III refer to the going down of " Ishtar of Nineveh,
lady of the world," ^ into the land of Egypt, beloved by Tushratta,
both during his own reign and during that of his father. It would
appear that the worship of this goddess had declined in Egypt, for
Tushratta begs Amenophis to increase it tenfold.

Par. IV. He prays that Ishtar, the mistress of heaven, the
goddess of Mitani, may protect both Amenophis and himself for a
hundred years, and that the " lady of fire " ^ may give to them both
great joy of heart and physical well-being.

Par. V. " Now Ishtar is a goddess to me, although she is not to
my brother."

On the lower part of the Reverse are the remains of three lines of
hieratic writing, the hieroglyphic transcript of which is as follows : —

ri~ff-i a I"
3- [__.= __

• Compare the title of the Egyptiaa goddess | ' [ hent taui, " mistress of
the world." ^ ^

' Compare the title of the Egyptian goddess Bast \ ° J\ |^j "^ [) hmt tekat,
» mistress of flame." A o O a LJ .^ t> '

= The characters in brackets are added from a comparison with the docket -m
B., No. 23.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. xliii

Eenpit XXXVI abet IV pert dutu em pa

Be^et rest mdtet en ta

sat an en aputi

1. Year 36, mouth IV of pert,^ was [the king] in the

2. southern palace Copy of the

3. letter . . . [which] brought the messenger of . . .

11. — Letter from Tushratta, King of Mitani, to the " Queen of
Egypt."

The text is in seven paragraphs, but is mutilated in several
places ; and, as no one line is complete, it is impossible to make any
connected version from it.

Par. I. Tushratta sends greeting to the " lady of Egypt," to
her son Napkhurriya [afterwards Amenophis IV.], to the bride
T^tukhlpa (one of the wives of Amenophis III.), and hopes that it is
well with all that belongs to her. The word halldtu, here translated
' bride,' has in the other Semitic dialects also the meaning of
* daughter-in-law ; ' but this meaning is unsuitable here, for in lines
8, 11 and 13 it is expressly stated that the husband of the lady to
whom the letter is addressed^ is "Mimmuriya" [Amenophis III.], and
in the speech which Tushratta puts into the mouth of the Queen of
Egypt, Mimmuriya is referred to as " my husband." The only queen
of Egypt who could have been the mother-in-law of T^tukhlpa was
Mut-em-ua, the mother of Amenophis III. The letter, however, is
not addressed to her ; but probably to Thi, who is described on the
Egyptian monuments as " royal daughter, royal sister, royal mother,
and royal wife."^

Par. II refers to some friendly arrangement between the royal
families of Mitani and Egypt, which was known to Mani, an
Egyptian messenger, and to everyone else.

In Par. Ill Tushratta refers to the queen's request, through the
messenger Giliya, that he would not dissolve the friendship which

' I.e., the Coptic month Pharrauthi, which began on March 27.
' See above, p. xxi.
' See above, p. xix.

/2

xliv TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

had been maintained between the royal houses by Shutarna and
Amenophis her husband. Par. IV seems to express a wish that
this friendship may be made ten times stronger than before ; and
in hnes 38, 42, 46 and 51 Napkhurriya is mentioned. In Par. VI
luni, a wife of Tushratta, is twice named ; and in Par. VII the gift
sent to the queen by Tushratta, consisting of three (or five) full
measures of choice oil for anointing, and other things, is recorded.

On the lower part of the Reverse are the remains of two hnes,
in hieratic writing, too much defaced to be legible ; on the left-hand
edge the memorandum of an Egyptian scribe, which probably
recorded the date of the receipt of this letter and some few
characters of which still remain, is carried over from the foot of the
tablet.

12. — Letter from Eib-Adda,^ governor of Byblos,^ to the King
of Egypt. ^

" Thus saith Rib- Adda to the lord and king of the world, the
Great King, the king of the universe : ' May the Lady of Byblos*
give strength to the king, my lord ! ^ Seven times and seven times
do I prostrate myself before the feet of my Lord and my Sun.'"

' The second part of this name = Heb. l!iq, Gt."ASu>Sos. Addu (^ j$y £^y) and
Dadu (^>f Kyy t^'f) are, on tablet K. 2100, col. I, 11. 16, 17, said to be the names of
the god Ramman (Rimmon) in the country of MAKrKi (g:y|.- i^^ ^°^ mak-tu-ri,
i.e., probably the country now called Syria.

2 Gr. Bw/SXo?, in Babylonian Ou-ub-lu ; see Rawlinsou, Cuneiform Inscriptions of
Western Asia, Vol. I, pi. 25, 1. 86; pi. 38, 1. 50; Vol. Ill, pi. 16, col. v, 1. 16;
K. 1295 (see Catalogue of Kouyunjih Collection, p. 262), etc. The forms of this name
in other Semitic dialects are Heb. "PS?, Syr. Aa.. , Arab. jH^ , and the Egyptian is

8 The rebellious state of the countries of Phoenicia, Syria, and Palestine, to be
gathered from the contents of the letters of Rib- Adda, seems to indicate that they were
addressed to Amenophis IV., under whose reign the Egyptians lost their former
hold on their Asiatic dependencies ; cf. supra, pp. xxii, xxiii.

* In Babylonian, Mltu sha Gubla, "Lady of Gebal"; compare bj r\hv2 in the
inscription of n!?Diri» {Corpus Imcriptionum Semiticarum, T. I, pars. 1, No. 1,
11. 2, 3, 7, and 8, p. 4), and the Greek BaaXxis, Bf/\6»-;;9, B/yXns.

* This prayer is found only in Rib- Adda's letters.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. xlv

The city of Byblos, which from time immemorial has been the
faithful handmaiden of the King of Egypt and of his ancestors, is
now utterly lost, because the king has taken no thought for its
safety. Would that he would protect that which belongs to his
father's house I The people who are in Byblos are unfaithful and.
therefore are unfit to be the king's servants ; moreover, the enmity
of the rebels is great, and the gods have suffered, our sons and J-^ *
our daughters to be led astray, and they have departed (?) to the
land of Yarimtita.' The people of the cities which are in the
mountains and on the frontier have gone over to the enemy and
have joined the rebels ; only Byblos and two other neighbouring
cities still remain faithful to him. Abd-Ashirta^ first captured
one of them called Shigata, and then counselled the citizens of
Aramiya, the other, to slay their governor and to become like him
and to lead a free life. This they did and became rebels. Next,
Abd-Ashirta sent to the soldiers in Blt-lSrinib(?) saying: "Gather / ^^
yourselves together, and let us go up against Byblos, and let us
occupy the countries through which we pass, and let us appoint our
own governors over them." Thus all the countries rebelled, and
there were no more loyal people left in the land, and our sons and
our daughters submitted to abide under the rule of the rebels.
Unless the king takes immediate steps to protect his interests, the
whole land will be in rebellion against him, and what then is to
become of Byblos ? The rebels have made a league amongst them-
selves, and Bib- Adda fears that there will be no- one to deliver him
out of their hands, for, being shut up in the king's territory in
Byblos, he is like unto a bird shut up in a cage. Why does the
king continue to be careless about his land ? Bib- Adda has repeated
everything to the king of Egypt, who has, however, paid no
attention to his words. If the king has any doubt about the
distress which has fallen on Byblos, let him make enquiries of

" Compare the names niOl!, Joshua x. 3, and niOT., 1 Chronicles viii. 14.

^ This name has been compared to the Phoenician mntyyiSVi " the servant of
Ashtoreth," Gr. 'A^BdaTpaTos. A king of Tyre of this name is mentioned by
Josephus (Gont. Apion, I, 18, ed. Didot, T. II, p. 348 = Muller's Hist. Grace, T. IV,
p. 44.5 ff.).

xlvi TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Amanappa,! who both knows of it and has seen it. Would that the
king would listen to the words of his servant and save his life,
for then could he protect his loyal city ! ^ The king is merciful, and
Kib-Adda prays day and night that he may be under his rule, for, if
he is not, what is to become of him ?

13, — Letter from Rib- Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of

Egypt.

It begins with the form of salutation as found in No. 12. Rib-
Adda reports to the king that Aziru has acted in a hostile manner
against his people, that he has taken twelve of them captive, and that
he has set the price of their ransom at fifty pieces of silver. The
forces which Rib- Adda sent to the city of Sumuru ^ were made
prisoners in the city of Tubuliya. * The ships of Sumuru, Beyrut,^

' Compare the Egyptian name u (J Amen-dpt.

" Here four lines of text are mutilated.

' In Babylonian and Assyrian, Sumuru and Simirra ; see Rawlinson, Cuneiform
Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. II, pi. 53, 1. 58 (K. 276); Vol. Ill, pl.9, 1. 46 ; pi. 10, No 2,
1. 13, No. 3, 1. 35; and K. 3042 (Catalogue of Koyuunjik Collection, \t. 4:98), etc. The
inhabitants of this city (*"i»-VO"^?'!) ^re referred to in Genesis x. 18, and are
mentioned along with the Arvadites and Hamathites. A notice of Sumuru in the
Egyptian inscriptions occurs in the Annals of Thothmes III., who in the 30th year of

his reign captured this town together with Kadesh and Arvad : ■

<n> t— ="3 V I wv^, n "^ <:^> [^^>i <m> U ^^wwv / vft

y 3 " He went to the town of Kadesh, he cut down its ffroves of trees

he went to the town of Tchamar; he went to the town of Arvad and did likewise"
(Marietta, Karnak, pi. 13, 1. 7). Sumuru repi-esents the ^t'/ivpa of Strabo, XVI,
cap. 2 (ed. Didot, p. 641) ; for its position see Pliny, V, 20, 77.

* The reading of this name is doubtful ; if correct, however, reference is probably

made to the city called ^~' Y^.ga .1 T^pul in the Egyptian inscriptions.

" Egyptian JM^^ Ih Barethd, Gr. Bi;/>dtos, Arab. ^_^ j^j [Ydlcut,

Vol. I, p. 785), Syr. .£OQ4o',*0 and Ao^^S.

"^

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. xlvii

and Sidou * were all lost off the coast of Amurri,^ and lie was there-
upon attacked by the fleet of Yapa-Adda and Aziru, who succeeded in
capturing his ship. In this strait he writes to the Egyptian king
asking for help, and, telling him that his own people have now become
disaffected, he begs him to do something to deliver him out of the
hands of the enemy and, in any case, to answer this letter. When
the city of Sumuru was attacked by the enemy, he took soldiers
with him and went and delivered it ; he then appealed to
the Egyptian king for more troops,^ but when they arrived they were
unable to enter the city because all the roads were blocked by the
enemy. The rebel chief sat down before the city for two months,
and meanwhile endeavoured to corrupt the loyalty of Bib- Adda.
He again asks for more help, for the foe is mighty, and his
officers fighting under him within the city are murmuring against
him. He had been accused of having stirred up the land of Alashiya
against the king, or of having given it over to the rebels ; he now
calls to witness the Egyptian officer Aman-mashashanu * to support
his story. Here the sense becomes obscure, and the difficulty
is increased by the breaks in the text of the last ten lines. It
seems however that Rib-Adda impresses upon the Egyptian king
that Yapa-Adda and Aziru have made a league ; he begs that certain
people of his may be brought back from the land of YarimAta ; ^
and he asks for fresh instructions.

' In Babylonian and Assyrian, Sidnnnu and Sidunu; see Kawlinson, Cuneiform
Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. I, pi. 35, No. 1, 1. 12 ; pi. 38, 11. 3.i, 38, 48 ; pi. 43, 1. 13 ;
pi. 45, col. I, 11. 9, 40 ; Vol III. pi. 15, col. II, 11. 27-30 ; K. 1653 {Catalogue of Kouyunjih

Collection, p. 325), etc. The Egyptians called the town ~| "^ ^J^ T'ituna;

and it is the I'lTy of the Bible, the IIS of the Phoenician inscriptions, and the ^iSwv of
Homer.

^ In Egyptian (1 ^ n I Amaure. Compare the Hebrew nJ^Sp'nS,

Judges X. 8. In these tablets Amurri appears to be the common name for Palestine.
As " Auiurri " is everywhere used in these texts for the Phoenician sea coast, it is clear
that it is the true reading of the Babylonian fj .^^ ^TTf' signifying « the West."

' The text is here mutilated.

* This name is probably Egyptian ; Aman = U r^ Amen, the name of the

great national god of Egypt.

' See letter No. 12 (p. xlv).

xlviii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

14.— Letter from Eib-Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of
Egypt.

He complains that he has received no answer from the king.
He has heard and knows what his people have done : how,
when they were sent to his lord, they carried off" his two horses
without any written authority, and how others of them carried off
the king's servants. How could he possibly prevent this, seeing
that now he is absolutely without forces to protect the country,
which is all in the hands of the rebels ? He can do nothing, and the
King of Egypt will never regain his hold upon the land. He had
already asked more than once for soldiers and horses, but he had
received no answer to his petitions. He reports that Abd-Ashirta,
Yapa-Adda, and Zimrida " are alive " ; and it would seem that they
were in his power. Although the city of Sumuru has rebelled, and"^-^
the city of Sarti (?) has fallen into the hands of Yankhamu, Rib-
Adda promises that, so long as the corn holds out, he will defend
the city of Byblos. In compliance with the king's orders he had
despatched certain troops to Egypt, but on the road they deserted ;
and although he tried, day and night to persuade them to return to
the service of the king, and moreover sent two oflBcers with this
object, they still persisted in going over to the camp of Yankhamu.
When they arrived there they said to him, "Eib-Adda is now in
thy power ; command thou what we shall do with him, and we will
do it." The remainder of Rib- Adda's troops, in consequence of the ^J'^-
defection of their comrades, refuse to obey orders, and he therefore
announces his decision : " If thou, O king, wilt not send me an
answer, I will abandon the city, and I and my friends will cease to
be thy subjects."

Parts of the text of the last five lines are wanting, and. no
connected sense can be gained from the characters which remain.
In line 53 mention is made of a certain man Milkuru, or Ishkuru,
who is also mentioned on a tablet at Berlin (No. 48, 1. 85).

15. — Letter from Bib-Adda, governor of Byblos, to Amanappa,^
a high official of the King of Egypt.

• For other letters of Eib-Adda to Amanappa see Nos. 21, 22, 23 (pp. liii, liv).

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. xlix

" To Amanappa, my father, thus saith thy son Eib-Adda : ' I
prostrate myself before the feet of my father, and may the Lady of
Byblos give thee favour in the sight of the king thy Lord.'" He asks
why Amanappa does not report the state of aifairs to the king, and
why, having heard that the troops have abandoned their cities and
have gone out and become rebels, he has not set out to attack them
in the land of Amurri. He asks if it can be possible that Amanappa
does not know that Amurri has become a stronghold of the rebels,
who now also hate Abd-Ashirta, his old enemy, and that they have
banded themselves together and are waiting for the arrival of other
troops to begin to fight against him. He exhorts Amanappa to join
him in an attack upon them, especially as he is sure that all the J^f
governors are ready to attack Abd-Ashirta ; for he had issued a
proclamation to the citizens of Ammiya, saying, " Kill your governor,
and rebel," whereupon the other governors said, "He will do this to
us also, and then all countries will rebel." Rib-Adda begs Amanappa
to report this matter to the king, "for thou art my father and ,/3'~
master, and I trust in thee." He refers to some past services which
he had rendered in connection with the city of Sumuru and which
are known to Amanappa, and he begs him to ask the king to send
help to Byblos as soon as possible.

16. — Letter from Bib- Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of
Egypt.

After the usual salutations, he entreats the king to listen to what
he says : — " The people of Byblos, the members of my house, and my
wife counselled me to join the followers of Abd-Ashirta and to make
a league with them ; but I did not listen to them. Moreover, I sent
word to the king, my lord, and repeated my request for a company
of soldiers to protect the city for the king, my lord ; but no answer '}• -^-f
from the king ever reached me. In these straits I made up my
mind, and I went to Ammunira ^ [governor of Beyrut] for protection,
for I feared the people of my own house ; but he shut his door in
my face, and now I must appeal again to the king for help. I await

' For letters of this official, who appears to have been au Egyptian, see Nos. 26
and 27 (pp. Iv, Ivi).

9

1 TELL ELAMARNA TABLETS.

the arrival of the soldiers day and night, and if the king, my lord,
does not send help to me, I shall perish, and the king will lose a
[faithful] servant."

The letter concludes with the promise that he will hand over
into the custody of the king's officer his two sons and their wives,
who were probably the inciters of those who wished him to join
Abd-Ashirta.

17. — Letter from Rib -Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of
Egypt.'

After brief salutations, he tells the king that the hostilities
carried on against the city by the rebels are very serious. He
asks what steps he is to take, for Abd-Ashirta, the rebel, does
as he pleases in the countries of the king. He has already sent
a messenger with a despatch informing the king that the cities
under his charge are in danger ; that the enemy are marching
upon them; that they hove already captured the city of Beyrut,
and are now coming on against him ; and that in a very short time
the foe will be at the gate, and that the people of Byblos will
neither be able to come in nor go out. Thus the city will be
captured, unless the king sends chariots and soldiers to deliver it.
Bib-Adda would not disobey the king's commands, but he begs
him to listen to his words : the city of Byblos and all the coast
down to Egypt is falling into the hands of the rebels, and unless
the king sends instructions to him forthwith he must surrender
Byblos also to the foe. Let the king then send and deliver the
city from the hands of Abd-Ashirta, that he (Eib-Adda) may once
more rule over it. If only the king will send chariots and soldiers
to deliver Byblos, which has ever been the king's loyal city, he is
confident that he will.be able to regain possession of the other cities
which are already lost to the king.

The last paragraph refers to some act of the messenger of the

' The two characters of the Egyptian king's name actually remaining are

-ra-ri, which are probably part of a Babylonian form of the prenomen of

Amenophis IV. See above, p. xliv, note 3.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. ll

King of Accho (?),^ and horses are mentioned ; the breaks and
obscurities of the text make a connected rendering of this part
of the letter impossible.

18. — Letter from Kib-Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of
Egypt.

He prays for advice and assistance. In tlie days of the king's
father, when Abd-Ashirta waged war against him, he sent to the
King of Egypt for troops, and, because his request was granted,
all the lands were quiet ; and, notwithstanding Abd-Ashirta's large
following, he was unable to capture the " loyal city Byblos." But
now Aziru has gathered together the rebels, and is plotting mischief
against Byblos. A break in the text here destroys the end of this
passage. Mention is then made of Yaukhamu ; and Rib- Adda seems
to request the king to deal with Abd-Ashirta as he deserves. It
would appear that Kh^ib, governor of the city of Sumuru, had been
forced, through the disobedience of the people under him, to sur-
render the city. Rib-Adda believes that the king will regret to
learn this news, especially as Kh4ib was slain ; and, in consequence
of the fall of the city, Bikhura will not be able to maintain his
position in Kumiti ; ^ in fact, all the governors throughout the
land will be slain, if assistance is not immediately forthcoming.
He has before this duly informed the king of these facts, but he
has received no answer. Finally he begs the king to send a
stated number of soldiers and chariots to protect his land. The
sense of the concluding portion of the letter is obscured through
breaks in the text.

19. — Letter from Rib-Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of
Egypt.

' In Babylonian and Assyrian, ^S-Am-u and A-ku-u ; see Rawlinson, Cuneiform
Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. I, pi. 38, 1. 40 ; Vol. V, pi. 9, 1. 122 ; and K. 4444
{Catalogve of Kouyunjik Collection, p. 633). The Semitic forms of this name are: Heb.

lay, Phcen. IV, Syr. oai, Arab, ll^, aiZI , and the Egyptian is ^^ '^ i^^ Aka.

' Compare the name A "^ ^^ '=^ t^^ Kamatu, a town situated in the
northern part of Phoenicia. See Brugsch, Geographisclie Inscliriften, II, Taf. XIII, i.

lii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

He prostrates himself " seven times and seven times " before
the king, and prays that the " Lady of Byblos may give strength
to the king, my lord." In answer to the king's command, that
he should defend himself and the city under his charge, he asks,
" Against whom shall I defend myself and the city ? " In former
times there was a garrison of the king's soldiers in the city, and
the king sent corn from the land of YarimAta' to feed tliem. But
now Aziru has overcome him in spite of his efforts, and has carried
off the oxen and everything which he had. There is no corn to eat,
and the officers and the soldiers have rebelled and have forsaken the
city, and have gone to places where there is corn to eat. The king
appointed him a " governor," but how can he be considered to be a
" governor ?" For the "governors" of all the other cities are now
under the rule of others, and are bound to obey their soldiers,
and he, too, and the cities in his charge, are in fact under the rule of
Aziru. To whom is he to be " faithful," according to the words of
the king's despatch? Moreover, the followers of Abd-Ashirta are in
league with Aziru, and, as the king knows, they do what is good in
their own eyes, and they have set on fire the cities of the king.

20. — Letter from Rib- Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of
Egypt.

He informs " his lord, the Great King, the king of the
world, king of the universe," that he will continue to defend the
country in the future as he has done in the past. A break interrupts
the meaning of the next ■ paragraph ; but it seems that Bikhura,
governor of the city of Kumiti, had sent a hostile force against
Byblos. Rib-Adda therefore begs the king, if he loves his faithful?23
servant, to send troops to defend the city in his own interest.
Referring to the king's former order, Rib-Adda asks how it is
possible for him to defend himself against Abdirama, Iddin-Adda,
and Abdi-milki, followers of Abd-Ashirta, whom Bikhura has urged
to come up against him, seeing that they have already made them-
selves master of all the king's territory. The letter concludes with
a repetition of the request for troops.

