Lectures on Welsh philology

mmM-

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UNIVERSITY

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Cornell University Library
PB 2119.R47

Lectures on Welsh philoloi

3 1924 026 863 294

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Library

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the Cornell University Library.

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LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY,

PRINTED BY BALLANTVNE, HANSON AND CO.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON

LECTURES

WELSH PHILOLOGY.

JOHN EHYS, M.A.,

LATE FELLOW OF MERTON COLL., OXFORD,
PERPETUAL MEMBER OF THE PARI3 PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

LONDON:
TEUBNEE & CO., LUDGATE HILL.

1877.
[AU rights reserved. ]

TO ,

F. MAX MiJLLER,

PROFESSOK OF COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY AT OXFORD,
AND TO

WHITLEY STOKES,

MEMBER OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL OF INDIA,

IS WITH DEFERENCE

DEDICATED

BY

THE WRITER.

PEEFACE.

The substance of these lectures was delivered at
Aberystwyth College in 1874, so that they were
intended to appeal, in the first instance, to Welsh
students of Celtic Philology ; but it is hoped that
they will also be found intelligible to other than
Welsh readers, and with a view to this the Welsh
instances have been rendered into Eaiglish through-
out. Since they were first delivered they have
been re-written almost entirely, and the author
could have desired to repeat the process ; but at
that rate publication would have been out of the
question, as his views are constantly undergoing
modification, which will surprise no one aware
how recently the systematic application of the
comparative method of study to the Celtic lan-
guages began. His excuse for publishing at all,

vm PREFACE.

under the circumstances, must be the fact that,
although the highest effort of one student may-
result only in giving him a glimpse- of half the
truth, even that may enable another to discover
the whole truth, and to secure for both a more
advanced point of view. The chances of his doing
this appear to outweigh the probability of the
crudeness of his theories leading others astray
who are not in the habit of trying to think for
themselves, persuaded as he is, that, if they do
not derive wrong ideas of Celtic questions from
these pages, there are plenty of others from which
they will. Besides, it would require a livelier
imagination, and more ingenuity than he could
boast of, to originate, with regard to the history
of the Celtic languages or nations, any theories
which could vie in absurdity and distorted vision
with many of those stUl obtaining among people
of the class mentioned.

The reader will have already surmised that the
Lectures do not form a harmonious whole : one
reason for this was the gradual comino- in of
more accurate knowledge about some of the
most important of our Early Inscriptions after
the -MS. had been in the printer's hands. The

PEBFACE. IX

study of the former cannot fail to form an era
in Welsh Philology, and no inference warranted
by them could safely be overlooked. To a student
of Greek or Eoman epigraphy they might, it is
true, appear of little importance both in point of
meaning and of number, but meagre as they are,
to those who are desirous of understanding the
history of the Welsh language, they are simply
1 invaluable. The author has the satisfaction of
having, in the course of the last four summers,
inspected nearly all of those still preserved, to-
gether with others of a somewhat later period, of
which it was not thought necessary to submit g,
detailed account, seeing that they mostly belong
to the time of the Old Welsh Grlosses, and form
accordingly a part only, and that the less im-
portant one, of the available materials for the
study of Old Welsh.

As to the meaning attached here and else-
where in this volume to the terms Early, Old,
Mediceval, and Modern Welsh, the reader is re-
ferred to the beginning of the Fourth Lecture,
page 143. And by the frequently recurring
words, our Early Inscriptions, are briefly meant
the old inscriptions, not of Koman or English

X PKEFACK.

origin, whicli have been found in Wales, Devon-
shire, and Cornwall, together with one or two
in- Scotland that appear to belong to the same
class.

Rhtl, January 1, 1877.

CONTENTS.

LECTURE I.

PAGE

Intbodcctort Sketch of Glottology — Grimm's Law-
Classification OP THE Celtic Languages . . 1

LECTURE II.
Welsh Consonants ... . . 36

LECTURE III.
Welsh Vowels ....'. .90

LECTURE IV.
A Sketch of the Histokt of the Welsh Language . 140

LECTURE V.

HiSTOET OF THE WELSH ALPHABET . . 199

LECTURE VI.
Ogams and Ogmio Inscriptions 272

LECTURE VII.

An Attempt to Eeconsteuct the History of the Ogmic

Alphabet 329

Xll CONTENTS.

' PAGE

APPENDIX—

A.— OuB Eablt Insckiptions .... 379

B. — Maccu, Mncoi, Maqvi, Maowt . . .415

C. — Some Welsh Names of Metals and Articles

MADE OP Metal 420

Additions and Coerections 433

Index . . ... . . 445

LECTIJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

LECTURE I.

" If we meet in difierent tongues with words which are clearly the
same word, notwithstanding differences of form and meaning which
they may exhibit, we cannot help concluding that they are common
representatives of a single original, once formed and adopted by a
single community, and that from this they have come down by the
ordinary and still subsisting processes of linguistic tradition, which
always and everywhere involve liability to alteration in outer shape
and inner content." — William Dwight Whits et.

If you glance at that part of the Old "World ex-
tending from the Ganges to the Shannon, and
consider the Babel of languages spoken within
that range, you will be able to form an idea of
the difficulty of satisfactorily classifying them.
However, that has been so far done, and with so
much success that the results are not likely to
be very gravely compromised by future investiga-
tions. Roughly speaking, we have within that
stretch of the Northern Hemisphere three great
families of speech, namely, the Aryan, the Semi-
tic, and the Turanian. The first, of which more
anon, comprises the idioms of the chief European

A

2 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

nations, and of Hindoos, Persians, and Armenians.
The Semitic languages reckon among their num-
ber Arabic, Hebrew, Syriac, and kindred tongues.
As Turanian we are taught by some to treat
Turkish, Hungarian, Finnic, Lappish, Samoyedic,
and a number of other nearly related dialects
spoken in the Euss.ian Empire, to which may now
be added Accadian, one of the languages of the
Cuneiform Inscriptions of Ancient Assyria. This
covers a considerable portion of Asia and all
Europe, excepting the south-west of France and
the north of Spain, where Basque is still spoken,
a language whose place in the Turanian family
has not yet been made out. It is, however, cer-
tain that it is neither Aryan nor Semitic.

To return to the Aryan family with which we
are here more especially concerned, the analysis
of the languages, formerly or still spoken by the
leading nations of Hindoostan, Persia, and Europe,
has led to the conclusion, that they are, linguisti-
cally speaking, descended in common from a single
primeval tribe. So far all may be said to agree,
but not so when we come to the question as to
how and in what degrees the Aryan nations are
severally related one to another within the family
they make up. The older and still, perhaps, the
prevailing theory, which has found a doughty
champion in Dr. Fick of Gottingen, sets up a

LECTTJEE I. 3

genealogical tree to the following effect : — The
original Aryan tribe broke up somewhere in the
neighbourhood of the Caspian Sea into two, where-
of the one, proceeding eastward, forced its way
ultimately into Hindoostan and Persia, while the
other made for Europe. Thus we have an Eastern
or Asiatic branch, and a Western or European
one. The former is represented by the Hindoos
and Persians, and the latter is supposed to have,
in the first instance, yielded a Northern and a
Southern division : the Northern Aryans of Europe
comprise the Teutons and the Litu-Slaves. The
Teutons include the Aryan nations of Scandinavia
and Iceland, the High Germans, and the Low
Germans, among whom our nearest neighbours,
the English, are reckoned. The Litu-Slaves fall
into two groups, whereof one includes Lithuanians
and Letts on the Baltic in a country divided be-
tween Prussia and Russia ; not to mention the
Old Prussians or Borussi, who inhabited parts of
Prussia now completely Germanised, and gave their
name to Prussia itself, and to Berlin and other
towns, where their memory is now a mere matter
of history. The other group comprises the ruling
race in Russia, Poles, Servians, Bohemians, Wends,
and other nearly related races located within
the areas of the Russian, Ottoman, Austrian, and
German empires, and forming the disjecta membra

4 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

of a Slavonic world not easy to define without t
aid of a good linguistic map of Europe. T
other or Southern division of the European Arya
comprises — first, the Greeks and allied raci
forming a whole with its centre of gravity son
where between the Adriatic and the Hellespon
secondly, the Italians, who speak a variety
Eomance dialects, preceded in Ancient Italy by
less a variety, including, among the most ii
portant, Latin, Oscan, and Umbrian — the affinit
of Etruscan are still, owing to the di£3culty of i
terpreting its remains, subjudice: it willprobal
turn out to be non-Aryan. And, thirdly, t
Celts, called by the Romans Galli, by the Gree
KsKtoi and TaKdrai, and by themselves, or, rathi
by those of them who inhabited Gaul or Ancie
France, according to Caesar's account, Celtse, as
whom it may be said that some three hundr
years before the Christian era, they occupied t
British Isles, Gaul, Switzerland, a part of Spai
South Germany, and North Italy : not long afl
some of them passed into Asia Minor and ga
their name to the province of Galatia.

The advocates of this theory are in some troul
as to how to deal with these three groups ; t
difficulty being, that Latin and the Celtic la
guages are so similar in many important respec
that they are not to be severed, while, on the oth

LECTURE I, 5

hand, Latin and Greek are still more closely allied.
The consequence is, that some subdivide the
Southern division into an Italo- Celtic and a Hel-
lenic group, while others prefer to suppose a Celtic
and a Greco-Italic group. This is one of the dif-
ficulties of the genealogical theory ; but there are
a good many more under which it labours, and
which have been formulated by Johannes Schmidt
in the first part of his book entitled Die Verwant-
schaftsverhdltnisse der indogermanischen Sprachen
(Weimar, 1872), in which he propounds his own
views. The latter I could not better describe than
by rendering, as literally as I can, his own words :
a paragraph beginning on page 28 runs thus: —
" The figure also of an inclined plane dipping in
an unbroken straight line from Sanskrit to Celtic
appears to me not inappropriate. As to linguistic
boundaries within this range, originally there were
none : two dialects A and X taken at any distance
you please apart in it were connected with one
another by the continuous varieties B, C, D, &c.
The appearance of linguistic boundaries, or, to
abide by our figure, the transformation of the in-
clined plane into a flight of steps, I look at in this
way : — one family or one stem speaking the variety
F, for instance, gained, for reasons political, reli-
gious, social or other, the upper hand over its
immediate neighbourhood. Thereby the nearest-

6 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

lying varieties of speech, G, H, I, K, in the one
direction, and E, D, 0, in the other, were sup-
pressed by F and replaced by it. After this had
happened F bordered immediately on the one side
on B, on the other immediately on L : the varie-
ties connecting both were on the one side raised
and on the other sunk to the level of F. Thus a
sharp linguistic boundary had been drawn between
F and B on the one hand, and between F and L
on the other, a step taking the place of the in-
clined plane ; and surely this kind of thing has
come to pass often enough in historical times. I
will mention only the influence of Attic as it grew
stronger and stronger, and gradually drove the
dialects quite out of the field of Greek literature,
the language of the city of Eome suppressing the
other Italian dialects one and all, and Modern
High German destined, and that perhaps at no
very "distant a date, to bring about the like extir-
pation of the German dialects."

These languages, whether, in the task of classi-
fying them, one follows the lead of Fick or of
Schmidt, are known collectively by various names,
such as Japhetic, Indo-European, Indo- Germanic,
Indo-Celtic, Aryo-European, and simply Aryan,
none of which are free from objections, but Aryan
recommends itself by its brevity. It is, however
to be remembered, that it is usually confined to

LECTURE I. 7

the Asiatic brancli, the Aryans of India and Iran,
by Continental writers, who, in case they are
Germans, call the entire family Indo- Germanic,
while a natural antithesis has suggested to the
French mind the compound Indo- Celtic. Aryo-
European, though also a new-fangled term, is more
logical than Indo-European, which is still very
commonly used here and in France : Japhetic
seems to be out of favour and old-fashioned^
though quite as good a term as Semitic, which
continues to be applied to another great family.

To pass from this question of names to another
and a more important one, it may be asked how it
is known that the Aryan languages are of one and
the same origin. In answer it may briefly be
said, that one of the readiest ways of satisfying
one's self on this point is to compare the voca-
bularies of the languages in question, especially
•the more permanent portions of them, such as the
pronouns, the numerals, and the terms expressive
of the nearer removes of blood-relationship. Thus
nobody can fail to see to what conclusion the simi-
larity between the following words must point : —
Welsh mi, Irish md, Latin me, Greek fie, Eng.
me, Lithuanian manS*, Old Bulgarian (so the Sla-
vonic language of which we have the earliest speci-
mens is called) »ze", Sansktit m&m, Zend m&m ;
Welsh dau, Irish da, Latin duo, Greek Ivo, Eng.

8 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

two, Lith. dii, 0. Bulg. dva, Sansk. dm, Zend
dva; "Welsh brawd, Ir. brdthair, 'L2X. fr&ter, Greek
<f)pdTrjp ' a clansman,' Eng. brother, Lith. broterdlis,
•0. Bulg. hratru, Sansk. bhrdtar, Zend brdtar.
Suffice it to say, that, if you chose to carry this
simple inspection far enough, you would probahly
find they instances at your command so many and
such as to preclude the possibility of their simi-
larity to one another being the mere result of
accident or of borrowing. Should you still hesi-
tate to ascribe their similarity to a common origin
of the languages they respectively belong to, there
remain the irresistible arguments -which the gram-
mar of the latter never fail to supply. That is,
in a few words, the kind of reasoning on which
comparative philology, or, as it has been more
concisely called, glottology, may be said to be
mainly founded ; at any rate, so far as concerns
the leading families of human speech.

In passing, one cannot abstain from calling at-
tention to the historical value and importance of
the method of glottology already mentioned. A
few specimens will serve to show how it lifts the
veil of darkness which conceals from our ken the
antiquity of the race. Thus from Welsh ych ' an
ox,' plural ychen, Breton oc'hen, Eng. ox, oxen,
Sansk. ukshan, 'a bull,' it is concluded that the
primeval Aryans had a word uksan meaning an

LECTUBB I. 9

OX or bull ; and from Welsh hu, bum, bumch, ' a
cow,' Irisli bo, Lat. bos, Greek /3oi/?, Eng. cow,
Sanst. ffo, that they had a word ffvau meaning a
cow or an ox : hence it is evident they were*
familiar with horned cattle. In the same way it
could be shown that they had horses, sheep, goats,
swine, and dogs. They lived not in tents, but
in some kind of houses with doors to them [Welsh
drrvs, Ir. dorus, Greek 6vpa, Eng. door, Sansk.
dvdrd], and they knew how to kindle [Welsh
enni/n ' to kindle a fire,' Sansk. indk the same,
indkana ' firewood, fuel '] fires in them. Those
fires served to make their pots or cauldrons boil
[Welsh pair ' a cauldron,' Med. Ir. coire, Sansk.
caru] : in them they cooked and stirred about some
kind of broth or porridge [Welsh umd ' porridge,'
Breton ioi, 0. Irish itk " puis," Lat. jus ' broth,
soup,' Greek fm/io? ' soup,' Lettish jdut ' to stir
meal about in water,' 0. Bulg. jucha ' soup,'
Sansk. yus, yusha, 'broth, soup']. What kind
of meal entered, into the composition of this /leKa^
^a)IJ,o<! is not known, as the evidence bearing on
their skill in agriculture is very scanty. But that
they had some kind of corn is proved by the
. equation of the Welsh word haidd ' barley ' with
Sansk. sasya, Zend hakya 'corn, a field-crop.'*

♦ When this was suggested to Mr. Whitley Stokea, he kindly
called my attention to the following passage in Pliny xviii. 40 : —
"Secale Taurini sub Alpibus asiam vocant"— he proposes to read

10 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

They did not go naked, but wore clothing [Welsh
gwisc, Lat. vestis, Sansk. vastra\, made probably
of wool [yf elsh. gwlan, Lith. vilna, 0. Bulg. vluna,
Eng. wool^ Sansk. urna\. All this tends to show-
that they lived in the North Temperate Zone, that
is, as it is supposed, in Western Asia, far away
' probably from the first man's abode, sometimes
assigned by anthropology, in its attempt to grapple
with the difficulty as to how Australians, Coolies,
Papuans, and Negroes reached their respective
homes, to a continent which it undertakes to pro-
ject as once extending from Africa eastward by
Madagascar and Ceylon as far as Celebes. But
although we read in the Book of Genesis how
Adam was driven out of Paradise with its four
mysterious rivers, they are, perhaps, a little san-
guine who expect that deep-sea dredging in the
Indian Ocean may one day be the means of
bringing to light a twig or two of the tree of
knowledge. Now that our inquiry is overtaken
on a by-path, it is liable to be waylaid by the
evolutionist and stopped by the theologian; the
former wishing to know how far our Aryan fore-
father had risen above the ape, and the latter how
far he had gone from original righteousness. The

lasiam. Further, in his Remarks on the Celtic Additioni to CfuHius'
Greek Etymology, &o. (Calcutta, 1875), p. 43, he points out in the
two first letters of the Irish word eorna 'barley,' the rule-right
Irish representative of Greek feid, Lith. javai, Sanskrit ywva.

LECTURE I. 11

answer has been partly given already : the following
remarks may he added: — Looked at from an intel-
lectual point of view, we do not know much about
him beyond the facts, that he could count as far as
one hundred [Welsh cant, 0. Ir. cdt, Lat. centum,
Eng. hundred, Sansk. qata\, that to him to know
was to see [Welsh {yn dy) wydd (' in thy) sight,'
gwyddost ' thou knowest,' Lat. video ' I see,' Greek
olBa ' I know,' elhov ' I saw,' Sansk. vedmi, veda, ' I
know '], and that he knew how to stretch and touch
a number of strings so as to elicit from them music
to cheer his leisure hours or to enliven his festivi-
ties [Welsh tant 'a rope, a string, a musical string,' )J /Q/^ ^
plural tannau ' the harp,' 0. Ir. t^t {gl. fidis), Sansk. —
tanti, tantu, ' a string, a chord,' tata ' a stringed in-
strument ; ' Greek tovo'; ' a rope, a cord, a strain,
tension, a note, a tone,' rao-i? * a stretching, a
raising the pitch in music '].

Socially he seems to have been the master of
his house on a footing of equality with his wife,
who was mistress of the same and not a slave.
His children not only addressed him as father, but
they also called him more familiarly tata [0. Welsh
tat. Mod. Welsh tad, our only word for father,
Lat. tata, a fond word for father, Greek rdra. Terra,
0. Bulg. tata, Sansk. tata, tdta']. His vocabulary
appears to have been very copious as regards the
various ramifications of the family, whence it is

] 2 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

inferred that each individual had his standing in
it well defined, a state of things highly natural in
a patriarchal system of government. His ideas of
religion and morals can only be guessed, and how
many gods he had it is impossible to say. It is,
however, certain that he worshipped one above all
others, if others he had, and that he spoke of him
in terms expressive at once of the light of day and
of the wide expanse of the sky, which looked down
upon him wherever he roamed [0. Welsh diu
' God,' Med. Welsh diu ' day,' Mod. Welsh Duw
' God,' dytv 'day,' ke-ddyw ' to-daj,' Ir. dia ' God,'
in-diu ' to-day,' Lat. Diovis, Jovis, deus, divus,
sub divo = sub Jove ' beneath the open sky,'
Greek Zew, genitive Alo^, Stos ' heavenly,' evStos
' at midday,' Sansk. div, dyu, ' the sky, day, bright-
ness ']. This may have been merely his way of
saying that his great Heaven-father [ = Lat. Dies-
piter, Joupiter, Jupiter, Juppiter = Greek Zev
Trdrep = Vedic Sansk. Dyaushpitar\ was the god
of light, and that he was present everywhere.
Whether he worshipped light or not, as such, in
the performance of his religious rites he seems to
have been in the habit of standing with his face
turned to the rising of the sun and his right hand
to the south [Welsh dehau 'right (hand), south,'
Deheu-dir 'the south land, i.e., South Wales,'
0. Ir. dess, Mod. Ir. deas ' right, south ; ' the

LECTUEE I. 13

Teutonic instances are Teisterhant and Texel, in
which the first syllable is supposed to mean south
(see the Eevue Celtique, ii. p. 1 73) ; Sansk. dak-
shina ' right, south,' dakshind {dig) a southern
country supposed to be the Deccan]. ■ . A ( '- -'/
How he stood with his god or gods it is im-
possible to say, but he seems to have been no entire
stranger to his own shortcomings, and the con-
sciousness of some kind of sin or guilt, as proved
by Welsh euog 'guilty' (for other instances of
Welsh eu = ag see the Rev. Celt., ii. p. 193), Greek
ayos ' pollution, guilt, a curse,' Sansk. dgas
' offence, mistake, transgression,' words which
bring into a strange rapport with one another the
disciples of Buddha in the far East, the followers
of Calvin in Wales, and those subtle Greeks of
old, in whose history, religious and political, the
ayos played a conspicuous part. The natural corol-
lary to this is the inference that the religion of
out Aryan ancestors must have had its ascetic side,
and enjoined on them some kind of penance and
self-mortification, as suggested by the following
words : — Welsh crefydd ' religion,' meaning for-
merly religion from the point of view of an ascetic,
whence crefyddrcr in the Middle Ages meant a
religieux rather than a religious man in the ordi-
nary Protestant sense : Irish crdibdech ' pious ' (in
the Book of Armagh), craibhtheach ' religious,

14 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

devout,' craibhdhigh " people who mortify the flesh "
(O'Reilly), Sansk. ^ram, cr&mya ' to become tired,
to labour in vain, to chastise one's self,' grdnta
(for crdm-ta) ' fatigue, pains, chastisement, the
result of religious effort,' gramana ' one who chas-
tises himself, an ascetic, a beggar-friar, a Buddhist,'
gramand ' a beggar-nun,' agramana ' an anascetic'
So, after wandering about in the mists of anti-
quity, we unexpectedly find ourselves near a point
conspicuous in the religious landscape of our
own day.

When we set out on this digression we were
considering the phonetic similarity of cognate
words belonging to different languages, but in the
course of it instances were intentionally brought
together, which may, on the other hand, have
forced their differences into relief. It will, how-
ever be some consolation to find that the majority
of those differences follo\7 fixed rules. Thus, to
recall the Welsh word pair and the Irish coire,
the same p-c variation occurs in other cases, such
as Mod, Welsh pen ' head,' pren ' a tree,' pwy
' who,' and 0. Welsh map ' a son,' which are in
Irish ceann, crann, cia, and mac, respectively.
Similarly in equating Welsh cant with Eng.
hund-ied we assumed Welsh c to be represented in
the Teutonic languages by h ; and that is found to
hold true in other instances : take Welsh caj'-a.el,

LECTURE I. 15

Eng. ham, "Welsh cos ' hateful,' Eng. hate, Welsh
ci ' a dog,' pi. cwn, Eng. hound, "Welsh coed ' a
wood,' Eng. heath, "Welsh coll, Eng. hazel, "Welsh
craidd ' centre,' Eng. heart. Now it is one of the
characteristics of the Teutonic languages that they
deviate as regards the consonants in a consistent
and well-defined manner from the other Aryan
languages, and it is to the students of the former
that we owe the discovery of the rules alluded to,
or at any rate the more important of them. Hence
they are commonly called, after the scholars who
made them out, Grimm's Law, and sometimes
Eask's. By means of that law, and the other data
afforded by a careful comparison of all the more
important Aryan languages, some glottologists
think it possible approximately to infer both the
vocabulary and the inflections of that older lan-
guage whence they have all sprung. An idea may
be formed of the amount of work attempted in this
direction from the fact that the second edition
of Schleicher's Compendium of the Comparative
Grammar of the Indo- GermMnic Languages (Wei-
mar, 1866) makes up 856 pages octavo, and that
the second edition of Fick's Comparative Dic-
tionary of the same (Gottingen, 1870) covers
no less than 1085 pages octavo, while the third
edition, now publishing, is likely to occupy a good
deal more than double that number.

16 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Perhaps I could not do better than close these
preliminary remarks with a rough summary of
consonants etymologically equivalent in some
of the leading Aryan languages. No attempt is
made to make the table exhaustive by crowding
into it exceptional details, unless they happen to
be of special interest to the student of Welsh.
However, it will be found sufficiently exact to en-
able you with ease to bring to book many of the
fanciful etymologies which are ever floating about
in the atmosphere of Celtic philology until they
are caught by some reckless writer of the fantastic
school of history, who dearly loves wild specu-
lations on the past of some one of the Celtic
nations ; for a false etymology can seldom be said
to be insured against speedy oblivion until the
Muse of History has taken it by the hand and
assigned it a sphere of usefulness.

Now that you have a general idea of the way
the student of comparative philology goes to work,
and the position which the Celtic languages oc-
cupy in the. family to which they belong, your at-
tention must be called a little more in detail to
them. It has already been hinted that they offer
more important points of similarity to Latin and
its sister dialects of Ancient Italy than to any
other Aryan group of languages whatsoever^ —
herein Fick and Schmidt would agree ; but next,

. fc* > J3 r^ ri3 ja bo . .

•qspAPio

*

— to r-" '^ =r '-.

•qsuipio

^^ bo _" ■ 1 f

oo-^ : bo-o T3 -o bo-o TS ^ c a a tT :*_-^ar

•qsjitiiso

<^ ***" bO « '"'

o eu-w ■" bo-o 73 ^ tio-J3 Td ^ c a E tT-r-, > m

•iretiqmfl
poB uraao

bo rt —

•ajFI

•3183J0

I luapoH

•q8r[3na

j3 S:3>hJ=; ct<^ q. to bcTj ^ = a S !.">>&»"'

■OTOoa

•UBllWnq^TI

M^ bo r! ""^

ffi 4^ ^ fU'N bc^ r^ >^q bo^ ^ a a a ^ 'r^ > m

PIO

» jf * !% H bO-O J5 N bO-O J3 1 a" a -".rri !> aT

•pnsz

OiJiT-ia P* N !£t3 ,£3 N bO'^ r^^ id B U >i > ^

•?U3Isn«s

O.J4-B o,^ bo-e ,Q Ja i^Cl,:2.'a a fi tT t>. t> »

w at< fi< o o p M o p o m l2i ^ S p3 1>< ^ OT

» a S-u-s

3 £•"'0 s
■3a-§«,2

"■s-i SB-"

•^ m a ;" S 5j-

a S.2* Stj

£«§!" = «

» s K-^ ^

a » p a o S
,a^^ Bsg

c -.2 Sap.

r-fe a •■•5 p
■"S-a§"a

o S^ a> z o

s * a *t£

,.- •-» SB m

JS 2 o S a

18 LECTURES ON ■WELSH PHILOLOGY;

perhaps, to the Italian group they loost nearly
resemble English and the other members of the
Teutonic group. This fact, which is gradually be-
coming more evident as Celtic glottology progresses,
is fully taken into account by the dialectic theory,
as coinciding with the geographical position oc-
cupied at the dawn of history by the Celts between
Italians and Teutons ; whereas the genealogical
tree would lead one to expect to find them resem-
bling, in point of language, the Slavonians quite
as much as the Teutons, which is certainly far
from being the ease. It is also to be noticed, that
it is owing to the encroachment of languages de-
riving their origin from Italy and Germany, that
the vast Celtic world of antiquity has been, as far.
as regards language, reduced to its present narrow
dimensions, that is to say, the fag-ends of France
and the British Isles. This is, however, an aspect of
our history which no one could expect us to dwell
upon with feelings of pleasure and satisfaction : as
we believe the Celts never to have been cowards,
we turn away fain to think that the words which
the poet makes Hector apply to individuals hold
equally true of races : —

Moi/jax Soinvd <p7]fu vcipvyixivov l/i/ieiiai i.vSpSiv,
Qi KaKbv, oiSi fiev i<r$\ip, iir^v t4 vpHra yivrirai..

The Celtic languages still spoken are Welsh,
Breton, Gaelic in Ireland and the Highlands of

LECTURE I. 19

Scotland, and Manx : among the dead ones are Old
Cornisli, Pictish, and Gaulish. Of these, Cornish,
which ceased to be spoken only in the latter part
of the last century, has left us a considerable
amount of literature, while the Pictish words
extant may be counted on one's fingers : the
old Gauls have left behind them a number of
monuments, from which, together with other
sources, a fair number of their names and a few
other specimens of their vocabulary have been col-
lected; enough in fact to enable one to assign
them their proper place in the Celtic family.
Now as to the Celts of the British Isles and Brit-
tany, all are agreed that they divide themselves
naturally into two branches, the one Kymric and
the other Goidelic. To the latter belong the
Irish and the Gaels of Scotland, together with the
Manx ; to the former the Welsh, the Cornish, and
the Bretons, not to mention that the Picts, Mr.
Skene notwithstanding, were probably Kymric
rather than Goidelic. Then as to the Ancient
Gauls, it has been usual to range them with the
Kymric nations, so that you will find the entire
Celtic family commonly spoken of as consisting
of Goidelic nations on the one hand, and Gallo-
British ones on the other.

There are, however, good reasons for regarding
this classification as resting on a bad foundation,

20 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

namely, a phonological argument which will not
bear examination. It is this : The Welsh and the
Gauls belong to the same branch of the Celtic
family, because their languages agree in replacing
Aryan qv by j», while Irish uses c : thus the 0.
Irish word ioxfour was cethir, while our word is
pedrvar, formerly petguar, and the Gauls called a
kind of carriage in use among them petorritum, a
form which no doubt involves their word fovfour.
The corresponding Latin, it is needless to add,
yjSLS quatuor, and the Aryan original was probably
qvatvar. Now a glance at the equivalents of
Aryan qv in the table will serve to show that this
kind of reasoning, if it proves anything, proves
rather too much. For why, it may be asked,
should the Welsh not be asserted also to be par-
ticularly near relations of those Italians, for in-
stance, who said petur for quatuor, of the Greeks
who called the same numeral irivvpe';, and of the
Modern Koumanians who have modified the Latin
words aqua and equa into ape and eape respectively ?
That would of course be absurd, and it is evidently
dangerous to rest a theory of history or ethnology
on such a basis. Nor is this all : the p coinci-
dence between Welsh and Gaulish should imply
something like an identity of date ; that is, both
languages ought to have had p for qv in use at
the same time, so as to allow one to infer that qv

LECTURE I. 21

had become jo at a time when they were as yet one
language. This would be another twig of the
genealogical tree, and a contradiction of the facts
of the case. The Gauls had replaced qv by p at
some date anterior to the time of Caesar, whereas
our ancestors do not seem to have done so much
before the 6th century. You will have already
learned from the table, that Aryan p had disap-
peared from the Celtic languages : so, previous to
the change by the "Welsh of qv into /», the latter
sound must have been unknown to them. Accord-
ingly we find that the Ogam alphabet made no
provision for it, and that, when our ancestors be-
gan to borrow Koman names with j», they had to
invent symbols for it : more strictly speaking, they
seem to have extemporised them, for in the only
two instances extant they are different ones.
The former are pvnpkivs, accompanied by Pope-
in Ogam, on the Cynffig stone, and tvepilli,
the genitive of the Welsh form of Turpilius, on
the Glan Usk Park stone near Crickhowel : the
Ogam is not easy to read, but Turpil- is certain.*
, The other names with p, Pascent-, Paternini,

* The Ogmic symbol for p in Turpil- is of the form of x placed
on the right of the edge. The same symbol placed on the edge has
lately been proved by Dr. S. Ferguson to occur fqr^ in an Irish in-
scription reading : Sroinienas poi netattrenalugoa, which Mr. Stokes
would treat as Broinioonas poi netat Trenaliigos, and render, literally,
(Lapis) Broinidnis (qui) fuit propugnatorum TrenalugHs : see the
Proceedings of the RoyaJ, Irish Academy, vol. i. ser. ii. pp. 292-297,

22 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Paulinus, Potenina, which occur on our older class
of monuments, are unfortunately not given in Ogam.
The earliest native name in point is pobivs in
debased Eoman capitals hardly older than the
6th century, and the earliest instance in manu-
script is the related name borne by the king of
Dyfed in the time of Gildas, who uses it in the
vocative case as Vortipori ; Gildas wrote about
the middle of the 6th century. Kymric names
with qv are more numerous, and, probably,
earlier : in debased capitals we have for in-
stance maqv[eragi], maqvirini, QVENATAvcr and
QVENTENDANi, of which the last- mentioned is
A highly interesting instance : it seems to be
a derivative from Qvenvend-, which in Modern
Welsh is peuTvyn, ' white-headed,' and as a pro-
per name T Penwyn, ' The Whitehead.' In Irish
this is Cennjinn, whence is formed Cennfin-
nan, which is, letter for letter, our Qvenvendan-i,
and has its parallel in the Irish name Cenndubhan,
similarly formed from dubh, ' black : ' we may com-
pare in Welsh Carnwennan, Arthur's knife, from
carnwen, ' white-hilted.' Nor is this all, for Pen-
non and Cennjinn find their Gaulish representative, •

where also another stone ia mentioned by the Bishop of Limerick
as reading : Carbi poi macui Ldbradi — Mr. Stokes would render it
(Lapis) Corbi (qui)fuit gentis Lahradii. These excellent suggestions
of Mr. Stokes I have taken the liberty of publishing from his letters
to me last May.

LECTURE I. 23

to which my attention was lately called, on a
silver coin in De Saulcy's collection (^Reo. Celt.,
i. 297) in the form nENNOoviNAoc, i.e., Pen-
nowindos. In Ogam we frequently have maqvi
the genitive of the word for son, and an inscrip-
tion from Devon reads Swaqqvuci maqvi Qvici,
which deserves a word of explanation. Swaqqvuc-i
is probably a derivative from srvaqqv-, which must
be the prototype of Mod. Welsh chwaff, used in S.
Wales in the form hwaff or waff, and meaning
' quick, quickly ; ' and as to Qvic-i, the same name
occurs in Irisb Ogam written Qweci, for that is
how I would read ' ' ' ' ' , , , 1 1 1 m^hh-hh. , As a rule,
however, our qv is so written also in Irish Ogam,
as in maqvi, which occurs scores of times on
Irish monuments written maqvi, maqqvi, moqvi,
with a single Ogam, j_l±jjl, for qv, or doubled for
what I transliterate qqv. But in the earliest
specimens of Irish and Welsh found in manuscript
Irish qv had been simplified into cc or c, and
Welsh qv made into p, so that the word for son
became mace or mac on the other side of St.
George's Channel, and map, now mab, on this —
the G-aulish cognate is supposed to be the simple
form implied by the Gaulish derivative Mapilus
(Kuhn's Beitraege, v. p. 364). To talk of the
Welsh changing c into p, it is almost needless to
remark, is the result of ignorance of the laws of

24 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

phonology : where Irish c and Welsh p are equi-
valent, they both represent an earlier qv which, it
is interesting to notice, the Irish retained intact
till after the time when the Welsh began to change
it into p. Thus Irish hagiology speaks of a St.
Ciaran, whose name it also preserves in what is
evidently a much older form, Queranus. He is
supposed to have lived from 516 to 549, and to
have been the first abbot of Clonmacnoise. There
was, however, an earlier Irish saint of the same
name who was born in St. Patrick's time, and is
supposed to have died in the year 600. Fortu-
nately for our inquiry, he came over into this
country, and his name became modified into Fir- '
anus or Piran ; and a church in Cornwall still
bears his name, Piran in the Sands, Piran in
Sabulis or Peranzabuloe. Thus it would seem
that the Welsh were in the habit of changing qv
into p about the end of the 5th or the beginning
of the 6th century, while the Irish retained it
intact so late at least as the middle of the latter
century : so the Grallo-British theory can derive no
support from this quarter.

Were one inclined to use an argument like the
one which has just been condemned, one might
urge that Irish and Gaulish having initial s where
Welsh has h, makes for a Gallo-Goidelic unity.
This would of course be idle, as it is certain that

LECTURE I. ' 25

onr ancestors changed s into k subsequently to
their borrowing from the Romans the word sex-
tarius, which they had made, before the end of
the 9th century, into hestaur, written later
hestawr, whence hestoraid, colloquially curtailed
in some parts of N. Wales into stored, a measure
of capacity of about two bushels. It need hardly
be added, that our early monuments never show
an initial k, but always s; but the process of
changing s into h in Welsh would seem to have
become obsolete before the middle of the 6th
century, if we may depend on the tradition which
refers the church of Llansannan in Denbighshire
to the Irish saint, Senanus, who is supposed to
have spent a part of his life in this country, and
to have died in the year 544 : this is, however,
not a very conclusive argument, as some native
words do not change s into h: take for instance
the numeral saith, ' seven,' and there may have
been reasons unknown to us why a foreign name
should not follow the rule obtaining in Welsh :
the double n also in -Llansannan creates a diffi-
culty.

Having severed the supposed Gallo-British ties
of special kinship, we are at liberty to re-classify
the entire family into two branches, whereof the
one embraces the Celts of the Continent, and the
other those of the Islands. This, however, does

26 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

not in any wise interfere with the probability of
the Continental Celts having invaded this island,
and taken possession of extensive tracts of it long
after they and the Insular Celts had differentiated
themselves in point of language and history. In
fact, it is certain that parts of the South of
England had been thus occupied by invaders from
the Continent, among whom there were probably
Celts, if indeed they were not wholly Celts, be-
fore Julius Caesar landed' here. And if the com-
mon reading of a passage in Ptolemy's Geography
is to be depended upon, which mentions a people
called Uaplaoi, living in a town called JJerovapia,
near the Humber, one can hardly avoid drawing
the conclusion that the Gaulish Parisii had sent a
colony here. This is by no means impossible,
considering the position of the Uapicrot near the
Humber, and the possibility that the Parisii,
whose chief town, Lutetia, stood on an island in
the Seine, on a site still occupied by Paris, had
ships at one time at their command. And here
the following points, which I copy from Smith's
Dictionary/ of Greek and Roman Geography, are per-
haps not all irrelevant. It seems that the Romans
had a fleet at Paris ; a ship appears in the arms of
the city ; an inscription was dug up at Notre Dame
in the last century, reading Nautce Parisiaci ;
and the Senones, the neighbours, and probably

LECTURE I. 27

the allies, of tlie Parisii, possessed ships; for
Csesar (vii. 58) states that Labienus seized about
fifty of them at once at Melodunum, higher np
the river. Whatever the noun implied by UeTovap'ia
may have been, the word is probably to be equated
with Mod. Welsh pedwaredd, ' quarta.' Brittany,
it is needless to say, is a kind of a counter-colony,
the Bretons being the descendants of countrymen
of ours who passed thither about the 5th century,
and not the direct representatives of the Ancient
Gauls, as is proved by their traditions and lan-
guage, which is a Kymric dialect easily learned
by a Welshman. I gather, however, that a lead-
ing French Celtist, M. H. d'Arbois de Jubain-
ville, takes for granted the Gaulish descent of
Breton ; but so far I am not aware that he has
made it the subject of special discussion. In the
same light as the British colony in Armorica, one
might also regard the settlement in Scotland of
Gaels from Ireland.

It is clear that the old classification, if it is to
stand, must be placed on a firmer foundation,
which, I am persuaded, is not likely to be dis-
covered. Nevertheless, it is impossible to prove
to a certainty that the one here proposed in its
stead is the correct one. At first sight it might
appear to be demonstrated as soon as certain
traits have been pointed out in which Welsh and

28 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Irisli agree with one another and differ from
Gaulish. But it is not so, as two languages may
take the same path independently of one another :
such points of similarity — and such there are in
spite of the scarcity of the Gaulish data — can
only yield a greater or less degree of presumption
in favour of the closer kinship of Welsh and
Irish. This is, however, a sufficient reason for
briefly mentioning a few of them.

A single s flanked by vowels is lost in Welsh
and Irish, but retained in Gaulish ; as in the
Irish word ffa, genitive ffai or ffooi, ' a spear, a
javelin.' Its Gaulish equivalent is gaesum, men-
tioned for instance in Virgil's description of the
followers of Brennus : —

duo quisque Alpina coruscant

Oaesa manu, tcutis protecti corpora longii.

In classical Latin the stems of nouns in the
second declension end in u in the nominative, as
in equuSf^lius, donum, but Old Latin equos,filios,
donom, on a level with the Greek uL?, 6e6<;, and the
like. The corresponding vowel in Sanskrit is a,
as in Qivas, ' the god Siva,' Mntas, ' car us,' kdn-
tam, ' carum : ' it is a also in Zend and written
Lithuanian, and it is generally considered to be
older than the u and o of Latin and Greek. The
inscriptions of Ancient Gaul show Gaulish to have
been in this respect on the classical level : witness

LECTURE I. 29

the following forms : — Andecamulos, Cernunnos,
Contextos, Crispos, Doiros, Dontaurios, Iccavos,
OviXKoveo^, Seyo/jMpo^, Seviros, tarvos, Tarbelinos,
Ulcos; Brivatiom, canecosedlon, cantalon, celic-
non, Dontaurion, lubron, veixrjrov, Kamedon. The
evidence of the leading elements in compounds is
to the same effect : Danno-tali, OvivBo-fiayo^,
Samo-talus, Sego-mari, Yerno-dubrum. But on
the whole the early inscriptions of Wales and Ire-
land make for a — unfortunately we are nearly
confined to the leading elements in compounds :
Welsh — Cata-manus, Corba-lengi, Cuna-cenni,
Ena-barri, Netta-sagru, Trena-catus ; Irish — Ana-
dovinias, Cata-bar, Cuna-cena, Cuna-gussos, Eva-
cattos, Netta-lami: to this I would add an in-
scription from Ballintaggart reading Tria maqva
Mailagni, probably for Tria{m) Maqvam Mailagni
= TpiMv vlwv Mailagni. It is right to add, that in
the period to which our earlier Welsh monuments
are to be referred the vowel ending the leading
elements in compounds had got to be indistinctly
pronounced, a preparation to its entire elision in
later Welsh generally. In our bilingual inscrip-
tions a is used in Ogam, but advantage is some-
times taken of the obscure sound of the vowel to
write it o in the Latin version, or even e, which
tends to make the names look a little more like
Latin. Thus we find together Cunatami and Cuno-

30 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

tami, Cunacenniwi and Cunocenni, Trenagiisu and
Trenegussi: also in two distinct inscriptions in
Roman capitals Senomagli and Senemagli. But on
the whole the weight of evidence is in favour of
the claims of a. Welsh and Irish inscriptions con-
tain derived forms ending in the genitive in gni :
Welsh — Maglagni, Ulcagnus, Corbagni, Curcagni;
Irish — Artagni, Corbagni, Dalligni, Mailagni,
Talagni, Ulccagni. In Gaulish names the same
suffix is cnos, cnon, genitive cni, as in celicnon,
Oppianicnos, ToovTicratKvo';, Druticnos, Druticni.
On a bilingual stone Druticnos is rendered Druti
Jilius, but the inference, that Gaulish had a word
cnos meaning son, is as warrantable as if, from
Ile\o'irihri<; = IIiko'Ko<; vlo<;, one concluded that Greek
had a word t8r}<; = vto?.

When the Celts first took possession of these
islands, it is highly probable that the patriarchal
system of government obtained among them, and
that it continued to flourish as a well-defined system
of tribes or clans, such as we find in later times
in Ireland and Scotland, during the long interval
between their coming here and their separation
into Kymric and Goidelic nations. And it is per-
haps to this prehistoric period of Goidelo-Kymric
unity that one is to refer the composition of most
of the personal names containing the word teyrn,
'a king, a monarch,' 0. Irish tigerne; now tighearna,

LECTURE I. 31

' a lord :' in our early inscriptions we have tigirn-i
and tegern-o-. The etymon is the Celtic word for
house, which, in 0. Welsh, was tig, now ty, 0. Ir.
teg, now teach, genitive tige, now tighe : so the
word teyrn is perhaps an adjectival formation which
may originally have meant connected with or relat-
ing to the house, but in what special sense it is now
impossible to say. Its use was not confined to
the Insular Celts, for Gregory of Tours mentions a
Tigernum " castrum urbis Arvernse, Tigernense
castellum" — I am quoting from Gliick's Keltischen
Namen (Munich, 1857), p. 180 : in Auvergne this
is now Tiern, and the name is known to all in its
form of Thiers. Now the Celts of the British
Isles seem to have applied the adjective to the
householder or the head of the house, but as the
head of the house in a wider sense was also lord
and monarch of his people, the word came to mean
a lord or monarch ; and it is perhaps not altogether
an accident that we have no evidence of this in
Gaulish nomenclature, while it is well attested in
Kymric and Goidelic proper names : take the fol-
lowing : — Welsh — Catteyrn (Oattegirn, catoti-
GiRNi), Cyndeyrn (Kentegerni), Dutigirn, Euti-
girn, Gwrtheyrn (Vortigern), lUteyrn, Myllteyrn,
Rhydeyrn (Rutegyrn), Teyrn (Tegyrn), TeyruUuc,
Teyrnog (Ir. Tighearnach), Teyrnon ; from Corn-
wall we have tegeknomali, and in manuscript

32 LEOTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Tigerinomalum ; Breton — Maeltiern, Tiernmael ;
Irish — Eachtighearn, Tighearnan, Tighearnmas.

To the same Goidelo-Kymric period I would refer
the adoption by the Insular Celts of Druid ism,
which is probably to be traced to the race or races
who preceded the Celts in their possession of the
British Isles. Ctesar's words as to Druidism are
so well known that they need not be here quoted
at length. On the other hand, the Irish word for
druid, the equivalent of our derwydd is draoi,
genitive druadh, which in Irish literature mostly
means a magician or soothsayer, and is usually
rendered by magus in the lives of Irish saints
written in Latin. It has not been proved, as
pointed out by M. d'Arbois de Jubainville {Les
Celtes — Extrait de la Revue Archeologique : Paris,
1875), that Druidism found its way into Gaul
before 200 b.c. When it did get there, it was,
undoubtedly, through the Belgae, who had settled
in Britain: Caesar's words are significant (vi. 13)
— " Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in
Galliam translata esse existimatur, et nunc, qui
diligentius earn rem cognoscere volunt, plerumque
illo discendi causa proficiscuntur."

As already pointed out, such items as these do
not amount to a demonstration of the correctness
of the classification here advocated ; but neither is
a demonstration necessary in order to give it a

LECTURE I. 33

superiority over the one now in fashion. The
latter being shown to be founded on a misconcep-
tion, the former cannot but in the main be
admitted; and in any case it has the iraportant
consideration to recommend it, that it makes no
unnecessary postulates. A Celtic people speaking
one and the same language came from the Con-
tinent and settled in this island; sooner or later
some of them crossed over to Ireland and made
themselves a home there. The latter opinion is
countenanced, as far as they go, by some of the
names on both sides of the Irish Sea as given
in Ptolemy's Geography. Thus the Brigantes
occupied not only the North of England, but also
a part of Ireland: we have a Fayyavaiv uKpov in
the third of Carnarvonshire called Lleyn, and
Tafyyavoi located, as it is supposed, in what is now
called Clare. Possibly also Ptolemy's OvevUave!;,
in Forfarshire, belonged to the same tribe as his
Irish OvevvUvioi, or at least to a nearly related
tribe. Dr. Reeves in his edition of Adamnan's
Vita Sancti Columbus (Dublin, 1857) mentions,
p. 31, Inbher Uomnonn (in the map prefixed to
the work it is Inbher Domhnann), the old name of
the Malahide river, near Dublin ; also the Eirros
Domno of Adamnan's text, in Irish lorrus Domk-
nann, the barony of Erris in the county of Mayo,
which the Irish, according to his account, refer to

c

34 LECTUEES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY.

the '' Fir Domhnann, Viri Damnonii, a section of
the Firbolgs." The Irish names here alluded to
suggest a connection with the Dumnonii of Devon,
Ptolemy's Aovuvovtoi, rather than with his Aafivovioi
of the North, or his Aafivoviov to kul Oxpivov aicpov,
supposed to be the Lizard, in Cornwall. Owing
to their being separated by an intervening sea,
there grew up between the Celts of Ireland and
their kindred in this country differences of dialect,
to which the probable adoption of their language
by races, whom they may have found in possession
of both islands, more or less materially contributed.
In the course of many centuries these differences
had become so many and such that they could no
longer be said to speak one language, but two
nearly related languages, Goidelic in Ireland, and
Kymric here. This is not altogether mere theory,
for all the most tangible differences between Welsh
and Irish can be assigned to various periods of
time posterior to the separation : this has already
been indicated in the case of a few of them, and
others will be dealt with as we proceed. Where
then is the necessity for supposing that the Celts
who took possession of the British Isles were even
then of two distinct nationalities, speaking two
distinct languages, and what was it that originally
determined that duality ?

Those who profess to be unable to believe that

LECTURE I. 35

the Welsh and the Irish are nearly related, because
they find them unlike inr their national character
and habits, choose to forget how different the
circumstances were under which tl\ey have lived
from the days of Julius Csesar to our own. But
even so late as the reign of Elizabeth, their differ-
ence of history had hardly produced so marked a
difference of character as one might have expected.
Since then, however, the gulf has been consider-
ably widened. The Irish have had their '98, and
the bulk of them remain true to the Church of
Eome, while the Welsh have become Protestants,
and most of them have adopted the theological
views of Calvin, the force of whose influence, if we
look at it merely as a means of profoundly modify-
ing a people's character, and without regard to its
characteristics in other respects, cannot easily be
exaggerated.

( 36 )

LECTURE II.

"The initial changei^ are commonly the most perplexing feature of
the Welsh language to those who know it only imperfectly ; and
those who observe the rules by ear are seldom acquainted with the
rationale of their own faultless speech."— Chaeles Williams.

In spite of what was said in the former lecture,
you will perhaps think that, although the chief
differences between Welsh and Irish can be shown >
to have sprung up since the separation, the fact
of their springing up at all points to radical dif-
ference in the constitution of the vocal organs of
the Welsh and the Irish. It may, however, be
premised that this does not follow, as it is to be
borne in mind that the normal state of lan-
guage is that of change, and that the same end
may frequently be attained by different means.
The end here alluded to is not the ultimate end
of language, the expression of thought, but the
economy of labour in the articulation of words,
the exponents of thought. This, in default of a
better name, one may call its economical end.
This will appear plainer from a discussion of the

LECTURE II. 37

so-called system of mutation of initial consonants
in "Welsh, and its counterpart in Irish, a subject
which, even apart from its relevancy to the ques-
tion how nearly Welsh, and Irish are related, has
strong claims on our consideration, though we run
the risk of only adding another chapter to the
mass of nonsense already written on it. The
fact is, our native grammarians, both Welsh
and Irish, look at it as at once the peculiarity
and the pride of Celtic phonology, and regard
it with the same air of mystery and wonder-
ment to which English and German gram-
marians occasionally give expression d propos
of the Teutonic ablautreihe or sing -sang -sung
system of vowel mutation obtaining in lan-
guages of that stock. In reality there is
nothing peculiar about either excepting the per-
sistency with which they have been carried out ;
and as to the amount of credit they respec-
tively reflect on the races which in the course
of ages unconsciously and cleverly pieced them
together, that is a matter on which opinion
seems to vary according to the writer's nation-
ality.

The following summary of the more common
mutations in Welsh and Irish will be found con-
venient as we go on : —

38

LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Welsh.

Ikish.

Welsh.

IBISH.

c

g

ch

1

, lit
^ rdd

\^'

t

d

th

r

p

b

- (gh)

ph

gli

1
r
1
r

b

dd = «

f = V

dh
bh

m

f = V

mh

CO

ch-

CO, c

t,t,

th

tt, t

70
nt

7c, 77h
nt, nnh

t

PP

ph or S

pp. p

mp

mp, xuiiiii

P

e

r.t

i Uh

cht

7g

77

77

nd

un

nu

y

mb

mm

mm

gg

cc, g'

c,^

1

Ih

lb

dd

bb

a, d'
pp,b'

t, d'
p, V

t

lit

i*

11

11

11

r

rth

Ir

Urh

Ir

lU^

1

rr

rrh, rh

IT

P

r P

rl

rU

rl

g

I [gtlijj

i^'

nl
nr

nil
nrh

nl
nr

Irish mutation, such as that of c into ch, or h
into hh (pronounced »), is commonly called aspira-
tion, and that whereby nt becomes t, or 7id nn, has
been more happily called eclipsis, while our own
grammarians have managed to include the Welsh
changes corresponding to both sets and others not
usual in Irish in the following triad : —

Radical.

Middle.

Nasal.

Aspirate.

c

g

ngh

ch

t

d

nh

th

P

b

mh

ph

g

Kg

d

dd

n

b

f

m

11;

• 1

m

f

rh

r

LECTUKE n.

39

This neat little scheme is fairly accurate in an
etymological sense, but it has not unfrequently
been assumed to have a phonological value, which
leads to mistakes, such as, for instance, the sup-
position that II is related to I in the same way as
t to d, and not as th to dd or nearly so. For our
present purpose the Welsh consonants may be
classified as follows : * —

Oral Coksonahts.

Nasal Consonants.

Mutes.

Spirants. ' '

Spirants.

Surds.

SoDants.

Surds.

Sonants.

Surds.

Sonants.

t
P

g

d
b

ch
th

ph or £f
11
rh

B

h

dd

f

1

r

It
mh

n
m

Here there are two things which require to be
clearly realised : the first is the difference between
a mute (otherwise called a stopped or explodent
consonant) and a spirant (otherwise called a pro-
duced or fricative consonant). Compare, for in-
stance, p and b with ph and v: in the former
two the breath is suddenly checked and stopped
by the lips being brought into contact with one
another, while in the latter two there is no com-

* Do rh, ngh, nh, mh consist of single consonants, or are they made
up of surd r, ng, n, m plus h, is a question I leave undecided ; the
latter view seems to suit Welsh phonology somewhat better than
the other.

40 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

plete stoppage of it, since it is, so to say, allowed
to squeeze through without interruption. The
next is the distinction between surds (otherwise
called voiceless or pneumatic consonants) and
sonants (otherwise called voiced or phonetic con-
sonants), as, for instance, between p and 5, or
between ph and v : thus p and ph in the Celtic
languages imply simple breath, while h and v in-
volve not mere breath, but voice, which the former
produces by setting the vocal chords in vibration
during its passage through the larynx. It is
hardly necessary to state, in so many words, that
the vowels are both sonant and spirant, as they
are in fact almost pure voice more or less modified
in its passage through the mouth or nose.

Now one of the causes which bring about
changes in language is the tendency, ever quietly
asserting itself, to economise the labour of pronun-
ciation, and it is heterogeneous sounds brought
into immediate contact with one another, mutes
with spirants, or surds with sonants, that
form the hollows to be filled and the hills and
mountains to be lowered by the unreasoning lazi-
ness of speech : this levelling process is com-
monly called assimilation.

Let us now see how it will enable us to under-
stand the mutations of consonants in Welsh and
Irish : — Old Welsh ahal, ' an apple,' and aper^ ' a

LECTURE II. 41

confluence, a stream,' became in later "Welsh afal
and aher respectively ; and why ? In ahal the h
was flanked by vowels, that is, a sonant mute by
sonant spirants ; and here both Welsh and Irish
took the same path, and reduced the mute into a
spirant, making aha into ava, written in Welsh
afa : in the latter we have a surd mute between
sonant spirants ; and as language proceeds by
degrees, and not by leaps or strides, it had the
choice of two courses, and only two : — it might
either reduce the surd mute into a sonant mute,
thus making aper into aher, or reduce it into a
surd spirant, which would give us apher. The
former has become the rule in Welsh and the
latter in Irish. But Irish in its later stages in-
dulges also in the Welsh mutation : thus such Old
Irish words as cet, ' hundred,' and cdic, ' five,'
are now c^ad and cuiff ; and so in other in-
stances where Old Irish c, t, (j>?) stood for no,
nt, (mp?).

Here you may ask how these changes, which
seem to have nothing to do with initial conso-
nants, have got to be known in Welsh grammar as
the mutations of initial consonants, or simply initial
mutations. The answer is not far to seek. The
action of assimilation in modern Celtic languages
is not confined to single words, but in certain cases,
which you learned when you were children, and

42 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY. j

which you will find enumerated in elementary
books on Welsh grammar, two words are taken
together so closely in speaking that, for the pur-
poses of phonology, they form as it were one, and
not two : thus the initial consonant of the second,
assuming it to have one, becomes a quasi-medial,
liable to the same changes as an ordinary medial.
For instance, though pen (Irish ceann) is head, we
say dy ben (Ir. do cheann), ' thy head,' and ei ben
(Ir. a cheann), ' his head.' Now these mutations
and the like are constantly recurring phenomena
in Welsh (and Irish) as now spoken and written,
and no writer on our grammar could overlook
them ; while to contrast aber with its older form
aper seldom occurred to them, and when it did,
they only found in the latter an orthographical
freak of the ancients ; and their ideas of the com-
parative immutability of their mother-tongue led
them tacitly to assume that aper was always pro-
nounced aber. Thus it was natural that they
should have called the changes in question initial
mutations, to which they ascribed a syntactical
rather than a purely phonetic origin.

That our grammarians, however, are not the
only class of writers who have failed to acquire
a correct idea of this kind of mutation, is
proved by the fact that it is the custom of
philologists to speak of it as though it were a

LECTUEK II. 43

property only of consonants flanked by vowels, or,
as they briefly term them, vowel-flanked conso-
nants — a description which would lead one to ex-
pect that the change could not go on when the
consonants are final, or come in contact with the
liquids I and r. Now it is remarkable that these
last are present in all the earliest attested cases
of this mutation, namely, in the following words
from the Oxford and Cambridge Glosses, together
with the Luxembourg Folio : — Dadl (for datl),
" concio," cedlinau (for cetlinau), ' to pursue,'
scribl (for scrip I), " scripulus," maurdluithruim
(for Tnaurtluitkruim), " multo vecte," ardren
(for artren), " pr^pugnis," riglion (for riclion),
"garrulis," cedlestneuiom (for cetlestneuiom),
" tabe." Thus the mutation in contact with one
of the liquids is the only kind known in the
earliest specimens of Old "Welsh : between vowels
it only began towards the close of that period in
the history of the language. The import of this
fact, translated into phonology, seems to be that
the liquids I and r have a greater power of assimi-
lation in Welsh than the vowels have. Suppose I
to stand for I or r, and jo for any mute consonant,
also a; for any quantity much greater than 1, then
you might roughly say that the tendency of the
language to reduce —

44 LECTTIEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

][/>]! into l[i5]l = 2x,
a[p']\ into a[3]I = 2x — 1, and
a[/?]aintoa[5]a= 2x — 2.
These equations suggest another, namely, that
of a[j»] into a[6] =^ = x - \. Translate
this into a chronological form, and it means
that final mutes remained proof against muta-
tion after medial ones had been subjected to
it ; but does this agree with facts ? If you turn
to any tolerably well-written specimens of Med.
Welsh prose, such as most of the Mabinogion are,
you will find that it holds true in the case of c, t,
p : in fact, such forms as redec, goruc, dyfot, oet,
paraut, continually recur, but final p appears much
less frequently in them. Nay, it would seem that
traces of this had come down to William Sales-
bury's time ; for he says a propos of the letter c :
" Also other some there be that sound c as g, in
the last termination of a word : example, oc, coc,
Hoc : whych be most- commonly read og, cog, Hog "
(Ellis' Uarly English Pronunciation, p. 749).
This would bring us down into the middle of the
16th century. As to g, d, b, and m, they had
long before undergone the mutation in question,
whence it may be inferred that their power of
resistance was less than that of c, t, p. Thus
, it would seem that to achieve the nine mutations
forming the column headed ' Middle ' in the

LECTURE II. 45

grammarians' table, it took the language at least
eight centuries. Strictly speaking, the process is
not yet complete ; for, in the Gwentian dialect,
Old Welsh t medial might be said to be still t,
as in oti {= ydyw), 'is,' ffetog (=: arphedog),
*an apron,' gatel (= gadael), 'to leave,' retws
(= rhedodd), ' ran,' and innumerable others, But
even here it cannot be said that no move has been
made towards the complete reduction of t into d ;
for the Grwentian t in the above words and the like
is not our ordinary t, but a t somewhat softened
towards d, a variety which I think I have also
heard from English peasants in Cheshire. So that,
after all, the Gwentian can only, be said to have
lagged behind the other dialects. This case, how-
ever is instructive as casting some light 'on the
question how t comes to be mutated, into d. Thus it
appears that Welsh t and d are only termini, between
which an indefinite number of stages have been gone
through, somewhat in the following order :— t, ti^

hj '3> • • • • 'n-lj ^ni ^ ^ni ®n-l> ■ • • • "3, <^j ^fj, a.

The varieties from t to t^-i inclusive would be
written if by a person writing from dictation, while
those from (4-i to c? would be written d: as to t„
and d^, he would hesitate between t and d; and
this no doubt is one reason why t and d were con-
founded in Med. Welsh, and even indifferently
written by the same persons in the same words.

46 LECTTJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

The same remarks, of course, apply to the other
surd mutes. It is needless to observe that this
kind of confusion could hardly have arisen had c,
t, p, been mutated into g, d, b, without any inter-
mediate steps. The view here advanced has, more-
over, the advantage of being in perfect keeping with
one of the most sacred dogmas of modern philology,
that all changes in language proceed by degrees.

By way of analogies in other languages, it will
be worth the while to mention just a sufficient
number of instances to show that mutation, in the
sense it has in Welsh grammar, is not peculiar to
our family of languages. In the first place, it may
be pointed out that in Sanskrit dsit + rdjd and
samyak + uktam become en phrase : dsid rdjd or
dsidrdjd, " erat rex," and samyaguktam, ' well said ; '
and so whenever a surd comes before an initial
sonant. In the interval between Latin and writ-
ten Spanish, mutation has regularly proceeded one
step, as in pueblo and trinidad from the Latin
populum and trinitatem : but, since the present
orthography, that is as far as concerns the conson-
ants, was established, it seems to have taken an-
other, as pueblo is pronounced with b like a labial v,
and trinidad with d as soft as our dd. Lastly,
Italian, according to Prince L.-L. Bonaparte,* dis-

* My attention was first called to this coincidence by a mention
in Ellia' Early English Pronunciation of Prince L.-L. Bonaparte's dis-
covery, which he has briefly given in his preface to II Vangdo di S.

LECTURE II. 47

tinguislies a strong and a weak pronunciation of
the consonants, which are distributed in very much
the same way as the radical and reduced conson-
ants of Welsh, which we have been discussing.
So, in this respect, the pronunciation of Italian is
now in the same state as that of Welsh must have
been just before it had reduced c to ff, and so on.
Nor is this all : some of the Italian dialects have
gone as far as Welsh in this path of phonetic
decay, or even outstripped it. The most remark-
able is that of Sassari, in the island of Sardinia,
where, for instance, one says lu gori for Italian il
more — Welsh y galon, ' the heart ' (radical, cori,
calon) ; la derra for Ital. la terra — Welsh i dir, ' to
land ' (radical, terra, tir) ; and lu bobbulu for Ital.
il popolo — Welsh y bobl, ' the people ' (radical,
pobbulu, pobl) : a similar change takes place in the
case of radical g, d, b, s.

The second group of our mutations consists of
the reduction of yc, nt, mp into <yy^, nnh, mmk,
and of lyg, nd, mh into yy, nn, mm, respectively.
Let us begin with the latter three : in Mod.
Welsh they are written ng, nn (or n), mm (or m),

Matteo vdgarizzato in Dicdetto Sardo Sassarese dal Can. O. Spano
(London, 1866). The book is not easy to procure, and I am in-
debted to the Prince's kindness for a copy of it. Since then I have
incurred a similar obligation to Dr. Hugo Schuchardt of Halle, who
has written an elaborate article on the subject in the Romania.
There he discusses the consonants and their mutations much in the
same way as I have attempted in this lecture.

48 LECTUBES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY.

and so- in Mod. Irish, excepting that, when a
quasi-medial is concerned, nn, mm, are represented
by n-d, m-b, in which the ofand b are not intended
to be heard. Thus it is hardly necessary to re-
mark that the assimilation is the same in both
languages ; however, it seems to have been neither
very common in 0. Irish, nor so inexorably carried
out in the subsequent stages of the language as in
Welsh, where we find it an all but accomplished
fact in our earliest manuscripts. One of the
latest Welsh instances of a medial complex ap-
parently free from its influence occurs in the
name Vendumagl-i on a stone inscribed in mixed
Eomano-British and Hiberno- Saxon characters of
the 6th, or more probably of the 7th, century:
later this name appears in the form Gwen-
fael. To this I will add two or three instances
more, which will suffice to convince you that what
we are discussing is more familiar to you than
you have, perhaps, anticipated : — annaearol, ' un-
earthly,' for an + daearol, ' earthly ; ' canm/ll
(pron. cannim/lT), 'a candle,' from Lat. candela;
am (pron. amm), ' about,' Ir. imm, im, represented
in 0. Gaulish by ambi, and in Greek by dfi(f)l ;
cam (pron. camm), 'crooked,' Ir. camm, cam, for
camb — as in the 0. Gaulish Cambodunum. The
same thing also happens when the mute is a
quasi-medial, as, for example, after the proclitic

LECTURE II. 49

preposition yw, 'in,' as when we say yw Nimhych,
' in Denbigh,' yn ninas Dafydd, ' in the city of
David,' for yn + Dimbych and yn + dinas : so in
other cases too numerous to mention.

To return to the other three, they are, after
undergoing eclipsis, as Irish grammarians call
it, written in Mod. Welsh ngh, nnh, mmk, which
imply a process that requires some explanation.
The veteran phonologist, Mr. Alexander J. Ellis,
who has written extensively and elaborately on
Early English Pronunciation, considers that the
n in the English word tent is partially assimilated
to the following mute, and that it becomes a surd
which he would write nh: thus he would repre-
sent tent as pronounced tennht, and similarly
tempt, sink, as temmht, siqqhk — his q means the
sound of ny in sing, for which I have made use of
y. It is hardly probable, however, that any ordi-
nary orthography would take cognizance of the
difference between surd and sonant nasals in the
positions here indicated, and I am inclined to
think that the Welsh of old who wrote hanther,
now hanner, 'half,' and pimphet, now pummed,
' fifth,' meant something more than this. As the
spirants th, ph, are out of the question, it is not
improbable that nth, mph, were intended to be
pronounced nkt^h, mhp^h, that is, the complexes
nt, mp, were to be aspirated, which we may express

D

50 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

by -writing them [nt'jk, [mp'Jk, respectively. So
far Irish may possibly have proceeded on the
same course as Welsh, but no further; for the
next step it takes is to allow the nasal, whether it
was surd or sonant, to disappear, leaving the pre-
ceding vowel in certain cases — possibly only when
it had the tone — lengthened to preserve the quan-
tity of the syllable. Thus it converts such a form
as dent into ddt, ' a tooth,' that is del, for the
Irish use the acute accent to indicate quantity.
Now det is in Welsh dant, which is free from the
eclipsis, but not so its derivative dannheddog,
' toothed.' Here not only has nt become \nt\h,
but the nasal which began to be assimilated by
the oral consonant eventually vanquished the
latter and completely assimilated it to itself in
its altered condition, so that for \nt\h we get
\nn\h^ that is, in our ordinary orthography, nnh.
Other instances, such as tymmhor, ' a season,'
plural tymmkorau, from the Latin tempus, tem-
por-is, and annheilwng, ' unworthy,' for an +
teilwng, ' worthy,' are so common that I need not
mention more of them ; nor is it requisite to dwell
on the similar eclipsis of quasi-medial c, t, p, as,
for instance, in yn nghwsg (pron. y'nghwsg),
' asleep,' yn Nhynyn, ' at Towyn,' for yn + cwsg
and yn + Tywyn. But why, to revert to one of
the instances just mentioned, should tymmhor,
which seems to have been preceded by tylmplhor

LECTUKE II. 51

or tymkp'hor, for Latin tempor-, have taken the
place of that form ? that is, why should p'h have
yielded its place to mh ? Here, as before, the
answer must be sought in the tendency of lan-
guage to lessen by assimilation the labour of
utterance. Thus, in the case before ns, the jo'A
(oral, mute, surd) standfe between mh (nasal,
spirant, surd) and the vowel o (oral, spirant,
sonant) : so it seems perfectly intelligible that
the language, proceeding by degrees, should
replace ph by a surd spirant ; but that would
leave us in the dilemma of having to decide be-
tween the nasal spirant, mh and the oral spirant
ph (== ff), that is, between tymmhor and tymphor.
This, however, an unerring instinct does for us in
favour oi tymmhor * the reason probably being, that,
as we have already seen in another case, the assimi-
lative power of a consonant is greater than that of
a vowel, that is, in this instance, of m than of o.

Thus far we have traced <yc, nt, mp, through two
stages of modification : sometimes, however, the
language goes a step or two further, and in cer-

* Substitute for the vowel I or r, and the reTerse takes place,
the oral consonants having, it would seem, more assimilative force
than the nasal. The instances are not very numerous — I may
mention cetkr, ' a nail, a spike,' for centhr, Breton Jeentr, borrowed
from the Latin centrum, and cathl, ' a song,' for canthl, whence the
0. Welsh cenihliat, " canorus ; " the gloss occurs in the Juvencus
Codex on the words Dauida canorum, and would now be cethliad:
the disappearance of the nasal is a later step, which has nothing to
do with the assimilation in question.

62 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

tain cases even confounds the representatives of
these complexes with those of 7^, nd, mb : — (1.)
In Mod. Welsh we find it difficult to double a
consonant not immediately following the tone-
vowel, consequently such words as dannheddog and
annheilwng become danheddog and anheilwng in
pronunciation. Similarly we neither speak nor
write fyn nhad, fym mhen, but always fy nhad,
'my father,' fy mhen, 'my head,' for fyn + tad
and fyn + pen, the possessive pronoun being a
proclitic, which never has the tone. It must, by
the way, be explained, that although in book
Welsh the word is written fy, even before vowels,
as in_^ enw, ' my name,' liable to become in North
Wales y^MW, and so in other cases, the old form
of it was min, which is still duly represented in
South Wales hj fyn — in North Cardiganshire it
sometimes becomes fyng, like pring for prin,
' scarce ' — as va.fyn enw, ' my name,'_/y?j oen, ' my
\&,mb,^ fyn arian, ' my money,' and the like : it is
this full iorvafyn that must be considered in the
eclipsis. Add. to the foregoing the case of r^g, nd,
mb, which is similar. Thus we say fy nydd, ' my
da,y,,^fy mramd, 'my brother,' ^at fyn nydd, fym,
mramd, ioxfyn + dydd&ndifym + brawd: similarly,
we say saith mlynedd, ' seven years,' for saitKn
+ blynedd, Irish seacht m-bliadhna (pron. seacht
mliadhnd) ; for saith is one of our numerals which
originally ended in n, matched in Latin by the m

lECTUEE II. 53

of septem, novem, decern ; and such a phrase as saith
rdynedd is an interesting instance of a fact re-
maining long after one of its factors is clean gone.
Occasionally the nasal is also simplified when it
happens to be medial, as in ymenyn, 'butter,' for
which one might have expected ymmenyn for ymb-
en-yn : the Breton forms are amanenn, amann,
and the Irish imb, imm, im, all from the root
AKGV, whence also Lat. unguo, ' I smear or be-
smear,' AUemanic anko, ancho, ' butter.'

(2.) The surd is liable to become a sonant unless
it comes immediately before the tone- vowel : thus
such words as dnghlod, ' disrepute,' dmmkeu, ' to
doubt,' tymmkor, ' a season,' are sometimes pro-
nounced dnylod, dmmeu, tymmor ; that is, a second
process of assimilation has taken place in them ;
but it is prevented by the position of the tone in
ammMuaeth, ' doubt,' and tymmhorau, ' seasons.'
.In words such as the following no trace of the
surd is to be found : — cdnnoedd, ' hundreds,' ddn-
nedd, 'teeth,' which is followed by the North-
walian pronunciation of dannMddog as daniddog,
tdnnau, ' chords,' trSngu, ' to expire,' from trangc,
' death,' and many others. As to such words as
ugain, ' twenty,' and drjan, ' money,' for ugaint
and arjant, they seem to be instances of the retreat
of the accent from the ultima to the penultima,
accompanied by the reduction and the simplifica-
tion of the nasal : a similar remark would seem to

54 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

apply to the colloquial form of the third person
plural of verbs, as when ydynt, ' sunt,' clywsant,
' audiverunt,' rhedent, ' currehant,' are made into
ydyn, clymson, rheden, a pronunciation which no
one would, however, use when reading in public.
The case of the woTdyminnydd, ' brain,' is different
and somewhat exceptional : as the Breton is em-
penn, and the Irish inchinn, genit. inchinne (com-
pare the Greek iyKecpaXo^) , we might expect it to
be in Welsh ymmhennydd or ymhennydd for yn~
penn-ydd. The explanation would seem to be that
the word was formerly accented ymennydd.

It has already been hinted that y, rf, h, have less
power of resistance than <?, #, p : this is confirmed
by the history of the modifications we are now
discussing. Thus, while the eclipsis has in the
case of the former three been approximately as-
cribed to the 7th century, few instances of its
affecting the latter are to be found in the range of
0. Welsh, but as we pass on to Mod. Welsh we
find it far from unusual in a manuscript which
Aneuriu Owen supposed to be of the 12th cen-
tury. I allude to the Venedotian version of the
Laws of Wales. Later, in the Mabinogion, we
have such forms as cyghor (pron. cy^yhor), 'counsel,
council,' amherawdyr, ' emperor,' from Lat. im-
perator, side by side with ympen, 'in the head,'
ygkairllion, ' at Caerleon,' which are now pronounced
ymhenn and y^haerlUon ; and so in other cases. In

LECTURE IT. 55

instances of this kind a disinclination to obscure
what may be called the dictionary form of words
must be regarded as having for a time stemmed
the current of phonetic decay. Still later Sales-
bury is found indulging in such combinations as
yn-pell, ' far,' and yn-carchar, ' in prison ; ' but
according to his own account the mutes following
■n were dead letters, which he only meant to appeal
to the eye : it is easier to forgive him this than
such freaks of fancy as vy-tat, vy-bot^ for vy nhat,
' my father,' and vy mot, ' my being,' which do
much to detract from the phonological value of his
writings. Perhaps one of the last conquests which
eclipsis has made in Welsh occurs in our colloquial
ynkwy, ynkm, nkw, for the written A/vyntAwy, that
is, Awynt-Awy, ' they.' For I need hardly say that
one or more words have already been cited which
may have reminded you that those conquests have
hitherto not been complete ; — whether that would
continue to apply to them, supposing the language
to live long enough, is a question which it would
not be easy now to answer. In the first part of
this lecture it was noticed that the reduction of
a[j»]a into a[5]a took place earlier than that of
a[jo] into a[^] : the parallels to these in the case
of eclipsis are the reduction of m&lp7i]a into
mklmk^a and that of mAlp'A'] into mA['mA'], that is
in pronunciation, as this concerns a final conson-
ant, mm, now commonly written m. Now it is

56 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

mainly words which come under this formula that
have successfully resisted eclipsis, such, for instance,
as the following : — dant, ' a tooth,' plural dannedd;
hynt, 'a journey,' 0. Ir. sit; 'pump, 'five,' 0. Ir.
coic ; tant, ' a chord,' plural tannau, 0. Ir. tdt, Mod.
Ir, teud; meddiant, ' possession,' plural meddian-
nau. To these may be added cant, ' a hundred,'
plural cannoedd, 0. Ir. cet, Mod. cdad, which forms
a sort of compromise between the rule and the
exception ; for we saj pedwar cant, ' four hundred,'
but can (pron. cann) erw, ' a hundred acres,' and
can.ych, 'a hundred oxen.'