' See letters No. 12 (p. xlv), and No. 13 (p. xlvii).

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. liii

[In a tablet at Berlin (No. 134, 1. 4), Abdi-milki, one of the
opponents of Rib- Adda, is called the governor of the city Shaskhi(mi),
who at the request of the king of Egypt promises that his contingent
of soldiers and horses and chariots shall join the royal army at the
rendezvous.]

21. — Letter from Rib- Adda, governor of Byblos, to Amanappa,'^
a high official of the King of Egypt.

The text of this tablet is so much mutilated that not a single
line is complete. From the fragments which remain it seems that
Rib-Adda prays that Amen, the great god of Egypt, may give
Amanappa favour in the sight of the king. The fierceness of the
enemy's attack is increasing ; and it appears that supplies of corn
had. for the last three years become scarce in Byblos. Mention is
made of the land of Amurri, whither Amanappa is asked (?) to
send troops ; of the land of Mitani ; of Yankhamu, who supplied
Amanappa (?) witb corn ; and of the city of Sumuru. The letter
ends with the usual request for troops,

22. — Letter from Rib-Adda, governor of Byblos, to Amanappa,
a high official of the King of Egypt.

He asks why his conduct has been blamed (?). He had sent
Amanappa's messenger, who was with him, into the presence of the
king, and he had also supplied Amanappa with soldiers and chariots
to defend the city of Beyrut (?), and he is therefore much grieved
to hear Amanappa's words of reproach. Beyrut appears to have fallen
into the hands of the enemy, who are now about to attack Byblos.
The concluding lines of the text are broken, but they seem to contain
a petition for troops to protect Byblos.

23. — Letter from Rib-A.dda, governor of Byblos, to [Amanappa],
a high official of the King of Egypt.

After the usual salutations, in which the king is called the " sun
of the countries," Rib- Add a explains why he was not able to obey
Amanappa's orders in going to Sumuru to meet him. He asks

' Cf, No. 15, pp. xlviii, xjix,

liv TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Amanappa why, seeing that he knew the difi&culties of his position,
he told him to go up to that city. He is surrounded with foes on all
sides ; the city of Ambi has rebelled against him, through the influence "i ^
of the Abd-Ashirta faction upon the governor and officers of the city ;
he is unable to fight against the enemy successfully, and he is stricken
with fear. He further begs Amanappa to come to his assistance as
soon as possible; and in the concluding passage, six lines of which
are mutilated, he seems to reiterate his request for troops to defend
the city of Byblos.

24. — Letter from [Rib-Adda, governor of Byblos] to the King
of Egypt.

Although the first lines, which contained the name of the
writer, are wanting, yet, judging from the contents of the letter, the
style of writing, the material of which the tablet is made, and its
shape, it is tolerably certain that it formed part of the corres-
pondence of Kib-Adda.

Rib-Adda begins by informing the king that, notwithstanding
that he had posted troops at Byblos, the city of Surauru has been
captured by the enemy and the soldiers from Byblos have been
slain. , If the king will have a care for his city of Byblos, let him
send four captains and their companies, thirty chariots, and one
hundred mercenaries (?) of various nations, and they will suffice to
protect the city ; if, however, the king does not speedily send troops
to join those already under Rib- Adda, and food with them, the city
itself will be captured and the inhabitants will be slain. Biri,' an
officer of the Egyptian king, who had been sent to help Rib-Adda,
had already been slain, and his followers were scattered. Rib-
J^, Adda's "eyes fell sick" when they saw these things, and he was
sore afraid when he knew that Blri could no longer help him.
He had applied to Pakhamna[ta],^ an officer of the Egyptian king,

• According to a tablet at Berlin (No.- 160, 1. 4), Biri appears to have been the
governor of the city of Khashabu (or Kharabu? ; cf. B., No. 154, 1. 43).

2 This name appears to be Egyptian. In a tablet at Berlin (No. 80, 1. 22) he is
called rahis sharri, " officer of the king,'' and, if the name Pakhanati be identical with
Pakhamuata, he is also mentioned in Berlin tablet No. 97, 11. lOff.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Iv

for troops, begging him to send young men, or old men, or soldiers
of any kind whatsoever ; but this officer had turned a deaf ear to
him, and therefore had happened what had happened. Pakham-
nata himself saw the city of Sumuru destroyed ; Rib- Adda begs
the king to notice this fact. The condition of affairs in By bios is
very serious, for everything has been consumed ; the troops have no
corn to eat, and a number of them have been slain at the capture of
§umuru. Here the text becomes mutilated, and breaks off after the
mention of Yankhamu.

25. — Letter from Rib- Adda, governor of Byblos, to the King of
Egypt.

He asks for troops to defend Byblos and the neighbouring
cities. He seems to be in league, or on terms of friendship, with
Yankhamu, the Egyptian official, for he deprecates the charges
which have been made against both himself and Yankhamu by
certain people, and hopes that there may be peace. The text of
this tablet is much mutilated.

26. — Letter from Ammunira,^ governor of Beyrut, to the King
of Egypt.

After a brief greeting and expression of homage, he acknowledges
the receipt of a despatch from the king, " his lord, his god,^ and his
sun." In this despatch the king had commanded him to furnish
a contingent to the Egyptian army ; and now he, the king's loyal
governor, informs him that in obedience to his orders he has sent
a number of chariots, horses and men provided with all necessaries,
and he prays that the king may be victorious over his foes and that
his own eyes may see the triumph of his lord. He concludes by
entreating humbly that, when the king has brought the war to
a victorious close, he will reward his servant for his expense and
trouble ; he, " the footstool " of the king, his lord, will during the

' This is probably a form of some Egyptian name like [l Jf\ A men-Rd,

' In Babylonian ildni, literally " gods." See below, p. Ixi,

Jvi TELL EL-AMABNA TABLETS.

absence of his soldiers endeavour to guard the city and garrison
under his charge, until his eyes shall behold his soldiers returning
to Beyrut.

27. — Letter from Ammunira, governor of Beyrut, to the King
of Egypt.

He acknowledges the receipt of the king's " tablet," the contents
whereof made his heart glad and his eyes bright. He is vigilantly
guarding Beyrut for the " king his lord "; but still he awaits the
arrival of the king's troops with anxiety. In respect of the " men of
Byblos," he is carefully watching them until the king shall make his
pleasure known concerning them. He next reports that certain
Egyptian officials stationed in the land of Amurri have been evilly
entreated by the followers of Rib- Adda. In conclusion he declares
that his soldiers, his chariots and his horses are ready to join
the king's native army from Egypt ; and he repeats the usual
formula of homage.

28. — Letter from Abi-milki,^ governor of Tyre,^ to the King of
Egypt.

" To the king, my lord, my sun, my god, thus saith Abi-milki thy
servant : ' Seven times and seven times do I prostrate myself at the

' Compare the Hebrew name Abimelech, '^^D''3S. , given to several kings of
Philistia, Gath, Gerar, etc.^ Genesis, xx. 2, xxvi. 1 ; Psalm xxxiv. 1 ; Judges viii. 31.

' In Assyrian and Babylonian, Sur-ru; see Eawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions of
Western Asia, Vol. I, pi. 35, No. 1, 1. 12 ; Vol. II, pi. 67, rev. 1. 66 ; Vol. Ill, pi. 16,
col. V, 1. 13 ; Vol. V, pi. 2, 1. 49 ; and K. 1292 (Catalogue of Kouyvnjih Collection, p. 261),
etc.; Heb. iv, or liv, Phoen. -is, Syr. io^^ Arab. ^\, Gr. Typo's (Herodotus II, 44;
Aiii&n, Anabasis, II, 16 ff., etc.). The city of Tyre consisted of two parts : the island,
formed of two rocks which were made habitable by piling earth upon them, and
the town on the mainland, called PaliB Tyrus. The island was the more important
part in the time of the XVIIIth dynasty, for it commanded the sea both north and
south ; the harbour on the north side of the rock was called the Sidonian, and that on

the south side the Egyptian {l,vo a' e'xei \i/uAva^, rbv /lev K\etarov, rhv B aveifiivov,

ov kl'^vTr-Tiov KttXouacv, Strabo XVI, cap. 2, § 23, ed. Didot, p. 644). Hiram, King
of Tyre (about b.c. 950), enlarged the island by adding to it one of the small islands
to the north, and Alexander the Great joined it to the mainland (Arrian II, 16 if.).

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

Ivii

feet of the king, my lord. I am the dust beneath the feet of the king,
my lord, and that upon which he treadeth. O, my king and lord,
thou art like to the god Shamash and to the god Rimmon in heaven.
Let the king give counsel to his servant 1 Now the king, my lord,

Strabo says that the island was 30 stadia distant from the Palss Tyrus and 200 stadia
from Sidon (Strabo, loc. cit., § 24, ed. Didot, p. 645); and Pliny (V, 19) describes
its position and circumference thus : " Tyrus quondam insula, praealto mari doc
passibus divisa. . . . circuitus xix mill. pass, est, intra Palaetyro inclusa ; oppidum
ipsum XXII stadia optinet.'' Cf. also Map of Western Palestine (Palestine Exploration
Fund), London, 1880, pi. 1,

In the Egyptian inscriptions Tyre is called | ^^^ I Tar, | ^^.

I T'arau (?) (B.M. Papyrus Anastasi I., No. 10,247, Select Papyri,

pi. 55, 1. 3), and lf^^\''^^^^^)^^:^^SenT'ar(^ffypt.Zeitsc7irift,1873,ip.'i). An

Egyptian, travelling through Syria, visited it aQd described it as : —

i<\> k 2€ m^m i

\i

" temau
A city

]

I i^o^a

WVVAftA
AAAAAA
/V^/WV\

em
in

the

luma
sea,

T'ar
Tyre

en
the

meru
port [is]

"VA/WVA C

ren

\l

©

UJl

AA/W\A
A^ftAA/\

^-

I I i

7iame its;

1PS \

f a'ta tuf man em na bari

is brought to it water in boats;

^"^^ III '''^ -S-m
user su em remu er s'a "

abounds it in fish more than sand.

(For the hieratic text see Papyrus B.M., No. 10,247, Select Papyri, pi. 55, 11. 1
and 2, and for a hieroglyphic transcript see Chabas, Voyage, p. 165 ff.)

The "city in the sea'" can only refer to the island pairt of Tyre; and this
description of its situation is also given by Ezekiel, who says that it is set " in the
middle of the sea" (Djn, cap. xxvi. 5), and in " the heart of seas " (D*S* a??, cap. xxvii. 3).
The hieroglyphic passage quoted above shows that it was customary to supply
the inhabitants of the rock of Tyre with water brought from the mainland in
boats, and the desperate condition of Abi-milki, shut up on the bare rock, his wood
and water supply from the mainland having been cut off, is evident; it also shows
that as late as the XlXth, perhaps the XXth, dynasty, water was still carried to Tyre
in boats as it was in the days of Amenophis III. The water which supplied the town
of Palse Tyrus on the mainland appears to have been brought from Ras el-'Ain, a few
miles to the south of the town ; and that the inhabitants also suffered from want of
water in times of war is certain from the statement of Meuander (quoted by Josephus,

h

Iviii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

hath appointed me the guardian of the city of Tyre, the 'royal hand-
maid,' and I sent a report in a tablet unto the king, my lord ; but
I have received no answer thereunto. I am an officer of the king,
my lord, and I duly report all that oometh to pass, be it favourable
or be it unfavourable.'" Abi-milki then prays the king to let him
have tvrenty additional soldiers to defend his city,^ and adds " let
me come before the presence of the king, my lord, and behold his
face," meaning probably that he is personified by his letter. He
cannot have the twenty men without the orders of the King of Egypt ;
if the king will be graciously pleased to send this order, his servant
Abi-milki vrill " live for ever."

Lines 27-40 are broken, and it is not possible to make any
connected sense out of them. It appears, however, that Aziru and
his father Abd-Ashirta and Khibi, three revolutionary agents in
Syria, are mentioned in lines 35-37. With line 38 begins a passage
which seems to state that Zimrida (?) delivered the city of Sumuru
to Aziru, and that in consequence "the king [of Egypt] did not
eat from [the produce of] his city^ or from his land." When
Abi-milki heard of the renown of the king and of the fame of his
troops, he feared greatly, and all the countries round about trembled
because they had not protected the king's interests. As soon as
Zimrida knew that Abi-milki had been appointed governor of Tyre,
he attacked and captured the city of Sazu ^ (a place which was
probably situated near Tyre), and therefore the supplies of wood,

Antiq. Jud., IX, 14, 2) that when the king of Assyria was besieging the city in the
days of Elulaeus, King of Tyre, the water supply was cut off by the guards who had
been posted by the rivers and aqueducts for that purpose, and that for five years the
Tyrians had no water except from the wells which they dug. Elulaeus, in Assyrian
Lull, is also mentioned in an inscription of Sennacherib ; see Rawlinson, Cvneiform
Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. I, pi. 38, 1. 35. Esarhaddon also besieged Tyre and
cut off the supplies of meat and drink from its king Ba'lu; see K. 3082, obv. 1. 14.

' We are probably to understand twenty companies of soldiers.

' I.e., " receive the revenues of the city."

' A tablet at Gizeh inscribed with a letter of Abi-milki, B., No. 99, 11. 11, 12, 28 ff.,
contains a petition to the King of Egypt that he will order his inspector in Syria to
supply him with wood and water from the city of Sazu. The same letter relates that
Sidon and Khazor have gone over to the enemy, and adds that the King of Egypt will
now be able to judge of the desperate condition of Tyre.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. lix

water, etc., which Abi-milki drew from thence were cut off, and, as
the Tyrians were unable to provide themselves in any other way,
some of them died of want. Abi-milki then asks for fresh instructions.

The king of Egypt had ordered Abi-milki to report to him every-
thing that he heard, and in obedience to this command he now
writes : — Zimrida, governor of the city of Sidon, and Aziru, a dis-
affected Egyptian official, and the people of Arvad,' had joined in a
league and entered into a conspiracy and had gathered together their
ships and chariots and soldiers and had made an attack upon Tyre,
the "handmaiden^ of the king"; but "the hand of the king obtained
might and slew them," and they were unable to capture the city.
But the city of Sumuru had been given to Aziru by command of
Zimrida. " Concerning these things I have already sent a tablet to
the king, my lord, but I have received no answer. I am surrounded
on all sides with foes, and we have neither wood nor water."

In this desperate condition, unable to obtain supplies from the
mainland, and only getting them with the greatest difficulty from his
ships, owing to the blockading fleet, Abi-milki entreats the king to
send him instructions, and also to take steps to protect both his city
Tyre and his servant Abi-milki. In conclusion he sends this tablet by
the hands of a common soldier, to whom he begs the king to give
an immediate answer. The destitute condition of his household is
shown by the fact that he is obliged to send the soldier without gifts
for the king, instead of a proper envoy.

29. — Letter from Abi-milki, governor of Tyre, to the King of
Egypt.

" To the king, my lord, my god, my sun, thus saith Abi-milki,
thy servant : ' I prostrate myself at the feet of the king, my lord,

' In Babylonian and Assyrian, A-ru-a-da, or A -ru-ad-da, or Ar-ma-da, etc.; see
Kawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. I, pi. 26, 1. 86 ; pi. 28, col. I, 1. 2 ; Vol II.,
pi. 76, rev. 1. 60, etc. The other Semitic forms of this name are: Heb. 11.1.X, Syr,

>bj1> JOJ], >CDO)OJ')) Arab. jL | {Tdlut, Vol. I, p. 224); and the Egyptian

^ *^~^ I Arethu, or fl ^<:z=> Ij c. V^ i^CHi Arethet.

' Babylonian amtu, Heb. nsx. Compare the use of this word by one distinguished
person describing herself to another in 1 Samuel xxv. 25,

A2

Ix TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

seven times and seven times ; I am the dust under the feet of
the king, my lord, the Sun-god, who riseth upon the world daily by
the decree of the Sun-god, his loving father, who maketh it to
live by his glad message, who shineth (?) in the country of the
north (?),^ who maketh all lands to dwell in peace, strength, and
abundance, who giveth his voice in heaven like the god of thunder,
and all lands are consumed with terror at the sound of his voice.' " ^
He had sent a messenger to Egypt to bring back an answer from
the king, and he trusts that it will be found favourable to himself
when it arrives. He adds that not only himself, but also the
governors of all the countries round about are anxious for a favour-
able answer. The King of Egypt appears to have ordered that
Abi-milki should be the general of the troops, whereat he expresses
his joy (" Yiyaya!") and homage. He has understood the king's
commands, and they shall be duly carried out; the sun {i.e., the king)
has arisen upon him, and glad tidings have come forth to him from
the mouth of the king, his lord. If he had not received the order of
the king, Tyre would have been lost, and the king's government and
his name would have been blotted out from the land for ever ; now
that he has received the king's despatch, it will be well with Tyre
and with the king's government and glory for ever. " Thou art my
Sun who risest upon me, thou art the fortress of copper upon which
I take my stand, and by the right hand (?) of the king I am strong,
I am might)", I am powerful. Thus I spake to the Sun-god, the
father of my lord and king : ' When shall I see his face ? ' "

Next, the actual object of the letter is stated : — " I will guard
the city of Tyre, the great city,^ for the king, my lord, and I will
hold it until the king shall send forth his power to help me, to give
me water to drink and wood to warm myself withal. Moreover,
Zimrida of Sidon sendeth daily an officer in the service of Aziru,
the son of Abd-Ashirta, to bring back to him news of what the King
of Egypt will do. Thus I send word to the king my lord, and
I trust that, when he knoweth it, it may seem good in his sight."

' Compare Heb. t'lSV.

' This unusual salutation appears not to occur elsewhere.

3 "Tyros, et magnitudine et claritate ante omnes urbes Syrise Phoenicesque
niemorabilis." — Q. Curtius IV, 2, 2.

SUMMARY OF CONTEXTS. 1

XI

30. — Letter from Abi-milki, governor of Tyre, to the King of
Egypt.

After addressing the king, " my lord, my god," ' with the usual
compliments, he informs him that he is diligently guarding the
city of the king under his charge. He repeats his intention of
coming to Egypt (?) to meet the king, and he thinks that Zimrida
will not be able to turn the city of Sidon away from its allegiance
during his absence ; for he would have the king to know that after
Zimrida had obtained authority he had become hostile. Next, he
prays the king to defend the city. He has sent this letter by a
messenger, and asks that he may be received with favour. He
entreats the king not to forsake him, and to send him water ?f'i<j
to drink and wood for fuel, for the king knows that for some
time past he has had neither wood nor water. To incline him
to send help, he despatches with his messenger Ilu-milki ^ five
talents of pure (?) copper and other objects. In reply to the
king's orders to report any news from the land of Canaan^ he
writes : — " The king of the land of Danuna is dead, and his brother
hath become king in his stead, and there is peace in his land. One
half of the city Ugarit hath been burnt with fire and is destroyed.
The soldiers of the land of Khatti are no longer here. Itagama-
pairi, governor of the city of Kidshi,* and Aziru have rebelled,
and are fighting against Narayawiza. Notwithstanding that
Zimrida, the governor of Sidon and Lachish, hath gathered to-
gether ships and soldiers from the lands of Aziru, the son of Abd-
Ashirta, if only the king will send four captains [with their
companies], all will be well with me, and I shall see his destruction."
He concludes with an earnest petition for help.

' Literally, " my god, my gods " ; compare 'n'?^ *3^^? ,

'' Compare ^^«?'^8 (Ruth i. 2).

= Compare the Egyptian ^=^ *^ - — fl ^ ] i^=^^ Kan ana, Heb. !I!5? .

* Probably Kadesh on the Orontes, the V ^^ 1^.^ Ketesh of the Egyptian
inscriptions; see Brugsch, Geographische Inschriften, I, p. 67 ; 11, p. .56 ; for the form
of the name, compare Gr. Ka^j;?, Kd^^j;?, Heb. B'nP, Syr. ^,0 (Josh. xv. 2.3, etc.).

Ixii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

31. — Letter from Abi-milki, governor of Tyre, to the King of
Egypt.

The top right-hand corner of the tablet is wanting, a large break
also occurs in the middle of the letter through a fracture in the lower
part of the tablet, and several of the lines which remain are nearly
defaced.

After the usual greetings to the king, the " everlasting Sun-god," ^
he refers to orders received from him to go to Slialraayati and
salute him, and to supply him with water ; his servants have, however,
not been able to carry out these instructions, and he therefore asks
the king to take steps to have this done himself, as he has no water
to give. Here there is a break of twelve lines, and the letter then
continues with a request for instructions concerning the city of T-yie,
"the city of Shalmay^ti," and expresses readiness to obey the king's
own commands, . Abi-milki professes fidelity, and appears to ask for
authority to defend Tyre, " the city of Shalmay^ti." Here another
break interrupts the sense of the letter. Then, after urging the
king to send water to Tyre, he asks him to question his officer if
there has not been a revolt in Sumuru ; and concludes by telling
him that, as the natives (^f Sidon and other cities have withdrawn to
Sidon by ship, he also intends to go after them.

It is probable that Shalmay4ti was a rival governor of Tyre,
which Abi-milki henceforth calls the " city of Shalmay4ti." He
accordingly refuses him water, and finally joins the people who have
gone to Sumuru. '^

' In Babylonian, Shamash ddntum. Compare the title of the god Harpocrates,
C€MEC €IAAM (o'^'iS; ttJOttJ) "everlasting Sun," engraved by the Gnostics
upon gems above figures of this god seated on a lotus flower. See King, Gnostics and
their Remains, plate VII, No. 4, and plate facing p. 35, No. 9.