Now that the ground which this part of our
inquiry should cover has been rapidly run over, it
may be added that there is nothing in eclipsis
which may be regarded as peculiar to the Celtic
languages ; but I will only cite from other languages
just a sufficient number of analogous instances to
indicate some of the quarters where more may be
found, (a.) You may have wondered how such
English words as the following, now pronounced
dumm, lamm, clime, came to be written dumb, land),
climb: the answer of course is that the b in them
was formerly pronounced, and that this is merely a
case of the spelling lagging behind the pronuncia-
tion — littera scripta manet. To this class of words
may be added the modern rcoodbine, which at an
earlier stage of the language was written wudubind;

LECTURE II. 57

and, to come down to our own daj'^, all of you have
heard London called Lunnun. Beyond the Tweed
this and more of the kind may be considered
classic : witness the following stanza from Burns'
Five Carlins ! —

" Then neist came in a sodger youth,
And spak wi' modest grace,
An' he wad gae to Lon'on town
If sae their pleasure was. "

Here may also be mentioned, that there are
German dialects which habitually use kinner,
wunner, mermen, unner, branmvm, for the book-
forms kinder, wunder, wenden, unter, branntmein.
Similarly in 0. Norse bann and lann are found for
band and land, not to mention the common reduc-
tion of 7^ into nn as in finna, ' to find,' annar,
'other' (German under), munnr, 'mouth' (Ger.
mund) , and the like. (b. ) Diez in his grammar of the
Romance languages supplies a variety of instances
in point, such as the following : — Siciii&n, abbunnari,
' abbundare,' accenniri, ' accendere ; ' Neapolitan,
chiommo, 'plumbum,' munno, 'mundus.' And it
is perhaps by assimilation that nd, nt final have
become n in Provencal, as in gran, ' grandis,' joreow,
' profundus,' fron, ' frons, frontis,' den, ' dens,
dentis,' Si.ni joven, 'juventus.' (c.) So far I have
failed to discover an exact parallel to the Welsh
eclipsis of c, t,p, leaving the nasals in a su^d state
as in our stock instance tymmhor from tempus.

58 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

temporis ; but this is probably to be attributed to
my very limited acquaintance with the exact
pronunciation of other languages. It would not,
however, be altogether irrelevant here to mention
Mr. Ellis' account of the sound of n, for instance,
in the word tent, which he regards as pronounced
tenht or tennht, and to add that he further finds
that in Icelandic n coming after ^ or ^ is also made
into nh, as in vatn, ' water,' regin, ' rain,' pro-
nounced vatnA and regknh respectively. Now there
can be no doubt that at one time English kn also
was, provincially or generally, pronounced knh; for
when the k ceased to be heard in such words as
knave, knee, know, the nh still remained, a point
amply proved by Cooper, who published, in 1685,
a work entitled Grammatica Linguce Anglicance,
from which Mr. Ellis cites no fewer than five
passages giving the then English pronunciation of
kn as hn. This kn, which we are wont to write
nh, and Cooper mentions in company with zh, wh,
sh, th, as having no place in the alphabet, found its
way into Wales, nor has it to this day quite dis-
appeared from our pronunciation of English. When
I was a boy, our schoolmasters in Cardiganshire
prided themselves on the many things they nhew,
and favoured the boys who strove to benefit by
their superior nhonledge, but as to the young nhaxes
who preferred idling, they had their laziness liter-

LECTURE II. 59

ally nhocked out of them in no pleasant manner :
in fact, there are Welshmen not a few still living
who have never lost the nhowledge thus nhocked into
them when they were boys.

The next mutations to be noticed, in the order
given in the table we have been following, that is,
if we reserve It for a special mention, and omit Ip
for want of sure instances, are those of Ic, re, rt,
rp, into Ich, rch, rth, rph (or rff), as in the follow-
ing words : — golehi, ' to wash,' 0. Irish /olcaim,
" humecto,lavo; " march, 'a steed,' whence mwrehog,
'■ a knight,' Ir. mareaeh ; nerth, ' strength,' whence
nerth/hwr, ' powerful,' 0. Ir. nertmar, Gaul. JS'er-
tomarus ; corff, ' a body,' plural cyrff and corffo-
roedd, Ir. corp (Lat. corpus, corporis) ; gorpken,
' to finish,' from pen, ' head, end,' with the prefix
gor. The formula of the reduction in these words
and the like is not that of r\_p']a but of rh\_p'\a
into rh\_ph']a, that is, for instance, the Latin corpus
was, in Welsh mouths, corhpus, with p (surd,
mute) between rh (surd, spirant) and u (sonant,
spirant), so that under the combined influence of
its two neighbour-sounds it had to be changed into
ph (/■), which gives us corff and not corb, as might
be expected were corpus to be treated as such and
not as corhpus. Even now, if I am not mistaken,
the liquids in corff and golehi are not quite the
sonants r and I, but rather rh and Ih ; or, perhaps,

60 LECT0EES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

it would be more correct to say that they begin as
sonants and end as surds, to be timed ^-^^ and
ijwih respectively. Thus following Mr, Ellis' palaao-
type representation of tent as tennAt, we might
say that these words are pronounced corrhff and
gol-lhcki. When the spirants ch, th, ph, began to
take the places of the corresponding mutes in the
positions here indicated, it would now be hard to
say ; however, our earliest specimens, scanty as
they are, of 0. Welsh of the 9th century exhibit
them on much the same footing in the language
then as now. It is true that occasionally c, t, p,
are to be met with for ch, th, ph, but that is pro-
bably rather the result of carelessness in writing
than of any uncertainty in the pronunciation.
This phonetic change is not a very common one
in European languages ; but we seem to have an
implied instance of it in the Sassarese dialect in
such words as baj,ca (Ital. barca) and alchi (Ital.
archi, with the ch, as usual in Italian, standing for
the sound of k) : the present pronunciation is given
by Prince L.-L. Bonaparte as hw^Qfo, and a-^, so
that the intermediate stage can hardly but have
been hab^ and alyi or bar-^a and aryi.

The next mutations in the table are those of rd,
lb, rh, into rdd, If, rf, to which may be added those
of Im, rm, into If, rf. They need not be here dwelt
upon, as the same explanation applies to them as

LECTURE II. 61

to vowel-flanked consonants and others mentioned
at the outset. But as to Ig, rg, it is to be noticed
that even in 0. Welsh they had the sound of Igh,
rgh, with gh sounded as the sonant spirant which
may sometimes be heard in such German words as
liegen, ' to lie,'i and regen, ' rain.' In the Oxford
Glosses on Ovid's Art of Love we have this once
written gh, namely in helghati, " venare," that is,
helgha ti, ' do thou , hunt ; ' but in the Cambridge
Glosses on Martianus Capella we have it written ch
in the verbal noun in the phrase in helcha, ' in
venando/ now.yw hela, ' in hunting :' compare the
Irish seilg, ' a hunting, venison.' Probably the
sound was the same even where g continued to be
written, as in 0. Welsh colginn, ' aristum,' now
coli/n, ' a sting.' The next step was to omit the
consonant altogether, as in the last-mentioned in-
stance, or else to change it into_/ as in kelghati,
now helja di ; and in such words as arjan, 'silver,'
0. Welsh argant, Breton arc'hant, 0. Ir. argat,
now airgead, from Latin argentum, tarjan, ' a shield,'
from 0. English targe, genitive targan ; to which
may be added proper names in gen, such as 0.
Welsh Morgen, TJrbgen, later Morjen, Urjen.

Next in order come ch, th, ph, for cc, tt, pp re-
spectively, as in sack ' a sack, from Latin saccus,
saeth ' an arrow,' from sagitta, and cyff ' a stump,
trunk, stem,' from cippus. The same thing hap-

62 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

pens iu the case of quasi-medials, as, for instance,
when we use ac ' and,' tri ' three,' which stands
for an earlier tris, or ei 'her,' which originally
also ended in s, as in the following examples : —
ci a chath ' a dog and a cat,' for ci ac + cath; ty a
than ' house and fire,' for ty at + tan = ti/ ac + tan ;
tri phen ' three heads,' for trip + pen = tris +
pen ; ei Must ' her ear,' for eic + dust = eis +
dust ; whereas ' his ear ' would be ei glust, because
ei masculine originally ended in a vowel — the
Sanskrit for ejus is asya ' his,' asyds ' her.' This
mutation, so common in Welsh, to which I have
hitherto failed to find a parallel elsewhere, is pro-
bably to be explained as follows : — Take for instance
the Latin word cippus, which the Welsh borrowed
into their own language. Here the vowels i and u
are separated by two /»'s, whereof the one is implo-
sive, or formed when the lips are brought together,
and the other explosive, or formed when the con-
tact ceases. Now the assimilative force of the
vowels would tend to reduce the word to cibbus or
cipkphUs. But the double consonant generally also
implies a more violent ejection of air from the
lungs than is usual in the case of a single one, a
circumstance which is directly antagonistic to any
reduction in the direction of jo to 6 ; so dbbus is
ruled out of the field. Of course, in the case of
our supposed form dphphus, the two ph's being

LECTURE II. 63

continuous sounds, could not fail to merge them-
selves into one, that is to say, if they were not to
be so regarded from the first. In either case the
result would be cipkus or ciffus, whence our cyff.
Then as to the time when this mutation became
the rule, that may be determined between certain
wide limits. It is an accomplished fact in the
9th century, whereas about the middle of the
6th century a Continental writer speaks of our
crwth as " chrotta Britanna." So it may be
ascribed to the 7th or the 8th century, proba-
bly the former, for which our inscriptional evi-
dence seems to make: an Anglesey tombstone bears
the name Decceti, while another, in Devonshire, in
letters tending to the Hiberno- Saxon style, gives
it the form Decketi. Still more instructive is an
inscription from Carmarthenshire which mentions
a man called Lunarlc^hi Cocci, in letters which
can hardly be earlier than the middle of the 6th
century. This last clearly shows that re had be-
come rch before cc had yielded ch as in coch ' red,'
the modern representative of cocc-i ; a fact which
is quite in harmony with what has already been
said as to the relative force of vowels and con-
sonants for assimilation.

The transition of such a word as cippus into
aphpkus or ciphph would lead one to expect fruc-
tus to have become in Welsh, in the first instance,

64 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

fruchthus or fruchth, but we have no evidence
whatever for such a form. In the earliest 0.
Welsh we have ith in the place of chth, and, ac-
cordingly, /rz^zi^A, now ffrwyth, ' fruit,' for fructus;
and so in native words, such as wytk, ' eight,' for
oct, Ir. oeht, Lat. octo ; rhaith, ' law,' for reet-, Ir.
reckt, Lat. rectum, Eng. riffkt. Did cktk become
ith without any intermediate stage of pronuncia-
tion ? That is hardly probable, and the next
thing is to suppose the steps to have been ct, ckth,
ghth, ith, or rather ct, cht, chth, ghth, ith, as the
Irish equivalent is still written cM, though the
pronunciation, it is true, approaches chth or chtth.
And it is not improbable that cht dates from the
period of Goidelo-Kymric unity, if not earlier; and
it is to be noticed that, as ht, cht, or ght, it is com-
mon to the Teutonic languages, where it would
accordingly seem to date before their separation
from one another : take for instance the English
word might, formerly written meaht, miht, G-er.
macht, Gothic mahts. Then, in the next place,
as to the transition of cht into chth, it is just what
the analogy oi rth, rch, for rt, re, would lead one
to expect in Welsh ; but a more questionable step
is the softening, here supposed, of chth into ghth.
However, the pronunciation offers no difficulty, as
it is easy to begin the gh as a sonant spirant and
to finish the th as a surd one ; in point of assimi-

LECTUEE 11. 65

lation, such a syllable as acht offers in its ch a
compromise between the a and the t. Moreover,
English orthography seems to have registered an
analogous process in such words as night, which
was formerly written neaht, naht, niht, then nigt
and night. The gh was sounded in English in
William Salesbury's time, who describes it as
softer than Welsh ch, but otherwise of the same
character. The change of spelling from h to gh
was preparatory in some of the instances to its
ceasing altogether to have the power of a conso-
nant, which happened with the same result as in
Welsh. Take again the word night with its short
i (as in pin) lengthened eventually at the expense
of the gh into I (as in Welsh, or ee in the English
beech) — the subsequent diphthongisation of that I
into the ei of our own day, which permits our
writing night in Welsh spelling as Tieit, does not
concern us here — and compare the Welsh word
hrlth, feminine braith, ' spotted, party-coloured ; '
brith stands for a much earlier brlct, which may
be supposed to have successively become bricht,
brichth, brighth, brith; while the feminine stands
for brictd, which would have to pass through the
stages brichta, brechtha, breghtha, breith, on its
way to our present Welsh braith. The presence
of an i for the first consonant in the combination
in question is common to Welsh with French, as

66 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

in the Old Welsh fruith, now ffrnyth, French,
fruit, and so in other instances, a coincidence
which the advocates of the Gallo-British theory
should make the best of ; but as words borrowed
into Welsh from Latin follow the same rule in
this as native ones, it is probable that chth, ghth,
date after the Eomans came to our shores, and the
only inscription bearing on this point seems to
favour that supposition, as far at least as con-
cerns ghth. It comes from Pembrokeshire, and is
in letters which may, perhaps, be assigned to the
latter part of the 6th century: they can hardly
be much earlier. The reading seems to be Nog-
tivis Fill Demeti ; the Ogam differs, but it cer-
tainly begins with nogt, which I take to mean
noghth rather than nogkt, as I fail to see how the
latter form could have arisen : noghth would be the
prototype of one of the words which have the.
form noeth in Mod. Welsh ; that is to say, noeth,
' naked,' Ir. nocht, and noeth, ' night,' as in he-
noeth, ' to-night,' Mod. Ir. anocht. By gk is here
meant the same sound which yielded 7 in helja and
Morjen already mentioned, and which, as the con-
tinuator of g followed by I, r, or n, is replaced in
Mod. Welsh by the vowel e in such words as Mael
for 0. Welsh mail = magi, as in Grildas' Maglo-
cuni, aer, ' a battle,' 0. Welsh, air = agr-, of the
same origin as the Greek aypa, 'a catching, hunt-

LECTUKE II. 67

ing, the chase,' and oen, ' a lamb,' 0. Welsh, oin =
ogn-, of the same origin as Latin agnus. Irish is
satisfied with merely lengthening the vowels by-
way of compensation, so that the foregoing words
assume in that language the form Mdl, dr^ and
uan = on. These guesses, which cannot seem less
satisfactory to you than they do to me, would look
incomplete without a mention of pi; but as pt is
supposed to have been changed at a very early date
into ct, it has no history of its own. Thus our
saitk, ' seven,' formerly seitk, is regarded as the
direct representative of a Goidelo-Kymric seckt or
sect for an Aryan saptan, which is rendered pro-
bable by the Irish form, which is now .seacht,
formerly secM. And it is worthy of notice that
the only Latin loan-word with pt has been treated
in Welsh differently from those with ct : I allude
to pregetk, ' a sermon,' from. prceceptttm, 'a maxim,
rule, injunction, doctrine ' — compare also TrAipki,
' Egypt,' for 'H A'lyvTrTo<}.

We have not yet done with the table we set out
with : there still remain the items in Italics.
Instances have been noticed of the reduction of c,
t, p, into g, d, 6, but" now we have to deal with
changes which seem to take the other direction, as
when gg becomes cc and the like : this kind of
mutation may, in default of a more appropriate
term, be called provection. But when c, for

68 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

instance, is reduced in. Welsh to g, we know that
to be an instance of assimilation tending to lighten
the labour of articulation; however, it is not to
be assumed that provection is a kind of dissimila-
tion to increase it. Let us begin with the more
palpable cases in point : what makes it so difficult
to teach a Welshman not to make the English
words hag, pod, tiib, into back, pot, tup, or to get an
Englishman to pronounce the word eisteddfod cor-
rectly as eistehvod, and not as eistethphod? It cannot
be that pod is made into pot because the o is fol-
lowed by a mute or a stopped consonant, for t and
d are the same in that respect ; and in the other
case th and dd are both spirants or continued con-
sonants. Thus it is clear that these changes do not
depend on any of the qualities serving as a basis
for the classification of consonants into mutes and
spirants into surds and sonants. Another glance
at the table will show that, when provection takes
place, more consonants than one are concerned.
Now it happens almost uniformly in Welsh, that
when an accented vowel is followed by a combina-
tion of consonants, it has a closed pronunciation,
which implies a hasty and forced ejection of air
from the lungs. This high pressure, so to say, is
not favourable to the pronunciation of such con-
sonants as g, d, b, dd,f, as they require the organs
of speech to be brought together much more gently

LECTUBE II. 69

and slowly than in the case of the corresponding
snrds. Hence it is clear that when a Welshman
makes hag into hack, or an Englishman eisteddfod
into eistethphod, these are cases of assimilation
based on a third principle, the force of the vowels,
and, in the instances before us, the assimilation
distinctly amounts to the substitution of an easier
for a harder pronunciation.

It is hardly necessary to state that the use made
of provection is only sporadic in Welsh as com-
pared with the other kinds of assimilation and
their far-reaching effects on the words of the
language. In Irish, however, it plays a con-
siderably more important part, whence another
divergence between the two languages, especially
in words which, in 0. Welsh and 0. Irish, con-
tained the combinations lb, rb, rd, seeing that in
later Welsh they are If, rf rdd, and in Irish lb, rb,
rd, or even Ip, rp, rt. Thus the 0. Welsh gilbin
becomes gylfin, ' a bird's bill or beak,' while the
Irish is gulha, which also occurs with a p instead
of h; and the Latin or do appears in Welsh as urdd,
' an order,' and in Irish as ordd or ort, genitive
uirdd or uirt. It may not be wholly devoid of
interest to you to find that there are cases of
provection in English in such forms, for instance,
as the perfects meant, 0. English mcende, mende ;
dreamt, 0. Eng. dremde ; dealt, 0. Eng. dmlde.

70 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

delde; felt, 0. Eng. felde, felte, to which may be
added others such as built, 0. Eng. bulde, and
bent, 0. Eng. bende. The same thing happens
when the ending ard becomes art as in braggart,
sweetheart, a change which invariably takes place
in Mod. Welsh when words of this category are
borrowed, as, for instance, in godart, 'a kind of
cup,' sowgart, ' a riding habit,' llempart, Rhisiart,
from goddard, safeguard, leopard, Richard.

But, to proceed to instances of a more respect-
able antiquity, we come to gg, dd, bb, yielding
mutes : in order to avoid confusion they must be
treated as belonging to two strata of different
dates. The later of them belongs to Mediseval and
Modern "Welsh, and dates after most of the reduc-
tions already discussed had taken place, as, for
instance, in such words as these : cyttuno, ' to agree,
to bargain,' for cyd + duno, ' to unite, agree ; '
yspytty, ' a hospice,' for yspyd + dy (for ty, ' a
house ') ; Hetty, ' lodgings, an inn,' for lied + dy.
Here it is to be observed that when the tone falls
on the vowel immediately preceding the mutes in
question, the vowel is shortened and forced while
the mute is doubled ; but as soon as the tone
shifts, the vowel is slackened and the mute
simplified. However, it is usual to write lletty
' lodgings ' and llettya ' to lodge,' or else llety and
lletya; but neither orthography is accurate and

LECTURE II. 71

consistent, for the •words being accented on the
penultima as usual, are pronounced Hetty and lletya.
This would perhaps be most readily indicated for
the benefit of strangers desirous of learning our
language by writing lUty and lletya. Similarly in
cases of assimilation we should have to write, for
instance, atebodd, ' respondit,' and dteb, ' respon-
dere,' for ad plus keb as in gohebu, ' to correspond
by letter ; ' in 0. "Welsh it is hep, ' quoth,' for a
European saqv-, whence the English say, German
• sagen, and the Lithuanian atsakyti, which is all but
bodily equivalent to our dteb.

The other stratum of instances alluded to be-
longs to 0. "Welsh, and they are, as might be ex-
pected, few in number. Apertk, now abertk, ' a
sacrifice, an offering,' would seem to be one, as it
admits of being analysed into (ap-pertk for) ab-
herth = ad-berth : the 0. Irish forms are edbart,
edpa^t, id-part (Zeuss^, p. 869), all from the root
ber, the Celtic equivalent oifer, in Lat.yer-o, Greek
<j)ep-a), ' I bear.' The analysis of the Old "Welsh
aper, now aber, ' the mouth of a river,' would dis-
close the same root, if one is right in understand-
ing the word originally to mean the volume of
water which a river bears or brings into the sea or
into another river. Compare Umbrian arfert-ur
(for ad-fert-ur), 'allator, oblator,' and arferia,
glossed by Festus "aqua qute inferis libabatur."

72 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

To the working of the same principle in 0. Welsh
we are probably to trace apati, for abhati, in a
Latin inscription in Hiberno-Saxon characters on
a stone at Llantwit in South Wales. Similarly
Welsh cred-u, ' to believe/ for an earlier cret-u, 0.
Irish creitem, ' faith,' neither of which seems to be
derivable from Latin cred-o, is rather to be com-
pared with Sanskrit graddhd, ' trusting, faithful,'
^addhdna, ' faith,' graddMtaw/a= Welsh credadwy,
' to be believed.' We may probably assume that
aperth stands for an earlier apperth {=ahherth
^ adberth), and the conclusion seems natural,
that the simplification of the mute implies that
the accent was on the ultima: unfortunately we
cannot be said to know much about its position in
0. Welsh. However, the fact that aperth, for in-
stance, was pronounced aperth and not apperth in
the latter part of the 0. Welsh period is rendered
certain by its further reduction in later Welsh. into
aberth: so with the other instances.

Before leaving this point, you may wish to know
if anything corresponding happens in the case of
quasi-medials, that is, if we have parallels to the
phrases already mentioned, ci a chath, ty a than, and
ei chlust. There are such, and the following will
do as instances : tri gair, ' three words,' ceiniog a
dimai, ' a penny and a halfpenny,' ei bara, ' her
bread.' These might at first sight seem to be

LECTURE II. 73

hardly in point, the forms to be expected being
tri cair, ceiniog a timai, ei para ; however, looking
at the actual ones, you will observe that the lan-
guage has not set out from tri gair, a dimai, ei
bara, for in that case we should now have by re-
duction tri air, a ddimai, ei far a — this last does
occur, but it means ' his bread,' and not ' her
bread.' The fact is, tri gair, for instance, with a g
that resists reduction, stands for trig + gair for an
earlier tris + gair. It is this kind of strengthened
g that has been entered in the table as g. A simi-
lar remark applies to d' and b'.

We now pass to the consideration of It and Id,
as to the former of which, it is possible that It, in
the first instance, became Iht by assimilation ; but
Ih, though a surd, is not the sound ,we write U,
which roughly speaking stands to I as_/ tot;, or th
in ' thin ' to th in ' this.' What is the exact rela-
tion in which our II stands to Ik ? would a change
from Ih into II be a case of provection, or is II due
altogether to the influence of the t following it ?
These are questions which I must leave in the
hands of those who make the physiology of speech
their special study. The combination Id also
yields lit, for the d in melldith, ' a curse,' and
melldigo, ' to curse,' from the Latin maledictio and
maledicere, is merely historical, the pronunciation
being melltith and melltigo ; nor does anybody, so

74 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

far as I can remember, write swlld and cysylldu for
srclli, ' a shilling,' and cysylltu, ' to join, to con-
nect,' as it is not very generally known that these
two words are borrowed from the Latin soldus or
solidus and. consolidare. In the change of Id into
lit, language probably proceeded, as usual, by de-
grees : in the first instance Id became It by pro-
vectiou, which, by the way, is shared by Bretou,
for it is from It it must have arrived at the
vocalised ut, ot, which it opposes to our lit. The
next step was to make It, Iht, into lit ; bo that the
representatives of early It and Id could no longer be
kept apart, having in both instances got to be lit,
subject to be further modified by assimilation into
ll-ll, that is II, as in Welsh allawr, allor, ' an altar,'
Breton auter, Ir. altoir, from Latin altare ; call-
awr, ' a cauldron,' Bret, cauter, caoter, from Latin
caldarium — compare French chaudiere, ' a boiler or
copper ; ' cyllell, ' a knife,' from Lat. cultellus—
compare French couteau ; ellyn, ' a razor,' Bret.
aotenn, Ir. altan. In several of these words this
was an accomplished change in 0. Cornish; for
example, we have ellyn and cyllell in the later
Oxford Glosses written elinn and celleell, and still
earlier we find callawr written colour in the weU-
known 0. Welsh triplets beginning " Niguorcosam
nemheunaur " in the Cambridge Codex of Juvencus.
This proves that the Welsh had the sound which

LECTUEE II. 75

we write II as early as the 9th century, and
could pronounce it between vowels, as we do, a
point in which Welsh contrasts with Icelandic,
which also has the sound, but only before t. My
attention was called to its presence in that lan-
guage by an Icelandic gentleman in Oxford asking
me one day when such and such a college was
' ' buillt." On inquiry I found that this is the
sound which I always has before t in modern Ice-
landic : thus Icelandic kolt, ' a small forest,'
sounds to me like our kollt, ' a chink,' though
it may be that the Icelanders do not force the
breath so much to the right side of the mouth as
we do in pronouncing our II, which is sometimes
called unilateral by phonologists — it does not,
however, I may observe, deserve to be so called
any more than our I, which we pronounce also on
the right side of the mouth ; and so too, I suspect,
some Englishmen do. Look at these points as you
may, the coincidence between Welsh and Icelandic
is a striking proof that t has an affinity for U
which requires a physiological explanation.

Now we come to cases which do not involve
mutes, but only I, r, n: let us take first U and
Ir. The instances readiest to hand of II, that is
l-l yielding in Welsh the spirant surd which we
write II, occur in loan-words from Latin, such as
porchell ' a young pig ' from porcellus, ystafell ' an

76 LECTTJKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

apartment' from stabellwm, Tstim/U 'Epiphany'
from Stella. Then there are other cases like Welsh
oil ' all,' Irish uile, from a stem olja, and Welsh
paiell ' a tent ' from Lat. papilio, which in Welsh
mouths became, no doubt, papiljo, that is to say,
if that was not the first and only pronunciation
which they heard from the Romans themselves.
But how did papiljo become pepyll, whence our
nxo^Qvn pabell ? did it become papilla with II for Ij,
ox papil'jo, papilljo, with I', II, produced by provec-
tion ? On the whole, I am inclined to take the
latter view as the more probable. Of Ir I have no
certain instances : so the next combinations are rr
and rl. As to the former, it makes in Mod. Welsh
rrh and rh, as for instance where a noun is preceded
by the definite article yr, 0. Welsh ir, which is a
proclitic. Take the following : y rhan ' the share '
for yr + ran; oW rhan ' from the share ' for o -\-yr
-\-ran; Vr rhan 'to the share' for i -\- yr -{■ ran ;
and so in other cases, though rhan is regarded as
the radical form, of which more anon. The pro-
vected form of rl is written rll, as in perllan ' an
orchard,' oerllwm ' cold and bare,' garlleg from the
English garlic, and jarll from English eorl or
earl. But the importance of this change appears
mostly in the case of the definite article, as in y
llaw ' the hand ' for yr + llaw, d'r Haw ' from the
hand ' ion o-\-yr-\- llaw, a^r llaw ' with the hand '

LECTUEE II. ll

for a + yr + Ham ; and so on. Here it is to be re-
marked, as to the article prefixed to feminines,
that the parallels to y ddafad ' the sheep ' for
yr + da/ad, y formyn ' the maid ' for yr + morwyn,
are to be sought not in y Haw ' the hand ' for
yr + Haw, and y rhan ' the share ' for yr + rhan,
but in an earlier stage yr + law and yr + ran, which
passed into y(r) Haw and y{r) rhan. There still
remain to be noticed nl and nr, the provected
forms of which are written nil and nrk as in gwinllan,
' a vineyard ' and enllyn anything eaten or drunk
with bread, such as butter, cheese, milk, beer, or
the like : so also after the preposition yn, as in
yn Llundain ' in London ' and yn llawn ' in full.'
Whether and in what cases I has passed immedi-
ately into ll and not through an intermediate Ih,
which would be the parallel to rh, I am unable to
decide. But both ll and Ih would be provected
forms of I, and we seem to detect a trace of the
latter in 0. Cornish in the later Oxford Glosses,
which give us the equivalent of our enllyn, Ir.
anion, in the form ehnlinn, whereby is probably
meant enlhinn or e\nr]hinn.

A word now as to ll and rh initial. Ll and rh,
whether initial or not, are confined, as far as con-
cerns the Celtic languages, to Welsh and Cornish
— Edward Llwyd found traces of both in Cornish.
But the fact that they are foreign to the Breton

78 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

dialects seems to show that they date after the
mutual diiferentiation of Welsh and Breton. We
have no Welsh manuscript authority for rh in
the 0. Welsh period, but II is found written in the
Black Book of Carmarthen of the 12th century as it
is now. On the other hand, 0. Cornish offers an
instance in the later Oxford Glosses of a word
beginning with hi identical probably with Ih : it is
hloimol, which is unfortunately as obscure as the
Latin glomerarium which it was intended to ex-
plain, but the Mod. Welsh equivalent might be
expected, if it existed, to begin with the syllable
llwyf. But how, you will ask, is the provection of
initial I into Ih, II, and of initial r into rh, to be
accounted for ? The first answer to suggest itself
is, that it is the result of the influence of the other
consonants, which as initials remain c, t, p, &c.,
while as medials or quasi-medials they are reduced
to g, d, b, &c. Thus .c initial and g medial would
be matched by II initial and I medial ; and so
with rh and r. Supposing that it could be shown,
but it is hardly probable that it can, that the. pair-
ing of U and I, rh and r, began some time posterior
to that of c and g, t a.Vid d, and so on, this might
be admitted as a passable explanation, though it
would be open to the objection that the analogy
of c, g, for insta'nce, would require I and r as
initials to remain unchanged, but to give way as

LECTURE II. 79

medials to some softer sounds, l^ and r^ ; and this
applies both to Welsh and Sassarese, the agreement
between which extends to r. Thus in Welsh we
say rlmyd ' a net,', but ei rmyd ' his net,' and the
Sassarese word for net is pronounced rrezza, while
the net is, nevertheless, la rezza. But one could
not, in the way here suggested, account for initial
r always appearing in Ancient Greek as p, a
coincidence with Welsh which can hardly be acci-
dental ; nor is this all, for in Ancient Greek, as in
Welsh, two r's coming together resulted in pp as in
nvppo<!, KdXXippdr}, which the Komans transcribed
Pyrrhus, Calirrhoe — the distinction between p and p
is unknown in Mod. Greek. On the whole, then,
nothing remains but that we should ascribe the
distinction between the liquids as initials and non-
initials to the same cause, to a certain extent, as
that between the mutes. Thus from the facts of
mutation already discussed, as, for instance, of c
becoming g when non-initial and following a vowel,
while initial c undergoes no such a change, it seems
to follow that initial c, owing wholly or in part to
its position, is pronounced with more force than
when it happens to be preceded by a vowel. The
same applies to other mutes, and herein Italian, as
has already been mentioned, is at one with the
Celtic languages. Moreover, the greater force of
initial consonants has been established by direct

80 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

measurement in a way which must now be briefly
described.

In an address to the Philological Society, Mr.
Ellis gave a short account of an. instrument called
the logograph, invented by Mr. W. H. Barlow for
recording, among other things, the comparative
force of articulation in speech. Since then Mr.
Barlow has very kindly answered various' queries
I have sent him, and favoured me with a copy
of his own description of his invention to the
Royal Society in a paper entitled : " On the
Pneumatic Action which accompanies the Articu-
lation of Sounds by the Human Voice, as exhibited
by a Recording Instrument. By W. H. Barlow,
F.R.S., V.P. Inst. C.E." (Proc. of the Roy.
Soc, vol. xxii. pp. 277-286). " The instrument I
have constructed," he says, " consists of a small
speaking-trumpet about four inches long, having
an ordinary mouthpiece connected to a tube half
an inch in diameter, the other end of which is
widened out so as to form an aperture of 2 J inches
in diameter. This aperture is covered with a
membrane of goldbeater's skin or thin gutta
percha. A spring which carries the marker is
made to press against the membrane with a slight
initial pressure, to prevent as far as practicable
the effects of jar and consequent vibratory action.
A very light arm of aluminium is connected with

LECTURE ir. 81

the spring and holds the marker ; and a continu-
ous strip of paper is made to pass under the
marker in the same manner as that employed in
telegraphy. The marker consists of a small fine
sahle brush placed in a light tube of glass one-tenth
of an inch in diameter. The tube is rounded at
the lower end, and pierced with a hole about one-
twentieth of an inch in diameter. Through this hole
the tip of the brush is made to project, and it is fed
by colour put into the glass tube in which it is held.
To provide for the escape of the air passing through
the instrument, a small orifice is made in the side
of the tube o'f the speaking-trumpet, so that the
pressure exerted on the membrane and its spring
is that due to the difference arising from the quan-
tity of air forced into the trumpet, and that which
can be delivered through the orifice in a given
time." The line described by the marker when
the instrument is used looks somewhat like the
outline of a series of valleys and mountains repre-
sented in section : the valleys are the vowels, and
the high pointed peaks the surd mutes c, t, p,
while the other oral consonants are represented by
lesser and less sudden elevations. Among the re-
sults of Mr. Barlow's experiments on the logograph
may be mentioned the following : —

The pneumatic force of the vowels is compara-
tively small.

82 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

That of sonant consonants is greater, but falls
considerably short of that of the surd mutes c, t, p.

That of an initial consonant is greater than
that of the same consonant preceded by a vowel.
This, in answer to one of my queries, has been as-
certained by Mr. Barlow, who has very kindly sent *
me the diagrams in respect of c, t, p, g, d, b.
Thus it would seem that the greater force of an
initial consonant depends on a physiological cause,
and that it is its continued influence on the pro-
nunciation of initial I and r which brought about
their provection into II and rh respectively.

Assuming, as I think we now may, this initial
pressure to be a vera causa, we can apply it to
explain another feature of Welsh phonology. I
allude to our gm for m semi- vowel ; for as the Ital-
ians derive their guaina, ' a scabbard,' from Latin
vagina, and the French their guerre from a word
the form of which recalls its English equivalent
war, so Welsh regularly makes use of gw, formerly
written gu,, for Aryan w, which it is the custom
of glottologists to treat as v. Thus Latin vinum
becomes in Welsh gwin, ' wine,' and the same rule

* It was only lately that it occurred to me to ask Mr. Barlow to
experiment on initial I and r, and as he waa on the point of setting
out for Philadelphia, and the instrument had been lodged in the
Kensington Museum, I am unable to give the results of a direct
experiment on I and r. However, I have no doubt that they fol-
low suit with the other consonants mentioned.

LECTUEE II. 83

is followed in native words such as gwynt, Latin
ventus, Eng. wind. In Old Welsh this was not
confined to the beginning of a word — witness pet-
guar, now pedwar, ' four ; ' but, as in the case of
pedmar, the g disappeared later. However, initial
gw is not in sole possession, as it is occasionally
supplanted by ckw. Thus cAmertkin, ' to laugh,'
and ckwareu, ' to play,' have, as far as concerns
Mod. Welsh, driven gwerthin and gwareu out of
the field ; while chwannen, ' a flea,' is the only
form, gwannen being altogether unknown, though
the word is probably of the same origin as the
German wanze, ' a bug.' To these may be added
a remarkable instance in the case of a Latin loan-
word : vesica becomes in Welsh either chTvysigen
or gwysigen, ' a bladder, a blister.' Looking at
these facts — initial gw, initial chw, and w for
medial gw — the common combination from which
we must set out, can hardly but be assumed to have
been^^w, with gh pronounced as a very soft spirant
like the g one sometimes hears in German sagen,
' to say.' In Old Welsh this combination would
of course be written gu ; but where it occurred in
the body of a word, the guttural would eventually
drop out of the pronunciation, whereas, occurring
initially, it would come under the pneumatic pres-
sure which has just been supposed, to have induced
the provection of / and r into II and rh ; and the

84 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

result would be the like provection (A gh into eh.
That of gh into g differs from them in its resulting
in a mute and not a spirant, but it may be com-
pared with the Sassarese substitution of a strong h
for an initial v as in bozi, Ital. voce, while as a
quasi-medial in la bozi, ' the voice/ the labial has
the weaker pronunciation of a kind of v or Spanish
b. As for the transition from w to gkm, it can hardly
have taken place all at once : it happened, pro-
bably, through the intermediate stage of 'w, where
the soft palate was just slightly moved by the air
in its passage from the larynx into the mouth
during the pronunciation of the w. But why the
soft palate should have been drawn in at all is an-
other of those questions which I must leave to the
student of the physiology of sounds. It is to be
noticed that the guttural preceding the semi-
vowel dates from the 7th or the 8th century, as no
trace of it is to be found on our early inscribed
stones, which show only F, or, in Ogam, a charac-
ter which is to be read w.

In the case of U and rk, the difference between
Welsh and Irish was owing to a change on the
part of Welsh only : in the present instance the
gulf has been widened by changes on both Welsh
and Irish ground. The former have just been
described, and the latter consist in dropping the
semi-vowel, as a rule, where we have reduced 0.

LECTURE ir. 85

Welsh gm into w, while, as an initial, it was some
time or other modified from w to v, which was sub-
sequently provected into f, for seemingly the same
reason that gh, I, and r initial became in Welsh ch,
II, and rh respectively. All this happened before the
date of the earliest Irish manuscripts of the 8th
century, but no trace of it is known on the Ogam-
' inscribed stones of Ireland : on them the semi-
vowel is represented by the same character which
I would read m on British monuments. The time
may be still more narrowly defined: the change
had not taken place before the middle of the 5th
century, as seems to be indicated by the fact, that
an Irish saint, supposed to have died about 460,
bore a name which in Ireland afterwards became
Fingar, and in Cornwall, where he spent a parb of
his life, Gwinear, as it is now written. This
implies that in his time his name did not com-
mence with an f, but with nearly the same initial
in Ireland and Cornwall, namely w or v. More-
over, about the beginning of the 6th century the
semi-vowel was still pronounced in Irish where it
has since been elided. Thus in one of the lives of
the Irish saint Monenna or Modvenna, a contemporary
of St. Patrick, she is spoken of as a virgo de
Convalleorum populo, another gives the last words
as Conalleorum populo, and a third makes her a
native of terra Conallea, which must, I suppose, be

86 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Tyrconnell. Now Conall is one of those vocables
which have dropped the semi-vowel, which is excep-
tionally retained in the Convalleorum alluded to :
the "Welsh is Cynmal, 0. Welsh Congual, and still
earlier ovnovali on an inscribed stone in Cornwall.
It was thought right to dwell on Welsh ^w = Irish
f at some length, not only on account of their
phonological interest, but because they are not
infrequently relied upon as evidence of a very
profound and primeval difference of language
between the Irish and the Welsh.

Now that we have fairly come to the end of our
task — at least in outline — as far as regards the
consonants, than which we have no reason to
suspect the vowels of being less interesting, though,
maybe, the laws they obey are more subtle, we
may be allowed to indulge in a few remarks of a
more general nature. Enough has probably been
said to convince you that, in spite of our having
reserved to the last the fag-ends of the subject,
Welsh phonology is far from devoid of interest.
The regularity which pervades it leaves but little
to be desired, and it falls, comparatively speaking,
not so very far short of the requirements of an exact
science. Some, however, have no patience with a
discussion which turns on consonants and vowels,
and nothing short of etymologies bearing directly
on ethnological questions or the origin of lano-uafe

LECTURE II. 87

can hope to meet with their approval. This need
not surprise any one, for, as a rule, few people
feel interested in the details of a scientific inquiry,
and duly realise the fact, that what they regard as
food only fit for the shrunken mind of a specialist
must necessarily precede those gushing results they
thirst after. In the case before us, we are only too
familiar with the worthlessness of the fruits of a
method which ignores the phonological laws of the
language with which it pretends to deal, or fails
to do justice to their historical import ; and it is
by his attitude with respect to these laws that one
can generally tell a dilettante from a bona fide
student of the Celtic languages. The former, you
hardly need be told, never discerns a difficulty ;
for to him a letter more or less makes no difference,
as his notion of euphony is so Protean that it is
equal to any emergency ; but the latter frequently
stumbles or goes astray, and has to retrace his
steps ; and altogether his progress can be but slow :
so much so, in fact, that some of the leading
glottologists of our day think it on the whole
impossible to attain to the same state of knowledge
respecting the history and etymology of Celtic
words as that arrived at in the case of the other
Aryan tongues. That it is harder is certain, but
that it is impossibk I am inclined to doubt. At
any rate, so far progress is being made ; nor is there

88 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOQT.

anything which may be regarded as an indication
that we have nearly come to the end of our tether.
For example, one of the tasks — and only one out
of several — which the student of an Aryan language
proposes to himself is to discover, as far as that is
practicable, the origin of every word in its voca-
bulary, and to show to what recognised group of
words it btelongs, or, in other words, from what
root it is derived and how. In some of the lan-
guages kindred to our own this work has already
been carried very far, and the nunjber of the
vocables in them of obscure origin has been
materially reduced; but in the Celtic languages
this search, being attended with greater difficulties,
is not so far advanced ; but it is going on and
likely to go on, as you will see on perusing the
Eevue Celtique or Kuhn's Beitraege, where you will
find, among others, some of the most stubborn
words of our vernacular forced, one after another,
to surrender the secrets of their pedigree.

But whence, it will be asked, does this greater
difficulty attending the study of the Celtic lan-
guages, and of Welsh in particular, proceed?
Mainly from two causes — the great dearth of speci-
mens of them in their earlier stages, and the large
scale on which phonetic decay has taken place in
them. For, to pass by the former for the present,
it is to be remembered that the phonetic changes

LECTURE ir. »y

which have been engaging our attention are but
the footprints of phonetic decay, and that the
phonological laws which have just been discussed
form but the map of its encroachments and a
plan, as it were, of its line of attack. With
these before our eyes, we are, to a certain extent,
enabled to infer and picture to ourselves the posi-
tions, so to say, and the array in which the forces
of our language were at one time drawn up. So,
when you hear it said, as you frequently may, that
Welsh or Irish is the key to I know not how many
other languages, do not believe a word of it : the
reverse would be nearer the truth. We want con-
centrated upon the former all the light that can
possibly be derived from the other Aryan tongues ;
that is to say, if we are to continue to decipher
their weather-worn history.

( 90 )

LECTUBE III. .

" La dissonanza tra lingua e lingua, se pur non sia minors, riesoe di
oerto, in generals, men sensibile rispetto aUe vooali ohe non rispetto
alle consonant! ; ma appunto per questo, torna piil logioo, in una trat-
tazione come la nostra, che il ragguaglio delle cousouanti sia mandato
innanzi a quello delle vocali." — G. I. ASOOLI.

At first it was not my intention to notice the
vowels, but it has since occurred to me, that if
they were to be passed over in silence, you might
suppose that I endorse the first part of Voltaire's
definition of etymology as a science in which the
vowels are of no consequence and the consonants
of extremely little. But there is another reason
why they should be noticed here, and that is the
fact that without taking them into account the his-
tory of the consonants cannot be thoroughly under-
stood. Before, however, proceeding to any details
it will be necessary roughly to indicate what
vowels in Modern Welsh represent the vowels of
the Aryan parent-speech respectively. It is to be
observed, that, as a result of the researches of
Professor Curtius of Leipsic, and others,- it is now
generally accepted as a fact that the Western
Aryans not only retained the vowel a in some

LECTURE III. 91

words, but also changed it into e in others ; but it
would make no difference, so far as our present sub-
ject is concerned, if it should some day be made
out that the parent-speech had two or more kinds
of a (as is the case, say, in English), which the
Eastern Aryans confounded in course of time, and
reduced to one, while their brethren in the West
never completely effaced the distinction between
them. It further appears probable that, anterior
to the separate existence of Irish and Welsh, a
had also been modified in not a few words into o
in the common Celtic from which these languages
have branched off. Thus while Sanskrit harps on
the same string of a, the Celtic and other Aryan
languages of Europe have no less than three vowels
at their disposal, namely, a, e, o : witness our tad
' father,' de^ ' ten,' and pob-i ' to bake,' which are
in Sanskrit respectively tata, dagan, and pac, all
with a. So far, then, as concerns Welsh or Irish,
we may treat the following vowel-sounds as ori-
ginal : a, a, e, e (?), i, i (?), o, u, u (?), ai, au. Our
task is now briefly to point out the most common
and direct continuators of each of them in our lan-
guage.

A. The a of the Aryan parent-speech is retained
in the following words and many more which
might be enumerated : —

92 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

aden, ' a wing,' adar, ' birds/ from pat, whence also
Skr. pat, ' to fly,' Gr. irrepov, 'Eug. feather.

a/al, ' an apple,' Lith. obolys, 0. Bulg. jahluko,
Eng. apple.

am, ' about, around,' 0. Ir. imb-, imm, Grr. afi^l,
Lat. amb- in ambages, Ger. um.

an-, as in annoeth, ' unwise,' anamserol, ' untimely,'
Ir. an-, Skr. an-, Gr. dv-, Lat. in-, Eng. un-.

ar, ' ploughland,' arddu, ' to plough,' aradr, ' a
plough,' Ir. arathar, ' a plough,' Gr. apoto, * I
plough,' Lat. aro, same, ardtrum, ' a plough,'
Goth, arjan, ' to plough,' Eng. to ear, earth.

all-, in alltud, ' one of another nation,' Ir. aile, Gr.
aWo?, Lat, alius, Eng. e/se.

arcA, ' a bidding, a request,' from ?aek, whence also
Latin precor, ' I pray,' Ger. /rage, ' a ques-
tion : ' another form of the same root seems
to be PAKSK, whence Skr. prach, ' to demand,
to ask,' Lat. posco (=porsco), Ger. forschen,
' to inquire, to investigate.'

cad, 0. Welsh cat, ' battle, war,' whence Catteyrn,
'battle-king,' Early Welsh Catotigirni; Ir.
cath, Gaulish catu in Caturiges, Catuslogi ;
Early Eng. heatho-, ' war, battle.'

caled, ' hard,' Zend gareta, ' cold,' Eng. cold,
which seem to show that the common base
was scareta, and that the Celts reasoned from
cold to solidity.

LECTURE III. 93

can, ' a song,' canu, ' to sing, to crow,' Ger. hahn,
' a cock.'

i, ' seed/ Lat. satus.
ha/, 'summer,' Skr. samd, 'year,' Zend hama,

' summer.'
halen, ' salt,' kallt, ' salty, salted,' Ir. salann,

' salt,' Gr. a\?, Lat. scd, Eng. salt,
pa, ' what,' Ir. ca, Skr. kas, ' who,' Lat. quo-, in

quod, Goth. Avas, Eng. who.
pas, ' the whooping-cough,' Skr. kds, ' to cough,' 0.

Eng. hoostan, ' to host, to cough,' Ger. Austen,
tarw, ' a bull,' Ir. tarbk, Gaulish tarvos, Zend.

thaurva { = tharva), 'violent, strong, hard,'

Lat, tormts : it is not certain that these words

are connected, but in any case tarw cannot be

identified with the Latin taurus.

E. The vowel e for Aryan a occurs in Welsh, in
common with other European languages, in a
good many words, of which the following are
a few : —

ad-fer, ' to restore,' from the same origin as Gr.
^e'joo), lidl.fero : Skr. bkar, ' to 6ear.^

cred, 'belief,' Ir. creitem, Lat, credo : Skr. graddhd,
'trusting, faithful.'

chwech, ' six,' Ir, s4, Gr. e^, Lat. sex : Skr. skask.

deg, ' ten,' Gr. Ima, Lat. decern, Goth, taikin, Eng.
t&a: Skr. daqan.

94 LECTXJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

deheu, ' right, south,' 0. Ir. dess, Gr. le.^io'i, Lat.

dexter: Skr. dakshina.
ebol, ' a colt,' 0. Ir. ech, ' a horse,' Lat. equus, 0.

Eng. eok: Skr. agva.
gen, ' the chin,' Gr. yew;, Lat. getia, Goth, kinnus,

Eng. chin: Skr: hanus.
keb, 'besides, without,' 0. Ir. seek, Lat. secus.
heb, ' quoth,' Gr. taireve. (theme aetr), Lat. in-sece,

Lith. sakau, ' I say,' Ger. sagen, Eng. say.
^ew, ' old,' 0. Ir. sen, Gr, ei/i; («at z/ea), Lat. senex :

Skr. sa?2a.
met, ' honey,' Ir. mjY, Gr. fjJXi, Lat. jwe^, Goth.

milith.
mellt, ' lightenings,' 0. Prussian, mealde, ' a

lightening,' 0. Bulg. mliinij.
melyn, ' yellow, tawny,' Gr. fiekav, gen. fjdkavo'i,

' black, dark, blue,' Lith. mUynas, ' blue : '

Skr. malina, ' dark, black.'
merck, ' a girl, a daughter,' Lith. merga, ' a girl.'
nef, ' sky, heaven,' 0. Ir. 7wm, Gr. ve'^o?, Lat.

nebula, 0. Bulg. nebo, ' heaven.'
ser, ' stars,' Gr. da-rrip, Lat. Stella, Eng. star : Skr.

staras, ' stars.'
■serch, ' love, affection,' Ir. searc, Gr. arepya, ' I

love,' a-Topryrj, ' love or natural affection.'

7. Aryan t is represented in 0. Welsh by i,
written y in Mod. "Welsh, and i or y indiffe-

LECTURE III. 95

rently in the intervening period. But in
most cases the y of Mod. "Welsh has taken
the place of other vowels, while the instances
where it is the representative of an i of Aryan
or even European standing are comparatively
few. The following may be mentioned : —

dyw, ' a day,' he-ddyw, ' to-day,' Gr. evSto? ( =
evBifo^), ' at midday,' Lat. diu, diurnus
(= dius-nus) : Skr, diva, ' heaven, day.'

hysp, fem. kesp, ' dry, not giving milk,' Gr. layyo^,
' dry,' Lat. siccus, Zend hisku, ' dry ; ' the
"Welsh, the Greek, and the Zend forms seem
to be the results of reduplication — si-siqv- or
si-sik-.

mysc, as inyn mysc, ' in the midst of,' Gr. fxiyvvfu,
/ttffyo), Lat. misceo, Eng. mix, Skr. miksh.

nyfio, ' to snow,' from a root snighv, whence also
Gr. vi^ei, Lat. ninguit, ningit, or nivit, ' it
snows,' Eng. snoK : Zend ^izA.

py, ' what, which ' (now superseded by pa), Gr.
Tt?, Ti, Lat. quis, quid, Oscan pid: Skr. kirn.

yd, ' corn,' 0. Ir. ith, gen. etho, Lith. pttus,
' mid-day, mid-day meal : ' Skr. pitu, ' food,
sustenance.'

0. In a good many instances o has taken the place
of a, at a date probably falling within the
limits of the history of the "Welsh language,
but in others it seems to be, as already

96 LECTDBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

suggested, of older standing, as may be
gathered from its appearance in the corre-
sponding forms in other languages nearly
related to Welsh, as in the following in-
stances : —

coll, ' hazel,' 0. Ir. coldde, ' columns,' Lat.
corulus (= cosulus), Eng. hazel.

dqf, ' tame,' Lat. domare, ' to tame,' Eng. tame.

mock, ' soon, quick,' Ir. moch, Lat. mox; Skr.

iweth, 'naked,' Ir. nocAt, Lat. nudus {^:=no{g)vidus),
Goth, naqvaths, Eng. naked.

nos, ' night,' kenoetk, ' to-night,' trannoetk, ' over-
night, the day after,' literally trans noctem,
Mod. Ir. anockt, ' to-night,' Gr. vv%, gen.
vvKTo^, Lat. now, gen. noctis, Lith. naktis,
Goth, nakts, Eng. nigkt: Vedic Skr. nakti.

( = op), as in o thry efe, ' if he turn,' Lat. nec-
opinus, in-opinus, opinio, 0. Norse, ef, if,
' doubt,' Ger. obi Eng. if.

og or aged, ' a harrow,' Lat. occa, Lith. akeczos,
ek^czos, 0. H. Ger. egidd. Mod. Ger. egge.

pobi, 'to bake,' Gr. iriaam, future Tre'^o), Lat.
coquo : Skr. pac.

m/tk (for oitA = oct), ' eight,' Ir. ocAt, Gr. oktoi,
Lat. octo, Eng. eigkt: Skr. ashman.

U. Aryan m is represented in 0. Welsh by u,
written in Mod. Welsh w: however, the in-

LECTURE III. 97

stances where the original u may perhaps not

have been modified are comparatively few,

such as the following : —
cnm, ' dogs,' Ir. con, Gr. «we9, Lat. canes, Bng.

hounds. Ski. ^dnas, gunas.
drwg, ' bad,' Ir. droch-, Ger. trug, ' deception,' he-

triigen, 'to deceive,' Skr. druh, 'to injure,, to

harm,' Zend druj, ' to lie.'
dwfn, '.deep,' 0. Ir- domnu, ' depth,' Lith. dubus,

' deep, hollow,' 0. Bulg. duno (= dubno),

' ground ' (compare Ir. domhan, ' the world '),

Goth, diups, ' deep,' 0. Eng. deop, Mod.

Eng. deep.
}ud, in the 0. Welsh names Judgual, Margetjud,

now Idwal and Meredudd, comes from the root

TUDH, whence also Ir. iodhnach, ' armed,' Gr.

vafilvTi, ' a battle,' Skr. gudk, ' to fight,'
rhwd, ' rust,' Lat. russus, Ger. rosten, ' to rust,'

Eng. rust, from the root etjdh, whence Welsh

rhudd, ' red,' and its congeners.

A. Aryan d seems to have in Early Welsh
acquired a guttural sound, which passed into
6, yielding in Mod. Welsh o and aw, the latter
being used in monosyllables, and the former
in most other words as Welsh is now pro-
nounced ; the instances are numerous — take
the following : —

98 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

brawd, ' a brother,' pi. brodyr, Ir. brdthair, Lat.

frdter, Eng. brother, Skr. bhrdtar.
chwiorydd, ' sisters ' (sing, chmaer), Lat. sorores,

Eng. sisters, Skr. svasdras.
dawn, ' a gift in the sense of talent or genius,' Ir.

dan, Lat. ddnum, 0. Bulg. dam.
llawn, ' full,' Ir. Ian, Lat. plenus, Skr. prdna.
llawr, 'floor,' Ir. Idr, 'Eiug.Jloor.
modryb, ' an aunt,' from the. word for mother,

which is lost in Welsh, but is in Irish mdthair,

Gr. fj.^TTjp, Doric fidrrip, Lat. mdter, Eng.

mother., Skr. mdtar.

E, 1. It is not supposed that the parent-speech
had e, and it is doubtful whether it had i':
even supposing that it had the latter, I have
failed to trace a single instance down to Welsh.
The nearest approach to this would be the
case of Welsh byw, ' quick, living,' 0. Ir. beo,
bin, and Welsh byw, ' a life or lifetime,' 0. Ir.
biu, in Fiacc's Hymn (Stokes' Goidelica, p.
128), Greek yS/o? ; but Latin vlvus, Sanskrit
jiva, and their cognates can hardly be said to
prove beyond doubt that the i was originally
long. It is, however, probable that e had
replaced d in & few Celtic words, or even
passed into i, before the separate history of
Welsh or Irish can be said to have begun. The

LECTURE III. 99

instances alluded to are those where Welsh and

Irish have i answering to Latin e, as follows : — '
gwir, ' true,' Ir. /ir, Lat. verus, Goth. vSrjan (in

tuzverjan), ' to believe,' Ger. waAr, ' true.'
hir, ' long,' Ir. sir, Lat. serus, ' late,' Goth, seithus,

'late.'
rhi, ' a king,' 0. Ir. ri, gen. rig, Gaulish Dumno-

rix, Dubno-reix, Dubno-rex, Catu-riges, Lat.

rex, gen. regis; Goth, reiks, Skr. rdjan.
tir, 'land,' Ir. tir, Lat. terra, ' the earth.'

U. Nearly the same remark applies to u as to i.

Ai. From the different representatives of at in
the various Aryan languages it has been
inferred that the. primitive Aryans had two
kinds of this diphthong, which glottologists
would distinguish as ai and di: the case
is, however, not quite so clear as it looks in
some books. Now, at a certain stage in the
history of Welsh, ai had become oi, which
has since been differentiated by causes to be
noticed later into oe and m/ in Mod. Welsh.
The ordinary Irish representatives are ia and ^.
The following words are instances in poiiit : —

bloesc, ' imperfect or indistinct in one's pronun-
ciation,' Skr. mleccha, ' a foreigner, a bar-
barian :' Sanskrit ch =■ sk.

100 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

coed^ 'wood, trees/ Ir. ciad-cholum, 'a wood-
pigeon,' Lat. bu-cetum, ' a pasture for cattle,'
Goth, haitki, ' a heath, field,' haithivisks,
' wild,' Eng. heath, h,eathen.

coel, ' angury, superstition, belief,' Ir. eel, Goth.
hails, 'whole, uninjured,' hailjan, 'to cure,'
Eng. heal, health.

drcyf-, in dovyfol (also dwymol), ' divine,' 0. Ir. dia,
gen. dii, ' God,' Lat. divus, Skr. deva, ' god-
like, divine, a god.'

hmy (= sa-i), hroynt, ' they, them,' Ir. iad, Gr. ot, ai.

pToy, ' who,' Ir. cm, cS, Lat. ^■Me?, g;Mae (more com-
monly qui, qu(B), Umbr. poi, ' who ' — the
same particle i appears for instance in the
Lat. hcec (= ha-i-oe), and Gr. ovrocri.

Ai. Aryan di makes u in Welsh, now pronounced
nearly like the u of the Germans. It was
derived from di by a process similar to that
whereby ov assumed the sound of v in Modern
Greek, before both became identical with I in
pronunciation. The Old Irish equivalent was
oi or oe, now written ao (aai), and pronounced
in some parts like the uee of queen accord-
ing to O'Donovan : as pronounced in Galway,
it seems to me to lie between our Welsh u
and i. The following instances may here be
mentioned : —

LECTURE III. 101

cut, ' narrow,' Ir. caol.

cynud, ' fuel,' 0. Bulg. gnetiti, ' to kindle,' 0.
Prussian, knaistis, ' a firebrand,' 0. H. Ger.
gneisto, ' a spark.'

hud, ' a charm, a spell,' Lith. saitas, ' sorcery,' 0.
Norse seidhr, ' a kind of sorcery or magic,'
Ger. seid.

hiifen, ' cream,' 0. H. Ger. seim, Mod. H. Ger.
konig-seim, ' run-honey,' Eng. seam, ' lard,'
whence our saim, ' grease,' has heen borrowed.

tu (for ttcf), ' side,' Ir. taobk.

ud-, in anudon, ' a false oath, perjury,' 0. Ir. oetk,
Goth, aiths, Ger. eid, Eng. oath.

un, ' one,' 0. Ir. oin, Mod. Ir. aon, Lat. oinos
(later unus), Goth, ains, 0. Eng. an, Mod.
Eng. one, atone, only, an — the pronunciation
of one as nun was originally that of a parti-
cular dialect like routs for oats, and an is the
Old Eng. an (that is an) shortened owing to
the proclitic pronunciation of the numeral
when used as an indefinite article : the Ger-
mans of late sometimes distinguish an and
one as ein and iin respectively.

Au. Even supposing that the primitive Aryans
distinguished two kinds of au, which is ex-
ceedingly doubtful, it seems to be quite
hopeless to separate their respective repre-

102 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

sentatives in the modern languages of the
Celts. In Welsh they are u and uw (pro-
nounced like German il followed by German
u) ; the latter is used only in a few words,
mostly before ch; otherwise u and uw take
their places like o and aw. The Irish equi-
valents are ua and 6. Take the following
instances : —

dun, ' a knee/ Lat. clunis, Lith. szlauniSy Skr.
(}roni.

rhudd, ' red,' Ir. ruadh, Lat. rUcfus, Goth, rauds,
Ger. roth, Eng. red.

tud, ' nation, country,' Breton tud, ' men, a people,'
Ir. tuatk, ' a people, a nation,' Gaulish toutius,
Oscan touto, Goth, thiuda, Ger. Deutsch,
' Dutch or German.'

buwch, ' a cow,' pi. buchod, Cornish biueh, Breton
bioc'k, all with a final s irregularly represented
by ch, but bu and buw also occur in Welsh, Ir.
bo, Gr. j8ov?, Lat. bos, Eng. cow, Skr. nom.
gaus, gen. gos.

Duw, ' God,' also Duwch with ch (as in buwch),
and only vulgarly used in Duwch anrcyl!
which corresponds to the German exclamation
Hu lieber Gott! Gr. Zeu?, voc. Zeu, Lat. Jou^
piter, Skr. nom. dyaus, voc. dyaus, ' sky,
heaven,' Byaushpitar, ' Heaven-father.'

Mw«?, 'porridge,' 0. Cornish iot, Breton iot, 0.

LECTURE III. 103

Ir. ith, Lat. jAs, ' broth,' Lettish j&ut, ' to
mix meal up in \Ater,' Skr. yws, yusha, 'pea-
soup,' d-yavana, ' axpot-ladle or some similar
utensil.'

uchel, ' high,' uwck, ' higher,' uckqf, * highest,' Ir.
uasal, * high, noble,' Gaulish uxel-, in Uxela,
Uxellodunum ; and probably ov^a/xa in Pto-
lemy's Ov^afia BapKa is identical with our
uckaf, so that we might call the place ' Upper
Barca : ' the root would seem to have been
auks (as in Gr. av^dva) from aug, as in Lat.
augeo, ' I increase,' auctus, ' enlarged, in-
creased, great, abundant,' 0. Prussian auktai-,
' high,' Lith. auksztas, ' high.'

Cnunch, cuwch, lluwch, rhuwch, are other Welsh
words with uw, which is replaced by u when a
syllable is added, but their origin is obscure.

The foregoing are a few points which it was
thought necessary to mention in the vowel system
of Welsh : now some of the principal changes and
modifications which have obtained in it must be
considered somewhat more at leisure. Some of
them, such as those involved in the history of aw,
wy, uw, have already been touched upon. For it
is impossible, language being in -a constant state
of flux and change, to discuss its organism alto-
gether apart from its pathology, so to say, however

104 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

neat such a plan may look in theory. To begin
with the evolution of aw from d, this seems to
mean that d passed in the course of time into a
sound identical, or nearly identical, with the
English Yowel in hall and draw, and that, where
it was not eventually shortened, yielding o, it was
diphthongised into au, which we now write aw.
As to the date of the transition, no instance of
au occurs in the earlier class of Welsh inscrip-
tions, so it may be presumed that it did not take
place before the 7th century. For a parallel to it
we need not go further than English : take, for
instance, the Old English word stdn, that is stan,
which is now written stone, and pronounced stown
with a long o followed by a more or less percep-
tible w, or with some modification of that diphthong,
seldom if ever with a long o pure and simple. To
this might be added plenty more, such as bone,
home, rope, for the 0. English ban, ham, rap, re-
spectively. But for a perfect parallel consult
the Swabian pronunciation of German — witness
Schrcaub and aubend for Schwab and abend: nor is
the change unknown in Sanskrit.

With respect to oe and wy, it is not quite cer-
tain what the Kymric starting-point should be
assumed to have been. But reasoning backwards
from the loan-words which have wy in Mod.
Welsh for Latin e, one is led to the conclusion
that for some time after the Eoman occupation

LECTUEE III. 105

the antecedent of my in native words naust have
also been e, or some such a diphthong as ei, which
could be taken for ^. Either & or ei would here
do, but the advantage of simplicity is on the side
of the former when one comes to assign the com-
mon Goidelo-Kymric prototype of Welsh my^ oe,
on the one hand, and Irish 4, ia, on the other.
So among the steps whereby d yielded oi, whence
rm/ and oe were differentiated, we should have to
reckon ei, ei, ai, which would make the series e,
ei, ai, oi. The earlier of these steps are fairly
exemplified in the ordinary English pronunciation
of such words as name, paper, as ne^m, pe'per,
neim, peiper, or even ndim, pdiper, with a long e
or a followed by a more or less marked i, which
so frequently mars the English pronunciation of
French words containing a long e, as the w
sound in stone does in that of French words
involving long o. The later steps in the series
are well known in Irish, where such instances as
croinn for crainn, genitive of crann, ' a tree,' boill
for baill, ' members,' and toibre, taibre, ' give,'
frequently occur, and illustrate a tendency which
is perpetuated in the Anglo -Irish pronunciation,
which makes the English words firie, I, line, into
foine, oi, loin, approximately.

In the case of u and urn, it is probable that the
Aryan au which they represent had become a

106 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Goidelo-Kymric o (or ou), whence the Irish de-
rived their 6, ua, while the Welsh changed it into
a broad u, and later into the narrow u of Mod.
"Welsh. For this is the ordinary representative
of both Latin o and u, as in Uqfur, ' labour,' from
Latin labor-is, ffuvien, ' a line, a cord,' irovn funis,
and addurn, ' an ornament,' from adorn-o. In the
few native words already noticed this u was diph-
thongised into uw, and that, it would seem, at no
recent date, as we appear to detect traces of it in
the Breton bioc'k, ' a cow,' and the Cornish tot,
' porridge,' where the Welsh is bumch and uwd.

Before leaving these points, a word may not be
out of place as to the Irish ia and ua, or ia and
ua, as they are more commonly written : the i and
u are long, and followed by only a very slight
touch of a. They remind one somewhat of the
Lithuanian diphthongs ie and uo, also written e and
u. But whether the way they were arrived at was
the same, or nearly the same, is not evident : in
the case of the Irish ones the steps probably were
e, ^a, ia, and 6, da, ua, respectively. No certain
traces of either diphthong are known in the early
Ogmic inscriptions of Ireland, and they date, pro-
bably, after the 6th century.

Here it may be asked why such cases of vowel
modification, which I have ventured to call, in the
absence of a better word, diphthongisation, should

LECTURE III. 107

take place in "Welsh, Irish, English, or anv other
language. If you consult musicians on the matter,
they will tell you that a long and sustained note
has a tendency to lose its quality and change its
pitch : in other words, " there is naturally a great
difficulty in prolonging a sound at the same pitch
and with the same quality of tone," as Mr Ellis
ohserves in the fourth volume of his work on
Early English Pronunciation, p. 1273. He does
not dismiss the question without pointing clearly
to the source of the difficulty : "To retain the
vowel quality for a sensible time requires an un-
natural fixity of muscle, and consequently relaxa-
tions constantly occur, which alter the vowel
quality." Thus it turns out to be simply a ques-
tion of muscle, and the difficulty of prolonging
a vowel sound unmodified is exactly of the same
kind as that which one would soon feel in trying,
to iold one's hand up steadily for a length of
time, a method of torture which was well known
to Welsh schoolmasters when I was a boy.

The phonetic change here in question has justly
been called one of the great alterative forces
in language ; the latter, however, holds itself
free to have recourse also to the kind of change
exemplified in the reduction of diphthongs into
single vowels. Of this instances have already
been alluded to, as where Aryan ai and au were

108 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

supposed to have been reduced in the Goidelo-
Kymric period to S and o, also Aryan di into u,
whereby the contihuators of Aryan di and au as-
sumed the same form. But the common Goidelo-
Kymric antecedent of the- Welsh u to which 0.
Irish oi corresponds, may, as far as we now can
see, be presumed to have been ai or oi. As a
parallel to the reduction of Welsh oi into u may
be mentioned the case of Greek oi, which had in
the 11th century or earlier got to be sounded
like V — hence the habit of calling the latter v
■y^iXoy, just as 6 was called e iln\oy when ai had
acquired its value — before its sound (y = ot) was
modified into that of t or t], as in the Greek of the
present day. I might dwell on the almost iden-
tical treatment of 0. Irish oi in Mod. Irish, where
the digraph ao has the sound of Welsh i, or
one between that and Welsh u. The English
and Latin parallels are less striking ; but if you
trace 0. Latin oinos to the more common forms
unus, una, unum, and down into the French un
une, the analogy between the history of the latter
and that of the Welsh un is in every respect very
close. The same kind of change is not unknown
in the dialects of Mod. Welsh : for instance, the
pronunciation prevalent in many, if not most,
parts of S. Wales of such words as doe, ' yester-
day,' oes, ' is,' traed, ' feet,' llaetA, ' milk,' is do, 6s,

LECTURE III. 109

trdd, lldth : so the e and y brought together by the
elision of a ^ form a modern diphthong liable to
be simplified as in tyrnas or ternas for teyrnas, ' a
kingdom,' and in Anglesey and Carnarvonshire
such plurals as tor/eydd, 'multitudes,' and jooz/eyt^rf,
' pastures,' become tor/ydd and por/ydd: so Lleyn,
the western third of the latter county, is ' now in-
variably called Llyn.

All the foregoing cases of reduction of diph-
■thongs fall under the head of assimilation, which
has been noticed more than once on a former
occasion. Now there are other kinds of assimila-
tion which play a part in the vowel economy of
Welsh, but before they can be discussed to advan-
tage the nature of vowels must be studied more
closely than has hitherto been done here. Now
the vowels belong to the category of musical
sounds, and those who wish to study them as such
could not do better than begin by carefully reading
the first part of Professor Helmholtz's great work
on TAe Sensations of Tone as a Physiological Basis
for the Theory of Music, lately translated into
English by Mr. A. J. Ellis: also part H. 11.
of his Appendix xix. to Helmholtz's text, and
Chapter xi. of the fourth volume of his own work
already alluded to, On Early English Pronuncia-
tion, especially pp. 1272-1281. I find that the
best thing I can do is to copy here briefly their

110 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

views, as far as they serve to throw light oa Welsh
phonology.

Sounds are distinguished into noises and mu-
sical tones, by which are not meant the intervals
of tones and semitones. The difference between
the former is that the sensation of a musical tone
is due to a rapid periodic motion of the sonorous
body, and the sensation of a noise to non-periodic
motions. The vowels, though they are of the for-
mer description, may, owing to the friction of the
breath against the parts of the mouth, contain an
admixture of noise, which it is the business of the
singer to eliminate. Musical tones in their turn
are distinguished by their force or loudness, by
their pitch or relative height, and by their quality.
Their force or loudness depends on the extent or
amplitude of the oscillations of the particles of the
vibrating body ; that is, the longer the distances de-
scribed by the said particles, as measured from their
position of rest, the louder the tones produced.

Their pitch or relative height depends solely on
the length of time each vibration occupies, or, as
it is more usually put, on the number of vibrations
made in a second: that is called the vibrational
number of the sonorous body, and the greater it is,
the higher the pitch of the tone it gives. Methods
have been invented for the reckoning of vibrations,
and it is found that, if they sink so low as about

LECTURE III, 111

30 per second, the ear can scarcely collect them
into a series : others follow one another with such
rapidity as to count by thousands in a second. In
other words, musical tones are roughly said to
rano-e between 40 and 4000 vibrations in a second,

o '

and to extend over seven octaves, while those
which are audible at all range between 20 and
38,000 a second, and extend over eleven octaves,
which will serve to show the marvellous capacity the
ear has of distinguishing sounds in respect of pitch.
Musical tones differ in quality, as when we
distinguish the human voice from the note of an
organ, although it may be of the same loudness
and pitch ; this is, further, said to depend on the
form of vibration, which, in its turn, may vary
indefinitely. For. example, it may be pendular or
resemble the swings of a pendulum, as in the case
of a tuning-fork ; or they may be like the motions
of a hammer which is uplifted by a water-wheel at
regular intervals, as in the case of a string excited
by a violin-bow. Mathematicians and physicists
classify musical tones into simple and compound,
without including in the latter term chords, which
they regard as composite tones. Leaving these
last altogether on one side, the only tones they
look at as simple are those produced by pendular
vibrations, and all others they analyse into pen-
dular ones. This resolution of all other vibrations

112 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

into pendular ones was in the first instance
arbitrary and a mere matter of convenience, but
Helmboltz and others have shown that it has a
meaning in nature, and they consider it as proved
that the organism of the ear is such that it per-
ceives pendular vibrations alone as simple tones,
and resolves other periodic motions of the air into
a series of pendular vibrations, hearing the simple
tones which correspond to these simple vibra-
tions. Thus when a tone is produced, say c, on
the violin, a practised ear hears not oAly c, but
also its -octave c\ the fifth of the latter g, the
second higher octave c" , and so on, as follows : —

01;

^-

:5^

-s^-

■ n^a^

0, C, g', c", e", g", b"l>, c'", d'", e'".

1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10.

Here c, the lowest note, is the fundamental or
prime partial tone ; it is also generally the loudest,
and gives its pitch to the whole tone. C' is .the
first (harmonic) upper partial, and it makes twice
as many vibrations per second : g' is the second
upper partial, and makes thrice as many vibrations
as c: so with the others, which become fainter
and fainter the higher they go. It is to be ob-
served that any interference with the relative
force or loudness of any partial tone or tones is

LECTURE III. 113

Tecognised by the ear as a change of quality of
the compound tone ; and vice versa the quality of
a compound tone depends on nothing whatever
but the relative force of the partial tones : it is
important to keep this resolution, in the last resort,
of quality into considerations of quantity in mind
as we go on. The question of the composition of
tones has been also successfully attacked from
another direction ; for Helmholtz has been able to
produce given tones by means of suitable com-
binations of the simple tones of forks tuned to
the respective pitches of the partials they are to
stand for.

Another meaning which this resolution of musi-
cal tones has in nature appears in the phenomena
of sympathetic resonance. An instance or two
will explain what is meant by the term : — Gently
touch one of the keys of a pianoforte so as merely
to raise the damper, and then sing a note of the
corresponding pitch, forcibly directing the voice
against the strings of the instrument : the note
will be heard from the pianoforte when you have
ceased to sing. When the strings of two violins
are in exact unison, and one is excited by the bow,
the other will begin to vibrate. It is well known
that bell-shaped glasses can be put into violent
motion by singing their proper tone into them.
Lastly, the vibrations of a fork which, has been

114 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY,

struck are rendered more strongly audible by
being held near the mouth of a bottle or any
other resonance chamber in which the air is of the
same pitch as the fork. As to the pitch of the
air in a bottle, anybody, however dull he may be,
may experiment on that : for instance, if you blow
over the mouth of a bottle when it is empty, you
will find that it yields a deeper and more hollow
sound than when it has been half filled with
water, and that its pitch -will be still higher when
it is filled nearly up to the neck.

In the case of the voice, the tones are produced by
the vocal chords in the larynx, and they are of the
compound nature already described ; and the cavi-
ties lying between the yocal chords and the lips
form one or more resonance chambers by which
the tones produced in the vocal chords are in-
fluenced. The mouth in speaking assumes a great
variety of shapes, and as many of the latter as
imply also a difi"erence of pitch of the resonance
chambers they form will exercise a difierent in-
fluence on the quality of the tone ; for resonances
differing in pitch reinforce different partial tones,
which is at once recognised by the ear as a
change of quality of the compound tone. When,
for. instance, the resonance cavity of the mouth is
at its full length in ordinary pronunciation, its
pitch is lowest, and it reinforces the prime partial

LECTUKE III. 115

tone, which then yields our w (English od) : com-
pare the case alluded to of the empty bottle.
When the same resonance cavity is at its shortest,
and its pitch, consequently, high, it reinforces the
very high partials, and the vowel produced is
Welsh i : compare the case of the bottle filled with
water nearly up to the neck. An intermediate state
of the resonance causes the reinforcement of some
of the lower partials, thus producing our a : com-
pare the case of the bottle half filled with water.
Of course the pitch of the tone is here assumed to
be constant as produced by the vocal chords, and
the pitch of the resonances to vary : it is to this
variation that we owe all the tone-qualities which we
write in Welsh a, e, i, o, u, w, and to nothing else.
Professor Helmholtz has succeeded in com-
pounding the tones of the more common vowels
from the simple tones of tuning-forks, thereby
also assigning the relative force of the different
partials required to make up each vowel : in
other words, he can make his forks, which he
regulates by means of electricity, sing out the
German vowels a, e, i, o, u, which I roughly ven-
ture to treat as equivalent to our a, e, i, o, w.
Many experiments have been made by different
men to ascertain the exact pitch or vibrational
number of the resonance cavities for the vowels.
One of them has arrived at the following results,

116 LECTTJEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

• when the vocal, chords are tuned to ^j, and c' is
assumed to make 256 vibrations in a second : —

Vowel w, 0, a, e, i.

Note b^, b\, b\ b"\, b"\

Vibrational No.... 224, 448, 896, 1792, 3584.

According to this, the pitch of the resonance
implied in the vowels rises an octave successively
in the order here given : unfortunately, this simple
relation is not corroborated by the experiments of
other investigators. However, they do not so far
differ as to establish another order of the vowels,
though they do not find the intervals to be ex-
actly the same. It will suffice for our purpose to
assume, what is fully sustained by the present state
of the evidence, namely, that the difference of re-
sonance pitch between m and a is greater than be-
tween 70 and or and a, and so with the others.
In other words, I would say that the vowels w, o,
a, e, i, are separated each from the next to it by
a single step, without insisting on the four steps
being exactly equal.

Should it, then, be found that w coming near
a is modified into o, or a coming near i is modified
into e, these and the like would clearly be cases
of partial assimilation. Now assimilation of this
description is well known to be a marked feature
of the Finnic languages, but it is not unknown in

LECTURE III. 117

other languages, and among them in Irish and
Welsh. The Irish instances have been discussed
at some length by Ebel in Kuhn's Beitraege in the
course of his Celtic studies in the first volume of that
publication, I will confine myself to a brief men-
tion of a few of the Welsh ones. Foremost among
the latter may be mentioned the sequence u — a,
making o — a in the history of simple adjectives
such as these : crmm ' curved, bent,' fem. crom^
erwn ' round,' fem. cron, dwfn ' deep,' fem.
dofn, Jmn ' this,' fem. hon, llwm ' bare,' fem.
Horn, and trwm ' heavy,' fem. trom. Now trwm,
trom, for example, points to a common Celtic pair
of forms, trumba-s mas., trumbA fem., which be-
came respectively in the course of time trumb and
trumba, the ending of the masculine having been
discarded earlier than that of the feminine, which
is supposed to have retained it until the a had
caused the u to be assimilated into o, whereby
trumba became tromba : lastly the a disappeared,
but not without thus leaving the feminine of the
adjective a form distinct from the masculine.
Trwm, I may notice in passing, is of the same
origin as the English verb to throng and the Ger-
man drang and druck, the b of the trumb- it im-
plies being the regular Celtic continuator of gv,
which is attested in the 0. Norse throngva, * to
press.' In the case of pwdr, 'rotten,' fem. podr,

1 18 LECTURES. ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

the Latin adjective, from which these words are
borrowed, seems to have been treated as though it
were not putris, but putrus, putra. It is not to
be inferred from these instances that the assimila-
tion in question is confined to adjectives : most
Welsh names of the feminine gender which
happen to be monosyllables with the vowel o are
illustrations of it. In a few cases a form with
m has been suggested by that in o : thus from
Latin furca we have fforch and also ffwrch, but
both feminine : ffordd, ' a way,' yields the phrase
iffordd, 'away,' which is iffwrddin South Wales :
so also cwd seems to be later than cod, which,
though differing in gender, have the common
meaning of the word bag. This much by way of
introduction to a word of considerable interest :
Venantius Fortunatus, a travelled Italian of the
6th century mentions, among other musical in-
struments known in his day, a " chrotta Britanna."
This chrotta, which I take to be his spelling of
crotta, is in point of form the prototype of our
modern word croth, feminine, and in point of
meaning of the masculine crwth ; croth now means
the womb, also the calf of the leg, while crmth
means the crowd or rote, a box hollowed out of a
piece of wood especially for holding salt, and a
hump on the back. So, unless there were crutt
alid crotta synonymous in meaning, which is cer-

LECTURE III. 119

tainly very possible, one must conclude that crotta
had all the meanings mentioned, that is to say,
until it suggested a corresponding masculine to
share them with it. This view is confirmed by
the fact that the Irish form cruit remains feminine,
and means both a crowd or fiddle and a hump on
the back. The crwth was undoubtedly so called
from it shape, and the word for it appears to be of
the same origin as the Greek Kupro?, /cw/arr), Kvprov,
'curved, arched, round, humped, convex!'

Similarly among the instances of the sequence
i — a making e — a, the gender adjectives claim
the first place ; the following are some of them :
bryck ' fveckled,' fem. brech, hyr '■ short,' fem. ber,
crych ' crisped,' fem. crech, gnlyb ' wet,' fem.
gwleb, gmych ' brave, fine, noble,' fem. gweck,
llym ' sharp,' fem. llem, melyn ' yellow,' fem.
melen. Here brych, brech, for instance, stand for
bricc, brecca = bricca ; but I hesitate to include
in the same category the adjective gnyn^ ' white,'
fem. gwen, the antecedents of which may have
been not vind, venda, but vend, venda, for the
Breton form is gwenn of both genders, and while
the syllable vend occurs several times in our early
inscriptions, vind is unknown in them. In this
case the assimilative action of the a of the feminine
would have been simply negative, with the effect
of preventing the e passing into y as in the

120 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

mascnline. To the foregoing may be added one or
two adjectives from Latin, such as ffyrf, ' strong,
stout, solid,' fern, fferf, from firmus, firma; and
sych, 'dry,' fem. sech, from siccus, sicca; nor are
there wanting instances of nouns such as cylcked,
' a bedding or bedcover,' from culcita, irmneg, ' a
glove,' from manica, and gramadeg, ' a grammar,'
from grammatica. There is, however, a native
Welsh ending eg = -ica, as in daeareg, ' geology,'
from daear, ' earth,' and Cymraeg, ' the Welsh
language,' for some such a form as Combragica, the
masculine being Cymreig, ' Welsh,' for Combragic.
There are also in use in Welsh the feminine termi-
nations ell (=-illa) and es {=-issa or -ista), as in
the case of priddell, ' mould, clod,' from pridd,
' soil, mould,' brenhines, ' a queen,' from brenhin,
' a king.' And one of the most useful terminations
in the language is en { = -inna or -inda), which is
matched in the masculine by -yn, as in melyn,
melen, ' yellow ' : take as examples cloren, ' a
tail,' from clarsr, ' covering, a lid,' dalen, ' a leaf,'
plural dail, seren, ' a star,' plural ser.

There now remains the converse change of a — i
into e — i, which takes place indifferently where
the i remains and where it is blunted into y, as
in the following instances: — Cyntefig 'pristine,'
from cyntaf ' first,' glendid ' cleanness,' from glan
' clean,' keli ' brine,' from hal-en ' salt,' iechyd

LECTURE in. 121

' health,' from iach ' healthy,' plentyn ' a child,'
from plant ' children,' rheffyn * a cord or rope/
from rhaff ' a rope ; ' these last belong to that
extensive class of formations already referred to
apropos of the ending en of the feminine.

Further, the passing of a into ei — liable in
Mod. Welsh to become ai — has commonly been
attributed to the effect of an i; but this is not
quite correct, for the occasion of the change is not
the presence of the yowel i, but of the semi-vowel
so written in "Welsh, which it will here be ex-
pedient to write j. The correctness of this view
will appear to any one who is content to proceed
from the known to the unknown. When the
Welsh borrowed Latin words, they seem to have
treated Latin i unaccented and followed by an-
other vowel as _;' ; so we have breich (now braich),
' the arm,' from brachium; rhaidd, ' a spear or pike,'
from radius, ' a staff, spoke, beam ; ' cyd-hreiniog,
* feeding together,' from prandium, ' breakfast, the
fodder of animals ; ' rheii^o, ' to snatch, bewitch,'
from rapio, ' I seize, carry off, ravish, captivate ; '
yspaid, ' a space of time,' from spatium. Simi-
larly, Maria and Daniel, treated as dissyllables,
yielded in Welsh Meir (now Mair) and Deinjoel
(now DeinjoV). So in native words such as
lleiddjad, ' a slayer,' from lladd, ' to kill,' edifeir-
jol, 'repentant,' iiom edifar, 'sorry for, full of

122 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

regret for,' creijjon, ' scrapings,' from crqfu, ' to
scrape,' and meibjon, ' sons,' from mob, ' a son.''
Thus it seems natural to conclude that such forms
as ffeir (now ffair), ' a word,' stands ior gar-j-, with
a termination — perhaps ja — which began with j,
but which has altogether disappeared excepting
that the j constantly reappears in related or de-
rived forms, such as, for instance, in the case of
gair, the plural geirjau, ' words,' or the derivative
geirjad, ' a wording.' This cajjegory would include
a very large number of words, and among others
such plurals as brein (now braiii), ' crows,' from
bran, ' a crow,' and the old neuter plurals of
which the 0. Welsh enuein, ' names,' may be
taken as a specimen — this and the 0. Irish plural
anmann seem to point to a lengthened form, an-
man-ja. Possibly, also, such third persons singu-
lar of the verb as geill, (^ he, she, it) can,' stands
for galljat (= galja-ti), -with, which compare the
Lithuanian galiu, ' I can.' The assimilation in
all the examples here enumerated must have at first
consisted in replacing the sequence a—j-, hye—j- ;
further preparation for the_; was made by making
the latter into ei—J-. In Breton and Cornish this
second step was never taken ; hence it is that
to our breicA and geir they oppose brecA and ger.
But this is not unknown in Welsh itself : thus in
the Liber Landavensis, BrycAeinjog ' Brecknock-

LECTURE III.

123

shire ' is called Brechenjauc, from Brychan's name,
and the name Meirckjon is there mostly given as
Merchjon or Merchjaun, supposed to be the Welsh
forms of the Latin Marcianus ; nay even now cen-
jog and celjog may be heard in Denbighshire,
Anglesey, and probably other parts of North
Wales, for ceinjog, ' a penny,' and ceiljog, ' a cock.'
In a few instances o — -j- also becomes e — -j- and
ei — -j~, as in yspeil {now yspail), 'spoil,' from Latin
spolium, and Emreis (less usual than Emrys),
from Ambrosius. I have not yet observed any
native instances in point. And where the original
sequence was e—j-, we sometimes find it super-
seded by ei — ;;;-, as in tdrthon, ' the tertian ague,'
from Latin tertiana, and in unbeinjaeth, which is
sometimes to be met with for the more usual
unbennaethy ' monarchy,' and in North Wales,
heddyw, ' to-day,' has passed through keddjm into
heiddjw, which is the prevalent pronunciation of
the word there at the present day.

As it is beyond the scope of this lecture to fol-
low the Welsh vowels into all their details, atten-
tion will now be directed to a number of changes
which amount to a reorganisation of the whole
system. But a few words must be premised on
the tone or syllabic accent in Welsh, and the
quantity or force of the vowels as regulated by it
and the consonants immediately following them.

124 LECTURES ON VfELSH PHILOLOGY.

Welsh monosyllables have an independent accent
with the 'exception of about a dozen proclitics.
The great majority of longer words are paroxy-
tones, and most of the exceptions are more ap-
parent than real, being perispomena, such as
glanhdu, ' to cleanse,' from glanhd-u = glan-
ha{g)-u, and cyfjawnhdd, ' justification,' from cyf-
jamnhohod = cyfjawnha{g)-ad. Moreover, a few
oxytones may still be heard, such as ymolch,
' wash thyself.' In 0. Welsh, words accented on
the final syllable seem to have been much more
numerous than now, and to have included all
words which had the diphthong aw (au) in it :
take, for instance, Aestaur, ' a sextarius, a measure
of capacity,' bardaul, ' bardic,' and the like.
Welsh vowels, when single, admit of being pro-
nounced in three ways — they may be either long
or short, and, when short, they may be either
open or closed. It will suffice to call them long,
short, and closed respectively. The long vowels
are much of the same quantity as in English :
thus our bod is pronounced like English bode with
long 0. The short vowels also occur in both lan-
guages : the i, for instance, of dinas, ' a city,' and
and the y of myned, ' to go,' sound very nearly
like the English i and o of dinner and money
respectively. The closed vowels are those which
are suddenly and forcibly broken off or closed by

LECTURE III. 125

a succeeding consonant : our pen, ' head,' tan,
' under,' at, ' to,' sound in this respect like the
English words pen, tan, at. A word now as to
their distribution : accented monosyllables have
their single vowels long or closed, short ones
being admissible, only in the proclitics. Longer
words, which are not perispomena, admit only
short and closed vowels : short or closed in the
tone-syllable, short only in other syllables ; and,
conversely, all unaccented syllables have their
single vowels short. These distinctions have
regard only to the quantity and force of. the
vowels, not to. their quality ; for although k good
ear could hardly fail to detect differences of qua-
lity between the a's, for instance, in tan, ' a fire,'
tdfiau, ' fires,' tdnjo, ' to. fire,' the language treats
them as the same a varying in quantity and force,
and so they will here be dealt with.

The triple pronunciation of the vowel is, as it
has just been pointed out, recognised in English,
but in Welsh it has been stereotyped into a sys-
tem, the meaning of which it is the business of
phonology to explain. The vowels of the Aryan
parent-speech may be regarded as having come
down into Early Welsh with values which may,
roughly speaking, be called constant, whereas the
value of those of Mod. Welsh, as far as regards
their quantity and force, depends on their posi-
tion. The question, then, is how they came to

126 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

exchange their constant values for positional
values, and how comparative uniformity was
elicited from the original variety. The cases to
be taken into account range themselves into
three groups : those where long vowels have been
shortened, those where short vowels have been
lengthened, and those where no perceptible change
of force or quantity is attested.

Take the first : that a long vowel should be short-
ened when it occurs in an unaccented syllable seems
to us, with our modern way of marking the accented
syllable by a greater stress of the voice, so natural
as to require no remark, and we pass on to the
same modification when it happens under the
accent. This concerns the vowels u, i, and the
Early Welsh continuator.of Aryan a. Thus u is
shortened in unol, ' united,' and closed- in undeb,
' union,' from un, ' one,' and so in other words.
Traces of the operation of this law, which is
general in "Welsh, may be found in English ;
witness such words as nose, nostril; vine, vine-
yard ; house, husband, hussy ; nation, national.
It is not, however, confined to these more palpable
cases, for Mr. Barlow finds that the syllable ex,
for instance, when pronounced by itself, appears
in the diagram described by the marker of the
logograph considerably longer than when it is
spoken as a part of such a word as excommuni-
cate; in the latter it becomes, he says in the

LECTURE III. 127

paper already alluded to, compressed, its length
being shortened and its height increased. The
reason for such a law is perhaps to he sought in
the fact that the centre of gravity, so to speak,
•of a word is in the accented vowel : if that hap-
pens to he in the final syllable, it may remain
long ; if not, there seems to exist a sort of in-
stinctive tendency to share the breath and time
required for uttering that syllable between it
and the remaining portion of the word. The
ideal limit of this would be to devote exactly
the same amount of breath and time to the pro-
nunciation, for instance, of tanau and tan, of
national and nation. The comparatively rare oc-
currence of such cases of vowel-shortening, due
to the influence of the accent in Latin, still rarer
in Greek, as well as the nature of the metres the
Greeks and Eomans used in their poetry, seems
to warrant the inference that the ancient accent
mainly implied a difference of pitch, while ours
in English and Welsh mainly means a difference
of loudness or force, the change of pitch being
mostly considered secondary, or passed over un-
observed. As we go on it will appear by no
means improbable that "Welsh was adopting (or
had already adopted) in the 8th century our
modern accent in lieu of that which may be called
the classical accent. The effects of such a change

128 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGfT.

must have been very considerable on our vowel
system, though they are exceedingly hard to de-
fine. But as similar changes have occurred in the
history of the majority of the modern languages
of Europe, comparative phonology may reasonably
be expected at some future day to solve the pro-
blem satisfactorily.

The next vowel is i, which we failed to detect
as the continuator of Aryan i. It is even doubtful
whether it was not sometimes z in Early Welsh, as
well as i. It would be hard, for instance, to prove
that it was at any time long in the word elin:
the cognate forms are Ir. tiille, " ulnas," Eng. ell,
el-bow, Lat. ulna, Greek aiKevr}, Skr. aratni; and
it is certain that it never was long in anifel, ' an
animal,' from Lat. animal or one of its oblique
cases. However, even where it must have always
been long in Welsh, as in gmr, ' true ' (Ir. fvr,
Lat. virus), and dm, ' a fort, a town ' (Ir. dun,
Eng. town), we find the quantity of the vowel
short when a syllable is added, as in anwiredd,
' untruth,' and dinas, ' a city,' and so in others.

.The fortunes of Aryan a in Welsh are still
more interesting : towards the close of the Early
Welsh period it had become o, which by the 9th
century had been diphthongised into aw (written
au) in monosyllables and other words where it
was accented in the final syllable, as in 0. Welsh

liECTUEE III. 129

lau, now llaw, ' a hand,' and paup^ now pawb,
' everybody/ and the like ; but in those positions,
where long vowels are inadmissible, not oijily
was its diphthongisation into aw arrested, but the
was reduced sooner or later to o: so by the
side of paup and hestaur (sextS,rius) 0. Welsh
offers us popptu, ' on every side,' and hestorjou,
the plural of kestaur, and so on. So it seems
probable that the reorganisation of the Welsh
vowel system came upon the vowel in question
when it was 5, but before it had begun to be
diphthongised into aw. In Bede's liistoria Eccle-
siasiica, as edited by Mr. Moberly (Oxford, 1869),
the proper names have been printed as they occur
in the oldest manuscript of the work, which is
assigned to the year 737, and there the Abbot of
Bangor who met Augustine is called Dinoot.
Welsh tradition calls him Dunaut, later Dunawd.
There can be no doubt as to the virtual identity
of Dinoot and Dunaut, nor, as I think, as to both
being forms of the Latin name Donatus, which
was not unknown in Britain in the time of the
Eoman occupation, when many more Latin names
were adopted by the Britons. Now Dinoot and
Dunaut show that Bede had the same diflSculty in
distinguishing Welsh u from I as the natives of
South Wales have in our own day, and that his
00 probably meant o, which had not been diphthono--

I

130 LECTURES. ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

ised. Bede is supposed to have lived from 672
to 734, but he may have been copying from an
earlier writer. However, we should probably not
be far wrong in supposing the- reorganisation of
the vowel system to have been in process during
the century from 650 to 750 : probably it began
long before, and it is certain that it lasted long
after. It is worth while observing, that the same
law which gives us au in monosyllables and o in
longer words, has also been at work in Irish, as
in the following words, which I copy from the
Gram. Celtica^ p. 18 : — cliah, " corbis," cUbene,
" sporta ; " Jiach, " Aebitam" fechem, "debitor;"
grian, "|Sol," grene, "solis;" sliah, "mons," slehihj
" montibus," to which I would add dia, ' god,'
genitive dii for divi. In the case of ua and 6
more uncertainty prevails, but Zeuss (p. 23) gives
huar, '•' hora," genitive hore, and suas, " sursum,"
but i sosib " in altis."

Next comes the group which comprises the
cases of vowels undergoing a lengthening. This
happens almost exclusively in monosyllables, and
conversely it takes place in all monosyllables —
provided they are not proclitics, or that their
vowels are not already m, I, or a diphthong —
which close with any one of the consonants g, d, b ;
dd,f; and n and I, where they were not formerly
doubled or accompanied by another consonant.

LECTURE III. 131

Take, for instance, the following -words : gmag,
' empty,' tad, " father,' pib, ' a pipe,' hedd, ' a
tomb,' claf, ' ill,' glan, ' clean,' pwl, ' blunted ; '
if the word is lengthened by the addition of a
syllable, then the vowel returns to its original
quantity, as in beddau, ' tombs,' and glanach,
' cleaner.' This process of lengthening the vowels
of monosyllables was not complete in the early
part of the 0. Welsh period : witness the Capella
glosses hepp, now Mb or eb, ' quoth,' and nepp,
now neb, ' anybody.' Neither is it easy to ac-
count for ; but it may be surmised that, as most
of our monosyllables represent words originally of
two (or sometimes more) syllables, the vowel of
the leading syllable was reinforced by way of
compensating for the discarding of the rest of the
word, a long monosyllable being, metrically speak-
ing, a better equivalent for a dissyllable than a
short one. Possibly, also, the mistaken analogy
of such forms as paup and popptu exercised an
influence in the same direction. There is another
consideration which is of more weight than the
foregoing : in the earlier stages of the Aryan lan-
guages the pitch-accent prevailed, and conse-
quently a mode of pronunciation was usual which
is far less so in those of their modern repre-
sentatives, where the stress-accent is dominant.
I allude to such words as Latin pater, bonus.

132 LEOTUEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

These were not patter, bonnus, in spite of the
French bon, bonne, nor pater, bonus, in spite of
the Italian padre, buono, and the Anglo-Latin
monstrosities payter, bownus. But enough has
been said to show that such a word as bonus had
a tendency, under the influence of the stress-
accent, to become either bonnus or bonus. The
latter represents the course with which the student
of Welsh is mostly concerned. The same ten-
dency is well known also in Modern Greek, where
Xoyo? is now Xayo?, and it is widely stereotyped
in Mod. High German, which is said to be dis-
tinguished from. Mid. H. German by its lengthen-
ing the short tone-vowels followed by single con-
sonants, as in geben, ' to give,' and haben, ' to
have.' We have it also in English : take the
words ape, make, late, lame, which were formerly
apa, macian, lata, lama. The analogy between the
English words and the Welsh ones in question is
so complete — both lengthen the tone-vowels, and
both discard the inflectional endings — that one
cannot help suspecting their having been subjected
to the operation of the same causes.

In the foregoing enumeration of the consonants
requiring long tone-vowels to precede them, no
mention was made — the explanation required being
somewhat different — of the rule, that the vowel
must also be long before ch, th,ff, and s, as in

LECTUEE III. 133

cock, ' red,' crotA, ' the womb,' rhaf, ' a rope,' and
fflas, ' blue, green, grey.' The antecedents of
these spirants were respectively cc (or cs), tt, pp,
and ss (mostly for st) : take for instance our cock,
which is probably from coeeum, ' scarlet,' and crotA,
which has already been traced to' crotta : these
were no doubt pronounced coccum and crotta, which
might be expected to have yielded in the first
place cock and crotL These last would eventually
become each and crotk, owing to the analogy of the
other cases already mentioned, and to the reaction
on the vowels of the spirants, which, not being
instantaneous in their pronunciation, are not
favourable to a clean cutting off of the vowels
preceding them. And so in the case of the other
spirants, including s, whence a difference between
Irish and Welsh in words otherwise identical,
such as fflas ; ours being fflds, while the Irish is
fflas. Supposing the steps coccum, cock, coch were
made out, we should still find a difficulty in as-
signing the time when the .short vowel was
lengthened ; but Welsh verge offers a case of
assonance which deserves a passing mention.
Dafydd ab Gwilym (1340-1400) makes och, ' oh,'
answer such words as cocA, /ed,' and clocA, ' a bell,'

thus:

" Och ! Ooh ! y Ddol Goch wedi gwyl."

Now the interjection is an exception, being pro-

1 34 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

nounced not och but och, and such assonances have
been supposed to show that its pronunciation was
formerly regular, that is och. But the question
may be put in two ways : has och been shortened
contrary to analogy, or has it merely retained its
original quantity of vowel contrary to analogy?
In the latter case it would follow that D. ab
Gwilym spoke clock, cock, and not clock, cock, as
we do.

So far of the vowels which change their quan-
tity, and of the conditions under which that
happens : a word now on the third group, where no
perceptible change of quantity has taken place.
The instances here in point are of two kinds : words
with closed vowels as bdlck, ' proud,' bdlchder,
' pride,' plant, pldntack, ' children,' darn, 'apiece,'
ddrnau, ' pieces ; ' and those with short vowels
such as kanes, ' history,' qfal, ' an apple,' maddeu,
' to forgive.' In these no great change of quan-
tity of the tone-vowels can have occurred from
the earliest times, though no doubt some modifica-
tion may have followed the passage from the
pitch-accent of the ancients to the stress-accent
of our own day. The number of instances in this
third group is probably far in excess of that in
the two former groups put together, if we confine
ourselves to the tone-syllable, which after all is the
kernel of all our words : so that our vowel system

LECTDEB III. 135

has altogether been more conservative than might
be inferred from the somewhat lengthy remarks to
which those other groups gave rise.

The processes already mentioned of reorganising
the Welsh vowel system were probably well over
by the end of the Mediteval Period in the history
of the language. Before concluding- this lecture
a few more have to be noticed, some of which are
not only later in time than the foregoing, but, to
some extent, probably owe their origin to the
influence of the analogy of the latter. Consider
for a moment the individuality so strongly im-
pressed in the ways already pointed out by Welsh
phonology on certain monosyllables as compared
with the same when forming parts of longer words,
and take as instances the following : — coch^ ' red,'
superl. cochaf, llath, ' a rod,' llathen, ' a yard,' tad,
' a father,' tddol, ' fatherly,' mdb, ' a son, a boy,'
mebyd, ' boyhood,^ brawd, ' a brother,' brodyr,
' brothers,' tawdd, ' molten,' toddi, ' to melt.' Here
we have a tolerably well-defined contrast which
came to be impressed on another class of words,
namely, such as have a diphthong in the tone-
syllable. This was done by adding, so to say, to
the weight of the monosyllable, by diminishing
that of the corresponding part of the longer form,
or by both processes at once. The diphthongs, the
history of which is here concerned, are our modern

136 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

ai, au, ae, oe, Tcy. Mediaeval Welsh ei becomes ai
in modern monosyllables, as in bd, now hai,
' blame,' pi. beiau, geir, now gair, * a word,' pi,
geirjau, Meir, now Mair, ' Mary ; ' tbe proclitics
ei, ' his,' ei, ' her,* are of course not subject to
this change : the same applies to independent
monosyllables which happen to be already sufr
ficiently weighted, as when they end with two
consonants, such as gei/r, ' g6ats,' meirch, ' steeds,'
ysceifn, the plural of yscafn, ' light, not heavy.'
Med. Welsh eu becomes au, as in deu, now dau,
' two,' and keul, now haul, ' sun,' heulog, * sunny ; '
the proclitic eu ' their ' remains, like ei, un-
changed : the same applies to neu, ' or.' Old
Welsh ai (pronounced probably with the blunted
i, which we now write y or m) becomes ae so early
as the beginning of the Med. Welsh period, as for
instance in air, later aer, ' a battle,' and cai, later
cae, 'a field.' The spelling ae, however, is also
retained in words of more than one syllable, as in
aerfa, ' a battle-field,' and caeau, ' fields. But
the pronunciation varies between au or ai and eu
or ei. In a few words this relation is optionally
indicated by the ordinary orthography, as in aetk,
' ivit,' but euthum, ' ivi,' and euthost, ' ivisti,'
maes, ' a field,' meusydd, ' fields ; ' in the collo-
quial, ae in an unaccented final syllable is mostly
reduced into a single vowel, whereby such words

LECTURE III. 137

as hiraeth, ' longing,' become in South Wales
hiretk, and the like. A word which in 0, Welsh
would have had the single form mat, is in Mod.
Welsh both mae and mat : the former means ' is,'
the latter is a proclitic with the force of the Eng-
lish conjunction that : the same use of a verb as a
conjunction occurs in taw, ' that,' commonly used
in South Wales instead of mai : taw is obsolete as
a verb, but not so its Irish equivalent td, ' is.' 0.
Welsh 01 (also probably pronounced with i = our
modern u or y) makes oe in Med. Welsh, and
later, as when 0. Welsh ois becomes oes, ' age,
generation,' and oid becomes oedd, ' was.' The
spelling oe is also retained in other words than those
of one syllable : take for instance the 0. Welsh
ois oisoud, ' sseculum sseculorum,' later oes oesoedd,
pronounced in North and South Wales respectively
oes ousoudd, oes oisoidd, or still more colloquially
with ousodd, oisodd, the diphthong in the unaccented
ending being reduced to a single vowel as in many
other words, such as mynyddodd, ' mountains,'
nefodd, ' heavens, heaven,' written mynyddoedd,
ne/oedd. As to the diphthong 7vy, when it occurs
in an accented syllable followed by another syllable
in the same word, the accent under favourable
circumstances shifts from the w to the y, whereby
the former becomes a semi-vowel, as in gwydd,
'a, goose,' but gnyddau, 'geese.' This modi-

138 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

fication is probably very modern, and otherwise
this diphthong may be regarded as the most un-
changeable, excepting ew, in the language, as
the old spelling ui probably meant exactly the
same sounds which we write wj/. But as m/
and oe represent an early oi which came down
into 0. Welsh partly as oi (now oe), partly as ui
(our my), the difficult question as to the cause of
this bifiurcation meets us. The following answer is a
mere guess, to be taken for what it is worth. In
Mod. Welsh the diphthongs, when accented, have
the accent on the leading vowel (excepting in such
cases as that of gwyddau, where 7oy ceases to be
a diphthong), as in gdir, mde, oedd, and gwydd.
But it may well be that it was not always so, and
that gair, for instance, was preceded by geir for
geirja and garjd, the advance of the accent having
been gradual — garja, geirja, geir, gdir. Take also
such words as draen, ' a thorn,' plural drain,
which may be inferred to stand for drain sing.
drein plural, and these for dragn and dregn-i or
dregn-ja : the cognate Irish is draighen, ' thorn.'
Similarly dau would imply deu, and so in other
instances. Should these guesses turn out well
founded, one would have to regard oen, ' a lamb,'
for instance, and its plural wyn, as representing
oin sing, and oin plural, for oin-i or oin-ja, with
an ending indicative of the plural number retained

LECTURE III. 139

intact at a time when the singular had been re-
duced to a monosyllahle. This agrees tolerably
well with the fact that Latin e makes ny in Welsh,
as in canwyll, ' a candle,' and afwyn, ' a rein,' from
candila and habena, while the oxytone Aavir\K has
in "Welsh yielded Deinjoel, now Deinjol. If the
antecedents of our ai, au, ae, oe, ny were ei, eu,
di, 6i, 01, the modification thereby implied admits
of being described simply as the replacing the
unaccented vowel by a nearly related vowel of a
lower pitch of resonance, a principle the working
of which is, I am inclined to think, also to be de-
tected elsewhere in the language : for instance,
where Mod. "Welsh replaces eu in unaccented final
syllables by au, as in pethau, ' things,' fforau ' best,'
borau, ' morning.' Compare also the disuse of
enwiredd, ' untruth,' engyljon, * angels,' llewenydd,
'joy,' in favour of the forms anwiredd, angyljon,
llawenydd, and the like.

( 140 )

LECTUEE IV.

"As his craze ia astronomical, he will most likely make few con-
verts, and will be forgotten after at most a passing laugh from scien-
tific men. But if his craze had been historical or philological, he
might have put forth notions quite as absurd as the notion that the
earth is flat, and many people would not have been in the least able
to see that they were absurd. If any scholar had tried to confute
him, we should have heard of ' controversies ' and ' differences of
opinion.' " — The Satuedat Ebview. .

It is my intention now to call your attention to
the continuity of the Welsh language ; but before
we attempt to trace it back step by step to the
time of the Eoman occupation, it may be well to
premise that history fails to give us any indica-
tions which would lead us to infer that the Welsh
of the present day are not in the main the lineal
descendants of the people whom the Eomans found
here. No doubt the race received an infusion of
foreign blood in those neighbourhoods where the
Roman legions had permanent stations ; but its
character ddes not seem to have been much in-
fluenced by contact with the English, at any rate
previously to the Norman Conquest. As to the
Danes, they have hardly left behind them a trace
of their visits to our shores, and that the Irish
occupied any part of Wales for a length of time

LECTUBE IV. 141

still remains to be proved. Certainly the effects of
such an occupation, even were it established, on
our language -will be hard to discover. The monu-
ments to be met with in Wales and elsewhere in
the West of Britain alleged to belong to the Irish
will presently come under notice. Thus it would
seem that we are entitled to expect to find our
Welsh to have been continued without any violent
interruption from the common language of the
Kymric race in the time of Agricola, to which be-
longed not only Wales, including Monmouthshire,
but also Devon and Cornwall, a considerable por-
tion of the west and middle of England, nearly
all the north of it, and a part of Scotland. To
what extent the country was occupied by non-
Kymric races is a question which will occupy us as
we go on. Subsequently to the decisive battle of
Chester in 607, when the English succeeded in sever-
ing the Welsh of Gwynedd from their countrymen
in Lancashire and the North, the Kymric popula-
tion of the west of the island found themselves
cut up into three sections, the Strathclyde Britons,
those of Wales, and those south of the Bristol
Channel. As to the northern section, it was not
long ere English drove the old language off the
ground. In Cornwall it survived to differentiate
itself considerably from Welsh, and to become
extinct as a spoken language only in the last cen-

142 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

tury. In the middle section, that is, in Wales,
you need not be told that it is still living and
vigorous, though its domain is getting more and
more circumscribed. One may accordingly assume,
at any rate provisionally, that the Kymric people
of the North, of Wales, and of Devonshire and
Cornwall, spoke the same language till the end of
the 7th century or thereabouts ; so in writing on
early Welsh we claim the use of ancient Kymric
monuments, whether they occur in Wales itself,
in Devonshire, or in the vicinity of Edinburgh.
Of course one is not to suppose that within that
range there were no dialectic variations ; but they
were probably not such as to make themselves dis-
turbing elements within the compass of our early
inscriptions. The case is different when the latter
are compared with those of Ireland, the -linguistic
differences between the Kymric and the Goidelic
nations being of a far older standing ; but more of
this anon.

Hitherto it has been usual to divide the Welsh
language, historically considered, into three periods,
namely, those of Old, Middle, and Modern Welsh.
This classification was adopted at a time when
very little was known to glottologists respecting
our early inscribed stones, which mark out for
us two periods of the language to which, in de-
fault of a better, the term Early Welsh may be

LECTUEE IV. 143

applied. This, however, cannot be' done without
rendering Middle Welsh inadmissible; but, in
order to disturb the old terminology as little as
possible, the adjective Medimval may be used in-
stead of Middle. Having premised this much, we
proceed to parcel out the entire past of the langu-
age in the following manner : —

1. Prehistoric Welsh, ranging from the time when

the ancestors of the Welsh and the Irish could
no longer be said to form one nation, to the
subjugation of the Britons by Julius Agricola,
or, let us say, to the end of the first cen-
tury.

2. Early Welsh of the time of the Eoman occupa-

tion, from then to the departure of the Romans
in the beginning of the fifth century. ,

3. Early Welsh of what is called the Brit- Welsh

period, from that date till about the end of
the seventh century, or the beginning of the
eighth.

4. Old Welsh, from that time to the coming of the

Normans into Wales in the latter part of the
eleventh century.

5. Mediaeval Welsh, from that time to the Refor-

mation.

6. Modern Welsh, from that epoch to the present

day.

144 LECTDKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGy.

This would be the order to follow if one had to
produce specimens of the successive periods of the
language, but for our present purpose it will be
preferable to trace it back step by step from that
stage in which we know it best to the other stages
in which it is not so well known ; in a word, to
treat it as a question of identity. The lead, then,
is to be taken by Modern Welsh, which I would
distinguish into Biblical and Journalistic Welsh.
By the latter is meant the vernacular, which we
talk, and meet with, more or less touched up, in
most of our newspapers. It is characterised by a
growing tendency to copy English idioms, the
result no doubt of frequent contact with English,
and of continually translating from English. It
is right to add that the number of the books and
journals published in it is steadily increasing.
Biblical Welsh, as the term indicates, is the lan-
guage of the Welsh translations of the Bible, and
a number of other books, mostly theological, of the
time of the Eeformation and later, and it is still
the language in which our best authors endeavour
to write. This overlapping of Biblical and Jour-
nalistic Welsh in our own day will serve to show
that, when glottologists divide, for convenience'
sake, the life of a language into periods, one is not
to ask the day of the month when one period
ends and the succeeding one begins. Passing be-

LECTURE IV. 145

yond tlie time of the Reformation, we come to the
Mediaeval Welsh of the Bruts or chronicles, so
called from the fashion, once common, of manufac-
turing a Brutus or Brytus to colonise this island,
and to give it the name of Britain : he was held
to have been a descendant of ^neas, and thus
were the Welsh connected with Troy. To about
the same time are to be assigned the romances
called the Mabinogion, which consist mostly of
tales respecting Arthur and the Knights of the
Round Table. Here also may be mentioned, as
belonging to the earlier part of the period, the
Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales, which
Aneurin Owen found to be in manuscripts of the
12th century, and it is to the 12th that Mr. Skene
assigns the Black Book of Carmarthen in the Hen-
gwrt Collection, the property of W. W. E. Wynne
of Peniarth, Esq. : it contains the oldest version
extant of much of the poetry commonly assigned
to the 6th century. As to the language of this
poetry, it is certainly not much older, if at all,
than the manuscript containing it I have said
the language, for the matter may be centuries
older, if we may suppose each writer or rehearser
to have adapted the form of the words, as far as
concerns the reduction of the mutable consonants,
to the habits of his own time, which one might
well have done unintentionally, and so, perhaps,

K

146 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

without the matter being much tampered with.
For the details of this question I would refer you
to the fourteen introductory chapters in Skene's
Four Ancient Books of Wales : suffice it here to
say, that the poems ascribed to the Oynfeirdd or
early bards belong, as far as concerns us now, to
the Mediaeval period of Welsh, though the metre,
the allusions, and the archaisms, which some of
them contain, tend -to show that they date, in
some form or other, from the 9th century, if not
earlier.

So far we have at our service abundance of
literature for all philological purposes ; but when
we pass the threshold of the 12th century, the case
. is no longer so, our only materials for the study
of Old Welsh being inscriptions and glosses,
together with a few other scraps in Latin manu-
scripts. The inscriptions here alluded to are the
later ones, written in characters which archfeolo-
gists call Hiberno-Saxon. As to the manuscript
portion of the materials, when a Welshman read-
ing a Latin author met a word he did not under-
stand, he ascertained its meaning, and wrote its
Welsh equivalent above it, between the lines, or
in the margin : so our Welsh glosses were pro-
duced. We have, besides, fragments of charters
and scraps of poetry filling up spaces which hap-
pened to be blank in the original manuscripts.

LECTURE IV. 147

Most of them are ia Oxford and Cambridgie, and
one in Lichfield. Their dates are ascertained for
us by experts, and it is to the 9th century that
they now assign the oldest collection. Altogether
they are far under a thousand vords and contain
few complete sentences : so, while they leave us
considerably in the dark as to the syntax of the
language, they enable us to ascertain what phono-
logical and formal changes it has passed through
since the 9th century. Among other things, we
are placed in a position to watch the appearance
and gradual spread in it of the more interesting
consonantal mutations.

The next move backwards lands us in the Brit-
Welsh period of the language, for the study of
which we have, besides a few names in Gildas and
other writers of the time, a pretty good number of
epitaphs, but mostly written in Latin. This is
unfortunate, as the Kymric names they contain
have, in a great number of instances, their termi-

■ nations' Latinised. A few, however, are bilingual,
consisting of a Latin version in more or less
debased Roman capitals, interspersed occasionally

■ towards the close of the period with minuscules,
and of an Early Welsh version in Ogam. Several
of them will be noticed as we go on ; and I now
submit to you a list [this will be found in an
Appendix at the end of thevolume] of them, con-

148 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

taiuing all those which have not been reduced to
mere fragments of no special interest, or rendered
illegible by centuries of exposure.

As we pass back from the Brit- Welsh period to
the time of the Epman occupation, our data become
still more meagre. They consist (1) of a few
proper names which have been identified in
Ptolemy's Geography, the Itinerary of Antoninus,
Tacitus' Agricola, and other writings of that time,
and (2) . inscriptions scattered up and down the
country occupied by our ancestors. The number
of Celtic names. in these last is very considerable,
but we cannot be sure that they are in all in-
stances Kymric ; however, we may assume some of
them to be so if they are found at Caerleon (that
is, the Isca Silurum of the ancients), at York,
and other places in the North. They are mostly
epitaphs written in Latin, and beginning with the
usual Koman dedication to the Di Manes, but some
are votive tablets to local gods. Any one who has
an eye for Celtic names can pick them out at his
leisur-e in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum,
published not long ago in Berlin, under the
superintendence of Professor Hiibner: the seventh
volume is devoted to those of Great Britain.

And now that we have thus rapidly scanned
the past of our language so far back as any the
slightest assistance is rendered us by ancient

LECTURE IV. 149

authors and contemporary monuments, you may
ask, What about the question of identity pro-
pounded at the beginning of the lecture ? As
far as concerns Modern and Mediaeval Welsh, or
Medisevaland Old Welsh, there can be no question
at all, and we need not hesitate to assume the
identity of the Welsh language of the 9th century
with that of the 19th ; that is to say, the former
has grown to be the latter. Nor is there any
occasion at present to prove its identity in the 1st
and 6th century, though, it must be admitted, that
would, owing to the scantiness of our data, be only
less difficult than to establish the negative. At
any rate, we may wait until the latter has found
an advocate ; for it is not just at this point that
the chain of continuity has been suspected : the
links that are now and then challenged occur
between the 6th and' 9th centuries, and it is to
them that our attention must now be directed.

Here precedence may be granted to the difficulty
of those writers who fail to see how a language
once possessed of a system of cases could get to
lose them and appear in the state in which we find
the Old Welsh of the 9th century, which hardly
differed in this respect from the Welsh of our day.
These may be dismissed with the question. What
has become of the cases of Latin in the languages
of the Romance nations of modern times, such as

150 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Italian, French, and Spanish, or how many of the
five or six cases formerly in use in English are
current in Modern English ?

Then there are those who will have it, that
Welsh can never have had cases, because it is, as
they imagine, nearly related to, or immediately
derived from Hebrew, which also has no cases.
Neither do literary ostriches of this class deserve to
be reasoned with, at any rate until they have taken
their heads out of the sand and acquainted them-
selves with the history of the philological world since
the publication of Bopp's Comparative Grammar.
As matters stand, it would in all probability be use-
less to tell them that Welsh has nothing to do with
Hebrew or any other Semitic tongue. It is, how-
ever, not a little satisfactory to read, from time to
time, in the English papers, that this Hebrew
nightmare, which has heavily lain, some time .or
other, on almost every language in Europe, seems
to be fast transforming itself into a kind of spirit
of search impelling gentlemen of a certain idiosyn-
crasy to turn their thoughts to the .discovery of
the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel.

Not to dwell on the fact that Semitic scholars
are satisfied that Hebrew itself once had cases, or,
rather, that it never lost them altogether, it may
be interesting to notice that even the Welsh we
speak may be made to yield us evidence of the use

LECTUKE rV. 151

of a system of cases in the language during the
earlier periods of its history. But before we pro-
ceed to this we may for a moment consider what
traces of the cases of Latin remain in the Welsh,
words which our ancestors borrowed from that
language. Well, if you look through a list of
these loan-words, which amount in all to no less than
500 Latin vocables, you will find that some show
traces of the Latin nominative, as for instance,
lendith, ' a blessing,' ffnrn, ' an oven,' pabell, ' a
tent,' from benedictio,fornax,papilio, respectively,
while others are supposed to be derived from
accusatives, such as cardod, ' alms, charity,' ciw-
dod, ' a tribe,' j)ont, ' a bridge,' from caritatem,
cimtatem, and pontem: compare lorddonen, 'Jor-
dan,' and Moesen, ' Moses,' from 'lopBdvrjv and
MouvffTJv. Lastly, it may be left undecided whether
tymp, ' a woman's time to be confined,' comes
from tempus nominative or tempus accusative, and
so of corf, ' a body,' from corpus, but tymmhor,
' a season,' must have come from temporis, tempori,
or tempore, and so of the corffor in corj^ori, ' to in-
corporate,' and in corjvroedd, an obsolete plural
of corj^, for which we now use cyrf. Now, have
we any such traces in Welsh words of Welsh
origin ? No doubt we have ; and they are to be
detected by comparison with other languages,
especially Irish. The following are found to be
nominatives : —

152 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

bru, ' womb : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. bru, gen,

brond.
car, ' a friend : ' compare 0. Ir, nom. cara, gen.

carat,
ci, ' a dog : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. cu, gen. con.
gof, ' a smith : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. goba, gen,

goband.
llyg, ' a field-mouse : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. luch,

gen. lochad.
tan, ' fire : ' compare 0. Ir. nom. tene, gen. tened.

In other instances the comparison shows us
that the Welsh forms are not nominatives, but
probably accusatives, as in the following, pointed
out to me by Mr. Stokes : —

bon (in henfon), ' a cow : ' compare 0. Ir. accus.

boin, nom. bo.
breuan, ' a handmill : ' compare 0. Ir. accus.

broinn-n, nom. broo, equated by Mr. Stokes

with the Sanskrit grdvan, the Rigveda word

for the stone used in sq;ueezing out the- soma

juice.
breuant, ' the windpipe : ' compare 0. Ir. accus.

brdigait-n, nom. brdge.
dernydd, ' a druid : ' compare 0. Ir. accus.

druid-n, nom. drui {drym would seem. to be

the Welsh nominative).

LECTURE IV. 153

emi7i, ' a nail of the hand or foot : ' compare 0. Ir.

accus. ingin-n, nom. inge.
gorsin, ' a door-post : ' compare 0. Ir. accus.

ursain-n, nom. ursa.
Iwerddon, ' Ireland : ' compare 0. Ir. accus.

Herenn, nom. Hiriu,
mis, ' month : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. mis-n, nom.

mi.
pridd, ' earth, soil : ' compare 0. Ir. accus. creid-n,

nom.- cri.

Add to these the word nos, ' night,' a nominative
for nots = noct-s : compare Latin nox, gen. noctis.
If Welsh had a case with the stem noct as in
Latin noctis, noctem, nocti, it would have to be-
come noeth in "Welsh, and this actually occurs in
trannoeth, ' the following day,' literally ' over^
night,' and in trannoeth the word noeth must he an
accusative, which is the case tra governed, as may
he learned from the fact that its Irish counterpart
tar always governs that case. Beunoeth, ' every
night,' is also an accusative, and so probably is
the 0. "Welsh form henoith (written henoid in the
Juvencus Codex), ■ superseded later by heno ' to-
night,' which seems to be a shortened form of
he-nos: compare he-ddyw, ' to-day.'

So far of nominatives and accusatives : as to
the other cases, it is exceedingly hard to distin-

154 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

guish them from accusatives or from one another
now that their distinctive endings have been dis-
carded. We have, however, undoubted genitives
in ei, ' his,' ei, ' her,' and eu ' their,' which
have already been mentioned. The dative next:
years ago attention was called by Mr. Norris to
the pT/n in er-k/n, ' against,' as the dative of pen,
' head.' Now erbi/n is in Irish letter for letter
arckiunn, composed of the preposition ar and ciunn,
the dative of cenn, ' head : ' the latter is, however,
separable, admitting pronouns between the pre-
position and the noun, as in armochiunn " ante
faciem meam, coram me ; " and so the 0. Cornish
er y lyn would suggest that in Welsh also one
might at one time say er ei lyn, where we now
have to say yn ei erbyn, or Vw erbyn, ' against him,
to meet him.' Mr. Stokes has pointed out another
similar dative in 0. Cornish in such a phrase as
mar y lyrgh (= Welsh ar ei ol), ' after him :' the
nominative is leryk. Lastly, we have one certain
instance of an ablative, namely, that of pmy,
' who,' in the particle po, of the same origin as
Latin quo. You will notice also that the same
use is made of them in both languages in such
sentences as Po anhawddafy gwaith, mwyaf y clod
oH gyflawni, " quo difficilius, hoc prseclarius."

Now that we are hurriedly picking up, as it
were, a few fragments of the time-wrought wreck

LECTURE IV. 155

of our inflections, you may expect a word about
the Welsh genders. I need not prove that Welsh
once had three genders, that is, not only the mas-
culine and the feminine, but also a neuter, of
which we have a familiar relic in the demonstra-
tive hjn^ as in hyn o Mysc, ' this much learning,'
hyn win, ' this much wine : ' add to this the 0.
Welsh pad = Lat. quod, quid. But more interest
attaches to the feminine : put together, for in-
stance, merch, ' a daughter,' and tlms, ' pretty,'
and they have to become merek dlos, ' a pretty
daughter.' Now, why is the t of the adjective
reduced into d? Well, if you remember what
was said on another occasion, it can only be be-
cause merch once ended in a vowel, and I hardly
need state -that that vowel was probably a or a.
Thus merch dlos represents an earlier merca tlos or
rather merca tlossa, for the a of the adjective is
even more certain than that of the noun, seeing
that it is to the influence of that a on the timbre
or quality of the vowel in the preceding syllable
we owe our having still two forms of the adjective,
tlws in the masculine and tlos in the feminine.
Tlws and tlos belong to a class of adjectives",
already noticed, which conform to the same rules,
and you may take the pair llym, mas. Hem, fern.
' sharp,' as typical of another, and as supplying
us with the principle which guides us in distin-

166 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

guishing the gender of monosylla'bic nouns : thug
if you propose to a monoglot Welshman any
monosyllabic nouns with which he is not familiar,
he will treat those with ro or y as masculines and
those with o or e as feminines, and in so doing he
thinks he is guided by instinct. This is probably
not the only habit of later growth which has been
mistaken for instinct ; and if you wish to find the
key to it, you have to trace it back in the language
to a time when the latter was on a level, so to
say, with Latin and Greek as regards the inflec-
tion of its substantives, while the origin of the
same habit must be sought thousands of years
earlier, when neither Celt nor Teuton, Greek nor
Roman, had as yet wandered westward from the
cradle of the Aryan race in the East.

Perhaps it is even more surprising to find in
later "Welsh traces of the dual number, seeing that
the very oldest specimens of its inflections which
the Aryan languages afi'ord us look weather-worn
and ready to disappear. But to give you an in-
stance or two in Welsh : we meet in the Mabinogi
of Branwen Verch Llyr with deu rcydel uonllmn,
that is, in our orthography, dau Wyddel fonllwm,
' two unshod Irishmen ' (Guest's Mabinogion, iii.
p. 98). Now in the singular we should have
Gnyddel bonllrmn, and in the plural Gmyddyl bon-
Uymion ; so it may be asked how it is that we have

LECTURE IV. 157

bonllwm made in our instance into fonllmm. There
is only one answer : Gwyddel must in the dual have
once ended in a vowel, and a glance at other
related languages which have the dual, such as 0.
Irish, Greek, and Sanskrit, would make it pro-
bahle that the vowel in question must have been
the ending of the nominative or accusative dual ;
but instead of guessing which the vowel or vowels
were in which the dual ended in Early Welsh,
perhaps the best thing would be to ask you to take
a look at that number in Greek in which our
instance might be literally rendered : hvo avviro-
Si]T(a ToiBe\e. Instances are not very rare in Med-
iaeval Welsh, but I will only mention one or two
more : in the Mabinogi of larlles y Ffynnawn
we meet with deu was penngrych wineu deledwiv:,
" two youths with beautiful curly hair " (Guest's
Mab., i. p. 35). A still more interesting instance
occurs in William's " Seini Greal," p. 91, where
we read of deu deirw burwynnyon, ' two pure- white
bulls.' In Modern Welsh there is one instance
which is well worth mentioning. The Carnarvon-
shire heights, called by English tourists " The
Rivals," have, from the Carnarvon side, the ap-
pearance of three peaks forming two angles or
forks between them : hence their Welsh name is
Yr Eifl, which has been supposed to be plural ; but
were it so, it would be, not Yr Eifl, but Y Geifl or

158 LBCTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Y Gq/lau, the singular being ffo/l, ' the fork.' So
Tr Eifl means, I cannot help believing, the two
forks, and might be rendered into Greek Tw "Ayxr],
but that we should thereby lose the connotation of
the Welsh name, which in this instance, as ia
so many other Celtic place-names, turns mainly
on a metaphorical reference to the configuration
of the human body.

Interesting as the foregoing instances may be
to us, as persons whose language is the Welsh,
you must not suppose that they enhance materi-
ally the certainty with which glottologists regard
the former inflections of Welsh substantives ; for
they are satisfied that Welsh is near of kin to
Irish, and that Irish had the inflections in ques-
tion, not developed in the course of its own history,
but inherited from of old from an older language
which was the common mother of Irish and Welsh.
The discovery in Welsh of a few such remains
as have just been pointed out, they would have
thought uot improbable beforehand, but suppos-
ing, on the other hand, that that did not occur in a
single instance, they would not have felt in the least
dismayed. Where, then, seeing that Welsh still
shows traces of at least five cases, three genders,
and three members, does the improbability lie of
its having retained the endings indicative of some
of them — say the nominative and genitive singular

LECTUKE IV. 159

masculine — as late as the 7tli century ? Nowhere,
it seems to me. But as the transition of a lan-
guage from the inflectional to the positional stage
is an importalit one, which could not help register-
ing itself in its literature, let us turn our atten-
tion for a moment to this point. For our purpose
the difference between an inflectional and a posi-
tional construction admits of easy illustration. In
Latin there is no material difference of meaning
between rex Romm and Romce rex, that is, if we
put N. for nominative, and G. for genitive, both
sequences, N. G. and G. N. are admissible in that
language, while in Welsh we have to be contented
with N. G. only, and say brenhin JRhiifain, as
Rhufain hrenhin would not convey the same mean-
ing. Probably, however, when Welsh had case-
endings, it could have recourse to both N. G. and
G. N. ; but when the former were discarded one of
the latter had to be given up — that turned out to
be G. JH'. But the sequence JS^. G. could not
have beaten the other off the field in a day, and we
have to ascertain if any survivals of G. JST. occur
in the Welsh literature which has come down to
our time. A perusal of the poems attributed to
the early bards would convince you that such do
occur : I will only quote (in modern orthography)
a few at random from Skene's Four Ancient Books
of Wales : — cenedl nodded, " the nation's refuge ''

160 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

(ii. p. 7) ; huan heolydd wrfnAdd, " bold as the sun
in his courses " (ii. p. 20) ; Cymmerau trin, " the
conflict of Cj'mraerau " (ii. p. 24) ; rhiain garedd,
" delight of females " (ii. p. 93) ; and " Gorchan
Cynfelyn cylchwy nylad,^^ " Gorchan Cynfelyn, to
make the region weep " (ii. p. 96). Now, with
such survivals as these and others of a different
nature, which could be pointed out in the poems
alluded to, before our eyes, the conclusion would
seem natural that Welsh may well have retained
case-endings in common use as late as the 7th
century. On the other hand, it has, it is true,
been argued that the original composition of the
poems in question took place long before the 12th
century. But what concerns us here is the fact
that the evidence they give us, taken for what it
is worth, affords a presumption that one is right
in supposing case-endings to have been in use in
our language as late as the 7th century ; and the
outcome of all this is, that thus far we have not
met with any prima facie reason whatever for
thinking that the old Celtic monuments still ex-
isting in Wales were not intended to commemo-
rate persons who spoke our language, or a language
which has, by insensible degrees, grown to be that
which we speak.

Now we move on to meet those who claim some
of our inscriptions as belonging, not to the Welsh,

LECXUKlli 1> . lO-l

but to the Irish. You will find their views advo-
cated, though not without eliciting opposition, by
some of the writers who contribute to the Arclimo-
logia Cambrensis. It is by no means irrelevant to
our case that you should know that they are men
whose study is archaeology rather than the Celtic
languages. For though the belief in the Irish origin
of inscriptions found here may have originated in
the discovery that seme of them are written in
Ogam, a character once supposed to be exclusively
Irish, it now rests mainly on other arguments,
which can have no weight in the eyes of any one
who has enjoyed the advantage of a glottological
training. Thus, whenever an early inscribed stone
is discovered here bearing a name which happens
to be known to Irish annalists, it is at once as-
sumed that the inscription containing it is of Irish
origin. But this, it requires no very profound
knowledge of the Celtic languages to perceive, is
perfectly unwarrantable. For as Welsh and Irish
are kindred tongues, and as their vocabularies of
proper names of persons must, at one time, have
been identical, the occurrence of the same Celtic
names in Wales and Ireland is just what one is
entitled beforehand to expect. Neither, supposing
a name, to put the case still stronger, forming part
of an early inscription in Wales not to be trace- .
able in later Welsh, while it happens to occur in

L

162 LECTUEES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGT.

Irish 1)00118, can the inscription be claimed as Irish :
besides, it would warrant our advancing similar
claims. For instance, we might say, If onr
stones with the name Decceti on them are Irish
because we have not as yet succeeded in tracing it
in Welsh books, whereas it is thought to be de-
tected in Irish ones, then on precisely the same
grounds we claim the Irish stone bearing the name
Cunacena until the latter can be shown to occur in
later Irish, as we have it in the successive forms
Cunacenni, Concenn, Cincenn, and Kyngen, this
side of St. George's Channel. The one claim is
as good as the other, and neither deserves a hear-
ing; for the question as to which Celtic names
have survived in Wales and in Ireland respec-
tively belongs to the chapter of accidents, and the
wonder, perhaps, is that the instances are so nu-
mferous as they are of the same ones having come
down to the Middle Ages or to modern times in
both countries.

If you were to press the advocates of the Irish
claim for their reasons, the answer would be of
the following type, which I copy from the Archceo-
logia Cambrensis for 1873, page 286 : " Were I
to find on the shores of Wexford or Waterford a
sepulchral inscription to Griffith, ap Owen, I should
be fully as justified in claiming it to be Irish as
Mr. Rhys is in claiming Maccui Decetti [szc] to

LECTURE IV.

163

be Welsh." This is d propos of an Anglesey
inscription reading: Hie lacit Maccu Decceti.
Now this involves the fallacy of assuming that the
difference between Welsh and Irish has always
been so great as it is in modern times. If there
is anything I have especially endeavoured to im-
press on your minds in the previous lectures, it is
the fact that the further back we trace the two
languages, the more strongly are they found to
resemble one another. There is one word in par-
ticular which Irish archaeologists, with a turn for
what may not inappropriately be termed simple
inspection, have made a great deal of — I mean the
word maqvi, the genitive of the word for son.
This, it is said, is the Irish mace or mac, ' a son,'
genitive maicc or maic, and it is held to settle the
question. The truth, however, is that it contri-
butes nothing at all to the settling of it ; for, as
all Oeltists know, the Kymric languages syste-
matically change qv into p, so that the 0. Welsh
map, now mab, ' a son,' is as regularly derived in
Welsh from maqv-i as mac is in Irish. What
would have been to the point would be to prove
that the Kymric change of qv into p was obsolete
before the period of the inscriptions whose origin is
in question. This the writers whose views we
are discussing would, I feel confident, find to be
an impossible task to perform, and the attempt

164 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

would, moreover, be likely to take them out of the
beaten path of simple inspection, one of the most
recent outcomes of which may here be mentioned,
as it will answer the purpose of a reductio ad ah-
surdum of this way of appreciating old epitaphs.
In the churchyard at Llanfihangel y Traethau,
between Harlech and Portmadoc, there is a stone
bearing an inscription apparently of the 12th
century : one line of it reads Wleder matris Odeleu,
whence we find elicited totus, teres atque rotundus,,
the full-grown Irish name Dermot O'Daly : this,
3'ou will be surprised to learn, was not meant as a
joke — see the Archceologia Camhrensis for 1874,
page 335.

Though the reasoning which seems to have led
to the conclusion that our early inscriptions are
Irish will not for one moment bear examination,
that conclusion may, nevertheless, be the only
one warranted by the facts of the case ; hence it
is clear that we must not dismiss it until we have
considered how it deals with them. Well, the
first thing that strikes one here is the arbitrari-
ness of a theory which, from a number of inscrip-
tions, would select some as being Irish without pre-
dicating anything of the remaining ones, or assign-
ing the principle on which the selection is made.
You might perhaps expect that those written in
Ogam would be the only ones claimed as Irish,

LECTURE IV. 165

and at one time it was so ; but eventually it was
found convenient to cross that line ; and no
wonder, for, as you must have noticed, there is
no essential difference between those partly
written in Ogam and those written in Eoman
letters exclusively. So Welsh antiquaries could
hardly have been taken by surprise by a sweeping
statement of the Irish claim, such as we meet
with. in the Arch. Camhrensis for 1873, p. 285,
in respect of the names Vinnemagli and Senemagli
in a Denbighshire inscription. There we read,
'•' Both of the names in question are Irish, as
are most, if not all, the names found on those
monuments hitherto known as Romano-British."
This you will keep in mind as a concession on
the part of our Irish friends of the fact that the
nanfes in our inscriptions are of a class, and do
not readily admit of being separated into such as
are Irish and such as are not.

Then, by supposing some of the epitaphs to be
commemorative of Irish pagans of a very early
date, they involve themselves in difficulties as to
the crosses to be frequently met with on them.
This, however, may be a mere instance of chrono-
logical extravagance not essential to the theory,
but it would not be so easy to take that view of
an assumption to which few would be found to
demur, namely, that the pagan Irish did not use

166 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

the Roman alphabet. We observe, therefore, with
some curiosity how they extricate themselves from
the difficulty arising from the fact that almost all
our inscriptions are partly or wholly in Roman
letters. As to those which are exclusively in the
latter, the oracles have not yet spoken ; at any
rate, I cannot find their utterances. But in the
case of stones bearing inscriptions in both charac-
ters, if the one is not a translation of the other,
then the Roman one owes its presence on it to a
Romanised Briton having seized on the monument
of a Gael to serve his own purposes, there being,
it would seem, a great scarcity of rude and un-
dressed stones in those days. If, on the other
hand, the one merely renders the other, the
explanation offered is somewhat different. The
following, which I copy from the Arch. Cambrensis
for 1869, p. 159, relates to the bilingual stone
at St. Dogmaels, near Cardigan, reading Sagrani
Fili Cunotami, and in Ogam Sax/ramni Maqvi
Cunatami : — "The story of the stone looks like
this ; that it was erected as a memorial over some
well-known chief of the invading Gaedhal, who for
a long period occupied South Wales, and that at
some period after, when thelanguage of the Gaedhal,
and the use of Ogham were dying out, some patriotic
descendant of the hero, to perpetuate the memorial,
re-cut the inscription in the Roman characters then

LECTURE IV. 167

in use; the monument is of great antiquity, the
Eoman inscription alone, on the authority of Mr.
Westwood, being referable to a date ' not long after
the departure of the Romans.' " Ah uno disce omnes.
A still greater difficulty presents itself in the fre-
quent occurrence on the stones in question of names
which to most men would seem to be Latin, while
it is, on the other hand, acknowledged that the
Goidelic race was never conquered by the Romans,
and that they would otherwise have been too proud,
as we are told, to adopt Roman names. How this
difficulty is disposed of as a whole I do not know.
However, I find that Turpilli and Victor are made
out to be pure Irish ; but whether the same fate
awaits such names as Justi, Faternini, Paulini,.
Vitaliani, and the like, remains to be seen ; for the
possibilities of O'Reilly's dictionary of Modern
Irish are many. Unfortunately, such is the
reputation that work enjoys, and such are the
discoveries to which it helps men ignorant of
Old Irish, that an appeal to it on their part has
the charm of the last straw that broke the camel's
back.

The foregoing are a few of the difficulties attend-
ing the claim made to our inscriptions. Now, I
would call your attention to particular instances of
them, which cannot, I think, be Irish : —

(1.) We will begin with a stone at Penmachno,

168 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

in Carnarvonshire, which reads : Cantiori Hie Jacit
Venedotis Give Fuit Consobrino Magli Magistrati.
Despite the waywardness of the Latin, it un-
doubtedly shows that the person commeniorated
was a man of importance, and a Venedotian citizen,
whatever that may exactly mean. ' The Venedotians
are not generally supposed to be of the Goidelic
race, and, as they are not likely to have made a
foreigner a citizen of their state, the conclusion is
unavoidable that the inscription is not of Irish
origin. It is much in the same way that one may
look at another which reads : Corbalengi Jacit Or dous.
The stone stands on an eminence overlooking the
Cardigan Bay, between the convenient landing-
places of Aberporth and Traethsaith, in Cardigan-
shire ; but I am inclined to think that Ordous
means that the person buried there was one of
the Ordovices of North . "Wales. If so, whether
he came there as an invader or as an ally, the
position of the stone, which seems to occupy its
original site, explains why it was thought expedient
to specify his tribe on his monument. So this also
could not well be Irish.

(2.) The inscription at Llangadwaladr, not far
from Aberffraw in Anglesey, reads Catamanus
Rex Sapientisimus Opinatisimus Omnium Regum.
It is right to state that it is not in Roman
capitals, but in what may be called early

LECTURE IV. 169

Hiberno- Saxon characters, and that it is as-
cribed by archaeologists to the 7th centnry.
There are, however, other reasons for ranging it
with those of the Brit- Welsh, rather than with
later ones. It is probable that this Catamanus
was the Catmaa or Cadfan whom Welsh tradition
mentions as the father of Cadwallon and the
grandfather of Cadwalader, who is usually called
the last king of the Britons ; Cadwallon died,
according to the Annales Cambrice, in the year 631,
and the year 616 has been given by some Welsh
writers as the date of Cadfan's death. However
that may be, we are pretty safe in assigning it to
the 7th cetitury, and the inscription commemora-
tive of him dates, probably, not long after his
death. Whether Catamanus and his name are
likely to be claimed as Irish I do not know, but
the latter undoubtedly bears a family likeness to
several of those contained in our early inscriptions
so claimed. The same likeness is also observable
in the names of the kings of the Britons to
whom Gildas, writing not later than the middle
of the 6th century, undertook to give a good
scolding. They are the following, all except the
first in the vocative: — Constantinus (king of
Damnonia), Aureli, Vortipori (king of the Dime-
tians), Cuneglase (rendered by Gildas into Latin
as Lanio fulve), and Maglocune, supposed to be

170 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Maelgwn, the king of Grwynedd, who, according
to the Annales Cambrice, died in the year 547.
Now these, as well as Catamanns, must be sur-
rendered as Irish, if our early inscriptions are
rightly claimed as such.

(3.) An instance, which has already supplied us
withauame of interest, occurs on a stone near Whit-
land, Carmarthenshire, which reads Qvenvendani
Fill Barcuni. Now in Irish genealogies one finds
the name Qvenvendani matched most exactly by a
Cenjinnan, to which a parallel is offered in the Four
Masters' Annals of Ireland in a name Ceandubkan.
These would be, in Mod. "Welsh, Penmynnan and
Pendduan, but as far as I know they do not occur.
However Penmynnan has its analogy in Carn-
Tcennan, ' Arthur's dagger ; ' but Cenjinnan is a
derivative from a still more common Irish name,
Cenfinn, which would be in Welsh Penwyn,
' Whitehead : ' it occurs more than once in the
Record of Carnarvon, and we read of a lorwerth
Tew ap y Penwyn in Edward the Third's time
{Arch. Cam. 1846, p. 397). The portion of
our Qvenvendani (shortened probably from Qven-
navendani) represented by Penwyn and Cen-
finn is Qvenvend-, which accordingly contains
curtailed forms of the words for head and white,
that is, gven- and vend-. The modern forms are,
Welsh pen, Ir. ceann, ' head,' and Welsh ywy«.

LECTURE IV. 171

' white,' feminine gwen, Ir. Jinn. You will here
notice the change of i into e before a complex of
consonants in the Welsh vend-. The i would re-
main in Irish, as we see ixoxsxjinn and Ptolemy's
BovovivBa, that is Buwinda, ' the Boyne : ' so in the
case of Gaulish names such as Vindos and Vindo-
magus ( = Welsh Gwgnfa, as in Llanfihangel y'
Ngnynfa in Montgomeryshire ; Irish, Finnmhagh,
'the white or fair field'). This makes it probable
that not only Qvenvendani cannot be' Irish, but also
Vendoni, Vendumagli, Vendubari, and Vendesetli in
other inscriptions. Still more decisive is the evi-
dence of Barcuni, which, I have no doubt, is the
same name as the Irish Berchon in Ui-Berchon,
Anglicised into Ibercon, and meaning literally the
descendants of Bercon ; but it is now applied, as
frequently happens to such names in Ireland, to a
district in the county of Kilkenny. This informa-
tion I derive from the entry for the year 851 in the
Annals of Ireland. In a note the editor, 0' Dono-
van, observes, that within the district alluded to
there is a village known as Rosbercon, anciently
called Eos-Ua-mBerchon. Now the Ixish Berchon
may be the genitive of Berchu, involving the
word cu, ' dog,' genitive con. So. the nominative
corresponding to Barcuni, which itself stands pro-
bably for an older Barcunis, may have been Barcu.
Barcu and Barcuni would now be in Welsh, if they

172 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

ouly occurred, Berchi and Berchwn respectively.
If you compare with the Irish Berchon our Barcuni
or Berchwn, you will observe that there is a pho-
nological discrepancy between them ; for Ber-
chwn or Barcuni ought to be in Irish Bercon, and
not Berchon. In other words, the Irish Berchon
could not be derived from Barcuni, but from a
longer form, Baracuni. Here, then, we have a
difference between the two languages which makes
itself perceptible elsewhere in such instances as
Welsh gorphen, ' to finish,' for morqvenn, and
Mod. Ir. foirckeann (also Scotch Gaelic), ' end,
conclusion,' for woriqvenn or woreqvenn. This,
you see, makes it highly improbable that Barcuni
is Irish ; hence it would follow that here we have
an early inscription of Welsh origin, in which
the place of later jo is occupied by qv, which in the
case of maqvi has been made so much of by Irish
archseologists.

(4.) The next pair of instances bears on de-
clension : the text is supplied in part by a stone
at Trallong near Brecon — it reads Cunocenni
Filius Cunoceni Hie Jacit. Here you see that as
we have a nominative Cunocenni and a genitive
Cunocenni (for we may venture to supply the
omitted n), the name must be one the stem of
which may be regarded as ending in i. Now
glottology teaches us that in the common mother-

LECTURE IT. 173

tongue of the Aryan nations /-stems ended in
the nominative in -is, and in the genitive in
-ajas. The latter was variously contracted in
the various languages derived from it : thus
Sanskrit nom. avis, ' a sheep,' gen, ave^ or
avyas, Grreek ttoXk, gen. ttoXjos or TroXeto?,
Lithuanian akis, ' eye,' gen. ak'is. In very early
Welsh and Irish, or in the language from which
both have branched, we may suppose the ending
of the genitive of this declension to have been jas
(with ^' =r y in yes) , but not perhaps to the exclu-
sion of the longer -ajas. The names, then, in our
inscription may be restored thus : nom. Cunacennis,
gen. Cunacennjas, of which the latter seems to
have undergone contraction into Cunacennis ; so
that when the language began to drop final Sj they
became nom. Cunacenni and gen. Cunacennl, a
distinction which may not have been lost at the
time when the inscription was cut on the Trallong
stone. Let us now turn to the other side, and see
what would become in Irish of a Goidelo-Kymric
genitive of the form Cunacennjas. Clearly, if we
are to be guided by the ordinary rules of Irish
phonology, the j would disappear, which would
give us Cunacennas, and when the s followed the
example of the j, the word would be found reduced
to Cunacenna, which actually occurs written Cuna-
cena on an Ogam-inscribed stone found at Dunloe,

174 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

in the county of Kerry. It is, however, right
that I should tell j'ou, that in some of the earliest
Irish inscriptions both the s and the J (written ?)
appear intact ; for instance, on a stone found at
Ballycrovane, in the county of Cork, reading
Maqvi Decceddas Ami Toranias — the word awi
means grandson, and becomes in Old Irish manu-
scripts due, or, with an inorganic k, hdue. Lest
you should thiuk that all this has been excogitated
to suit my views, those of you who read German
— and I hope that by and by their number will
be considerable — will find that Ebel and Stokes
inferred genitives of this declension in -ajas and
Jos for Early Irish in the first volume of Kuhn's
Beitrcege, published in 1854, and that, most
likely, without having heard of the inscription
alluded to above.