^ Two letters of Abi-milki are preserved at Gizeh (B., Nos. 98 and 99) and one at
Berlin (No. 162). B., No. 98 contains the usual salutations and expressions of fidelity,
and entreats the king to send provisions ; the principal contents of B. 99 are referred
to on p. Iviii, note 3 ; and B., No. 162 expresses pleasure at the receipt of the king's
despatch, and reports that he, Abi-milki, has received no supply of water and wood
from Sidon and Arvad, for the text of lines 14 and 15 appears to read: — ^. ^Jf

-m «I -4 4^ ^11 1? E3I .EKI-

SUMMARY OP CONTENTS Ixiii

32. — Letter from Zitadna, governor of Accho/ to the King of
Egypt.

" Zitadna thy servant, the dust of thy feet, prostrates himself
seven times and seven times before the feet of the king, my lord, my
sun, my god." The concluding portion of the text is wanting.

33. — Letter from Abd-Ashirta, the rival of Rib- Adda, to the
King of Egypt.

He expresses profound loyalty to the king, and wishes him to
know that his enemies are prevailing against him. He hopes that he
may find favour before the face of " the king his lord," and that he
will send an officer to protect him. In conclusion, he has read and
understood the despatch which the king had sent him, and according
to his request he sends him ten women.

[In a letter of Abd-Ashirta preserved at Berlin (No. 97), he
says that he was governor of the country of Amurri and of the
cities of Sumuru and Ullaza, and that his general was Pakhanati,
or Pakhamnata.^] For accounts of his movements see the letters
of Rib- Adda.

34. — Letter from Abdi-Ashtati [Abd-Ashirta ?]^ to the King of
Egypt.

He has received the king's despatch, and has understood his
words. He hopes that the King of Egypt will listen to the words
of his servant : the last two lines, which probably contained these
words, are wanting.

' In Babylonian, ^yy >-^z g^y^f ^^y. This title is obtained from a tablet in
Gizeh (B., No. 94, 1. 5) and another at Berlin (No. 95,, 1. 3) ; the latter tablet mentions
the disaffection of [Zirjdamyashda and his submission (?) to Namyawiza (see below,
pp. Ixxii, Ixxiii, No. 43), and compares Accho to the city of Magdali in its loyalty.

' Cf. supra, p. liv, note 2.

' Abdi-Ashtati is perhaps a defective way of spelling Abdi-Ashtarti (irih^'l^li^y).
The peculiarities of style and writing in Nos. 33 and 34 prove that they were sent
from the same person.

Ixiv TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS,

35. — Letter from Aziru/ the rebel, son of Abd-Ashirta, to the
King of Egypt.

This tablet is in perfect condition. The text is divided into
eight paragraphs.

Pars. I and II : — " To the great king, my lord, my god, my sun.
I, Aziru, thy servant, prostrate myself at the feet of my lord, my god,
my sun, seven times and seven times. 0, my lord, I am thy servant,
and as if I stood in the presence of the king, my lord, I will declare
all that I have to say unto him. O, my lord, hearken not to wicked
men who slander me before the king, my lord, for I am thy servant
for ever."

Pars. Ill and IV relate to the king's complaint that Aziru had
not treated his messenger Khani^ with proper respect, when he
arrived in Tunip.^ Aziru defends himself: " My lord, I was dwelling
in the city of Tunip, and I knew not whether Khani was coming or
not ; but, as soon as I heard that he was coming, I went forth to
meet him, but failed to find him. When Khani shall return again
to the king in peace, as in truth I hope he will, let the king ask him
if my brethren did not receive him in friendship when he came into
Tunip, when thy servant was away, and if Bitili * did not give him
oxen and other beasts, birds and sweet wine, and other things. J-^
Moreover, while he was on his journey back to Egypt, and while I
was on my way to the king, I met with him on the road, and I
lent him horses and mules which he needed for his journey, and he
himself greeted me and received me as though he were my father JjJ
and my mother. But in spite of this my lord doth write to me
saying, ' Thou didst turn away from the presence of Khani.' But
thy gods know, and the Sun-god knoweth, that I was not in the city
of Tunip when he arrived."

' For cognate forms of this name compare llty , Jeremiah xxviii. 1 ; ^ili and

7

' Compare Syr. ^xX*^.

X
.^ AWVSA

^ The Egyptian q V\ t^^^^ Tunep.

* In Babylonian Bi-ti-Ilu; cf. the Hebrew ?«-in3, probably from an earlier form
W'>iT\'a=lMuU-Ilu\.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixv

Pars. V and YI refer to some observations, unfortunately un-
known to us, which the king of Egypt had made concerning the city of
Sumuru. Aziru repHes that the Kings of Nukhashshi^ have ever been
hostile to him, and that by the order of Khatib ^ they had captured
all his cities, which up to the present time they had not given back (?).
He promises that he will make them restore them speedily. He
adds that Khatib has carried off half of the king's property which
was under his care, and all the gold and all the silver which the
king had sent to him.

Par. VII answers the king's question : — " Why hast thou
received the messenger of the king of the land of Khatti, and my
messenger thou hast not received ?" Aziru craftily replies, " This
is the country of my lord, and the king my lord hath appointed me
one of the governors therein " ; implying that he was only one of
the king's servants, and was bound to receive in the king's name
whosoever came into the land. The second part of the king's
question Aziru omits to answer.

Par. VIII announces the despatch of this letter by the hands
of the Egyptian messenger, with presents consisting of ships, choice
oil, weapons, etc.

36. — Letter from Akizzi, governor of the city of Katna,^ to
Amenophis III.

It was divided apparently into eleven paragraphs, the chief
contents being as follows : —

Pars. I and II. Greeting of Akizzi to the " son of the Sun-god,"
his lord, followed by protestations of fidelity to the king and wishes
for the success of everything that he may undertake.

Par. III. In times of old, ever since his fathers became vassals
of the King of Egypt, his land has belonged to Egypt ; his city
Katna and he are now the loyal followers of Amenophis.

1 1.e., the Egyptian J^ Q ^ ^ "^^ t^,or||~wv«(|^S[D'ii^ia, Anaukaa;
Brugsch, Geog. Inschriften, II, Taf. XIX, No. 97.

2 With this name cf. Syr. ^U-" (?)•

' Compare the Syriac IiXq, Persian <uLlj = the Kava (or Xna) t^s TaXiXa/as
of St. John ii. 1.

Ixvi TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Par. IV. When the king's soldiers and chariots and horses came
to his country, he gave them meat and drink, oxen, oil, honey, and
everything that they needed. If Amenophis doubts his vrord, let
him enquire of his officers concerning its truth.

Par. V. All lands tremble at the name of the soldiers and
chariots of Egypt. If the king will send chariots and horses within
the year, all the countries round about will acknowledge him as lord,
and he will also be able to take possession of the land of Nukhashshi.
The exact sense of the next sentence is obscured by a break in the
text of lines 22 and 23, but the drift seems to be that if the troops
of Amenophis delay for any great number of days Aziru will gain
possession of the land.

Par. YI. If the soldiers and chariots of Amenophis do not set
out for Katna within this year, Akizzi will not be able to defend his
city against Aziru.

Pars. VII [and VIII ?] are wanting.

Par. IX. In days of old the King of Khatti was a vassal (?) of
the King of Egypt, but now he has W3,sted Avith fire the cities under
the protection of Egypt, and he has seized the gods of Egypt, and
made prisoners of its liegemen.

Par. X. Certain people of the city of Katna have been made
prisoners, and carried away captive by Aziru. Let Amenophis either
send troops to rescue them or money to ransom them.

Par XL This paragraph is one of the most interesting in the
Tell el-Amarna tablets, as it suggests the origin of the worship of the
Sun-god in Egypt. Akizzi states that Shamash, the Sun-god, the
god of his fathers, became also the god of the ancestors of Amenophis,
and that they called themselves after his name. This clearly has
reference to the title " son of the Sun " which was adopted by nearly
every king of Egypt, and indicates that Akizzi beUeved that the
worship of the Sun was introduced into Egypt from Asia. The
King of Khatti has carried off the image of the Sun-god from
Katna ; Akizzi desires that the image of the god of his father
shall return to him, and he prays the king to give heed to this
matter, and to let him have as much gold as is needful to fulfil

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixvii

his desire. If Amenophis will do this, surely then " the name
of my lord may, as in times of old, be taken from the name of the
Sun-god."

37. — Letter from Akizzi, governor of the city of Katna, to
Amenophis III.

The name of the writer is almost entirely defaced, and only traces
remain of the last character, which appears to have been zi. There
can hardly be a doubt that this and the preceding letter are from
the same person, for the general shape of the two tablets and the
style of the writing are identical ; there is a margin on the left hand
side of the obverse and reverse in each tablet ; the text in each is
divided in a particular manner into paragraphs, which generally
begin with the same word in each ; and the city of Katna is
mentioned in both letters.

This letter is divided into eleven paragraphs. The text of the
obverse is much mutilated, and no connected sense can be made out
of paragraphs II- V.

Par. I contains the salutation, which may be restored from that
of the preceding letter. Pars. II-V refer to certain disputes be-
tween Akizzi and the King of Khatti, in consequence of certain
orders given to Akizzi by Amenophis ; and Akizzi appears to ask
Amenophis for troops to defend the country. In Par. V a certain
Aitugama is mentioned ; and a list of objects which were carried
oiF by the enemy is given.

Par. VI. Tiuwatti, governor of the city of Lapana,"^ and Arzawya,
governor of the city of Rukhizi,^ have entered into a league with
Aitugama, and have wasted the countries of the king with fire.

Par. VII. The King of Nukhashshi, the King of Nl,' the King of

1 These cities are not mentioned elsewhere in the Tell el-Amarna tablets, and their
site is, at present, unknown ; names like Aitugama and Tiuwatti, if these transliterations
be correct, appear not to be Semitic.

2 In Egyptian hl\\ ^^^ M. This city was situated near the Euphrates,
and as early as the reign of Thothmes I., about B.C. 1633, probably marked the
boundary of the Egyptian territory on the east. The insoription on the tomb of

i 2

Ixviiii TELL KL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Zinzar, and the king of the land of Kinanat (Canaan (?) ) are, like
himself, the friends and servants of the king, his lord.

Par. VIII. If Arnenophls feels himself able to send troops to the
countries of these kings, let him send them without delay, and let
them go there to establish a league (1) between those kings and him
self. If he wishes them to give him gifts or tribute, let him send
his ambassador with his troops, to take back whatever the king
desires.

Par. IX. If Amenophis cares for the people of these lands, let
him send troops and messengers.

Par. X. Let the king know that Arzawya, governor of the city
of Rukhizi, and Tiuwatti, governor of the city of Lapana, who are
now dwelling in the country of Ubi,^ which belongs to the King
of Egypt, and Dasha, who is dwelling in the land of Am, are sending
daily to Aitugama, and are advising him to " go and [capture] the
whole country of Ubi."

Amen-em-heb at Karnak states that Thothmes III., about b.c. 1600, slew 120 elephants
nearNiforthesakeoftheirivory JlPv^.'^ca']? J'^^'^J^^ ^ '^^
{^g. Zeitschrift, 1873, p. 5), and iu the thirty-third year of his reign, having crossed
over to the eastern side of the Euphrates, " he set up his memorial slab in Neherna
(Mesopotamia) to enlarge the boundaries of Egypt" 1 «wwv | ^ \\ ^— Vs.

the side of the stele set up by his ancestor Thothmes I. (Brugsch, Geschichte jEgyptens,
Leipzig, 1877, p. 312). When Amenophis II. made an expedition to Mesopotamia in
the early years of his reign, he arrived on the 10th of the month Hathor at " the city
of Ni, and behold the Asiatics of this town, men as well as women [were] upon their

walls to praise his majesty " 1^\^ c:s> y (1 '>~w« [1[| ^^^ (1 P '^ "^ "^"^ ? — 1

(Maspero, jEg. Zeitschrift, 1879, p. 67, 1. 11).

• I.e., "Hobah, which is on the left hand of Damascus," PP'^i? h^df^ 1^.^ nain,

(Genesis xiv. 15), and the Egyptian X J „ , Brugsch, Oeog. Inschriften, II, Taf. XXII,

Ifo. 204. Line 63 of this letter also states that Damascus was situated in the laud
c^ Hobah.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixix

Par. XI. Just as Damascus/ -which is situated in the country of
Ubi, is terror-stricken at the league of the enemy, and is lifting up
its hands in supplication at the feet of the king, so likewise does the
city of Katna lift up its hands. He begs the king to give life to his
messenger by granting his petition ; and if only he will send troops
to Katna, he will be able to keep his hold upon the city.

38. — Letter from Shubandi,^ the governor of a city, to the
King of Egypt.

After lengthy expressions of loyalty to the king, he acknowledges
the receipt of a despatch from him ; and, in obedience to his
commands, which he has fully understood, he is guarding the
territory under his charge with all diligence.

39. — Letter from Shubandi to the King of Egypt.

After the usual saluta,tions, he acknowledges the receipt of
instructions which the king has sent him, and he is watching with all
diligence the king's country under his charge.

4-0.^-Letter from Shubandi to the King of Egypt.

Serious illness has prevented his fulfilling the duties of the govern-
ment and defending the cities referred to in the king's despatch.
Because of the increasing hostility of the foe, he has appointed A bdi
milki to carry out his orders, and he will send him to meet the king
when he is about to come. The text of the concluding portion of the
letter is much mutilated, but the lines appear to have had reference
to the enemy's attacks.

' In Babylonian and Assyrian, Di-ma-ash-M, IH-mash-Tca; see Rawlinson, Cunei-
form Inscriptions, Vol. I, pi. 35, No. 1, 11. 16, 21; Vol. V, pi. 9, 11. 8, 12; K. 530
{Catalogue, p. 124), K. 542 {Catalogue, p. 126), etc. The cognate forms of this name

are: Heb. P^p%Syr. ^flooomiDj , .OQmiDJj' Arab. ^iL.<j(7aW«, Vol.II,p. 687ff.;
Bekri, p. 348), Gr. Ao^aff/co's, Eg. H ^ p. It seems that the Damascus of
the text (whether it was on the site of the modem city or not) was situated near
the country called by the Egyptians c \\ D Tunep, in Babylonian ^^ff "^i
^ ^ Tu-ni-ip.

'^ Two letters of this officer are preserved at Giiaeh (B., Nos. 116 and 117), and
one at Berlin (B., No. 120),

Ixx TELL EL-AMAKNA TABLETS.

41. — Letter from the inhabitants of the city of Tunip to the
King of Egypt.

The city and country of Tunip are first mentioned in Egyptian
annals of the reign of Thothmes III. (about B.C. 1600). This king
captured the fortress of Tunip on his fifth expedition, which took
place in the twenty-ninth year of his reign, and made prisoner its
governor, and carried 6ff much booty, which he sent in ships to the land
of Egypt (Lepsius, Auswahl, -pi. XII). Twelve years later Thothmes
utterly destroyed Tunip, because its inhabitants had joined the great
league of Syrian cities against the power of Egypt. About one
hundred years later Amenophis III. captured Tunip, Kadesh, and the
other principal cities of the league (Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, Bl. 88a).
In the fifth year of the reign of Kameses II., about B.C. 1333, Tunip
was again captured by the Egyptians [Recueil de travaux, tome VIII,
p. 127). It lay to the south of Aleppo {cf. ^ ^"^ J % "^^^ ? ^
Q ^ ° Chilhu her meht Tunep, " Aleppo to the north of Tunip "),
and on the borders of the land of the Cheta (cf. ^ /

x^^i "=^^^1 ©1^^=/^^^ ^,^^ Cheta enti

em uu en temd en Twriep em pa ta en Neheren, " Cheta which is on
the border of the city of Tunip in the land of Mesopotamia";
Brugsch, Recueil, tome II, 54, No. 2, 1. 4). There seems to be no proof,
at present, that Tunip is identical with the city of Damascus, but
there is no doubt that these places were situated near each other.

The letter is divided into eleven paragraphs : —

Par. I contains the usual salutations.

Par. II. The city of Tunip appeals to the King of Egypt and asks
if it was not in times of old under tlie protection of Manakhbirya —
a name which appears to represent the prenomen of Thothmes IIL,
Men-cheper-Ra (^o^^ , or that of Thothmes IV., Men-cheperu-Ra

' Accordiug to a Berlin tablet (No. 30, obv. 4) the name appears to be spelt
Ma-na-ahh-U-ya, the r of cheper or chepem being unrepresented in the cuneiform
transcript.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixxi

Par. III. The gods worshipped in the city of Tuuip are the sarae
as those of Egypt, and the form of worship of the two countries
is the same ; ' let the king consult his ancient documents, and see if
Tuuip has not always been loyal to Egypt.

Par. IV. They have sent twenty tablets to the king, and the
messengers who carried them are detained in Egypt ; they ask the
king to send one of them back to them, viz., a certain Yaki-Adda.

Par. V. If the king is willing for Yaki-Adda to return to Tunip,
why should he be delayed in coming ?

Pars. VI and VII seem to indicate that the messengers with the
tablets from Tunip have been intercey)ted by Aziru in the country of
Khatat,^ and that the inhabitants fear that, as he has gathered
together his soldiers and chariots, he will come and do to Tunip what
he did to the city of Ni.^

Par. VIII. When the King of Egypt hears the news of the
troubles which Aziru has caused, lie will be grieved just as they
are. They beg that the king will send help to them.

Par. IX. The king wiU be grieved to hear also that when Aziru
obtained possession of the city of Sumuru, which belonged to the
king, the people became traitors and did as it pleased Aziru.

Par. X. "And now thy city Tunip is weeping, its tears are
flowing," and the strength of the people is not enough to prevent
its capture.

Par. XI. They have now sent to their lord and king, the King
of Egypt, as many as twenty despatches, but not one answer from
the king has reached them.

■ Thothmes III., on the capture of Tunip in the 29th year of his reign, entered the
chamber where offerings were usually made, and sacrificed oxen, calves, ducks, etc.,

to [Amen] and Harmachis {of. | *^, 7^ y hJ:^<:i> V^ "^'^'^ ^ '^^^^ - a I

Lepsius, Auswahl, pi. XII, 1. 2 ; Brugsch, Becneil, tome II, pi. 56, No. 6 ; and Mariette,
Kamak, pi. 13, 1. 2). This seems to have been the foundation of the worship of gods
of Egypt in Tunip, and it is probable that the inhabitants of Tunip refer to this
event in their letter.

• Equivalent to Khatti (?).
For note on this city see above, p. Ixvii, note 2.

Ixxil TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS,

42. — Letter from the city of Irkata/ near Sumuru, to the
King of Egypt.

" Thus saith this letter from the city of Irk ata to the king our
lord : ' The city of Irkata and the nobles (?) thereof prostrate
themselves at the feet of the king their lord seven times and seven
times.' " The people of the city of Irkata declare to the Sun-god
that they knovs^ the wishes of the king, their lord, and that they
are therefore diligently guarding their city. The king sent his
messenger Abbikha to them with orders that they were to guard
their city against the followers of [Abd-Ashirta],^ the enemies of
the king, and they now wish to assure him that they are his
faithful servants. In proof thereof, they send thirty (1) horses,
etc., as gifts. By this action they hope that the king will learn
what their disposition is towards him. The King of Egypt appears
to have sent a despatch to a certain country called Shanku, where-
upon the inhabitants of a city who were previously well disposed
to those of Irkata suddenly became hostile to them. They there-
fore entreat the king to send help to his servants, that they may
overthrow the king's foes and make them "eat dust." They have
shut their gates against the king's enemies, and they assure the
king of their urgent need, because the foe is mighty against them.

43. — Letter from Namyawiza (?), governor of the city of
Kumiti (?), to the King of Egypt.

The text is broken off both at the beginning and end. The
rebels have attacked a city, and have captured the horses and
chariots therein, and have declared themselves independent of the
King of Egypt. Such things being done, Namyawiza feels as if
he were dead; and he has no followers. Behold, too, Biridashwi
has fomented rebellion in the city of Inuamma/ which has closed

> With this name compare the Egyptian H ^ _ ^^ Alqat, Lepsius,

Denhnaler, Abth. Ill, Bl. 252-253 a. ^ m. U^ ^ t^^ii]

^ Compare B., No. 77, 1. 9 ff., where it is said that the followers of Abd-Ashii ta
have departed to take the cities of Sumuru aud Irkata,

' Compare the name of the fortress in Upper Rethennu (I (I i'"' — > ';;;!^ ^-^-^ I-nu-
da-mdu,BTUgadi,Gengr.Inschriften,U,iO. ^' ^ "'^^

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixxiil

its gates against him. Biridashwi has captured the chariots belong-
ing to the city of Ashtarti/ and has given them to the rebels
instead of to the king. The governor of the city of Buzruna
and the governor of the city of Khalunni made a league with
Biridashwi, and determined to slay Namyawiza. Namyawiza, how-
ever, took refuge in Damascus, and, when attacked by Arzawya,
declared himself to be a servant of the King of Egypt. Arzawya
then went to the city of Gizza, made prisoners the followers of
Azi[ru ?], and, having captured the city of Shaddu, gave it into the
hands of the rebels, instead of to the King of Egypt. Moreover,
Itakkama ravaged the country of Gizza, and Arzawya, in league
with Biridashwi, wasted the country of Abitu. Namyawiza prays
the king to send troops to defend his territory. He will meanwhile
guard the city of Kumiti, hoping soon to see the arrival of the
Egyptian troops.

44. — Portion of a letter to the King of Egypt.

The text is, presumably, part of a letter which covered more than
one tablet, but the name of the person addressed and that of the
writer are wanting, and the customary salutations are omitted.
It appears that a certain Kh4ya who had pronaised to send ships,
manned with their full fighting crews, to the country of Amurri, had
failed to keep his word, owing apparently to the machinations of
Abd-Ashirta. The ships from Arvad which have been left in the
writer's charge are without crews, and he therefore recommends
the king to use the other ships from Arvad which he has with
him in the land of Egypt. The sense of the next few lines is
obscured by breaks in the text, which here contains a speech of
Khkja,, ending with the question, " To whom do the people of the
cities of Sidon and Beyrut belong, if not to the king ? " The writer
advises the king to use his authority, and to appoint for himself in
each city a man who shall have charge of the shipping, so as to
counteract the influence of Abd-Ashirta in preventing the manning

' I.e., the city of " Ishtar " ; the Egyptian form of the name of this goddess

k

is ^-x— (I r^Jlr, Astharthet.

Ixxiv TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

and departure of ships. The King of Egypt had ordered- Sidon,
Bey rut and Arvad to send a number of ships to Amurri, but never
a ship came, and therefore the writer advises him to seize Abd-
Ashirta and to keep him under guard near him, and to pay heed to
the words of his faithful servant.

4-5. — Letter from the governor ^ of the city of Byblos (?) to the
King of Egypt.

He complains that the king does not trust his city Byblos, the
city of his fathers, and that Aziru the rebel has made a league with
the king of the land of Ammiya, and the king of the land of Nl, and
that he is acting contrary to the interests of the king in the king's
countries. The next eighteen lines are mutilated, and it is im-
possible to make connected sense fromi what remains. He is still
the king's faithful servant, and asks him to send a company of thirty
[or] fifty men to protect Byblos, and entreats him not to place any
trust in anything that Aziru tells him. He himself will send to the
king any news he can collect concerning the rebel Aziru.

46. — Letter from a governor of a city to the King of Egypt.

The people of the country of Kinza made a league with the
[King of] Khatti, and set out to capture certain cities under the
rule of the King of Egypt in the country of Am. He has, however,
defended these cities against them, and is holding them for the King
of Egypt as before.

The text of this tablet is defaced in places, and the parts of the
lines on the obverse which run round to the reverse have been
wilfully defaced by cutting away the edges of the tablet.

47. — Letter from Abdu-kar-shi (?), governor of the city of
Khasur,^ to the King of Egypt.

1 The beg'inning- of this letter may be restored according to the reading of B.,
No. 91, 1. 3, where, however, the order of the names of the city of Gebal (?) and
the governor is reversed.

The Semitic forma of the name are : Heb. livn, Syr. JoI>l , Gr. 'kawp, and the

Egyptian ^^^C^-^J ,or i'^'^^^l Hat'are.

SUMMARY OP CONTENTS. IxXV

He will diligently guard the cities of the king until his arrival.
When the despatch of the king came to him, it was as if Shamash
the Sun-god had risen upon him and was shining upon him with all
his noonday splendour. He is making all arrangements necessary for
the king's coming. After lines 15-17, which express his joy at the
arrival of the king's messenger with the glad tidings of his master's
coming, the text is so mutilated that it is impossible to make
any connected sense out of it.

48. — Letter from Abdu-kar-shi (?), governor of the city of
Khasur, to the King of Egypt.

He is a faithful follower of His Majesty, and is upholding his
authority in his own city and in the other cities subject to the king.
He asks the king to decide what he is to do in respect of the city.

49, — Letter from Yapakhi, governor of the city of Gezer,^ to the
King of Egypt.

After the usual compliments, he acknowledges the receipt of
orders from the king's envoy, which he has fully carried out. He begs
the king to take active measures for the protection of Gezer and the
country round about, for the king's enemies are growing powerful,
and he fears that they will soon overcome him.

50. — Letter from Yapakhi, governor of the city of Gezer, to the
King of Egypt.

After the usual compliments, he acknowledges the receipt of a
despatch from the king, and informs him that his youngest brother
has left him and joined his forces to those of the enemy in the city
of Mu[ru ?]khazi. The enemy are acting against him ; he therefore
begs for instructions how to deal with his brother and his allies.

51. — Letter from Yapakhi, governor of the city of Gezer, to the
King of Egypt.

1 The "II? of Joshua x. 83, Syr. j^ '^ or IjjLi, Gr. TA^ii/w.

k'2

Ixxvi TELL EL-AMARNA. TABLETS.

The text cannot, with our present knowledge of the language
employed in these tablets, be translated, owing to the very rare words
and unknown ideographs which occur in it. Yapakhi acknowledges
the receipt of a despatch from the king, which pleased him greatly.
He then appears to refer to events of a hostile character in a
neighbouring district, and to the arrival of help from the king,
whereby his mind was set at rest.

52. — Letter from Widya, governor of the city of Askelon,' to the
King of Egypt.

He is vigilantly guarding the city under his charge ; he is also
sending to the king meat and drink, oxen, etc., together with his
customary tribute, apparently in answer to a remonstrance from the
king.

53. — Letter from Widya, governor of the city of Askelon, to the.
King of Egypt.

He is vigilantly guarding the city under his charge. In answer
to a remonstance from the king, he sends gifts, including women (?).

The king is addressed by the titles : 1. Shamash sha ishtu samt,

O & D c^

"Sun-god from heaven" = Egyptian ' jj ^3? Ra neb pet,

" Ka, lord of heaven " ; 2. mar Samash, " Son of the Sun "=Egyptian
"^ se Ra, " Son of the Sun "; and 3. sha tirdm Shamash, " whom the
Sun-god loveth" = Egyptian "^^^lM® wieri i?ra, " beloved of Ea."

54.— Letter from Widya, governor of the city of Askelon, to
the King of Egypt.

■ In Babylonian and Assyrian, Is-Jca-{aV)-lu-na ; see Kawlinson, Cuneiform
Inscriptions, Vol. I, pi. 38, 11. 58 and 63 ; Vol. Ill, pi. 16, col. 6, 1. 15. An inhabitant of

Askelon was called As-ka-lu-na-ai (compare Phcen. »j!?pB'K, Syr. ] . inV^^^ fV md.,
Vol. II, pi. 67, 1. 61. The other Semitic forms of the name of the town are : Heb.

\^^\>m, Syr. ^oi^QsV, ^'o^^onsV, Arab. |^uill (one of the "brides of Syria"
j«Ia11 i^ijSi, Yakut, Vol. Ill, p. 673, Bekri, p. 683), Gr. 'KaKiXwv; the Egyptian is

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixxvii

In obedience to the king's orders, he has supplied his soldiers
with meat, drink, oil, oxen, etc., and everything that they
needed he gave unto them. "How is it possible for me to be an
oflBcer of the king, my lord, the Son of the Sun, and not to obey his
words ? "

55. — Letter from Pu-Adda, governor of the city of Urza,^ to
the King of Egypt.

He is vigilantly guarding the territory under his care. Ap-
parently to disprove a charge of neglect of duty, he sends an extract
from a letter which he had written to a neighbouring governor named
Shashikhashi(?), warning him not to help certain men on their way,
as they were enemies of the king. He concludes by protesting his
devotion.

56. — Letter from Pu-Adda, governor of the city of Urza, to the
King of Egypt.

He is vigilantly guarding the territory under his charge, and
passes day and night in carrying out the orders of the king. It
appears that the king remonstrated with him as to his conduct
towards a certain officer named Rianapa,^ who, as we know from a
letter of Widya,^ had been appointed governor of a neighbouring
city. Rianapa's duties probably included the supervision of Widya,
Pu-Adda, and other governors of the Egyptian territory along the
coast of Syria. Pu-Adda now assures the king that he will regard
Rianapa as His Majesty, "mighty like the Sun-god in heaven,"
especially as he has been commanded by the king so to do.

57. — Letter from Yabitiri * to the King of Egypt.
He professes his devotion to the king. " I look here and I lock
there, and behold it is dark ; but when I look towards the king, my

' The position of this city is unknown.

* Compare the Egyptian name ij dr M ^r ^^^^PP^> Lieblein, Diet.
Noms, p. 297.

^ Berlin Tablet, No. 122, II. 16 ff.

* The name Yabitiri ia not Semitic, but may be Egyptian.

Ixxviii TELL EL-AMAENA TABLETS.

lord, it is light. The tile which is trodden upon may give -waj ; but
I shall never give M^ay beneath thy feet. Let the king, my lord,
ask his minister Yankhamu if I am feeble, and let him give me leave
to come to Egypt." He vpishes to leave Palestine for Egypt in
order to obtain an appointment in the immediate service of the
king, vrhom he entreats to ask of Yankhamu if he did not do his
duty well as governor of Gaza' and Joppa.^ He has been in
command of the king's soldiers for a long time, and wherever they
have been he has been with them. " The yoke of the king, my lord,
is upon my neck, and I will bear it."

58. — Letter from the king of a district of Palestine, to the kings
of Canaan, the " servants " of his " brother " the King of Egypt.

He is about to send his messenger Akiya to his "brother, the
King of Egypt," to tell him that he, and whatever he hath, is at his
disposal. He proposes to send his messenger by way of the lands of
Canaan, held by native kings under the rule of Egypt, and he has
instructed him to carry quickly to Egypt whatever gifts the kings of
Canaan will entrust to him for the King of Egypt. In conclusion
he refers to the fondness of Egyptians for presents. Akiya may be
relied upon to use with the best effect any gifts which they may
place in his hands.

On the lower part of the Reverse is a faint impression of a
haematite Babylonian cylinder seal, which measured about |in. in
length by -j^ inch in diameter, and upon which was engraved four lines
of Babylonian characters and some winged figures. The seal made
one revolution and a half The one character which can be dis-
tinguished may be ^ or s^.

^ In Babylonian, Az-^a-ti^ the njj? of the Bible, LXX. Ta^a, Arab, ^-j^]^ Egyptian

Kat'etu.

' In Babylonian and Assyrian Ta-ap-pu-u, or Ya-pu-u {see Eawliuson, Cuneiform
Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. I, pi. 38, 1. 66),Heb. iB^.Syr, ^aSqI or]2ia», Arab.
Ub, {IdUt, Vol. IV, p. 1003), Egyptian [](]° J^, fyu.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixx

IX

59, — -Xetter from Wyashdata, " the faithful servant of the king,"
to the King of Egypt.

All the possessions which were entrusted to him have been de-
stroyed by the people of the city of Tada/ near Beyrut (?). They
have also made a raid upon his cattle and have carried them off.
He has therefore made a defensive league with Biridiwi, governor (?)
of Megiddo.^

60. — Letter from Bayawi to the King of Egypt.

Yankhamu has failed to do his duty (?), and in consequence the
rebels have seized all the country round about. He entreats the
king to make his country to "live again."

On the Obverse, at the top left-hand coruer, appear to be traces
of an Egyptian seal impression.

61. — Letter from Labawi, governor of a city probably near
Jerusalem, to the King of Egypt.

He reports the arrival of certain troops, but they, instead of
protecting his people, have dealt with them roughly. He is left
with only one officer, and he fears that this man will slander him
to the king. He will fight as long as he is able and will encourage
the troops. He will never retreat, even the breadth of a thumb (?),
even if the city were to be taken twice over. The meaning of the
last part of the letter is obscure.

62. — Letter from Milkili, governor of a city probably near
Jerusalem, to the King of Egypt.

He informs the king of an act of tyranny on the part of Yankhamu,
a high official in the Egyptian service. It appears that Yankhamu,
after seizing Milkili's goods, had forcibly carried off his wives and

' This name is restored from a tablet at Berlin, B., 58, line 80, in which the city
is mentioned in connection with Beyrut.

^ See a tablet at Berlin, No. 114, 1. 4. This seems to be the only passage
where the city over which Biridiwi ruled is mentioned.

Ixxx TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

children. Let the king remember this deed against Yankhamu, and
send chariots and troops for Milkih's protection. The conclusion
seems to refer to the king as his only protector.

63. — Letter from Milkili, the governor of a city probably near
Jerusalem, to the King of Egypt.

He has understood the king's despatch, and begs that some
native Egyptian soldiers may be sent to protect the city. The
meaning of the last two lines is doubtful.

64. — Letter from Mut-Adda, governor of a city, to his superior
officer, Yankhamu, a high official of the King of Egypt.

When he reports that the enemy have disappeared, it is a certain
fact that they have disappeared ; and when he reports that the
governor of the city of Bikhishi has fled before the inspector of the
king (i.e., Yankhamu), it is also certain that he has fled. "May the
king, my lord, live ; may the king, my lord, live ! " The enemy have
taken possession of the city of Bikhishi and have occupied it for the
last -two months. If Yankhamu does not believe it, let him ask
Bininima and Wishuya and others. The city of Ashtarti was safe
under the rule of the Egyptians until the arrival (?) of the god
Merodach. The following cities have rebelled : Udumu,^ Aduri,^
Araru, Mishtu, Magdalim,^ Khinianabi, Sarkisabtat, Khawini, and
Abishima. The tablet which Yankhamu had sent to him he had
passed on to the governor of Bikhishi ; but, before Yankhamu could
arrive, the city had been captured, and the report of its fall had
been brought.

1 I.e., Edom. In Babylonian and Assyrian U-du-mu; see Eawlinson, Cuneiform
Inscriptions, Vol. Ill, pi. 16, col. V, 1. 14 ; Vol. V, pi. 7, 1. 109, etc. The Semitic forms
of the name are: Heb. DIJ? (Gen. xxxvi. 32), Syr. iooj]' Gr. 'Uov/mla, and the
Egyptian [1 'M c^ ^^^ | ^^=0^ , Atma (Papyrus Anastasi VI, p. 4, 11. 14 and 15).

* I.e., Addar, "|i}^<, Joshua xv. 3.

5 I.e., the Edomite city V^.''1J.» (Gen. xxxvi. 43), and the ^=^ a "^
Mdkafil of the Egyptian inscriptions.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. Ixxxi

65. — Letter from Shibti-Addaj an t fEcer, to the King of Egypt.

He has understood the king's despatch, and in answer to enquiries
concerning the fidelity of Yankhamu, a high Egyptian ofiicial, he
states that he is " a faithful servant of the king, and the dust of the
king's feet." The condition of the city under his charge is good.

66. — ^Letter from Shum-Addu, governor of a city, to the King
of Egypt.

After salutations, he acknowledges the receipt of a despatch
from the king asking for grain, and informs him that the men who
thresh corn have, during these last days, driven away their over-
seers, and he cannot therefore obey the king's command ; he appeals
to the evidence of the king's inspector to support his statement.
He appears to have intended originally to add some further remark,
which began with the words u shumma, " and whether " ; but,
changing his mind, he partially erased them.

67. — Letter from Shuardata, governor of a city, to the King of
Egypt.

Although he has sent off every available soldier to join the
Egyptian troops, he is nevertheless guarding the cities of the king
as well as he is able ; he has also sent gifts to the king. A little
further on, he repeats his expressions of loyalty to the king, and
acknowledges the receipt of a despatch containing certain orders.

The tablet upon which this letter is written has suffered from
abrasion, probably of old standing. The corners have been rubbed
away, the writing on the Obverse is defaced, and on the Reverse
it is almost entirely wanting,

68. — Letter from Shuardata, governor of a city, to the King of
Egypt.

He is defenceless, having sent all his troops to join the king's
army. He therefore prays the king to deliver him and his city,
the handmaiden of the king,' out of the hands of the enemy.

' For this title of a city compare No. 28 (above, p. iix, and note 2).

Ixxxii TRLL EL-AMABNA TABLETS.

69. — Letter from Shuardata, governor of a city, to the King of
Egypt.

He is carrying out with diligence the king's orders.

70- — Letter from Tagi, the father-in-law of Milkili, to the King
of Egypt.

He protests fidelity to the king, and is anxious that all the
principal highways of the king should continue to be under the
superintendence of his " brother " (Milkili ?), for then not a thumb's
breadthC?) of them would be any longer unsafe. Let the king ask of
his own officer if, in times past, the roads under his cliarge have not
been safe. " Behold, we are thine, and whether we raise our eyes
to heaven, or cast them down to the earth beneath, our heads are
in thy hand." He repeats his prayer that the highways should be
under his "friend's" jurisdiction; he himself is protecting the
interests of the king.

71. — Letter from an officer (whose name is lost) to the King of
Egypt.

A certain Biya the son of Gulati^ had taken prisoners the troops
■which the writer had sent to Joppa to protect the king's interests.
In obedience to the king's orders to follow the instructions of his
commander, he has delivered the city and expelled the rebel Biya.
If the king chooses to visit it by day or by night, he will find it
prepared to receive him.

72. — Continuation (?) of a letter, which apparently occupied more
than one tablet, from an official to the King of Egypt.

He spoke, it appears, to his brethren, saying: "If the gods of the
king, our lord, grant it, we will capture Labawi alive and will bring
Mm before the king, our lord." His mare was brought to him and
he mounted her, and galloped off in pursuit of Labawi, who was
with an official named Wyashdata.^ When he had come up with

' This is the name of his mother.

^ No. 59 was written by this same Wyashdata.

SUMMARY OF COKTENTS Ixxxiii

him he learned that he had already been made prisoner in Megiddo '
by Zurata. He disputed the capture with Zurata in the name of the
king, but Zurata kept possession of his prisoner and told him that
he intended to send Labawi direct to Egypt on board ship. Zurata,
however, actually took him to his own house in the city of Khinatuna,
and set him free, although he had received the price of the ransom
from the writer of the letter ; and Labawi and a companion Adda-
mikhir then went home. The writer asks what he is to do {i.e., in
order to recover the money which he has expended in the king's
name), seeing that he has been deceived by his comrade Zurata, and
that Labawi has escaped from his hands.

73.- — Letter from the governor of a city to the King of Egypt.

By day and by night he is forced to submit to the attacks of the
king's enemies upon the cities under his charge. Ap to the city of
Magdalim, he is unable to control (?) the inhabitants. The soldiers of
the city of Kukbi have made a league against him, and there is no
one to deliver him out of their hands. The report which Abbikha,^
an envoy in the Egyptian service, sent to the king, saying that the
gates of all the cities under his charge were captured by the enemy,
he indignantly asserts to be false. The end of the text is broken off.

74. — Letter from Dagan-takala to the King of Egypt.
He entreats him to deliver him out of the hands of his foes.

75. — Letter from Dashru to the King of Egypt.

He acknowledges the receipt of the king's despatch, which he
thoroughly understands. The rank which Dashru held in the
Egyptian king's service, and the situation of the city or district in
which he lived, cannot be ascertained.

' In Babylonian and Assyrian, Ma-ga-du-u and Ma-gi-du-u ; see Rawlinson,
Cuneiform Inscr iptions, Yo\. 11, p\. .53,11. 56 (K. 276) and 58 (K. 1521). The Semitic forms
of the name are : Heb. HJP, Syr. q'' ^q, LXX. Ma'ye&Sw, and the Egyptian is ^,

° ^ \U j ■ Mdhethd, or ^S\fl ^""^ (J ^^ r^^^ Mdlcetau.

' An embassy of this ofiScer to Irkata, a city near Smnuru, is mentioned in
No. 42 («ee above, p. Ixxii).

12

Ixxxiv TELL EL-AMABNA TABLETS.

76. — Letter from Zidri'ara to the King of Egypt.

He, who is but " dust and mud," acknowledges the receipt of the
king's despatch, which he has understood, and has carried out its
orders with all diligence.

77. — Letter from Shatiwi, the governor of a city, to the King of
Egypt.

He is diligently guarding the city and district of Inishasi .... (?).
He has sent his daughter to the king to become a member of his
household. Some half-dozen lines in the middle of the text are
defaced.

78. — Letter from an officer of the city of Gubbu,^ to the
King of Egypt.

In obedience to orders, he and the forces under his command
have set out to join- the king's army and to march with it wherever
it may go.

79. — Letter, or appeal, from an unknown person, addressed
probably to some high official.

The writer demands that the accusation brought against him
may be referred for judgment to the King of Egypt; if the king
will duly enquire into the matter he is certain to give him a just and
favourable judgment ; he will accept as final the decision of no other
person.

The two tines of writing which run along the left-hand edge
appear to be part of a document which had previously occupied the
tablet and had been erased to make room for this letter.

80, — Letter from an officer to the King of Egypt.

After the usual salutations, he complains that, in consequence of
the withdrawal (?) of the Egyptian troops from the cities round
about, the whole country has become disaffected. If the king has

' The position of Gubbu is unknown ; the name may be a mistake for Gublu,
i.e., Byblos.

SUMMARY or CONTENTS. Ixxxv

any doubt about this, let him ask his commander-in-chief concerning
the things which have happened in his land, and whether the
Egyptian troops have not forsaken him.

81. — Letter from an officer (whose name is lost) to the King of
Egypt.

He acknowledges the receipt of certain instructions, and
announces the despatch of certain objects required by the king.

82. — Mythological text relating to the goddess Irishkigal, who is
known only from the Tell el-Amarna tablets, her messenger Namt^ru,
and a number of gods.

The style of the fragment upon which this text is inscribed proves
that the tablet when complete differed in shape from those usually
employed for letters and despatches. Both Obverse and Reverse were
carefully ruled ; and the lines of writing depend from the ruled lines.
Before the tablet was baked, small holes were pierced here and there,
on both sides, probably to provide outlets for steam and to prevent
cracking or blistering. At intervals of a few words, red dots were
added, possibly in Egypt, and apparently to mark punctuation ;
though thev sometimes occur in the middle of words. ^ The close
similarity of this tablet, written about B.C. 1500, to those of
Assurbanipal's library at Nineveh, in regard to form, ruling,
puncturing, etc., proves that Assurbanipal, about B.C. 650, adopted
the traditional form of tablets in making copies of the old hymns,
litanies and prayers.