(5.) If it should seem to you that too much is
here built on a single word, there remains one or
two other instances which cannot be passed over.
On the Anglesey stone already noticed we meet
with Maccudeeceti, which one might venture to
write Maccu-decceti, as forming one name, although
consisting probably of a noun governed in the
genitive by another. Compare also Maccodecheti,
on a stone now at Tavistock, in Devonshire. That
Decceti and Decheti are in the genitive is certain,
but our "Welsh data could not enable us to ascer-

LECTURE IV. 175

tain the declension to which they belong ; so we
have to resort to Irish inscriptions in which the.
name in question occurs. The following are re-
ported : Maqvi Decceddas Ami Toranias, already
mentioned ; Maqqvi Decedda, found in the parish
of Minard, co. Kerry, now in the Museum of the
Eoyal Irish Academy in Dublin ; Maqvi Decceda
Hadniconas, found at Ballintaggart, with six
others ; Maqviddeceda Maqvi Marin, found at Kil-
leen Cormac. Now Welsh Decceti and Irish
Deccedas taken together prove that we have here
to do with an J-stem ; so the genitives may be
restored to the forms — "Welsh Deccetjas, Irish
Decceddjas or Deccedjas, for Irish seems to have
hesitated between the provected ddj or d'J and the
non-provected dj. The forms which occur in the
two languages give us the three stages Deccedjas,
Deccedjas, and Deccetjas, which require some notice
before we proceed further. In Welsh I know of
no closer parallel to tj for dj than that of llj
(mostly reduced to II) in such words as arall,
' other,' Iv.araile, from a stem ar-alj-, to be com-
pared with Latin alius; oil, ' all,' Ir. uile, from
ol^-; pebyll, 'a tent,' now 'tents,' from Lat.
papilio, ' a butterfly, a tent : ' to these may per-
haps be added an instance from one of our early
inscriptions, namely, Turpilli, on a stone near
.Crickhowel in Brecknockshire. This, no doubt.

176 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

stands for an earlier Turpilji, once the pronuncia-
tion, Welsh or Eoman, or both, of Turpilii, the
genitive of the Roman name Turpilius: compare
also jilli for filii or rather jilji. The provection
would lead to the inference that Decceti was ac-
cented Deccdti, whence it is clear that Vitaliani
on another stone need not have followed suit. In
point of fact, it seems to have become Guitoliaun,
which occurs in a MS. of Nennius, where we read
of Guitmd fill Guitoliaun, as though it had been
Viialis fili Vitaliani. As to the Irish provection
into dd, we find a good parallel to it in the U-
declension, which is thought to have once ended
in the nom. in -us, and in the gen. in -awas or
-was. Thus Mr. Stokes, in the volume just re-
ferred to of Kuhn's Beitrcege, p. 450, traces two
Irish genitives, tairmchrutto, " transformationis,"
and crochta, " crucifixionis," to tarmicru^ejas and
cruca^ijas respectively : compare also such genitives
as Lugudeccas, Rettias, Anawlamattias, said to occur
on early inscribed stones in Ireland. "What has
been hinted as to the phonology of Decceti is a
mere conjecture, to which I would add another, and,
perhaps, a better — namely, that the Welsh and
the Irish forms, taken 'together, may be regarded
as pointing to the still earlier ones Dencendis,
genitive Dencendjas. In case this hits the mark,
the word is to be referred to a root dak or dank.

LECTURE IV. 177

whence we have Greek ZeUvvjii, Lat. dicere, Ger-
man zeigen. But, not to take up any more of
your time with these .details, the outcome of
them, as far as we are here concerned, is that
Cunocenni, Decceti, and Decheti are Welsh, while
the Irish forms are Cunacena, Deceddas^ and the
like. Consequently the inscriptions in which
the former occur cannot be Irish. We are
now enabled to return with greater certainty to
Corhalengi, which being a nominative, is likely to
be of the J-declension. Hence it .would also follow
that Evolengi and Evolenggi are of that declension,
which cannot in Irish make i in the genitive, as
these do; so it is unnecessary to say that the
inscriptions containing them cannot be Irish. The
same observations would seem to apply to those in
which the names Vinnemagli, Senemagli, or Seno-
magli, occur in the genitive ; for that these forms
belong to the /-declension is suggested by the
fact that we have Brohomagli in the nominative
in an inscription reading Brohomagli Jam Ic Jacit
Et Uxor Ejus Caune. Add to the foregoing, that
although the Early Welsh base whence our cad,
' battle,' must have been caiu, of the ^/-declension,
we have the compounds Rieati nominative, and
Dunocati genitive, .while the Mod. Irish is iDonn-
chadh, genitive Donnchadha ; which makes it im-
possible that Dunocati could be Irish. This is

M

178 LBCTUKES ON WELSH PHIEOLOGT.

the way I would reason, if I felt certain that the
case-endings here in question are not mostly Latin
rather than Celtic. The more I scrutinise them,
the more I am inclined to treat them as Latin,
especially such genitives as Dunocati, and such
nominatives, as Corbagni and Ctmnoceni, for Cor-
bagnis and Cunoeennis.. But it is to be noticed
that this only makes our case against the Irish
claim still stronger, and that one has only to regret
that so many of the inscriptions are less valuable
than could be wished as materials for the history
of Welsh inflections. As the allusion to Cunocenni,
Corbagni, and Dunocati as Latinised nominatives
may appear scarcely intelligible to those who are
acquainted only with the Latin ordinarily taught
in our schools, it is right to explain, that from the
time of the Gracchi or thereabouts the ending is
appears not infrequently instead of ius; as, for
instance, in Anavis, Ccecilis, Clodis, Ragonis, and
the like. Further, it is a rule in our Early In-
scriptions to leave out s final: the same thing
frequently happened also in Roman ones, so that
such nominatives occur in the latter as Claudi,
Minuci, and Valeri. For more information on this
point, see the second edition of Corssen's great
work on Latin, i. pp. 289, 758; ii. p. 718; also
Eoby's Latin Grammar (London, 1871), i. p. 120.
(6.) Besides the numerous nominatives made to

LECTURE IV. 179

end in our Early Inscriptions in the Latin termina-
tion us, and the possible Latinity of some or all' of
those in i, there is an instance or two where the
former appears as o for the old Latin nominative
ending os. One of these comes from Carnarvon-
shire, and reads : Al/iortus Eimetiaco Hie Jacet.
The other is at Cwm Grloyn, near Nevern in Pem-
brokeshire : it reads in Ogam Witaliani, and in
Eoman capitals Vitaliani Emereto, of which I can
make nothing but nominatives, the Welsh having
perhaps never stopped to consider whether there
existed such a Latin name as Vitalianius to be
transformed into Vitaliani. Emereto would be for
Emeretos, or, as it would appear in our dictionaries,
emeritus. Similarly we have consobrino for the
fuller nominative consobrinos in the inscription
already noticed as reading: Cantiori Hie Jacit
Venedotis Cive Fuit Consobrino Magli Magistrati.
(7.) To the foregoing it should be added that
feminines making their nominatives in e, such as
Caune, Tunccetaee, and the like, are also probably
indebted for that e to the usage of somewhat late
Latin, which, in its turn, is supposed to have
borrowed it from Greek. In the Roman inscrip-
tions of the time of the Empire the names of
Greek slaves and freedwomen appear in abund-
ance, such as Agapomene, Euehe, Theophile, and the
like : after them were modelled Cassiane, Juliane,

180 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Sabiniane, written also with ae for e, whence even
suah genitives as dominaes, vernaes, annonaes, were;
formed. Nominatives of the kind in question were
also not unknown in Eoman Britain. I have come
across the following in Hiibner's collection already
alluded to: — Aurelia Eclectiane, Hermionae,
lavolena Monime, Julia Nundinae (in the mu-
seum at Caerleon), and Simplicia Proce. On the
question of Latin nominatives in e and genitives in
es or aes, see Corssen, i. p. 686, and Roby's Latin
Grammar, i. p. 12L It is hardly necessary to re-
peat that the Latinisation here pointed out is
incompatible with the Irish claim as it has hitherto
been put.

(8.) In Early Irish the Z7-declension made its
genitive singular in os, liable to be reduced to o ;
and in the Early Irish inscriptions, of which
accounts have been .published, amounting to 120
or more, not a single genitive in u occurs, while
those in os, o, appear in due proportion. In our
inscriptions, on the other band, the same genitive
is either o or u. So far, then, as one can judge
from this, our inscriptions containing the genitives
Nettasagru and Trenagusu cannot be Irish.

(9. ) Maccu -Decceti and Macco -Decheti have been
mentioned together, and it may appear strange that
one has cc and the other ch. The explanation is
simple enough : in the interval between their dates
the language may have begun to change cc into ch,

LECTURE IV. 181

and probably also tt, pp, into th, ph. Here may
be mentioned the inscription already cited as
reading Brokomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus
Caune, which is in much the same style of later
letters as the Tavistock Stone with Decheti, There
is an apparent inconsistency in Macco- retaining
its cc unmodified ; but the cc in Macco- represents
an earlier ng or ngh, and it would be contrary to
rule if it passed into ch in Welsh. In Brokomagli
the h was undoubtedly sounded like our modern
ch ; for in 0. Welsh the name was Brochmail, later
Broehuail. The same remark applies to the h
in the epitaph reading Velvor Filia Broho, which
seems to be of the same date as the other two. In
Broho and Brohomagli the syllable broh, that is
broch, probably represents an earlier brocc, as in
Broccagni, a name said to have been read on a
stone at Capel Mair near Llandyssul, which has
since been effaced by a bucolic Vandal. Broccagni
is familiar in the form Brychan, and is precisely
the Irish Broccdn borne by the author of a hymn
in praise of St. Brigit contained in the Liber
Hymnorum in the library of Trinity College, Dublin.
But how does this bear on our argument ? Simply
in this way :" the change from cc into ch is unknown
in Irish, whence it is impossible that the inscrip-
tions containing Decheti, Brohomagli, and Broho
should be of Irish origin.

182 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Now that the Irish claim has been shown to he
untenable, we might he asked to show how the
details of the inscriptions, in so far ^s they are
Celtic, fit into the history of "Welsh inflections ;
but this is rendered an impossible task by the
meagreness of our data. However, we have at
least one inscription which seems to belong to the
transition period preceding the total disuse of cases
by the Welsh: I allude to one of the stones at
Clydai, in Pembrokeshire, which reads in debased
capitals Etterni Fill Victor, and in Ogam Ettern

W[ic]tor. Here Victori (iox Victoris) is out

of the question, but the discarding of the case
termination was in this instance favoured by the
fact that the nominative was Victor, while the
genitive might be Victor. The inorganic doubling
of t in Etterni is a feature common to it and the
Old Welsh of the Capella Glosses. I cannot leave
this point without noticing in a few words the
fate of the vowel, more conveniently than correctly
called the ' connecting vowel,' as, for instance,
the in Dunocati, which has been completely lost
in its modern representative Dinyad, pronounced
Dir^gad. That the connecting vowel in compounds
was sometimes obscurely pronounced even in Early
Welsh is proved, as has already been pointed out,
by such pairs of instances as Cunotami and Cuna-
tami; but when did it altogether disappear ? In

LECTURE IV. 183

the last-named instances it cannot have done so
until the t had begun to be softened towards o?,
otherwise we should have Cunatam-i, Cuntam
yielding Cynnhaf, whereas the modern form is
Cyndaf. Moreover, in a few instances, the
number of which could no doubt be increased by-
careful reading, the vowel comes down in manu-
script. The place known to Welsh tradition as
Catraeth is called by Bede Cat&racta; in the
Juvencus Codex, the Latin word frequens is ex-
plained by the Old Welsh word Ut'imaur, which,
were it still in use, would now be lUdfawr,
with Hid- as iu erlid, ' to pursue,' and might be
expected to have nearly the same meaning as
gosgorddfamr, ' possessed of a large retinue or
following : ' in Gaulish it occurs as the proper
name Litumara (G*luck, p. 120). In the oldest
MS. of the Annates Cambrice we have not only
Chtenedote to compare with the later Gmyndyd,
' North Wales,' but also a mention, under the
year 760, of Dunnagual filii Teudubr, more cor-
rectly Dumn-Agual or JDuvn&gual. Later he is
called Dyfnwal, a name which in Early Welsh
would have been Dumnoval-i or Dubnoval-i. In
the Saxon Chronicle, under the j'ear 1063, we
meet with Rhuddlan, called Rudelan, a spelling
which is supported by the Doomsday forms Rothz-
lanum, and, with the soft dental slurred over,

184 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Ruelan.- Lastly, Giraldus Oambrensis writes
Eudkelan, Bledkericus (Bledri), Rodkericus
(Rhodri), Ythewal (Idwal), Landinegath (Llan-
dingad). I place no implicit faith in Giraldus'
spelling, but it seems certain that the connecting
vowel continued to be pronounced, however lightly,
for a long time after the Welsh had given up the
habit of representing it in writing, and that there
can have been no break in this respect between
the pronunciation of the Welsh of the Early In-
scriptions and that of the 9th century glosses.

This is also the place to call attention to the
fact that the ordinary formula of our Early Inscrip-
tions, such as Sagrani Fill Cunotami, came down
to later times. Thus, for instance, an elegy to
Geraint, the son of Erbin, in which the Welsh
poet, as an eye-witness, describes Geraint's deeds
of valour in the battle of Llongborth, is headed
Gereint Fil Erbin in the Black Book of Carmar-
then as published by Skene, ii. p. 37. This Geraint
is probably the Welsh king who, according to the
Saxon Chronicle, fought against Ine of Wessex in
the year 710.

Lastly, supposing, per impossibile, the foregoing
reasoning to be inconclusive, we still have a weighty
argument in the fact, for such it seems to be, that
the Kymric race has occupied Wales, Cornwall,
Devon, and other parts of England, from the time

LECTURE IV. 185

of the Roman occupation to oar own day, excepting
in so far as their territory has been encroached upon
by the English nation and language. It follows,
then, that the onus probandi remains with the
advocates of the Irish claim, and that they are not
at liberty to attempt to prove any of our inscrip-
tions to be of Irish origin until they have made
out that the same cannot be explained as Welsh.
Let it first be shown that they cannot be Welsh,
then they will have a right to make them out to
be Irish if they can, and, logically speaking, not
before, as we have a priority of claim, which
stands whether they attribute the inscriptions to
Croidelic invaders, or regard them as proofs that
the Goidelic race occupied this country before the
Kymry. For, in either case, the knowledge of
letters may be presumed to- have reached the
former, whether in Ireland or in the more inacces-
sible parts of the west of Britain, through the
latter, who must have learned (if they had occa-
sion for it) from the Romans how to honour their
dead with inscribed tombstones. That the Kymry
should have taught this to the Gaels and so far
forgotten it themselves as to leave us no monu-
ments, while the Gaels are alleged to have left
so many, is incredible.

Allusion has just been made to a theory which
not only makes the Goidelic race the first Celtic

186 • LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

inhabitants of Wales, but tries to prove tbeir oc-
cupation of most of North Wales to have lasted
down to the 4th or the 5th century. As .it is
supposed that the Irish claim to our inscriptions
derives considerable support from this theory, it
is necessary to examine it briefly before we have
done with this question.

From .what has been said on the classification
of the Celts in a previous lecture, it is already
clear that the Goidelic Celts cannot be said to
have inhabited Wales before the Kymry, but it
will, nevertheless, be desirable to ascertain what
this theory has to recommend itself, especially as
it is put forth on excellent authority. In the
first place, it is founded, to a considerable extent,
on Welsh traditions which are supposed to refer
to the expulsion of Gaels from different parts of
Wales in the 6th century ; but the same tradi-
tions are admitted, be it noticed, to speak of them
invariably as invaders. However, it derives most
of its support from Welsh place-names, which are
supposed to commemorate the sojourn of the Gael
by their containing the word Gwyddel, ' an Irish-
man,' plural Gwyddyl or Groyddelod: such are
Gwyddelwern, Llan y Gwyddel, Forth y Gwyddel,
Twll y Gwyddel, and the like. But it is not at
all clear to me how any such names can go to
prove the priority of the Gael over the Kymro in '

LECTURE IV. 187

"Wales. For a certain number of the places con-
cerned have surely received their names within
this or the last century, particularly on the coast
and- wherever Irish workmen have been employed.
A good many more, probably, of them date during
the long interval between the last century and the
end of the 12th. Then, if any of them date still
earlier, they may possibly be accounted for by the
various descents made on our coasts in the 10th,
11th, and 12th centuries by Irishmen or Irish
Danes, and by the return of Welsh exiles, such as
Gruflfudd ab Cynan and Rhys ab Tewdwr, at the
head of a following of Irishmen. If, perchance,
any of them are older than the 10th century, it
would be natural to trace them to Irish saints,
Irish traders, and Irish invaders who visited this
country ; but none of these last or of the fore-
going would help to prove that Wales was wrested
by the Welsh from the Gael. Then there are
other deductions to make from the list; for many,
probably the majority, of the names adduced have
nothing whatever to do with Irishmen, there
being another word, gnyddel, plural grcyddeli (for-
merly, perhaps, also gwyddyV), which is a deriva-
tive from gmydd, ' wood.' The identity of form
between it and the word for Irishman is only
accidental, as the Early Welsh form of gwyddel must
have begun with a «? or «?, while the initial of that

188 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

of Gwyddel was g, which is proved by the Old

Irish Gaedel, Goidel, Modern Irish Gaoidheal,

with a silent dh, which has led to the simplified

spelling Gael. The common noun gwyddel, which

is no longer in use, means a brake or bush, as in

one of Englynion y Clywed, which runs thus {lolo

MSS.,^.2m):—

" A glywaist ti chwedl yr Enid
Yn y gwyddel rhag ymlid ?
Drwg pechawd o'i hir erlid."

In Dr. Pughe's dictionary, under the word erdd,
this is rendered : " Hast thou heard the saying of
the woodlark in the brake avoiding pursuit? —
bad is sin from long following it." Under the word
gTuyddelawg _ he gives tir gwyddelawg as meaning
" land overrun with brambles," and he rightly
renders gwyddelwern " a moor or meadow over-
grown with bushes." In the same way no doubt
Gmyddelfynydd is to be explained. So in the bulk
of instances like Mynydd y Gwyddel, Gwaun y
Gwyddel, Gwern Gwyddel, Nant y Gwyddel, Pant y
Ghfoyddel, Twll y Gwyddel, and the like, the word
gwyddel may be surmised to have no reference to
Irishmen. The outcome of this is, that after mak-
ing the deductions here suggested from the list,
there can be few, if any, of the names in question
which could be alleged in support of an early occupa-
tion of Wales by the Gael. They would undoubtedly

LECTURE IV. 189

fall far short of the number of those with Sais, ' an
Englishman,' plural Saeson, such as Hkyd y Sais,
Pont y Saeson, and the like, of which a friend has
sent me a list of thirty instances : by a parity of
reasoning, these ought to go some way to prove
the English to have occupied Wales before our
ancestors.

It is- needless to repeat, that even were one to
admit the Gaels to have been the early occupiers of
this country, it would by no means follow that our
inscriptions belong to them and not to the Welsh.
On the other hand, as it cannot have been so,
our priority of claim to them remains untouched.
Lastly, it would not be exactly reasoning in a
circle to call attention, in passing, to a fact which
has an important bearing on the question of the
classification of the Celtic ■ nations, namely, that
the controversy as to the origin of our inscriptions
rests entirely on the close similarity between Early
Welsh and Early Irish. Had they been less like
one a.nother, and had the primeval difference be-
tween them not been altogether imaginary, it could
never have arisen.

So far nothing has been said of the. pre-
historic period mentioned in the scheme laid
before you of the chronology of the Welsh
language. What happened to it during that
period can only be inferred, not to say guessed.
It is, however, by no means probable that the

190 LECTURES OS WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Celtic immigrants into these islands found them
without inhabitants, or that they arrived in suffi-
cient force to exterminate them. Consequently it
may be supposed that in the course of ages the
conquered races adopted the language of their
conquerors, but not without introducing some of
their own idioms. The question, then, is who
these prEe-Celtic islanders' were, and whether the
Celtic languages still have non-Aryan traits which
may be ascribed to their influence. In answer to
the first of these questions, it has been supposed
that the people whom the Celts found here must
have been of Iberian origin, and nearly akin to the
ancient inhabitants of Aquitania and the Basques
of modern times. In support of this may be
mentioned the testinaony of Tacitus in the
11th chapter of his Agrieola, where, in default of
other sources of information, he bases his state-
ments on the racial differences which betrayed
themselves in the personal appearance of the
British populations of his day. Among other
things, he there fixes on the Silures as being
Iberians. The whole chapter is worth reproducing
here. " Ceterum, Britanniam qui mortales initio
coluerint, indigense an advecti, ut inter barbaros,
parum compertum. Habitus corporum varii:
atque ex eo argumenta. Namque rutilte Cale-
doniam habitantium comse, magni artus, Ger-

LECTURE IV. 191

manicam originem adseveraut. Silarum colorati
vultus et torti plerumque crines, et posita coBtra
Hispania, Iberos veteres trajecisse easque sedes
occupasse, fidem faciunt. Proximi Gallis et
similes sunt; seu durante originis vi, seu procur-
rentibus in diversa terris, positio coeli corporibus
habitum dedit. In universum tamen asstimanti,
Gallos vicinum solum occupasse, credibile est.
Eorum sacra deprehendas, superstltionum persua-
sione : sermo baud multum diversus, in depos-
cendis periculis eadem audacia, et, ubi advenere,
in detrectandis eadem formido. Plus tamen fero-
cise Britanni prseferunt, ut quos nondum longa pax
emollierit. Nam Gallos quoque in bellis floruisse
accepimus : mox segnitia cum otio intravit,
amissa virtute pariter ac libertate. Quod Britan-
uorum olim victis evenit : ceteri manent, quales
• Galli fuerunt."

Accordingly, some of the non-Ayran traits of
Welsh and Irish may be expected to admit of
being explained by means of Basque. Unfortu-
nately, however, that language is not found to
assist us much, as it is known only in a com-
paratively late form. So we turn to other
prse-Aryan languages still spoken in Europe,
namely, those of the Finnic groups. These last
show a number of remarkable points of similarity
with the Celtic languages. Hence it may be sup-

192 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

posed — and comparative craniology offers, I believe,
no difficulty — that the British Isles, before the
Celts came, were occupied by distinct races of
Iberian and Finnic origin respectively, or else, in
case it could be made out that Basque is related to
the Finnic tongues, by a homogeneous Ibero-Finnic
race forming the missing link, as the saying is,
between the Iberians and the Finns. That some
such a race' or races once inhabited all the west of
Europe is now pretty generally believed.

Proceeding on the supposition that p was foreign
to the idioms of the insular, or, as they had now
better be called to avoid confusion, the Goidelo-
Kymric Celts, one may by means of names con-
taining it point out certain localities in the British
Isles . occupied by tribes which were not of a
Goidelo-Kymric origin. These fall into two groups,
with which we may begin from the north-west and
the north-east respectively. Ptolemy, who lived in
the time of Adrian and Marcus Aurelius, and
wrote a geography, calls one of the islands be-
tween Scotland and Ireland Epidium, and the
Mull of Cantyre ^E-n-iBiov axpov, apparently from
the people, whom he calls Epidii, and locates airo
Toi) E-TTiBiov aKpov (»s Trpos avaToXw;. Further, he
gives a town of the Novantae the name Lucopibia:
it is supposed to have stood near Luce Bay, in
Wigtonshire. All these names together with

LECTUEE IV. 193

Mons Granpius may well be supposed to refer
to localities to which the unabsorbed remnants
of a prse-Celtic race may have been driven by
the Celts. In the next place, he mentions a
people in Ireland called the Manapii, and a town
called Manapia, supposed by some to be the site of
Dublin. As to this side of St. George's Channel,
he calls St. David's Head ^OKTairiTapov aKpov, and
the old name of St. David's seems to have been
Menapia, whence Menevia, Welsh' Mynym. Now
it is known that there were also Menapii on the
coast in the neighbourhood of the Ehine, but
although they were a maritime people, it is hardly
probable that they had sent out colonies to Ireland
and Pembrokeshire. So I conclude that these names
are vestiges of a non-Ayran people whom the Celts
found in possession on the Continent and in the
British Isles. Nor have I mentioned all, for it is
hard to believe that none of the following names
also is of the same origin : Welsh Manaw, ' the
Isle of Man,' which Pliny calls Monapia and
Ptolemy MomoiSa; Mona, Welsh lf<?ra, 'Anglesey ;'
the Menai Straits or Meneviacum Fretum ; Welsh
Mynwy, ' Monmouth,' on the Monnow, in the terri-
tory of the ancient Silures; and possibly also
Manau Gododin in the North, and Momonia,
Mumhain, or Munster in Ireland.
As the outposts of the other group may be men-

N

194 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

tioned the Corstopitum or Corstopilum of the
Itinerary of Antoninus, which is supposed to have
received its present form in the latter part of
the 3rd century : it is believed that the site is
that of Corbridge in Northumberland. The next
is Epiacum, mentioned by Ptolemy as a town
of the powerful tribe of the Brigantes : it is
identified by some with Hexham, by others with
Lanchester, and by others, with more probability,
with Ebchester. Whether these two places were
■Giaulish or Teutonic it is not easy to say, for they
cannot be very far from the district where Tacitus
detected a Teutonic population; but whatever
settlements there may have been on the coast from
the Tweed to the Humber, the Brigantes are said
by Ptolemy to border on the North Sea. Proceed-
ing south, we come next to Petuaria, the town of
the Parisi, on or near the Humber : it has already
been surmised that this was a G-aulish position.
We now «ome to the Iceni in Norfolk, who had
a king whose name, according to Tacitus, was
Prasutagus. Next we have Ptolemy's ToUapis,
supposed to be Sheppey, and his Eutupice, identified
with Eichborough in Kent. More inland we meet
with a people whom he calls KaTvev^(Xavol ol kclI
Ka-Tj-eXdvoi, possessing the towns of Verulamium
or Old Verulam near St. Alban's, and Salinse,
which has been sought for in Bedfordshire

LECTURE IV. 195

and South Lincolnsliire. More to the west and
north, we find in the Itinerary of Antoninus a
place bearing the distinctly Gaulish name Penno-
crucium in the territory of the Cornavii, who may,
therefore, be concluded to be Gauls : the site is
identified by some with Peukridge in Stafford-
shire, and by others with Stretton. Add to these
vestiges of the Gaul the fact that we have Gauls
in the Belgse, who counted among their towns
AquEe Salis or Bath, and in the Atrebatii located
between them and the Thames. Compare also
what Caesar says on this point in the 13th chapter
of his fifth book. From these indications it
seems to follow that rather more than one half of
what is now England belonged in Csesar's time to
tribes of Gaulish origin ; that is to say, all east
of the Trent, the "Warwickshire Avon, the Parret,
and the Dorsetshire Stour, excepting a Kymric
peninsula reaching as far as Malmesbury, and
widening perhaps towards the south to take in
Warehara in Dorsetshire, where, it is said, there
are inscriptions of Kymric origin. Against this
may be set the Cornavii, whose territory consisted
of a strip of land running from the Avon along
the east of the Severn and stretching to the mouth
of the Dee. If you want the assistance of a
map, turn to Mr. Freeman's Old English History
(London, 1873), where you will find one of

196 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Britaia at the beginning of the 7th century.
According to that, the tract of country which the
English- then ruled over south of the Humber
coincided almost exactly with the boundary of the
Gaulish portion of Britain which has here just
been roughly defined. This apparent recognition
of Celtic landmarks by the later invaders is a fact
the historical and political significance of which I
leave to be weighed by others.

This view of th'e extent of Gaulish Britain,
which, it hardly need be said, is a mere theory,
derives some confirmation from the river-names of
England, which contains, for instance, important
rivers of the name of S>tour in Kent, Suffolk,
Dorset, Warwickshire, and Worcestershire. Simi-
larly we have others bearing the name of Ouse,
such as the Sussex Ouse, the Great Ouse, with its
tributary the Little Ouse, and the Yorkshire
Ouse which meets the Trent on the borders of
Lincolnshire. Lastly, we find a Stratford Avon,
a Bristol Avon, a Little Avon in Gloucestershire,
a Hampshire Avon flowing past Salisbury, and
an Avon: entering the sea near Lymington. But
these last rivers are supposed to bear an undoubted
Kymric name. It is, however, an easy matter to
show that it is not so. In the Itinerary of Anto-
ninus we seem to meet with Avon in the form of
Ahona; the Modern Welsh for a river is afon,

LECTURE IV. 197

■whicli we pronounce avon, and this stands for an
earlier abona or amona, whicli would in the course
of phonetic decay have to becorae our a/on. Now
it happens that it was probably not a rule of Welsh
phonology to change b or jre into v till about
the 8th century : so it remains that we should
suppose this softening to have taken place in
English, or in the language of the British Grauls,
whom the English found in possession of the
country drained by the Avons. Possibly another
and an earlier instance occurs in the vn, or, as
it is usually printed, un of such Gaulish names
as Cassivellaunus, Vercassivellaunus, Segovellauni,
Vellaunodunum, as well, perhaps, as Alaunus,
Genauni, Icaunus, Ligaunus, and the like.
Welsh tradition has, it is true, made Cassivel-
launus into Caswallawn, and Caswallon, which
naturally takes its place by the side of Cadwallon,
Idwallon, and Tudwallon ; but it is by no means
usual for early aun to make awn, on in Modern
Welsh, whence it is possible that only the mall
of the Weigh names just mentioned is to be
equated with the veil of such Gaulish ones as
Cassivellaunus, and that the terminations are
completely different. In that case Cadwallon and
Cassivellaunus should be considered as standing
for Catuvelldn- and Cassivellamn-, the latter con-
taining a vellamn- which I would identify with

198 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Walamn-i, a name which occurs on an Irish tomh-
stone now in the British Museum ; two of its
edges read Maqvi Ercias and Maqvi Walamni:
we farther seem to have the Gaulish equivalent
in VALLAVNiTS ou a stone at Caerleon. It
is needless to add that mn remained intact both
in Early "Welsh — witness Sagranmi — and in Old
Welsh, as, for instance, in the Juvencus Codex
in the verb scamnhegint, " levant," from scamn,
now yscafn, ' light, not heavy.' The softening
of m into v is not the only instance of Gaulish
outstripping Welsh in the path of phonetic decay.
Another familiar one of a different order occurs in
the of petorritum for ua or mo, still represented
in full by wa in the Modern Welsh pedwar, ' four.'

( 199 )

LECTUEE V.

" Y mae Uythyraetli y Gymraeg yn fater lied ddyrys ; ao y tnae
Uawer o ysgrifenwyr, yn enwedig y rhai ieuainc, yn Uawer rhy
fyrbwyll a phenderfynol yn ei gylcli, ac yn dueddol i feddwl eu bod
yn ei amgyffred yn drwyadl, pan y maent hwytliau, yn rhy fynych,
heb gymmaint a deal! elfenau cyntaf y petli y maent yn eu hystyried
eu hunain yn athrawou ynddo." — Daniel Silvan Evans.

In this lecture it is proposed to give a brief sketch
of the fortunes of the Roman alphabet among the
Kymry, and to follow it through the successive
modifications which it has undergone among us
down to the present day. For the sake of not
breaking on the continuity of its history, what I
have to say respecting the Ogmic system will be
reserved for another occasion ; for the same reason
also I have thought it advisable to omit a number
of details, otherwise highly interesting, as well as
all reference to the improved methods of dealing
with pronunciations inculcated with so much suc-
cess by Mr. Ellis, Mr. Melville Bell, and Mr.
Sweet.

The Eoman capitals found in our Early Inscrip-
tions are A, B, 0, D, E, F, G, H, I, L, M, N, 0,
P, Q, E, S, T, V, X. As to their formation, they
are mostly more or less debased, as arch^ologists

200 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

term it: — As in Eoman inscriptions, the letter D
is to be found occasionally reversed with or without
prolonging the perpendicular, so as to give it the
look of our minuscule d ; N and S also occur re-
versed, and the I, when final, is frequently placed
in a horizontal position, but in the genitive fili
it forms now and then a short stroke tagged on
to the short bar of the F and the end of the L ;
these are, however, by no means the only instances
in which it is of a smaller formation, as in Roman
inscriptions, than the other letters. Ligatures
are not at all unusual ; on the other hand, abbre-
viations are rare in our inscriptions of the earliest
class, and in this they strongly contrast with
Roman ones, as in fact they might be expected to
do, seeing that they are the work of a people who
was, to say the least of it, less given to writing
than the Romans were. A general survey of our
ancient monuments would convince one that the
style of the letters used was subject to a steady
change, which by the end of the Brit-Welsh period
had reached such a point that they could no longer
be conveniently called Roman letters. Hence it
is that they are variously termed Anglo-Saxon, by
those who are familiar with the use made of them
in Old English, and Irish by others who are better
acquainted with the Irish language, which is to
this day written in them ; while of late it has

LECTURE V. 201

been usual to make a compromise between the
English and the Irish by manufacturing for them
the adjective Hiberno-Saxon. But all this tends
to conceal their real origin ; for though this style
of letters became naturalised among our neighbours
in Ireland and England, it was among the Kymry
that it was developed and invested with an in-
dividuality of its own. Under the circumstances,
we are entitled to speak of it as Kymric, and to
call the individual characters Kymric letters. The
following are the forms in which they appear in
printed Irish : <^bctiep5hilmTiop4p-ircux.
The change from the capitals of the Eoman
period to the corresponding characters used by the
Welsh in the 9th and 10th century of course
did not, as has already been suggested, happen in
a day, and our inscriptions supply us with most
of the intermediate steps. But I could not hope
to make this perfectly clear to you without the aid
of good drawings or photographs of the inscrip-
tions themselves ; a deficiency which has quite
recently been met by the publication of them in
an easily accessible form by Dr. Hiibner of Berlin,
in a work entitled " Inscriptiones Britannias
Christianas (Berlin and London, 1876). A still
more elaborate work on the same subject is pro-
mised by the English palaeographer. Professor
Westwood, under the auspices of the Cambrian

202 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Archaeological Association. To ascertain the re-
lative dates of our inscriptions, that is to say, to
arrange them chronologically, is the one leading
problem to the solution of which all investigations
into Kymric epigraphy ought to contribute : a
first rude attempt at this might be based on the
style and form of the letters to which your atten-
tion has been called. Thus all our non-Ogmic
inscriptions down to the beginning of the 12th
century or thereabouts might be classed as follows :
(a) Those cut exclusively in Roman capitals ; {b)
those in which some of the letters are found to
assume the Kymric minuscule form ; and {c) those
which consist entirely of Kymric letters. How-
ever, another step in the same direction would
probably bring one to modify and correct, by
means of grammatical and historical indications,
this very rough classification, with some such a
result as to distribute (a) between the Roman
and the Brit- Welsh period, leaving (fi) entirely to
the Brit- Welsh period and (c) mostly to that of
Old Welsh.

The next place must be given to a short account
of the values of the characters which have been
thus far occupying us, and for the present it
will be convenient to treat the inscriptions of
the Roman and Brit-Welsh periods as though
they were all entirely written in Roman capitals.

LECTURE V. 203

unalloyed and undetased. Generally speaking,
the letters may also be regarded as having the
same values as in Latin ; but in a few instances
that statement requires to be explained or
qualified.

H. In occasionally writing oc and ic for hoc and
hie, the Welsh seem to have only imitated the
Romans, who, as early as the time of Augustus,
sometimes pronounced the aspirate and sometimes
not ; later the confusion became still more com-
plete : see Corssen's work already alluded to, i. 107.
Some difficulty is offered by the occasional use of
h for the guttural spirant ch ; for not only is
the sound of h known to become ch in Welsh, and
vice versa, but it seems certain that in Broho and
Brohomagli, the letter h represents the ch of the later
Brochmail and Brochmel, a sound we find so written
in Decheti for an earlier Decceti. It had also pro-
bably the same value in Alhorttcs. But how came
the Welsh to write h for ch ? It is probable that
h represented both the aspirate and the guttural
spirant in Old English, and it might be said that
we owe this use of it in our inscriptions to early
English influence ; but even could it be allowed
that all the instances in question date after the
beginning of the 7th century, that would hardly
seem probable. We have, therefore, to fall backj
perhaps, on the fact proved by Corssen (i. 97-99),

204 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

that the old guttural spirant ch, which the Italian
nations began at a very early date to reduce to h,
lingered on a considerable time in the Latin lan-
guage, which, however, assigned it a very inferior
part, and took no trouble to distinguish it in writ-
ing from the aspirate ever encroaching upon it.
It is possible that h pronounced ch continued in
popular Latin even later than Corssen would have
admitted, and that it is to this pronunciation con-
tinuing in the country after it had been given up
by the more genteel rerum domini in the city of
Eome, that the often-cited words of Nigidius
Figulus, a contemporary of Cicero, originally
referred : " Rusticus fit sermo, si aspires per-
peram." However that may be, if the guttural
spirant continued in vulgar or rustic Latin down
to the time of Julius Agricola — and Italy is a
land where dialects have always thriven — it could
hardly fail to have reproduced itself in the pro-
vincial Latin of Britain, and this would explain
how our ancestors came to represent it in writing
by h, and not by ch^ in words belonging to their
own language. But in what words would the
latter be likely to give them occasion to use it
before the departure of the Romans ? Not in
such as Brohomagli, for here the spirant only
came in some time after as the continuator of cc ;
it was late, also, no doubt, that initial sw became

. LECTUEE V. 205

ho; whence we have now hw in S. Wales, and
dm in N. Wales. There remain two combina-
tions where they may have had it — namely, in
words where we now have eh or h corresponding
to Irish ss (also written s), mostly for an original
hs, as in Welsh dehav, (also decheu, and even
detheu), ' right, south ; ' 0. Ir. des ; it is to this
origin I would refer the spirant represented by k
in Alkortu. The other is where we have t/i, with
vowel compensation, answering to Irish cki, as in
Welsh taitk, 'a journey;' 0. Ir. teckt, 'to go;'
Welsh 7w/tk, ' eight ; ' 0. Ir. ockt. The original
of this was kt, which the Goidelo-Kymric Celts
seem to have modified into ckt, and that possibly
before their separation into Kymric and Goidelic
nations. However, after weighing all the. diffi-
culties which beset this question, I am inclined
to think that though our ancestors may possibly
have heard k pronounced as cA in a few Latin
words, the use of k for c/i by them in writing
their own language is to be traced to the influence
of the Ogam alphabet, the discussion of which
will give me an opportunity of returning to this
point.

L. On the stone at Llanfihangel ar Arth, we
have Fivs clearly cut instead of filivs. This spell-
ing is, however, to be traced to a Latin source :
see Corssen's work already referred to, i. 228,

206 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

where such instances as _fiae foTjilim, Corneius for
Cornelius, and the like, are cited.

JS'c, Ng. On one stone we have Tunccetace and
on another Evolenggi, while the same name occurs
also as Evolengi. The digraphs nc, ng, were pro-
bably meant to represent the nasal gutturals, surd
and sonant respectively. Such forms as nuncquam,
conjuncx,juncxit, extincxit, and the like, occur in
Roman inscriptions of the time of the Empire.
Names in agn, such as Ereagni and Maglagni, ap-
pear later as Erehan and Maelan; so -agn must
haye passed into -angn towards the close of the
Brit- Welsh period, though the spelling in the in-
scriptions in point gives us no clue to the change :
later angn was simplified into an. Had the lan-
guage followed suit with the Irish, which has re-
duced -agn into -an, we should have had not
Erehan and Maelan, but Erehaen and Maelaen ;
possibly in some instances -angn may have yielded
-awn by a change of ng into w, which occasionally
occurs : see the Revue Celtique, ii. 192.

Np occurs, if I may trust my last attempt to
read the Cynffig stone, in the name Punpeius,
more commonly met with in books in the form
Pompeius. It was not unusual, Corssen (i. 263)
tells us, in Latin inscriptions of the 3d, 4th,
and 5th centuries, to write not only np, nb, but
also mt, md, the reason being, as he thinks, that

LECTURE V. 207

neither n nor m was clearly pronounced in such
positions : they seem to have served merely to give
a nasal effect to the vowel going before them, and
they were, accordingly, often left altogether un-
represented in writing. From 0. Latin Corssen
quotes as instances Poponi, Seproni, Noubris,
Decebris, and from late Latin cupare (= compare),
incoparabile, exeplu, Novebres: It is curious to
find that the epitaph just alluded to has Punpeius
rendered in Ogam hy a form beginning with Pope —
the rest of the word is now illegible, but it would
seem to have been Popei, for Pompei.

S. Final s is frequently omitted in our Early
Inscriptions, as, for instance, in the Latin words
cive, Ccelexti, Eternali, Nobili, Vitali, for cives,
Ccelextis, Eternalis, Nobilis, Vitalis. The same is
the case with nominatives singular of the second
declension when the vowel used is o, as in conso-
brino, Eimetiaco, Emereto, for consobrinos, Eimetia-
cos, Emeretos. But in case the vowel chosen was
the later u, the s is written as in Curcagnus,
Ordous, Saturninus, and even in Eoman inscrip-
tions nominatives in us and o are, as far as I can
ascertain, more numerous than those in u and os.
No nominatives in is for ius (see Corssen, i. 289,
758) retain their final s in our inscriptions, except-
ing Venedofis, which I take to mean Venedotius,
on one of the Penmachno stones. In popular

208 LECTUEES ON -WELSH PHILOLOGY,

Latin final s probably dropped out of the pronun-
ciation at an early date, whence it naturally fol-
lowed that men who nevertheless had an idea that
some forms had a right to it, occasionally inserted
it in the wrong place : among other instances,
Corssen (i. 293) gives the genitives meis, Mercuris,
Saturnis, and the ablatives Antios, domus, junior es.
We seem to have an instance of the same kind in
the Ti'efgarn inscription, reading Nogtivis Fill
Demeti.

X. The combination xs for x is exceedingly
common in Roman inscriptions, and we meet with
it on the Trefarchog stone in the Latin word uxsor,
which, however, occurs written uxor on the Voelas
Hall stone. At a comparatively early date x, that
is cs, had got to be frequently pronounced ss or s,
whence a good deal of confusion between x and s
in writing. Such instances as vis for vix, visit
for vixit, and ye lis tor Jelix, are to be met with,
and vice versa one finds milex for miles, and xancto
for sancto (Corssen i. 297, 298). The only instance
of this kind which we have is Ccelexti, for Ccelestis,
on the Llanaber stone, near Barmouth. But that
the reduction of x into ss or s cannot have been
general in Latin before the Romans came in con-
tact with our ancestors, is proved by the fact of its
yielding in Welsh words borrowed from Latin, not
s simply, but s preceded by vowel compensation

LECTURE V. 209

in cases where a; followed close on the tone-vowel,

as for instance in the three words which follow :

coes, ' a leg,' from coxa, ' the hip,' llaes, ' slack,

long,' from laxus, and pais, . formerly pels, ' a

coat, a petticoat,' from pexa, that is pexa testis or

pexa tunica, though a somewhat different meaning

is usually ascribed to pexa in Horace's words,.

when he says : — •

" Si forte subucula pexse
Trita subest tunicse vel si toga dissidet impar,
Rides."

J. A word, in the next place, as to the semi-
vowels j' and V. The Romans at one time used to
write eiis, Gaiius, peiius, Pompeiius, and to sound
them ej^us, Gajjus, pejjus, Pompejjus with _; (= y
in the English word yes or nearly so) ; but that
does not help us much with our inscriptional
forms Lovernii, Seniargii, and Ma..ani, where the
n can hardly have meant i or ij, but either _/z or iji.
Another curious case is that of mvliiek, for mulier,
on the Tregaron stone at Goodrich Court. Here
the second I may be due to thoughtlessness on the
inscriber's part, but I see no reason to think so.
It may be looked at another way : possibly it was
his intention to represent correctly his pronuncia-
tion of the Latin mulier as a trisyllable, so that
what he meant was mulljer ; but that is hardly
probable, as the inscription seems to be by no
means one of the earliest, and as it would have- been

210 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

more in accordance with the habit of our ancestors
to have treated mulier as muljer. So it remains
that we should regard the pronunciation intended
as being muljjer, and ihejj as a parallel to the ww
of Ilwweto written in Ogam on the Trallong stone,
near Brecon.

V. Latin v was probably pronounced like
English w, and the combination vu was frequently
reduced to u in the popular Latin of the time of
the Empire : among the instances given by Corssen,
i. 321, are aus,Jlaus, noum, for avus^Jlavus, novum.
We seem to have an instance of this on the Penbryn
stone in Ordous, which probably means Ordovus,
whence Ptolemy's plural OpSovtKe?. We have the
V doubled on the Glan Usk stone in pvteri for
pueri, and so in ntvinti at Cynwil Caio. They
are probably to be pronounced puweri and Nuwinti,
with the former of which compare povero men-
tioned by Corssen, i. 362, 668, as well as Italian
rovina as compared with ruina, and other cases
of the same kind. In Anglesey we meet with
ORVViTE, which may mean Oruwite or Ormwite.
If the preference be given to the latter, as I am
inclined to do, the spelling Orwite must be
regarded as dictated by the same cause as IlToweto
and muliier. Probably both jj and vv or rem
represent peculiarities of pronunciation which
cannot now be correctly guessed, and it is worth

LECTURE V. 211

Doticing that the semi-vowel in pvveei, orvvite,
and Ilwveto occupies just those positions where 0.
Welsh would give us ffu {—gw). So had we in-
stances of initial w or ww, nothing would be want-
ing to convince one that the digraph represented the
phonetic antecedent of our gu, gm. It is curious
to observe that pvveei has its exact parallel on one
of the few bilingual stones known in Ireland : I
allude to devvides on the Killeen Cormac stone
in the county of Kildare.

The doubling of consonants took place as in
Latin, especially where it was warranted by pro-
nunciation and etymology : this would be the case
in accented syllables. Even when the doubling
dictated by the etymology of the word was not
favoured by the presence of the accent, it seems
nevertheless to have been the rule, but it was
liable to be forgotten by the inscribers, as for
instance in Enabarri for Ennabarri, Fanoni related
to Fannuci, Qvenatauci for a name I should con-
sider more correctly written Qvennatauci, Tovisaci
for Tovissaci, and Trihni for Trilluni. Towards
the end of the Brit-Welsh period we meet with
opinatisimus and sapientisimus, and altogether s is
seldom doubled, but IVenegussi occurs so written,
while the Pgam gives it as Trenagusu. It is
possible that the nominative Cunocenni was
paroxytone, while its genitive Cunoceni was a

212 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

perispomenon ; but no ingenuity could discover
reasons for the spelling Vendubari as compared
with Barrivendi and Enabarri, nor can Sagrani be
defended except as a defective spelling of Sagranni,
the Ogmic form being indubitably Sagramni : the
reduction of mn to nn was familiar in Latin as
early as Cicero's time, as when cum nobis and etiam
nunc were pronounced cun nobis and etian nunc :
see Corssen, i. 265.

A. A word now as to the vowels : short a at
the end of the first part of a compound appears to
have acquired an obscure pronunciation. In
Ogam it is always written a, as in Cunatami,
Cunacenniwi, Nettasagru, Trenagusu; so also in
the Latin version of the names Catamanus, Corba-
lengi, Enaiarri, Qvenatauci, Trenacatus. Advan-
tage seems to have been taken of the obscurity of
the vowel in question to give the compounds some-
what more of the appearance of Latin formations;
so we find it written o and e, as in Cunocenni,
Cunotami, Evelengi, with which compare the Irish
Evacattos, of doubtful reading, it is true, Seno-
magli, Senemagli, and Trenegussi. The o of
Catotigirni, tholigh probably of the same obscure
sound, is of a different origin, standing as it seems
to do for an earlier u: similarly the e of Anatemori
possibly represents an earlier i or ja, if one is to
analyse the name, not into Ana-temori, but Anate-

LECTUEE V. 213

mcri, with anate representing what is in Mod. Welsh
enaid, ' soul,' and to regard the compound as mean-
ing eneid-fawr, magnanimus, fieyaXo'^lrv^o?.

E. According to Corssen, i. 325, short e had
two sounds in early Latin ; one of them ap-
proached that of i as in the words fameliai,
Menervai, mereto, tempestatebus. This may be
seen, he thinks, from the fact that in the lan-
guage of the educated it passed later into i, while
that of the people retained the old sound. This
twofold value of Roman e explains to some extent
the hesitation which the early Welsh' display in
the spelling of such names as Catotigirni, Teger-
nomali, Tegernacus, from a word tigern-, now
teyrn, ' a lord or monarch,' all from tig-, now ty,
' a house ; ' compare, however, our Qvici and the
Qweci of an Irish epitaph. As to Emereto on the
Cwm Gloyn stone, it is not Emeritus changed hy
the Welsh into Emereto, but written by them as
they learned it from Eoman mouths. Similarly
does, which occurs more than once for civis in the
Roman inscriptions of Britain, proves that we
owe the e in dve, for cives, on the Penmachno
stone, to no caprice of the inscriber. And it can
hardly be doubted that it was from this country
that the same pronunciation of Latin found its
way into Ireland, where it appears on the Killeen
Cormac stone already alluded to. To pass by the

214 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Ogam on it, which, according to .the last account
of it, kindly sent me by Dr. Samuel Ferguson of
the Eoyal Irish Academy, should he read Uwanos
Awi Ewacattos, the Latin version is ivvene
DRTViDES, for iwENES DEVViDES, to he construed
in the genitive as meaning Lapis Sepulcralis
Juvenis Druidis. Of Latin genitives in es for is
Mr. Stokes has found traces in Irish manuscripts;
he mentions os turtores for qs turturis, in an old
Irish commentary at Turin ; see Kuhn's Beitraege,
V. p. 365, and compare our Res patres for Ris
patris, to be noticed later.

0. As in the case of e, so also o had two sounds
in early Latin (Oorssen, i. 342). The one was a
clear o, the other approached u, and passed in the
dialect of the educated into u, while popular Latin
retained the older sound. Not to go further than
the Eoman inscriptions of Britain, as edited by
Dr. Hiibner in the volume already more than once
referred to, it may be noticed that the more
formal and carefully executed of them follow the
rule of literary Latin; but when we come to the
names of tradesmen as stamped on their wares,
the struggle between o and m reappears, as in the
following names, which are all in the nominative
case singular : Cocuro, also Cocurus, Dometos,
Julios, usually Julius, Malledo, also Malledu,
Malluro, also Mallurus, Mercios, and Viducos,

LECTURE T. 215'

also twice Viducus, whence it would seem that-
the fashion tended to the use of u when the s was
retained, and o when it was not. That this hesi-
tation hetween o and u was bequeathed by the
Komans to their Kymrlc pupils is certain: witness
the following instances — consobrino for conso-
brinus, Emereto for Emeritus, servatur and amator
on the same stone ; and Punpeius for Pumpeius,
in ordinary letters, accompanied by Pope- for
Pompe-, in Ogam, on another stone. In the
same way as consobrino and Emereto, I would
also treat the early Kymric names Eimetiaco, in
ALHORTVSEiMETiAco, OQ the Llanaclhaiarn stone,
and Cavo, in cavoseniaegii, on the stone in
Llanfor Church, near Bala. This, unfortunately,
does not materially help us in deciding whether
the vowel which is written u and o in maccu and
macco, and in genitives of the U declension, such
as Trenagusu, was long or short, as an inter-
change of 5 with u is not out of the question.

A. Where we have aw in Mod. Welsh, the lan-
guage had at an earlier stage a with a pronuncia-
tion to be compared probably with that of a in
the English word hall or am in draw. This
would be the sort of vowel to occasion some hesi-
tation, in writing, between a and o. We have
it, accordingly, written a in Eimetiaco, Senacus,
Tovisaci, Tegernacus, Veracius, and £> in Cone-

216 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

toci and Anatemori, where mor-i is perhaps the
prototype of our marm' ' great,' while the a appears
unchanged in Cimarus on one of the Caerleon
stones of the Roman period, and invites comparison
with such names as Indutiomarus, Segomarus, and
the like. The same sound it is perhaps that meets
us in Daari, the syllable daar in this name being
probably of the same origin as the Greek Sa>pov, ' a
gift:' compare JtoSa)/jo9, 'HXi,oSa>po<;, 'AiroXKoBeopo?,
and the like. The doubling of the vowel was an
early expedient used by the Romans when they
wished to indicate thatitwas to be pronounced long,
but no trace of it appears in the Roman inscriptions
of this country. However, it is an expedient
which might suggest itself to anybody, and besides
in Daari we have it in a name beginning with
Cuur in an epitaph of a considerably later date on
a stone now in Llangaffo Church in Anglesey :
the same method of indicating long vowels was
also sometimes adopted by the Irish. It would
not be safe to compare Lovernii, Seniargii, and
the like.

E. The confusion of cs with S and even e was
common in late Latin : we have a good instance
of this in one of our inscriptions in the words
Servatur Fidcei Fatrie\_que\ Amator. Your atten-
tion was called in another lecture to the pro-
bability of feminine nominatives in e owing that

LECTURE V, 217

ending to a Latinising tendency. The most
trustworthy instances occur in the following in-
scriptions : —

1. Tunccetace Uxsor Daari Hie Jacit,

2. Evali Fili Dencui Cuniovende Mater Ejus.

3. Hie In Tumulo Jacit E...stece Filia Patef-
nini Ani xiii In Pa.

4. Brohomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus
Caune.

5. Culidori Jacit Et Orvvite Mulier Secundi.

Besides these we have a fragment reading
Adiune; and another stone, the reading of which '
is extremely difficult, seems to yield us the
feminine nominative Cunaide. Then there re-
main two names in e' which it would be hazardous
to regard as feminine. The one is a genitive
occurring on the Llanwinio stone, which I read,
with considerable hesitation, Bladi Fili Bodibeve.
Here, if one treat Bodibeve as . a feminine, the
anomaly of the mother being mentioned instead
of the father has to be accounted for : so there
seems to be no alternative but to suppose Bodibeve
to be the father's name. The other instance is
Nogtene in Ogam, and accompanied in Eoman
capitals by Nogtivis Fili Demeti on the Trefgarn
stone. There seem^ to be no reason to expect a
Latinised form written in Ogam, so that Nogtene

218 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

•would appear to be, not a feminine nominative,
but a genitive like Bodibeve. If so, the final e in
both is perhaps to be regarded as a by-form of
the i of the genitive of the /-declension, just as
we have o and u in that of the £/-declension.
Here it should be mentioned that we have at least
one Early Welsh name containing e which later
yielded oe : I allude to Vennisetli on the Llansaint
stone — the name occurs later as Gnynhoedl and
Gwennoedyl, which, teach us that our hoedl, ' life,
lifetime,' was in Early Welsh setl-.

A

V. Early Welsh u must have had at least two
sounds, that of long u in Italian, German, and
English in such words as rule, food, and another
sound resembling French u, or our modern u=^ ii,
or perhaps intermediate between them; but this
will require some explanation. Many languages
have shown a steady tendency to let u (and some-
times m) gradually pass into i. Physiologically
speaking, this seems to mean that the pitch of the
resonance chamber formed by the mouth in pro-
nouncing u is gradually raised by shortening the
mass of air extending from the vocal chords to
the lips, in order to let them settle nearer their
position of rest, and reduce the tension of the
muscles called into action when the mouth has to
be maintained at its greatest length, as measured
from the vocal chords to the lips. When u passed

LECTURE V. 219

into i no break is likely to have happened in the
transition ; it will, nevertheless, be convenient to
fix on one or two intermediate stages correspond-
ing to the sound of French u or Greek v, which
nearly resembled French u and will here be used
for it, and our Mod. Welsh u, which comes near
German ii, which may here represent it. We
have thus the series u, v, ii, i, or perhaps better
still, u, 0, V, ii, i. As instances may be men-
tioned the following : Aryan au had been reduced
into '§, sounded like French u, in 0. English, and
by the 13th century it had so closely approached i
as to be confounded with it in writing. Or take
the case of Greek, in which <tv, for instance,
Doric TV, ' thou,' stands for tuam, as may be seen
from the Sanskrit form which is tvam ; but in
Mod. Greek the vowel v is further narrowed so as
to be pronounced now like i, excepting in the
Spartan dialect, where the old sound still seems
to be usual, a characteristic which the Greek who
pointed it out to me considered modern and vul-
gar ! In the same way Latin io has regularly
yielded its much narrower French representative,
and in German the sound written ic is to French-
men's thinking frequently pronounced i. Lastly,
Early Welsh 5 or m has given us our modern u
(= u), which is mostly pronounced i in South
Wales : this may be most readily exemplified in

220 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

the case of words borrowed from Latin, such as
durus, ' hard,' and labor, laidris, ' labour,' which
have given us our dur, ' steel,' and Uafur, ' labour,
tillage,' pronounced in S. "Wales dir and llajir
respectively. Curiously enough the same process
had gone on in Welsh at an earlier stage in its
history, namely in those words where Mod. Welsh
has i corresponding to Irish u: it was complete
about the end of the Brit- Welsh period, as hardly
a trace of the older vowel is to be met witb later.
This vowel perhaps never represented an Aryan
long u, but an u which became long in the course
of phonetic decay, as for instance in the case of
Mod. Welsh ci, '.a dog,' Irish cu, which stands
for a nominative cuans, as may be seen from the
cognate forms Greek Kvtav, Sanskrit qvd, Eng.
hound: so in Welsh ti, Irish tu, Lat. tu, Greek
axj, Sanskrit tvam, Eng. thou ; and so in another
group of words, which must here be mentioned at
somewhat greater length, namely Welsh din,
dinas, ' a fort, a town or city,' Irish dun, 0. Eng.
tun, Mod. Eng. town, which point to a Celto-
Teutonic base duan of the same origin, perhaps,
in spite of the aspirate, as the Sanskrit verb
dhvan, ' to cover one's self, to shut' There can
hardly be any doubt as to the identity of our
modern Dingad with Dunocati on the stone in
Glan Usk Park, whence it is highly probable that

LECTURB V. 221

the u in that name was .sounded towards the close
of the Brit- Welsh period more like our i than
our w. The change, however, in the direction of
i would seem to have commenced after the time of
Ptolemy the geographer, who gives the prototype
of our din, Irish dun, the form Sovvov (with Greek
ov = Latin u, or English u in rule), and that
whether the names in point reached him from
Wales, Ireland, or Gaul : witness the following —
from Wales, MaptSovvov, our modern Caerfyrdd-
in, ' Carmarthen ; ' from Ireland, the name of
a town which he gives as Aovvov ; and from Gaul,
AvyovardBovvov, Aovy^ovvov, Ov^eXKoBovvov, and the
like, all of which end in Latin in dunum. The
two Welsh series of u passing into i were not'
confounded, because they were not contempora-
neous, as will be seen on comparing our tud, for-
merly tut, Ir. tuath, ' a people or nation,' with
Gaulish names such as Toutissicnos, Toutiorix
(Welsh Tutri), and the Gaulish word toutius,
supposed to mean * a citizen or one of a tribe,'
and found written toovtiov<!, where Greek ov, as
standing for the sound of Latin u, made it neces-.
sary to write oov to represent the Gaulish diph-
thong ou ; it is very probable that Gaulish ou was
represented by ou or ou or some nearly related
diphthong also in the 'common language of the
Goidelo-Kymric Celts before their separation.

222 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Eouglily speaking, then, the two series stood thus
as far as concerns their relative dates : —

Goidelo-Kymric. Early Welsh. Old Welsh. ModernWelsh.
U V or u i i.

Ou u OT V OX u u and i.

We have possihly a trace of the old spelling of
Bingad in Dwncat, in the lolo MSS., p. 96, but
better attested is Gurcu for the name otherwise
written Gurci. Whether the u in Dencui, Dinui,
and Sagranui is of the kind here discussed, it
will be impossible to say until one or more
of these names have been identified in a later
form.

Ai. We have no satisfactory instances of this
diphthong; for Vailathi and Genaius, both from
Cornwall, are somewhat late and highly obscure.
Besides these, Cornwall offers us a name of far
greater antiquity on the stone at Hayle, which I am
inclined to read Cunaide; but others have been in
the habit of reading it Cunaido or Cunatdo in the
masculine. Supposing Cunatdo to be improbable,
we should in Cunaide or Cunaido have a compound
of the pretty familiar cun- of our early names, and
of the word which appears later in Welsh in the
form of udd, explained in Dr. Davies's diction-
ary as meaning dominus : it would seem to be
matched in Irish by the old name Oed-a (genitive).

LECTURE V. 223

later Aedh, Aodh, Eaodh, Anglicised Hugh, and
the late Mr. Stephens of Merthyr Tydfil was pro-
bably right in regarding the Aedd of Mod. Welsh
tradition as a Goidelic importation from North
Britain — see the Arch. Cambrensis for 1872, p.
193. If, then, Cunaide (or Cunaido) is the correct
reading we have here an instance of ai before it
was reduced to u.

Au. It is probable that this diphthong in Early
Welsh, or at least towards the close of that period,
consisted of a plus the sound of the narrow u al-
ready described, which would not be very far from
our modern au. The reason why I think so is
that I fancy that I find it later only as ei and ai.
The cases in point are Caune, Cavo, Qvenafauci,
Vedomaui, and Mauoh... To begin with Caune,
it can hardly be doubted that this is the name
which later appears in the form of Cein, now Gain,
and as an ordinary adjective cain, ' fair, beautiful,'
of the same origin as Gothic skauns, Ger, schon
' beautiful, handsome, fair,' — our ceinach, '■ a
hare,' is not related, its cein- being, as pointed
out by Mr. Stokes, the continuator of ca{s)in,
of the same origin as Sanskrit gaga, 0. Prussian
sasin-, Ger. hase, Mod. Eog. hare. Our next in-
stance Cauo can hardly but be the prototype of
the well-known Welsh name Cei, later Cai, which
possibly comes from the same source as Cain. It

224 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

is right, however, to add that Welsh tradition
mentions a Cau or Cam, but he is generally men-
tioned as coming from Prydyn in the North.
Against this should he balanced the facts that,
while Welsh hagiology mentions only one Cau or
Caw, we find allusions to at least three persons of
the name of Cei or Cai, that Cai yields the deri-
vative names Caiaw or Caio, and Caian the name
of one of Caw's many sons who settled in Wales,
and that not many miles from Llanfor Church,
wherein is the stone bearing the name Cavo, is the
site of Caergai or Cai's Fort. So it seems that
the Welsh was Cei or Cai, while Cau or Cam not
only comes from the North, but also represents,
not Cavo or Cavus, but a name which in its
Latin form is found given as Caunus. Qvena-
tauci has not been identified, but the leading
element in the name is already familiar to you,
and tauc-i is possibly to be equated with Teic-an,
a name which occurs in the Liber Landavensis,
p. 201. Similarly in the case of Vedomaui and
Mauoh.., it is probable that mau-i and mau-o
are of the same origin as mai in Gwalchmai, and
we seem to have them .in the name Mei and its
derivative Meic in the same collection, pp. 199,
221, 260, 261. In Latin words the sound of au
was difi"erent, as that makes in Welsh successively
ou, eu, au, as in Welsh aur ' gold ' from aurum.

LECTURE V. 225

and Foul, Feul, Paul from Paulus—i\i& natu-
ralised Paul, with, u^ii, has been expelled in
Mod. Welsh in favour of Paul pronounced Pol, an
attempt to imitate the English : the Paulinus of
our inscriptions should yield in Mod. Welsh Peulin,
but I am not aware that it occurs, but we have a
Welsh derivative from Paulus, and that is PeulaUy
as in Llanbmlan, the name of a church in Anglesey.
It is to be regretted that Carausius is n-ot to be traced
in any later form known to Welsh literature.

EL We find ei in Eimetiaco, and its occur-
rence in Punpeius seems to indicate that it was
sounded not very differently from ei in Mod.
Welsh. Provisionally Alhortus Eimetiaco may be
rendered Alhortus ^re-hastatus, the Early Welsh
ei being the equivalent of Latin <es, genitive ceris.
In 0. Welsh we seem to trace it in the name
Ejudon, probably for Ei-judon, on a stone in the
neighbourhood of Llandeilo in Carmarthenshire ;
and it is probably the same name, in a still shorter
form, that meets us in the Mabinogion, ii. 206,
as Eidon, which was then probably pronounced
Eiddon. Further we have the same ei taking
the form ei and ai in haiarn, ' iron,' keiarnaidd,
' like iron,' However, I could not now enter
into the details of the history of these forms,
as they would take up more of your time than the
importance of the single vocable Eimetiaco could

p

226 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

justly claim in this lecture (see the remarks on the
Welsh names of metals at the end of the volume).
If now we review the ground which we have
just travelled over, everything seems to indicate
that, although the polite Latin of Eoman litera-
ture made its way, no doubt, into the families
of natives of rank in this country, the ground it
gained here was very inconsiderable as compared
with the conquests made by the Humble and
motky dialect of the legions of imperial Eome,
and those who followed in their train. This kind
of vernacular, so far as we know it from the marks
of potters and other tradesmen, may be said, both
as regards language and lettering, to pass imper-
ceptibly into the Latinity of our inscriptions of
the Brit- Welsh period. Consequently those who
try to estimate the date of the latter by the ex-
tent to which they have been debased, in point of
language or lettering, as compared with the com-
paratively faultless official inscriptions emanating
from the Eoman army and its officers, cannot help
incurring the risk of dating the Brit- Welsh ones
all too late. For it is not an unusual thing to
find that a debased letter, for instance, which
does not appear in official inscriptions, was, never-
theless, in common use among the tradesmen of
the time, Had Tacitus had to write of the later
history of the Eoman occupation, he would pro-

LECTUEE V. 227

bably have given more room to questions of .lan-
guage than he does in his account of Agricola's
successful policy, when he says in the twenty-first
chapter of that work : " Jam vero principum filios
liberalihus artibus erudire, et ingenia Britan-
norum studiis Gallorum anteferre, ut, qui mode
linguam Eomanam abnuebant, eloquentiam con-
cupiscerent. Inde etiam habitus nostri honor et
frequens toga. Paullatimque discessum ad deli-
nimenta vitiorum, porticus et balnea et convivio-
rum elegantiam. Idque apud imperitos humanitas
vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset."

Another point worthy of notice here is the fact
that our inscriptions seem to prove, beyond all
doubt, that Latin continued to be one of the lan-
guages used by our ancestors for a long time after
the departure of the Eomans, and after the British
Church had acquired strength enough to secure it
against speedy extinction. Eventually no doubt
the vernacular of the Eoman tradesman passed
into a kind of ecclesiastical Latin ; but from the
1st century to the 10th its history in the west of
Britain probably knew no entire break, and Bede's
words cannot perhaps be quite irrelevant, when he
says that the island was in his time, the earlier
part of the 8th century, divided between five peo-
ples, the English, the Britons, Scots, Picts, and
Latins. This brings us down to the 0. Welsh period.

228 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

The alphabet in use in the specimens of Old
Welsh extant consisted of the following letters in
their Kymric form : a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, 1, m,
n, 0, p, r, 8, t, u. X occurs in Nemnivus's alphar
bet; 5 and }) only occasionally appear, and m is
to be met with only in proper names in Asser's
Latin writings.

B. The leading value of this letter was no
doubt the same which we still assign it. But
the Eomans began as early as the 2nd century to
write b for v, and from the beginning of the 4th
century on their archives are said to show in-
stances of this in abundance : witness such forms
as Flabio for Flavia, Balentiniano for Valentiniano,
Nerha for Nerva, and salbus for salvus. This
habit of course found its way among the Welsh,
hence we find properabit for properavit on a cross
at Margam, and lob in the Ovid Glosses for what
was later written lou, now Jau, 'Jove.' But the
use of b for v by the Kymry in 0. Welsh and in
Latin must have been far more common than
these two instances would suggest, otherwise it is
difficult to see how it could have been regularly
adopted in 0. Irish in such words ■ as fedb, Welsh
gweddw, ' a widow ; ' tarb, Welsh tarw, ' a bull ; '
serbe, Welsh chwerwedd, ' bitterness.' The confu-
sion of b and v in writing makes it very hard to
ascertain when b began to be reduced to v in

LECTUEK V. 229

Welsli pronunciation. That such a reduction had
beguij very early in the 0. Welsh period is ren-
dered probable by the fact, that the labial is
occasionally elided in our earliest specimen of
manuscript Welsh, the Capella Glosses, as for in-
stance in tu, ' side,' for tub, tuv, 0. Ir. toib, and in
luird, i.e. luirth, ' gardens,' for lubgirtk, the plural
of a word now written lluarth, Mod. Ir. lubhghort.
C has never had the sound of s in Welsh.
Ch mostly had its present value of a guttural
spirant : occasionally it is found written he, and
sometimes the h is not written at all. It is to be
noticed that once it is written for gh, namely, in
inhelcha, " in venando," in the Capella Glosses ;
but it does not follow that it was then pronounced
as gh, it being possible that gh had been dialecti-
cally provected in pronunciation into ch in this
instance.

D, d, t, th, dd, 8, J). The chief use of d in 0.
Welsh was np doubt to represent the same sound
as in Modern Welsh, Besides that, it had also
to stand for the consonant we now write dd and
Englishmen th (as in this), but probably only where
that consonant had taken the place of an original
_;. At any rate we have no indication that d
began to be reduced into this sonant spirant until
towards the close of the period. In one instance
the Welsh borrowed the 0. English «? with a stroke

230 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

through the stem (S) to represent the sound of
our dd, namely, in the Lichfield Codex in }n ois
oisou^ " in sseculum saeculorum," — this is now yn
oes oesoedd. Mr. Stokes identifies our llawenydd,
'joy,' 0. Welsh leguenid with 0. Ir. Idine, and
suggests as a possibly related word the Lavinia
of Eoman legend, all of the Ja-declension : so -id
in the following stanza, which occurs in the
Juvencus Codex, stands for zS : —

" Na mereit mi nep leguenid — henoid
Is discnir mi coueidid
Dou nam riceus unguetid."

Further, as d could represent our sonant spirant
dd, for which we may also use S, it came, by a
little sacrifice of accuracy, to be occasionally used
for the corresponding surd th, as in luird, for luirth,
and papedpinnac, for papetkpinnac, ' whatsoever,'
in the Capella Glosses. This confusion points to
English, in which the uncertainty as to the use of
d, S, th, and J) has given rise to much discussion.
The last mentioned character, a D with the
stem prolonged both waysj was also occasionally
borrowed by the Welsh to do duty for the digraph
th, as in joej) in the Juvencus Glosses, and once
in the Oxford Cornish Codex we find S used for
th in lai^-mer, Mod. Welsh llaeth, 'milk.' Now
as (^ = S could do duty for th, so vice versa, th
could be used for a? = S, and further, as th was

lECTUKE V. 231

used by some as a mere equivalent for t — more
strictly speaking it meant an aspirated t, as in 0.
Welsh hanther, 'half,' from a manuscript which also
shows jomjo^e^, 'fifth' — especially in writing Latin,
we find t also occasionally standing for the spirants
th and 8, as for instance in the Ovid gloss gurt, for
jurth, ' against;' and in the tract on weights and
measures in the earlier Oxford Codex we have
both petguared part and petguared pard for pet-
guare'6 parth, now pedwerydd parth, ' fourth part ; '
but still more interesting is the marginal gloss in
the Juvencus Codex, which is read issit padiu itaw
gulat, and should be treated as iss iS pad iu i'Sau
gulat, meaning literally, est id quod est illi patria :
the words meant to be explained form the relative
clause in the following : —

" Cunctis genitoris gloria vestri,
Laudetiir, celsi thronus est cui regia caeli."

But elsewhere in the sanae manuscript we have

irkinn issid crist, ' what Christ is,' with d for S.

Accordingly the Welsh stanza just- mentioned

would be a little more accurately written thus : —

Na mereit mi nep legueniS — iienoith.

Is discnir mi coueithi^ ,
Dou nam liceus unguefcS. ,

The habit alluded to of treating t and th as
equivalents is plentifully illustrated by Giraldus
Cambrensis in the way he transcribes Welsh

232 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

names such as his Thaph or Tapfi, ' the river
Taf,' Llandinegath for Llandinegat, ' Llandingad,'
Rothericus for Eotericus, ' Ehodri,' and the like ;
but he was so far impartial that he occasionally
also wrote ck for c as in Gueneloch, ' Wenlock,' and
Oscka, ' the Usk : ' similarly Uicemarch in his life
of St. David writes Theibi for Teibi, now Teifi,^
' the river Teivi.' The same habit is conspicuous
in the Cornish Vocabulary printed at the end of
the Grammatica Cdtica. We trace it still earlier
in Contkigirni, now ' Cyndeyrn,' in the oldest
manuscript of the Annates CaTnbrice, the writer of
which more frequently, however, asserts the equi-
valence of th and ^by writing t and c for the spirants
th and ch, as in Artmail and Brocmail for Arthmail
and Brochmail. The latter is also written without
h, as is likewise Eutychius, in Bede's Historia
Ecclesiastica, where, on the other hand, we have •
Meilochon, a form of the name Maglocunus inter-
mediate between it as used by Gildas and our
modern Maelgwn — in fact the person referred to
by Bede is called by Irish annalists Maelcon (see
Keeves' edition of Adam-man's Life of St. Columba,
pp. 148, 371). Add to this Cluith and Alcluith,
which Bede so writes for Cluit and Alcluit. In
all these instances and the like, ck, tk, pk were
either aspirated c, t, p, as in brick-house, pent-
house, and uphold, or simple c, t, p.

LECTURE V. 233

F would seem to have had the same soimd in

0. Welsh as our jf now. It occurs mostly in words
horrowed from Latin,' and as the initial of Welsh
words which originally must have begun with sp :
take for instance ^er, 'the ankle,' Greek a^vpov,

Jraetk, 'eloquent, loquacious,' Ger. sprechen, 0.
Eng. spr^can, now speak.

G had the value of our modern g, which is
never that of Eng. J. It had besides that of the
corresponding spirant, as heard in some of the
dialects of North Germany in such words as sagen,
lage, and the like : possibly also that sometimes
heard in the German words liegen, degen, and the
like. To avoid mistakes I should further specify
that the sounds I mean are those technically written
j/^ and y respectively by the German phonologist
Briicke and his followers, and g^ andj by Sievers
in the Bihliothek Indogermanischer Orammatiken
(Leipsic, 1876). That g between vowels or after

1, r had been pretty generally reduced to a spirant
in 0. Welsh is rendered highly probable by the
fact, that later it disappeared altogether in those
positions, and that in the oldest manuscript Welsh
it is sometimes written and sometimes omitted.
Thus we have telu (for teglu), now teulu, •' a family,'
as well as nerthheint, "armant," by the side of
scamnhegint, " levant," all three in the Juvencus
Codex ; and te (in dolte), now tai, ' houses,' in-

234 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

stead of teg, the plural of tig, now ty, ' a house/ in
the Capella Glosses, among which we meet also
with paulloraur, a kind of collective plural ex-
plaining pugillarem paginam, and appearing with-
out the g of the h&tm pugillares, ' writing- tablets.'
But in this last case it would perhaps be more
correct to suppose that a y or g/i (=y^ —3^)
has become u just as we have had to point out in-
stances of another g ov gk (=g^=j) becoming^ in
such words as arjdn and Morjen : for more in-
stances of u for g see the Revue Celtique, ii. 193,
iii. 87. Gh is actually once found so written in
Ovid's ArtofLove, namely, mhelghati, "venare,"for
helgha ti, now helja 'di, hela di, or hel di, ' do thou
hunt.' Mention has already been made of the
spelling helcha, to which a kind of parsiUel is offered
by the Latinised form Pembroehia, whence pro-
bably the English Pembroke : the 0. Welsh must
have been Penbrog or Penbrogk, which is now, of
course, Penfro.

H. This was, no doubt, the representative of
.the aspirate in 0. Welsh as it is in Mod. Welsh ;
but was it also used for ch in 0. Welsh? We
meet certainly with the words hui and suh, of which,
however, the latter is Cornish, as it comes from
the later Oxford Glosses : in the Juvencus Codex
it is duly spelled such, " vomis," and as Cornish
was in the habit later of eliding h—ch, it is not

LECTURE V. 235

at all certain that it was intended to pronounce suh
as if it had been -written such. Then as to hui, the
probability is that in 0. "Welsh it was pronounced
with A, and that the latter has since been pro-
vected into ch, as the word is now chwi, ' you.'
The reason for such a change would be the pneu-
matic pressure alluded to in connection with initial
ffh passing into ch. But chmi, for 0. Welsh hui,
is exceptional in that it belongs to all Wales,
while in most other instances cAw is confined to
N." Wales, and km holds its ground' in S, Wales,
Eeturning, then, to the use of h as the exponent
of the aspirate in 0. Welsh, I may here cite a re-
mark made by Mr. Ellis in his work on Early
English Pronunciation, ii. p. 598 — it is to the
following effect: "Uneducated speakers, espe-
cially when nervous, and anxious not to leave out
an h, or when emphatic, introduce a marked k in
places where it is not acknowledged in writing or
in educated speech." Now this, especially the
allusion to emphasis, although written with re-
gard to the treatment of k in English, calls
attention to a principle which has played a part of
some importance in the formation of words in our
own language, seeing that it loves to aspirate the
accented vowel in the middle of a word, as for in-
stance indihdreb, ' eb^voyevh,' diarhdbol, 'proverbial.'
Some, it is true, wish to ignore this k in writing.

236 LECrUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

and believe it to be the outcome of a modern cor-
ruption ; but that seems to be a mistake, for
cuinhaunt, ' deflebunt/ nerthheint, " armant/'scawM-
hegint, " levant/' are as old as the Juvencus Codex,
and nobody perhaps would now object to glanhau, '■ to
cleanse,' eyfjawnhau, ' to justify,' although the h in
them also is merely the accessory of the stress-ac-
cent, while such words as coffdu, ' to call to memory,
are altogether left out of the reckoning, although
their ^ only stands for an earlier y>^, so that coffdu
represents eqfhdu. The case is the same where the
accent has since retreated, as when we have coffa
instead of coffdu, or lloffa, ' to pick up with the
hand, to glean,' for llof-hd, from llof—Uaw, ' hand,'
as in llofrudd, also Uawrudd, ' a murderer,' literally
' red-handed.' Still older, perhaps, is the case of
pedol, ' a horseshoe,' from the Latin pedalis, ' a
slipper,' which appears in the Welsh of the 12th
century as pedhaul, that is, ped-hdul, whence later
petaul and pedol. By the side of pedol may be
■^l&c&A. paradmys, 'paradise,' which in that case
cannot, be derived from -n-apaBeiao?, but from a
Latin paradlsus, if the latter may be supposed to
have been pronounced paradeisus by those from
whom the Welsh borrowed the word. But for the
h evolved by the accent, we should now have not
pedol and paradnys, but peddol and paraddwys.
And it is as the accompaniment of the stress-accent

LECTURE T. 237

that I would regard the aspirate in the following
words : — Casulheticc, "penulata," in the Capella
Glosses, where we have also ellesheticion, "mela,"
where the writer had perhaps at first intended only
to write elleshetic, and afterwards added a syl-
lable on finding that mela was plural — at any rate
that this enigmatic word was accented ellesMticion
is in the highest degree improbable. The Juvencus
Codex has crummanhuo, " scropibus," ceroenhou,
. " dolea " (which suggests that plurals in ou were
formerly oxy tones), and apassive T^\\i-ra\planthonnor,
" fodientur," as well as the cuinkaunt, nerthheint,
scamnhegint already mentioned. Among the Ovid
Glosses we have guorunhetic, " arguto." The
later Oxford Codex (Cornish) offers us brachaut
{=^brac-hdut') as well as Irracaut, " mulsum," and
Ainkam, ' oldest.' The effects of the same ac-
centuation is, perhaps, to be traced in the y of its
Mod. "Welsh equivalent hynaf, as well as in the
surd mutes of the degrees of such adjectives as
teg, ' fair : ' at any rate, until a better explanation
offers itself, I would regard teced, ' as fair,' tecacA,
' fairer,' tecaf, ' fairest,' as standing for teg-kddr,
teg-hdch, teg-hdf, though the latter do not occur,
and the former are only known in Mod. "Welsh as
paroxytones. It is in the same way, no doubt,
forms of the so-called future perfect should be
analysed, such as gwypo, (' that he) may know,'

238 LECTCEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

and bythoch or bothoch, in books byddoch, (' that
you) may be.' Among 0. Welsh words which have
never been very satisfactory explained, and some
of which may contain an k of the origin here indi-
cated, may be mentioned anbitkaul, bemhed, dig-
uormechis, nemhe, roenkol.

In late Latin it was not unusual to write Ihesu
for lesu, eontroversikis for controversiis, and the
like. The same expedient was adopted in the
Cornish Glosses in such forms as bakell, "securis"
(but laubael, 'a hand-hatchet'), later Cornish
boell, Mod. "Welsh bwyall, ' an axe ; ' deleAid,
' a door-fastening,' Welsh ' dylaith ; guillihim,
" forceps," Welsh gnellaif, ' shears ; ' and gurehic,
' a woman,' Welsh gToraig. In instances of this
class the h was probably quiescent, but its use
was by no means confined to 0. Cornish, for we
find immotiMou, " gesticulationes," in the Capella
Glosses, and Jutkahelo (elsewhere Judhail, Ithael
ItheV) on a cross at Llantwit Major in Glamorgan :
the same abuse _ of the letter h is also abundantly
illustrated in the Venedotian versions of the Laws
of Wales. And now we may attack some of the
Breton forms in the Eutychius Glosses, such as
mergidhaham, '' evanesco." Here the first k seems
to be the accompaniment of the accent, while the
second looks as if it had been intended to stand
between the two as after the elision of the g,

LECTURE V. 239

which mtist have belongetJ to the word in an
earlier form mergidhagam, with which one may
compare the 0. Welsh scamnhegint, " levant,"
later yscafnheynt ; or else the pronunciation in-
tended was mergidhdm, with a long and, perhaps,
jerked or perispomenon. The other instances in
the manuscript in question appear with only one
of the two /j's : thus etncoilhaam, " auspicio aus-
pex," lemhaam, " acuo," but datolakam, ' I select.'
"With a few reservations, already indicated, one
may say that the best collections of 0. Welsh
words, namely, the glosses on Martianus Capella
and those in the Juvencus Codex, are on the
Tvhole accurate as far as conce'rns the letter k :
the latter, it is true, shows h once misplaced in
hirunn, for irhunn, now yr Awn, ' who,' and once
omitted in anter for hanter, ' half.* But the
writers of the glosses in the other codices, be-
sides indulging in an occasional heitham (for
eitham, now eithaf, 'utmost'), which seems to
point to the Grwentian dialect of parts of Glamor-
ganshire and Monmouthshire where no h is now
pronounced by the uneducated, either in Welsh or
English, unless it be in the wrong place, show
a decided objection to beginning certain particles
with vowels : thus they write mostly, but not
exclusively, ha for the expletive a before verbs ; ha,
hac, for a, ac, ' and, with ' — the h is still written

240 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

in Breton ; hai for a'z, ' and his ; ' ham for a^m^
' and my ; ' hi for i, '' his, her ; ' hin for in, nowyw,
' in ; ' ho for o, ' from ; ' hor for dr, ' from the.'
How they arrived at the idea of adorning these
monosyllables with an h, a habit which extended
itself even more indiscriminately in O. Irish, I
cannot guess, unless it was the result of being
used to write h, after it had ceased to be heard, in
the frequently-recurring Latin words hie, hcec, hoc,
and the forms immediately connected with them.

1. This letter stood in 0. "Welsh as in Mod.
Welsh both for the vowel i and the semi-vowel,
which, for the sake of distinction, is here written
_;'. In one instance, damcirehineat, " demorator,"
in the Capella Glosses, we have eat substituted, in
Old English fashion, for iat, that is, jaf. At any
rate there is no reason to think that the termina-
tion in question formed two syllables then any
more than its modern representative jad does in
our own day. One cannot be certain that the e
in the Latin word dolea, for dolia, in the Juvencus
Codex, is due to the same influence, for dolea is
known to occur elsewhere ; but no doubt attaches
to Margeteud for Margetjud, now Meredudd, on
the Carew Cross in Pembrokeshire.

L, II. 0, Welsh I had probably the same sound
which it has still, but in the former it is pro-
bable that it admitted of being aspirated when

LECTURE V. 241

it occurred as an initial or in contact with a pre-
ceding n and, possibly, r : at any rate, that seems
to have been the case in 0. Cornish, and I am
inclined to think 0. Welsh followed suit, though
it is the equivalent of II, and not Ih, that we seem
to have in the Capella gloss mellhionou, "violas,",
Mod. Welsh meilljon, ' clover, trefoil.' In 0.
Cornish It had become lit, and the t had been
assimilated, as proved by such forms as celleell
from cukellus, Mod. Welsh cyllell, ' a knife,' with
which compare the French couteau : similarly 0.
Cornish elin, " novacula," stands for ellin, Mod.
Welsh ellyn, ' a razor,' Irish alfan. . But besides
these 0. Cornish had initial M as in hloimol,
" glomerarium," and we have probably the same
hi or Ih in ehnlinn, which I take to mean enhlhinn :
the Mod. Welsh is enllyn, already alluded to. If
0. Welsh as well as 0. Cornish had both U and Ih,
then it follows that II has since extended its
domain in Welsh at the expense of Ih, which is
unknown in the language now, excepting perhaps
when yn mho, le, ' in quo loco ? where ? ' is dialec-
tically cut down into ymhli ? mhle ? or hie ? which
is also liable to become lie. That the spirant surd
which we write II existed in 0. Welsh, has been
shown in a former lecture ; but it is probable that
it was confined to words in which it represented
earlier l-l, or where it preceded t. In the latter

Q

242 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

combination it was perhaps always written It, as
that could not lead to any confusion, and as lit
wanted etymological support : I can recall only one
instance in point in 0. Welsh, guogaltou, "fulcris,"
which occurs in the Capella Glosses. But con-
fusion might arise if II and I between vowels or
at the end of a word were not distinguished in
writing ; accordingly our authorities are as a rule
accurate in this respect, with the exception of the
Oxford Cornish Glosses, where about one-third of
the instances lack an I each, and that of the stanzas
beginning with Niguorcosam in the Juvencus
Codex : in them no consonant is doubled. Thus
they offer us ealmir for callaur, nouel for nouell,
patel for patell, and, to rhyme with the latter, a
conjectural ■canel for canell, possibly of the same
origin as the French cannelle, ' cinnamon : ' irre-
spective of this the number of the loan-words in
these stanzas is remarkabl-e.

M had probably the same value as at present.
In one instance, da.uu, " cliens," in the Ovid
Glosses, it seems to have been reduced to v, that
is dauu is to be read dauv, possibly with a nasal
twang imparted, as in Breton and Irish, to the
vowel by the m before it passed into v; but,
whether or no, the nasal is lost to Mod. "Welsh.
The modern forms of the word are daw, ' a son-
in - law,' plural dawon, but also dawf, plural

LECTURE V. 243

dojjon, which is not to be confounded with dofjon
the plural of dof, '■ tame ; ' for the latter implies an
earlier dam-, Aryan dam-, while daw, dawf stands
for dam- of the same origin as the Sanskrit forms
ddmd, -ddma, ddman, ' a band, bond, fetter, tie.'
This enables one to account for what would now
appear a curious use of the word daw, in Brut y
Tyrcysogion (London, 1860), p. 118, where we
meet with the words y daw gan y chwaer, or, as we
now write, ei ddaw gan ei chwaer, ' his connection
by his sister,' that is in other words ' his brother-
in-law : ' compare the Ger. schnur, ' a cord, twine,
tie,' and schnur, ' a daughter-in-law,' which glot-
tologists, it is true, are in the habit of regarding,
for reasons not very evident to me, as in no way
connected. So much of the word dam: my
account of its origin in Kuhn's Beitraege, vii. p.
231, is utterly wrong. Whether the u of 0.
Welsh arm or enu, now enw, 'a name,' was arrived
at by reducing m into a nasal vowel, or by an
exceptional substitution of w for m, is by no means
clear : the Irish forms corresponding to 0. Welsh
anu, plural enuein are anm, plural anmann.

Ng, in 0. Welsh, as in Mod. Welsh, represented
the guttural nasal. The digraph got this value
all the more firmly attached to it when, in the
course of phonetic decay, nd, mb became nn, mm,
and lyg or ng-g in the same way lost its mute.

244 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Previously the guttural nasal was mostly repre-
sented by the n in ng^ and so it continued in nc.
You will remember, however, our meeting with
Evolenggi and Tunccei;ace in surveying the previous
period. As a matter of writing the n is not
always found expressed at all in 0. Welsh :
thus we meet with cibracma in an entry in the
Lichfield Gospel for cibrancma, which probably
meant ' a place of battle,' from cibrane, now
cgfranc, ' a battle ; ' and in the Cornish Q-losses
we have torcigel, " ventris lora," for torcingel.
This would seem to have originated in the habit
of saving trouble in writing by omitting one or
more letters in a word, and indicating the place
of the omission by a touch of the pen above the
line : of course the latter was not infrequently
forgotten by careless writers, and, in the case of
"Welsh ng, this became, perhaps on the whole, the
custom ; for when original g non-initial regularly
disappeared, and when c had as yet not been com-
monly reduced to g, no great confusion could arise
from writing g for ng. It is thus that g is also
to be read in the Luxembourg Folio, which shows
no ng at all, in the words drog, " factionem,"
mogou, " comas,'.' rogedou, " orgiis," igueltiocion,
"in fenosa." Drag also occurs there written
drogn, where the influence is visible of gn, pro-
nounced ngn in late Latin in such words as mag-

LECTURE V. 245

nus, signum, and the like ; in fact, we have signo
written singno on the cross on Caldy Island.
But as to the habit of writing g for ng, it was
once so common, that one or two words of learned
borrowing from Latin must have been permanently
misread : I allude to the Latin Jlagellum, which
the Welsh treated as Jlangellum, and thence de-
rived the modern forms fflangell, ' a scourge or
whip ; ' another of the same kind was legio,
treated as lengio, whence our Biblical lleng, ' a
legion.' This was, of course, impossible in the
familiar name Castra legionum, which duly be-
came Caerlleon, ' Chester, Caerleon ; ' we have also
places called Carreg y Lleon and Hafod y Lleon in
the- neighbourhood of Bettws y Coed.

Ph had the same sound as at present, but it
seems to have been rarely used, f being preferred.
In a few instances p is written for ph, as in the
name Gripiud, for Griphjud, now Gruffudd,
' Griffith,' in the Lichfield Gospel.

jR had no doubt the sounds of our r a,nd of our
rA initial or following n, and the habit of writing
rh as if it were simply r will explain the spelling
of Hir-hoidl, as Hiroidil in the Gwnnws inscrip-
tion, which must be reckoned as belonging to this
period. The earliest written evidence to the exist-
ence of initial rh is perhaps the name Hris in the
Saxon Chronicle (in a manuscript marked Cott.

246 LECTURES OK WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Tiber. B. i. in the Master of the Eolls' edition)
under the year 1052. In 0. Welsh Rhys is writ-
ten Ris and Res, but that the pronunciation of
the initial is correctly given in the 0. Englisli
spelling cannot for a moment be doubted ; for
0. English hi and hr initial had probably the
same sound as in Mod. Icelandic, and I fail to
detect any difference between Icelandic hr and
our rh: my Icelandic friends can pronounce the
consonants in my name just as natives of North
Wales do.

U represented, besides the vowel u, also the
semi -vowel which we write and sound like
English w, as in gnyn, ' white,' and wyneh,
'face.' In a few instances it represents v, as
we have already noticed in connection with the
letter m. .

Before leaving the consonants it should be
mentioned that in the Capella Glosses not only
m, n, r, s are frequently doubled, but also the
mutes c, t, p, especially when they happen to be
final. Ifepp and hepp, now neb, ' any, anybody,'
and heb or eb, ' quoth,' were alluded to in a former
lecture, and to them I should have added Cor-
mac's brace, as proving, beyond doubt, that brdc
was the pronunciation in 0. Welsh of the word
which we now write bragi, ' malt,' and pronounce
brag.

LKCTURE V. 247

In speaking of the vowels as they appear in
writing, you will have to bear in mind that their
sounds have undergone modifications, in point of
quantity, depending on the nature of the conso-
nants immediately following them. "With this
reserve you may, on the whole, regard 0. Welsh
a, e, 2, 0, ii as pronounced like our modern a, e, i,
0, w. Among the points which require to he
dealt with a little more in detail are the follow-
ing : — (1.) 0. Welsh ? would seerfi to have had,
as far as concerns quality, the same sound as our
y in hyr, ' short,' and dyn, ' man.' This sound
of i may, for the sake of distinction, be called
broad i, and it would appear to have been hardly
such as could be easily distinguished from that of
e and i already noticed as sometimes indiscrimi-
nately written in inscriptions of the Brit- Welsh
period. Hence, perhaps, it is, that it was writ-
ten in 0. Welsh not only i but also e, as, for
instance, in the prefix cet, now cyd, in the Juven-
cus Codex in the stanzas beginning with Niguor-
cosam ; prem, now pryf, 'a worm,' in Cormac's
Glossary ; Res patres, for the genitives Ris patris,
' of his father Rhys,' and speretus on a stone at
Llantwit Major. With Res patres compare what
was said in reference to cives for civis. Besides
speretus we have also speritus, namely on a stone
at Merthyr Mawr; both seem to be the echo of

248 LKCTUEES ON -WELSH PHILOLOGY.

a Latin pronunciation continued from Eoman
times. Lastly, it is to be noticed that the Bretons
continue to write e where we use y, pronounced
like our u or German u.

(2.) While the broad % continued to be written i or
e., it underwent, in unaccented syllables, a weaken-
ing into the obscure or neutral sound of oury when
it is pronounced like u in the English word hut ; for
y is regarded as standing alone among the letters of
our Mod. Welsh alphabet in its representing two
sounds, the one just referred to of English u in hut,
and that of Welsh u or German u — the Welsh do
not usually regard i vowel and i semi-vowel (that
is J), or w vowel and m semi-vowel as distinct
sounds. That the former, the obscure or neutral
vowel, existed in O.Welsh, was proved by Professor
Evander W. Evans in the Archceologia Cambrensis
for 1874, pp. 113-116. As o and u were liable also
to be reduced to the same obscure vowel sound,
this led the way to the use of i or e for e, I, o, u
without distinction of origin, a confusion, however,
which offers us a clue as to where the accent in
0. Welsh was not. As to the alternative sym-
bols z> e, the former is the one mostly used in the
Capella Glosses as in cimadas, now cyfaddas, ' suit-
able,' immottihiou, " gesticulationes," an enigma-
tical form nearly related, no doubt, to our modern
ymmod, ' movement, stir,' and in the proclitics in,

LECTUEE V. 249

now yn ' in,' ir, now yr ' the,' is, now ys ' is,' mi, now
/y ' my.' So in the Juvencus Codex, the Lichfield
Gospel, and the earlier Oxford G-losses. On the
other hand, O.Cornish gives the preference to e,as in
the following instances in the later Oxford Glosses :
celleell, Mod. Welsh cyllell, ' a knife,' creman. Mod.
W. cryman, 'a sickle,' 0. Welsh crummanhuo, "scro-
pibus," delekid, Mod. W. dylaith, ' a door-fastening,'
heueild], Mod. W. hywaith, 'docile,' modreped. Mod.
W. modryhedd (also modrabedd), ' aunts,' peteu,
Mod. W. pydeu, 'a pit,' from the Latin puteus,
treated, it would seem, as though it had been
accented putdus. But this use of e for the neutral
or obscure vowel was by no means confined to
0. Cornish, for we find it in that capacity fre-
quently also in the Venedotian versions of the
Laws of Wales. Lastly, it is curious to observe
that in the two words in point in Cormac's Glos-
sary the vowel in question is rendered by ui : I
allude to muin, Mod. W./y, ' my,' or myn (in oaths),
and cuisil. Mod. W. cysyl, ' consilium,^ and one may
regard it as an instance of the same thing when
Irish writers, call Mynyw, or St. David's, Kilmuine.
(3.) However we have an exception to the ob-
scuring of « or M into i in 0. Welsh in the enigmatic
gloss crummanhuo already cited from the Juvencus
Codex, and a good many more in the names in the
Liber Landavensis, and other old manuscripts,

250 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

such as Congual, now Cynwal, Dubricius, in Mod.
"Welsh Dyfrig, Houel, now Hywel, Rutegyrn, later
Ekydeyrn. Add to this that Cormac always calls
the Welsh language Comhrec, or more correctly
Combrdc, never Cimbrec. But it is in 0. Breton
that we find the retention of the o to be the rule :
witness the prefixes com, do, ho, ro, which are in
Mod, Welsh cyf, dy, hy, rhy, as for instance in
comtoou, " stemicamina " (but cun in cuntullet,
" coUegio "), dodocetic, " inlatam," doguoren-
niam, " perfundo " (compare our modern dyoddef
' to suffer '), koleu\_ ] " canori[ca]," roluncas,
" guturicavit." These instances, to which others
might be added, come from the Luxembourg
Fragment, which supplies also the following : —
bodin, Mod. Welsh byddin, ' an army,' cronion.
Mod. W. crynjon, ' round, globular,' euonoc. Mod.
W. ewynog, ' foamy,' golbinoc. Mod, W. gylfinog,
' having a beak or bill,' from gylfin, gylf, ' a beak,'
O.'Welshgilbin, "acumine," 0. Cornish ^z75, "fora-
torium," Irish gulba. In Mod. Breton the prefixes
com, ho, ro are kev, he, ri, and the commencement
of the change may be traced even in 0. Breton,
namely, in the Eutychius gloss helabar. Mod. Welsh
hylafar, ' of fluent speech,' 0. Irish sulbair. In
most of these instances the original vowel seems
to have been u, which was liable to be modified
into 0, and of the existence of the latter in 0,

LECTUKE V. 251

Welsh with its sound unohscured we have one in-
dubitable item of evidence : I allude to the word do,
meaning ' yes ' in connection with the past, as when
we say : Afuefe yma ? Do, " Has he been here ?
Yes." Here the answer do is elliptical, standing
for what must once have been dobu, which would
now be dyfu, had it not at an early date become
the rule to omit the verb and retain the particle.
Having thus become an independent word, doing
duty as it were for an entire sentence, it was of
course proof against any further phonetic decaj'^,
whereas in those cases where it still served as a
prefix it eventually yielded that one which we write
dy. It is possible that we have the still earlier form
in the Capella Gloss dubeneticion, " exsectis," the
plural of dubenetic in Mod. Welsh difynedig, ' cut up,
dissected,' and not, as might be expected, dyfyr^dig,
which only means ' cited, summoned ' : it is right,
however, to state that considerable confusion as to
the use of the prefixes dy and di prevails in Mod.
Welsh. 0. Welsh du-, our do ' yes,' the prefix
dy, and 0. Welsh di, ' to,' which has, through an
intermediate ddi, matched in Cornish by dki ' to,'
yielded our smooth-worn i ' to,' — all these forms
on the one hand, and the Irish preposition du, do,
'to,' on the other, point to a common Celtic du of
the same origin as the English to, Ger. zu, which,
like the Welsh dy-, is extensively used as a prefix.

252 LECTDEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

(4.) It is hardly probable that the neutral vowel
■written i in 0. Welsh and e in 0. Cornish differed
much in quality from what must have been the
sound of the irrational vowel, whereby is meant a
vowel which is metrically of no account, as, for
instance, in Hiroidil for Hirhoidl on the Grwnnws
Cross : of course the irrational vowel, when it hap-
pened to be pronounced a little more distinctly,
was always liable to echo the sound of a neigh-
bouring vowel as in this instance and in the
0. Welsh Capella G-loss guoceleseticc, " titillata,"
now gogleisjedig, ' tickled,' the Juvencus gloss
lobur, " anhela," now Uofr, the feminine of llwfr,
* cowardly, not brave,' and Cormac's dobar and
dohorci now dwfr, ' water,' and dyfrgi, ' a water-
dog, i.e., an otter.' In S. Wales this is a rule at
the present day, and the irrational vowel is fully
pronounced like any other vowel, such words as
llafriy * a blade,' cefn, 'the back,' dnfn, 'deep,' femi-
nine dofn, being made into llafan, cefen, dwfwn,
and do/on. But it was the rule not to write the
irrational vowel in 0. Welsh and 0. Cornish : we
have, however, a few exceptions, such as the fol-
lowing : in Cornish it is written e in tarater, Mod.
Welsh taradr, ' an auger or borer,' from the late
Latin tarairM?w,"terebra" and in cepister "camum,"
Mod. Welsli cebystr ' a halter,' from Latin capis-
trum ; in the 0. Welsh in the Juvencus Codex it is

LECTUEB V. 253

i in guichir, *' effrenus" (once also guichr, " effera,"
and so in Nemnivus's Alphabet), Mod, Welsh
grcychr, ' valiant,' shortened and desynonymized
into gmych, ' hrave, good,' in centhiliat (also centh-
liat), " canorum," which would now be cetkliad,
' a singer,' but I do not know the word, and in
lestir (written several times lestr in the Capella
Glosses), now llestr, 'a vessel;' and so in the
Ovid gloss cefinet, which would now be edned, but
that edn now makes in the plural ednod, ' birds or
any winged things.' There was, further, not much
difference probably between the irrational vowel
and the thematic or connecting vowel in com-
pounds : so, as the former was not usually written,
it would be vain to expect to find the latter treated
differently, and it is worth noticing that it is the
Juvencus Codex which gives us guichir, centhi-
liat, lestir, and lobur, that also treats us to an
interesting instance of the connecting vowel ex-
ceptionally attested in litimmir " frequens."

(5,) 0. "Welsh u was probably nearly as narrow
in sound as our modern u, and must have
very closely resembled the sound of broad l,
but their difference of quantity might have pre-
vented any confusion between them, but the re-
organisation of the Welsh vowel system made
narrow u liable to be shortened, and broad i liable
to be lengthened. Thus narrow u (short) and

254 LECTUEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

broad t might be possibly confounded witb one
another, or narrow u with broad i. (long). In
Mediaeval and Modern Welsh there is no lack of
such cases, and one or two are to be found in the
glosses: thus the Juvencus gloss scipaur, ''horrea"
is now yscubor, ' a barn,' and the Capella gloss crun-
nolunou, " orbiculata," gives us olunou, " wheels,"
the singular of which is written olin, " rota," in the
Ovid Glosses — the modern form olvyyn coincides
with neither. On the other hand, the tract on
weights and measures in the earlier Oxford Codex
gives us ovxpump, 'five,' and pummed, ' fifth,' in
the form ot pimp &nA. pimphet with the i retained,
to which they had an etymological right not to
be invalidated by the 0. Irish form of the same
numeral, namely, coie, where the lengthening of
the diphthong is due to the suppression of the
nasal, and the <? is a relic of the v of the common
Celtic form which must have been qvinqvin or
qvinqven. At first sight Gaulish would seem to
show a similar trace of the v retained as o or m in
the well-authenticated Poeninus and Puoeninus
of the numerous votive tablets nailed in old
times to the walls of the Alpine temple of the
deity Perm or Jupiter Poeninus (Revue Celtique,
iii. 3), whence we might be tempted to conclude
the Celtic stem implied by the forms Poeninus,
Penninus and Ilevvo-ovivBo';, the Early Welsh Qven-

LECTURE V. 255

vendani, and our modern pen, ' a head or top,' 0.
Ir. cenn, to have Lean qvenn-, but the form Puoeni-
nus compels one to assume the Gaulish to have
been, at least dialectically, a dissyllable pu-inn-
from a common Celtic qvu-enn- representing a
prse-Celtic qvup-enn~ or qvapartja-s of the same
origin as Lat, caput (for cvaput like canis for
cvanis), Gothic Aaub-ith, Mod. H. Ger. kaup-t, 0.
Eng. hedf-od, Aedf-d, Mod. Eng. hea-d: besides
qvup-dnn-, the Kymry must have had a diminutive
qvu(j>)-ic-, qvu-ic-, qu-tc, qvic-, which has become
our modern feminine pig, ' a point,' and in Early
Welsh we seem to detect it in the proper name
Qvici referred to in another lecture. But to return
to u and broad i, there can be no doubt as to their
having had nearly the same sound in 0. Welsh,
but how soon they became identical I am unable
to say : in Mod. Welsh at any rate there is no
difference between u and one of the sounds (that
of broad i) now written y, so that kun, ' a sleep,'
and ki^n, ' older,' cannot any longer be distin-
guished in pronunciation, and the words efe a lysg
y cerbydau a than (" he burneth the chariot in the
fire:" Psalm xlvi. 9) have ere now been cited as
explicitly foretelling the invention of locomotive
steam-engines.

As to the diphthongs of 0. Welsh, it is pro-
bable that ai, ei, eu, iu, ui had much the same

256 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

sound as our modern ai, ei, ew, irv, rmf, though it is
to be remembered that our ai and ei are not the
continuators of 0. Welsh ai and ei, these last
being now ae and ai respectively in monosyllables.
0. Welsh ou is now eu and au, both in books
and the pronunciation prevalent in N. Wales, but
in the Dimetian and Gwentian dialects of S.
Wales, it is frequently ou with u as narrow as a
Northwalian u, or even {, as, for instance, in dou,
' two,' and Jioul, 'sun,' for dau and haul. What,
then, was the value of 0. Welsh ou ? We have
no means, as far as I know, of ascertaining, but I
am inclined to think that it was not ow, but a
nearer approach to the Dimetian ou of the present
day. The 0. Welsh diphthong au still remains to
be noticed. In our pronunciation of its modern
representative aw, both a and w are distinctly and
clearly heard, but the 0. Welsh pronunciation
was probably am, in which the w was far less promi-
nent. This would come very near the guttural
pronunciation of d in Mod. Irish, and would pro-
bably account for the 0. Welsh hraut, 'judgment,'
taking the form hrdth or Iraath in Cormac's Glos-
sary, where we meet also with the 0. Welsh
bracaut, ' bragget,' in the form braccat — the author
probably meant braccdt. But we dare not use
here the naturalisation of the same word in Irish
in the form brocoif, later brogoid (= braccoti), or

LECTURE V. 257

the corruption of an earlier form of hraut into
hroth (given also as hrof) in the traditional form
of St. Patrick's oath, muin doiu hraut : both date,
in all probability, too early for our purpose, and
should rather be placed by the side of Bede's
Dinoot, noticed in a former lecture. 0." Cornish
had au as in 0. Welsh, but it is remarkable that
the Breton Glosses in the Luxembourg Folio show
no trace of it, but always o, even where the diph-
thong appears later ; whence it seems that the
glosses in question were compUed at a time when
the diphthongisation was incomplete or not dis-
tinctly heard in Breton : perhaps something is
also due to the orthographical conservatism of the
scribe. However, we find an instance in the Euty-
chius Glosses in the mouosyllable laur, " solum,"
which is in Mod. Breton leur, Mod. Welsh
llawr, Irish Idr, Eng. Jloor ; and the same manu-
script at first sight appears to ofier us an instance
also of eu, the later form of Breton au, in the
gloss, eunt, " asquus." But this is not conclusive,
as the modern form of the word is eeun or eun,
which Le Gonidec explains as meaning : " Droit,
qui n'est ni courbe, ni penche ; juste ; equitable ;
direct ; directement ; tout droit," while the- Mod.
Welsh is jamn, ' right, correct,' whence unjawn,
' straight,' and jawnder, ' equity, justice,' all of
which would find their explanation in a prse-

B

258 LECTUEES OJr WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Celtic form ipana or apana of the same origin as
Eng. even, Grer. eben, Gothic, ibns, ireBtvoi, ibnas-
sus, tcroTi;?.

We have already had varions occasions to notice
the influence of English on Welsh orthography,
but the advent of the Normans into Wales may be
said to mark an era in its history. Among other
things, the old Kymric style of writing was given
np at the end of the 11th century in favour
of another more in harmony with a Norinan
model : Mr, Bradshaw, University Librarian, Cam-
bridge, kindly informs me that one of the last
instances known of the use of the Kymric hand-
writing in Wales is a copy of St. Augustine De
Trinitate, written by Johannes, son of Sulgen,
Bishop of St. David's, and brother of Ricemarch,
also Bishop of St David's — the copy bears evi-
dence to its having been made at various times
between the years 1079 and 1089. Other in-
stances of Korman and English influence will
appear as we go through the alphabet, noticing
those letters which require it : —

C, k. C and k, which was introduced from
England, came to be used promiscuously, and-
continued so down to the latter part of the 16th
century.

D, t, tk. These continued to be used indiscri-
minately in the same confused manner as in 0.

LECTUKE V. 269

Welsh, and dh, which was introduced probably
for S, only served to enhance the confusion. But
dh never appears to have gained a firm footing
in "Welsh any more than in English : had it
been adopted in English, Welsh would probably
have followed suit, As far as this state of the
orthography may be said to have simplified itself,
the result, to judge by the old manuscripts extant,
was to use t, d, th to represent the sounds which
we write . so still, and to express S by means of
d or t.: on the whole, d seems to have been more
generally employed in this last capacity than t,
and even in manuscripts where t for 8 is the rule,
we find (^ = S occasionally cropping up. At
length the difficulty as to a symbol for S was met
by the awkward expedient of writing it dd, to
which the false analogy of II and^ may have led
the way. Zeuss in the Grammatica Celtica, p.
139, notices the use of dd as early as the 14th
century, and instances from manuscripts which
are perhaps not very much later, occur in docu-
ments printed in the first volume of Haddan
and Stubbs's Councils and Ecclesiastical Docu-
ments Relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Ox-
ford, 1869). Thus in a form of agreement made
between Richard, Bishop of Bangor, and Llywelyc,
Prince of Wales, by Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph,
and others as arbiters in the year 1261, we have

260 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

(p. .491) Keywannedd, " habitatio," which can,
however, only be explained on the supposition that
it is the result of a copyist mixing up an earlier
kewanned with a later and marginal spelling ky-
vannedd; also (p. 550), in a grant by Edward I.
to Bishop Anian of Bangor and the Offeyriat Teulu
in the year 1283, we have Penmynydd so given,
and in a grant by him of the patronage of Rhudd-
lan to the Bishop of St. Asaph and his succes-
sors in the year 1284, Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs
give (p. 680) Ehuddlan as spelled once Ruddlan,
and once Ruthlan. It is by no means improbable
that dd had been some time in vogue among the
Welsh before it could frequently force its way into
official documents. But it does not, however,
seem to have got into general use before the latter
part of the 15th century, or the" beginning of
the 16th. About the middle of the latter cen-
tury, William Salesbury regretted to find it too
firmly established to be superseded by dh, and
about the same time Griffith Roberts, who pub-
lished his Welsh Grammar, the first ever printed,
at Milan in 1567, acknowledges that the usual
spelling was dd, though he made use of d with a
point underneath it,, an expedient he- employed
also in the case of II and m.

F for V, and _ff for ph were used in Mediaeval
Welsh much the same as they are now, excepting

LECTURE V. 261

that in tlie Black Book of the 12tli century, jff was
also frequently used iQ^f=- v. However the re-
spective domains of ff and fh were by no means
accurately defined, and u (also v and n>) continued to
be optionally used instead of _/ = v. Here it may
be asked how_/ came at all to be used to represent
the sound written v in English. The answer which
at once suggests itself is that_/= pA was reduced in
the course of phonetic decay to the sound of w, while
the old symbol was retained unchanged : in that
way V would come to be considered as having the
value ofy". In Welsh, however, such a reduction
is conspicuous by its absence, while in the Teutonic
languages and, among them, in English, the his-
tory of y and that of v are, so to say, inseparable :
so we turn to English for our answer. Now 0.
English words like heafod, ' head,' keo/on, ' heaven,'
ncefre, ' never,' had their / pronounced v, and
sometimes it was also written u or v, and not
/. Farther, we are told by Mr. Ellis {Early Eng.
Pro., ii. 572) that, in English manuscripts of the
13th century and later, ^was used for the sound
of ph, and he gives extracts from Orrmin dating
from the end of the 12th century. Prom the
latter it is clear that he observed the same sort of
distinction between/ and ^ as we do in "Welsh:
his / between vowels was mostly v, while his ff
was, of course, /=^/^. Neither is it altogether

262 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

irrelevant that the pronunciation of y as v was
most prevalent in the West of England, and that
it survives extensively in Somerset and Devon.
Salesbury noticed it in his time ; his words are :
" I my selfe haue heard Englysh men in some
countries of England sound f, euen as we sound
it in Welsh. For I haue marked their maner of
pronounciation, and speciallye in soundyng these
woordes : voure, vine, disvigure, vish, vox : where
they would say, foure, fine, disiigure, fysh, fox,"
&c. (Ellis's Early Eng. Pro., iii. 752-). In the
Black Book, of the 12th century, and in the Book
of Aneurin, partly of the 13th century, _/ initial
did duty for the sound of ph and between vowels
for that or », but when a little more consistency
became the rule, -ph was usually confined to the
mutation of p, which we still so write, while the
same sound was elsewhere written ff, not except-
ing when it happened to begin a word. How
early _/" began to be used as an initial in Welsh
I cannot say, but it appears in that capacity in
the Book of Taliessin of the 14th century. That
the Welsh should have so used it at all is not
surprising, seeing that they had before them
the analogous case of II, as well as probably
the very same use of ff in English, which
would explain how it came to be sometimes re-
garded as a mere equivalent for a capital F.

LECTUKE-V. 263

Later we find Salesbury also treating R and rr
in the same way ; and perhaps in some of the
proper names written with ff, such as Ffoulkes,
Ffrench, and the like, the digraph is neither
Welsh nor modern. It is worth adding that
English manuscripts of the 13th and the 14th
century show instances of ss, initial as well as
medial, for sh, and that Welsh dd has also been
traced back into the 14th century,

G continued to be written for g and very
commonly for ng : so ngc was reduced in writing
to gc or gk as in Jreigk for F/reingc, ' Frenchmen.'
However the omission of the n does not seem to
have ever been the invariable rule, and it reappears
in the 15th century.

LI medial remained in use as in 0. Welsh, and
not only that but it appears as an initial in the
12th century in the Black Book and the Venedotian
Laws of Wales. This extension of the domain
of II took place possibly in consequence of a change
of pronunciation, that is from initial Ih to II.

R and rh were used in Salesbury's time much
in the same way as they are now. But how much
earlier rh came into use I am unable to say. In
North Wales rr and R were used for it, and
Salesbury himself indulges in all three as the
initials of Welsh words now written with rh
only.

264 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

I,y,y. In the latter part of the 11th century
we find y coming into optional use for i in the
Welsh names in the Historia Brittonum of
Nennius, and in the oldest manuscript of the
Annates Cambrice; but in them it is all but con-
fined to the diphthongs, especially oy and ey for oi
and ei. This is as nearly as possible the case also,
with y in the 13th century specimens of Norman
French, published by Mr. Ellis in his Early
Eng. Pro., ii. pp. 434-6, 500-4. But in Welsh
manuscripts of the 12th century y knows no such
limits, and here we discover a point of contact
with English rather than Norman French. For
in the earlier part of that period of Old English,
which is commonly called Anglo-Saxon, y was
used to represent a sound which is supposed to
have been nearly identical with that of French m,
which is considerably broader than Mod. Welsh u ;
but the 0. English vowel was gradually narrowed,
which went so far that, as Mr. Ellis tells us (ii.
580), it was used from the 13th to the 16th
century indiscriminately with { as of precisely the
same meaning. Thus, at a certain stage in its
history, it must have sounded precisely like one
of the values of i in Old and early Mediaeval
Welsh, and this, I think, is the reason why its
English symbol y was so readily adopted by the
Welsh. At first sight, however, its introduction

LECTURE V. 265

wonld seem to have only created more confusion
than already existed, y and i being apparently
nsed indiscriminately for all the four values of
Welsh i. These last were — (1) the semi- vowel
j ; (2) the narrow i, formerly i, as a rule, but
liable, since the reorganisation of the Welsh vowel
system, to become l ; (3) broad i, formerly always
short, but li&ble since the reorganisation to become
long in monosyllables ; and (4) the neutral vowel
sounded like m in the English word but. To pass
by the Venedotian versions of the Laws of Wales
in which i is not a favourite letter, and in which
other peculiarities of orthography are noticeable,
not to mention the fact that in the Record Office
edition of them the manuscripts have been diligently
mixed np instead of printed in parallel columns,
the materials before us range from the end of the
11th century to the 14th, and is mostly contained
in the Black Book, the Book of Aneurin, and that
of Taliessin, as printed in the second volunie of
Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales. Now a
careful examination of these three books in which
the confusion of y or y with i is at its worst,
would, I am inclined to think, show that con-
fusion to have never been complete : in a majority
of instances i forj and for narrow i would seem to
have held its ground against y or y, while y and i
indiscriminately represented the broad i and the

266 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

neutral vowel. This is on the whole the tendency
of the spelling in the Ked Book of Hergest, sup-
posed to have been written at various times from
the earlier part of the 14th to the middle of the
15th century, and it suggests beforehand the
simplification which "Welsh orthography eventually
underwent in this particular, namely, the restric-
tion of I to represent only^' and the narrow i, and
of y to stand only for the broad i (^= ii) and the
neutral vowel (= Eng. m), the values which they
still have. However it could hardly be called an
accomplished fact till the 17th eentury, for in the
1 6th we still find rather a free use made of y, as
for instance in some of Salesbury's writings. But
the 17th century was just a time when the Eng-
lish limited their use of y (Ellis's Early Eng. Pro.,
ii. 580), and on the whole there is little reason to
doubt that the English confusion of y and i was
one of the main causes of the spread and continu-
ance of the same in Welsh, where there was, at
any rate in the beginning, no cause for it-: the
English, on the other hand, had their historical
excuse for it in the fact of their old y having
in the course of phonetic decay got to be sounded
like their i. Lastly, as to the point over the y it
was usual in Old English and Norman French
manuscripts, so we naturally find it in the Black
Book of Carmarthen and the Book of Aneurin,

LECTURE V. 267

but we miss it in the Book of Taliessin and the
Red Book of Hergest of the 14th and the 15th
century, as well as in all later manuscripts.

U, V, w. In Old Welsh we found u represent-
ing Old Welsh u and m (vowel and semivowel),
but very rarely the sound of v, whereas in the
Black Book this appears as one of its ordinary
values. Add to this that the letter v comes in
as a mere graphic variety of u: later another
variety resembling 6 was used, especially in the
Book of Taliessin and the Red Book. Further,
w (written also vv) was introduced from English,
though not in the time of Asser, who used it in
the spelling of Welsh names in his life of Alfred.
It appears in the Black Book for v, u, and the
semivowel, whereas in English it was eventually
confined to the semivowel and the diphthongs.
However Mr. Ellis prints wde, ' wood,' in the
Cuckoo Song, dating from the year 1240 or there-
abouts, and Chaucer has such forms as wilm,
' willow,' yolm, ' yellow,' sorm, ' sorrow,' and
morm, ' morning.' In all the confusion already
suggested u appears in the majority of instances
to have retained the right of representing the
sound of Old Welsh u, as it still does, and by
the end of the 15th century w occupied much the
same position as at present, while 6 had gone out
of use and the struggle between v and/ for the

268 LBCTtJKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

representation of the sound of v continued a good
deal later.

We have now lamely got over the ground from
the beginning of the 12th century to the 16th, and
reached a period of considerable literary activity
in Wales : some of that activity, you will find,
was directed into the channel of Welsh grammar.
Foremost among the Welshmen who demand our
attention at this point is William Salesbury, who
published, among other works, an improved edition
in 1567 of his treatise entitled : " A playne and
a familiar Introduction, teaching how to pronounce
the letters in the Brytishe tongue, now commonly
called Welshe, whereby an Englysh man shall not
onely wyth ease reade the sayde tonge rightly ;
but marking the same wel, it shall be a meane for
hym wyth one laboui: to attayne to the true, pro-
nounciation of other expedient and most excellent
languages. Set forth by VV. Salesbury, 1550.
And now 1567, pervsed and augmented by the
same." The Welsh alphabet, as he there gives it,
is the following : — A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f, ff, g,
h, i, k, 1, 11, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, th, v, u, w, y. He
sanctions the use of c and k : his m (also vv) an-
swers the same purposes as ours, and his u as our
u, excepting that he continued to use u, v, f
loosely for the sound of », oury. His uncertain-
ties and inconsistencies were gradually eliminated

LECTURE V. 269

by the publication of Bishop Morgan's Bible in
1588, and of the Welsh Homilies in 1606 : so when
Dr. John Davies of Mallwyd came to publish his
Welsh Grammar, which was printed in 1621 under
the title (as given in the second edition of 1809) of
" AntiqusB Linguae Britannicae Nunc Communiter
Dictae Cambro-Britannicae, A Suis Cymraecae, Vel
CambricEe, Ab Aliis Wallicae, Eudiinenta," he found
in use the alphabet we still use : A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e, f,
ffj S, °g» ^, h Ij llj m> ^, o, p, ph, r, s, t, th, u, w, y.

' Here you will notice the exclusion of ^ and v, and
the insertion of n^, not after n, but after ^, which
had so often done duty for it in the Middle Ages.

. In his grammar, as reproduced in the second edi-
tion, Dr Davies distinguishes between the two
sounds of Welsh y by slightly varying the printed
form of that letter ; but that he confines to his
alphabet, and the Welsh instances quoted in the
course of that work.

Lastly, in 1707, Edward Llwyd published his
Archceologia Britannica, a work devoted to the
grammar and vocabulary of the Celtic languages,
in which he makes use in his Welsh test of an
alphabet of his own. In the latter he avails
himself of the Irish 6 for our dd ; and that, formed

270 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

This is, perhaps, the only trace left in Mod. Welsh
of the influence of the learned labours of the
greatest philologist the Kymry can hoast of.

Here as we hare now come down to the last cen-
tury, a word must be said of the letter j. In that cen-
tury and the two preceding ones, it occurs as a mere
graphic variety of i, especially when that letter hap-
pened to stand for the semivowel at the beginning
of a word. But, on the whole, it does not seem to
have been very consistently or extensively used, ex-
cepting in Biblical names such && Jacob, Job, Joseph,
and the like, in which the. character survives, while
the fashion of trying to reproduce the English pro-
nunciation has given it the value of dsy, and be-
queathed to our Sunday schools such monstrosities
as Dsyacop, Dsyob, Dsyoseph. This unfortunate
imitation of English, where it least deserved it,
must have greatly disqualified the letter 7 for use
.as the representative of i semivowel, a capacity
in which it is sorely missed by strangers desirous
of learning to read Welsh : the analogous case of w,
used for both vowel and semivowel, occasions them
far less difficulty, as it does not occur so often.

This meagre account of the Welsh alphabet
and spelling must be regarded as entirely tenta-
tive, nor would it be reasonable to expect any-
thing very satisfactory on the subject, until all
Welsh manuscripts dating after the end of the

LECTURE V. 271

10th century have been more carefully studied
and chronologically arranged. As it is, one has
to be content -with a rough guess as to the date
of the principal changes, which have taken place
in "Welsh spelling, without being always able to
say what led to them or to give other details
respecting them which it would be interesting
to have. I have to add that most of these
remarks had been put together before Mr. Brad-
shaw had convinced me by means of the paleeo-
graphical evidence he adduces, that the Luxem-
bourg Fragment and the Eutychius Glosses are
of Breton origin, and not Welsh. It has .not,
however, been thought expedient to omit all refer-
ence to them, as they serve purposes of compari-
son between Old Welsh 'and Old Breton. For
the same reason use has frequently been made
of the later Oxford Glosses which are in Old
Cornish. The fact of these three collections not
being Welsh does not seriously diminish their
value even for the student of that language,
while it undoubtedly rids him of a good many
difficulties which would remain puzzles and incon-
sistencies had he still to accept them as Welsh.

( 272 )

LEOTUEE VI.

"The circumstance, that genuine Ogham Inscriptions exist both in
Ireland and "Wales, which present grammatical forms agreeing with
those of the Gaulish linguistic monuments, is enough to show that
some of the Celts of these islands wrote their language hefore the 5th
century, the time at which Christianity is supposed to have been intro-
duced into Ireland."— Whitlbt Stokes.

As monuments in Ogam are known only in the
British Isles, we seem to be warranted in pro-
visionally regarding them as invented in them ;
but in which of them, in Great Britain or in
Ireland ? If we may venture to follow the sup-
posed westward course of civilisation, the answer
must be m Great Britain. • And assuming that,
one must admit that it was some time before
the coming of the Eomans, as it is highly im-
probable that after the introduction of the Roman
alphabet into the island, another and a far
clumsier one should not only have been invented,
but brought into use from the Vale of Clwyd to
the south of Devon ; not to mention that in that
case it would be hard to conceive how it came to

LECTURE VI. 273

pass that it betrays no certain traces of Eotaan
influence.

The Ogam, as given in Irish manuscripts of the
Middle Ages, runs thus : —

I II II I i-iii m il ' " ' " "" '"" -

b, 1, f, s, n; h, d, t, c, q;

I II III nil Hill I II Ml im iiw

m. g, ng, ^. r; a, o, u, e, i.

Here the continuous line merely represents the
edge or ridge of the stones on which the Ogams
are found written ; for as a rule they are not con-
fined to one plane excepting when represented in
manuscript. As to the values of the digits, the
following points have to be noticed : — the presence
of -•-, -j-j-j-, and jjj-j- in inscriptions cannot, unfortu-
nately, be said to be a matter of certainty. There
is, however, no reason to doubt the accuracy of
Irish tradition in attributing -j-j-j- the power of ng ;
but as to jjj-j, it is more commonly given as st (or
sd) by our Irish authorities, which is, however, the
result of the Irish habit of treating z as st in the
Middle Ages and earlier ; thus the letter itself is
called steta, and such spellings as Elistabeth and
Stephyrus for EUzaieth and Zephyrus are to be
met with in Irish manuscripts. So on the ground
of tradition the conclusion' seems warranted that
the early value of j-jjj was that of z. But where,

274 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

it may here be asked, would Irish or Welsh have
occasion for a z? As it is a consonant not sup-
posed to have belonged to the parent-speech
whence the Celtic languages are derived, it can
only be expected as a reduction or weakening of s.
Clearly this is not to be looked for at the begiii-
ning of a word, and as a final the sibilant has
completely disappeared in Early "Welsh inscriptions,
while in Irish ones it is sometime retained, some-
times not ; thus we have Decceddas and Deccedda,
but not Decceddaz. However, in one instance, be-
side Dego, a form is found to occur, which, accord-
ing to one reading, would be Digoz, but according
to another Digos. Perhaps on the whole the posi-
tion of a final consonant is not the most favourable
to the reduction of s into z, and we turn to try
the position which is known to be such, namely,
between two vowels. You will remember that
while Gaulish is found in one or two instances to
have retained the sibilant between vowels, the
Goidelo-Kymric languages, as far back as they are
known, show no trace of it. Now it is hardly in
keeping with the teachings of phonology to think
that the s was elided without having been first
reduced to z. But this would imply a consider-
able length of time and ample scope for the use of
the Ogam for z. Moreover, it would explain how
it is that it ceased to be used and became a mere

LECTURE VI. 275

matter of tradition, at the same time that it would
confirm the view already stated as to the antiquity
of the alphabet.

When Irish tradition ascribes -•■ the value of h,
this also requires explanation. For in Irish h is
mostly inorganic and devoid of all claim to be
regarded as known to the language in its earlier
stages. Turning to Welsh, where its footing is
not so precarious, we find h to be of a threefold
origin. (1.) It is evolved by the accent in the
tone-syllable ; this kind of h may be traced back
into 0. Welsh, (2.) Initial h for an earlier s may
be traced back as far probably as the 6th cfentury,
but hardly further. (3.) But we are here only
concerned with h for ch, and first of all, where
that ch itself has replaced cs, reduced in Irish by
assimilation into ss, s. The date of the change of
cs, ss, into eh cannot be assigned, but it is pro-
bably anterior to the Eoman occupation, as it
never happens in words borrowed from Latin, such
as coes ' leg,' llaes ' long, trailing,' and pais ' pet-
ticoat,' from coxa, laxus, and pexa (tunica) respec-
tively. Similarly the English, who, as West
Saxons, must have first become known to our
ancestors not later than the 6th century, are
called not Sachon but Saeson or Seison. The
change of ch into h, much better known in the
Teutonic languages, would also seem to have begun

276 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

tolerably early in "Welsh, as may be inferred from
the fact that the h is not infrequently elided.
Thus in the case of dehau, ' right, south,' we have
also de, and in S. Wales, deche, liable to become
detke, which may also be heard in N. Wales ; in
the case of eo/n, ' fearless,' we have, in S. Wales,
.echon, hut ehqfn or ekon I have never heard, though
the "former was usual at one time. All these forms
stand for ecs-omn or ecs-ohn, and the 0. Irish form
was esomun, with which the Gaulish name Exobnus
or Exomnus has been equated : in other cases the
prefix retains no trace of either ch or h; so eang,
' spacious,' is the only form of that word now used.
There is, then, reason to think that the leading
value of J- was ch, a sound which may have dated
from the Goidelo-Kymric period, in both Irish and
Welsh, in words where Irish has cht matched in
0. Welsh by ith, to which I have referred in
another lecture ; but as the sphere of usefulness
of this character can never have been very large
in Early Welsh, it is probable that it was the one
used in writing, even in those cases where the pro-
nunciation gradually passed into h. This acquisi-
tion of the two values of ch and k by the one
Ogam -•- is rendered almost certain by the fact that
ch is found written h in inscriptions in Eoman
letters, as in Broho on a stone at Llandyssul, and
Brohomagli at Voelas Hall near Bettws y Coed.

LECTURE VI. 277

Neither is probably much later than the 6th century,
and the latter was never pronounced with h, as
may be seen from the later form Brockmail. As
we may suppose the Ogam alphabet had only one
symbol for ch and h, it was quite natural for the
Ancient Kymry when using Eoman capitals to
make h stand for ch, especially as Latin could not
help them out of their difficulty, Latin ch being
not their spirant, but merely an aspirated c like
English ch in public-house. The nearest sound to
this last in Early Welsh must have been that of
cc as in Decceti, and this is probably one reason
for the. later spelling Decheti. So when, towards
the end of the Brit- Welsh period, the cc passed
into our spirant ch, the digraph ch continued to
represent it j so in the case of th, and ph had to
follow suit.

There is another ch which must have occasionally
yielded h : for instance, our word croen, ' skin,'
must have gone through the steps crochen, crohen,
before assuming its present form, as may be seen
from the Breton hrochen, Ir. crocenn " tergus,"
croicend " pellis," of the same origin probably as
0. Norse hryggr, gen. hryggjar, 0. H. Ger. hrucci,
Mod. H. Ger. rilcken, 0. Eng. hrycg or hrycc,
Mod. Eng. ridge. The book-word creyr, ' a heron,'
retains its history better : in N. Wales it has
become cryr, crydd, and cry, while the Southwalian

278 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

form is crychydd ; so it would seem that creyr
must have come from crehyr, crechyr. These
words are of the same origin as 0. English hrAgra
'a heron,' and Ir. ceirce 'a hen.' But as both
croen and creyr, if traced still further back, appear
to come from curcenn and carcir, it would seem
that the ch owes its presence to the well-known
law of Welsh phonology that I ot r preceding a
surd mute changes it into the corresponding
spirant — except the case of It. If so, that law
must have begun to obtain somewhat earlier than
one would be led to suppose from the inscriptional
forms in point, such as Bareuni, Curcagni, Ercilivi,
Ercilind, Marti, Martini, Ulcagni, TJlcagnus. How-
ever, one could not venture to say that any of these
are much later than the 5th century, excepting
perhaps Marti on the Oapel Brithdir stone. On
ttie other hand, an inscription in letters which
can hardly be later than the 7th century at
Llanboidy reads

Mavoh . . .
Fill Lunar
hi Cocci.

r

Unfortunately the end of the stone is damaged,
and the second name may have been Lunarhi,
Lunarchi or Lunarthi, which could now be only
Llunarch or Llunarth. Cocci is the prototype no

LBCTtTRE vr. 279

doubt of our coch ' red,' which is also used as an
epithet after proper names : so this inscription
probably indicates that re (or rf) had become rch
(or rtK) at a time when cc had not yet became
a spirant ch : about the same time that re became
reh no doubt le also became leh. But whether
this reaches sufficiently far back to explain the
Ih on the Llanaelhaiarn stone is still doubtful.
The inscription is :

ALHORTVSEIMETIACO
HIC lACET.

It is remarkable as the only instance which has
icieet so written, and not iacit, and as showing a
Latinised nominative in o for the more usual us.
If the supposition that oHh here stands for an
earlier ale should turn out to be inadmissible, it
may be regarded as represei^ting ales of the same
origin as a\e^- in such Greek names as !4A.efai/S/)o?,
'AXe^ifievvv, and the like. According to some,
the name is to be read not Alhortus but Ahortus.
This is less probable, but easier to explain ; for it
would be ' the prototype of our adjective ehorth
or eorth ' active, assiduous.' In any case, the
value of the H seems to have been that of ch
spirant.

The sum of all this is, that though ch was in
all probability the original and only value of ^,

280 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY,

it acquired also that of h before the end of the
Brit-Welsh period, or, more exactly speaking,
before the date of the inscriptions showing Broho
and Brohomagli ; so that Irish tradition is correct,
as far as it goes, in giving ■•■ the value of h., seeing
that the Welsh themselves, when using Eoman
letters, wrote h for both the Welsh spirant ch and
the Latin h.

It is next to be observed, that the value of
j-yj given as / is peculiar to Irish, and the result of
a phonetic change whereby initial m in Irish
passed through v into f. Thus in Irish we have
fin, ' wine,' corresponding to gmin in Welsh, both
borrowed probably from the Latin vinum : so also
in native words, e.g. 0. Ir. fnn ' white,' Welsh
gwi/n, and many more of the same kind. The
Irish y is found in the oldest manuscript Irish,
that is, of the 8th or the end of the 7th century,
but at that time the pronunciation may possibly
have been as yet that of English v, though in
later Irish it was no doubt that of / or pk.
Adamnans Life of St. Columba gives us Virgnous
(Fergna) and Vinniano (Finnian). But in our
inscriptions we have no trace of such a change ;
' for in them the Ogam in question -y-pp is invariably
treated as the equivalent of Latin v, as for
instance on the stones at Pool Park, Clydai, and
Cwm Gloyn. But what was the value of Latin

LECTURE vr. 281

V consonant ? After weighing with some care a
good deal written on the subject lately in this
country, I am persuaded that it must have been
that of w as in the English words war, work, well,
and the like : the next sound in the order of
probability would, I think, be that of u in the
German words quelle, quick.

As to -LLLU-, which is given as q, it is to be
noticed that this is commonly treated as though
u were to be supplied ; but that cannot be correct,
and -LLLLi is the full representation of the sounds
which in Roman letters are always written Q F in
our inscriptions, and never Q only as sometimes
happens in Roman documents. So we have
Qvenvendani, Qvenatauci, Maqveragi, Maqvirini.
The Irish seem to have begun rather early to
drop the v, and so to confound qv with c, which
became the rule in all later Irish. Thus Irish
inscriptions give us not only the correct genitive
Cunagussos, but also a later Qunagussos, which
cannot be correct, as is proved by the 0. Welsh
equivalent Cinust. By way of exception, an Irish
inscriber who, perhaps, wished his i-LLU- not to be
read as though it were a -'-'-'-'-, took care to write
after it a jjj in the name mn m 1111 H" l llll ,
i.e., Qweci, which seems to be the same which occurs
as Qvici on the stone taken from Fardel in
Devonshire to the British Museum. This last has

282 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

on it three inscriptions, two in debased Eoman
capitals reading Sagranui and Fanoni Maqvirini
and one in Ogam reading

.^.^_+.iIllL.mil.+^.im.++^ I . ^_ C Swaq^oi

The Irish archaeologists, who read -p-p always as
f, find some trouble in dealing with their Qweci
and our Swaqqvuci, though the latter rightly
treated offers no difficulty, as sm is the regular
atitecedent of Southwalian hw, the Northwalian
chw of book- Welsh ; and smaqqv- would seem to be
related to the words hwaff and hmap used in S.
Wales as adverbs meaning ' quickly, instantly.'
The syllable uc meets us elsewhere in the forma-
tion of derivatives, such as Fannuci (related, no
doubt, to Fanoni) on a stone at Cheriton in
Pembrokeshire. Other Celtic names such as
Caratucus, Nerucus, Viducus might be added.
But what was the value of liiH-iilli ? I have
ventured to transcribe it qqv, and it is well known
that qv has resulted in the Kymric tongues eventu-
ally in the single sound p, so it might perhaps be
urged that qv represented here one single sound ;
but as I cannot ascertain what that sound was
like, I prefer regarding qqv as the best rendering
of the ten digits of the Ogam. It need not be
identical with cqv, for it is probable that c and

LECTUEE vr. 283

the q in qv differed to a considerable extent, the
one being palatal and the other guttural or
velar, as it is sometimes termed. This would
be one reason why a separate symbol for
qv was adopted : another reason would be,
that, possibly, the sound which followed q
occurred nowhere but in this combination, as is
the case with the u in quelle and quick in some of
the Grerman dialects — to indicate that it was
probably neither +++ nor jjj I write it v. I am
not sure but that I should go further, and say
that the German u in quelle, quick, is historically
identical with our v in qv. For German qu
stands for pree-Teutonic gv, which in the Goidelo-
Kymric languages, probably before the separation
of the Welsh and the Irish, yielded h as the result
of the V occasioning the replacing of g by
the labial. So it is probable that the v of qv,
which produced a precisely similar result ending
in the replacing of qv by p in Gaulish and, later,
in Welsh, was exactly the same sound. The
reason why it effected the labialisation of gv
sooner than of qv is that the weaker consonant,
the sonant g, could not offer so much resistance
to its influence as the surd in the other com-
bination.

The sum of the foregoing remarks is that the
values of the letters of the Ogam alphabet, as

284 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

once used in Wales, must have been the fol-
lowing : —

.,-__^^_ I II III Mil nil I

I II III MM lllll

b, 1, w, 8, n ; [c]h, d, t, o, qv ;

HMi-mi-iii ii I I I iM ni l +W+

m, g, ng, z, r; a, o, u, e, i.

Here it will be noticed that no provision is
made for p, probably because it was not a sound
current in Kymric before qv became p. However
in the epitaphs of Britons who had adopted Roman
names in which p occurs, it was found necessary
to have a character for it. This is met with
twice, on the Glan Usk Park stone where it has
the form X , and on the one at OynfSg where it is
made into a broad arrow l\\.

How early occasion arose for an Ogam for th
depends on the date at which rt began to pass
into the rth already alluded to. But as th in
other positions seems to date later it is hardly
probable that in the meantime a special character
for th should have been provided, the Ogams for
rt being written probably as though the pronun-
ciation had not undergone change. Nor is the
case of rt in inscriptions in Roman capitals, as in
MARTI and MARTINI, cnough to prove that the pro-
nunciation may not have been that of our later
rth ; for even in 0. Welsh rth was not always so

LECTUKE VI. 285

written : so long a time did it take ch, th, ph to
lose their Latin values of aspirated mutes, and to
become the regular symbols for our spirants so
written.

The case of _/ is different, as it occurred initially
in Brit- Welsh naines such as fanoni and fannvci.
Now Welsh _/ is of threefold origin; it stands for
p preceded by r, and it is sometimes the product
of jojo; in both cases it dates after the transition
of qv into JO, and is now mostly written ph. Else-
where, that is, when used as an initial, it represents
an Aryan sp, which the Irish have reduced into s ;
thus from the same origin as 0. Norse spjot, 0. H.
Grer. spioz, Mod. H. Ger. spiess, ' a spear,' Mr.
Stokes derives our woTd^on, " baculus, hasta," Ir.
sonn, ' a stake,' the chief difference between the
Celtic and Teutonic forms being that the latter
come from spud, while the former postulate a
nasalised spund. The simplest account I could
give of the Celtic treatment of sp would be the
following : Aryan sp became in Celtic s^, which
was further reduced into ^, whereby is here meant
a spirant surd differing from f only in its being
pronounced by means of the two lips and not the
teeth and lower lip. In Gaulish it appears asy"
in the supposed Gaulish name Frontu ; in Welsh
it has been changed into the labiodental y, which
we now write ^, while in Irish it has yielded s.

286 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

But this s iu Irish dates after the Irish borrowed
such Latin words as /rSnum, 'a bridle/ which they
have made into srian, and so in other cases. The
sound of ^ or y was at best a rare sound in the
Celtic languages, and we look in vain for it in our
few inscriptions cut in Ogam ; so we do not know
how it was expressed in that system. However,
it is almost certain that there was no Ogmic symbol
for it, and it may have been represented, when
there was occasion for it, by j, the Ogam for b, or
else a quasi-Ogmic symbol such as those used for
p may have been invented for it.

It will be noticed that in estimating the values
of the Ogam characters, we have relied on Irish
tradition almost entirely in two instances, namely
those of /// and ////; in three others the tradition
required to be explained; in the remaining fifteen
its accuracy is vouched for by the monuments them-
selves, especially those of Wales and Devon. The
Ogmic monuments in our island are not confined
to the West, for others are known in Scotland,
especially in the counties of Fife, Aberdeen, and
Sutherland, and in the Shetland Isles; but hitherto
very little success has attended the interpretation
of the latter : some of them will, possibly, turn
out to be of Teutonic origin. Those of Ireland
have not been chronologically arranged by Irish
scholars : so, although they count by scores, they

LECTURE VI. 287

have not been as yet made to yield us the results
which their numerical force would lead one to ex-
pect. On Kymric ground it is otherwise ; here
only twenty-three are known, of which twenty-one
are still legible to a greater or less extent ; but, on
the other hand, their date is far easier approxi-
mately to ascertain ; for while only two of the
Irish ones are known to be accompanied by legends
in Latin, only two of ours are without such legends,
some merely rendering more or less freely the
Ogmic ones, and others standing, as far as one can
now see, in no immediate relation to them, while
in one instance the Ogam and the ordinary letters
seem to form but one inscription. The forms of
the Kymric letters used in this last would seem
to warrant our assigning it, roughly, to the 9th
century : I allude to the Llanarth Cross in Cardi-
ganshire. In another instance, namely, the cross
in the Chapel on Caldy Island, the person who wrote
on a stone already bearing an inscription in Ogam,
leaves it to be inferred that he recognised the
Ogam as writing : this would also be about the
9th century. But reasons of language and palaeo-
graphy appear to point to the 5th and 6th centuries
as the period to which most of them are to be
ascribed. If this guess is wide of the truth, it
probably errs in dating them too late rather than
too early. It appears highly probable, for in-

288 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

stance, that the Cwm Gloyn stone of Vitaliani
Emereto dates soon after, if indeed not before, the
departure of the Eomans from Wales. As still
earlier may be regarded the Loughor altar with
its Ogmic inscription, now almost wholly illegible.
Thus our Ogmic monuments may, roughly speaking,
be said to range from a date perhaps anterior to the
departure of the Eomans to the end of the 9th
century or thereabouts. As to their distribution,
it is to be noticed that only one is known in North
"Wales, two in Devonshire, and one in Cornwall ;
all the rest belong to South Wales. In Ireland
acquaintance with Ogmic writing held out much
later than in Wales, but it is my impression that
the oldest Irish Ogams hitherto deciphered will
turn out to be, to say the least of it, not earlier
than the oldest Kymric ones to which allusion has
just been made. Whether the Gauls ever practised
Ogmic writing it is impossible to say, as they had
adopted the Greek alphabet from the Greek colony
of Massilia before Caesar's time. Their inscriptions
show them using both Greek letters and some of
the Italian alphabets, which may therefore have
been introduced into the Gaulish portions of
' Britain anterior to the Eoman occupation, though
we have no reason to think that either they or the
Kymric Celts cut letters on stone until they were
taught it by Eoman example. It is this, perhaps.

LECTURE VI. 289

together with the more complete ascendancy of
Latin in the same portions of the island during
the Roman occupation, that naturally accounts for
the absence of inscriptions in Ogam in most of
England excepting Devonshire.

For the benefit of those who may wish to study
the subject of Ogams for themselves, I may here
mention that on those of Ireland they will have
to consult the Transactions of the Royal Irish
Academy, and the Journal of the Kilkenny Archceo-
logical Society. The Scotch Ogams figure in
Stuart's Sculptured Stones of Scotland, and in the
proceedings of various antiquarian societies. The
"Welsh ones will be found discussed in the Archceo-
logia Cambrensis, a journal started in 1846; they
also find their places in Dr. Hiibner's work on
our Christian inscriptions, and Prof. Westwood's
forthcoming work entitled Lapidarium Wallice.
In the meantime the following brief account of
them will be found useful : —

1. Denbighshire. — The first stone to be noticed
stands in front of the house at Pool Park, near
Ruthin : it is said to have been brought thither
from a barrow on Bryn y Beddau, ' the hill of the
graves.' The Latin legend is perfectly legible,
excepting the first three characters of the first
line : —

290 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

S MILINI

TOVISACI.

I should like to read svmilini, but the word looks
more like saimilini, excepting that the curve over-
topping the 5 is like no letter I know, but may,
with the s perhaps have been meant for a kind of
A. If the /be taken conjointly with the M, one
might possibly read savmilini. The Ogam is im-
perfect, which is the more to be regretted as it is
the only one known in North Wales : —

rnr i 1 1 '" " ii i ii "

S b— 1 i no

I I I I "" I N I I "" "III

The syllable to is altogether gone from the edge,
which must have originally read Towisaci, before
it was damaged near the ground, as the stone now
stands. On the other edge two of the vowel
groups are illegible : I guess them, from the
length of the spaces, to have been u and e, which
would give us Subelino, or, possibly, Saobelino.

2. Cardiganshire. — Near the ruins of an old
mansion called Llanvaughan, near Llanybydder,
or, as it is more commonly written, Llanybyther,
there lay in 1873, when I visited it, a stone
reading : —

"^ lllil ni l mil I "" '" II I I

n

LECTURE VI. 291

This is one of the best-preserved Ogams I have
seen ; but some of the letters forming the Latin
legend are rather faint — the latter reads :

TEENACATVS
10 lACIT FILIVS
MAGLAGNI.

3, On a cross-inscribed stone at Llanarth, near
Aberayron, we read -'-'-'-'- on the left arm of the
cross, and down its shaft the name Qurhir(e?)t in
the ordinary Kymric letters nsual from the 8th to
the 10th century. If one reads the Ogam down-
wards with the name, we have C. Gurhiret, possibly
meaning Croc Gurhiret or Gr.'s Cross : if it is to
be read upwards we have S. Gurhiret, which sug-
gests Sanctus Gurhiret ; but I confess I have never
heard of such a saint.

4. At Oapel Mair, in the parish of Llangeler,
not far from Llandyssul, there used to be a stone
bearing two inscriptions. The Ogam has been
described to me as reading Deccaibanwalbdis, and
the Latin as being Decabarbalom Filius Brocagni :
the first name has also been given as Decapar-
beilom : but not one of these versions is, probably,
quite correct. The stone is supposed to have
been wilfully effaced by a farmer, who thought it
induced visitors to trespass ; however that may be,
the stone shown me showed no trace of letters of

292 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

any kind, but I doubt that I have seen the right
one.

5. Pembrokeshire. — A stone now lying in the
Vicar's grounds at St. Dogmael's, near Cardigan,
reads :* —

Mi l I /////// I / M i ll i Nii / I '"" mil

Sag r a,mn iMaqv i

+ I' l l 1 11 m i l 1 III I / Mill

C u n atam i

The Latin legend is :

SAGEANI FILI

CVNOTAML

Every letter is legible, although the stone has '
been used as a gate-post, and fractured right
through the middle.

6. A stone standing in Bridell churchyard,
about a mile from Cilgerran, is almost singular
in its bearing no Latin inscription ; however one
side is inscribed with a small cross contained in a
circle. The Ogam reads :■ —

t^-^^-^-+tttW/-/////-^/-^-^-+^

N e ttasag|,r uMaqv i

+ /-fH-L'-L'-fl-fH-H -H-H-l l ll 11 1 II

M u CO i (br?) e c i

The only letters, which. I consider doubtful, are

* Where an Ogam continuously written is too long to be printed
in one line a -f is prefixed to the second part, as here.

LECTURE VI. 293

those enclosed in parentheses : they may possibly
be br, mr, or si ; gr has also been proposed.

7. A stone in the churchyard at Cilgerran reads
in Ogam, which is now very faint : —

^^-SW//-++++-iTm-+-//-w-rm-w-/-+-^-^

Tr e nagusuMaqv i

+ /-+-mTT-++w-^- ///// II I ll -Il l I I mil

Maqv i tr e n i

The Latin legend, which is in mixed capitals and
Kymric letters, is

TRENEGUSSI FILI
MACUTRENI HIC lACIT.