The text forms one of the two or three mythological compositions
which were found at Tell el-Amarna, and which now unfortunately
exist only in a fragmentary state. There are preserved in Berlin four,
and at Glzeh two, mythological fragments (B., Nos. 234-237, and B.,
No. 239), all of which probably belong to this text. If this be not the
case, their text forms part either of a duplicate or of a continuation.

The custom of marking short members or sentences with red dots was common
in Egypt. For examples on papyrus Bee, Sallier ii., B.M. No. 10,1H2, and Mariette,
ies Papyrui Egyptiens du Muse'e de Boulaq, fol., Paris, 1871, tome I, pi. 34.

Ixxxvi TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Three of these fragments (B., Nos. 234 and 239 a, fi) mention the
goddess Irishkigal, and their text certainly refers to the subject-
matter of our fragment. As to the other three fragments, if they do
not form part of the same text, at least they do not appear to belong
to the mythological text B., No. 240.'

The meaning of a large portion of the present text is doubtful,
but it would seem that it opens with the account of the gods
sending a messenger to their sister Irishkigal, offering to bring her to
the place of their abode. In reply she sends her messenger Namt^ru,
the plague god, who performs certain acts in presence of the
gods. The goddess herself also accepts the invitation to visit
them. The home of the gods had fourteen gates, each one of which
was guarded by a god. The names of the guardians of the first
two gates are wanting, but those of the gods of gates 3-13 are
Mutabrika,^ Abd4, Eabisa,^ Dirid, Mtu, Binna, Sidana, Mikid,
Birapari, Um(?)ma, Llba. What happened in the abode of the
gods is, owing to the mutilation of the text, unknown, but it
appears that a quarrel arose between Irishkigal and her husband
Nergal, in the course of which he treats her with such violence that
she is forced to beg for her life. Nergal drops his hand and weeps.
Irishkigal appeals to him : "Thou art my husband; I am thy wife.
Take unto thyself the sovereignty of the whole wide world, and
stablish all good things of wisdom by thy hands ; then shalt thou be
lord, and I shall be mistress." Nergal listened to all that the goddess
had said, and kissed her while her tears were flowing; and whatso-
ever she wished to have done was done from that time forth for
evermore.

1 This interesting, but very mutilated text appears to record the incident of tho
breaking of the " wings of the South wind " (B., No. 240, obv. 1. 6) by Adapa
T I? Sn ^> t^s S""! of Ea (1. 11), and the enquiry which Anu, the sky-god, made to
find out why the South wind ceased to blow for seven days (1. 6).

" "Lightning" (?).

' See Kawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Yol. IV, pi. 15*, lines 28, 485; pi. 16,
No. 1, 1. 16; pi. 21, No. 1 (B), 1. 13; pi. 29, No. 1, rev. 1. 26; K. 5005, 1. 6 ; K. 5078^
Col. Ill, 1. 3; K. 5269, Col. I, 1. 8; K. 5312, Col. II, 1. 8 {Catalogue, pp. 682, 687. 703.
706), etc.

BIBLIOGEAPHY.

*Ar>LEE, C, Note on Babylonian Inscription discovered at Tell el Amarna and now

in the British Museum: The American (Philadelphia, Pa.), June 16th, 1888.

Aus alien Zeiten: Vossiache Zeitung, Sonntags-Beilage No. 25, add. to No. 283,
June IJth, 1888.

*Bahylonisch-assyrische Keilschrift-Briefe aus Egypten: Archiv fiir Post und Telegr.,
1888, pp. 682-683.

Ball, C. J., The letter of the hinj of Arzapi to Amenophis III.: The Academy,

Vol. 36, 1889, No. 916, pp. 343-344.

Bezold, C, Bahylonisch-assyrische Keilsohrift-Thontafeln aus Aegypten: Beilage

zur AUgemeinen Zeitung, 1888, No. 291, pp. 4281^282.

Milkili: Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, Vol. VI, 1891, p. 166.

BiKKS, E. B., The name "Moses": The Academy, Vol. 34, 1888, No. 845, p. 27.

BosOAWEN, W. St. Ch., The Tel el Amarna tablets: The Babylonian and Oriental
Record, Vol. Ill, No. 12, 1889, pp. 286-288.

^ Southern Palestine and the Tel-el-Amarna Tablets: ibidem,

Vol. V, No. 5, pp. 114-119.

An Erratum : ibidem, No. 6, p, 144.

Some letters to An.enophis III. : ibidem, No. 8, pp. 174-179.

Brown, F., Babylon and Egypt, B.C. idOO : Presbyterian Review, Vol. IX, 1888

pp. 476-481.
Bkunnow, E. E., Bie Mitdni-Sprache : Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, Vol. V, 1890,

pp. 209-259.
Budge, E. A. W., On cuneiform despatches from Tushratta, king of Mitanni, Burra-

buriyash the son of Kuri-Galzu, and the Icing of Alashiya, to Amenophis III,

king of Egypt, and on the cuneiform tablets from Tell el- Amarna:

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. X, 1888,

pp. 540-569.
Collins, Q. W., " Mosheh" and '' Mdsu" : The Academy, Vol. 33, 1888, No. 842,

p. 435.
CONDEE, C. R., The king ofArzapfs letter: ibidem, Vol. 35, 1889, No. 875, p. 98.

* The asterisk indicates that the reference has not been verified at first hand.

Ixxxviii TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

CoNDEK, C. E., The Tell Amarna tablets: Quarterly Statement of the Palestine
Exploration Fund, 1889, pp. 28-30.

A Hittite prince's letter: ibidem, 1890, pp. 115-121. Cf. ibidem, 1891,

p. 186.

Monumental notice of Hebrew victories : ibidem, pp. 326-329.

The Khabiri or Abiri: ibidem, 1891, p. 72.

Altaic letter from Tell Amarna: ibidem, pp. 24.5-250.

The Hebrews on the Tell Amarna Tablets: ibidem, p. 251.

The Tell Amarna Tablets: The Scottish Eeview, Vol. XVII, 1891,

pp. 292-318.

A Hittite Tablet: The Times, No. 83,499, Dec. 4th, 1891.

Cuneiform tablets from Egyptian tombs: ibidem, No. 32,520, Oct. 18th, 1888.

D^T.A.'Ti'RE., A.. 3 ., La trouvaille de Tell el-Amarna: Revue des questions scientifiques.
Vol. XXV, 1889, pp. 143-181.

Les inscriptions de Tell el-Amarna: ibidem, Vol. XXVI, 1889,

pp. 79-98.

Trois lettres de Tell el-A mama : Proceedings of the Society of

Biblical Archeeology, Vol. XIII, 1891, pp. 127-132.

Aziroii (les lettres de Tell-el- Amarna) : ibidem, pp. 215-234.

Quelques lettres de Tell el-Amarna: ibidem, pp. 317-327.

Lettres de Tell el-Amarna : ibidem, pp. 539-561.

Discovery of an Assyrian library 3,500 years old. Prof. Sayce's description of it:
The Calcutta Review, Vol. LXXXIX, Oct., 1889, pp. xv-xvi. Cf. The
Orientalist, Vol. IV, 1890, pp. 26-27.

Ekman, a., Der Thontafelfund von Tell- Amarna: Sitzungsberichte der Koniglich

Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, XXIII, 1888, pp.
583-589.

[_Fund in Mittelagypten :"] Wochenschrift fur klassische Philologie,

Jahrg. V, 1888, coll. 729-731.

\_Fund eines Teiles des agyptischen Staatsarchivs :'] Berliner Philologische

Wochenschrift, Jahrg. VIII, 1888, coll. 671-672.

E[eman, A.J und W[iNCKLEE H.], Ein agyptisches Staatsarchiv : Vossische Zeitung,
May 13th, 1888.

Erman, A., Neues aus den Tafeln von El Amarna: Zeitschrift fur agyptische

Sprache, 1890, p. 112. Cf. ibidem, 1891, p. 64.

Das Land Nuchasche: ibidem, 1891, pp. 127-128.

Evetts, B. T. a., The Tell el-Amarna Tablets: The Atheneeum, 1889, No. 3237, p. 641.
Cf. Renan, ibidem. No. 3236, p. 600.

TAtum-hipa und Gilu-hipa: Zeitschrift fUr agyptische Sprache, 1890,

p. 113.

BIBLIOGRAPHY. Ixxxix

GoLENiSHCHEv. V., SaM^biKa 4Byxi naxo^Kaxi) HeAasno cfliiiaHHbixi bt. Ernnrfi :
SanacKH BociOHHaro Oi^'kieHifi HianepaTopcKaro PyccKaro Apxeojorn-
lecKaro OSmeciBa, Vol. Ill, 1888, pp. 121-126.

Hal]£vt, Jos., La correspondanoe d'Amenophis IV et la Bible: Eevue des etudes
juives. Vol. XX, 1890, pp. 199-219; Vol. XXI, 1890, pp. 43-72.

• La correspondanee d^Ame'nophis III et d'Amenophis 7F, transcrite et

traduite : Journal asiatique, 8™ serie, Vol. XVI, pp. 298-354 ; 402-462 ;
Vol. XVII, pp. 87-133 ; 202-273 ; Vol. XVIII, pp. 134-185 ; 510-536.

HowOETH, H. H., Tunip and the land of Naharina: The Academy, Vol. 39, 1891,
Na 976, p. 65. Cf. T. K. Cheyne, R. Maclagan, A. Neubauer, and
H. G. Tomkins, ibidem, No. 977, p. 91; No. 980, pp. 164-165; No. 981,
pp. 187-188 ; No. 982, p. 213 ; No. 983, p. 236 ; No. 984, p. 260 ; No. 985,
p. 284.

[Jastrow, M. jr.], Cuneiform tablets in Egypt: Harper's Weekly, Vol. XXXII, 1888,
p. 735.

The cuneiform tablets of Tell el-Amarna: The Nation (New York),

1889, No. 1245, pp. 380-382.

Jensen, P., Vorstudien zur Entzifferung des Mitanni: Zeitschrift f ur Assyriologie,

Vol. V, 1890, pp. 166-208; Vol. VI, 1891, pp. 34-72.

IIana{iyHiana vnd Mitanni: ibidem, Vol. VI, 1891, pp. 342-345.

■ Aus dem Briefe in der Mitanni- Spr ache : Zeitschrift fiir 'agyptische

Sprache, 1890, p. 114.

*JoHNSTON, J., Light from Cuneiform Inscriptions at Tel-el- Amarna: The Sunday
School Times, Vol. XXXI, 1889, p. 515.

Konigliche Museen zu Berlin. Mittheilung-en aus den orientalischen Samm-
lungen. Heft I-III : Ber Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Herausgegeben
von Hdgo Wincklee. Nach den Originalen autographirt von Ludwig
Abel. Berlin, 1889-1890.1 Cf also Verzeichnis der vorderasiatischen
Altertiimer und Gipsabgiisse, Berlin, 1889, pp. 103-109.

Lehmann, C. F., Aegypten und Vorderasien im zweiten vorchristlichen Jahrtausend,
Nach neugefundenen keilinschriftlichen Urkunden im Berliner Museum:
Kolnische Zeitung, June 4th, 1888.

Die in Aegypten neugefundenen heilschriftlichen Documente: Ham-

burgischer Correspondent, June 20th, 1888.

Aus dem Funde von Tell el Amarna: Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie,

Vol. Ill, 1888, pp. 372-406 ; Vol. IV, 1889, pp. 82-86.

Les tablettes de Tell-el- Amarna : Journal des Debats, Oct. 12th, 1888.

Naville, E., Documents babyloniens decouverts en Egypte: Bibliothfeque universelle
et Revue suisse, Vol. XLV, 1890, pp. 598-611.

* Nebuchadnezzar in Egypt: The Independent, 1888, April 26th, p. 523.

t In the present Edition this work ie quoted as "B."; e.g., "B. 99, 2" (p. 143) refers to the
Berlin Edition, plate 99, line 2.

XC TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Opfert, J., Les tablettes de Tdl-Amarn : Comptes rendus de I'Acadeinie des

Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, Ser. IV, Vol. XVI, 1888, pp. 251-254.

EosEN, v., HoB'l&Hmifi OTKpBiTia Bt Eranii! h IOhihoh ApaSin : SanncKH

BocTOiHaro Oik^kbxk HivinepaTopcKaro Pyccuaro ApxeojiorHiecKaro
OSmecTBa, Vol. Ill, 1889, pp. 270-272.

*S. S. M., Ancient Letter Writing. Royal epistles sent from Babylonia to Egypt :

The New-York Times, Feb. 17th, 1889.

Sayce, A. H., Babylonian Tablets from Upper Egypt: The Academy, Vol. 33, 1888,

No. 831, pp. 246-247.
The Babylonian tablets in the Boulaq Museum: ibidem, No. 835,

p. 315.

The name of Moses in the cuneiform tablets of Tel el-Amama: ibidem

No. 840, p. 397 ; cf ibid., Vol. 34, No. 844, p. 11.

Letters from Egypt: ibidem, Vol. 34, 1888, No. 869, pp. 424-425;

Vol. 35, 1889, No. 872, p. 47.

The tablets of Tell el-Amarna: The Athenseum, 1888, No. 3183,

p. 554; No. 3184, p. 593.

Literary Correspondence between Asia and Egypt in the Century before

the Exodus: The Independent, 1888, June 28th, p. 801.
The discovery of correspondence between Asia and Egypt in the century

before the Exodus: The Guardian, No. 2219, 1888, p. 869.

Babylonian Tablets from Tel el-Amarna, Upper Egypt: Proceedings

of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. X, 1888, pp. 488-525.

Recent oriental discovery: Contemporary Review, Vol. LIV, 1888,

pp. 299-301.

The cuneiform tablets of Tel el-Amarna, now preserved in the Boulaq

Museum: Proceedings of the Society of Biblical ArchsBology, Vol. XI,
1889, pp. 326-413.

Letters from Syria and Palestine before the age of Moses : Transactions

of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, Vol. VII, 1889,
pp. 1-25.

Letters from Palestine before the Age of Moses: The Newbery House

Magazine, Vol. I, 1889, pp. 257-263.

The language of Mitanni: The Academy, Vol. 37, 1890, No. 925,

p. 64.

The language of Aram-Naharaim and the ^u of the Assyrian tablets :

ibidem. No. 939, p. 305.

Jerusalem in the tablets of Tel el-Amarna: ibidem, Vol. 38, 1890,

No. 964, p. 366.

The Language of Mitanni : Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, Vol. V, 1890,

pp. 260-274.

BIBLIOGRAPHY. XCl

Satcb, a. H., Letters to Egypt from Babylonia Assyria, and Syria, in the fifteenth
century B.C.: Records of the Past, New Series, Vol. Ill, [1890,] pp.
55-90.

Correspondence between Palestine and Egypt in the fifteenth century b.c:

ibidem, Vol. V, [1891,] pp. 54-101.

Jerusalem before the Exodus : The Sunday School Times, Vol. XXXII,

1890, p. 787.

The cuneiform inscriptions of Tel el-Amarna: Transactions of the

Victoria Institute, Vol. XXIV, No. 93, 1890, pp. 12-27.— Translated into
French.

Les tahlettes cuneiformes de Tel el-Amarna: Eevue archeologique,

Vol. XIV, 1889, pp. 342-362.

Southern Palestine in the i5th century b.c. : The Academy, Vol. 39,

1891, No. 979, p. 138.

The parentage of Queen Teie. Ancient towns in Palestine: ibidem,

No. 981, p. 187.

The Amorites and Hebrews in early cuneiform inscriptions : ■ ibidem.

Vol. 40, 1891, No. 1013, p. 291.

The mention of a Ionian OreeJc in the tablets of Tel el-Amarna : ibidem,

No. 1015, p. 341.

SCHEIL, Fr. v., Une tablette de Tel-Amarna : Eecueil de travaux. Vol. XIII, 1891,
pp. 73-74

Le'gende chalde'enne trouvee a El-Amarna: Eevue des rel., March-
April, 1891.
{Ameldti) sabe Ya-u-du : Journal asiatique, 8™^ serie. Vol. XVII,

pp. 347-349.
ScHiAPAEELLi, B., \^Tell-el-Amarna'] : Giomale della Societa Asiatica Italiana, Vol II,

1888, pp. 154-156.
ScHKADEB, Eb., [Eine phonicisch-assyrische Abd-Aschera-Tajel von Tell-el-Amarna'] :

Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, Vol. Ill, 1888, pp. 363-364
Spiegelberg, W., Brief an C. Bezold: Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, Vol. VI, 1891,

p. 166.
Tablets of Tel el-Amarna relating to Palestine in the century before the Exodus:

Biblia (New York), Vol. Ill, 1890, pp. 68-69.
The cuneiform tablets from Tell-el-Amarna: The Athenaeum, 1888, No. 3182,

pp. 518-519 ; No. 3183, pp. bbi.-bbb ; No. 3184, p. 593.
TiELB, C. P., Over de Spijkerschrift-Tafels onlangs te Tell-el-Amarna gevonden:

Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Weten-

schappen, Afdeeling " Letterkunde," S-"^ Reeks, Deel VI, 1889, pp. 140-149.

Un' importante scorperta egizio-babilonese : Civilta cattolica, vol. XI, quad. 915,

1888, pp. 313-322.
* Une correspondance babylonienne du XV' siecle avant notre ere decouverte dans la

Haute Egypte: Univers, Nov. 27th, 1888.

m 2

XCll TKLL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Wiedemann, A., Tell el Amarna. Tkontafelnfund : Jahrb. d. Vera, von Alterthums-
freunden in den Rheinlanden, part LXXXV, 1888, p. 177.

WxNCKLER, H., Keilschriftdocumente aus Aegijpten: Nationalzeitung, 1888, May 19th,

No. 292.
Berichtigung: Berliner Philolog-ische Wochenschrift, Jahrg. VIII,

1888, col. 804: cf. ibidem, col. 706.

Aus Briefen an C. Bezold: Zeitschrift fur Assyiiologie, Vol. Ill,

1888, pp. 424-426 ; Vol. V, 1890, p. 296.
Bemerhung zu den el-Amarna-Briefen: ibidem, Vol. IV, 1889, pp. 404-

405.

Vorarbeiten zu einer gesammtbsarbeitung der el-Amarna-texte : ibidem.

Vol. VI, 1891, pp. 141-148.

Bericht ilber die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna im Koniglichen

Museum zu Berlin und im Museum von Bulaq: Sitzungsberichte der
Koniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, LI, 1888,
pp. 1341-1357.
Verzeichniss der aus dem Funde von el-Amarna herrUhrenden Thon-

tafeln: Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache, 1889, pp. 42-64.

Der Thontafelfund von Tell el-Amarna: Berliner Philologische

Wochenschrift, Jahrg. IX, 1889, coll. 578-580, 609-612.

Satarna, Konig von Naharina in den el-Amarna-Briefen : ZeitsChrift

fur agyptische Sprache, 1890, pp. 114-115.

ZiMMERN, H., Internationale Fiirstencorrespondenz vor dreiunddreissig Jahrhunderten :
Velhagen und Klasiug's Neue Monatshefte, 1890, pp. 58-64.

• Die altesten Schriftstiicke aus Jerusalem : Kolnische Zeitung, Oct. 1st,

1890.
Das Verhdltnis des assyrischen Permansivs zum semitischen Perfect

und zum dgyptischen " Pseudoparticip " untersucht unter Benutzung der
El-Amarna-Texte : Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, Vol. V, 1890, pp. 1-22.

Brief e aus dem Funde in El Amarna in Transscription und JJber-

setzung: ibidem, pp. 137-165.

Kanaanaische Glossen : ibidem. Vol. VI, 1891, pp. 154-158.

Die Keilschriftbriefe aus Jerusalem : ibidem, pp. 245-263.

Palastina urn- das Jahr 1400 v. Chr. nach neuen Quellen : Zeitschrift

des Deutschen Palastina- Vereins, Vol. XIII, 1891, pp. 133-147.

LIST OF TABLETS.

I. Letter from Egypt.

Letter from Amenophis III., King of Egypt, to Kallimma-Sin, King
of Karaduniyash

- IL Letters from Babylonia.

Letters from Burraburiyash, King of Karaduniyash, to Amenophis IV.,
King of Egypt. .

Ill, Letters from Alashiya.
Letters from the King of Alashiya to the King of Egypt

IV. Letters from Mitani.

Nos.

2-4

5-7

Letters from Tushratta, King of Mitani, to Amenophis III., King of

Egypt 8-10

Letter from Tushratta, King of Mitani, to a wife of Amenophis III.,

King of Egypt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , 11

V. Letters from Phoenicia and Syria.

Letters from Rib-Adda, governor of Byblos
Letters from Ammunira, governor of Beyrut
Letters from Abi-Miiki, governor of Tyre
Letter from Zitadna, governor of Accho
Letter from Abd-Ashirta . .
Letter from Abdi-Ashtati . .
Letter from Aziru . .
Letters from Akizzi, governor of Katna .
Letters from Shubandi

12-25

26-27

28-31

32

33

34

35

36-37

38-40

XCIV

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Nob.

Letter from the inhabitants of the city of Tunip . . . . . . 41

Letter from the inhabitants of the city of Irkata . . . . . . 42

Other letters 43-46

VL Letters from Palestine.