8. In Clydai churchyard, in the neighbourhood
of Newcastle Emlyn, there is a stone with a
double inscription, but owing to its top having
been trimmed off to receive a sun-dial the Ogam
is incomplete — what is left of it reads : —

mi-^-^-im-m-TTm- ■ ■ • -jrr-^-^-m

E t t e r n V 1 o r

This, no doubt, stands for Etterni .... Victor,
probably Etterni Maqvi Victor; for the Latin
reads : —

ETTERNI FILI VICTOR.

9. A stone at Dugoed Farm, near Clydai, Las
on it in Roman capitals : —

DOB .... I
[f]ilivs evolengi.

2.94 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

The Ogam is very hard to make anything of, but
it seems to begin with Dohl- : this is all I can
make of it : —

II II . , III I 111

D ob 1- — t — c B —

The spaces would seem to indicate Doblaiucisi,
Dohlotucahi, or the like : so it would seem that
the name intended in the Latin legend must have
lieen Dohlati or Dobloti : however the final i is
horizontal and rather doubtful, and so according
to some readings is the i of Evolengi, which I
thought I detected as a slight horizontal stroke
in the bosom of the G. Others think the Ogam
begins with Dow-, which requires the same
number of digits as Dobl- : the latter is preferable,
as it is supported by the Latin version. In the
Ogam we seem to have the name of the deceased
with an epithet attached, while the Latin omits
the epithet and gives the father's name.

10. A stone used as a gate-post on the farm of
Cwm Gloyn, near Nevern, has, in Roman capitals,
the legend : —

VITALL4NI
EMEKETO.

And in Ogam it reads : —

I II mi l '" I II mil I iM i i m il

W i tal ian i

This is preceded by some marks which I did not

LECTUEE VI. 295

take to mean anything ; but whether I was right
or not, the reading Witaliani is certain.

11. A stone recently described by Mr. J. K.
Allen in the Arch. Cambrensis (1876, pp, 54, 55),
and since examined by me under rather unfavour-
able circumstances, is used as a gate-post near the
farm-house called Trefgarn Fach (pronounced in
English Truggarn, for Trewgarn, a form to be
compared with Trewdraeth for TrefdraetK), about
a mile and a half from Trefgarn Bridge on the
Fishguard and Haverfordwest road. The capitals,
make the following legend : —

HOGTIVIS FILI
DEMETI.

The Ogam consists of one name only, which seems
to be

m i l II // '" III! mil 1 1 "

N o g t e n e

However, it is right to add that I supply the
Ogam for n from a rubbing taken by Mr Allen,
and that I was not convinced that I could detect
it^on the stone when I looked at it; but even in
the rubbing the five digits, which were certainly
there, were so faint that Mr. Allen did not think
himself warranted in reproducing them in his
woodcut in the Arch. Cam. Further, I read the
H of the ' Latin version as N, as in some other
instances : thus two readings are possible of these

296 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

inscriptions : Nogtivis Fill Demeti, and in Ogam
Nogtene ; and Hogtivis Fill Demeti, and in Ogam
Ogtene. I have given the preference to the former
over the latter, in which the h would have to be
regarded as inorganic and useless : the same thing
has already been suggested with respect to the s.
The stone indicates no more definite a connection
between the two inscriptions than that Nogtene
and Nogtivis are the names of persons who be-
longed to the same family. According to the
analogy of Ercilivi and Cunacenniwi, Nogtivis, if
it is not a compound, should mean the son of
Nogt- or Nogten- ; but it is conceivable that such
a name might get to be more loosely used, or that
it referred to an eponymus of the family.

12. An Ogmic inscription has recently been dis-
covered by Dr. Haigh of Erdington on the base
of a cross now in the churchyard at St. Florence :
in what remains tolerably legible he thinks he can
read Maqveragi, a name which has also been read
in Roman capitals on one of the stones now at
Dolau Cothy. The most curious thing about the
St. Florence inscription is, that it is written on
the face of the stone and not on the angle.

13, The remains of an Ogmic inscription are
to be seen on the upper part of a stone placed in
the wall of the chapel on Caldy ; but owing to
the position of the stone I could not read them.

LECTURE VI. 297

On the face of the stone there is a cross under
which stands the following inscription in some-
what early Kymric letters : — et singno crucis in
illam fingsi : rogo omnibus ammulantihus ibi ex-
orent pro anima catuoconi. Lately Dr. Haigh
has had the stone removed from the wall, and
he finds the Ogam to have read upwards on
both angles near the top of the stone. He
supposes the legend to have been the following ;
but he acknowledges it to be, however, far from
certain : —

/ I // Ml I I Mill '" im I I /////

Magol i t eBar

II II

H-f-

' I nil

— c e n e

On the other face there are crosses, and on the
shaft of one of them there are sundry notches or
marks, which remind one to some degree of the
cross on the Dugoed stone near Clydai : in both
instances their meaning is unknown. It would
be a matter of no great difficulty to offer an ex-
planation of the names suggested by Dr. Haigh,
but it is not so easy to say in what relation the
two inscriptions stand to one another. But it
would not be too much to say that the inscriber
of the Latin recognised the Ogmic digits as
writing, otherwise one cannot see why he began
with et.

298 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

14. Carmarthenshire. — At Llandawke, near
Laugharne, there is a stone which was lately
used as a threshold in the entrance to the church
in spite of its haying on it a double inscription.
The Latin legend is : —

BAEEIVENDI
riLlVS VENDVBAEI
EIC lACIT.

The top of the stone is broken off, probably to
make^it fit as a threshold ; but it seems to have had
Ogams at one time all round its upper part and
down the whole length of its right edge. The
latter I cannot make much of, but it seems to

have digits and spaces for taqvoledemu b — ,

which is, however, highly uncertain. But near
the top on the left edge there is a clear maqvi
followed by another word beginning apparently
with m: the rest is broken off; and so is the
other side, so that taqvoledemu is just as likely to
have been caqvoledemu or qvaqvoledemu, for any-
thing one can now guess. Dr. S. Ferguson would
read both edges upwards.

15. Quite recently Mr. Roberts, vicar of New-
church, detected traces of Ogams on a stone
known as Y Garreg Lwyd and Carreg Fyrddin in
the neighbourhood of Abergwili, near Carmarthen ;
but nothing intelligible or continuous can be
made out of them now.

LECTURE vr. 299

16. A stone from Llanwinio was lately traced
by Mr. Eoberts to Middleton Hall near Llanarth-
ney, where I have since seen it. The Eoman
letters are very hard to read, but they seem to
make the following legend : —

BLABI

FILI BODIBEVE.

Various other readings of the first name have
been proposed, and fili has been read aci and
AVI. The Ogam is incomplete owing to the top
of the stone having been cut off and lost : from
what remains I infer that it reads up the two front
edges, and commemorates individuals of the Bevi
family — this is what remains of it : —

1 II I III mil I I I "" mil T^

Aww i bodd i b...

^^TTT^-W

B e w w . . .

The doubling of the w and d is exceptional, but
compare Etterni on one of the Clydai stones : it
is, however, right to say that one would not
think of reading -I-'-'-'- as dd but for the d in the
Latin legend. Now bod would in later Welsh be
either bodd or budd, both of which occur in proper
names : the other element occurs in Con-bev-i,
which is in Mod. Welsh Cynfyw. The word ayemi
or ami occurs in Irish Ogam in the sense of grand-
son, 0. Irish due. Whether the first line of the

300 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Ogam on the stone now occupying our attention
is to be regarded as making one name Awwiboddib-
or Awwi Boddib-, it must mean ' Nepotis Bodi-
bevi.' The only thing which prevents me from
reading the whole thus : Bewwlf] Awwi Boddi-
blewwi], " B. nepotis Bodibevi," is the fact that
it is not usual to begin with the right edge ;
but that is perhaps not a sufficient reason for
not doing so here. This remarkable stone,
then, commemorates either two or three distinct
persons, who are shown, however, to have be-
longed to the same family by the name-element
bev or bewm.

17. Brecknockshire. — A stone now standing
near Sir Joseph Bailey's residence in Glan Usk
Park, near Crickhowel, reads in Ogam : —

' " 1 1 1 /////x I I -n II I II I =-

T u rpil... ...1 u n i

which may be restored as meaning Turpilli [maqvi]
Trilluni, seeing that the Latin reads Turpilli Ic
Jacit Puveri Triluni Bunocati.

18. A stone preserved in Trallong Church in
the neighbourhood of Brecon reads in Ogam : —

Cuuace n n i wi

+ +^+H-7T-T^-T^^^^^^-^-++

I 1 w w e to

LECTURE VI. 301

The Latin reads : —

CVNOCENNI FILIVS
CVNOCENI HIC lACIT,

whence it would seem that Cunacennini is a kind
of patronymic meaning C. filius C, and that
Ilwmeto is an epithet. The broader end of the
stone hears a cross enclosed, excepting the shaft,
in a circle.

19. Glamorganshire. — On the roadside between
Margam and Cynffig stands a stone which reads : —

PYiTPEIVS
CARANTORITS.

The Ogam begins near the top on the right
edge and reads : —

P[o]p e ...

which appears to make Pope; but one cannot go
further with any certainty of being right, as the
original number of vowel notches terminating the
name cannot now be determined ; but they seem
to have been between seven and ten, and it may
be supposed that the name was Popei or Popeu.
Both Popei and Punpeius are forms of the more
usual Pompeius, and the explanation of them is to
be sought in Latin, as was pointed out in the
previous lecture. The character here guessed to

302 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

mean p has not been met with elsewhere. The
Ogam occupying the length of the right edge is
too far gone to be deciphered ; it seems, read
downwards, to show the digits standing for
— r — I — sm — qv — II — ?z..., which, if read up-
wards, would make ...c — dd — n — mc — d — r.,..
On the whole I am inclined to think that all the
Ogams formed one inscription continued round
the top of the stone, where now, it is true, there
is no trace of a letter. The stone now stands
erect, but it has not always been so, if I am right
in thinking that what is now the top has been
worn smooth by the tread of feet.

20. The Eoman altar at Loughor, the Cas
Llychwr of the "Welsh, and, according to some,
the Leucarum of the Eomans, bears an Ogmic
inscription which is, unfortunately, almost entirely
illegible, excepting the last two groups' of digits,
which make ic. Various guesses may be given,
the two extremes of which would be Lekuric and
Vehomagic, or, as I would put them, Lehuri C.
and Vehomagi C. If the c stood for a word, the
inscription was probably in Latin ; but the altar
shows no trace of any other letters than Ogams.

21. Devonshire. — A stone taken from Fardel,
near Ivybridge, and deposited in the British
Museum, has on it three different inscriptions,
two in Eoman capitals more or less debased, and

LECTURE TI. 303

one in Ogam, to which repeated reference has
been made — it reads upwards on both edges : —

nil III! 'I' ll III I I I! mil -

Swaq qvuc i

/ I mil inn m" mi l n" i ii ii -^

M a qv i Qv i c i

The Koman letters on the face bounded by these
edges read : —

FANONI
MAQVIRINI.

The third inscription is on another face, and con-
sists of the name Sagranui in letters which are
considerably later than the foregoing ones, the r,
especially, being of the early Kymric type and the
n formed like an h.

22. One of the three tombstones at Tavistock
was brought thither from a place not very far off
called Buckland Monachorum : it reads in Eoman
capitals : —

DOBVNNI
FABEI FIl[l?]i
ENABARRI.

This explains the only portion of the Ogmic in-
scription still legible :

-rnrr-^n-^ ///// /////

n aba r r

23. Cornwall. — A stone on Worthyvale farm, in

304 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

the neighbourhood of Camelford, shows traces of
an Ogmic inscription ending in 1 1 1 1 1 , i: the pre-
ceding letter is rather doubtful, but it may be an
r. The other inscription is in debased- Eoman
capitals with one or two Kymric letters inter-
mixed, especially s and m : —

LATINI 10 lACIT
FILIUS MA...ABII,

Let us now return to the Ogam alphabet and
try to force it to tell its own history. In one of
the Irish alphabets, which have evidently been
based on it, the letters had the following names,
which I copy from O'Donovan's Irish Grammar,
p. xxxii. : —

B ieith, the birch. M muin, the vine.

1 luis, the mountain ash. g gort, ivy.

f fearn, the alder. ng ngedal, the reed.

s sail, the willow. st or z straif, the sloe-tree.

n nion, the ash. r ruis, the elder.

H huath, the hawthorn. A ailm, the fir-tree.

d duir, the oak. o onn, furze.

t tinne (unknown). u ur, heath.

c coll, hazel. e eadhadh, the aspen.

q queirt, the apple-tree. i idkadh, the yew.

This is the Bethluisnion alphabet, so called from
its first letters : in another the letters are called
after Biblical names, of which the first two are
Bobel and Loth, whence it is called the Bobelloth
alphabet. Consider now for a moment the cha-

LECTURE VI. 305

racter of the four groups into which Irish tradition
was wont to divide the letters : —

i- i II III nil m il 3, 7 // /// //// m

B, 1, w, s, n. M, g, lig, z, r.

2. I II III nil Hill 4. +^- 1 1 1 nil I W+

Ch, d, t, o, qv. A, o, u, e, i.

It is highly improbable that this grouping can be
as old as the alphabet itself ; for it is not much of
an attempt to classify the sounds indicated, while
it is a classification of the symbols used. The
sort of arrangement which it presupposes was, I
conjecture, the following or some other one nearly
resembling it : —

I I ' / II 11.," // III III ' " / / / UN -

a, b, chjin, o, 1, d, g, u, w, t, Dg, e,

MM "" ////m i l m il '"" /////

s, c, z, I, n, qv, r.

This conjecture is, I must tell you in passing, the
most important of a good many which I am going
to submit to you in this and the next lecture, and
with it would fall most of my conclusions with
respect to , the origin of Ogmic writing. If this
is borne in mind, it will be needless for me to
repeat it as we proceed. '

If you look again at the different kinds of digits,
the question may occur to you, why the long ones
are not allowed to cross the edge of the stone
written upon at right angles. Now it is not im-

u

306 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY,

probable that, at one time, tbe vowels were of the
description here suggested and not mere notches.*
It is so at ^ny rate in one class of Irish Ogams,
which are not, it is true, attested by the oldest
monuments : still it may be that this peculiarity
they show comes down from much earlier times.
In them a would be not + but |, which would
render it necessary to write m -f, and so with the
other four. All this points to the conclusion that
the oblique group is of later date than the other
three, and the order last given may be allowed to
give way to the following : —

I , 1 II ,11 I II ,,, III nil ,,,, nil

' I " II "I III I'" III!

a, b, ch, o, 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, o,

m il Hil l '"" III III nil mil

1, n, qv, m, g, ng, z, r.

There are other reasons for supposing the oblique
group merely supplementary to the others : thus
/// for ng dates probably after -f-j; g, and is
formed from it by adding a score ; but it must
have been settled before ///// was hit upon for r,
otherwise nobody would have thought of repre-
senting by means of the most cumbrous symbol in
the alphabet the consonant which of all others is
the one most frequently used in Welsh ; and it is
hardly otherwise in the case of the other Celtic

* It is right the reader should know that the Ogams for the
vowels in this volume are represented as much longer than, in strict
proportion to the consonantal digits, they should be.^

LECTURE VI. 307

tongues. Hence it follows that ng, z, r, only got
to be written j-j-j-, -j-fjj, ///// by way of addition to, or
readjustment of the alphabet as previously used.
Further, as the Ogam in one of the orders it
admits of begins with + («), j (b), which may be
treated as the equivalents in it of aleph, beth,
or a, /3, we may go further and assume -'- {ch) to
be, for some reason or other, the Ogmic equivalent
of gimmel or y : this is confirmed by the fact of g
appearing as -fj- in the later group, which suggests
the same sort of relation between -•- and jj- as
between the Latin letters C and G. Now, treat-
ing +, ■]-, -•-, as the historical equivalents of aleph,
beth, gimmel, the Ogmic alphabet may be said
to have coincided with the Semitic alphabet in its
first three letters, excepting that the Irish group-
ing does not enable us to decide which of the six
sequences — a, b, ch : a, ch, b : b, a, ch : b, ch, a :
ch, a, b : ch, b, a — was the one adopted in the
Ogmic system.

Is this coincidence, it may be asked, purely
accidental, or does it tend to prove that the framers
of the Ogam were acquainted with some one or
more alphabets of Phoenician origin ? The answer
to this question is to be sought in the number of
combinations, as mathematicians term it, which
the letters of the Ogam alphabet admit of when
taken three and three together. But as the long
group does not appear to have belonged to the

308 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

alphabet in its earliest form, we can only calcu-
late on the remaining fifteen letters. Now the
number of permutations which fifteen letters
admit of when taken by threes is 2730, which,
divided by six, gives us the number of combina-
tions as 455 ; that is, the chances against the
coincidence being accidental are 454 to 1. But,
to be on the safe side, let us discard -LU-Li, qn^
as being possibly a later addition to complete the
scheme. The letters then are fourteen, which,
taken by threes, admit of 364 combinations ; and
this reduces the chances to 363 to 1. But some
writers appear to believe that it is, somehow,
natural for alphabets to begin as the Semitic ones
are found to do. Now these last begin with aleph,
a consonant which a European would probably not
have honoured with a place in an alphabet at all.
If, however, it is our European a that nature in-
tended to take the lead, the Shemites failed to
obey the promptings of nature on this point : the
same applies with still more force to the Irish,
when they put together the Bethluisnion alpha-
bet, and the Teutons, whose Kunic alphabets are
found to begin withy, m, th, a, r, k, although the
symbols for them were borrowed from the Latin
alphabet, which did begin with A. Thus the
facts within our reach seem to warrant our leav-
ing out of the reckoning the alleged naturalness
in question, so that, when it is found that the

LECTURE VI. 309

chances are over 300 to 1 against the coincidence
being accidental, it is highly probable that the
framers -of the Ogam alphabet were acquainted
with the Phoenician or some one deriyed from it.
This being so, it is also probable that the sequence
of the first three letters in the Ogam was no
other than a, 6, ch, as in the trial alphabet men-
tioned above : —

I , I I I ,, II III ,,, III nil ,,,, Mil
I I II II III III i"i nil

a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, c,

M il l inn ' "" I II lli ll ll mil

i, n, qv, m, g, ng, ^

A little further scrutiny of this last arrange-
ment leads one to observe the apparently artificial
quartering of the vowels in places 1, 4, 7, 10, 13.
So, to get at the sequence which preceded this,
we should, among other things, have to expel the
vowel from its present position, which would
admit the d to advance and the m to return from
the supplementary group to the place which it
probably occupied before it was relegated there.
We should then have the following : —

I I " III III ' " ' I II

a, b, ch, d, 1, m, u, w, t, e,

I II iini

II 1 1 III" II 1 1 1

a, e, i, n, qv.

Thus we seem to get a glimpse into the history of
the changes which the Ogam alphabet has under-

310 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOftT.

gone, at the same time that, by restoring d to
what was probably its old place, we nearly triple
our former estimate of the probabilities of the
case, the chances now being (without taking the
sequence I m into account) exactly 1000 to 1 in
favour of the supposition that the Ogam alphabet
is connected with the Phoenician.

So far as we have gone, the connection seems
to amount to this : — 1. The framers of the Ogam
alphabet did not take up all the Phoenician letters,
but only about 14 or 15 of them. 2. These they
took in their order in the Phoenician alphabet.
3. They translated the Semitic characters into
straight lines, probably because they found them
easier to cut on wood, which, it may be presumed,
was the material which they mostly used to write
upon, but chiefly, perhaps, because they may have
already been in the habit of cutting scores re-
sembling Ogmic digits on wood, horn, or bone.
Such scoring, considered as mere scoring or carv-
ing, and without reference to its meaning, has been
traced so far back in Europe as the quaternary
period and the end of the mammoth age : a speci-
men from the sepulchral cave of Aurignac is de-
scribed by M. FranQois Lenormant in the second
edition of his Essai sur la Propagation de V Al-
phabet PMnicien dans VAncien Monde (Paris,
1875), i. 7, 8. So far no attempt has here been

LECTURE VI. 311

made to show with which of the Phoenician alpha-
bets, that is the Phoenician alphabet properly so
called, or some one of those of Greece or Italy
which have been traced to it, the Ogam is con-
nected. History and geography do not encourage
■one to expect to find any immediate connection
between the Ogam and the alphabets of Greece :
the ordinary Roman alphabet hardly suits, as it
has only the one symbol v for u and ?», not to
mention other reasons which might be adduced :
similarly we might go on excluding the Etruscan
and Runic alphabets. For the present, then, we
shall rest content with the bare fact, that the
Ogam is in a manner derived from the Phoenician
alphabet, without proceeding to attempt to trace
the connection between them step by step. The
rest of this lecture will, accordingly, be devoted to
a brief mention of some of the Goidelo-Kymric
traditions bearing on the origin of writing among
the Celts.

The allusions in Irish literature to the Ogam
are various and numerous, and a succinct account
of the grammatical treatises, which deal with it,
will be found in the following paragraph quoted
from an abstract of a paper read before the Royal
Irish Academy in 1848 by Prof. Graves, now
Bishop of Limerick : — " The Book of Leinster,
a MS. of the middle of the 12th century, contains

312 LECTURE,S ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

a passage in which it [the key to the Ogam] ia
briefly given. The Book of Ballymote, written
about the year 1370, contains an elaborate tract,
which furnishes us with the keys to the ordinary
Ogham, and a vast variety of ciphers, all formed
on the same principle. The Book of Lecan
(written in the year 1417) contains a copy of the
Uraicept, a grammatical tract, perhaps, as old as
the 9th century, in which are many passages re-
lating to the Ogham alphabet, and all agreeing,
as regards the powers of the characters, with what
is laid down in the treatise on Oghams in the
Book of Ballymote. Dr. O'Connor, indeed, speaks
of a manuscript book of Oghams written in the
11th century, and once in the possession of Sir
James Ware. Mr. Graves has ascertained that
this is merely a fragment of the above-mentioned
Ogham tract. It is now preserved in the library
of the British Museum, and does not appear to
have b,een written earlier than the 15th or 16 th
century." Some valuable extracts from, and
fac-similes of the Ballymote tract have lately
been published by Mr. G. M. Atkinson in the
Journal of the Kilkenny Archceological Society
(vol. iii. pp. 202-236), to which we shall have
occasion to refer more than once. There, in answer
to the question, " By whom and from whence are
the veins and beams in the Ogaim tree named ? "

LECTURE TI. 313

we have the curious reply : — " Per alios. It came
from the school of Phenius, a man of Sidon, viz.,
schools of philosophy under Phenius throughout
the world, teaching the tongues (he thus employed),
in numher 25." But, to pass by the other tradi-
tions respecting this early Fenian, we come to
Ogma, who is said to have been the inventor of
the Ogam, and from whom it is called Ogam, also
Ogum, and, in later Irish, Ogham with a silent gh.
Ogma is described as the son of Elathan of the
race of the Tuatha de Danann, whence it is clear
that he is as mythical a personage as Irish legend
could well make him. And from his being called,
as appears from Mr. Atkinson's paper, Ogma
the Sun-faced, it seems probable that he was of
solar origin. Ogma being much skilled in dialects
and in poetry, it was he, we are told, who invented
the Ogam to provide signs for secret speech only
known to the learned, and designed to be kept
from the vulgar and poor of the nation. . For not
only was a system of writing called Ogam, but also
a dialect, or mode of speech, bears that name. Of
this O'MoUoy, cited in the preface to O'Donovan's
Irish Grammar, p. xlviii., says : " Obscurum lo-
quendi modum, vulgo Ogham, antiquariis Hiberniae
satis notum, quo nimirum loquebantur syllabizando
voculas appellationibus litterarum, dipthongorum,
et triphthongorum ipsis dumtaxat notis." O'Dono-

314 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

van further quotes an entry in the Annals of
Olonmacnoise to the following effect, as translated,
in 1627, by Connell Mageoghegan :— " a.d. 1328.
Morish O'Gibelan, Master of art, one exceeding
well learned in the new and old laws, civille and
cannon, a cunning and skillfull philosopher, an
excellent poet in Irish, an eloquent and exact
speaker of the speech, which in Irish is called
Ogham, and one that was well seen in many other
good sciences : he was a canon and singer at
Twayme, Olfyn, Aghaconary, Killalye, Enagh-
down, and Clonfert; he was official and common
judge of these dioceses ; ended his life this year."
To pass by, for the present, the motive attri-
buted to Ogma in his invention, we seem to find
him here in the character of the man of letters,
and this is quite in harmony with the only trace of
his footsteps which has been discovered on Kym-
ric ground, namely, in the Welsh derivative ofydd,
which probably stands for an earlier omUS = ogmi^,
and seems to have formerly meant a man of
science and letters ; now it is defined to be an
Eisteddfodic graduate who is neither bard nor
druid, and translated into ovate. Thus, perhaps,
it would be no overhasty generalising to infer
that with the insular Celts Ogma's province was
language as literature, as the record of the past
and the repository of knowledge. The Gauls, on

LECTURE VI. 315

the other hand, looked at their Ogmius, accord-
ing to Lucian's account, from the point of view
of language as the means of persuasion ; for they
represented him as an extremely old man drawing
after him a crowd of willing followers by means of
tiny chains connecting their ears with the tip of
his tongue. Otherwise, be it observed, he seems
to have had the ordinary attributes of Hercules,
whence it would seem that he, like his Goidelic
namesake, was of solar origin. It is probable,
therefore, that his influence over the crowds who
rejoiced to follow him was in the first instance
due, not to his oratorical skill, the sweetness of
his voice, or his power of persuasion, but to the
contents of his words, to the wisdom he had to
impart, and the wonderful experiences he could
relate. . How could it be otherwise in the case of
one — to borrow the words applied in the Odyssey
to the sun —

"^0? TravT e<j)opa km iravr eiraKovei?

The Irish were perhaps alone in attributing to him
the origin of letters and the cultivation of a dia-
lect not understood by the people : at any rate Welsh
tradition would seem to point in quite another
direction. But it is hardly necessary to state that,
owing to the Ogam having got out of use in the
West of Britain as early as the 8th or 9th century.

316 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY.

the allusions to it in Welsh literature are exceed-
ingly faint and nebulous. It may possibly be
proved that those about to be here mentioned do
not in any way refer to the Ogam ; but the point
I wish to insist upon is that they agree with Irish
tradition in placing the origin of writing — whether
Ogmic or other — before the Christian era. In the
lolo MSS. (pp. 20'3-206), there are a few para-
graphs on the Welsh alphabet from manuscripts
supposed to be traceable to the possession of
Llewelyn Sion, a Glamorganshire bard and collector
of antiquities, who died in the year 1616. Certainly
there seems to be no reason to think that they are,
in the shape in which we find them, of an earlier
date ; but that does not prove them not to contain
a slender element of ancient tradition beneath the
incrustations of later times, and in spite of their
evident reference, in the first instance, to the
bardic alphabet called Coelbren y Beir.dd, which may
be briefly characterised as the form the Eoman
alphabet took when carved on wood by the Welsh
in the 15th century: see Stephens's essay on the sub-
ject in the^rc^ Cambrensis for 1872, pp. 181-210.
One of these paragraphs runs thus : " In the time
of Owain ap Maxen Wledig the race of the Cymry
recovered their privileges and crown : they took to
their original, mother- tongue instead of the Latin,
which had well-nigh overrun the Isle of Britain,

LECTURE VI. 31

and in Welsh they kept the history, records, an
classifications of country and nation, restoring t
memory the ancient Oymraeg, their original wore
and idioms. Owing, however, to their forgettin
and misunderstanding the old orthography of tl
ten primary letters they fell into error, and thi
arose a disagreement as to [the spelling of] severs
ancient words." The writer goes on to give ir
stances which show that the latter part of tl
passage is a mere corollary to the preceding par
and applicable to nothing earlier than the numeroi
foibles of Welsh orthography in the Middle Age
Another of the paragraphs alluded to is to the fo
lowing effect : " Before the time of Beli the Gres
ap Manogan there were but ten letters, and the
were called the ten awgrym, namely, a, p, c, (
t, i, 1, r, 0, s : afterwards m and n were discoverec
and afterwards four others, so that now being sij
teen they were established with the publicity an
sanction of state and nation. After the coming (
the faith in Christ two other letters were adde(
namely, u and ^, and in the time of King Arthi
there were fixed twenty primary letters, as at pr(
sent, by the advice of Taliesin Benbeirdd, Urie
Rheged's domestic bard. It was according \
the alphabet of the eighteen that was arrange
OIU, that is, the unutterable name of God : b<
fore that system it was 010 according to the si2

318 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

teen. Of principal awgrymau there are not to the
present day more than twenty letters or twenty
awgrymy The writer dwells on the repeated
additions made to the alphabet, and the numbers
he gives at successive stages are 10, 12, 16, 18,
20, which are clearly not all to be taken au pied
de la lettre ; for national sanction is not men-
tioned by him till we come to the alphabet of
16; and to what Aryan alphabet could 10 and
12 apply ? He has supplied us with the key to
his blundering in the word awgrym (now 'a hint
or suggestion,' plural awgrymau), which is simply
the 0. English word awgrim, augrim, algrim, bor-
rowed. Now the Craft of Algrim was arithmetic
(on the history of the word, see Max Miiller's
Lectures^ ii. p. 300, 301), and it is clear that he has
set off his account of the alphabet by a strange
attempt to base it on the decimal system of
numeration. It is not to be forgotten that
Llewelyn Sion had probably heard of the
algebraists and arithmeticians Vieta, Harriot,
Wright, and Napier. Perhaps it is in the same
direction we should look for the explanation of
the mystic 010.

In another version the arithmetical and alpha-
betical elements are kept somewhat more apart,
the former showing an inveterate tendency
to secrecy, which is not so evident in the

LECTURE VI. 319

case of tlie latter : " la tine principal times of
the race of the Cymry the letters were called
ystorrynau [supposed to mean cuttings; but if
cuttings, ^hj jaot fractions Pi : after the time of
Beli ap Manogan they were called letters, and
before that there were only the ten primary
ystorryn, which had been a secret from everlast-
ing with the bards of the Isle of Britain for the
preservation of record of country and nation.
But Beli the Great made them sixteen, and sub-
ject to that arrangement he made them public,
causing that thenceforth -there should never be
secrecy with regard to the knowledge of the
letters, subject to the arrangement which he had
made touching them, while he left the ten
ystorryn under secrecy. After the coming of the
faith in Christ the letters were made eighteen,
and afterwards twenty, and so they were retained
to the time of Geraint Fardd Glas, who fixed
them at twenty-four."

The next extract is from a document on Bardism
cited by Mr. D. Silvan Evans in Skene's Four
Ancient Books of Wales (ii, 324) : he assigns it
to the end of the 15th century, and gives refer-
ences which will here be utilised. The passage
in point is not very lucid, but it seems to mean
this : " The three elemeiits of a letter are /|\, since
it is in the presence of one or other of the three

320 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

a letter consists ; they are three beams of light,

and it is of them are formed the sixteen ogyrvens,

that is, the sixteen letters. Belonging to another

art also there are seven score and seven ogyrvens,

which are no other than the symbols of the seven

score and seven Welsh parent-words, whence every

other word." The /|\ would be a correct analysis

of the letters of nations who habitually wrote

on slips of wood, as the nature of that material

would compel one to avoid the use of curves and

horizontal lines : thus it would apply to Ogams

and Eunes as well as to the Coelbren y Beirdd,

which the writer decidedly had in view. The

three beams of light was an after-thought, or a

bit of another tradition ; but what mostly interests

me in this extract is the word ogyrven. The

sixteen ogyrvens are evidently the same as the

sixteen letters of the previous extracts ; but the

seven score and seven seem to refer to some

theory of root-words, and their number was not,

as might be expected, very definite; for, to go

still further back, in a passage in the Book of

Taliessin, a manuscript of the 14th century, they

are given as exactly seven score (Skene, ii. 132,

325) :—

"^eith vgein ogyruen
, Yssyd yn awen"

i.e., there are in awen [muse, poetry] seven score

LECTUKE VI. 32

Ogyrvens. The two kinds of Ogyrvens woul
seem to matcli the Ogam alphabet and the Ogai
dialect of Irish tradition, but what is more remart
able is that Ogyrven is the name of a person, an
a person not a whit less mythical than Ogmj
He is variously called Ogyrven, Ogynven, Ogyrfai
and (with the prefixed g of late Welsh) Gogyrfai
as in a popular rhyme referring to bis daughte
Gwenbwyfar, Arthur's wife : —

" Gwenliwyfar f ercli Ogyrfan gawr,
Drwg yn feohan, gwaetli yn fawr."
Gwinevere, giant Ogyrvan's daughter,
Naughty young, more naughty after.

He is better known in Welsh poetry in connec
tion witb Ceridwen, the lady who owned tl
cauldron of sciences (jpair gwybodau), and whos
inspiring aid Welsh poets are still supposed t
invoke : thus in two of the poems in the Blac
Book of Carmarthen, a manuscript of the 12t
century, we meet with a formula of invocation i
which she is called (Skene ii. 6, 6) Ogyrve
amhad, which is supposed to mean " Ogyrven
offspring." They are also associated in severs
poems in tbe Book of Taliessin (Skene ii. 15'
156), and in one of the instances Ceridwen
cauldron is called Ogyrven's : —

" Ban pan doeth o peir \ig[ When up the Muses three
Ogyrwen awen teir:" ) ' ( From Ogyrven's cauldron can

X

322 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGr.

However, Mr. Silvan Evans translates it " High
when came from the cauldron the three awens of
Qogyrwen." The difference is immaterial here,
as he calls attention to a poem of Cynddelw's
where Ceridwen and Ogyrven are associated by
the poet — he flourished in the 12th century —
who calls himself a " bard of the bards of
Ogyruen," with, probably, the same meaning as
though he had said " of Ceridwen:" see the Mi/v.
Arch, of Wales, p. 167 of Gee's edition (Denbigh,
1870).

To project this on the solar myth theory,
Gwenhwyfar and Ceridwen are dawn-goddesses,
and their father Ogyrven must be the personifica-
tion of night and darkness ; and this is confirmed
by the etymology of the word Ogyrven, which
would have been in 0. . Welsh probably Ocrmen,
divisible into Ocr-men. The first element ocr
seems to have been meant in the Luxembourg
Folio, where atrocia is" glossed arotrion, which
appears to be a clerical error for arocrion, if that
indeed be not the correct reading. Now, just as
Welsh ac, oc, ' and, with,' stand with respect to
such words as Greek ayxa>, Latin angustus, Ger-
man eng, so ocr, ogr, stand to the words which
Fick, in his dictionary^ (p. 9), derives from
anghra, such as Zend angra, ' evil,' anra, ' evil,
bad : ' for a few parallels see the Eevtie Celtique,

LECTURE VI. 323

ii. 190, The other part occurs also in tynghed-
fen, a word which is used as a synonym of the
simpler tynghed, 'fate, destiny.* The former was
probably at one time meant to express the per-
sonification more clearly than the latter, though
it does so no longer. The men (mutated fen or
ven) in question can hardly be of a different
origin from the English verb to mean and its con-
geners, among which may be mentioned Greek
fievos, Sanskrit manas, ' courage, sense,' manyus,
' courage, zeal, anger, rage,' Zend mainyu, ' spirit,
sky.' This last qualified by anra, ' evil, bad,'
makes in the nominative anro mainyus (Justi),
' the evil spirit par excellence, Ahriman, or the
devil of the Persians and the great adversary of
Ormuzd.' Thus our Ogyrven seems to be almost
the literal counterpart of Ahriman, and might be
rendered the evil spirit: Ogyrwen, if not a mere
phonetic variation, would be he of the evil smile,
while Ogyrfan shows the same element fan (for
man) as in Cadfan, on an early inscribed stone
Catamanus. In both it is probably of the same
origin and meaning as the English word man,
so that Ogyrfan would have meant the evil man,
and even now we call the devil y gwr drwg, ' the
bad man.' His attributes are, unfortunately, so
weather-worn that Welsh literature hardly enables
us to make them out, which is, perhaps, partly

324 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

due to His having been dethroned by the devil of

the Bible, and partly to his connection with

Ceridwen and Gwenhwyfar. But a clue to them

appears to be oifered us in another form of his

name : in Gee's Myv. Arch, of Wales, p. 396, it

is Ocurvran, that is in later spelling Ogyrfran,

which would mean the evil crow, and suggests a

community of origin with the Irish Badb : see

Mr. Hennessy's article on the latter in the Revue

Celtique, i. 32-57. The Badb is described as

having the form of a crow and as a bird of ill

omen, confounding armies, impelling to slaughter,

and revelling among the slain. This will serve

as a provisional key to the meaning of a reference

to Ogyrven in one of the poems in the Black

Book already alluded to : the lines are very

obscure and run thus (Skene, ii. 6) :

" Ry hait itaut. rycheidv y naut. rao caut gelin.
Ey chedwis detyf. ry chynis gretyw. rac llety w ogyrven.''

The meaning is by no means clear, but " rac

caut gelin^'' which cannot but mean " against the

insult of an enemy," suggests that its parallel in

the following line, rac lletyw ogyrven, must be

"against a sinister fate," or something nearly

approaching it, as indicated by the adjective

lletyw, now written lleddf. Similarly we are

enabled to guess what Cynddelw meant {Myv.

Arch, of Wales, p. 154) when he praises a certain

LECTUEB VI. 32

man as being " a hero of the valour of Ogyrfan,

gwron gnryd Ogyrfan, where Ogyrfan seems 1

mean war and slaughter, probably personified.

In support of this view of Ogyrfen, we hav(

besides tynhedfen, a third compound, namely Aei

fen, which, as aer is battle, war, must mean

spirit or divinity concerned with war : it is, accorc

ing to Dr. Davies's Welsh-Latin Dictionary, foun

used in the feminine and applied to the riv(

Dee, which need not surprise you, as the De

Deva, probably means ' the goddess,' and as tl

river is still called in Welsh Dyfrdroy, ' the wat(

of the divinity : ' Giraldus calls it Deverdoeu, tl

full spelling of which would now be Dyfrdwyw i

Dyfrdroyf, whereby he upsets the popular et;

mology, which explains the word as meaning tl

water of two {rivers). On river-names of th

class see M. Pictet's paper in the Revue Celtiqu

ii. 1-9. However, the word occurs also in tl

sense of war or battle generally, as in Englynion

Gdrugiau {lolo MSS. 263), where we read : —

" Goruc Arthen ap Arth Hen
Rhag ffwyr esgar ac asgen,
Llafn ynghad ynghadr aerfen ; "

i.e., Arthur ap Arth Hen against foeman's attai
and injury made the blade (for use) in battle,
stout war.

But why should the origin of letters have bei

326 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

connected with Ogyrven, whose character was from
the first that of a dark and concealing heing?
One might answer that it was for the same reason
which made the Irish attribute the motive of
secrecy to Ogma, though that ill agreed with his
solar origin : both versions, it may be, merely
reflect the feeling with which the ignorant many
would regard the language, whether written or
spoken, of the learned few. On them the im-
pression of mystery and awe produced by the
sight of certain characters cut on wood may easily
be conceived to have led them to call them the
un\gogyrven ar bymtheg, that is, as though we
called them ' the sixteen devils.' Later, however,
a solar patch was, so to say, sometimes sewn on
the tradition, in the shape of a reference to the
three sunbeams /|\, which still hold their place
as a sacred symbol or talisman at the head ' of
Eisteddfodic announcements. But perhaps the
question as to the relation in which Ogyrven
stood to letters is best disposed of by asking
another, namely. How it is that there exist even
now people who think that knowledge and science
are of the devil? In former times this was, no
doubt, very much more commonly the case than it
is now.

The cryptic view taken of writing by the igno-
rant, and incorporated in the Irish tradition touch-

LECTURE VI. 32

ing the Ogam, has sometimes led Irish archaeolc
gists into the error of thinking that the Ogam wa
really a cryptic contrivance. It is true that in i1
last days it may have fallen into the hands (
pedants, but it still remains to be shown that eve
a single Ogmio monument of respectable antiquit
in Ireland can in any sense whatever be said to I
of a cryptic nature. It is, of course, but naturs
that writers, who have no wish or no time to stud
the laws of phonetic decay, should find in earl
Irish names merely disguised forms of the:
modern continuators. Their view is also suppose
to derive support from a passage in Comae's Gloi
sary, which explains the Irish word fd as "
wooden rod '• used by the Gael for measurin
corpses and graves, and this rod was," we ai
told, " always in the burial-places of the heather
and to take it in his hand was a horror to ever
one, and whatever was abominable (adetche) f
them, they used to put in ogham upon it
{^i6ke&' Three Irish Glossaries, p. Iv.). Here it ha
been supposed that we have an allusion to
cryptic fashion of recording the sins of a decease
person ; but it is difficult to see anything crypti
in the whole proceeding, unless it be the act (
leaving the/"^ in the burial-place, which, in thE
case, may have been meant to suggest, in a del;

328 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

cate manner implying no ignoring of tlie faults
and shortcomings of the departed, that thence-
forth his name would have the full benefit of the

maxim :

" De mortuis nil nisi bonum."

( 329 )

LECTURE VII.

" Nous nous sommes efforcfi jnsqu'3. present de reconstituer les
etapes successives qui couduisirent depuis la premidre origiue de
I'art d'6crire jusqu'^ rinvention dSfiuitlTe de I'alphabet. Nous avons
vu combien cette graude et f6conde inTention, qui aiuena recriture a
son dernier degre de perfection et en fit un instrument completement
digne de la pensee humaine, fut lente El se produire, combien p^ni-
blement elle se dggagea, par une marche graduelle, de I'ideograpbisme
originaire. Nous avons vu comment pour y parvenir il avait fallu la
combinaison des efforts successifs et des gSnies varies d'un peuple
philosopbe, les Egvptiens, qui sut con9evoir la decomposition de la
syllabe et de I'abstraction de la consonne, puis d'un peuple pratique et
marchand, les Pheniciens, qui rejeta tout Element id€ographique et
reduisit le phonetisme, demeur6 seul, k I'emploi d'une figure unique
pour representor chaque articulation. Mais aussi cette invention,
qui demeurera I'etemelle gloire des fils de Chanaan, ne fut faite qu'
une seul fois dans le monde et sur un seul point de carte, et, une fois
accomplie, elle rayonna partout de proche en proche."

— Pbakjois Lenoemant.

This lecture will be devoted mainly to conjectures,
and tlie facts adduced, it may as well be admitted
at the outset, will be few and far between. Of
the latter, the principal one is the Phoenician
alphabet, for which, however, we have to use the
Hebrew version, as giving us the order of the
letters, and also their names in a form which
cannot be materially different from that which
they had in Phoenician. The other leading fact
is the Ogam system as attested by the oldest
monuments extant in Wales and Ireland. Given

330

LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

these two facts together with the connection be-
tween them, which it was attempted to establish
in the last lecture, our task is to trace the succes-
sive modifications whereby the Phoenician alpha-
bet could have yielded the Ogam as known to us.
The first thing, then, is to try to ascertain
which were the fourteen or fifteen letters of the
Phoenician alphabet which the inventors of the
Ogam took into account. This was begun in the
last lecture, and the results then obtained stand
as in column ii. in the following table, which will
help to mark the steps we take at this stage in
the' inquiry : —

i.

ii.

iii.

iv.

1

2

aleph
beth

a
b

a
b

a
b

1
2

3

4

gimel
daleth

ch
d

ch
d

oh
d

3

4

5

he

—

—

—

6

waw

—

—

—

7

zain

—

—

—

8

cheth

—

—

—

9

ieth

—

—

—

10
11
12

yod

caph

lamed

1

1

1

5

13

mem

m

m

m

6

14

nun

n

u

7

15

saxaech

—

—

16

ain

u

u

8

17
18

pe
tsade

P

s

9

10

19
20

koph
resh

c
r

r

11
12

21

shin, sin

s

13

22

taw

t

t

14

LECTURE VII. 331

It appears accordingly that the Semitic letters
from 4 to 12 were altogether discarded, and that
we have now to set out from mem: consequently
one cannot help referring n, c, r, t in the Ogam,
to nun, koph, resh, taw respectively. Further, as
he, maw, yod had been passed over, the only re-
maining letter which could be treated as a vowel
was ain, which the Greeks made into o. It looks
as though this was treated at first as u in the
Ogam and written -|-[-j-, that character having pro-
bably only acquired later the value of w in order
to differentiate it from +++• If this is right, then
samech is to be regarded as thrown out, for the
Ogam leaves it no room between ^ and -'-'-'■. The
result so far as we have gone is shown in column
iii. : still we have only 11 letters for the 22 of
the Phoenician alphabet, while the Ogmic scheme
offers room for 15, so we take in the remaining
ones which have not been excluded, and the result
is column iv., which, arranged Ogmically, gives us
the following trial alphabet : —

1- I I ' II II " III III '" 'III nil "" mil mi l

a, b, ch, d, 1, m, n, u, p, s, c, i, B, t.

Here, it will be observed, we have two sibilants,
namely, from tsade and sin respectively : in trying
to make these square with the details of our hypo-
thesis, one is led to conclude that the latter was

332 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

set apart for z: the alphabet will then stand
thus : —

2- 1 I ' 'h i " i iii ii ' " i i iii ii i ""in i ii iiii

a, b, oh, d, 1, m, n, u, p, B, c, t, i, t.

The next point to be noticed is that this shows
only two vowels, a and w ; even so it had the ad-
vantage in this respect over the Semitic alphabets,
which had none. Now if the Ogam is connected
with the Phoenician alphabet the values of ff , +++,
' WW, +++++, would seem to have been at first d, n,
s, z, while their only attested values are found to
be 0, u, e, i respectively. It follows that the con-
sonants must have been ousted by the vowels ;
but as this does not appear to have been done at
once or methodically, one must infer that at one
time the symbols in question had two values each,
the one consonantal and the other vocal : accord-
ingly -H- had the values of d and o. This I would
write shortly do, without, however, giving the
Ogam +1 the value of the syllable do, but the
separate values of d and o ; and so with the others,
thus : —

I I I I I ni l mil

do, nu. Be, zi.

That the vowel values are here of later date than
the consonantal ones, is also probable from the
regular intervals at which they occur in the
arrangements suggested and presupposed by the

LECTURE VII. 333

grouping of the Irisli Ogam, wliicli has already
been referred to in connection with its leading
letters b, h, m, a, and the permutations they admit
of. But how did the vowels get into these posi-
tions, and how were the consonants dislodged?
We seem to have a clue to the answer in the case
of nu, which one cannot help regarding as sug-
gested by the letter-name nun : similarly zi, for
si, is to be referred to the name sin. The case of
++, do, looks as if the spelling daletk of the Hebrew
name of the fourth letter did not exactly give the
pronunciation, which the first Ogmists learned to
give the word as they heard it. Was the latter
more nearly doleth, which approaches, I am told,
the Arabic pronunciation of the word as used for
the letter and for door at the present day, or are
we to assume rather that they translated the word
into their own language, that is into an Aryan
equivalent beginning with do, such as would, for
instance, be Welsh dor, and drws (for dams'),
Irish dorus, all with dor for dvor, 0. English dor,
' door ' ? Lastly, the vowel e was probably as-
sociated at first with the name pe or resk; but
sooner or later the analogy of +, ++, +++, f|-l4+, would
naturally lead to the use of fH-F or se with the
values of s and e, and perhaps even to the modifi-
cation of its name into a form more nearly ap-
proaching sede than tsade. Of course, if one could

334 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

assume that the Phoenician pronunciation of the
word had e and not a in its first syllable, a shorter
path to the same result would lie open. In case
it should appear more satisfactory to bring on the
scene a deas ex Tnachina and to suppose a system-
atic modification of the alphabet by a grammarian,
it is to be observed that such a modification must
have been confined to giving some or all of the
Ogams new names instead of the Semitic ones.
The former in the cases in question would have
to be regarded as either beginning with, or con-
sisting of the syllables do, nu, se, zi, or else od,
un, es, iz, or some of both sets. For our present
purposes, however, the ambiguities of the Ogam
at this stage may be represented as follows : —

3- I I ' I I II " III II I ' I I "" IIHIll l l l

a, b, ch, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, Be, c, r, zi, t.

The answer to the other question as to how d,
n, s, z were dislodged, will offer itself as we go
on : the next step in advance which seems to
have been taken appears to have been the filling
of the cadre of the Ogam by the addition of a
symbol for qv, thus : —

4. I I ' I I II I ' I I I I I I III nil n i l

a, b, oh, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, se, c,

"" II i i r -^

I-, Zl, .t, qv.

The further working of the same sense of system

LECTURE VII. 335

seems to have sooner or later occasioned c and r
to change places, so that c and qv should stand
side by side : —

f\ 1 I I I II III III 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

0. 1 I -" II II " 111 111 iiii nil

a, b, ch, do, 1, m, nu, u, p, se, r, c,

"" IIII!

zi, t, qv.

So far the ambiguities in our versions of the
Ogam alphabet have been left standing. Now
the symbols in places 1, 4, 7, 10, 13, have through-
out retained the vowel values here attributed to
them, while the consonantal values of those in
4, 7, 10, 13, are unknown to the Ogam system, as
attested by our monuments. Hence the simpli-
fication was effected by providing other symbols
for the four consonants in question. Let us
begin with ++, do, and see how matters will then
look. If one leaves ++ to represent o, how is d to
be written ? Three courses suggest themselves :
d may be written ^ and a new symbol invented
for m; it may be written jj-, which would neces-
sitate a new symbol for I; or lastly, a new symbol
may be provided for d without disturbing any
other letter. The last would seem to recommend
itself in point of simplicity, but it has against it
the circumstance that m is, as a matter of fact.

336 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

represented by / in the oblique group : the course
adopted then was as follows : —

6-^1 ' II II " Ml II I '" I'll n il ""

a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, nu, u, p, Be, r, c,

^^ m il ' "" /

zi, t, qv, m.

Now the foundation had been laid of a new
group : the first addition was a symbol for g,
"which had been left unprovided for when ch took
the place oi gimel: —

7 I , I II ,. II III ... Ill nil Mil

/. I I ' II II III III III! MM

a, b, ch, 0, 1, d, nu, a, p, se, r, c,

+ 11 1 ' IIMI - ' "" ///
ZI, t, qv, m, g.

The next addition was, naturally enough, to pro-
vide for ng : —

8- I I ' II II " III III '" I 'll MM ""
a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, p, se, r, c,

+ IIII mi l '"" //////

zi, t, qv, m, g, ng.

The next step was to dispose of zi: this was done
by relegating z to the new group : —

Q I I I I M ,1 1 m MM mi

y. +■■ I II .11 III 111-'" iin-im

a, b, oh, o, - 1, d, nu, u, p, se, r, c,

'I'll mil '"" //////////

i, t> qT, m,g, ng, z.

The case of se seems to have been dealt with

LECTURE VII. 337

differently, s being written jjjj, and r rele-
gated to the new group : —

10. I I ' II II 11 111 I II I I ' M i l ,111 nii

a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, p, e, s, ■ c,

mil iii i i '"" I II III nil Hill

1, t, qv, m, g, ng, z, r.

The symbol for p was found to be useless as
such, owing to that sound not being used in the
languages of the Celtic nations : its place was
utilised for t, whereby d and t were brought near
one another : —

n. I I I II II II III I II II I M i l 11 ,1 I'll

a, b, ch, o, 1, d, nu, u, t, e, s, o,

mil M ill ' "" III III nil IIIII

i, — qv, m, g, ng, z, r.

The way was now open for nu to be disposed of,
so the consonant was placed in the place vacated
by t : nu was allowed to stand so long, probably,
because -j-p]- was available for u : —

J2. I I I M ,1 " III 1,1 "I MM 11,1 ""
a, b,cli, 0, 1, d, u, u, t, e, s, o,

m il M i l l ' ^ ^ ^' J -H- lll nil IIIII

i, n, qr, m, g, ng, z, r.

The anomaly of having two symbols for u in the
alphabet was disposed of by setting jjj apart for
m, Latin v. Otherwise the Celts have never
shown themselves anxious to distinguish in writ-

T

338 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

ing between the semi-vowels and the correspond-
ing vowels. After this final touch the Ogam
alphabet stood as follows, from which we set
out: —

13. +-H-^f-Tr^^4 l II I I N Mil nil i l M
a, b, oh, 0,1 1, d, u, w, t, e, s, c,

mil mil ' "" hll HI nil mil

1, n, qv, m, g, Dg, z, r.

Let US here pause to look around us and try
to ascertain whether they are not mistaken who
regard the Ogmic alphabet as an isolated pheno-
menon in Europe. We fail in the direction of
Greece and Eome, so let us look nearer home,
to the Teutonic nations, especially as there is
reason to believe that the last word has not yet
been said on the history of the Eunic alphabets,
which they formerly used. Fortunately for one
who is not at home in Scandinavian languages
and antiquities, an important work has lately
been published on the origin and development of
Kune-writing in the North, by Dr. Wimmer, a
Danish scholar who is well known in the philo-
logical world, and who has opportunities of per-
sonally examining the most important Eunic monu-
ments of the North (JRuneskriftens Oprindelse og
Udvikling i Norden of Ludv. F. A. Wimmer :
Copenhagen, 1874).

LECTURE VII. 339

Kunic monuments may be roughly said to have
been found in all countries inhabited by nations
of Teutonic descent, but the oldest of those
monuments cannot be regarded as dating before
200 A.D. There are two chief varieties of the
Runic alphabet, one consisting of 16 letters
and the other of 24. Dr. Wimmer undertakes
to show that the former is derived from the
latter, which is arranged into three groups, as
follows : —

1. f, u, Ip, a, r, k, g, w — 8.

2. h, n, i, y, eu, p, z, s — 8.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8.

The Eunes representing most of these letters turn
out to be the capitals of the Roman alphabet of
23 letters, borrowed from the Romans during the
Empire not long after the time of Julius Osesar.
The others are later additions formed by modify-
ing some of the earlier ones ; and they are the
Runes for y, w, y, eu, ng, d. Thus for the form of
the remaining 18 Runes one can account by the
direct means of the Roman alphabet, while it
leaves their arrangement a question which Dr.
Wimmer, like those who have written before him,
cannot answer. This, then, is our next great fact,
namely, that the Teutons must, in all probability,
have had a prae-Roman alphabet of 18 letters,

340 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

which at the time when they were induced to
adopt the Eoman characters instead of their own
stood as follows : —

1. f, u, p, a, r, k — 6.

2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6.

The fact of the Eunic alphabet or the Futhark, as
it is called from its first letters, being from the
first arranged into groups, appears to be a distinct
indication that it is the outcome of some such a
system of writing as the Ogam. So I venture to
proceed to show how it can be connected with the
alphabet which has served as a key to the history
of the changes which the Ogam may have under-
gone at the hands of the Celts. But before be-
ginning to do so, it is to be noticed that the
Celtic 6, cA, d have to be translated into_/, h, J) in
order to comply with the usual way of transcribing
the Futhark : and for its earlier history the change
here implied is very little more than this, as will
be made clear later. Our first three alphabets as
given in the foregoing series will accordingly stand
thus : —

i. +-T-i-H-n-^- w-TTT-^-tw-rrrr ^^ i ' ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

a, f, h, Jj, 1, m, n, u, p, s, k, r, a, t.

a, f, h, J), 1, m, n, u, p, s, k, r, z, t.

LECTURE VII. 341

iii. +.^-L++.^-il.+++.^ill.^+.^.iiil.+^.^^^
a> f, ^, fo. 1. m, nu, u, p, se, k, r, zi, t.

The systematising tendency confined the vowels to
one kind of characters, and -p|-|- ceased to be used
for u:—

iv. +-T-L++-^-li-+f|-^-iii.+^.^.lLU.+^^.^^
a, f,li,]jo, 1, m, nu, — , p, se, k, r, zi, t.

This allowed r to move one place forward and to
enter another class : — ■

V. +-^i-++-^ii-+H-^-Li^-++++-TnT-^-+++++-nm

a, f, h, j)o, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, — , zi, t.

Now it was possible to separate the two values of
■mn thus : —

vi. +-^i-^-^-ii-+++-^-iii-+^-^-iiii-++m-ymT

a, f > ^, Jjo, 1, m, h", '•> p. se, k, z, i, t.

The next step seems to have been the invention
of a new symbol for t: let us suppose it to have
been an oblique score : —
vii. i-pl-ii-^li-ni-pp^-LU- 1 1 1 1 ,1 1 1 -Ull.fH^.y!
a, f , h, Jio, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k, z, i, t.

This naturally became the commencement of a new
group : the fitst addition was a character for 6,
which had previously been expressed by the same
means asy.- —
viii. I I ' II II " IH"||| '" III!

a, f, h, yo, 1, m, nu, r, p, se,

nil "" mil ///

k, z, 1, t, b.

342 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

The next step taken seems to have been to separate
the values of ])<?. This was done by writing Jj
either jj or ^, and that hesitation rendered it
necessary to have new symbols for I and m: —

ix. I I I II II II III III I" nil

a, f, h, o, J>, }), nu, r, p, se,

nTT-^-+4+H^ // /// ////
k, z, i, t, b, m, 1.

Why m should precede I in the new group I cannot
say, and it should be borne in mind that the
Runic alphabets are by no means uniform as to the
sequence of m and I: Dr. Wimmer (pp. 190-196)
thinks, it is true, that the sequence was at first
invariably m I, but I am not quite convinced by
his reasoning that that o{ I m may not be equally
old. Eventually ^ ceased to be used for J), and be-
came available for the consonantal power of nu : —

X. + I I II II II III II I III nil

a, f, h, o, J), n, u, r, p, se,

n i l ' " 1 1 II nil mil

k, z, 1, t, b, m, 1.

Now a new symbol was invented for s, which
should stand by the side of that for the nearly-
related sound of z : —

xi. I I I I I II II I ll -Ill II I I II !

1, f, t, 0, J), n, u, r, p, e,

Ti ll " " mi l ' "" //////.////

k, z, i, B, t, b, m, 1.

Here we have an alphabet, which I would call a

LECTUBE VII. 343

Teutonic Ogam, consisting of four kinds of digits
admitting of being grouped as follows : —

xii. 1. a, 0, u, e, i — 5.

2. f, }), r, k -4.

3. h, n, p, z, s — 3.

4. t, b, m, 1 — 4.

And tbis is, in fact, precisely the order of tbe
consonants in tbe tbree groups of tbe pra3-Roman
alphabet of tbe Teutons as proved by tbe Futbark ;
and we migbt stop bere. For tbe dispersion of
tbe vowels among tbe consonants in tbe latter
creates no difficulty wbicb we are bound to
account for. It probably only marks another
step in advance, when the Teutons gave up writing
their Ogam on two conterminous planes, and took
to tbe laths or planed rods of historical times,
wbicb make it hopeless now to find an early
specimen, and with regard to wbicb Dr. Wimmer
quotes the words of Venantius Fortunatus in tbe
6th century: —

" Barbara fraxineis pingatur runa tabellis,

Quodque papyrus agit, virgula plana valet."

It may be supposed that it was found inconvenient
to distinguish four kinds of digits on one surface,
and that this led to one of them being given up.
On what principle the vowels were distributed in
the other groups it is not easy to see ; but the

344 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

broad vowels a, u, are placed in the i^-group, the
narrow vowel i in the ZT-group, and in the remain-
ing one the transition vowels e and o, which were
once supposed not to have existed in the early
stages of the Teutonic languages ; but that theory
is now exploded :. —

xiii. 1. f, u, ]j, a, r, k — 6.

2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6,

3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6.

These were the letters for which the Teutons
adopted the Eoman characters ; a single instance
will suffice to show how additions were made to
this Futhark. The Eune for k was the Latin C, re-
duced into straight lines, thus <: two of these
placed thus x were invented to represent y, and
appended to the J'-group by the side of the Eune
for k: somewhat similarly was formed the Eune
for ng, which was placed in the T-group. The
number of the Eunes in the ^ET-group was kept on
a level with the other two by the invention of one
for y (as in Mod, English ye. Old Eng. ge), the
place of which was settled by its affinity for the
vowel i: —

xiv. 1. f, u, ]), a, r, k, g — 7.

2. h, n, i, y, p, z, s— 7.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o — 7.

LECTUEE VII. 345

Then Eunes for w and d seem to have heen added
to the first and third groups respectively : —

XV. 1. f, u, y, a, T, k, g,w — 8.

2. h, n, i, J, p, z, s —7.

3, t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8.

To make the second group of the same number of
Eunes as the other two, and of the same number
of vowels in particular, the doubtful expedient was
resorted to of inserting a diphthong in it : —

xvi. 1. f, u, \), a, r, k, g, w — 8.

2. h, n, i, y, eu, ]>, z, s — 8.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8.

It is to be observed with respect to the shorter
Futhark of sixteen letters which Dr. Wimmer
derives from the longer one, that, while it has
dropped three of the eighteen original Eunes and
modified the values of some of the others, it in-
cludes only one of the six post-Eoman ones ; so
that it may still perhaps be questioned whether
the other five ever got all into general use. But
this and many other points, on which I should
like to have dwelt, do not affect the order in
which the Eunes are grouped, and by means of
which the prse-Eoman alphabet of the Teutons
seems to prove itself to be of the same origin as
the Ogam of the Celts.

346 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Here is the place to call atteation to the
direction of the writiDg : the Ogam is, as a
rule, written from right to left, and as to
the Eunes, Dr. Wimmer concludes "that they
were originally so written too, but that, as they
very readily lent themselves to the contrary direc-
tion, the latter also was at times adopted with
the former, giving rise to ^ovarpo^Bov writing
of the ordinary kind. There was, however, a
simpler Bustrophedon which he calls snake-twisted
(slangedrejet), in the course of which the person
writing turned the object he wrote upon round, or,
where that was not feasible, as in the case of a large
stone, shifted his own position : the writing would
then run thus : —

A, b, c, d, e, f, g, ^

C— I.

•oig 'd 'o 'u 'm \ ^\
This you will have noticed was one of the ordi-
nary methods pursued by the writers of the Ogmic
monuments of Wales. In the case of the Eunes,
Dr. Wimmer admits that it is common enough
on the later monuments, whereas- he has found it
only on one from the older Iron Age, and then in
conjunction with the common or inverted Bustro-
phedon. Nevertheless, if Eune-writing is but a
continuation of the Ogmic system, it can only be

LECTURE VII. 347

an accident that it has not been more frequently
met with on the older monuments. The inverted
Bustrophedon is to be met with in some of the
oldest Greek inscriptions, and occasionally in
Etruscan ones, whereas the simpler one is rarely
detected in Greece or Italy, and its appearance in
Wales. and Teutonic countries is a point in favour
of the view that the Runes and the Ogam are con-
nected with one another. Why both were written
mostly from left to right, while the Phoenicians
wrote from right to left is a question which I am
not prepared to meet ; but the answer is perhaps
to be sought in the fact, if such I am right in
thinking it to be, that when cutting a series of
scores or notches on a piece of wood, one is able
to work with more ease and neatness by beginning
at the end nearest one's self than at the other.

Assuming that it has been shown to be probable
that the Ogam and the prae-Runic alphabet of
the Teutons are connected, one may ask how they
may be connected ? that is, are we to regard one
as derived from the other, or both as independently
derived from the Phoenician alphabet, whether
directly or indirectly? Clearly one has no busi-
ness to try the latter alternative, unless the other
turn out inadmissible : then our first business is
to try to ascertain whether the Teutonic alphabet
is derived from the Celtic one or vice versa. Not

348 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY,

to depart from the order we have hitherto followed,
we shall in the first place suppose the Celtic en-
titled to precedence. In the absence of historical
data the question must be settled on phonological
ground. We have a ready test in the Ogmic ch :
how is it that, while betk and daleth yielded Ogmic
h and d, gimel on the other hand yielded ch, and
not g ? To this the Celtic languages can give no
answer, but the Teutonic ones can, which compels
us to suppose the Celts to have had their Ogam
alphabet from the Teutons, and derives confirma-
tion from the fact that the sound of ^ or _/ re-
mained withoujt being provided for, at least by a
strictly Ogmic symbol. This leads me to consider
very briefly some points in the phonology of the
Teutonic languages, which, I feel assured, you
will consider no hardship, seeing that the English
we are at this moment using is one of them, and
that it is nearly related to our own Celtic ver-
nacular.

When it is said with regard, for instance, to the
words irrepdv and feather that the y of the latter is
the p of the former subjected to provection, this
assigns only the limits of the change : at any rate
one of the latest writers . on the subject would
place between p and Teutonic / the intermediate
steps of b and v : I allude to Mr. Henry Sweet in his
History of English Sounds (pp. 76-81), and in an

LECTDKE Vn.

.349

appendix to his edition of King Alfred's West-
Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care (pp.
496—504). The conclusions he draws in the latter
may be tabulated thus : —

Aryan
Parent-speech.

Teutonic.

Stage i.

Stage ii.

T
D
DH

d

t
dd

dh (th).
d.

P
B
BH

b

v(f).

P-
b.

K
G
GH .

gg

kh, h -.
k.

g-

If this is nearly correct, as I suppose it to be, one
would have to suppose the Teutons to have got
their Ogam at a date corresponding to the first
Teutonic stage in this scheme, that is after they
had reduced Aryan t into d, but before the latter
had been reduced to dh (= th in this), whence
later th (as in thin). Here it will be observed
that the guttural surd was subjected to more
changes than the corresponding dental and labial.
*' The explanation must be sought," Mr. Sweet
thinks, "in an important phonetic law: general
weakening tendencies attack the strongest articula-

350 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

tions first. Accordingly we find that while original
d and b [our Teutonic stage i.] have only passed
through one stage of weakening, original initial g
has passed through no less than three : gh, kh,
and h, in the last reaching the extreme of phonetic
decrepitude " (Appendix, p. 502). That is, the
changes in question would stand somewhat as
follows if we regard only their chronological
order : —

Phoenician . . h(eth), g(imel), d(aleth).
Teutonic 1 . . b, g, d.

,, 2 . . b, gh, d.

,, 3 . . b, kh, d.

„ 4 . . V, h, dh.

From this it appears that Teutonic phonology
fully meets the difficulty which presented itself in
our former supposition, and that we have, there-
fore, to abide by the other, namely, that the Celts
got their Ogam from the Teutons, and the latter
directly or indirectly from the Phoenicians.

Now we are in a position to bring our supposed
Teutonic Ogams into more complete harmony with
the history of phonetic decay and change in the
languages of that name. The first would be more
correctly written thus : —

I. I I II I II I I I II III III n i l nil ""

a. b, g, d, 1, m, li, u, p, B, k, r,

H-m-

nrr
t.

-LECTURE VII. 351

In No. II. we should have to recognise the change
of g into gh^ thus : —

II. I I I II I I II I II i ii-iH I II I !

a, b, gh, d, 1, m, n, u, p, 8, k, r.

mil

rmr

z, t.

In the next we have to suppose a further change
of gh into kk or ch : —

III. 1 I I II II I' I I I I II III nil ni l

a, b, kh, do, ], m, nu, u, p, se, k,

"" IM II mr

/, Zl, t.

This is now the stage in which the Teutonic alpha-
bet must have been when the Celts became ac-
quainted with it and borrowed it, if, as I believe,
we are right in thinking them to have done so.
Alphabets IV., V., VI., VII. will now stand thus: —

IV. +^^- 11 II II III I I I '" MM i m-

a, b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, — , p, ae, k,

III! inii

ll'll-jiill
r, zi, t.

V. I I ' II II " I I I I I I I'l nil n i l

a, b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k,

"" mil ii iii

ZI, t.

VI. -I-T-M+- II II III I I I III M i l nil

a, b, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k.

1 1 " n i l

i, t.

352 LEOTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

^"- n ,' ' " N " '" IN '" "" II"
a, 0, kn, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k,

I ' ll m i l -/

z, i, t.

At this stage one finds reasons to conclude that b
had been reduced to v (as in vat), but not so uni-
versally as to make a character for b unnecessary :
on the contrary alphabet No. VIII. provides for it: —

VIII. I I I I I I , I I II I I I I I I I nil n i l

a, V, kh, do, 1, m, nu, r, p, se, k,

i i ' i mil / //

z, i, t, b.

Alphabets IX., X., XL, XII., and XIII. will then
run thas : —

IX. I I I I I II Ill III n i l n i l

a, V, kh, o, d, d, rni, r, p, se, k,

"" iNii I II iii -m

z, 1, t, b, m, 1.

X. +-^^ 11 I I II III III ' " nil nil

a, V, kh, u, d, n, u, r, p, se, k,

"" I'M I II III nil

z, 1, t, b, m, 1.

XL ^T^+i- n II 11 1 III '" II " mi ""

a, V, kh, 0, d, n, u, r, p, e, k, z,

I ' '" I II III nil

i, B, t, b, m, 1.

XII. 1. a, 0, u, e, i — 5.

2. V, d, r, k —4.

3. kh, n, p, z, 6 — 5.

4. t, b, m, 1 — 4.

LECTURE VII. 353

XIII. 1. V, u, d, a, r, k — 6.

2. kh, n, i, p, z, s — 6.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6.

Now we have come somewhere near ths time
when the Teutons translated their Ogmic digits
into the letters of the Eoman alphabet ; and it is
found among other things that kk had been so
far modified in sound, that is as an initial, and
especially perhaps as the initial of its own name,
as to allow of its being represented by Latin H,
whence the Rune for it. D got to be represented
by the Latin Z>, whence the Rune p, which is
merely D with the perpendicular prolonged ; and
Dr. Wimmer thinks he recognises in the Rune
for the sonant sibilant the Z of the Roman alpha-
bet. It is not very clear why F was chosen to
stand for j : was it that F represented the Latin
consonant which most nearly approached Teutonic
V, or was it that even then the latter, as an initial,
had begun to assume the sound ofy as in English
and German at the present day ? The foregoing
alphabet will- now stand thus : —

XIV. 1. f, u, J), a, r, k— 6.

2. h, n, i, p, z, s — 6.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, o — 6.

At this stage it is probable that the S'-Rune stood
not only for k but also for cA and y, until at

354 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

length the last-mentioned consonant got to he
thought of as more nearly related to k, and a
symbol for it invented from the ^-Rune as in
alphabet XIV. :—

XY. 1. f, u, J), a, r, k, g— 7

2. h, n, i, y, p, z, . s— 7.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o — 7.

The last addition of importance to the Futhark
was a Eune for d, which was formed by joining
together two J)-E.unes. The necessity for this
arose from the fact that the sound represented by
]) underwent, more or less generally, a change
from d into _dh (liable under certain circumstances
to be further modified into th in some of the
Teutonic languages). Not only were these the
last changes to which the Futhark bears testi-
mony, but it seems doubtful whether they have
ever been gone through by some of the languages
in question. Mr. Sweet, however, is inclined to
think otherwise: his words are — "At first sight
we are tempted to assume retention of an older
pronunciation, at least in the case of Dutch and
German, where the d appears in the earliest
documents, but the non-occurrence of an analo-
gous h for the actual w or _/ makes it almost
certain that the d in Dutch and German, like the
corresponding stop of the Scandinavian languages

LECTUEE VII. 355

has arisen from earlier dh " (App. p. 499). The
Fathark, then, in its complete state is the follow-
ing, which has already been more than once
mentioned : —

XVI. 1. f, n, ],, a, r, k, g, w— 8.

2. h, n, i, y, en, p, z, s — 8.

3. t, b, e, m, 1, ng, o, d — 8.

It is right, however, to state that some Futharks
lack some of the additional Eunes alluded to,
while others have several more than have here been
mentioned; moreover, while the latter are placed
at the end, there is, as might be expected, some
-difference as to where the former are inserted in
the Futharks containing them. Thus on a knife
found in the Thames in 1857, and guessed to date
about the year 700, the order is as follows : —

1. f, u, J), a, r, k, g, w— 8.

2. h, n, i, y, eu, p, z, s — 8.

3. t, b, e, ng, d, 1, m, o — 8.

It will here be observed that the Eunes for ng and
d have been inserted next each other after e, but
without inverting their order, in the third group,
which is otherwise highly interesting as giving us
the variant sequence I, m.

Before proceeding further a word may not be
here out of place as to the number of changes
crowded into our conjectured history of the Ogam,

356 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

whether Celtic or Teutonic. In the first place,
then, that crowding is more apparent than real,
as the Ogam seems to have been many centuries
in use before the oldest specimens known to us
were produced. On the other hand it is not to
be overlooked, that an alphabet like the Ogam,
which is composed of scores and groups of scores
would naturally change much faster than if it were
not so, as a change in respect of one symbol would
naturally induce other changes, which need not
take place in an alphabet consisting of symbols
the individuality of which depends on their differ-
ence of form.

Now I shall have to say something on the diffi-
cult question of the names of these letters ; but I
can only call your attention to a few of the leading
facts, passing by many points which I cannot pro-
fess to deal with. Any one, however, who wishes
to make a special study of this subject will have
to consult Mr. George Stephens's massive work on
The Old Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia
and England (London and Copenhagen, 1866-67).
Perhaps I could not here do better than place side
by side a certain number of the alphabets in point
for your inspection. The names in column i. are
from an alphabet contained in an old English
manuscript ( Cotton. Otho. B. 10) now lost : it has
been hesitatingly assigned to the 9th century by Mr.

LECTURE vn. 357

f^ 9 9

,£>

•5 » ,S -2 3 9 s -3 So S a S s ° -o 3 g S

1 1 =• 'I '1"^ " s,'E, ■ '1=3 1 g.^ = - ■ &i g ^

H o

i^ a^

3 .JO, . : ; : • : : : ,

S^-3 rfi,>o2j« se JH.2 aS" BS

s '. f-* '. Oil ;«343 :: e— ";dc3

_, fl cio JS : *2 t4 "Sots t, itj : d h ^

1 i . I i r.-s g life g-'i'U Jll. =^ I |l

>M MS 3 2 ,a.-i3 <8 h,J^35»!*S^ c.« p,N n*3 « 0) Srf o

358 LBCTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Stephens, whose No. 5 it forms : a copy of it is
also given in fac-simile by Dr. Wimmer, p. 79.
Column ii. is taken from an alphabet in a Vienna
MS. {Codex Salisb. 140) which Grimm supposed
to be a transcript from an English original brought
to Germany towards the end of the 8th century:
the transcript is considered as dating from the end
of the 9th century or the beginning of the 10th by
Dr. Wimmer, who gives a fac-simile of it by the
side of the one just mentioned. Column iii. is
from the so-called Abecedarium Nordmannicum of
a St. Gall manuscript of the 9th century : it
forms Stephens's No. 6, and is given in fac-simile
by Wimmer, p. 191. Column iv. is copied from
Stephens's No. 46, and comes from a Yienna
manuscript ( Cod. 64) : it appears to be of High
German origin. Column v. is from Wimmer's
names of the letters of the shorter Futhark as he
finds it used in the later Iron Age in the North,
p. 153. Column vi. is the same, as given in the
Book of Ballymote, an Irish MS. of the 14th
century, extracts from which have been published,
with tracings of the original, by Mr. G. M. Atkin-
son in the Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeological
Association for 1874, pp. 205-236 : ar for ur is
due possibly to a clerical error, and the abbre-
viated name of the 5- Rune is perhaps to be read
bergann. Column vii. is from the alphabet attri-

LECTURE VII. 359

buted to Nemnivus in a manuscript of "Welsh
origin, now in the Bodleian, and dating from the
9th century. Stephens's No. 53 seems to be a copy
of it, though not a very exact one. The account
given in the original of the history of this alphabet
is more curious than correct : " Nemniuus istas
reperit literas uituperante quidam [sic] scolasticus
saxonici generis quia brittones non haberent rudi-
mentum at ipse subito ex machinatione mentis
suae formauit eas ut uituperationem et hebetitu-
dinem deieceret gentis suae." Then follow the
Runes, which Nemnivus cannot have invented ;
so that nothing remains to be attributed to his
inventiveness excepting perhaps some of the "Welsh
names of the letters, and that only in a very
qualified sense. Columns viii. and ix. are taken
from the extracts already referred to as made by
Mr. Atkinson from the Book of Ballymote. The
names here given to the letters are those of trees
and shrubs ; and column ix. does not materially
differ from the letter-names already cited from
O'Donovan's Irish Grammar, excepting that the
spelling in the former is older.

Beginning with the first six or Teutonic columns,
we have feoh, ^orn, os, rod, ceriy hcegl, nyd, peorfS,
eolhx, sigel, tir, man, lagu, occupying positions
where some traces of the Semitic names might be
expected. It is, however, clear at a glance that

360 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

we have here to do with several which are beyond
all doubt Teutonic. Thus hcegl and its congeners
are the Teutonic words for hail, chosen probably
with a view to their suggesting the two sounds of
the Ogam ^, namely kh (or K) and g. '0. Norse
sol means sun, and 0. English sigel or sygel ap-
pears to have had the same signification. Eolhx or
ilcs was, according to Dr. Wimmer, p. 119, in an
earlier stage elhyaz, elMz (Scandinavian elMr,
owing to the change of z to r), containing the
Z-sound as its final, because ■ it did not occur
initially: compare the case of ing. The name,
however, led to confusion and misunderstandings
as to the value of the Rune, which I need not
enumerate. Lagu in 0. English meant law and
lake, with the latter of which the 0. Norse logr
appears to agree ; but in the St. Gall Abecedarium
we have the Rune called lagu the leohtu, which is
duly rendered in Nemnivus' alphabet by louber,
i.e., lleufer, ' a light, a luminary.' Neither have
the extant names of the old ^l-Rune anything to
do with the Semitic name of aleph, as they are
supposed to go back to an earlier Teutonic form,
ansuz, which, becoming in the course of phonetic
decay ans, os, &c., led to various modifications of
the old Rune : one of these had the name aac,
ac, ' oak,' another asc, asch, ' ash.' In passing it
may be mentioned that somewhat similar changes

LECTURE VII. 361

occurred in connection with the (5-Eune, and that
in the Scandinavian languages Ger, Yer, or Ydr,
the name of the y-Rune was, in consequence of
another process of phonetic decay, reduced to dr,
which supplied the North with another yl-Eune.
The reason why the name of the y-Rune is mostly
given as beginning with g is the same why ye
and yes are in 0. English written ge and ges,
which cannot be here dwelt upon.

Now there remain to be traced to Semitic origin
the Rune-names feoh, Qorn, rad, cen, nyd, pear's,
tir, man, namely to beth, doleth (for daleth), resh,
koph, nun, pe, taw, mem. Now, supposing the
Teutons to have adopted these names with their
knowledge of letters, directly or indirectly, from
their Semitic teachers, they would, in compliance
with a law which obtained in Teutonic at a very
early date, curtail them (see Schleicher's Com-
pendium,^ pp. 338-340) into be, dol, re, co, nu, me,
leaving pe intact, and probably treating tarn as
tau. Later they would seem to have completed
these syllables into words with definite meanings,
apart from their being names of the letters.
Thus be, passing into ve, fe, was extended
into feoh, fech, whence also feu and other short-
ened forms, all of which are phases of the word
which in Mod. H. German is written vieh, ' a
beast.' i<!e was made into some -such a word as

362 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

rceda: rad and rat with the vowel a owe that
vowel only to the intimate connection between a
and ee in Teutonic declensions : compare the case
of man, to be noticed shortly. Other forms of
the Rune-name not given in the table are r^,
rehir, rehrt. One finds a trace of the name ko
(from kopK) in kaun, chaon, con, and chon, some
of which have in some alphabets been appropriated
by q: besides cen, it is found that chen and che
are given, suggested perhaps by ce, the Latin name
for c ; but it is far more likely that the vowel e
was selected to indicate that the consonant had
a palatal sound, and to distinguish it from the
corresponding velar sound, for which it is said an
English Rune called kalk was used: see Moller's
Palatalreihe (Leipsic, 1875), pp. 18, 27. Nu
(from nun) is more regularly represented in nyd,
naut, naud, not, 'need.' Pe is lengthened into
peor^S, peord: pert, perd, peoih also occur, but as
to perc and perch they seem to be provections of
here or beorc, the name of b, for which accordingly
other names, such as birith and the like, were
provided. Tare treated as tau appears to have
naturally led into the Teutonic forms correspond-
ing to Greek Zev'i, Vedic Dyu, represented in
English by Tues-day for Tiwes-dmg : the 0. Norse
name of the same divinity in the Edda is given
as Tyr, genitive Tys, accusative Ty ; the 0. H.

LECTUKE vir. 363

German forms are Ziu or Zio, genitive Ziwes.
In most of the alphabets where dceg, dag, is pro-
vected into toe, the T-Eune becomes Ziu. How
tir and ti stand with respect to Tyr and Ziu is not
clear. Me extended into men would lead into the
declension of man, which would then naturally-
become its name, as will be seen from the foUow-
insr: —

0. English.

0. Norse.

Singular.

Nom. man, mon.

mannr, maSr.

Gen. mannes. .

manns.

Bat. men.

manni.

Ace. man.

mann.

Voc. man.

Inst. men.

Plural.

Nom. men.

menn, mennr, me8r.

Gen. mannk

manna.

Dat. mannum. .

monnum.

Ace. men.

menn.

Voc. men.

Inst, mannum.

The presence of n also in wen, uyn, the name of the
1^-Rune, would seem to indicate that the length-
ening of the Rune-names into significant words
belongs mostly to a time after the Teutons had
adopted the characters of the Eoman alphabet.
The thorny case has been reserved to the last :
the name of the Rune in question occurs variously
as \orn, dorn, "pur, pars, purs, doro, and derhu.

364 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

The shortest form to be inferred from these
appears to be dor or Jjor, which, not being do or
J)0, agrees well with the supposition that we have
to set out fronj doleth. On the other hand, I have
no reason to give for the change of I into r.
Join to this the difficulty as to the vowel, and it
must be admitted that the history of the names of
this Rune is far from satisfactorily made out.
This does not, however, materially affect the fore-
going theory : for as far as regards the supposi-
tion that the Ogam ++ acquired the two values of d
and by reason of its name one might, had one
adopted a different arrangement, argue backwards
from '^orn, ^ors, instead of the other way from
daleth.

Let us now turn to the Welsh and Irish
columns of the table. The Welsh words cusil,
guichr, hull, iechuit, traus may, for anything one
can now say to the contrary, be the ones which
suggested themselves to Nemnivus on the spur of
the moment : braut, rat, parth, muin, louber are
also Welsh words, but a glance at the Teutonic
and Irish names of the corresponding letters
makes it highly improbable that the choice made
of them was altogether accidental. Dexu, nihn,
surg, egui are obscure; but dexu reminds one of
derhu in Stephens's alphabet 47, nihn of Irish nin,
and egui of eh and eho : ieil was borrowed probably

LECTURE Til. 365

from a Teutonic source, and so undoubtedly was
jich. Not only were the writers of the medieval
tracts on Irish Ogam well acquainted with Eunic
alphabets, but most of the points of similarity
between the Celtic names, whether Welsh or Irish,
and the Teutonic ones point to the direct influence
of the Runes, more especially after the coming of
the Northmen and their settlement in Ireland.
This circumstance greatly diminishes the value of
the evidence afforded by the Celtic alphabets cited.
In two or three instances, however, we seem to
detect in them traces of an earlier tradition coming
down possibly from the time when the Celts
adopted the Ogam from the Teutons. To this
category I would refer "Welsh alar and Irish
ailm, as reflecting, hardly by mere accident, the
first syllable of aleph. Similarly Irish dwr, also
duir and dair, 'oak,' are remarkable for their
agreement with Teutonic thur^ thor-n, thor-s : pos-
sibly dexu is a clerical error for deru, now derw,
'oak,' As to beitk, beithi, bethi, 'birch,' it may
be that we have here only a translation of beorc,
' birch,' or else forms of much older standing,
being the Irish extensions of the Semitic beth,
borrowed from the Teutons before they had dis-
carded the final consonant of the word. However
this may be, the position of beith at the head of
the Irish alphabet was probably what led to the

366 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

unlucky freak of giving all the other letters
the names of trees and shrubs. The reason why
the names of the three letters in question should
have escaped the later influence of the Runic
alphabets, would be that the Runes originally cor-
responding to them had in the meantime changed
their values, that for a having become o or o, and
that for b having acquired the value v, _/, and that
for d the value of dh, th.

Not to pursue this subject of the names of the
Runes further, it may be said that some of them
appear to favour the view that the latter are
descended from the Phoenician alphabet, which is,
however, only a portion of the theory which I have
endeavoured to set forth in this and the previous
lecture. Its chief points are the following : —

The Ogam alphabet is of a double origin, form-
ing a sort of compromise between the East and
the West.

The characters used, if considered merely as
writing and without reference to their meaning,
are European and traceable to the quaternary
period : the same may probably be said of the
direction of the writing from left to right.

The order of the letters, on the other hand, and
some of their names, admit of being traced to a
Phoenician origin.

The Celts appear to have got their Ogams from

LECTURE VII. 367

the Teutons, who seem to have used an alphabet
of that description before they adopted the cha-
racters of the Eoman alphabet.

Here I stop, leaving unanswered such questions
as the following, which the foregoing conjectures
naturally suggest : — Were the Teutons the original
framers of the Ogam alphabet, or did they merely
adopt it from another nation in more direct com-
munication with the East? "Was it based on
some prehistoric version of the Phoenician alpha-
bet in use in Italy or Greece, among Slavonians
or Scythians, the latter of whom Eustathius men-
tions as in the habit of writing on small boards or
wooden tablets (o-av/Ses) ? Could the Teutons have
come in direct contact with the Phoenicians on the
coast of Thrace, or on the Danube ? Had they a
trade-route connecting Germany and the Baltic
with the Euxine or the Bosphorus ? It is enough
for our present purpose to find that there is no
reason to think it impossible for a knowledge of
letters of Phcenician origin to have reached Ger-
many in very early times ; and even the mythical
history of the Greek alphabet brings Cadmus not
only into Greece, but also into Thrace and in con-
tact with the lUyrians.

There can be no objection to these attempts to
divine the history of Ogmic writing being ended
where they were begun, namely, with the mention

368 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

of a few points which seem to favour the con-
jecture that the Irish adopted it from the Kymry.
In the last lecture it was suggested , that if we
might venture to follow the supposed westward
course of civilisation and culture, we might assume
the Ogam to have made its way from Britain to
Ireland : in support of this application of that
generalisation, we may appeal to the analogous
case of the introduction into Ireland of the Kymric
way of forming the letters of the Eoman alphabet,
whether as debased capitals or as the still further
modified characters which have ever since been
used in writing and printing Irish : nay, I would
go further, as will presently be seen, and suggest
that it was the very same men who taught the
Irish to cut Eoman letters on stone who also
taught them to do so with the Ogam, whether they
were previously acquainted with the use of it on
slips of wood or not. An early specimen of the
more modified form of the Roman letters or, as I
would term them, early Kymric letters, occurs on
a stone at Inchaguile in the county of Galway,
which reads in mixed capitals and Kymric minus-
cules Lie Luguaedon Macci Menueh; and we
meet with slightly debased capitals on the Killeen
Cormac stone reading iwbne drwidbs, with NE
conjoint and the S reversed. The view here
advocated is supported also, as far as it goes, by

LECTURE vir. 369

the fact that the Ogmic method of writing fell
into disuse and ohlivion much earlier in Wales
than in Ireland. The same thing -would also
follow from the supposition that the Celts did
not invent the Ogam but adopted it from the
Teutons, who may be thought to have more
readily come in contact with the Celts of Britain
than with those of the sister isle, whether
directly, or indirectly through the Gauls of the
Continent.

Of Irish epitaphs in Ogam those where we meet
with full case-endings form, in all probability,
the oldest class. One of these is the Killeen
Cormac stone, reading Uwanos Ami Enacattos,
and in Latin Juvene Druvides in Roman capitals
as already stated. Here the presence of the two
inscriptions strongly reminds one of those of
Wales, not to mention the fact pointed out on
another occasion, that the Latinity is such as
might have been learned in Wales. Altogether
one is tempted to attribute the whole to some
Irish ecclesiastic who had studied in South Wales,
or at home under an Irish teacher who had derived
his ideas of Latin from some such a source. In
any case it dates, no doubt, after the introduction
of Christianity into Ireland.

Perhaps the most interesting stone in Ireland

2 A

370 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

is that on Brandon Mountain, said to read on
one of its angles,

lim^y^.^+H+-/-+fH+^-++W ///// ///// I l-TTTT

i.e, Qwimitirros, in whicli Irish archaeologists
rightly recognise the genitive of a word which
meant priest. Later it appears as cruimter, hut
most commonly cruimther and cruimhther, genitive
cruimtkir : it is repeatedly written crubthir in
the Latin life of St. Oybi published in the
Cambro-British Saints, pp. 183-187. An inter-
esting article occurs on cruimther in Cormac's
■ Glossary, which is rendered thus by Mr. Stokes : —
" Cruimther, i.e. the Gaelic of presbyter. In
Welsh it is premter : prem ' worm ' in the Welsh
id cruim in the Gaelic. Cruimther, then^ is not a
correct change of presbyter : but it is a correct
change oi premter. The Britons, then, who were
in attendance on Patrick when preaching were
they who made the change, and it is primter that
they changed ; and accordingly the literati of the
Britons explained it, i.e. as the. worm is bare,
sic decet presbyterum, who is bare of sin and
quite naked of the world, &c., secundum eum qui
dixit ego sum vermis, &c." The literati of the
Britons are proved by the allusion to prem, now
pryf, ' worm,' to have been men of considerable
etymological resource, but their attempt to connect

LECTURE VII. 371

premier with it must be declared a failure, the
word being in fact merely the form taken in Welsh
by the Jja,tin prcebitor, ' giver, supplier, purveyor.'
The following hexameters quoted by Ducange under
prcebendarius are to the point: —

■" Praebitor est, qui dat pisebendas : suscipiens has
PrsBbendariua est, sicut legista docet nos."

And prcebendarius was otherwise called proven-
darius — " qui provendam sen praehendam percipit,"
whence the Cornish proundeir, pr outer, ' a priest or
parson.' If we look at the Latin praebitor it is
probable that the O. Welsh form, here given as
premier Oind. primter, would have been, more cor-
rectly reproduced, premitr, or, with the irrational
vowel expressed, premitir or premiter, which had
it not become obsolete would now be prefydr or
possibly prefydwr — the equivalence of m and b has
already been instanced in the case of the bilingual
stone at Pool Park near Euthin. From premitr
the Irish would appear to have formed Qvrimiterr,
and the modification of i into u in cruimtker and
crubthir must be due to the influence of the v in
qv; compare the case of 0. Irish coic, ' five.' Thus
the genitive Qvrimitirr-os, later cruimthir is an
equivalent of the Latin prcebitor-is, whence it
would seem that the genitive ending of impari-
syllabic nouns in Irish was as corresponding to

372 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOOr.

Latin -is, G-reek -o?, Sanskrit -as, which is also
the way Mr. Stokes would explain Uwanos as
the equivalent, on the Killeen Cormac stone, of
ivvene[s] for Juvenis. But what interests one
most is the qv which we find here for Latin p ; and
this raises the question as to who effected the suhsti-
ttltion — was it the Irish or was it the Welsh ? If
the latter they must have done so when they had
as yet no p in their language, and when qv was
the nearest approach they could make to it : in that
case the Irish adopted the initial as they heard the
word from Patrick or his followers, and in Welsh
itself the qv here, as everywhere else, would in the
course of phonetic decay be modified back again
later into p. But the substitution of qv for p is
a greater change than the facts of the case seem
to warrant us in supposing — the usual assumption
that the Irish substituted c for p ignores them
altogether and is out of the question. By qv I
mean the combination written qu in German, that
is a velar k followed by a w pronounced by means
of the lips and without the assistance of the teeth,
which, on the other hand, take part in the pro-
nunciation of English v, Welsh _/; accordingly, as
Early Welsh qv has yielded p, and as the language
may be supposed to have proceeded in this in-
stance, as elsewhere, gradually and not by leaps or
' strides, I would assume the steps to have been

LECTURE vir. 373

successively §•», joo, p. Now supposing the Kymry
to have borrowed Latin words with jo at a time
when their qv had become jow, a combination which
may be heard in such French words as puis, and
when they had no other jo in their language, nothing
would seem more natural than that they should
unconsciously substitute their pv for Latin p and
make such a word as prcebitor into pvrebitr or
pwemitr : when the Irish came to adopt the latter
from their Celtic neighbours, they, as not being
used to the sound of p, would probably be forced
to change pv into qv, which is a much smaller
change than the substitution of qv for p. This
seems to have been also the history of the words — r
0. Ir. clum, Welsh pluf, ' plumage,' 0. Ir. corcur,
Welsh porphor, ' purple,' Ir. caisc, Welsh pasc,
' Easter,' Ir. eland, Welsh plant, ' children,' from
Jjatinpluma, purpura, pascka, and planfa, to which
one might possibly add Irish j^dckell from an early
form of the Welsh gmyddhwyll, ' chess or draughts : '
the passage of these words and of pnsbitor through
or from Welsh into Irish I should assign, roughly
speaking, to the time between 450 and 650. Both
on account of the labialising of qv and of borrow-
ing proper names and other words from Latin,
which involved p the Kymry had occasion for a
special symbol for p in Ogam : we have met with
two such, and one of them was borrowed by the

374 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGTi

Irish to represent the later Irish p produced by the
provection of h, as in poi already alluded to as
occurring in an epitaph reading Broinioonas poi
netat Trenalugos. But this appears to have been
the result of acquaintance with the last addition
to the Kyniric Ogam rather than a matter of
orthographical necessity as poi continued to be
written also boi '^fuit or qui fuit:'''' for instances
of p and h in the Irish verb ' to be ' see the Gram-
matica Celtica,^^^. 491—501. After the Irish had
developed the sound oi p in their own language in
the way alluded to, there was, of course, no reason
why they should modify it when they came to
borrow ecclesiastical terms involving it from Latin
in the 8th and 9th centuries : such is, probably, the
origin of the majority of the words which show p
in later Irish.

The stone on which Qvrimitirros occurs is
inscribed with a cross ; the same is the case with
the one reading Tria maqva Mailagni, and pro-
bably with many more, but I have no adequate
information on this point. So, taking all things
together, I should be inclined to ascribe the
earliest Irish monuments in Ogam to the 6th
or the latter part of the 5th century, and there
seems to be no reason why the Ogmic method of
writing may not haive been first introduced into
Ireland by Kymric missionaries or by Irish ieccle-

LECTTTKE VII. 375

siastics who had been educated in Wales. There
is, however, a notion abroad that the Ogam was
essentially pagan, but in reality it was no more so
than the Roman alphabet : the only distinction
we find made between them was simply this —
when Latin was written, the characters used were
the letters of the Roman alphabet more or less
modified, but when Early "Welsh was to be written
the Ogam was resorted to. Change the scene to
the sister isle and one would expect to find the
monuments of that country consisting of Latin
in Roman letters and Early Irish in Ogam : it
turns out to be so, excepting, of course, that the
former are very few in number, as knowledge of
Latin was probably rare as yet in Ireland — the
case must have been somewhat different later when
that country no longer received missionaries from
other nations, but sent her own sons forth in that
capacity to all parts of the west of Europe. The cor-
rectness,' however, of the view here suggested must,
to some extent, depend on the answer which Irish
history and archaeology can give to the question,
whether there are traces of any religious estab-
lishments of Kymric origin in the south of
Ireland, from which as centres the practice of
writing epitaphs in Ogam might have extended
itself to those parts of the island where Ogmic
monuments have been found.

376 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

This leads to a short notice of a somewhat
different theory, based on the distribution of
Ogam-inscribed stones in Ireland : I allude to the
following words in a paper read before the Royal
Irish Academy, Nov. 30, 1867, and entitled " An
Account of the Ogham Chamber at Drumloghan,
County of Waterford, by Richard R. Brash,
M.R.I.A." (Dublin, 1868), pp. 14, 15:— "The
great majority, then, of our Ogham monuments
are found in the province of Munster, and princi-
pally in the counties of Kerry, Cork, and Water-
ford, embracing a large extent of the south and
west coast, from Tralee Bay, in Kerry, to Water-
ford harbour. As near as I can ascertain, the
following numbers of monuments have been
found :— in Kerry, 75 ; Cork, 42 ; Waterford, 26 ;
Limerick, 1 ; Clare, 1. These are all in the pro-
vince of Munster. All the rest of Ireland sup-
plies but 10; of these 5 are in the county of
Kilkenny, still a southern county; the others are
divided as follows : — 1 in Wicklow, 1 in Meath,
2 in Roscommon [where the remaining one is we
are not told] ; so that for the purposes of our
argument it may be fairly assumed that the three
southern counties named above form the Ogham
district. Again, it is worthy of remark that the
majority of these monuments are found on the sea-
board of the above-named counties — very many of

LECTUKE VII. 377

them on the strands. The Drumloghan find is
within three or four miles of the sea, as are many
others of the Waterfor-d and Kerry Oghams ; those
found in the county of Cork are more inland."
Though the late Mr. Brash's conclusions were
seldom such as I could accept, he seems to have
been thoroughly acquainted with the Ogam dis-
trict, and I have no reason to doubt the substantial
accuracy of his figures, or to suppose that subse-
quent finds have materially modified the ratios
between them. His inference from them was that
the Ogam was not invented in Ireland, but intro-
duced by a maritime people, who landed on the
southern or south-western coast of the island: he
would identify them with the Milesians of Irish
legend, and suppose them, accordingly, to have
come from Spain, and originally from Egypt.
This last piece of extravagance, which he was
willing to accept, needs no discussion, but I would
not go so far as to say that Ireland was never
invaded from Spain, or that the Milesians went
forth from Britain, but I would suggest that the
Ogam- writing invaders of Ireland, if such are to be
postulated, for which, I must confess, I see no neces-
sity, are far more likely to have set sail from our
own shores, say from Pembrokeshire, which is the
leading Ogam county this side of St. George's
Channel, than from Spain. Supposing such an

378 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

emigration to have happened in the 5th or 6th
century, one would naturally look for the primary
cause of it in the westward pressure exercised by
the English.

(379 )

APPEINTDIX.

A.— OUR EARLY INSCRIPTIONS.

Bepoee giving a list of our Early Inscriptions, a ■word is
necessary as to the nature of Aryan nomenclature. The sub-
ject has been lucidly treated by Dr. Fick in his recent work
on Greek personal names {Die griechischen Personennamen,
Gottingen, 1874). The materials which he has there brought
together clearly show that originally every Aryan name of
man or woman took the form of a compound of two single
words, and that this, more or le.ss modified, has come
down to historical times among the various Aryan nations
of Asia and Europe, excepting in Italy and Lithuania.
As instances may be mentioned such names as the San-
skrit Gandrardja, from catidra ' shining ' and rdja ' king,'
or the Greek @i6diasog, from ^eo's ' god ' and 33goi/ ' gift.'
The number of words used in this way does not appear to
have been at any time very great, but in many cases each
pair yielded two names, as in the following : Sanskrit
Deva-gruta, Cruta-deva, Greek Qio-bta^og, Awgo-^sos, Servian
Milo-drag, Drago-mil, 0. German Hari-herht, Berht-hari,
Early Welsh Barn-vend-i, Vendu-har-i, Mod. Welsh
Cyn-fael, Mael-gwn. From the older class of full names
most Aryan nations also formed eventually a number of
shorter ones by omitting one of the constituent parts,
the remaning one being used by itself, either. with or

380 LECTTJEBS ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

■without a special termination, as in the case of Sanskrit
Datta from Beva-datta, Civa-daita, or the like, and Greek
N/xlas, N;z/a5, 'Slx.uv, together with a good many more,
from N/xo'-/ia^os, N/xo'-ffrjaros, or a sijnilar full name.

By way of classifying the contents of the following in-
scriptions, it may be premised that they contain about 160
different names, several of which occur more than once.
About 30 are either incompletely read, or, for other
reasons, difiScult to classify ; the remaining ones are partly
Celtic and partly Latin, in the proportion of about three of
the former to one of the latter. The Celtic ones are of
two kinds, namely, those which belong to the Aryan sys-
tem of names and those which do not. The latter are
comparatively few, and may have originally been epithets
or qualifying words appended to the full names : (a) some
nine or ten of them seem to be quasi-compounds, such as
Mucoi-breci and Maqyi-treni, while (fi) about half a dozen
are adjectives formed from common nouns by means of
the affix ac or oe, Mod. Welsh awg, og, such as Bodvoci,
Der^aci, Lovernaci, Senacus, Tegernacus, Tunccetace. The
former may be classified as follows : — 1. Considerably
more than one half of them are compounds made up of
two simple words, and of these last (a) the greater number
are of four syllables, such as Barri-vendi, Netta-sagru ;
others have been reduced to three syllables by the loss of
the connecting vowel, as in the case of Clotuali for Gluto-
vcdi. (j8) A few beginning with prefixes such as so- or
do-, as in So-lini, J)o-hunni, may be regarded as having
never been more than three syllables long, while, on the
other hand, we have no certain instance of a compound of
more than four syllables in length, excepting (y) those in-
volving tigirn or tegern, as Gato-tigirni and Tegerno-mali :
it is doubtful whether the e in Camelorigi be not an
irrational vowel, which would reduce the name to four
syllables. (3) To these must be added two derivatives

APPENDIX. 381

from full names, namely, Cunacenniwi and Qvenvendani,
which imply Cunacenni and Qvenvendi respectively. 2.
Names of the type of Gwyn 'white,' Arth 'a bear,' are
not unusual in Welsh ; but to one looking at the meaning
of such words it is seldom apparent why they got to be used
as proper names, while the analogy of the nomenclature of
other Aryan nations makes it certain that they mostly
came to be so used, not so much by virtue of their fitness
in point of signification, as by way of abbreviation of full
names : thus Gwyn, for instance, stood originally for some
such a form as Gwyndaf or Penwyn, and Arth for Arthgen,
Arihfael, or the like. Our early inscriptions yield us the
following instance^ in point : Bandus, Bladi, Broho, Comne,
Cavo, Daari, Magli, Meli, Porius, Qvid, Tren, Valci, Vetta,
to which may be added Rialo-brani as probably involving
the Goidelo-Kymric name Bran qualified by an adjective :
compare English names like Littlejohn. 3. The shorter
forms are more usually met with in our Early Inscriptions
with special affixes appended to them. The most common
of these is -agn-i, as in Broccagni, Corbagni, Gurcagni,
Gurcagnus, Ercagni, Maglagni, Ulcagni, Ulcagnus, to
which must be added one in -egn-i, namely, Gunegni.
Besides these we have two in -mi-i, Fanoni and Vendoni
(twice) ; two in -uc-i, Fannuci and Swaqqvuci ; two in
-ic-i, Berici and Torrid; two in -iv-i or -iw-i, namely,
Ercilivi and Nogtivis, to which it is right to add the name
ending in -urivi on the stone lost at Llandeilo : this ter-
mination may, as was seen in the form Cunacenniwi, be
used in the case of a full name. The remaining deriva-
tives are few and various.

Besides the foregoing names we have about twenty
epithets or qualifying words attached to the former in our
inscriptions. Of these about two thirds are of Welsh
origin, while the rest is Latin. Altogether they are far

382 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

more miscellaneous than the names they accompany : one
of them, Ordous, seems to refer to the tribe of the person
commemorated ; one, Gocci, ' red,' is an ordinary adjective,
and Tovisaci, 'having the lead, a leader or prince,' is a
noun of adjectival origin ; next comes Maqvirird, which
may be a quasi-compound. Then we have two adjectives
compounded of a noun and an adjective, as in many other
instances in Welsh — I allude to Anate-mori, ' soul-great,'
and Ei-metiaco, ' cere-Jiastatus.' Lastly, passing by Seni-
argii and Kedomavi as obscure, we come to Bwrgo-cavi,
Duno-cati, Il-wweto, and Monedo-rigi, which may be
guessed to mean ' city-guardian,' ' town-warrior,' ' much-
speaking ' and ' mountain-king ' respectively.

It is almost needless to state that Early Welsh names
hardly contain anything that does not find its continuation
or counterpart in those of later periods in the history of
the language ; but to do justice to this would, to judge
only from the materials I have already collected, probably
require a larger volume than this. It may, however, be
here pointed out that the printed books containing the
greatest number of Welsh names are the following : Liber
Landavensis, the - Camhro- British Saints, the Myvyrian
Archaiology of Wales, Annales Camhrice, Brut y Tywysog-
ion, the lolo Manuscripts, and t/ie Mahinogion. The best
collection of Breton names known to me is that in the
indexes to De Courson's edition of the Cartulaire de
I'Abbaye de Redon (Paris, 1863): a number of Cornish
names occur in the manumissions in the Bodmin Gospels,
published by Mr. Stokes in the Revue Celtique, i. pp.
332-345. For Irish names I have used the indexes to the
Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters
(Dublin, 1856), the Martyrology of Donegal (Dublin,
1864), Reeves' Adamnan's Life of St. Columha (Dublin,
1857), and other books. Lastly, my references to Teu-

APPENDIX. 383

tonic names are based on the first volume of Dr. Ernst
Fbrstemann's AUdeutsches iVaJwenSwc^ (Nordhausen, 1856).

A word now as to the formulae of the inscriptions. As
a rule they are of the simplest kind — occasionally, for
instance, the whole inscription consists of only one proper
name, but more frequently it is followed by that of the
father of the person commemorated, making A. films B.,
or in the genitive A. fili B. with corpus or sepulcrum to
be supplied by the reader, to which one may add that
any personal name used may have an epithet or defining
word attached to it. In other instances we have hie jaeit,
but the adverb, written also ie, may be omitted, while, on
the other hand, we once meet with jam ic jadt and with
hie in tumulo jacit or in hoc tumulo iacit. And as to iacit
ioTJacet, it is to be noticed that it is the form regularly
used, there being only one certain instance in which iacet
is known. The substitution of -it for -et in this word may
possibly be altogether due to Welsh influence, as -it seems
to have been formerly the prevalent Welsh ending of the
third person singular of the present indicative of the active
voice, while -et was probably more usually associated with
the' imperative or potential mood. However, it is right to
add that Frohner, in his preface to his very handy little
book entitled Inscriptiones Terras Coctce Vasorum Intra
Alpes, Tissam, Tamesin Bepertce (Gottingen, 1858), cites,
p. xxvi., the forms habit, valiat, hahiant, porregerit { = por-
7-igeret), cessissit, a,nd potuissit.

Lastly a t is prefixed to every epitaph which happens
to be accompanied- by a cross of any kind on any part of
the stDne inscribed, as well as when the stone itself l^s
been fashioned into the form of a cross, which is seldom
the case. In a few instances the monogram of Christ
forms the heading, which is here indicated by prefixing
the Greek letters, XPI, which it implies.

384 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGr.

ANGLESEY.

1. Hie Jacit Maccudecceti (Penrhos Lligwy). This name
may be treated as Maccu Decceti or Maccu-Decceti : as to
maccu see Appendix B., and as to Decceti and Decheti see
pages 174, 175, 176 180, 181, 203, 274, 277.

2 origi Sic Jacit (Llanbabo). I have not

seen the stone, and this is all I can guess with any approach
to certainty from the fac-similes of the inscription in Hiib-
ner's collection. The name intended is evidently of the
same formation as Gamelorigi and the like.

3. Culidori Jacit Et Orvvite Mulier Secundi (Llangefni).
Here mulier would seem to mean uxor. Culidori is a
name I cannot trace later, but Orvvite, on which see pages
210, 211, may be the early form of Erwyd in Ponterwyd

■ in Cardiganshire, which druid-mad charlatans are some-
times pleased to transform into Pont-derwydd. The
formula of this epitaph stands alone.

4. Hie Beatu^s] Saturniiius Se\_pultus\ [J]aeit . Et Sua
Sa^ncta] Conjux . Palx] (Llansadwrn). The stone has been
damaged so that the inscription is incomplete : Hubner
makes svasa into Suasa, but such a name is quite un-
known to me, and as the line is incomplete I have ven-
tured to suggest SIM sancta as the full reading, but this is
only to await a better guess.

5. Gatamanus Rex Sapientisimus Opinatisimus Omnium,
Eegum (Llangadwaladr). Gatamanus occurs later as Gat-
man, Gadfan, and as to King Cadfan and his name see
pages 168, 169, 212, 323.

CARNAEVONSHIEE.

6. Meli Medici Fill Martini Jacit (Llangian). This
would seem to mean Gorpus Meli Medici Hie Jacit : Mel
occurs as the name of a disciple of St. Patrick, and first
bishop of Ardagh [Four Masters, under the year 487) ; it

APPENDIX. 385

also enters into the composition of several proper names
of men, such as Melldeyrn. With medici here compare
fahri on one of the stones at Tavistocji.

7. Veradus Pbr Hie Jacit (Cefn Amwlch). There is
nothing to prevent our regarding Veradus as the same
name as Guroc in the Liber Landav., p. 170, if it be not of
Latin origin.

8. Senacus Prsb Sic Jacii Cum Multitudnem Fratrum

Prespiter . . . (Cefn Amwlch). Multitudine is

shortened one syllable, and ended in a silent m (see p.
208). Senacus would seem to consist of sen-, whence our
hen ' old,' Ir. sean, with the affix ac attached to it, and to
be exactly equivalent to the Irish name Seanach; however,
it is unusual to attach the affix ac to an adjective, and but
for the Irish name one might explain Senacus as meaning
Senacus from the sen- possibly implied by our Mod. Welsh
hoen ' vigour, liveliness.'

9. Jovenali Fili Eterni Hie Jacit (on the farm of Ty
Corniog in the parish of Llannor). The first name is
better known as Juvenal, and appears in the Liber Lan-
davensis (pp. 166, 259) as Jouanaul, a form which it
assumed, instead of the Jouenaid to be expected, probably
under the influence of the 0. Welsh Jouan ' John,' with
which it may have been popularly associated. The other
has survived in the name of Llanedern or Edern, still
borne by a neighbouring village.

10. Yendesetli (buried in the same place with the last
mentioned). The name survives as Gwennoedyl (Gambro-
Brit. SS., pp. 267, 268), Gwynhoedl {lolo MSS., p. 141),
Gwynoedl, Ghvynodl {Myv. Arch. pp. 741, 426) : the last
of these is borne by the neighbouring church of Llan-
gwynodl, now commonly curtailed into Llangvmodl or
Llangvmadl, the founder of which is supposed to have
lived in the 6th century : see the passages alluded to in

B

386 LECTURES ON WiSLSH PHILOLOGr.

the Gamhro-Brit. SS. There can, I think, be little doubt
that the stone bearing the foregoing inscription was meant
for him.

11. Alhortus Eimetiaco Hie Jacet (JAs,TX&&\h.ai2icri). This
is the only instance perhaps, we have of jacet in its correct
Latin form. Alhortus is read also Ahortus ; see pages 205,
279. If the correct reading is Alhortus, it is probably to
to be analysed into Alhrort-, of which the syllable alh has
been mentioned page 279 ; the other, ort, may be the
same which occurs in the form Orth as a man's name
in Lewis Morris's Celtic Remains, p. 176': it may be
of the same origin as the Latin portare. As to Eime-
tiaco, see pages 179, 207, 215, 225, 279, and Appen-
dix C.

12. Fill Lovernii Anatemori (Llanfaglan). Here corpus
or sepulcrum is to be supplied, but even then it is not easy
to say how it is to be construed : it can hardly mean
Anatemori Fili Lovernii, for the arrangement of the words
is against that view, and Anatemori looks more like an
epithet than a leading name ; nor can I accept Hiibner's
reading it upwards — it stands thus :

FILI LOVEENII

ANATEMORI

So I am inclined to regard it as being FilinLovernii Anate-
mori, which, but for the inscriber's wish to show off his
Latin, would most likely have been left Maqvi-Lovernii
Anatemori : compare Maqvitreni in Ogam, and Maqyeragi
in Ogam and in capitals. As to other points connected
with this epitaph, see pages 209, 212, 216.

13. XPI. Carausius Hie Jacit In Hoc Congeries Lapi-
dum (Penmachno). I cannot explain the bad Latin of
this inscription as far as concerns gender, but with the

APPENDIX. 387

s of congeries compare tlie case of Nogtivis, p. 208 ;. nor
can I find any trace of the name Caratisius in later
Wekh.

14. Cantiori Hie Jacit Venedotis Give Fuit \C'\ons6brino
Ma[g\U Magistrati (Penmaclino). Such genitives as ma-
gistrati were usual as early as the time of the Gracchi,
nor does the inscription contain a single fault which is not
justifiable on Latin ground: see pages 168, 179, 213, 215.
The c of consohrino is tolerably certain, and so is the g of
Magli, which appears later a,s Mael, and enters into the
composition of other names : the Irish form is mdl, said
to mean ' a noble, a prince, a king,' and not the maol or
mael of such Irish names as Maolpadraig or Maelpadraig,
'the tonsured servant of P.,' which is more likely to be the
formal equivalent of our moel ' bald, without hair, without
horns.' As to Cantiori, I would regard it as a nominative
standing for an earlier Cantiorix, and would treat the
whole as meaning — Cantiorix Hie Jacet : Venedotius Civis
Fuit, Gonsohrinus Magli Magistratus, which is tolerably
simple Latin, whatever may be said of its elegance. But
I should add that Professor Hiibner construes it thus :
Cantiori. Hie iacit, Venedotis cive(s) fuit, \e^nsohrino{s)
Ma[g]li magistrati.

15 oria Ic Jacit (Penmachno). This is a part

of an inscription probably commemorating a woman.

16. iSanct. . . . Filius Sacer[dotis . . . .] (Tyddyn
Holland, near Llandudno). The stone is described in a
book entitled " The History and Antiquities of the Town
of Aberconwy and its Neighbourhood, with Notices of
the Natural History of the District, by the Eev. Robert
Williams, B.A., Christ Church, Oxford, Curate of Llan-
gernyw" (Denbigh, 1835). At page 137 it is said that
the following inscription was copied from the stone in
question in the year 1731 :

388 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

SANCT
ANVS
SACEI
ISIS

This convinces me that the epitaph was then as incomplete
as it is now, for I feel confident that what was then read
ANTS is the FiLivs of the above reading, which is, it is
true, far from certain. But since then the difficulties of
the inscription have been greatly increased by the fact
that the late occupant of the cottage close by undertook
to deepen some of the letters for the benefit of English
tourists. As it now stands, the ct of the old copy is a big
D reversed. I have failed to read isis, or to satisfy myself
that the line of which it formed a part was ic iacit. If
it formed an epithet to the father's name it would be use-
less to attempt to guess the original. The reaiiing of the
rest of the inscription was probably either Sanctus Filius
Sacerdotis or Sancti Filius Sacerdotis with Sancti for
Sanctis = Sanctius : one of these perhaps is implied in the
O. Welsh name Saith (Liber Landav., p. 200), and probably
also in Sant, the legendary name of St. David's father.
Or else it may have been Sanctanus or Sanctagnus Filius
Sacerdotis ; for, that Sanctagnus or Sanctagni occurred as
a name used at one time by Kymric Christians is rendered
probable by the Welsh derived form Seithen-in, and by a
passage in the preface to Saneldris Irish hymn in the Liber
Hymnorum which is thus rendered by Mr. Stokes : " Bishop
Sancton made this hymn, and when he was going from
Clonard westward to Mat6c's Island be made it. And he
was a brother of Mat6c's, and both of them were of
Britain, and Mat6c came into Ireland before Bishop
Sancton." According to another account they were grand-
sons of Muireadhach Mulndearg, king of Ulidia, who is

APPENDIX. 389

stated to have died in the year 479 {Four Masters, ii. p.
1190): Matbc is most decidedly an early form of our
Welsh Madog. With Sanctanus compare Justanus, the
name of a bishop of St. Patrick's creation in Ireland.

DENBIGHSHIKE.

17. Broliomagli Jam Ic Jacit Et Uxor Ejus Caune
(Voelas Hall, near Bettws y Coed). Brohomagli and
Caune are nominatives : see pages 177, 179, 181, 203,
204, 223, 276.

18. Vinnemagli Fili Senemagli (Gwytherin). The
second name occurs also as Senomagli : it should in later
Welsh be Henfael, but it does not seem to occur, while
Vinnemagli duly appears as Gwenfael, in the lolo MSS.,
p. 144, for an intermediate Vennemagli.

19. Saumilini Tovisad {in capitals) | (Pool Park, near
S — helino \To\wisaci {in Ogam) ) Euthin).

The difficulties of this inscription have been noticed
on p. 290 : Tovisad is undoubtedly the early form of our
tywysog ' a prince, a leader,' but as it is left untranslated,
it is likely to have been here regarded more as an epithet
than an indication of the man's rank.

FLINTSHIRE.

20. Hie Jacit Mulier Bona Nobili (Downing, brought
from Caerwys). Here mulier bona may possibly have
been meant as an equivalent for the Welsh gvireigdda
' good wife,' and Nohili, for Nohilis, was, I am inclined to
think, her husband's name : if it is to be treated merely as
the ordinary adjective nohilis, the epitaph has no parallel
on Kymric ground.

MONTGOMERYSHIRE.

21. Hie \In\ Tumulo Jacit E\e\stece Filia Paternini
Ani XIII In Pa (Llanerfyl). The inscription is not alto-

390 LEOTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

gether legible, and it is impossible to guess with certainty
the second letter of the first name ; but it was probably E
or 0. Ani stands probably for Annis, but the age look?
rather like an ixiii.

MEEIONETHSHIEE.

22. Oavo Seniargii (Llanfor). Others may prefer
dividing it into Gavoseni Argii : it is written like one
word, though it can hardly be one. As to Cavo, see pages
215, 223 : Seniargii is difficult to explain beyond the
fact that it probably stands for Senja-argii and not Sena-
argii, as the latter would have yielded not Seniargii, but
Senargii; it is further possible that -ii is the antecedent of
our modern termination ydd in personal nouns such as
cynydd ' a huntsman,' from cvm ' dogs,' dilledydd ' a tailor,'
from dillad ' clothes:' the same perhaps applies in the case
of Lovernii . see pages 209, 215, 216, 223. Lastly, it
should be mentioned that what I have here supposed to
be // should possibly be read H, which sometimes in
Roman inscriptions resembled ||j but it is hardly probable.

23. Porius Hie In Tv/mulo Jacit Homo Ghristianus
Fuit (Llech Idris, near Trawsfynydd). The first two
syllables of the adjective are represented by the Greek
abbreviation xpi : it is to be noticed that Porius stands
over jacit at the end of the second line, so that it is not
improbable that it is to be read after tumulo or jacit — in
the former case we should have a sort of a rude couplet
running thus : —

Hie In Tumulo Porius Jadt ;
Homo ChristianViS Fuit.

The name Porius survives as^ Pir in Mainour Pir
(Liber Landav., p. 117), now Manorbeer, in Pembrokeshire,
Pii'-o (pp. 14, 17), later Pyr.

APPENDIX. 391

24. Ccelexti Monedorigi (Llanaber, brought from a farm
in the neighbourhood). On Ccelexti for Ocelestis, see pages
207, 208. Monedorigi seems to be an epithet composed
of monedo-, now mynydd ' mountain ' (compare the Sc.
Gaelic monadh ' moor, heath '), and rlgi, for ngis, the
genitive of what would have been in the nominative rl,
for an earlier rlx, now rhi ' king, lord ; ' so Monedorigi
probably meant ' mountain-king.'

25. Pascent. This is said to have been on a stone
which once existed at Towyn : the inscription is probably
incomplete, and the name meant was most likely written
Fascenti with a horizontal I.

26. Rec Jacet Salvianus Bwrsocavi Filius Gupetian.
This is reported to be the reading of a stone which was
found at Caer Gai, near Llanuwchllyn : it has long since
been lost, but the inscription may be conjectured to have
been Hie Jacit Salvianus Burgocavi Filius Oupetiani, also
with a horizontal I, which the antiquaries of former days
did not always copy, as they did not know what to make
of it. Salvianus and Cupitianus are Roman names which
are otherwise known in Britain : see Hubner's Inscr. Lat.
Brit, Nos. 986 and 887. Burgocavi, which is here a
nominative, evidently involves the name Gav-o, which we
have on the Llanfor stone in the same neighbourhood :
the common element in Gavo Seniargii and Burgocavi
very possibly implies the blood-relationship of the two
men meant, and it is natural to conclude that Gaer Gai,
which translated into an older form must have been Gastra
Gavi or Gavi Gastra, bears the name of some person of the
same family, perhaps of this very Burgocavi mentioned in
the lost inscription. S is very frequently misread for G
in our Early Inscriptions, and the name here in question
was probably Burgocavi, in which we sholild in that case
have the Welsh equivalent of hurgh, borough : horg was

392 LECTDEES GN WELSH PHILOLOGy.

used by Cormac and others as an Irish word for town. So
Burgoeav-i would mean ' he who watches over, provides
for, or takes care of the town.' As to the origin of Cavo
and Caune, suggested at page 223, see Curtius' " Outlines
of Greek Etymology," No. 64, and compare the names
Ayii/iOxouv, 'iw'Troxotav, and the like.

CAEDIGANSHIRE.

27. t Bandus Jacit (Silian). The first letters of this
inscription are bisected by the shaft of a small cross hori-
zontally placed before the epitaph.

28. Corhalengi Jacit Ordous (Cae'r Felin Wynt, near
Penbryn). As to Ordous and the case of Corhalengi, see
pages 177, 207, 212. Corhalengi appears to be composed
of corba, of the same origin as the Irish corb, which Cormac
mentions as meaning ' a chariot : ' the Welsh words
related are corf, corof, corfan, carfan, whence corba in
Corhalengi may have meant ' a beam,' ' a frame-work,' or
' a chariot.' The other element in Corhalengi. msLy be of
the same origin as the Irish lingim " salio ; " but I am
rather inclined to regard it as the Celtic equivalent of
Latin longus, English long, and this would harmonise with
Evolengi should that turn out to mean ' long-lived.'

29. Velvor Filia Broho (Llandyssul). It is not evident
whether the inscription is complete or not, but I am now
inclined to think it is. Broho we have already met with
in Brohomagli .- see pages 177, 181, 203, 204, 276. As to
Velvor, it is to be divided into Vel-vor, of which vel- stands
for val-, as in Clotuali and Cunovali, and represents a
pree-Celtip valpa, Gothic vulfs, English wolf, but why it
has e is not clear. Nay, in Forstemann's AUdeutsches
Nameribuch we have the exact Teutonic equivalent of our
Velvor in the feminine Wolf war from Salzburg. Eormally
the vor of Velvor is best explained by supposing it to be

APPENDIX. 393

the antecedent of our gwr 'man,' plural gwyr; but gwr
is now only mascullDe, but that it was once feminine -or
common as to gender is possible — compare dyn ' a man,'
which, was habitually used in the feminine by the Welsh
poets of the Middle Ages.

30. Trenacatus Ic Jack Filius Maglagni, and in Ogam
Trenaccatlo (Llanfechan or Llanvaughan, near Llanybyther).
The syllable tren is represented in later Welsh by tren
' impetuous, strenuous, furious : ' the other element is now
cad ' battle, war,' and Trenacatus means ' impetuous in
battle.' Of Trenaccatlo I can only make Tren ac Gatlo,
' Tren and Catlo,' which would now be Tren a Chadlo.
Gatlo stands for Catu-lo with the same catu as in Trena-
catus and Catotigemi ; the meaning of lo is not so easy to
guess, but it may possibly be the Early Welsh equivalent
of Latin lupus, ' a wolf,' though the derived forms show
not o but ov, ou in Loverni, Lovernaci, and the Breton
louarn ' a fox.' Accordingly Catlo would mean ' the
wolf of battle : ' other names to be compared are Cynllo
and Trillo. Maglagni survives as Maelan in Garthmaelan,
the name of a place in Merioneth. For some account
of related forms see the remarks on the Llanfaglan stone,
Carnarvonshire, and the Merthyr stone, Carmarthenshire ;
see also pages 212, 290.

31. Potenina Muliier (Goodrich Court, near

Ross, whither the stone was taken from Tregaron). The
rest of the inscription is gone, the above being on a frag-
ment of the original stone. Above the first n there is a
small hollow, which if not a mere fray in the stone may
mean that one is to read nt, and to regard the name
intended as Potentina and not Potenina. The name Poten-
tinus occurs in a Roman inspription at Caerleon, and Poten-
tina is mentioned in Becker's collection, JDie romischen
Inschriften und Steinsculpturen des .Museums der Stadt

394 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

BEECKNOCKSHIEE.

32. Rugnia — o \FiYi Vendoni (Devynock). The first
name has been read Pugniacio, but I read it evgniatto,
EVGNiAvio or EYGNIAVO, making into V, in the last-men-
tioned guess, what others have read as a sort of open
followed by /. The first part of the name is no doubt re-
presented by the later Run, Rhun, and JRugniavio or Rug-
niavo might be explained as belonging to that class of names
which end in jaw or jo, such as Oeidjo, Peibjo, and also
Teilo, which is the regular Southwalian continuator of the
O. Welsh Teljau, Teiljmi. In the Liber Landavensis
(pp. 31, 86, 96) it occurs also written Teliau-us and
Teliau-i, which come pretty near our Rugniavo ; but as this
is a genitive, the nominative must have been either Rvgn-
jus or Rugnjaus, and so in the case of Teilo probably, and
all names of the kind. The two first letters of Fili were
on a part of the stone which has been cut off, but I do not
think that there is a letter wanting at the beginning of the
first name, which, as it now stands, begins with a good R,
and there is no excuse for reading it P. The name Vendoni
occurs also on one of the Clydai stones, and seems to be
continued in the Welsh feminine Gwenonwy.

33 Filius Victorini (Scethrog, near Brecon).

The first name is hopelessly gone, owing to the stone having
been used as a roller : I have guessed it to be Nemni,
whence Nemnivus.

34. Dervaci Filius Justi Je Jacit (on an old Roman
road in the neighbourhood of Ystradfellte). If Dervaci be
a Latinised form for jDervacis, Dervaciiis, then the name
may be analysed into an adjective formed by means of the
affix -<Sc, from derv-, now derw, ' oak.' A Justus, traced by
some to Wales, assisted St. Patrick in Ireland.

35. Turpilli Ic Jacit Puveri Triluni Dunocati, and in
Ogam Turpil\li Tri\lluni (Glan Usk Park,

APPENDIX. . 395

near Crickhowel). The Ogam notches for the first i are
gone, and the first I in Trilluni is somewhat doubtful.
Some think there are Ogams on the top of the stone after
Trilluni, but I can make nothing of them. On most of
the peculiarities of this inscription see pages 21, 167, 175,
176, 177, 178, 182, 210, 211, 220, 300. Triluni no
doubt stands for Trilluni, the first element in it being the
Welsh numeral for ' three,' which must have the I doubled
after it, as Trilluni would be the representative of an
earlier Tris-luni. The name may, therefore, be explained
as Triformis by identifying lun with our modern word
llun, 'shape, form ; ' but this can hardly be said to be con-
firmed by Lunar\c\hi on another stone.

36. t Gunocenni Filius Citnoceni Hie Jacit, and in
Ogam Cunacenniwi Ilwweto (Trallong, near Brecon). On
this epitaph see pages 30, 162, 172, 173, 177, 178, 211,
212, 296, 300, 301 ; and as to Ilwweto, see pages 210,
300. It may be added that the word is probably to be
analysed into Il-wwefo, whereof il is identical with ill in
Illtud, Illteym, and, probably, with el in the 0. Welsh
names Eljud, Elhearn, and the like — Illtud also occurs as
Eltvtiis : in Irish it is always il, which is an U-stem, mean-
ing ' much,' and of the same origin as Greek woXu?, Ger.
viel. The o of wweto would seem to be the ending of the
genitive, for an earlier -os, and the whole appears to be
identical with Fifho, the genitive of the O. Ir. name Feth
(Stokes's Goidelica,^ pp. 84, §5). Fetk and wweto come
perhaps from the same source as gwed in the Welsh verb
dy-wed-yd, ' to say, to speak : ' if so, Ilvrweto might be
explained as meaning ' much-speaking,' or possibly ' much-
spoken-of : ' compare TIoXu^riTtjs, UoXuptj/jLoc, and the like.

37. Adiune (Ystradgynlais). This is probably a frag-
ment, but Adiune seems to be a nominative feminine : see
page 217.

396 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

38. Hie Jacit .... (Ystradgynlais). This is also a
fragment, but it is distinct from the preceding one.

39 «... curi In Hoc Tumulo \Jacii\ (Aber-

car, on the way from Merthyr Tydfil to Brecon). There is
no reason to think that this inscription is incomplete, but
the stone has been built into the wall of an outhouse at
Abercar.

40. Tir . . . Fili\u,s Catiri. This belonged to the
same neighbourhood but has been destroyed or lost ; the
first name is said to have been read Tiheriiis ; and Catiri,
also given as Catai, is otherwise unknown to me.

GLAMOEGANSHIEE.

41. Vendumctffli Hie Jacit (Llanillteym, near Llandafif).
This inscription is in early Kymric letters. Vendu in
Vendumagli is identical with the first part of Vendoni,
of Vendubari, of Vendesetli (otherwise Yennisetli), and of
Viniiemoffli, which is, in fact, the same name as Vendumagli
in spite of the difference of spelling.

42. Tegernactis Filius Marti Hie Jacit (in a field near
Capel Brithdir). The letters are very rudely cut, and the G
marks the transition from G to 3, being of the same form
almost as an inverted Z or an angulated *S^, and identical
with the g on the Inchaguile stone in the county of
Galway : some of the other letters are Eoman capitals, but
the early Kymric character prevails on both stones.
Tegernacus is now Teyrnog, Irish Tighearnach, Angli-
cised Tierney; Marti is probably the genitive of Martins.
I have found no other trace of it in Welsh nomenclature.

43. t Bodvoei Hie Jacit Filius Catotigirni Pron/epus
Eternali Vedomavi (on a mountain near Margam). Some
of these forms have been discussed pages 31, 92, 207, 212,
213, 223, 224.

The name Bodvoei is said to occur as Boduacus on a

APPENDIX. 397

stone dug up at Nismes in France (see the Arch. Gamhren-
sis for 1859, p. 289). In that case I should treat Bodvoci
as a modification of Bodvaci, and analyse it, like Dervaci,
into Bodv-dc- or Bodv-oc-, with bodv- of the same origin as
in the Gaulish Boduo-gnatus and the \C'\aihv,'bodvae of a
Gaulish inscription, in which Mr. Hennessy recognises the
Badh-catha or war goddess of Irish mythology (see his in-
teresting paper in the Rev. Celtique, i. 32-55), which we
meet with as a man's name, Boducat, in the Cambro-Brit.
SS., pp. 105, 123 ; we trace bodv- also in the name which
is variously written Blbodtiffo, Elbodg, and Elhodu in the
Amiales Gambnae, pp. 10, 11.

44. Punpeius Garantorius, and in Ogam Pope

(Cynffig, near Margam). The first name does not seem to
appear elsewhere on Welsh ground, but Garantorius may
possibly be identical with the Gerentir-i, Gerennhir, Geren-
hir, Gherenhir of the Liber Landav.; pp. 175, 191, 202,
203, 228, 230. As to other points connected with this
inscription, see pages 21, 206, 207, 215, 301 of this
■volume.

45. Macaritini Fili Beri\d\ (The Gnoll, near Neath,
whither it was brought from the parish of Llangadog).
There is some doubt as to the last letters of the father's
name : both that and the son's are otherwise unknown to
me. Macaritini stands probably for Maceratini, and is a
derivative from the name given as Macerati by Desjardins
in his Notice sur les Monuments Epigraphique de Bavai et
du MusSe de Douai (Paris, 1873), p. 136.

46. PavXi . . . Eili Ma ... (a fragment at Merthyr
Mawr, near Bridgend). These names may have been in
full Paulini and Maqveragi or the like.

47. . . . ic, in Ogam on the Loughor altar : the rest
is not to be made out with any certainty : see page
302.

398 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

CAEMAETHENSHIEE.

48. Hie Jacit Ulcagnus Fius Senomagli (Llanfihangel
ar Arth). The first name occurs also in Cornwall, and in
an Irish inscription as Vlccagni : the nearest form which
survives in Wales is perhaps Ylched in Llechylched, in
Anglesey, and -wlch in the name Ammwlch, for Amb-ulc-,
in Cefn Ammwlch, in Carnarvonshire, and possibly in
Llanamwlch, near Brecon : see pages 205, 206.

49. Qvenvendard Fill Barcuni (Parcau, near Whitland) :
see pages 22, 23, 170, 254, 281.

50. Gurcagni Fill Andagelli (Gelli DywyU, near New-
castle Emlyn). Gurcagni survives in the form Circan in
the lAher Landav., p. 153, and on Irish ground both Corcan,
probably for Corcdn, and the shorter Gore are to be met
with as personal names : they may possibly, if standing
for score, be of the same origin as scale, " servus," in Teu-
tonic names. Andagelli in its first element reminds one
of the Gaulish forms Andecumhorius, Anderovdus, Ande-
camulum, &c. The other element gell- seems to meet us
in Gellan {Liber Landav., pp. 138, 146, 193, 195), and
it may perhaps be of the same origin as the verb gallu,
' to be able ; ' but nothing certain could be said of the
composition of the word as long as no modern form of it
is known.

51. £arrivendi Filius Venduhari Hie Jacit, and in
Ogam . . . Magyi M . . . (Llandawke, near Laugharne) :
see pages 171, 212, 298. These names are in Irish
Bairrfhinn and Fimibharr, of which the former is in
Welsh Berwyn, and the latter would be Gwynfar, but I
am not aware that it occurs : the meaning of the former
is ' white-topped or white-headed.'

52. Mavoh .... Fili Lunar\c\hi Cocci (Llanboidy).
The first name is incomplete, owing to the end of the
stone having been broken ofi^, and it is possible that

APPENDIX. 399

Lunarchi had no c. As to the former, it may have been in
iull Mavo-heni, for an earlier Mavo-seni dating before Welsh
s began to be changed into h: see pages 223, 224, 278.

53. . . . turn . . . This is all that is legible of another
inscription at Llanboidy : the stone now stands erect in the
churchyard, but it must have long lain in a very different
position, as it is worn smooth, the foregoing being the only
legible portion of an epitaph which probably contained the
formiila Hie In Tumulo Jacit.

54. t Bladi Fili Bodiheve, and in Ogam Awwi Boddih
.... and Bevrw . . . (stone found at Llanwinio, taken
to Middleton Hall, near Llanarthney) : see pages 217, 218,
299. The reading of Bladi is doubtful, but if it should turn
out to be Bladi, this would probably be found to be of the
same origin as hlavd in Anhlaud in the Camhro-Brit. SS.,
p. 158. In Davies' dictionary hlawdd is quoted as mean-
ing " agilis, celer, gnavus, expeditus, impiger, properus,''
and the compounds aerfiawdd, cadflawdd, cynjiawdd, gor-
flawdd, trablawdd are mentioned. Bladi cannot, I think,
be identified with blaidd ' a wolf.'

55. Gaturugi FUi Lovernaci (Merthyr, near Carmar-
then). The i of Gaturugi is horizontally placed, and
rather faint, but I think it is there. The name analyses
itself into catvr, identical with the cato- of Catotigerni,
Mod. Welsh cad ' battle, war,' Irish cath, the other ele-
ment, rug4, is not easy to identify, but it may be pre-
sumed to be the same which we find in a longer form in
Eugniavo, and if it be of the same origin as our modern
rhu-o ' to roar,' Latin rugire, Caturugi would mean he
who roars in battle ; but the older meaning of the root rug
seems to be to break, in that case the name would mean he
who breaks tlie battle. Lovernaci is of course of the same
origin as Lovernii, and both come from a shorter loverrin,
which, though lost in Mod. Welsh, occurs in Cornish as

400 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

lowern ' a fox,' Bretoa louarn, the same, Irish Loam, Angli-
cised in Scotland into Lome. Traces of it occur in the
lAher Landav., pp. 135, 166, 251, in Gruc Leuyrn, Louern,
and Crucou Leuim, and several localities in Wales are still
known by the name of Llywemog, which would be formally
identical with Lovernac-i, but meaning probably ' abound-
ing in foxes,' whereas as a man's name it is more likely to
have meant ' foxy, or like a fox.'

Lovern- possibly stands for Za[p]-arK-, from the same
origin as Latin lupus ' a wolf ; ' the simple form perhaps
occurs as lo in Catlo and Cynllo, which last can be matched
by a Conlouern from the Liber Laiidav., p. 146 : see also
the remarks on Lovernii in No. 12. Others connect lovern-
with Laverna.

56. Gorbagni Filius Al . . . (Pantdeuddwr, near Aber-
gwili). The second name begins with A, followed, I think,
by an L, which suggested to me the name Alhorti. Gor-
hagni is a name which also occurs in an Irish inscription,
and I would identify it with Garfan in Llancarfan and
Nantcarfan, in the Liber Landavensis Nant Garban and
Vallis Carbani. As to the change of vowel, compare corfan,
' a metrical foot,' with car/an as in car/an gwehydd, ' a
weaver's beam,' car/an gwely, ' a bedstead,' carfan o wair,
" hay laid in rows," which I copy from Pughe's dictionary,
where one meets with the followingquotation fromSalesbury:
"Eisteynt yn garfanau ofesur cantoedd, a deg adeugeiniau;"
" they sat down in rows of the number of hundreds and of
fifties." Hence it would seem that corfan and carfan are
desynonymised forms of the same word. See also the
remarks on Gorhalengi in No. 28.

5f. + Gunegni (Traws Mawr, near Carmarthen). This
name is singular in its being Gunegni and not Cunagni,
which is the form analogy suggests ; but it should perhaps
be regarded as offering us an early instance of a modulated

APPENDIX. 401

into e by the influence of i in the following syllable, a
change well-known later in Welsh. In that case Cunegni
would be a variant of Cunagni, which is to be regarded
as the early form of the name which appears subsequently
as Gonan, Ginan and Cynanl

58. Severini Fili Severi (Traws Mawr). Severi occurs
in Cornwall also.

59. Regin . . . Filius Nu[v]inti (Cynwyl Caio). The
first name is now incomplete, but so much of it as can be
read corresponds to the later name Regin, Rein ; the v in
Nuvinti is also a matter of guessing, as it has disappeared
from the stone, and the name is otherwise unknown to
me, unless we have it in Ednywain.

€0. Talo\ri\ Adven\ti] Maqv[eragi] Filiu[s] (Dolau
Cothy). The parentheses enclose letters which are no
longer on the stone, but were formerly read on it. Whether
Adventi should not have been read Adventid = Adventicis
= Adventicius, which in late Latin meant advena, it is
now impossible to tell, nor can one say that Adventi =
Adventis = Adventius is out of the question : further, it is
difficult to decide whether it is nominative or genitive, and,
consequently, whether it or Magyeragi is to be regarded
as the epithet or surname. So, though I should treat
Talorl as a nominative standing for an earlier Talo-rix, I
have to leave it an open question whether the epitaph
means Talorix Filius Adventi Maqveragi or Talorix
Adventis Filius Maqveragi. As to Magyeragi, Dr. Haigh
thinks that he has found it also in Ogam on a stone at St.
Florence in Pembrokeshire.

61. Servatur Fidcei Patrieque Semper Amator Hie
Paulinus Jacit Cu[lt]or Pie[nfi]sim[us ^qui] (Dolau
Cothy). This Paulinus is supposed to have attended the
synod of Llanddewi Brefi some time before the year 569 :
see Haddan and Stubbs' Gouncils and Ecclesiastical

2

402 LECTURES ON WELSH PHTLOLOGT.

Documents, i. p. 164. As to the peculiarities of the spell-
ing, see pages 215, 216. This epitaph forms a kind of a
distich : —

Servatur Fidaei Patriequ? Semper Amator,
Hie Paulinus Jacit Cultor Pientisimus Mqui.

62. Vennisetli Fill Ercagni (Llansaint, near Kidwelly).
As to Vennisetli, which is the same name as Vendesetli, see
No. 10. Ercagn-i occurs as Erchnn in the Liher Landav.,
pp. 146, 191, and a farm in the neighbourhood of Aberys-
twyth is still called Rhoserchan ; we have also early forms
nearly related to Ercagni in Ercilivi and Ercilinci on the
Tregoney stone in Cornwall. Irish has the stUl simplei
form Ere, and in Welsh erch, erckyll, means 'terrible,
formidable, dismal.'

63 Jacet Cureagnus urivi Filius.

This is an inscription which Edward Llwyd, in a lettei
published in the Ar. Cam., for 1858, p. 345, gives as beinj
at Llandilo, but nothing is known of it now — his Jacet is
not likely to have been so written on the stone.

64. Decabarbalom Filius Brocagni, and in Ogaw
Deccaibanwalbdis : the stone is said to have been a'
Capel Mair, near Llandyssul, but it appears to be de
stroyed, and the foregoing cannot be an accurate copy of it
Brocagni, more correctly written, would have beei
Broccagni : it is the early form of the well-known nami
Brychan, and is in Irish Broccdn. See pages 181, 291.

PEMEEOKESHIEE.

65. Solini Filius VendQui (Clydai). The first name i
to be detected possibly in the Liber Landav. pp. 190
193, in the form Hilin, which would in that case be Hylk
or Hylyn if it occurred : this would exclude the possibilit;
of the name being the Koman S6linus. It would b

APPENDIX. 403

interesting as giving us the early form so- of our prefix
hy-. See also page 171 and No. 32 in this list.

66. Etterni Fill Victor, and in Ogam Ettern\{\ ....
7[ic\tor (Clydai). See pages 182, 293.

67. t Dob . . . . i \F\ilms Evolengi, and in Ogam
DoM ...t..Ci.s.. (Dugoed, near Clydai). The final
i of EvoUngi is horizontally placed in the bosom of the
G, and is so faint that some maintain that there is no
such a letter on the stone. If leng- means, as has already
been suggested, ' long,' then Evo-leng-i may mean ' long-
lived or he of the long life,' as there is no obstacle to
our supposing evo- to stand for evo- and to be the Early
Welsh equivalent for Latin cevum and its congeners : the
Irish form is eva in Evacattos, and f roni the Continent
we have Evotalis given by Frohner, p. 42, as found
at Reinzabern. See also pages 206, 212, 244, 293,
294.

68. t Trenegussi Fili Macutreni Sic Jacit, and in
Ogam Trlnagusu Maqyi Maqvitreni (Cilgerran). As to
Trenagusu or Trenegussi, the syllable trerir is represented
in later Welsh by tren 'impetuous, strenuous, furious,'
and the other element appears in O. Welsh as gust in
Gingust, Irish Congus, Chirgust, Ir. Fergus, JJngust, Ir.
Oingus, Anglicised Angus: in Irish there are a good
nM,ny more of these compounds, and they all mal?e their
.genitives in o{s), as in Fergus, gen. Fergusso or Fergosso.,
and an inscription offers the genitive Cunagussos, whence
it may be inferred with certainty that the Goidelo-Kymric
form implied in these names was gustus, genitive gustos,
formally identical with the Latin gustus of the f7-declen-
sion. But as the Welsh retains the st without reducing
it to ss or s it is likely that the nominative was shorn of
its termination at an early date : thus while a nominative
Trenaausius became Trenagust, the genitive- Trenagustos

404 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

or Trenagustwos became by assimilation Trenagmsos,
Trenagusso, Trenagussu : the retention of the t was
favoured also by the accent falling in Welsh on gust
which we know must have been the case with Ghior-
gust, as it has passed through Gwrgwst, Gwrwst into
Grwst as in Llanrwst. The use of macu and magy-i as
synonymous in this inscription is to be noticed. See
pages 30, 180, 211, 212, 293, and Appendix B.

69. t Nettasagru Maqvi Mucoibreci (Bridell). This
is in Ogam only, and in Mucoibreci, which may be treated
as Mucoi-Breci or Mucoi Breci, Bred is very uncertain :
see page 292. Mucoi is the genitive of the word which in
the Cilgerran inscription appears as macu and elsewhere
as macco: as to the variation of the stem vowel see
Appendix B.

Nettasagru is to be analysed into Nettasagru, of which
netta occurs several times in Irish Ogam and is rendered
" propugnator " by Mr. Stokes. It probably stands for
iienta of the same origin as the O. H. Ger. ginindan ' to
take courage,' Gothic ana-nanthjan ' to take courage, to
venture,' 0. Eng. ne^an, ' to go on boldly, to venture, to
dare.' The other element sagr- comes down into later
Welsh in the verb haer-u ' to affirm,' and Haer, a woman's
name, in the lolo MSS., p. 21, and Lewis Morris's Celtic
Remains, p. 237. The Irish form is sdr 'very' (sdr
mhaith ' exceeding good '), saraghadk ' conquest, victory '
[ag saraghadh ' exceeding ')— I quote from Edward Llwyd :
to these may be added Sdraid, the name of a lady who
figures in Irish legend — the genitive of the corresponding
masculine may be recognised in the Sagarettos of an
Irish Ogmic inscription. Among related words in other
languages may be instanced Sanskrit sah 'to hold, to
restrain, to resist, to overpower,' Greek 'ixi^, ^X"?"^'
o^uiog, but the most interesting are the Teutonic forms,

APPENDIX. 405

among wHcli may be mentioned Gothic sigis, German
sieff ' victory ' : our sagr- takes the form sigl- or sigil- in
Teutonic names, so our Haer is matched by a fem.
Sigila, and the Irish Sdraid letter for letter by the
fem. Sihilinda, Sigilind: see Forstemann'a book, columns
1087, 1095. As applied to men sagr- and its equivalents
probably meant powerful, firm, victorious, but as applied
to women they, no doubt, meant firm, resisting, chaste,
which afibrds us an interesting glimpse into early Celto-
Teutonic morals. Both sig- and nand- enter extensively
into the composition' of Teutonic names, but the nearest
instance to our Nettasagru which Forstemann gives is
Siginand.

70. Sagrani Fill • Gunotami, and in Ogam Sagramni
Maqvi Cunatami (St. Dogmael's, near Cardigan). As to
Sagramni it is not easy to say how it should be analysed ;
at first sight it seems to be a sort of middle participle from
the early form of the verb haer-u, but analogy is in
favour of the view that it is a compound ; but of what
elements 1 It may be Sag-ramn-i or Sagr-amriri : in the
former case we should have sag- (whence the sagr-, sager-,
already discussed), and ramn which is not very easy to
explain. In the other case we should have sagr- and
amn-, which might possibly be a derivative from the root
am ' to attack, assail, injure ' (see Fick's dictionary,^ i.
p. 19) : the whole might then mean ' a powerful assailant.'
Teutonic names show an element resembling the latter part
of Sagramni in such names as Imino, Emino, Emeno,
Tmnus, Ymnedrudis, Imnegisil, Imnachar, &c. (Forste-
mann, 777, 779). Gunatami or Gunotami is in Mod.
Welsh Gyndaf, and is composed of cwre- and tamr: the
former of these is a common element in proper names, and
occurs as cune in Cuneglas-e and is explained by Gildas as

-« X — « <£ 1nni/^ " 'Fho /^fTiaf. aTTllaV»l.a invn. la nOt Of SUch

406 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

extensive use, but it occurs besides in Eudaf, Gawrdaf,
Gwyndaf, Maeldaf, and more than one river in Wales is
called Taf — whether it is to be referred to the root tarn
or stahh is not clear (Fick's dictionary, i. 593, 821). As
to other points connected with this inscription, see pages
29, 182, 183, 184, 212, 293.

71. Yitaliani Mmereto, and in Ogam Witaliani (Cwm
Gloyn, near Nevern). See pages 167, 176, 179, 215,
288, 294.

72. t Tunccetace Uxsor Daari Sie Jacit (Trefarchog
or St. Nicholas). The name is to be analysed into
,Tunccet-ac-e and would be now Tynghedawg or Tynghedog,
tunccet being now tynghed ' fate ' : thus it was probably
the exact equivalent in meaning of the Latin name For-
tunata. As to other points connected with this epitaph see
pages 206, 216,217, 244. To the remark on the doubling
of the a in Daari, p. 216, add the following instances
from the Continent, mentioned by Frohner, p. xxvii : —
Craaniani from Eiegel, Maiaanus from Luxembourg, and
JRicaamaariu from Paris ; also Vaaro, from Bingen,' cited
by Becker, p. 78. And, lastly, with Tunccetace compare
temppistataem for tempestatem, instanced by Frohner, p.
xxix.

73. Uvali Fill Dencui Cuniovende Mater Ejus (Spittal,
near Haverfordwest). If evo- in Evolengi means cevum,
then Evali may possibly have had the meaning of Etemalis
or Vitalis in other inscriptions. Dencui is obscure: it
may be either a compound Den-cui or Denc-ui, or else a
derivative, in which case we should probably compare
Dinui and Sagranui : it is to be remarked that the reading
of it is not certain. The vend- of Cunio-vende we have
already met with, but cuni-o is obscure : it would seem to
be derived from cun- as in Gurw,tami.