Letters from the governor of the city of Khasur . . . . . . 47-48

Letters from Yapakhi, governor of Gezer . . . . . . . . 49-51

Letters from Widya, governor of Askelon . . . . . . . . 52-54

Letters from Pu-Adda, governor of Urza . . . . . . . . 55-56

Letter from Yabitiri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

Letter from Akiya . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . 58

Letter from Wyashdata . . . . . . . . . . . . • • 59

Letter from Bayawi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

Letter from Labawi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

Letters from Milkili. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62-63

Letter from Mut-Adda 64

Letter from Shibti-Adda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

Letter from Shum-Adda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

Letters from Shn'ardata . . , . . . . . . . . . . . 67-69

Letter from T^gi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

Other letters. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71-73

VII. Letters from unknown districts.

Letter from Dagan-takala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

Letter from Dashru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

Letter from Zidri'ara . . . . . . . . . , . . . . 76

Letter from Shatiwi . . , . . . . . , . . . . . 77

Letter from an officer of the city of Gubbn (?) . . . . . . . . 78

Other letters. . . . . . . . . . . . 79-81

VIII. Mythological Text.

Part of a mythological legend relating to Nergal, Irishkigal and

Namtar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

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27

No. 11.

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TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

No. 55.

(BU. 88-10-13, 2; 3| in. by Sin.)
Obverse.

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15

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]Q9

No. 56.

(BU. 88-10-13, 10 ; 3f in. by 3 in.)

'^ maif

10

15

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TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

'. 4^U/:ii- C^^Ci/ ^(^,

No. 57.

• (BU. 88-10-13, 67; ^\\sv. by 3iiri.)
Obverse,

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15

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LETTER FROM YABITIRI.

Ill

20

25

No. 57.

(BU. 88-10-13, 57.)
Eeverse.

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112

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

No. 58.

(BU, 88-10-13, 64; 2iin. by 2in. ; see plate 15.)

Obverse.

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Reverse.

[Traces of impressions from a Babylonian cylinder-
seal are here visible.]

/)_ it

1 This line is written over an erasure

LETTER FROM WYASHDATA.

113

No. 59.

(BU. 88-10-13, 29; 2| in. hj 2^m.)
Obverse.

10

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LETTER FROM BAYAWI.

115

No. 60.

(BU. 88-10-13, 34; 2|in. by 2f in. ; see plate 7.)

Obvkese.

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116

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

M

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(i-

No. 61.

(BU. 88-10-13, 74; 2|in. by 2-i^ui.)
Obveese.

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LETTER FROM LABAWI.

117

No. 61.

(BU. 88-10-13, 74 ; see plate 21.)

Eeterse.

20

25

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1.18

TELL EL-AMARN^ TABLETS.

No. 62.

(BU. 88-10-13, 8 ; 3^ in. by 2| in. ; see plate 2.)

10

Obverse.

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Reverse.

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25

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LETTERS FROM MILKILI.

119

No. 63.

(BU. 88-10-13, 50; Siin. by 2|in.)

Obverse.

10

15

fit.nit'

fie

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(Reverse blank.)

120

TELL BL-AMARNA TABLETS.

^

5^

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5
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10

(BU.

No. 64.

88-10-13, 15 ; 3-^ in. by 2| in. ; see plate 5.)

CO

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LETIBR FROM SHIBTI-ADOA.

121

No. 65.

(BU. 88-10-13, 36; 2f in. by 2lin.)
Obverse.

10

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Reverse.

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122

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

No. 66.

(BU. 88-10-13, 61; Sin. by 2f in, ; see plate 15.)

Obveese.

10

5 ,^^/?^ /^ - ^<-/^ /'.^

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1 Erased by the scribe.

LETTEES FROM SHU ARDATA.

123

No. 67.

(BU. 88-10-13, 5 ; 4 in. by 3|-in.)
Obvekse.

10

15

20

25

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I The characters on Reverse are much defaced ; the reading is therefore donbtful.

E 2

124

TELL EL-J\MARNA TABLETS.

No. 68.

(BU. 88-10-13, 54; 3f in. by 2| in. ; see plate 12.)

Obverse. /

10

V, m >^^ -TH t;i ^n

->f T^ ^ <y^^ ->f «^ ^v,

^T^THT ^T «F <MT<r H<T ^4f

n£T «^ T^« T -.^ -TT<T -rXl
<T>-ST ^4^T -?T ^ET H
<T-ET -H ^H <III H

-^"^14 t^;i ST -m T '^^

rtl ^T? T?^T T* T -r;^

4- >?i^T <T- I^HT T -v^ -TT<Tio^ ^^-^
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Reverse.

15

ST i-\ Bn ST ST-
<r>-ST ii^ ^.^T 4-TT >^

1^ ^T? -tT^ > TT-^

<T'iEr «T- ST -^ST T -=^

T^l ^T?

LETTERS FROM SHUARDATA.

125

No. 69.

(BU. 88-10-13, 19; 3 in. by 2^ in. ; see plate 5.)

Obveese.

10

►^■^T ^^^T Bit -TH H>^|5 ^,r^ f^ s-

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Bdgis.

Reverse.'

1 On plate 5 the tablet is photographed upside down to show the ends of lines 4, 6-8,
11-12 of the Obverse.

126

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

No. 70.

(BU. 88-10-13, 25; 2ifin, by 2|m.)
Obverse.

10

15

20

25

W^ Ml <!■
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^ ^y? ^ty? 3^y ^y -m —

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y ..^ <m ^ai :h!: -7^ "gy uy <!iT
y -=^ ^B! <y^y s^y ?? <m

25

u- '^* 2;

LETTEBS FROM PALESTINE.

127

No. 71.

(BU. 88-10-13, 1; 3|in. by 2|in. ; see plate 1.)
Obverse.

CO

10

15

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128

TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

No. 72.

(BU. 88-10-13, 9; 3|m. hj 2^m.)

ca/ inA-n*!^ "'" "^Z

,<i^o

^''"T

Obverse.

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No. 72.

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No. 74.

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No. 78.

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LETTERS FKOM UNKKOWN DISTRICTS.

137

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TEXT RELATING TO NERGAL, IRISHKIGAL AND NA.MTAR.

14L

No, 82.

(BU. 88-10-13, 69; see plate 17.)

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40

LIST OF PROPER NAMES.

Ubi, country near Damascus, cf. (?) Hobah niln, Gen. xiv. 15, Eg. 8 \'^ -,
37, 57. 59. 62. 63 (\^ tl-U); cf. B. 142, rev. 12 (\^ tl-hi).

Abi-milki, governor (?) of Tyi-e {cf. Tf^TtS-ilN): 28, 2; f 30, 2t (T A-hi-^^^);
29, 2;t 31,2;t c/. B. 99, 2t {A-U-^^); cf also B. [98, 2t]; 162, 2t
(y A-bi-mil-M).

Abda: 82, 21 (-4-(?) ^J-ia-a).

Abd-Asirta, Abd-Asratu (cf. Phoen. n"intt^ir ll^^ ; 'A^Sdarparo:}) : 12, 24.
30; 14, 25; 15, 18. 25; 18, 11. 17. 31; 19, 41; 20, 38; 44, 6. 30.
[35, siomitted]; cf B. 41, 27; 42, 12. 33; 45, 27. 36; 48, [64.] 68; [49,
obv.23?;] 51, obv. 24; 52, obv. 9. [rev. 14.] 26; [53,12?. 28?;] 54,18.
21; 60,18. [47;] 61,13. [68;] 72,17; 74,8; 75, [12.] 22. [44;] [76,36;]
79, 29. [39;] [84, 9;] (y Abd-a-si-ir-ta) ; cf also B. IS^SCfAbd-^^^a-si-
ir-ti); B. 86, obv. 5; [214, 12] (f Abd-a-si-ir-ti); B. 71, 70; 76, 65 (Abd-
a-si-ir-ti); B. 71, 19 (Abd-'^ a-si-ir-ti) ; B. 51, obv. 11. 19; [66,7;] 77,9;
89, 7. 18. 47. 58 (Abd-a-si-ir-ta);— 16, 12; cf B. 60,8 (y &^ Abd-a-si-ir-
ta, "A: a ^eoTple"?);— 29, QS; c/.B.97,2t a Abd-''>^ds-ra-tum); [28,36;]
cf B. 50, obv. 19; 184, 30 (y Abd-ds-ra-tum); [17, 10;] B. 58, 29. [38?.]
51 (y Abd-ds-ra-ti); cf also B. 50, obv. 18 (y Abd-'~y^ ds-ra-ti) and
B. 58, 103. [116?]; 71, 56. 68 (Abd-ds-ra-ti); 23, 23 (^ Abd-ds-ra-ta) ;

—cf also (?) 33, 3 1 (y Abd^^ -yy<y).

Abdi-astati (c/.(?) Abd-Asratu) : 34, 3 1 (y Ab-di-ds-ta-ti).

Abdi-karSi(?) : 48, 3,t (y Abdi(^)-har(oT: tir?)-si).

Abdi-milki, son of Abd-Asirta: 20,37; c/. B. 134, 3t Q Abdi-::.^^);—4:0,
17. 24 (Abdi-^^).

Abdirama, son of Abd-Asirta : 20, 36 (y Abd-i-ra-ma).

* The numbers printed in thick type refer to the numbers of the tablets, and the others to the
lines. E.g., " 12, 24. 30 " = Uo. 12, lines 24 and 30. Eestorations of lost portions of the names are
indicated by the numbers within square brackets, t marks a passage in which the person is named
as the writer, or sender, of the tablet, while J is used for the person addressed. Homophonons signs
have been distinguished by means of accents. References have been given (e.g., " B. 41, 27 ") to
the passages in the Berlin edition in which the names in this List also occur.

144 TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Abbilja: 42, 12; 73, 19. 23 (f Ab-bi-I^a).

A(?)bi(?)sima, city in the country of Idumaea : 64, 28 (>-£:|y ^'^'--hi-si-ma).

Abitu (?): 43, 34. (\^ ^-Ji-iw) ; 43, 42 (\^ A-hi- ).

Yabitiri, governor (?) of Joppa and Gaza: 57, 4t (f Ya-bi-ti-ri).

U(?)garit, country, or city, in Phoenicia (?) : 1, 39 ('^ I^-ga-ri-it) ; 30, 55
(^^Jf tf-ga-ri-it <^); cf. also B. 128, 9 (-Jiff d'-ga-ri-ti) and B. 76, 6
KIT <M ^-ga-ri-U).

Ida : 46, 5 (y I-c?a- ).

W(?)idya, cf. (?) Pers. y"^ yy lf<| yy T<-, governor of Askelon : 52, 3 ;t 53, 3 :t
54, 4 ;'t c/. B. [118, 4 ;t] 119, 5 ;t 121, 5 ;t 122, Sf (f ^y-id^ya). ■

Adda-mihir: 72, 45; cf. B. 167, 2t (f >-Hh Adda-mi-hir); cf. also B. 168, 3t
([I?] -Hr Adda-mi-Thi-ir) and B. 143, 17 (f ^-ac^-c^w-m-^^).

Udumu, city in the country of Idumaea {cf. D'l4;i, ^Oj] , 'ISovfiaia,

Eg. (] ^ c:^ ^ J^ ) : 64, 24 (-^ff U-du-mu).
Iddin-Adda (?) : 20, 37 (J ^? -4- ^-fl).
Aduri, city in the country of Idumaea {cf. "1W) : 64, 24 {^^'\ A-du-ri).

Azzati, Gaza {'n^ LXX. rd\;a, ijill' Eg. ^ ^ | ^ ] |j J^) : 57, 32
(-tyy Az-za-ti).

Aziru, son of Abd-Asirta {cf -|!)ti;. ->p. liU) : 13, 7; 18, 20; 19, 20.
24; [34, 8;] 45, 13. 35. 39; 66, 5L [62]; cf B. 34, 2t; 35, 2t; 37,
2 1; 38, 2.t 38 ; 41, 26 ; [45, 47 ?;] 76, 9; [83, 8 ;] 91, 10. 21 QA-zi-ru) ;
cf also B. 58, 23. 35 {^A-zi-ru); 13, 16. 69; 19, 37; 29, 68; 35, 2t; cf
B. 31, 2t; 34a, 4 1; 39, 11. 27. 35; 40, 2t; 45, 39; 58, 46. 60. 71. 94. 106.
110. 114; 91, 9; 128, 7 (y A-zi-H); 28, 35. 40. 58. 70; 30, 61. 67; 36,
24. 27. 39 ; 41, 21. 27. 32. 34. 35 (y A-zi-ra) ; 43, 28 ; cf B. 36, 3 1; 69,
15 ; 71, 21 (?) (y A-zi- ) ;— c/. also (?) B. 45, 33 (y A-za-ru).

A'itu(.P)gama : 37, 28. 37. 60 (y A-i-tu(?)-ga-ma).

Akka, Accho (15^, "Akti, \|i, Phoen. ^)}, q^L, Eg. ;^ \ t^ ): [17, 46 ;] cf
B. 94, 5; 95, 3. [16?] 29 (-^yy Ak-ka <^) ; cf also B. 8, 19; 93,4
("tfi Ak-ka) ; B. 8, 38 {Ak-ka-ai-ti); and B. 68, 8 (-J:yy Ak- ).

Akiya : 58, 3 (y A-ki-ya).

Yaki-Adda: 41, 15. 18 (Ya-ki^^Adda).

Akizzi, governor of the city of Qatna: 36, 2t; [37, 2t]; cf B. 229, 2t (y
A-ki-iz-zi).

Ilutu(?): 82, 22 (->f I-lu-tu).

Ili-milku {cf 'nh'Ci'h^) : 30, 45 (y IH-milki); cf (?) B. 102, 36 (y I-li-mil-ku).

LIST OF PROPEE NAMES. 145

Alasiya, Alasiya (cf. Eg. I\^^^ J^): 5,2 t [30?] ; 6, 1 1; cf. B. 12, 3 1;

[13, 3 ;t] 15, 2 t (sarru ^ A-la-si-ya) ; 7, 2 ^{sarru X- A-la-si-ya) ; 13, 52
{'^^ A-la-si-ya); 13, 59 (^-/a-i-i-a [-a ?] ) ; 5,33; [6, 39?] {A-la-si-ya); cf.
alsoB. 11, 2t (sarri(ri) ^ A-la-si-ya).

Am (P), Amma, Ammiya: 46, 4 ; cf. B. 143, 16; 160, 9; 163, 8 (l'^ Am <^) ;
17, 7 (-tiy ^m-ma); 37, 58 (\^ Am-ma); 12, 25; 15, 27 ; [o/. B. 89, 13]
(-tyy Am-mi-ya); 45, 14; c/. B. 91, 11 (^"^ Am-^ir-ya).

Um(?)ma : 82, 25 (->f- Um{?)-ma).

Ambi: 23, 20; cf. B. 60, 11. 40; 72, 31; 74, 19 (--yj Am-bi); of also
B. 128, 12. 16 (--yy Am-bi <|gf).

Amami, Amen (cf Eg. () ^'^ ): 1, 46 ; 8, 15. 24. 76 (-Hf- A-ma-nu-um) ; 22,

5 (»->|f- ^-?na-na) ; 21, 3 {'-'^ A-nia-an ).

Aman-masasanu (?) : 13, 51 (y A-ma-an-ma-sd-sd-nu ?).

Amanappa {cf Eg. \ ^ (j □): 12, 51; 15, 1 J; c/. B. 75, 9 (y A--ma-an-ap-pa);

[21, l?t; 22, It'fq'A-tna.an-ab-U).
AmmTinira, governor (?) of Beyrut {cf Eg. \\ '^^^ ^^ J) ) : 16, 29 (y Am-

mu-ni-ra); 26, 3 1 ; [27, 2 1] {Am-mu-ni-ra).
Immuriya : see Mimmuriya.

Amumi(?), country of the Amorites(?, cf "'"ibN, Eg. (| ^ ^^•=t>jXi)
21, 8 {tA-mw-ri); 13, 14; 15, 11. 15; 27, 24; 44, 5. 21. 29. 35; cf B. 45,
63; 48, 69; 92, rev. 32 ; 97, 8. [15 ?] ; 146, 16 ; 184, 39 (\^ A-mur-ri) ;
cf also B. 69, 17 {t- A-mur-rc^; B. 77, 10 {'^^ A-mur-ra-a) ; B. 92,
obv. 1 X (g^ .^tyy A-mu-ur-ra) ; B. 171, 9 (\^ y«x- A-mu-ri) ; B. 56, 38
(•^"^ A-mur- ) ; and (?) B. 34, 14 (\^ A-mur-ra (?) ).

luni, a wife of Tusratta : 11, 52. 54 (^ I-u-ni).

A(?)nu'amma [cf (?) Eg. (10 i'^-^ ;:r^ 1^=^:^ ) : 43, 8 {'-t]] ^'^-nu-amrma);

43, 2 (^-yy A{?)- ).

Yanhamu, envoy of Amenophis IV. : 62, 11 ; cf B. 48, 23 ; 52, rev. 4; 61,
73 ; 101, obv. 13. rev. 12 ; 184, 22; 185, [5.] 7. 11. 13. [22] (y Ya-an-ha-^u);
14, 31. 39 ; cf B. 48, 48 ; 51, obv. [15.] 35 ; 128, IJ (y Ya-an-ha-^ni) ; 25,
19 ; 64, 1 1; cf B. 45, 61 (y Ya-an-ha-nd); 14, 40 (y Ya-ha-mi) ; [24, 48] ;
57, 24; 60, 10; 65, 14; cf B. 43, 36. 37; [110, 25] (y Ya-an-ha-ma) ;

18,26; 21, 15 (y Ya-an-ha- ) -—cf also B. 102, 28 (Q?] 1-m-ha-mu);

andB. 105, rev. 11 (y ^y--{n-ha-mu).

Inisa (?) : 77, 12 (-J:yy 1-ni-sd-si (?)- ).

u

146 TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Yapu, Joppa QQI, UU, -^o^ lao^' 'Iottttt;, -Eg- !)(] ° J^ ) = 57, 33; 71, 20
(--yy Ya^u); cf. B. 58, 6 (--flf Fa-a-pw) ; and B. 58, 86 (\^ ]»*■ Ya-pu).

Yapa-Adda, probably of Alasiya : 13, 16. 59. 69 ; 14, 26 ; cf. B. 44, rev. 28 ;

[45, 65] ; 48, [29.] 42 ; 51, obv. 30. edge 3 ; 61, [26.] 52 ; 63, 31. 34. 44;

77, 19 ; 128, 2 1 (T Ya-pa- ->f ^-jy) ; cf. also (?) B. 88, fragment 3 (y

Ya-ap- ^^^^^ .
Yapahi, governor (?) of Gezer : 49, 3t; 50, 4t; 51, 3 f (y Ya-^a-lii).
Arwada, Arvad (TT!^, joil JCOjoil, ''^C\, 'Opdcoa-ia, Ruwdd, Eg. (] '^^^

Ti.'li'^-V^J^l^ ^^' ^^' ^^' ^^- ^^' «/■ B. 51, obv. 12.
18. [edge 5; 79,30?]. (-tyy Ar - ^l^- - da) ; and(?) [B. 162, 15] (-£:yy
A-ra-da).
Urza(?) : 56, 3; of B. 153, 4 (-E:yy ^^'--ur-za ^).

Arzawya, Arza'(u)ya (?) : 37, 36. 56 (y Ar-za-u-ya) ; 43, 26. 33 ; cf B. 125,
2 1; [126, 4 1] (y ^^-^a-^y- ^y-) ; cf also B. [155, .2 1?;] 158, 27 (y Ar-za-
^y-) ; and 105, obv. 7 (^r-^a-^y-).

Yarimuta (c/. nin"l% iTiDT): 12, 16; 13, 55; 19, 17; cf. B. 57, rev. 1;
61, 74; 79, 13; [89, 40?;] (\^ Ya-n-mu-ta) ; cf also B. 80, 27 (\^ Ya-.

ri-im-mu-ta).

Irqata, city, or country, in Syria {cf Eg. Q ^ tt "^^ ) = 42, 2 f. 3. 8, 10.
15. 18. [23] ; cf B. 77, 12. 36 ; 79, 26 (--yy Ir-qa-ta) ; cf also B. 91, 10
(\^ Ir-qa-ta) ; and (?) B. 158, 22 (--yy Ir-qat (?)- ).

Araru : 64, 25 (-J:yy A-ra-ru).

Iriskigal, heroine of a mytbological legend : 82, 2 (f-ri-is-M-i-ga-a-al) ; 82,
7 {Jt(?)-ri(?)-is(?)-ki-i-ga-al); 82, 29 {1-ri-is-U-i-gal) ; cf B. 234, rev. 1;
239, a, 4. 6 (I-ri-is-ki-gal).

Artassumara : 9, 19 (y Ar-ta-ds-sii-ma-ra).

Wisuya(?): 64, 18 (y ^y^ M-^«)-

Usbarra(?) : 7, 25 (y Us-bar-ra) ; cf (?) B. 158, 15 (] Us- ).

Wyasdata (?), cf (?) Pers. -yg <£:< y<- y--y yy fyy fcy^y : 59, 3t; 72, 12. 15
(y ^"{"-ds-da-ta).

Iskuru (?) : 14, 53 ; cf B. 48, 85 (y ^fj-ku-,'u).

Assurayu, Assyrian : 2, 31 {As-sur-ra-ai-u) ; cf. B. 9, 3 (-^ '~>^ t-f^=Ass'ur ?).

Istar {cf Eg. ^1) ^ g ^) : 8, 24. 83 (?); 10, 13. 19 (?). 26, 31 (-+ -^^f).
Astarti: 64, 21 (.-^yy As-tar-ti) ; 43, 10 (-J:yy As-tar-U).
Itagamapa'iri, of the city of Qidsi : 30, 59 (y l-ta-ga-ma-pa-^\^-^'i).

LIST OF PROPER NAMES. 147

Itakkama : 43, 31 Q I-ta-^]-ha-ma) ; cf. B. 91, 25 (f I-ta-ha-ma) ; 142, obv.
2 t (y t-tak-ka-ma) ; rev. 20 (1-tak-ka-ma).

Itillfina (?) : 7, 23 (| f-x-lu-na).

n

Blya: 71, 16. 24. 30 (f ^w-^/a).

Bayawi(?) : 60, 3t; cf. B. 195, 3t (IH-y*-^'-)-

B(?)uz(?)runa: 43, 13; c/. B. 205, 12 (-tfy ^M-w^-ris-na).

Bihura (?) : see Pi^ura.

Bihisi (?) : 64, 8. 13. 34 (--Jf Bi-M-si).

Bil-ra (?)m (?) : 7, 26 (f B{ - {l^ra{?)-am- ).

Biltu(?) (cf. Brj\Tc<:) : 14, 54 (-Hf- ^ET).

Binna : 82, 22 {"-^ Bi-4-in-na).

Binininia (?) : 64, 15 (f Bi-in-i-ni-^ma- ).

Bi'ri, Biri, of the city of Hasabu: 24, 18 (f Bi-^y-ri) ; cf. B. 160, 3t (T Bi-
i-^i) ; and B. 45, 61 (y Bi-ri).

Burra-buriyas, king of Kara-Duniyas : 2, 3 f; 3, 2 t; c/. B. 4, 3 f; [7, 2 1;] 8.
3 1 {Bur-ra-bu-ri-ya-ds) ; cf. also B, 188, obv. 7 (y 'Bur-ra-bur-ya-ds) ; B,

. 6, 2 t ( -j-a-bu-ri-ya-ds) ; and B. 28, Col. I, 2 j ( -bu-^a-

ri-ya-ds).

Biridiwi(?), of Megiddo: 59, 19; cf B. HI, obv. 3t; [113, 3 t;] 114, 3t;
115, 3 1 (y Bi-ri-di-^]^).

BiridaSwi (?) : 43, 7. 15. 33f. (y Bi-ri-da-ds-^]-).

Binina, Beymt : 17, 16 ; 22, 20 ; cf. B. 53, 14; 55, 20 ; 65, 3 (•^tft B{-ru--na) ;
cf B. 75, 25 (-^yy Blrrv^na <^) ; and B. 86, obv. 19 (-^yy <^ Bi-rvr^a).

Birapari (?) : 82, 24 (^>f Bi-i-ra-pa-ri).

Biruta, Beyrut (cf. B'^pvros, JDa^tOl^s, 2o;jlQ, ej^' Eg. J "i^ """^^^^

Ij 1] 1 ) : 13,13; 44, 25; cf B. 54, 20. 23 (--yy B{-ru-tay~cf also 26,

4 (-Sf ^y?) ; 27, 12 (^tyy m 1& ^y?) ; B. 58, 77 (^tyy y? gj y»>) ;
58, 11 [21. 52] (^-yy y? a m y-il); 58, 92 (^-yy y? ^ y? ^y^ <-) ;
58, 96. 135 (-tyy y? ^).

Bitili (?, c/. ':)Nim) : 35, 20 ; cf B. 143, 3 1 28 (y :^-ii--pf ).

Bit-NiN.iB.: 12, 31 (^yyyy^^yHJ) ; q/- b. loe, i6 (-tyy &yyyy -+ ^ey HI).

Gubbu : see Gubla.

U 2

148 TELL EL-AMAENA TABLETS.

Gubla, Bybloe {h^, Bi^o,, j^, A£l^, Eg. "^^'^i)^^^' ^- ^•
12. 32. 48; 13, 3 ; 14, 3 ; 15, 4; 16, 8; 17, 19. 22. [31.] 43. 44; 18, 4. 9.
23; 19, 5; 20, 5. 12; [21,26;] 22, 6; 23, 5; 25, 6; 27, 15. 20; c/. B. 41,
4; 42, 4; 43, 4; 44, obv. 4; [45, 3;] 46, 5; 47, [1?.] 4; 48, 4. 37. 53.
[85]; 49, obv. 3; 50, obv. 5; 51, obv. 3; 52, obv. 2; 56, 13. 20. 35; 58,
123; 59, obv. 4; 60, 51; 61, [4.] 48. 66; 62, [3.] 9. 13. [33]; 65, 2. 11;
66, 4; [67, obv. 4;] 70, 4; 71, 31; 73, 20. 22. 36. 37; 74, 4; 75, 4. 24;

77, 17; 79, 8; 80, 10. 26; 81, 9; 83, 6; 84, 16; 89, 9; 91, 2. 6. 16;
184, 19. 24 (:>-yy Guh-la); 24, 3; 41, 73 (--ff (?m5-Zi); 24, 12. 44 (-^ff
<|gf G^M5-Za); 45, 33 (--ff Gub-la-a) ; 45, 8. 9. 21 (--ff G^w-Za) ; 24, 7 (--yf

<M £^I e=yT-^«); -24, 5 (^^yy siy ^:yy-?o ; 24, lo (^^yy <m £^T ^yy-^*) ;

78, 3 (?; --yy Gub (?) -I^-); cf. also 12, 22 (--yy Gub ; la omitted by the
scribe) ; 22, 24 (^^yy Gub <^ ; la omitted by the scribe) ; B. 52, rev.
19; [61, 78;] 71, 17; 184, 16 (--yy Gub-la <|Ey); B. 80, 4 (--yy Gu-uh-la);
B. 92, obv. 2 (--yy £^y-M6-Za); B. 128, 8 (-^yy Gu-ub-li <^); B. 186,
obv. 13 (-^yy Ku-ub-li <^); B. 7.6, 37 (-£:yy <||y Gur-ub- ); B. 76,

60 (^tyy im^l- ); b. 87, lo (^^yy <^ y>^ £^y-Mj(?)4i);

B. 87, 20 (--yy y»> ti'i-ub{?)-li); and B. 41, 28 (--yy Gub-ba-^ ).

Gagaya (?) : 1, 38 (\'^ Gor-ga-ya).

Gidsi: see Qidsi.

Gizza: 43, 32 (\^ GUz-za) ; 43, 27 (--yy Gi-iz- ).

Gazri, Gezer ("Ija, >i^lU>^, Td^r,pa): 50, 5; cf. B. 106, 8 (-tyy Ga~az-r i^)-,
cf. also B. 103, 14 (V [--y]y Gaz-ri <|gf) ; B. 112, 22 (--yy Gaz-ri);
49, 4 ; cf. B. 155, 21 (--yy Gaz-ri <(^) ; and B. 173, 42 (\^ Gaz{^yri).

Gula (?) : 45, 3 1 (?, Gu-la- ). See also Gubla.

Gulati: 71, 17 (^ Gu-la-ti) ; 71, 24 (Gu-la-ti).

Giliya, envoy of Tusratta: 8, 25. 39. 71; 9,46; 11,19; cf. B. 22, obv,
18. 23; 23, rev. 1; 24, obv. 34. 39. 69; rev. [14. 15.?] 54"=- 57. 62. 63,
64. 66. 68. 74; 27, Gol. IV, 20. [21.] 36. 37 (y Gi-U-ya); cf also B. 27.
Col. I, 91. 100; Col. II, 7; Col. IV, 26. 27 (y Gi-U4).

Gilu-hipa (Eg. ^^^jI) sister of Tnsratta, wife of Amenophis III. :
9, 5. 41 (-^ Gi-lu-M-^a).

Gurrumma (?) : 7, 24 ([y ?] Gur (J\-ru-um-ma).

LIST OF PROPER NAMES. 149

Dagan-takala '< Dagon's trust " : [74, 3t;] cf. B. 129, 2t (J -+ Da-ga-an-
ta-ka-ld) ; cf. also B. 129, 9. 13 (f Da-ga-an-ta-ka-la).

DMu-hlpa : see Tdtu(m)-hipa.

Dimasqa, Damascus (p©ST, Aa^aaKos, Vjj^j, »C0QCimSD| .£)QmSc>>> Eg.

^dj"^^): 43, 21 {"^Xl Di-mas-ga); 37, 63 (--yj 7Y-)wa-a«V)-
Dunib : see Tunip.
Danuna : 30, 52 (V" Da-nu-na).
Dirid (?) : 82, 21 (-4- Di-ri-id).

Da§a(?) : 37, 58 (J lJa{?)-sd); cf.{l) B. 173, 14 (If Ta-ds-sii).
Dasni: 75, 3t; cf. B, 127, 3t (f Da-ds-ru).
Dusratta: see Tusratta.

T

Zidri'ara(?): 76, 3t; cf. B. 140, 3t; 141, 2t (T Zi4d-ri-^]^-ra).

Zijnrida, of Sidon; 14, 26; 28,49. 57. 68; 29, 66; 30, 11. 65; cf B. 77, 18;
104, 43 (y Zi-im-^i'da); cf. also B. 123, 5t (y Zi-im-ri-di) ; and B. 90, 4t

(y Zi-im-ri-id'di).

Zinzar : 37, 42 (-^ Zi-in-sa-ar).

Zaqara(?): 1, 19 (y Za-qa^ra).

Zurata : 72, 24. 31. 33. 42. 44; cf. B. [48, 21?;] 93, 3t; [145, 4t?l (y Zu-ra-ta).

Zitadna, of Accho : 32, 51; (^ Zi-ta-ad-na); c/, B. 94, 4t; 95, 3-\ [] Za-ta-ad-na).

n

Ha : 80, 3t cf also (?) B. 45, 65; and B. 52, rev. 29 (y ->f- (?)

ff<^ (?)- ).

H£lya(?): 44, 2. 19 (y Ba-^f^-a); cf also(?) B. 144, 8. [15?] (y Ha-a-ya);

B. 57, rev. 14. 20; f219; rev. 3?] (y Hayya); B. 6, 36. 37 (y Ha-ai); and

B. 31, IX {} Ha-a-i).
Habi, Ha'ib, governor of Sumuru: 28, 37 (y Ha-obi); 18, [37.] 39; cf

B. 41,16; QQ,^ {] Ha-db).
Hazura : see Hasura.
Halunm : 43, 14 (t-^yy Ha-lu~un-ni).
Hawini (?): 64, 28 (-tyy Ba-^f^-m).

150 TELL EL-AMAE.NA. TABLETS.

Hanigalbl, Hanagalbi, Hanigalbat(u) : 1, 38 (t' ffa-ni-gal-M-i) ; cf. also B.
144, 10 "(-1^ ffcMiar-gal-M); B. 144, 20 (1^ Hor-nor-gdl-bi); B. 22, obv. 17;
24, obv. 49 (\^ Ha-ni-^dl-r^); and B. 9, 22. [26?] {Ha-ni-gdl-hor-tu-u).

Han(n)i {cf. .jJlL): 35, 11. 17. 27. 31 (| Ha-an-d); cf. also B. 21, 25 (Iffor-niA);

B. 92, rev. 11. 18 (| Hohxti^i); B. 92, rev. 29 (?, H(i-an-ni); and
B. 117, 12; 176, 18. [21?] (f Ha^an-ya).

Hini'anabi: 64, 26 (>-S:y| Hi-ni-a-na-bi).

Hinatuna : 72, 32 ("tfl Hi-na-tu-^a <^); c/. B. 8, 17 (-£:yy <^ Hv-in-na^tu-ni).

Hasura, Hasuri, Hazor (?, Tim joLm, i4o-a)|0. Eg. I "^ "^^^^ I ,

"^ I '^'^ I ): 48, 15. 23 (-£|y ZTa-^^-m <^) ; 48, 4; c/. B.

99, 41 (-j:|y Ha-zu-ra); 47, 3 [. 21 ?] (-^fT Ha-zu-ri <^).

Hatib : 35, 38. 43. 46; c/. B. 31, 12. 32; 33, 15. 26; 38, 4. 18. 26. 41 (jf Ha-

ti-ib).
Hatti, Hatta (r/. Eg. ®^ J^ ) : 35, 49; 36, [34.] 37. 51; 37, [9.] 13. 14. 16;

cf B. 30, rev. 4; 31, 21; 32, 11. 20; 33, 18. 29, 38, 21. 24; 143, 14;

[163, 11?;] 173, 39 (^ Ha-at-fi) ; 5, 49 (Ha-at-ti); .9, 31. 38; 30, 58

(\^ Ha-at-ti); 46, 7 (?); cf. B. 91, 31 f. ("V^ Ha-at-ta); cf also B. 159, obv.

17 (\^ Ha-at-ti <^); B. 29, obv. 8. rev. 2 (\^ HI Ha-at-ti); B. 76, 59;

86, obv.^4 (\^ y«>i- Ha-ti); B. 79, 34 {Ha-ti); B. 18, obv. 2 (?,

M-ti <M); B. 61, 71 (\^ Ha-ta); and B. 36, 27 (\^ Sa-i^ ); an.d

(?) 41, 23 (\^ <J0 Ha-at-at <^).

D

Kukbi (?): 73, 15 (-J:|| Ku-uk-U <Jgf).
Kukana (?) : 66, 17_(T Ku-ka(f)-na).

Kallimma (?)-Sin, king of Kara-Duniyas : 1, 1|; [cf. B. 1, 3t; 2, 2t] (J K'a-al
(?)-Um-ma-^'^ Sin).

Kumiti (c/.Eg. ^"^^^^li^iv^): 18, 46; 43, 38 (^tjf Kit-mi-ti); cf also
B. 61, 75 (-tyy Kvr-mi-ti); B. 86, rev. 13 (-^yy <^ Ku-mi-ti); and B. 152,

5 (-syy Ku-mi-ti <|||).

Kuni'a(?) : 7, 22 (y Ku-ni-i-a).

Kinza: 46, 6; cf B. 163, 10 (\^ Ki-in-za); cf also B. 160, 12; 229 (=232,

sub 233), 12. 16 (-J:yy Ki-in-za).

Kinahna, Kinah^i, Kunahayu, Kinanat (?), Canaan (?, IJ???) ?25!55, cf. Eg.

I ): 30, 50 (V Ki-na-ah-na); 2, 19 (Ku-na-ha-ai-ii);

LIST OF PROPER NAMES. 151

37, 43 (V Ki-na-na-at); 58, 1 \^ Ki-na-a-a'h-\_na'i']) ; ef. also B. 8, 15.
17. [25]; 28, Col. II, 25; 92, obv. 41 (\^ Ki-na-ah-U); and (?) B. 52,
rev. 13 Ci^ Ki-na-nu [read a§ ? ]-ni).
Kuri-galzTi, father of Burra-buriyas, king of Kara-Duniyai : 2, 19; cf. B. 6, 43
{Ku-ri-gdl-zu).

Kara-Duniyas, country in, or near. Babylonia: 2, 3; c/. B. [6, 2;] 144, 21;

(\^ Ka-i^a-dvrni-ya-ds); [3, 2;] c/. B. 1, 3; [2, 2;] 7, 3; [8, 3] (\^ Ka-ra-

-4- dw-ni-ya-ds); 1, 1 (\^ Za-ra-.->f -^«-'*«(?)-y^(?)-[««]) ! 1' ^3 (^"^

Kdr(J)-''^{l)-du{^)- ); 4, 3 ( -\_du-nq-ya-ds); cf.

also B. 164, 7 (-^ Ka-ra-du-ni-ds).

Kara-indas, king of Kara-Duniyas : 3, 8 (Ka-ra-in-da-ds).

Kitsi : see Qidsi.

h

Liba : 82, 25 (»4- Li-i-ba).

Labay(a), Labawi (?), adversary of Abdi-taba(?) of Jerusalem: 72, 6. [25.]

44; c/. (?) [B. Ill, rev. 10] Q La-ab-a-ya); 61, 3t; cf. B. 100, 30; 105,

obv. 6; 111, rev. 6; 115, 11. 17. 29. 38. 41; 154, 6. 14. [38.]; 169, 28 f.;

199, 9 (y La-ab-a-^]^); cf. also B. 100, 33; 103, 30; 112, 2t; 154, 11. 16.

26. 30. [35. 53] {La-ab-a-^\'-).
Lapana : 37, [35.] 57 {"i^ La-pa-na).

M(?)ayawi(?) : see Bayawi.

Magidda, Megiddo <yi:92, o^, Ma^eSBco, 'i/'- Eg- ^ ^] !] J^ , ^ ^
A ^[^ii^V 72, 26 (-tyy Ma-gid-da [<M?]); <=/■ also B. 95, 20 (-tyy Ma-
^-H[<!?]); B. 114, 4 (-tyy Ma-t^-da <^); B. 113, 11 (--yy Ma-U-da
<^); and (?) B. 115, 24. [42] ([-S:]yy(?) Ma-gi-id- ).

Magdalim (cf "^^^^^a, Eg.^^2^):64, 26; 73, 14 (-j:yy Ma-ag-da-
lim); cf also (?) B. 95, 30 (-^yy Ma-ag-da-ili <(^).

MUk-ili, son-in-law of T^gi: 62, 4t; 63, 4t; cf B. 108, 3t; 109, 4t; 110, 4t;

112, 29 (y Mil-ki-li); cf also B. 103, 29 (y Mil-ki-^-^); B. 105, obv. 5.

11; 112, 27; 154, 53; 199, 12 (y Mil-M-lim); B. 106, 6. [26]; 149, 16 (y

Mil-U-lu); and B. 149, 6 (y Mi-^^-M-^).
Milimtu : see Mistu.
MUkuru : see Iskuru.

152 TELL EL-AMARNA TABLETS.

Mimmflriya, Nimmfxriya, Nammurya, Nibmuriya, Nibmuariya, Immiiriyaj

Amenophis III. ((^0^^^, ' A/u,evw(f)i^, 'Afiivae): 11, 8. 9. 11. [12. 15?.
21. 25.]; cf. B. 23, obv. [9.] 13. [38?] (f Mi-im-mu-ri-ya); cf. also B. 23,
obv. 14. 20 (y Mi-im-mu-u-ri-ya);— 10, Ip, cf. B. 21, 1|; 26, Col. IV, 45.
47 (y Ni-im-mu-ri-ya); cf. also B. 24, obv. 6. 8. 11. 12. 16. 18. 21. [24.]
25. 28. 31. 35. 36. [37.] 47. 48 *''• 50. [51.J 53. [55.] 61. 62. 66. [68?. 73.
75; rev. 10. 42.?]; [27, Col. I, Ifl (y Ni-im-mu-u-ri-ya); B. 27, Col. I, 92
(y Ni-im-mu-u-ri-i-ds); B. 2, Ij (y Ni-mu--7'i-ya); B. 10, If (y Ni^mu-^]-
Ti-ya); B. 1, IJ ([y ^u«?--2^-'-^y--ri-z/a);— 36, 1+; [37, If] (y iVam-
mur-ya); — 1, 2t (y Ni-ib-mu-a-ri-a) ; 9, 1 | (y Ni-ib-mu-a-ri-ya) ; cf. B. 22,

obv. 1| ( -mu-u-a-ri-ya) ; — 8, 1% ( ^ im-mv^ri-ya) ;

cf. also B. 27, Col. Ill, 104 (y Tm-mu-u-ri-ya) ; B. 27, Col. Ill, 106
(y Im-mu-u-ri-ds); B. 27, Col. IV, 128 (y Im-mu-u-riri-^t^) ; and B. 28,
Col. I, 1| ( -7-j-a).

Manl, messenger of Amenopbis III. (cf. Eg. ii^^ Q or C^ raQQ): 8, 17. 21;
11, 15; c/.B.21,24; 22, obv. 8. 14. 18. 19. 23; rev. 23 bis- 25; 23, obv.
[7.] 13; 24, obv. 70. 78. 86. 89; rev. 73. [80?]; 27, Col. I, 61. 79;
Col. II, 13. 19. 126; Col. IV, 26. 35. [62?] (y Ma-ni-i); cf also B. 27,
Col. I, 67; Col. II, 7. 67. 96. 101. 105. 110. 121; Col. IV, 52. 54. 55.
57 {] Ma-tiiAn); B. 27, Col. II, 16. 112; Col. IV, 20. 21. 27. 85 {^Ma-
ni-is); and (?) B. 92, rev. 27 (y V(?.an-ya).

Manahbirya (cf Eg. (o^^^ or [od^^gj]), king of Egypt: 41, 8

(y Ma-na-afy-hi-ir-ya); cf. B. 30, obv. 4 (y Ma-na-ah-hi-ya).

Mis(i)ri(ni), Egypt (n:i:ap, Phoen. Q-|:«3, jl<, ^>^, M6apa): 5, 1. 9. [28.]
31; 6, 2; [7, 1?]; 17, 33; 20, 18; 28, 69; 43, 25; 44, 18; 57, 26; cf B. 9,
20. [23]; 11, 1; 12, 1; [13, 1;] 15, 1; 30, obv. 2. 4; rev. 6; 39, 20. 22.
27. [32]; 42, 67; 45, 13. 49. 54; 47, 37; 51, obv. 21; edge 1; 52,
rev. 12. 15; 57, obv. 20; 95, 31; [177,17?;] 183, 8; 184, 17; 218 ( = 225),
obv. 6 (\^ MiAs-ri); 1, [52.] 68; 2, [1]; 8, 1; [9, 1;] 10, 1. 14; 11, 1. 2;
58, 4. 8. 10; cf B. [1, 1?;] 2, 1; [3, 6;] 6, 1; [7, 1?;] 8, 2; 21, 2; 22,
obv. 9. 16. 17; rev. 14; 23, obv. [1.] 24; [24, rev. 80;] 26, Col. IV, 45.
47 (\^ MUs-ri-i); 2, 26 (Mi-is-ri-i) 1, 3 [.51]; [c/. B. 18, obv. 3] (Y" Mi-
is-ri-i <|g); 37, 15; 41, 12; cf B. [102, 31;] 196, obv. 1; 197, 4; 199,
21 (\*- Mi-is-ri <^); 8, 19 (\^ Mi-is-ri-i-im-mi); 41, 1. 10. 30. 43 (1^ <(|g

Mi-is-ri); 41, 18 (\^ <|g[ M-is-ri <(^); 3, 1 (^^ M- );

cf also B. 22, rev. 11. 18 (\^ Mi-is-ri-im); B. 9, 2; 10, 1 ("1^ Mi-is-sa-H) ;

LIST OF PROPER NAMES. 153

B. 27, Col. I, 93 (\^ Mi-zi-h-ri); B. 27, Col. Ill, 105 (\^ Mi-iz-zi-ir-ri) ;
B. 29, obv. 1 (V [HIT Mi-is-ri-\{\); B. 58, 68. 93 (\^ \>^ Mi4s-ri);
and B. 71, 28 (1^ y«* Mi-is-ri-i).

Miq(?)id: 82, 23 (-4- Mi-ki-id).

Marduk : 64, 20 (->f C^^l).

Muru(?)ha2i (?) : 50, 25 (-tfy Mu- -ha-zi); cf. (?) B. 173, 24 (--yy -

ru-M-zi).

Mistu (?, or Milimtu ?) : 64, 25 (-^yy Mi-^]]-tu).

Mutabriq(?)a : 82, 20 («-Jf- Mu-ta-ab-ri-ga).

Mut{u)-Adda : 64, 2t. 5 (y Mu-^f -4- ^^yy).

Mitani, district in Mesopotamia (cf. Eg. V^^ , „ ''^ Ci£ia):8, 4;

[9, 3?] (V Mi-i-it-ta-an-ni); 10, 4 {Mi-i-ta-an-ni); 21, 12; 44, 10;
cf. B. 52, obv. 6; 53, 20; 61, 70; 74, 14 (-1^ Mi-ta-na); cf also B. 27,
Col. Ill, 104 (\^ Mi-i-it-ta-a-an-ni); B. [24, rev. 77?;] 26, Col. IV, 44
(Mi-Ua-a-an-ni); B. 173, 37 (\^ Mi-it-ta-an-na); B. 79, 36 ("i^ M-4t-
ta-ni); B. 21, 6 (\^ Mi-ta-an-^ii) ; B. 60, 21 (\^ Mi-ta-ni); B. 214, 5 (\^
Mi-ta-an); and B. 22, obv. 3; 25, Col. IV, 67 (\^ MU- ).

Ni {of Eg. "7"(|(] J^): 37,U2 (\^ Ni-i); 41, 28 (^tyy Ni-i <E); 45,

15 (\^ Ni).
Nibmu(a)riya : see Mimmuriya.

Nuhassi, (c/.(?) Eg, J„^^0'^'V'''^'1 Ij^ffl'o''^^): 35, 36;

36, 21; 37, 41; cf B. 30, obv. 5; 31, 21; 32, 20; 33, 38; [34 a, 26;]
38, 22 ; 39, 16. 38 ; 143, 27 {t Nu-ha-ds-si).

Namyawi(.!>)za: 43, 17; cf B. 95, 27; 96, 4t; 142, obv. 6; rev. 2. 9:
edge 2; [154, 24] (y Nam-ya-^]—za); 30, 62; c/. [B. 86, rev. 10](y^am-
ya-^J'~-zi).

Nammurya, Nimmuriya : see Mimmuriya.

Namtara: 82, 7. 10 (Nam-ta-a-ra) ; 82, 27 (-Jf- (Nam-ta-ra).

Nina, Nineveh (nW, Ntvos) : 10, 13 (-^yy Ni-i-na-a) ; cf also B. 27, Col. Ill,
98 (^S;yy Ni-i-nu-a).

154 TELL EL-AMARNA. TABLETS.

Naphur(a)riya, Niphuririya, Amenophis IV. (Eg. f o J ^ | O ;^;^y^ j : U) 38.

[42. 46.] 51; cf. B, 23, obv. 39 (f Na-ap-hur-ri-ya); 3, 1| (iVa (?)-ap (?)-
hu{?)-ra^ri-j/a) ; 2, 1| (Ni-ip-hur-ur-ri-ri-ya) ; cf. also B. 24, obv. [61? 63?
65 ?] 67. 76 (y Nap-hu-u-ri-ya) ; B. 6, It (f Na-ap-hu-rvHri-a) ; B, 8, It

(Na-ap-hit-'-ru-ri-t:^^) ; B. 10, It (J Na-ap-hu-ri-i- ) ; and B. 7

lt( -ru-ri-ya).

Nirgal : 5, 13, 37; 82, 33, 37 (-+ <.^|y).

D
Sazu(?) : 28, 49; cf. B. 99, 11. 30 (-E:|f Sa-zu).
Sarti(?): 14, 29 (-tfy Sa(?)-ar-t{(?) ).

3

Pa' : 18, 35 (I Pa-'- ).

Pu-Adda, of the city of Urza: 55, Sf. 18; 56, 3t; cf. B. 153, of (f Pu-

Puzruna : see Buzruna.

Pahamnata : 24, 31 ; [cf. B. 80, 22] Q Pa-la-am-na-ta) ; cf. also (?) B. 97,
10. 32 (y Pa-ha-na-ti).

P(P)ihura: 18, 44; 20, 13. 34 (y Bi-lu-ra); cf (?) B. 47, 31 {Pn-hu-ra);
B. 103, 45 (y Pa-u-ru); B. 142, obv. 17 (y Pu-hu-ri); B. 142, obv. 18
(Pu-hu-ru) ; and B. 105, rev. 4 (y PvrU-ru).

Pir(?)hi(P): 9, 12 (y ^]-hi).

Sidana : 82, 23 (.-^f Si-i-da-na).

Siduna, Sidon (pT^, Phoen. pj}, ttScov, Eg. °^ ^^^ '^ J^ ) : 13, 13

28, 57; 29, 67; [31, 58; 44, 24;] cf B. 48, 71; 54, 22; 99, 25; [162,
14] (-cyy Zi-du-na) ; 30, 11 ; cf B. 90, 5. 11 (-J:yy Zi-dur-na <gf) ;
cf. also B. 99, 40 (►Jzyy Zi-du-nu); B. 92, obv. 12 (-::yy Zi-tn^a) ; and
B. 54, 19 (-^yy Zi-na; du omitted by the scribe).

Suharti, daughter of Kallimma (?)-Sin of Kara-Duniyas : 1, 80. 97 {Zu-ha-
ar-ti) ; cf also B. 1, 7 (^ Su-ha-ar-ti).

LIST OF PROPEK N^^MES. 155

Sumura, Zemar (^, Sifivpa Xifivpa tifivpot ; cf. i-)?0?; Eg. | ^ ^^-^ ' V

13, 11. 28. 37. 40; 14, 29; 15, 41 ; 18, 40; 21, 35; 28, 39. 67;"^ 6741,
15. 34; 42, 47. 63; 45, 11. [41.J 46; 48, 36. 52; 51, obv. 7. 8. 10. 30;
edge 4; [52, rev. .30?;] 56, [6?.] 11; 57, rev. 15. 19. 22; 60, 15. 33.
45; 61, 11. [18.] 24; [62, 19;] 66, 5; 69, 16. [22]; 72, 16; 74, 35; 77,
11. 14. 27. 35. [39.] 46; 83, 34; 89, 48; 91, 15. 18; 128, 4 (^-ff
Su-mu-ra); 13, J3; 31, 57; cf. B. 34a, 28; [58, 33. 35;] 97, 23; 128,
19. 21 (-tyy Su-mu^n); 41, 34; cf. B. 82, 9. 11 ; 158, [23?.] 37. [51?; 186,
obv. 4] (-tyy Su-mu-ri <|gf) ; 24, 4 (--ff <^ Su-murri) ; 24, 34 (-tH Su-
mur-ri); 45, 36 f.; cf B. 35, 37. 40; 36, 12 (^-jf Svr-mu-ru) ; 23, 15;
cf B. 43, 8. 11. 16. [21]; 73, 12; 80, 20; 184, 6 (-^yf Su-mu-ur);
35, 35 ; cf B. 97, 27 (-^yy Su-mur) ; cf also B. 60, 36. 39 {Sa-mu-ra) ;
B. 34 a, 29 (-tyy Zu-mu-ri); and B. 80, 16. 24; 186, obv. 10 (-tyy
SvHnvr-ur ^^).

Sarki-sabtat (?) : 64, 27 {"^ Sa-ar-ki-sa-ah-ta-at).

Surri, Tyre (i^r "i^J}, Phoen. -|2,^^1, Jo^, Tvpn^, Eg. | "^ ^^ J^ ,

"Double Tyre" H^^'T'J^): [21, 12?;] 28, 10. [41?.] 48.

63. 65; 29, 62; 31, 31. 51 [cf B. 49, obv. 17. 22; rev. 16. 20] (-^yy
Sur-ri); 49, 4 (-tyy Sur-ri <^).

P
Qidsi {cf ttjnp, j'^, K(£8S779 K^S,??, Eg. \| ^^ ] V 30, 60 (-J:yy Ki-id-si) ;
cf B. 142, obv. 11 (t- Gi-id-si) ; and B. 142, rev. 12 (\^ Qid{?)-si).

Qatna (cf U4^> Xva, Kava): 36, 9 (--yy Qat-7ia <^) ; 36, [38] 43; 37,

64. 70 (-tyy Qat-na).
Qannisat (?) : 2, 20 (Qa-an-ni-^).

-)
Ra (?) : 45, 2 t (-+ Ra- ).

Ri'anapa (cf. Eg. "^^(]^°(]^): 56, 13; cf B. 122, 17 (y Ri-a-na-pa).

Rib(?)-Adda, governor of Byblos: 12, It; [13, If;] 15, 2t (y Ri-ih-ad-da) ;
14, [It.] 40; [17, It]; 18, 2t; 19, 2t ; 20, It; 21, 2t; 23, 3t; 25, 3t;
27, 21; cf B. [41, It; 42, It;] 43, It- 14. 31; 44, obv. [It] 19 ; [rev.
5; 45, If;] 46, 4t; [47, It;] 48, [2t.] 24; [49, obv. It; 51, obv. It;

X 2

156 TELL EL-AMAKNA TABLETS.

52, obv. It;] 53, Sf; [55, 2t; 57, obv. If;] 59, obv. [2t.] 24; 60, 3t
62, 2t. [6.18;] 63, 2t; [64a, If;] 72, 2t; [74, If; 75, If;] 77, 2t
[79, l.t 17?; 81, 2t;] 82, If; [84, If; 85, 2t] (T Ri-ib-^'^ ^^f])
16, 2t; 22, 3t; c/. B. 70, 2t {Ri4b-^^ ^-TT); «/• also B. [50, obv
It; rev. 7;] 58, 67 (f Ri-ib-ad-di) ; B. 58, It; 73, 3t )Ri-ib-ad-di) ;

B. 76, It (! Ri-ib4d-di) ; B. 71, It (| RiAb-ad- ) ; B. 80, It ( -

ib-hcu-ad- ) ; and B. 86, obv. It ( -«]6 (?;-ad- ) .

Rabisa : 82, 21 (>->^ Ra-a-bi-i-sa).

Ruhiz(z)i: 37, 36 (^t:]] Ru-hi-iz-si); 37, 56 (-^yf Ru-U-zi).

Ramman : 28, 7 ; 29, 14 (-+ A^l)-

Rip- Adda : see Rib-Adda.

Riqa, envoy of Kallimma(?)-Sin : 1, 18 (Ri-i-qa) ; 1, 96 (Ri-ka).

Su'ardata: 67, 2t; 68, 3t; 69, 4t; cf. B. [100, 4t;] 101, obv. 3t; rev. 16;

[107, 4t;] 110, 12; 190, 5t (I Sd-^]'~ar-da-ta); cf. also B. 106, 6. [26]

(y Su-ar-da-tum).

Sa'(?)sihasi (?) : 55, 17 (fSd-(?ysi-ha-si ).

Subandi: 38, 4t; 39, 4t; [40, 3t;] of. B. 116, 4t; [117, 3t;] 120, 4t (J Su-ba-

an-di); of. also (?) B. 219, obv. 2t (!^l-ba^hO)-di)-

Sib(?)ti-Adda: 65, 3t (f Si-ib-ii-^^ ^-|y); cf. B. 200, 4t (Y S-i6-iP||-ff|l|)

and also(?) B. 157, 3t (H Si-ib-tu-J . . .."?).
Sigata: 12, 24; cf. B. 60, 12. 41; 72, 25 f. 30; 74, 18 (-tyy Si-ga-ta); cf. also

B. 128, 11. 17 (--yy Si-ga-ii <|E|).

Saddu (?) : 43, 29 (-S:yy Sd^ad-du).

Salmayati (?) : 31, 15. [22.] 32. 40 (y Sal-ma-^]'~-a-ti) ; 31, 8 {Sal-ma-ya-a-ti);

31, 52 (y Sal^na-7/a-[a-ti ?]).
Sum-Addu: 66, 3t (y Sum-ad-ldu?]); cf. B. 8, 18. 35 (y Su-umr<id-da);

also(?) B. 131, 3t (y Sd-rnu-.-^ A^W; and (?) B. 204, 2t (y V-»^« ^21

); and (?) B. 183, It (y Sii-hiu-ha-. ).

Samas : 20, 8 ; 25, 2. 4; 28, 6. 83 ; 29, 6. 8. 43. 52. 58 ; 31, 6. 37 ; 32, 3 ;

35, 33; 36, 1. 47. 50. 53. 57. 60; 37, 1; 38, 2. 8. 15; 39, 2. 9; 40,

[2.] 7. 27 ; 42, 7 ; 45, 4 ; 47, 9 ; 49, 2. 8. 16 ; 50, 2. 10 ; 52, 2. 14. 21.

22; 53, 2. 12. 20. 22. 23; 54, 2. 11. 19; 56, 2. 9. 15. [18]; 59, 2.

69, 10. [14] ; 74, 2 ; 75, 6 ; 78, 6 (-+ 4)-
Sindi-sugab, envoy of Burra-buriyas : 3, 34. 45 (y Si-iri-di-su-ga-ab).

LIST OE PROPER KAMES. 157

Sanhar, a country near the land of Hatti (c/. Eg. 'ff S^^<:3> I ):
5, 49 (Sd-aii-ha-ar).

Sanku (?) : 42, 26 (\^ Sd-an-ku).

Satiwi(?): 77, 3t (Sd-ti-^y).

Sutti: 4, 19 (I Su-ut-ti); cf. (?) B. 104, [19.] 22 (f StUi-ta).

n

Ta' , city near Beyrut : 59, 14 (>-J:yy Ta-'- ); ej. (?)

B. 58, 80 (-tyyi Ta-^^-ia .Qgf).

Ti'uwatti (?) : 37, 35. 57 (y 7'i-w(?)-^y-(?)-a'-<i).

Tubuliya(?) (c/. (?) Eg. ^^.S^ J^ ) 13, 12 (-^yy Td(?)-bu-li-ya).

Tagi, father-in-law of Milk-ili : 70, 2 f; cf. B. 105, obv. 11; 149, 8; 199, (5

(y Ta-gi); cf. also B. 156, 4t (y 7a-a-[>i]).

Tunip, Eg. c>||> □ D:^^: 41, 5; c/. B. 31, 25 (--yy Du-ni-ip); 41, 2. 6.
10. 39 (-tyy Dur-ni-ip <(^); 35, 12. 34 (►tyy Tu-ni4p); cf. also B. [32,
23;] 33, 39. 41 (-tyy Tun-ni-ip).

Tun(?)nipipri : 9, 47 (y Tun(?)-ni-ip-ip-ri).

TissTib(?)-bili : 8, 15. 75 (-»f Tissub(?)-M-i-li) ; 9, 33 (->f Tissuh{l)-bi-li).

Tusratta, king of Mitani, contemporary with Amenophis III. : 8, 3t (y 7m-
us-rat-ta); 9, Sf (y Tu-is-i-rat-td); 10, 4t; [U, 2t;] cf B. 21, 5t; [22,
obv. 3t; 23, obv. 2t;] 27, [CoL I, 3t;] Col. Ill, 103. 107; [Col. IV, 127]

(y Du-us-rat-ta); cf. also B. 25, Col. IV, 67 ( -us-rat-ta); and B. 26,

Col. IV, 44 (y Du-is-rat-ta).

Tl,tu(m)-hipa, daughter of Tusratta, wife of Amenophis III. : 10, 7 ; 11, 4
(^ Ta-a-tum-M-pa) ; cf. also B. 23, obv. 20 {-^ Da-a-du-hi-i-pa); B. 23,
rev. 55 (^ Ta-a-tumrM-i-pa); B. 24, obv. 3. 35 [>>*«]; 27, Col. Ill, 103;
Col. IV, 89 (^ Ta-a-du-hi-i-pa); B. 24, obv. 32 (^ Ta-du-M-pa); and
B. 26, Col. IV, 46 (^ Ta-tum-M-pa).

m(?): 71, 3t(y -«»(?))•

LIST OF PLATES.

Plate.

BegiBtration
IJumber.

1.

BU.

88-10-13,

1

»1

»

88-10-13,

4

2.

)J

88-10-13,

7

»i

»)

88-10-13,

8

3.

JJ

88-10-13,

9

11

))

88-10-13,

11

4.

1)

88-10-13,

12

»

)>

88-10-13,

13

5.

»>

88-10-13,

15

V

»

88-10-13,

16

»)

J1

88-10-13,

19

6.

>1

88-10-13,

20

»

))

88-10-13,

23

i»

;)

88-10-13,

30

• )

Jl

88-10-13,

31

7.

>J

88-10-13,

34

1)

IJ

88-10-13,

35

8.

U

88-10-13,

37

9.

»1

88-10-13,

39

10.

»»

88-10-13,

44

M

11

88-10-13,

46

11.

M

88-10-13,

49

No.

71
74
27
62
72
43
45
42
64
51
69
32
76
79
22
60
78

5
11
19

3
33

/^

pj^f^ Registration
Number.

11. BU. 88-10-13, 51

12. „ 88-10-13, 52
„ 88-10-13, 54

13. „ 88-10-13, 56
„ „ 88-10-13, 58

14. „ 88-10-13, 59
„ „ 88-10-13, 60

15. „ 88-10-13, 61
„ 88-10-13, 62
„ 88-10-13, 64

16. „ 88-10-13, 65
„ „ 88-10-13, 66

17. „ 88-10-13, 69
18-19. „ 88-10-13, 70

20. „ 88-10-13, 72
„ „ 88-10-13, 73

21. ,, 88-10-13, 74
„ „ 88-10-13, 75

22. ,. 88-10-13, 76

23. .. 88-10-13, 78
„ 88-10-13, 80

24. >, 88-10-13, 81

No.

29
39
68
30
14
52
28
66
34
58
48
75
82

8
12
16
61
54
35
10
26

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OBVERSE

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BRITISH MUSE

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Plate 2.

SRITISH M'USEUM. B^ 88- ^o io /

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REVERSE

BRITISH MUSEUM, b 88-io-i3. 8.

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BRITISH MUSEUM, b

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OBVERSE ,_ REVERSE

'1. ,:'

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BR(TISH MUSEUM. B. 88_I0_I3, 19.

Plate 6

OBV ERSE

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OBVERSE

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BRITISH MUSEUM b 88-10-13, 20

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BRITISH MUSEUM B 88-10-13 2J

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BR ITISH. MUSEUM. B 88-10-13. 30

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BRITISH MUSEUM B 88-10-13, 31

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B. 88_I0_I3.34.

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BRITISH MUSEUM, b. 88.io_i3,35.

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OBVERSE

Plate II.

REVERSE

IRITISH MUSEUM B 88-10-13,49.

OBVERSE

REVERSE

BRITISH MUSEUM B. 88-10-'.:, .51.

OBVERSE

Plate 12

BRITISH MUSEUM,

-I0_I3, 52,

OBVERSE

REVERSE

BRITISH MUSEUM. b,88J0J3,54.

OBVERS E

ACk)

REVERSE

RITISH MUSEUM B 88-10-13 55

OBVERSE

REVERSE

"RITISH MUS E U M. B 88-10-13 58.

Plate

BVE RSE

REVERSE

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iRITISH MUSEUM. B 88-10-13, 59.

OBVERSE

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BRITISH MUSEUM, B, 88-10-13, 60,

Plate 15

OBVERSE

REVERSE

.RITISH MUSEUM, b. 88-io-;3, 6i.

OBVERSE dlf^^'Ul-

[ Reverse effaced J

iRITISH MUSEUM, b, 88-10-13, 62

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BRITISH MUSEUM b. 88.10.13,70.

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Plate 20

REVERSE

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BRITISH MUSEUM B 88-10-13, 72

■^•- ^^ REVERSE

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BRITISH MUSEUM B &8-I0 13, 73

Plate 21

OBVERSE

^^■
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REVERSE

BRITISH MUSEUM B. 88-10-13.74.

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BRITISH MUSEUM. B. 88-10-13.75.

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88-10-13, 78

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