74. Clotorigi Fili Paulini Marini Latio (LlandysUio).

APPENDIX. 407

Owing to the face of the stone having begun to peel off, I
am not certain whether the first name should be read
CLOTOKiGi or CLTjTOEiGi. Later the name became Glotri
and Clodri : the corresponding Teutonic forms in Forste-
mann's list are Chloderich, and Hlodericus. As to what
follows Paulini, it is hard to know what to make of it :
various ways of explaining it occur to me, but none of
them is satisfactory. On the whole I would suggest that
MAEiNiLATio should be divided into Mdrini, an epithet to
Paulini, and Latio, which would then have to mean ' from
Latium,' or ' from Litau, i.e., Armorica ' ; for Latium
and 0. Welsh lAtav,, now Llydaw, used to be confounded
— witness the Ovid gloss di Litau, ' to Llydaw,' intended
to explain the Latin Latio : the same thing happened
also in the case of Leiha, the 0. Irish equivalent of
Llydaw.

75. Euolenggi Fili Litogeni Hie Jacit (LlandysUio).
The letters are mixed Roman and Kymric, but there is no
excuse for reading the first name Euolenus : Evolengi
has already been mentioned : see page 399. As to Litogeni,
it is no doubt of the same origin as the Gaulish forms
Litugena, Litugenius, and partly as Litumara = O. Welsh
" litimaur frequens." See pages 183, 253.

76. Camelorigi Fili Fannud (Cheriton, near Pembroke).
The second element of Camelorigi requires no further ex-
planation, but the other is more obscure. The e may be
the irrational vowel which is omitted in Nettasagru as com-
pared with the Irish Sagareftos : in that case the name
might be written Camlorigi, which would conform better
with the analogy of the other Early Welsh names. It is
possibly of the same origin as the first part of the probably
Gaulish name Camalodunum : the root is ham ' to vault, to
bend, to envelop,' from which are derived xd/zivoi, xa/ioga,
vliLnsoc. xdaapos ; Lat,, camurus, camera ; Ger., himmel}

408 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

' sky, heaven, canopy, roof of a carriage ; ' and the Teutonic
names containing the same element are Himildrvd, HimU-
ger, Eimilvad, Berhthimil, while one might at first sight
be tempted to equate Eamalri, the name of the King of
France's steward mentioned in the Saxon Chronicle under
the year 1123, but this is perhaps not to be thought of, as
it is also written Amauri, and the h supposed to be inor-
ganic : see Forstemann, 77, 687. As to the affix mc in
Fannuci see page 282. The fann- we meet with in this
name is probably of the same origin as the German
verb ' spannen, to be stretched, to be in suspense,' Eng.
span.

77. t Maqveragi in Ogam (St. Florence) : see page
296.

78. t Magolite Bar . . . cene in Ogam (in the chapel
on Caldy) : see page 297.

DBVONSHIEE.

79. Bohwnni Fahri Filli Enaharri, and in Ogam ....
ndbarr .... (Tavistoclj:). I am not perfectly certain as to
the second I in filli ; see page 303, and No. 88 in this list.
The first name seems to be the same as that of the tribe
whom Ptolemy calls Ao^oimoi in South Wales. Enaharri
contains one element, harr-, which has already been noticed:
the other ena seems to be the same as the ene of Eneuin of
a much later inscription nowin the chapel at Goodrich Court.
It stands probably for enna = an earlier enda, which in Irish
occurs as a man's name, Enna, Enda : in modern Welsh
names it is of course reduced into en- as in Enfail, En-
ddwyn and the like, with which may be compared in the
Teutonic languages, Enda, Indgar, Indulf, or else Ando,
Andegar, Andarich, and the like.

80. Sahini Fili Maccodecheti (Tavistock, brought thither
from Buckland Monachorum). Sahini, which would be the

APPENDIX. 409

genitive of SaMnus, a name well-known to epigraphists, is
perhaps to be read Sarini ; for owing to a hole cut in the
stone it is now impossible to say which is right. The form
Sabini would be identical with Hefln in the lolo MSS.,
p. 108. As to Maccodecheii, see pages 163, 174-177, 180,
181, 203, 274, 277, and Appendix B.

81. (a) Fanoni Maqyirini : (b) Sagranui, and (c) in
Ogam Swaqqvud Maqyi Qvici (British Museum, brought
from Fardel, near Ivybridge). Fanoni stands probably
for Fannoni, of the same origin as Fannud. The meaning
of rin in Maqyirini is not evident, nor is one certain as to
the formation of the name Sagranui : the n is written like
an H, but it is not probable that it is to be read so ; more-
over, the H and the V are so placed as to suggest a con-
joint character for MN or NN : they are not quite joined.
Thus thepossible readings are Sagranui, Sagranui, Sagramni,
Sagrahui. This inscription is not on the same face as
that of Fanoni, nor in so early letters : see also pages
282, 303.

82. Valci Fili F . . . . aius (Bowden, near Totness).
I have not yet had time to visit the locality of this stone,
and I take the above from Hiibner's book — I have faUed to
guess the reading of the rest, though the epitaph seems to
be complete ; the fac-simile seems to come originally from
Gough's Camden. The first name would seem to be
identical with our gwahh in Gwalchmm.

CORNWALL.

83. Latini Ic Jacit Filius Ma : : arii, and in Ogam, traces
of an inscription ending in i (Worthyvale, near Camel-
ford). The father's name is partly illegible, and the final
i is horizontally placed and of an unusual length : see
also page 209. As Latini — there is no excuse for read-
in™ '*■ ^'»''''»«' — ia poinijnatiga i t Tirnba.b1v .sta nd.s for

410 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Latinis = Latinius — see page 178 ; several instances of the
simpler form Latinus are cited by Frohner, p. 50, and one
of tliem seems to come from London.

84. Vlcagni Fili Severi (Nanscow, near Wadebridge).
These names we have already met with : one is Celtic and
the other Latin.

85. Vailathi Fili Vroclia : : i (Wilton, near Cardynham).
The reading of the one name is not very certain, and
the origin of both is obscure ; in any case the inscription
must be a comparatively late one, as proved both by the
spelling and the style of the letters,

86. Annicuri (Lanivet, near Bodmin). I have

not seen it, and I cannot explain the name, but the first
part anni is probably to be regarded as identical with
anda- in Andagelli : the rest coincides with the portion
read of a name on the Abercar stone, Brecknockshire:
see No. 39.

87. t Brustagni Hie Jacit Cunomori Filiws (The Long
Stone, near Fowey). The first name has been read
Cirusius, but what has been taken to be CI is an in-
verted D ; moreover, the ius of Cirusius does not account
for all the traces of letters on that part of the stone,
but my -agni is rather a guess than a reading. Brus-
tagni would be the early form of our Drystan ; compare
also the Pictish Brostan, Brosten, Brust, and other related
forms. Cunomori is composed of eun-, already noticed,
and mor- probably the prototype of our adjective mawj
' great ' : the name is now Cynfor in Wales.

88. Bonemimori Filli Tribuni (Kialton, near St. Columt
Minor). The name which here occurs as Bonemimori is tc
be met with in a variety of forms, I am told, on th«
Continent : filli stands no doubt ioifilji or fillji, with whicl
may be compared fiUia, Julliacus, Julliani mentioned bj

APPEND IS. 411

FroKner, p. xxix; also Turpilli on the Glan Usk Park
stone. Filli seems to be the spelling also on one of the
Tavistock stones. The father's name seems to be the Latin
trihunus used as a proper name.

89. Conetoci Fili Tegernomali (St. Cubert). The lettering
though clear, is rude and inclines to early Kymric, especially
the G which has the form of a J" being intermediate be-
tween the Capel Brithdir specimen and the ordinary
Kymric 3. Conetoci stands possibly for an earlier Cuna-
tad or Cunotaci, but whether that would be a derivative
with the suffix dc or oc, or a compound Guno-tdc4 is not
evident. In the former case Conetoci fpould imply a noun
conet, possibly of the same origin as connet in the Gaulish
name Gonconneto-dumnus, but more likely of the same as
our con in gogonedd or gogoniant ' glory/ whence Conetoci
might mean gloriosua or the Uke. Compare Tunccet-ae-e,
O. Welsh Marget-jud, and the Gaulish Orgeto-rix. As to
Tegernomali, see pages 31, 213 : it means 'king-like or
lord-like ' : the only other name of the same formation in
Welsh which occurs to me is Jonafal [Brut y Tywys. p.
28, Myvyr. Arch. p. 659, 692) : counpaie dihafal ' without
a like, unrivalled,' and Breton Hiaval. The author of a life
of St. Samson, who is supposed to have written in the
earlier part of the 7th century, addresses his preface " ad
Tigerinomalum Episcopum," where we have Tegemomalum,
spelled with an irrational i : the epitaph in question is
also in all probability to be ascribed to the 7th century.

90. Nonnita Erdlivi Jiicati Tris Fili Erdlind (Tre-
goney). Nonnita was a woman, though she and her two
brothers are here termed " tris ( = tres) fili : " it was the
name of St. David's mother, and has come down in Eglwys
Nunyd, that is, in Welsh spelling Eglwys Nynyd, the
name of an extinct church near Margam : otherwise in
Welsh tradition it usually takes the shorter form Non or

412 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT

Nonn. Ercilivi and Ercilinci are of the same origin as
Ercagni already noticed : on the Trallong stone we -find
Gunocenni Filius Cunoceni called in Ogam Cunacennivd,
and the present instance is a fair parallel, Hrcil{mci) Filius
being made into Ercilivi, or, as it would be in Ogam,
Erciliwi. On the termination inc, now ing, see the Arch.
Camhrensis for 1872, page 302. Ricati probably means
king of battle : compare the Teutonic Rihlmd (Forstemann,
1047) ; however it does not appear that the Welsh name
is a compound, for were that the case we should expect to
find it assuming the form of Eigocati or the liie : so it
remains that it should be treated as consisting of a nomi-
native ri (for an earlier rix) and the genitive of the stem
catu, which would have been in Early Welsh catu or cato,
making the whole word into Eicato or Eicatu, which,
dealt with in the same way as Trenagusu, made into
Trenegussi in the Latin version, would yield Eicati and
retain at the same time quite as much of the appearance
of a nominative as the Ercilivi immediately preceding it.

91. t Vitali Fill Torrid (St. Clement's, near Truro).
This inscription is preceded by a group of very much
smaller letters which seem to make Isnioc, which has
never been explained. Vitali, for Vitalis, is a Latin
name which occurs in inscriptions of the time of the
Eoman occupation : see also page 176. It is not impro-
bable that Torrid, on the other hand, is Celtic ; as we
have the name Twrrog which would have been in Early
Welsh Turrac- or Torrac-. To this may be added from
the Lichfield Gospel a compound name Turgint with gint
as in Bledgint, now Bleddyn, which probably meant wolf-
child, as gint, seems to be our formal equivalent to Latin
gens, gentis, Lithuanian gimtis, ' race,' gentis, ' a relative,'
Ger. kind, ' a child.' But I would not be certain that
our torr in Torrid is the equivalent of tlm lfindin<T oioment

APPENDIX. 413

in the Teutonic names, Thurismund, Tlmrismod, Thoris-
mutk, Thundnd (Forstemann, 1200, 1201).

92. OMuali' Morhatti (Phillack, near Hayle). Mor-
hatti, the composition of which is not very transparent, is
found in the Bodmin Manumissions in various forms, such
as Morhatho, Morhaiiho. The other name is easily ex-
plained : it is made up of clot, now clod ' praise, fame ' and
ual, that is wal, which stands for a prae- Celtic valpa Eng-
lish wolf : so that Clotual- is exactly matched in Fbrste-
mann's list by Ghlodulf, Clodulf, Hlvdolf, Mod. H. Ger.
LvdoVph : compare the case of Velvor in No. 29.

93. [ In Pa\ce Mul\ier\ Requievit n . . . .

Gunaide Hie [/m] Tumulo Jaeit Viscit Annas Xxxiii (Ka,yle).
The reading of this epitaph is, I fear, hopeless : as to
Gunaide see pages 217, 222.

94. Qvenatauci Ic Dinui Filius (Gulval, near Penzance).
Qvenatauci stands probably for Qvennatanci : see pages
211, 212, 224, 281. The name Dinui is obscure, and I
cannot find a trace of it elsewhere.

95. Rialohrani Gunovali Fili (Lanyon, pronounced Lan-
nine, near Penzance). Gunovali consists of elements which
we have already noticed : it is in Mod. Welsh Gynwal, and
in Irish Gonnell, see page 85. The exact Teutonic equi-
valent occurs as Sunulf or Sunolf (Forstemann, 762) :
similar instances are Gatgual (Liber Landav. p. 132) = Ir.
Gathal, Gurguol (p. 157), Bvdgual (p. 263), Tutgual,
Tudwal = Ir. Tuaihal, better known in its Anglo-Irish dress"
as Toole ; these are duly represented in Forstemann's list
by Hathovulf, Waraulf, Botolf, and Theudulf respectively.
The other name, Rialohrani, consists of hran, ' a crow,'
which occurs as a proper name among both the Welsh and
the Irish : in Rialohrani it would seem to be qualified by
an adjective rial-o-, which I should take to Ta.t3.-n. friendly
-J. — ,'«j,7^ frnm t.iip 1-nnt, nri ' to love. to em'ov.' whence

414 LECTURES ON "WELSH PHILOLOGY.

the English word /riered On Breton ground, however, it
occurs as an independent name in the form of Siol.

96. XPL Senilus Ic Jacit (St. Just in Penwith). The
inscriber left out the letters ni from Senilus and in-
serted them afterwards above the line. Whether the
name is Celtic or Latin is not easy to decide ; but
the termination us would seem to imply that we have
here to do with a form totally distinct from the Latin
Senilis.

SCOTLAND.

97 Hie Meinor Jacet Princ ....

Dumnoceni Hie Jacet In Tumulo Duo I'm . . Libe-
rali . . . (near Yarrow Kirk, Selkirkshire). The letters ap-
pear to be very far gone, and the reading of them, as here
guessed from Hiibner's book, to be of very little value, but
we seem to find in them one Celtic name and one or two
Latin ones. Dumnoceni begins with the same element as
Dumnorix or Duhrtorix, and the Mod. Welsh Dyfnwal,
Irish Domhnal, Anglo-Irish Donnell : the syllable cen, if
it is not to be read gen, stands probably for cenn, as in
Cunocenni.

98. In Oc Tumulo Jacit Vetta F[ilid] Victi (In Kirk-
liston Parish, between 7 and 8 miles from Edinburgh). I
have never seen the stone, and I am not convinced that
the father's name is complete as it now stands. Scotch
antiquaries usually treat Vetta as a man's name, and com-
plete the word following into filiw, but for no better
reason, it would seem, than that they think they detect in
Vetta the name of a warrior of the Hengist and Horsa
family. But to me the inscription appears to differ in no
particular from those of Wales and Cornwall ; but even if
a Teutonic Vetta were meant, analogy would lead one to
expect his name not to appear exactly in that form in this
inscription. However, the genitive masculine correspond-

APPENDIX. 415

ing to our Veita is cited by Frohner as Vetti: in one
instance it comes from Xanten, and in the other from
Stettfeld. Supposing, however, that the doubling of the
t in Vefta is inorganic, the name would naturally connect
itself with the 0. Irish Feth and Ilrwweto in No. 36.

-^.-^MAGGU, MUGOI, MAQVI, MAGW7.

Lest difficulties should seem to be intentionally slurred
over, some remarks will here be made on the word maccu
and others related to it. The inscriptions most nearly con-
cerned are the following : — .

No. 1. Hie Jacit Maccu-Decceti (Anglesey),
No. 80. Sabini Fili Macco-Decheti (Devonshire).
No. 68. (a) Trenegussi Fili Macu-Treni ") (Pem-

(6) Trenagusu Maqvi Maqvi-Treni V broke-
No. 69. Nettasagru Maqvi Mucoi-Breci J shire).

Irish inscriptions offer us not only mucoi, but also m/iiccoi
and moco, and later Irish mocu and maccu, whence it ap-
pears that we may regard mucoi, in No. 68, as the genitive
of a form which the Kyfnry wrote indifferently macco,
maccu, maeu, or perhaps mucco, muccu, mticu. Moreover,
Mucoi-breci does not seem to be a compound, and the same
may be said of Maccu-Decceti in No. 1 ; but Macco-Decheti
and MoyCtirTreni have been treated as though they were
compounds, and their first element left without being
changed into the genitive, as it strictly should have been.
Irish enables us to analyse these forms into their con-
stituent parts : these are muc- or mace-, which we have in
Welsh in mag-u, formerly mac-u ' to nurse, to rear, to
bring up,' as in the proverb ' Gas gwr ni charo'r wlad a'i
i Htintnfnl '" ^ — -«tV./^ ^/^■.>r.I, Tir>f f>io lanri that rears

416 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY,

him," and a word which in Irish appears as o ' a grand-
son, or descendant,' genitive ui — everybody is familiar
with it as the prefixed with a misleading apostrophe to
Irish names, as in O'Gonnell, O'Donovan, O'Mooney, and
the like. The nearest related Welsh word still in use is
w-yr ' a grandson,' but both have lost an initial p, and are
of a common origin with the Latin jnier ' a boy.' Mr.
Stokes, in the first volume of Kuhn's Beitrcege, takes
the meaning of maecu or mocu to be grandson or descend-
ant : he mentions the following instances, p. 345 : — " De
periculo Sancti Colmani Episcopi Mocusailni " (Adamnan's
Life of St. Columha, p. 29) ; " Silnanum filium Nemani-
don Mocusogin" (i6., p. 108); "Sancti Columbani Epi-
scopi mocu Loigse animam" (ih., p. 210), but there lay,
he says, six generations between this Columbanus and
Loigis ; " De Erco fure Mocudruidi " {ib., p. 77) —
we meet elsewhere with Maccudruad ; " Brendenus
Mocualti " {ib., 220) ; " Quies Cormaic abbatis cluana
Macconois" {Annals of Ulster, A.D., 751)— the abbey is
stiU called Clonmacnoise ; "Dubthach Macculugir" (Tirech.
13), which he finds transformed in the Liber Hymnorum
into " Dubtach mc. huilugair," i.e., " D. filius nepotis
Lugari" — the same would seem ,to have been the fate
of maccu generally in later Irish. In his Goideliea, Mr.
Stokes mentions two other instances, namely, MuircM
Maccumacktheni, p. 84 ; also, p. 62, a Macculasrius in a
Latin hymn for Lasridn, whence, he suggests, that maccu,
may be equivalent to the diminutival ending -dn. Since
the printing of the books alluded to, Mr. Stokes has com-
municated to me some further notes on maccu. Among
other things, he finds that in Irish it had the force of
" gens, genus," as, for instance, in the words " ad insolas
maccu-chor" {Booh of Armagh, 9, a. 2) j moreover, that
maccu or m.ocu had this meanins; is proved, he thinks, by

APPENDIX. 417

its interchange with corca and dal, as in Mocu-Dalon =
CoTca-Dallan (Adamnan's Life of St. Columha, p. 220, in
Moeu-runtir = Bal-Ruinntir {ih., p. 47), in Mocu-Sailni =
Dal-Sailne (ih., p. 29), in Mocu-themne = Corcu-temne
{Book of Armagh, 13. b. 2), and Gorcii-teimnt (ib., 14. a. 1),
and in the fact that the phrase " de genere Euntir " appears
as a translation of Mocv^Runtir. Such instances as Col-
mani episcopi Mocusailni, and Goltimhani episcopi mocit,
Loigse, he regards as references to the Irish tribal bishops,
which should be rendered C. episcopi gentis Sailni, and C.
episcopi g&ntis Loigse.

Judging from our inscriptions, we have no reason to
think that the Kymry used maccu in a collective- sense,
and the meaning which seems to be suggested by the
origin of the word and its uses is ' reared offspring,' or,
perhaps, more strictly, ' offspring in the course of being
reared,' that is in the singular, let us say, a child, a boy,
or a young man who has not done growing, and ultimately
a young man without any further restriction of meaning.
This is confirmed by the fact that the same person seems
to be called Maeu-Treni and Maqvi-Treni in No. 68 — in
any case, the distinction between maccu and maqv-i cannot
have been so considerable that they could not, under cer-
tain circumstances, both be applied to the same person.
But we have other means of fixing the meaning of maccu ;
for the genitive mucoi, in its form of maccoi, has come
down bodily into Mod. Welsh as macwy, the significa-
tion of which will be evident from the following ex-
amples : — " Myned a wnaeth i'r maes a dau faccwy gydag
ef," ' he went to the field accompanied by two young men,'
quoted in Dr. Davies' dictionary from Historia Owein ah
Urien ; in the next quotation from Cynddpw in the
Myvyrian Archaiology (Gee's edition), p. 183a, the word is

418 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

" Kan diffyrth Trindaut tri maccuy o dan
Tri meib glan glein ovuy."
A third instance, interesting also as being in the dual
number, may be added from the Mabinogion iii. 265 —
" deu vackwy -winenon ieueinc yn gware gwydbwyll,"
'two auburn-haired young men playing at chess.' The
word was eventually degraded to mean an attendant or a
groom : compare the Greek iraibiov yielding us the French
and English page.

Eeturning to the phonology of the words in question,
we may notice that the oi of Early Welsh could but yield
wy or oe in Mod. Welsh ; and as to the retention of the
case vowel compare such instances as olew ' oil,' and pydm
' a pit,' from oleum and puteus. This was secured by the
accent being on the ultima, which is proved to have been
its former position by the fact that the word is now macwy
and not magwy. Then as to the interchange of a, o, and
M, in the first part of these words, one is driven to compare
them with the Welsh ae or ag, formerly also oc 'and,
with,' agos, cyfagos 'near, neighbouring,' Irish agus 'and,'
O. Ir, ocus, occus, and comocus 'near.' It is tolerably
certain that these words come from the same origin as
Greek ay-^cv, &yx' 'near, nigh, close by,' Lat. angustm,
Ger. eng ' narrow,' all from a lengthened form of the root
agR, namely angh. Thus it appears that in our Celtic
forms the mute preceded by the nasal underwent provec-
tion into c or cc — other instances of the feame kind have
been briefly mentioned by me in the. Eeime Geltique, ii.
190-192, — and the nasal imparted to the vowel its obscure
timbre : perhaps one should rather say that the vowel was
nasalised, and came to be rendered by a, o, or u, while
both Irish and Welsh ultimately restored it to a clear a.

By a parity of reasoning the first part of our maccu
should be referred to a root mangh, but is there such a

APPENDIX. 419

root! There is; but Fick gives it ^ only as a lengthened-
form of magh, ■whence he derives, among others, the fol-
lowing words : Sanst. mahant ' great,' Greek (Ji-rj^o; ' a
means, expedient, remedy,' Lith. magt)ju ' I help,' O. Bulg.
mogcH^ ' I can, am able,' Gothic magan, Eng. may. The
meaning which he ascribes to it oscillates between the
ideas of growing and causing to grow, of being able and
making able. It is to the same origin that one has to
refer our map, mob 'son,' Early Welsh' mxiqy-i, the
nominative corresponding to which must once have been
magyas. For Irish inscriptions show not only the
common forms, maqv-i, but also maqqv-i and moqv-i,
where the hesitation as to the vowel points to the same
cause as in maccu and mucoi. Thus tnaqvas, genitive
7naqv-i, analyses itself into maq-vors, that is mac-va-s or
mac-was : compare ebol ' a colt,' formerly epawl, a deriva-
tive from ep-, the Welsh representative of 0. Irish ech
' a horse,' and Lat. equus, O. Lat. eqvas, for ec-vo-s, as
may be seen from the corresponding Sanskrit, which is
ag-va-s: the Greeks had both /T-rof and 'ikxos. On the use
of the affix va in the Aryan languages see Schleicher's
Compendium, § 218 : in Welsh, excepting where the v pre-
ceded by c, as in these two instances, has yielded qv, p, b,
it is now represented by w as in erw ' an acre ' (compare
Lat. arvum), malw-od ' snails,' carw ' a stag : ' compare
Lat. cervus.

Besides the foregoing forms which are to be referred to
the longer root marigh, we have also one from the shorter
magh, namely, meu in meudwy ' a hermit,' for meu-dwyw
= " servus Dei," in Irish cele-dS or Guldee. Meu- stands
for mag-: see page 13. The Cornish was maw ' a boy, a
lad, a servant,' Breton maovrez ' a woman,' Ir. mugh ' a
servant,' 0. Ir. mv^, gerdtive moga, Gothic magus ' a boy,
" " 1— H! aid.

420 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

C— SOME WELSH NAMES OF METALS AND
AKTICLES MADE OF METAL.

The words I here propose briefly to discuss are the
following ; — alcam ' tin,' arj'an ' silver, money,' aur ' gold,'
hath ' a stamp, coin, money,' efi/dd ' copper,' elli/n ' a razor,'
grut- in the proper name Grutneu, haiarn ' iron,' together
with ei- in Eimetiaco, mwn, mwnai ' ore,' plwm ' lead,' pres
'brass, coppers, pence,' ystaen 'tin.' It is evident. at a
glance that these are not all of native origin, some being
the result of borrowing from Latin, and some from
English.

i. L The first to strike one as borrowed from Latin is
plwm, ' lead,' horn. plumhimi : there are in N. Cardiganshire
lead mines which are popularly supposed to have been
worked by the Eomans. The Irish appear to have
retained a native term of the same origin as English lead
or lode, in the Irish gloss luaidhe " plumbum." See
Stokes' Irish Glosses, p. 83.

2. In the next place there can be no doubt that our aur
' gold ' is the Welsh form of aurum. For were aur simply
cognate with aurum, which, in all probability stands foi
ausum, it should be now not aur, but some such a form as
au or u.

3. As to arian, that is, arjan ' silver, money,' formerlj
arjant, Breton arc'hant or arc'hand, Cornish archans,
Irish arffaf, later airged, the case is not so easy to decide
I am inclined to think all these forms to have beei
borrowed from Latin.

4. It is much the same with ystaen, a dissyUabh
accented on the a ; as now used, it is neither more noi
less both in form and meaning than the English wore
«tom, but Dr. Davies in his dictionary sives stannum, ai

APPENDIX. 421

its only Latin equivalent, whUe he explains ystaenio as
"maculare, m^culis conspergere." The Breton is stean,
Cornish stean, and Mr. Stokes gives the Mod. Irish as
sdan, whUe Edward Llwyd writes stdn. None of these is
such as to convince one that it is not to be traced to the
Latin stannum, or what is supposed to be the older form
of the word, namely stagnum.

5. To these may be added our hath or math commonly
used in the sense of ' a kind, species, the like of ' ;
formerly it meant also ' money, coin, treasure,' as in the
lolo MSS. p. 194, and this is the meaning which prevails
in the longer forms, iathu ' to coin or stamp money,'
hathodyn ' a medal,' and haihol ' coined or stamped.'
These words come, no doubt, from the same source as the
French hattre ' to beat,' as in battre monnaie ' to coin money.'
The French verb is traced by Diez {Etym. Worterbuch der
romanischen Sprachen ; Bonn, 1869) through an inter-
mediate latere to the classical batuere, ' to strike, beat,
hit,' at the same time that he quotes instances of the
former with ti, of which one at least dates from the 6th
century : Ducange gives battare, battere, and battire,
together with baptidere and baptire, as in baptire monetam
= nummos cudere ; but it would be useless to question or
define the connection between these forms and batuere
without examining the texts in which they are said to
occur ; but it may here be pointed out that the Welsh
words are best accounted for by battare, the participle of
which, battdtus, is implied in our bathod-yn ' a medal.'
The old meaning of bath or math, namely that of a stamp
or mark made by beating, is betrayed by the preposition
stUl sometimes used after it, as in math ar ddyn ' a kind
or stamp of man,' literally ' a stamp on man.' But as the
connotation of the word has been forgotten, it is becoming
ii._ j„-i .: — 4.„ — ;4.„ ~^^ti, „ A^-,,^ -nrViinii foiij pg exactly

422 LECTUBES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

witli the English ' a kind or stamp of man.' Bath and
math are further interesting as being in a state of incipient
desynonymisation : thus one may say math o anifail ' a
kind of animal,' but not bath o anifail, and anifail o'i
hath hi would be ' an animal like her,' while anifail o'i
math hi would mean, if it occurred, 'an animal of her
species or genus,' with a more explicit reference to classi-
fication. Math in virtue probably of its meaning ' coin,
money, treasure,' has treated Welsh mythology to several
proper names — 'Compare the Greek -aXoZros ' wealth, riches,'
and Pluto or Plutus, the name of the god who guarded
the treasures of the earth. Thus we have a Math ah
Mathonwy with his headquarters near the lake of
Geirionydd, in Carnarvonshire, in a wild district by no
means ill chosen for a Cambrian Pluto : unfortunately,
but, perhaps, accidentally, the Mahinogion make no allusion
to the guardianship of the treasures of the subterranean
world d,s one of the duties incumbent on the weird king of
Caerdathl. But it is remarkable that one of the leading
personages in the Welsh myth which comes nearest to the
well-known story of the rape of Proserpine bears the name
of Matholwch, and in some other respects recalls the
classic Pluto, while one or two of the incidents mentioned
in the tale fall into striking agreement with a part of the
account of Gudrun : see Cox's Tales of ■ Teutonic Lands
(London, 1872), pp. 190-201, and the story of Branwen
Verch Llyr in Lady Charlotte Guest's Mahinogion, iii. pp.
81-140.

ii. 1. To return to the question of our names for tin, it
is to be noticed that the word now in common use
among the Welsh is none other than the English one.
In the Bible, however, and other books it is called
alcam, to which Pughe tried to give the more easily
explained form of alcan. But there_is_no i

APPENDIX. 423

fact that it must be the outcome of a comparatively recent
borrowing from English : witness the use made of the
word alehymy by Milton in the lines —

" Toward the four winds four speedy cherubim
Put to their mouths the sounding alehymy,
By herald's voice explained ; the hollow abyss
Heard far and wide, and all the host of hell
With deafening shout returned them loud acclaim. "

2. To the foregoing may be added the word mwnai,
which Dr. Davies explains as moneta, nummus : the word
undoubtedly comes from the English money in its older
form of moneie, which is the Latin moneta introduced
through the medium of French : however the Welsh
word no longer means money but ore or metal, and so did
the shortened form mwn even in Davies' time as the only
meaning he gives it is quodvis metalhim fossile, which it
still retains. It is also frequently pronounced and written
mwyn : at any rate there is no satisfactory evidence that
this is an instance of confounding two different words.

3. Lastly must be mentioned pres, ' brass, pence,' which
seems to be a loan-word of older standing in the language,
as it comes from the 0. English hrees, ires, now brass ;
the change of the initial consonant occurs in other words
borrowed from English, not to mention Fluellen's^foocZ and
prains, which are probably too late to help us here.

iii. 1 . — Passing on to the remaining words, which are of
Welsh origin, one may begin with efydd ' copper,' O.
Welsh emid, " aes," in the Capella glosses. The Irish
equivalent umae with u for an earlier a, as in ubhal, ' an
apple,' Welsh afal, is, as Mr. Stokes kindly informs me,
either a masculine or a neuter of the Ja- declension.
Consequently it is probable that the d of emid had the
J „* n,„ ^^ nf nnr Ttindem efvdd and represented an

k^.

424 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

an earlier semi-vowel j : for other instances see the Rev.
Celtique, ii. 115-118. The base would then have been
emija or rather amija, the a being modulated later into e
through the influence of the i following in the next
syllable. Further we have found m standing for an
earlier h, and, supposing this to be an instance in point,
amija may be restored to the form ahija. We have also
analogy for thinking abija to represent an earlier abisja,
and supposing the b here, as frequently, to stand for an
Aryan gv, we substitute for abisja an earlier form agvisja :
assuming this last to be also a word inherited by the
Teutons, one gets almost exactly the Gothic aqvizi,
genitive aqyizjos, English axe. I said almost exactly, for
aqvizi is feminine, while efi/dd is masculine, but the 0.
Welsh plural emedou " aera " in the Ovid glosses would
seem to come from a singular emed, which could hardly
fail to be feminine like the Gothic equivalent. This
equation can scarcely be of more interest to the glottologist
than the student of early civilisation and culture.

2. The word ellt/n, ' a razor,' and its congeners somewhat
reverse the relative positions which have just been assigned
Celts and Teutons. Ellyn is proved to stand for eltinn or
rather altinn by the Breton adten, earlier autenn, Irish
altan, all from a simple alt, which occurs in Breton as aot,
aod, ah " rivage de la mer, plage, bord de I'eau," Cornish
als " littus," where we should say glan y mor ' seashore,'
or min y mor ' the edge of the sea.' In Welsh the same
word is allt, also gallt, which is sometimes given as mean-
ing a cliff, but it does not so much mean that or the edge
of a hill, — for it need not have an edge, brow, or cliff, — as
the whole ascent of any rising ground, which may, there-
fore, be compared to the side of a blade, such, for example,
as that of a razor, regarded as forming an inclined plane ;
and this may have been originally the idea conveyed by

APPENDIX. 425

the Irish alt, which Mr. Stokes translates 'a cliff or height.'
From alt were formed a masculine altinn whence Welsh
dlyn, O. Cornish elinn [read eUmn\ " novacula," and a
feminine altenn whence the Breton autenn, adten ' a razor.'
As to alt itself, it probably stands for a base alda or, let
us say, aid- : for other instances of the provection of
sonants into surds see the Jiev. Celtique, ii. 332-335.
Now we seem to detect aid-, but with r instead of I, in the
Greek word a.p8ig " the point of anything, as for instance
of an arrow," in the 0. Norse ertj'a " to goad, to spur on,''
and in the Mod. H. German erz ' ore, brass : ' see Fick's
dictionary,^ i. 498.

3. It has already been pointed out that our aur is a bor-
rowed word, but the name Grudneu, which occurs in an
inscription of the O. Welsh period as Grutne, with its final
u cut off by the marginal ornamentation on the stone,
seems to put us on the track of a native word for the pre-
cious metal. The Greek word is x^uaog, which Curtius,
in his Outlines of Greek Etymology, No. 202, regards as
derived from a base ghartja, while gold and its Teutonic
congeners, together with the 0. Bulg. zlato ' gold,' imply a •
simpler base, gharta. Now the corresponding process to
that whereby ghartja yielded ■x^gvaoc, and gharta the Eng-
lish gold and 0. Bulg. zlato would result in giving gharta
or ghartja the form grut, grud, in Welsh ; so that we are
at liberty to equate Grutneu, Grudneu with the Greek
name Xouffoms'jj, in all respects excepting that of gender :
even this reserve is not to be made in the case of Grudyen
(Mabinogion iii. 98), for Grut-gen, and the Greek Xjuffoysujjs.
Besides these we have Grudlwyn {Mah. ii. 211); and in
the Myvyrian Archaiology Grudneu (p. 389) is also called
Grudnew (p. 404^, Gruduei ("p. 397^, Grudner (p. 412), of
which the two last may be real names distinct from Orud-
^^■„ n-nA Yi^f -moroW TniHf.a.tpn rp.fl.dinffs of it. Before leav-

426 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

ing these forms it is right to mention that the steps from
gharta or ghartja to grud would be gliart-, gorU, grot-,
grut, grud. The same is the history, for instance, of the
Med. Welsh drut ' a hero,' now drud, plural drudjon, as
in the name of the Denbighshire village of Gerrig y Drud-
ion, i.e., the stones of the heroes, which it is the habit
of the people who are diruid-mad to write Gerrig y Dmidion.
Now drUt, dried comes from dharta, whence also the San-
skrit dhrta, formed from the verb dhar ' to hold, to bear,
to support, to make firm, &c.' It would perhaps be more
in keeping with Celtic analogy to set out from ghardta oi
gharMja and dhar&ta : compare Welsh Haw, Ir. Idmh, from
pldma for an earlier pdlama, Greek •jraXd/ji.ri, ' the palm oi
the hand, the hand,' O. Eng. folm, folme, the same.

4. Before attempting the history of the word haiarn,
' iron,' it will be necessary to analyse the epithet Eimetiaco
on the Llanaelhaiarn stone, which I propose to divide into
Eirmetiac-o, whereof the o is the ending of the Latin
nominative for -as = -us. Now metiac- probably means
as a matter of pronunciation metjac, which would later have.
■ according to rule, to become metjauc, meitjauc, meidjawg.
meidjog, liable also to begin with 6 instead of m, as no rule
has hitherto been discovered as to the interchange of those
consonants. The word, however, only survives as a feminine
in the names of certain plants, of which three kinds are
distinguished by the adjectives, rhudd ' red,' llwyd ' grey,
glas ' blue.'

One finds the following synonyms in Dr. John Davies's
Welsh^Latin dictionary (London, 1632), and Hugh Davies'!
Welsh Botanology (London, 181.3) :

a. T feidiog rudd = [ranuticulus] "flammula" (J
D.), = "polygonum amphihium, amphibious persicaria" (H
D.). These are not the same plants. Those meant by Dr
Davies are of the tribe of the rwmnculus_Qi_raimiiculu

APPENDIX. 427

flarnimda, called in English the lesser spearwort, by reason
of the spear-shaped appearance of the radical leaves of
the plant. Those alluded to by Hugh Davies agree better
in colbur with the Welsh description, and are also said to
be generally of an acuminate or speary character.

^: Y feidiog Iwyd = "y ganwraidd Iwyd, llysiau
leuan, llysiau llwyd, Artemisia" (J. D.) = " artemisia
vulgaris, mugwort " (H. D.). Y ganwraidd, ' the hun-
dred-root,' is given by H. Davies simply as a synonym for
yfeidiog: llysiau llwyd and llysiau leuan are the same,
and are called in English St. John's wort. The com-
monest of these plants, artemisia vulgaris, or mugwort,
looks at a distance very spiry and acuminate, and the
shape of its leaves recalls the sharpness suggested by a
spear or lance ; and I find that some species of St. John's
wort also have lance-like leaves and a spiry or acuminate
growth.

7. Yfeidiog las = " mantell Fair, muntell y corr, palf
y Hew, Ghimilla, hedera terrestris, pes leonis, patta leonis,
stellaria" (J. D.) = " gleehoma Aederacea, gill, ground
ivy" (H. D.). Jlere we meet with hopeless confusion,
plants so different as the alchemilla, gleehoma, and stel-
laria being classed together ; but it is perhaps to be
accounted for by the overlapping of the characteristic sug-
gested by the term y ganwraidd, and that intended to be
conveyed by its synonym y feidiog. But none of the
plants alluded to under this head, excepting the stellaria,
suggests the idea of a spear or lance, which we find in the
case of the other two sets. The stellaria, or stitch wort, is
called tafod yr edn ' bird's tongue ' by H. Davies, its
leaves being remarkably like a bird's tongue both in form
and rigidity, and singularly sharp and lance-like in appear-
ance : this is proved by a specimen which lies before me

-j: il-. -J. 77 — .•„ /,„?«.< «« tr,-^ tit'^/.Ti +nrrof.'her with Other

428 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

specimens, as well as plates, and a careful description of
all the plants here in question, I am indebted to the kind-
ness of Mr. Drane, fellow of the Linnean Society.

Thus, it seems, that we are at liberty to conclude that
all the plants which were originally called y feidiog owed
that name to their leaves or growth reminding one of a
spear : so h&djog, meidjog, or metjac- may be treated as an
adjective formed with the termination awg, og, E. Welsh
ac, which, to judge from the use generally made of it,
■would give the word the meaning of ' having a spear or
lance, armed with the spear : ' so we might render it into
Latin by hastatus, and regard y feidiog as meaning (herha)
liastata ; similarly Beidauc rut, i.e., BeMjawc Evdd, the
name of a son of Emyr Llydaw in Englynion y Beddau
(Skene, ii. 31, 32), would be Hastatus JRufus, or Hastatus
the Bed. The word for spear or lance which metjac- may
be supposed to imply must have been, at least the base of
it, meti, metja, or possibly matja, if the influence of the J
may be supposed to have occasioned the a to become e;
its origin would probably be the same as that of the Welsh
verb medru ' to shoot or hit a mark ' {Mabinogion, n. 212),
now used only in the secondary senses of kennen and
komien, savoir and pouvoir, as that of the Gaulish mataris
' a kind of spear or pike,' and as the Lithuanian metu ' I cast
or throw, O. Prussian metis (Fick) ' a cast or throw.'
There is, however, it should be noticed in passing, another
group of words to which it might possibly be referred,
namely, that represented in Welsh by medi ' to reap,' Latin
metere, Eng. muth. In the former case, to which I give the
preference, the weapon meant would be one for hurling or
thrusting, and in the latter one for cutting ; it is, however,
not necessary to decide between them as far as concerns
the qualifying syllable ei in Eimetiaco, which may naturally
be supposed to specify the material. And if that is so

APPENDIX. 429

there can be no mistaking the word — ^it is our early equiva-
lent for Latin ces, genitive CBris, and Alhortus Eimetiaco
would in other words be Alhortus ^re-hastatus.

The same d seems to occur in the name Eiudon on
a stone at Golden Grove, near Llandilo, which dates no
earlier than the 0. Welsh period, and the question arises
how it is this ei had not by that time yielded the usual
diphthong oe or wy. The reason is probably to be sought
in the fact that it was originally not ei, but e plus the
semi-vowel j ; and this leads one back to consider the
cognate forms. The Latin appears as a monosyllable in
ces, but not so in Hen- or a/tem- in Ahenobarbus, ahenus
aenus, aheneus, aeneus, in which dJien- or aen stands for
ahes-n- as may be seen from the Umbrian ahesnes (Corssen
i. 103, 652). ^s and ahes- represent an Aryan original
ayas, which appears in Sanskrit as dyas ' metal, iron,' and
in Gothic as aiz, proved by its z (for s) to^have been once
a dissyllable accented on its penultimate : see Kuhn's
Zeitschrift, xxui. 126. But a word which in Gothic was
aiz must according to rule appear in 0. English as wr or
dr, Mod. Eng. ore. Our parallel to these is the ei in
question, and in the fact of its not passing in Welsh
into oi, whence m {wy) or oe, we have a proof of its
representing an early form ej tor aja or ajas. Analogous
instances offer themselves in ei ' his,' ei ' her,' and heidd,
now haidd, 'barley,' for forms which in Sanskrit are
asya, asyds, and sasya respectively. But the Goidelo-
Kymric Celts dropped the medial s so early, that for
our purpose one may set out from aja, ajas and saja
or sajja, modified in Welsh into eja, ejas, and seja: to
haidd may be added hlaidd, ' a wolf,' which enters into
Welsh names, and appears in the genitive as JBlai in Irish,
where also perhaps Blddn = our Bleiddan : the base would
v„ 7.7«o»v, trnyr\ -., rnnf irtyrng. whence Sa,nskrit gras ' to

430 LECTURES ON WELSH I'HILOLOGT.

take into one's mouth, to seize with the teeth, to devou
One is also reminded of such Greek formations as riXin
and a\riSeia, from nXie-Jo-i and dM^ie-ja, by the WeL
derivatives in aidd or eiddj-, e.g., hen ' old,' henaic
' oldish,' heneiddjo ' to grow old,' per, peraidd ' swee
pereiddjo ' to make sweet,' gwlad ' the country,' gwladau
' countrified,' llew ' a lion,' llewaidd ' like a lion,' gwei
' the look of a thing,' gweddaidd ' looking well,' that :
' seemly or decent.'

5. How aj/as has been shortened has just been show
but it appears slightly dififerent in some of its derivativ(
namely, in the Latin ahenus, aJieneus, for ahesnus ahesnei
in the Gothic eis-arn, ' iron,' Ger. eis-en, ' ferrum,' eis-er
' ferreus,' 0. Eng. is-en, ir-en, also is-ern, and an enigmal
irsem, Mod. Eng. iron, dialectically ire. These forms
rn are represented in the Celtic languages by Irish ia
and Welsh haiarn or haearn, ' iron.' Here it is interesti
to observe that as the Bronze Age preceded the Iron A{
the idea of iron is not found conveyed by the shorl
European forms ces, aiz, cer, ore : that comes in only wi
the derivatives eisen, eisarn, isern, to which one may a
Welsh haiarn and Irish iarn. In eisarn, eisern, isern, t
simple form ayas has been contracted into eis-, is- : so
the^ common language of the Celts, probably before th
separation, whence (1) the Gaulish is-amo- in the pla
name Isarnodor-i, which must have meant the ' In
door,' while (2) the Goidelo-Kymric Celts dropping th(
reduced eisarn- either into ejarn-, which had to beco:
in Irish earn, iarn, in consequence of the elision o
usual in that language, or else into iarn-, which had
become in Welsh eiarn, haiarn or haearn. But what
we to make of the h in the latter? This, if orgai
should be matched in Irish by an s, whence it would,
first sight, seem that the two words cannot be connect

APPENDIX. 431

a view, however, which one could not entertain without the
strongest reasons to back it. It has, accordingly, been
suggested that haiarn, stands for aiham with an h repre-
senting the s of eisarn-. But that seems to be inadmis-
sible, as vowel-flanked s probably disappeared in the
Goidelo-Kymric period, and that not by way of h, but of
z, for which the Ogam alphabet provided a symbol. My
conjecture is that haiarn does stand for aiham, but with
an h evolved by the stress-accent, and that, when later
the accent moved to the first syllable, the h followed
it, excepting in some parts of S. Wales, where the
word is now ham, which was arrived at possibly by
discarding the unaccented syllable of aiham . compare
such cases as that of dihdreb ' a proverb,' diarhebol
' proverbial.' It is right, before dismissing the word
haiarn, to say that it is also found written haearn,
hayam, and hauarn, while in O. Welsh names it occurs as
haern and heam as in Haemgen {Lib, Landav., p. 197)
and Biuheam (lb., pp. 166, 169, 175). The 0. Breton
form is hoiarn, which, through an intei^mediate houiarn
(with oui = ui in the Italian word cui) has yielded the
Mod. Bret, houam; similarly the Cornish became hoem.

These curious forms seem to show that Breton and
Cornish continued to change e, ei, di, into oi, ui, later than
the Welsh, and all taken together throw light on, and receive
light from, the history of a class of words of which the
following may be taken as instances : — a. Glaiar, claear,
clauar 'lukewarm,' Mod. Bret, hlouar and, according to
Llwyd, Icloyar, with which it is usual to compare the
Greek ;^X*ajos, but that is hardly admissible, unless the
latter be the representative of an earlier exXiagig. ^.
JDaear, dayar, daiar, and poetically daer 'earth,' Mod.
Bret, dollar, Com. doer : the original form may have been
d(h)iar-, d(h)ipar-, or d(h)isar-, or else d(h)eiar-, &c. y.

432 LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Gaeaf, gayaf, gauaf, 0. Welsh (in the Lichfield Codes
gaem ' winter,' Mod. Bret, goal" or goO'v, but in the dialec
of Vannes gouicC^, Corn, goyf, O. Irish gaim, dugaim^iu
"ad hiemandum" (Stokes' Irish Glosses, p. 166), Lai
hiems, Greek %£//Hiuii. The root of all these forms is ghiair,
which, treated as ghjam and reduced to gam, is the origii
of our gafr, ' a goat ; ' the first meaning of that word bein,
probably ' one winter old : ' the same is the history o
^Ifiagog, feminine %//ia/ga ' a goat,' and of O. Norse gymb
' a one year old lamb : ' see Curtius' Greek Etymology, Nc
195. b. Graean, graian 'gravel, sand,' Mod. Bret, grcma;
may possibly belong here, but the nearly related word gr
points in another direction, e. Haiach, haeach, hayach
hayachen, haechen " fere " (Davies), " an instant, instantlj
almost, most " (Pughe), are also words the history of whic]
is obscure. But not so (Q traian, traean ' a third part,
Irish trian (E. Llwyd), which are undoubtedly of the sam
origin as tri ' three,' or rather derived from it.

( 433 )

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

p. 22. Y Penvyyn — I was not aware at th.^ time that
Peawyn occurs as a genuine proper name, that is, without
the article : several instances are to be met with in The
Record of Carnarvon.

P. 23. Not only qv has passed in Welsh into p, h, but
tv also, as is proved by the masculine termination ep, now
eh, which enters into the affix ineh, as in rhviyddineb,
" ease,'' from rhwydd, " easy,'' and into the affix tep, now
deb, as in purdeh, " purity," horn, pur, " pure," and undeb,
" unity," from un " one." In Old Irish undeb was 6enfu,
genitive 6entad or 6entath ; this affix has several forms in
Irish, which, together with the Welsh equivalent, postulate
an earlier -ndaiva. Compare the Sanskrit affix tva in
Schleicher's Compendium, § 227, and as to Welsh t, d an-
swering Irish U, t, d, ' it may, I think, be regarded as a
rule, that when ggf, dd, bb (whether produced by provection
or the assimilation of a nasal) become cc (c), tt (t), pp (p),
reducible in Modern Irish to ff, d, b, the" corresponding
consonants in Welsh are c, t, p reducible also to g, d, b.
Take, for instance, Welsh ac, ag, " and, with," agos, " near,''
Irish ag, " with," agus, " and," from angh- ; Welsh map,
mab, " son,'' Irish mace, mac, from mangh- ; Welsh gwraig,
" woman, wife," plural gwragedd, Irish /race, from the same
origin probably as Latin virgo ; and Welsh cret, now cred,
" belief, faith," Old Irish creifem, " faith," Scotch Gaelic

2 B

434 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

creid, "believe," from the same origin as Sanskrit gradda-
dhdmi, " fidem pono : " see pages 72 and 435.

P. 41. Where Welsh reduces c, t, p into g, d, h and
Irish into ch, th, ph, I am inclined to think that both
languages reduced them first to Cj, t^, p^, which were
further modified into g, d, h in Welsh and ch, th, ph in Irish.

P. 46. To the instances of analogous cases in other
languages mentioned on pages 46 and 47 might be added
the case of Danish, as to which Herr Sievers says, p. 126,
that its initial consonants are pronounced very forcibly and
strongly aspirated, while the same consonants, as medials
and finals after a vowel, are allowed to become spirants of
very little force or even to be altogether lost. Surd mutes,
when initial, are frequently aspirated in Modem Welsh,
and this must also be the explanation of the ch in chrotta
and the th in Thaph and the like : see pages 118, 232.

P. 48. As to nn for nd, the change is now proved to
have taken place rather early in the Early Welsh period
by the discovery of the Llansaint stone with its Vennisetli,
which is identical with a somewhat earlier Vendesetli on
one of the Llannor stones : so Vendumagli, which is in all
probability later than either, can only have been the old
spelling of what was then pronounced Vennumagli, a name
identical in fact with the Vinnemagli of the Gwytherin
stone : this last form is remarkable as the only instance
known of the retention of the i of vind- which elsewhere
appears as vend^ or venn-.

P. 66. Another way of looking at Welsh ith for ct is
suggested by an elaborate article, in the Memoires de la
Society, de Linguistique de Paris, iii. pp. 106-123, bearing
the title " Kemarques sur la phon^tique romane — i parasite
et les consonnes mouill^es en frangais : " the same appears
even more clearly in the second volume, pp. 482, 483, of
Dr. Johannes Schmidt's work entitled Zur Geschichte des

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 435

indogermanischen Vocalismus (Weimar, 1875). There he
mentions a German dialect in which hnecht, recht, wechseln,
hexe become knaicht, raicht, waickseln, haicks : the i he
ascribes to the influence of the guttural becoming palatal
and imparting its i element to the vowel proceeding. This
applied to the Welsh instances would lead one to suppose
that noct- before yielding our noeth had to pass through
nocht-, noichth, noith- ; similarly (see page 209) peis, pais,
from pexa, and air, aer, from agr-, would imply as inter-
mediate forms peixa and aigr-. This view would compre-
hend also such cases as that of the i of doi, now doe, or
more fully as still used in South Wales y ddoe " the day,
i.e. jesteiday ; " the Breton is deat^h.

Same page, line 15, for " certainly " read " possibly : "
the n alone is doubtful.

P. 68. The principle attempted to be established on
pages 67, 68, and 69 is fully recognised, I find, by Sievers,
p. 134 of the work already alluded to.

P. 72. An excellent account of graddhd, (fee, by M.
Darmesteter, wUl be found in the Memoires de la Societe de
Linguistique de Paris, iii. pp. 52-55, where he shows that
^raddadhdmi consists of grad, an indeclinable and obsolete
word for heart, and dadhdmi, " I set or place," so that the
compound means " I set my heart," both in the way of
confidence or trust, and of desire or appetite : similarly the
Latin credo, from which the Celtic forms cannot be derived,
as some have thought, is to be analysed into cred-do, with
cred- of the same origin as cor, cord-is, English heart.
Modern Irish croidhe, Welsh craidd,^ both of which pos-
tulate as their earlier form crad-ja of the same forma-
tion as the Greek x^adlij.

P. 91. The existence of several kinds of a in the parent-
speech has recently been proved in Curtius' Studien, ix.
— oa^ An>T

436 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

P. 92, five lines from the bottom, for " Early " read
" Old."

P. 102. That the ch in buwch stands for an s is still
very doubtful : compare hwch " a sow,'' which as a river-
name is Hwch in Wales, Suck in Ireland, and Sow in
England. The next Article on Duw had perhaps better be
cancelled on account of the Old Welsh diu, genitive doiu
or duiv, in Cormac's Glossary, and so in Chiasduiu, of
which I take Guasduin and Guasdinu in the Liber Landav.,
p. 267, to be misreadings, later it became Gwasdwy, which
is printed GwasMuy in The Record of Carnarvon, where
we have also Gwassanfreit and Gwasmyhangel : compare
Gwas Grist and Gwas Teilo, which occur elsewhere as men's
names, also meudwy, " a hermit," lit. " God's servant," for
meu-dwyw, and Giraldus' Deverdoeu, now Dyfrdwy, " the
Dee," see p. 325. Further, dwyw- occurs in dwywol, an
archaic form of dwyfol " divine," and in Breton doue is
God.

P. 109. To the instances of the reduction of diphthongs
in accented syllables add the following in unaccented final
ones : Gynfal, Deinjol, and Gwynodl for earlier Gynfael,
JDeinjoel, and Gwynhoedl, which prove that the accent has
here retreated from the last syllable to the penultimate.
In the same category one may include such words as
gde, " a leech," for geleu (compare Sansk. jaMka, " a blood-
leech," of the same origin as jala " water "), hore, " morn-
ing," for horeu; and all such plurals as pethe and peilia, the
two prevalent pronunciations of petheu or pethau, "things,"
in colloquial Welsh, and so in other cases. ' I^^or is one to
exclude the innumerable modern instances which come
under the head of what Herr Sievers has happily termed
Eeciprocal Assimilation and briefly described, pp. 136,
137. This takes place, for example, when natives of
South Wales reduce such words as enaid, "soul," and

ADDITIONS AND COKKECTIONS. 437

«

noswaith, "a night," into ened and nosweth; and it is
probable that the colloquial pronunciation of words like
araeth, " an oration," and cafael, " to have," as areth
and cafel is .thus to be traced to the older araith
and caffail rather than to the written araeth, caffael.
An interesting instance of older standing offers itself
in the proper name lihel, which represents Idd-hel, a
shortened form of Jtiddhael, written in Old Welsh Jud-
hael, and on one of the Llantwit, stones Juthahelo ;
it is composed of jtid-, " fight," and hael, " generous, a
generous man," and may possibly mean hello-murdficus.
The process is also the same when aw becomes o as in
serchog, " affectionate," for serchawg, and so in a host of
others, aw in unaccented final syllables being now as a
rule left to poets, and to bombastic speakers in public.

P. 119, line 4: from the bottom, except the case of
Vinneinagli, where the i of vind- is retained.

P. 122. The base w^ich the Celtic forms for name imply
was in the singular atiman, which has recently been shown
to have been the original form also of Latin ndmen, English
name, and their congeners : see Johannes Schmidt's article
in Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xxiii. p. 267, and Mr. Sayce's in-
augural Lecture on the Study of Comparative Philology
(Oxford, 1876), p. 28.

P. 123, line 11 from the bottom, the cognate forms in
other languages make it doubtful whether heddyw or heddjw
is the more original: see page 95.
P. 133. ;For ^ substitute'.

P. 134. For cloch, coch, read cldch, cdch, in line 8 from
the top.

P. 139. For " candela and haiina " read " candSla and
habena."

P. 153. Here should have been mentioned i)MW, "God,"
Old Welsh nominative^diMj^ genitive duiu; and aU our com-

438 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

paratives of inequality in -ach, iov -ass = Aryan, (J)ans, go
back to some one of the longer cases, as may be seen by
comparing them with the Sanskrit nominatives gariydn,
gariyas, accusative masculine gartyA^sam, " heavier ; "
Greek fni^oiii, f'ti^ov, genitive fni^ovog, Latin major, majus,
genitive' majdris ; but it does not necessarily foUow that
Welsh mwy, " more, greater," as compared with mwyach,
comes from one of the storter cases. Lastly, the attempted
explanation of heno, " to-night," as a shortening of henos,
which nowhere actually occurs, is less probable than that
it represents some such a form as he-nuga or he-noga, in-
volving the counterpart of the Greek w/^- in viix'oi,
" nightly,'' and ni;^a " by night."

P. 158, three lines from the bottom, for "members"
read " numbers."

P. 162. As a matter of fact I find that Cunacena does
occur in Irish literature, namely, as Coinehenn in The
Martyrology of Donegal.

P. 169. For " Cadwalader " read " Cadwaladr."

P. 176, last line, better dhang, whence German taugen
and its congeners: see Schmidt's Vocalismus, i. p. 172.

P. 177, four lines from the bottom, /or "compounds"
read " names."

P. 180. As to Genitives in o or it perhaps it would be
more correct to regard the former vowel as the mark of the
Early Welsh Z7-direction, and the o as standing for os =
Latin os, us, is, as in senatu-os, Vener-us, Yener-is, and
Greek og, as in vsxu-os and ipigoiT-o;. It appears to have
also been os in Early Irish, as in Uwan-os: see pages 371,
372.

P. 181. As to Decheti, it is to be observed, that if
eh was introduced as the equivalent in point of pronun-
ciation of Early Welsh cc, then there would be no proof
that ch in the instance in question was a spirant, which

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 439

takes from the cogency of the argument in so far as it is
founded on Beckett.

P. 183, line 5 from the bottom, for " Dumnovali or
Duhnovali " read " Dumnavali or Bubnavali."
P. 194. For " Epiacum " read " Epeiacum."
P. 197. As to the. question of the v in Avon, Professor
Hiibner reminds me of a passage in the Annals, xii. 31,
where Nipperdey reads cwicta castris Avonam inter et
Sahrinam fluvios cohihere. The character of Nipperdey's
texts is too well-known to scholars to need any recommen-
dation, and I am glad to find that he has cast out of his
text the spurious form Caractacus, which should have been
in Modern Welsh Careithog, whereas the actual name is
Caradog, Irish Garthach, genitive Carihaigh, as in Mac
Carthaigh, Anglicised MacGarthy.

P. 205. For " AlhoHu " read " Alhortus."
P. 210. Asj did not pass into 8, but into %j, in which
the j may under certain circumstances disappear, jj is as
likely to have been the direct antecedent of ^j, as ivw or vv
of the ghw which yielded Modern Welsh chw and gw.
However, initial j does not appear to have ever become SJ,
but such a case as that of muliier, supposing it to mean
muljjer, would not be excluded ; for, as rj could become
ri, so Ij might be expected to become is, but the latter
would in Welsh have probably to pass into llth, whence
lit, liable to be reduced to II. We cannot say that this was
done in muljjer, as the word was not adopted into Welsh,
but it seems to have taken place in the case of Vergilius,
which (treated as if pronounced Fergilius) became in Welsh
Pheryll or Fferyllt, and the name of the famous Virgil of
'legend has given us a word for alchymy and chymistry,
namely, fferylljaeth or fferylltjaeth. The same thing hap-
pened in the case of the native word gallu, " to be able,"
which has a i in some of its derivatives, such as galltofydd-

440 LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

jaeth or gallofyddjaeth, " mechanics, the science of forces
and machinery," and the Capella gloss gva-galtov,, "fulcris:"
it has already been suggested that gallu is of the same
origin as the Lithuanian galiii, " I can." Besides FferylU
there is another instance which seems to prove that j did
not become 'ij till the Koman occupation — probably it did
not happen much before the 8 th century, as no certain
trace of it appears in our Early Inscriptions. I allude to
Llanfaredd, the name of a chapel dedicated to St. Mary, in
the neighbourhood of Builth. Here faredd is the mutated
form of Maredd, which would be the exact representative
of Marija for Maria ; compare pedwerydd, " quartus," and
pedwaredd, " quarta." In the case of the many churches
in Wales called Llanfair, the form of the name imphed
is not Maria but Maria, and the churches themselves
possibly belong to a dijBferent period, perhaps a much
later one : see Kees' Essay on the Welsh Saints (London,
1836), pp. 26-35.

P. 212. For V in Evaeattos read w, and so in others.

P. 213. Instead of the words " with atiate representing
what is in Modern Welsh enaid, ' soul,' " read " with anate
of the same origin and meaning as the Modern Welsh
enaid, ' soul ; ' " and, further on, cancel the reference to
Qvici and Qwed — I am now inclined to regard them as
Qvid and Qwed : see page 255.

P. 218. With Vennisetli may be coupled the form
Vendesetli found on another stone, which seems to have
been the name of the identical man afterwards known as
Gheynhoedl : see page 385.

P. 230. Mr. Douse, in his recent work entitled Grimm's
Law: a Study (London, 1876), shows, p. 203, that ^ is
merely a graphic variety of ]», and not an independent for-
mation from the same origin.

P. 237. By teg-hedr it was meant to suggest that the

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 441

Wekh comparatives of equality in ed are formally the
equivalents fff the Greek xoupors^os, yXuxiirejof, and the like.
Instances of the corresponding Irish forms, used as com-
paratives of equality, are mentioned in O'Donovan's Irish
Grammar, p. 120 ; but in Welsh the desynonymisation of
those corresponding to Greek comparatives in -n^og and
-lui respectively, is complete, and marked by the use of dif-
ferent particles, namely, a^, a, " as," and naff, na, "than,"
■while in Irish the former gradually dropped out of use.

P. 241. For Cornish elin read elinn.

P. 242. As to canell, Davies's canel, " cinnamomum,"
must be a comparatively late and incorrect form.

P. 243. To the instance of daw in Brut y Tywysogion add
two in Williams' Seint Greal (London, 1874), pp. 21, 124.

P. 265, line 11 from the bottom, read " are " for " is."

P. 295. The Trefgarn stone has been omitted in the
Appendix.

P. 323. For the benefit of those who may have scruples
as to equating Ogyrven with Ahriman, it may be said that
drwg, which we use both as an adjective and as a noun for
evil, in the widest sense of the word, is beyond doubt of
the same origin as the Zend drukhs, and Sanskrit druh, as
to which Professor Max Miiller, quoting from the
Eigveda, says : " Druh, mischief, is used as a name of
darkness or the night, and the Dawn is said to drive away
the hateful darkness of Druh. The Adityas are praised
for preserving man from Druh, and Maghavan or Indra is
implored to bestow on his worshippers the light of day,
after having driven away the many ungodly Druhs "
{Lectures^, ii. pp. 498, 499).

P. 335. Instead of assuming c and r in alphabet
No. 5 to have changed places, one may suppose No. 9, on
page 336, to have taken, owing to a hesitation perhaps of
a local nature, the foUowing form : —

442 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

I l l n il ,,,, I'll

a, b, oh, 0, 1, d, nu, u, p, e, s, s,

tw i.i ii i i ii 'ii I II III nil Hill Hill!

and that in time -LLLI- ceased to be used for s, wMch made
it available for e, wbether that had before been represented
by 1 11 1 1 1 or by the same symbol as r. Compare alphabet
No. ix. (page 342), in which ]> is supposed to have occu-
pied two consecutive places.

P. 368. As to the Inchaguile inscription, it is to be
noticed that in Menueh the h probably stands for ch, as in
Brohomagli and the like in Wales, unless the letter in
question should be read r.

P. 369. This beating about the bush would be un-
necessary if one might assume that the names of a few of
the Greek letters were at one time slightly different from
those handed down to us. In that case the Ogam Alpha-
bet could be derived directly from a Greek one, which
should then be substituted for the Phoeaician letters in
the table on page 330.

P. 379, line 4 from the bottom, the y of Cynfael as
compared with the stronger vowel, w, of Maelgwn, is due
to the fact that both names must have formerly been
oxytones.

P. 385, inscription No. 9. It is probable that Jovenali
is the Latin name borrowed, but I am now convinced that
Jouan, " John," and the later forms Jeuan, Jevan, Jewan,
Iwan, Ifan, Anglicised Evan, do not come from 'laanrn,
but that the latter was identified with a native name,
which in Old Welsh took the form Jouan, and in the
genitive in Early Irish TJwanos, for Juwan-os, which
is translated on the KiUeen Cormac stone into ivvene for

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 443

Juvenis. All these forms are of the same origin as Welsh
jeuanc, ifanc, English young, Latin juvencus, while the
Irish is 6g, for 8c, owing to the rule-right elision of both j
and w, and the reduction of nc to c. On the other hand,
the Joan of the authorised Welsh version of the New
Testament is 'ladnrn but thinly disguised : it seems to
date no earlier than the Reformation, when it began to
supersede Jeaan.

P. 393. For e in Gatotigerni read i.

P. 398. Andagelli possibly survives in Annell, the
name of a stream between Llandilo and Carmarthen, to
which Mr. Silvan Evans has kindly called my attention.

P. 426. With drud, " a hero," compare Lith. drutas,
" firm," and Old Norse ihru%r, " strong," and see the
remarks on them and forms allied with them in the
second volume of Schmidt's Vocalismus, pp. 264, 458.

Lastly, the following, which may prove a contribution
towards the solution of the queistion as to the origin and
history of the Ogmic method of writing, reached me
too late to be placed in its proper place. Thanks to the
kindness of the author of Tlie Sculptured Stones of Scotland,
and Mr. Anderson, superintendent of the Edinburgh
Museum, I received a squeeze of an Ogam-inscribed stone
lately brought thither from St. Ninian's Isle, Shetland.
The stone, which has been broken at one end, was dug out
of the ground in an old burying-place, aud is in many
respects a very remarkable one. Among other things it is
to be noticed that the vowels consist of long strokes
crossing the edge of the stone at right angles, as surmised
on page 306 of this volume. Having in vain tried to
decipher the inscription by means of the ordinary Celtic
key, I ventured to apply to it alphabet xi. (p. 342), when
it was found to contain ttttt, which is not included in the
latter. This, however, does not prove its inapplicability,

444 LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

but rather suggests that before it yielded alphabets xii.
(p. 343) and xiii. (p. 344), it was developed into the
following : —

-T-^H I, " '" nil nil ""

a, f, h, o, ]>, n, u, r, p, e, k,

III! ' "" //////////

i, w, rf, t, b, m, L

The reason, in that case, why no w appears in alphabet
xiii., consisting of Runes formed from the letters of the
Eoman alphabet, would be the fact that the latter
provided no separate character for it.

The direction in which an Ogmic inscription is to be
read can seldom be settled beforehand : so the present
instance, tried by means of the key here suggested, would
be either — '

//// 111 1 I II II I I I / / I mil I m i l
1 e ppottasa s

+ Mill mil I ' ll / "" III! '

w w e t z e . . .

or elpe —

II 1 1 ,, , . / 1 1 1 1 II II I 1 1 1 II

niiii nil / nil iiiii

k t

w

+ -+^TTT-^ / / I I III I II 1 1 1 1 ////
awattorr e L

The tt should perhaps be read h, but the question as to
whether either of these readings has any meaning, and
what that meaning may be, must be left to men who
have made Teutonic, philology their special study.

IlfDEX.

A, Aryan long, seems in Early
Welsh to have acquired a gut-
tural sound, 97, 215

A short, modified into e, o, 29, 91,
212

Aihwmuwi, Sicilian, 57

Aherth, Welsh, 71

AUavireihe, Mention of, 37

Abcma, 196, 439

Accadian Language, The, 2

Accenniri, Sicilian, 57

Accent in Welsh, 53, 54, 70, 123,
124, 125, 127, 176, 235, 236

Addmrn, Welsh, 106

Aden, Welsh, 92

Adfer, Welsh, 93

AmniTB, 217, 395

Aer, aw, Welsh, 66, 136

^tinet, O. Welsh, 253

Afcd, Welsh, 92, 134

AgotS, Sansk., 13

'A70S, 13

Agn, Names in, 30, 206, 381

Ai, The diphthong, 99, 222

Aipht, Yr, Welsh, 67

Airgead, Mod. Irish, 61

Alavmas, Gaulish, 197

^icom, Welsh, 420, 422

Algrim, Craft of, 318

Alhortus Eimetiaco, 215, 225,
386, 429

All, in Welsh alltud, 92

Allor, Welsh, 174

AlU, Welsh, 424

Alphabet, An Irish, based on the
Ogam, 304

Alphabet, Allusions in Irish Liter-
ature to the Ogam, 311 ; in
Welsh literature, 316

Alphabet, A prse-Eoman, used by-
Teutons, 339

Alphabets, Comparison and ex-
planation of the names of let-
ters in several, 357, 359, 365

Alphabet, Connection of the Og-
mic with the Phoenician, 310,
330

Alphabet, The Bethluisnion, 304

Alphabet, The Ogmic, in Irish
Manuscripts, 273

Alphabet! The Boman, among the
Kymry, 199

Alphabet, The Runic, 338, 339

Alphabet, Theory as to the origin
of the Ogmic, 311

Allan, Irish, 241, 424

Am, Welsh, 48, 92

Ambi, O. Gaulish, 48

Amheramdyr, Welsh, 54

An, Welsh negative prefix, 48, 50,
92, 139

Anadovyinias, E. Irish, 29

Anatemobi, 212, 216, 382, 386

Anawlamattias, B. Irish, 176

AnbithoMl, O. Welsh, 238

Andaselli, 398, 443

Andecamulos, Gaulish, 29

Angyljon, Welsh, 139

Anifel, Welsh, 128

Anmann, Irish, 122

ANNionKi, 410

Anocht, Mod. Irish, 66

Anter for hanter, O. Welsh,
239

Antoninus, Itinerary of, 194, 195,

196
Anu, O. Welsh, 243
Amoiredd, Welsh, 139

446

LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Apati for abhati, 72

Aper, O. Welsh, 40, 71

Aqua, Latin, 20

Aquae Sulis, or Bath, 195

Ar, Welsh, 92

Araile, Irish, 175

Arall, Welsh, 175

Arch, Welsh, 92

Arc'hant, Breton, 61, 420

ArcJicBologia Britannica, The, of

Edward Llwyd, 269
Archiunn, O. Irish, 154
Ardren, O. Breton, 43
Arfertur, Utabrian, 71
Argant, O. Welsh, 61
Argat, O. Irish, 61
^j-yaw, Welsh, 53, 61, 420
Aryan, Definition of term, 6
Aryan Languages, The, 1, 2, 3
Aryan Nomenclature, Dr. Fiok

on, 379
Assimilation, 40, 109, 116, 436
Asya, asyds, Sanskrit, 62, 429
At, Welsh, 125
Atebodd, Welsh, 71
Atrebatii, The, 195
Au, The diphthong, pronuncia-

-tions of, 101, 223, 256
Aue, O. Irish, 174, 299
Aur, Welsh, 224, 420
Aivreli, 169, 439
Avon, name of rivers in England,

196, 439
Aw, Evolution of, from d, 104
Awen, Welsh, 320
Awgrym, Origin of the Welsh
word, 318

B in Old Welsh, 228, written for

r, 228
Bahell, 0. Cornish, 238
Balch, Welsh, 134
Bakouni, 171, 398
Bardaul, Welsh, 124
Basque Language, The, 2
Bath, Welsh, 420, 421
Bedd, Welsh, 131
Bede, The Venerable, 130
Beidauc But, Welsh, 428
Beidjog, Welsh, 428
Bemhed, O. Welsh, 238
Bendith, Welsh, 151

Berchon, Irish, 171

Beunoeth, Welsh, 153

Bhrdtar, kc, 8

Bible, Bishop Morgan's, 269

Bioc'h, Breton, 106

Blddn, Irish, 429

Black Book of Carmarthen, 145,

184
Bledri, Welsh, 184; written by

Giraldus Bledhericus, 184
Bleiddan, Welsh, 429
Bloe^c, Welsh, 99
B6, Irish, 9, 152
Bodm, O. Breton, 250
BoDVOci, 380, 396
Bon, in Welsh henfon, 152
EONEMIMOKI, 410
Book of Ballymote, 312
Book of Lecan, 312
Book of Leinster, 311
Bos, /Sou;, &c., 9
Borau, Welsh, 139, 436
Bracaut, O. Welsh, 256
Brachaut, O. Cornish, 237
Braccat, O. Irish, 256
Brdge, Irish, 152
Braich, Welsh, 121
Braith, fem. of hrith, Welsh, 65
Bran, pi. brain, Welsh, 122
Brdth, Irish, 256
Braut, O. Welsh, 256
Brawd, Welsh, 8, 98, 135
Brechenjauc, Welih, 123-
Brenhines, Welsh, 120
Breton, A Celtic Language, 18
Bretons, The, are not direot're-

presentatives of the ancient

Gauls, 27
Breuan, Welsh, 152
Breuant, Welsh, 152
Brigantes, The, in Ireland, 33
Britain, Extent of, occupied by

Gaulish tribes in the time of

Julius Csesar, 195
Brith, Welsh, 65
Britons, Division of, after the

Battle of Chester, 141
Brivatiom, Gaulish, 29
Broccagni, 181, 291, .381, 402
Broccdn, Irish, 181, 402
Brochmail, Welsh, 181, 276
Brohomagli, 177, 276, 389
Br6o, Irish, 152

INDEX.

447

Broterilis, Lith., 8
Brother, Eng., 8
Bru, "Welsh, 152
Srych, fem. brech, Welsh, 119
Brychan, Welsh, 181, 402
BraoooAvi, 382, 391
Buwck, Welsh, 9, 102, 436
Buwinda, B. Irish, 171
BwyaU, Welsh, 238
Byddin, Welsh, 250
Byr, fem. her, Welsh, 119
Byw, Welsh, 98

Gad, Welsh, 177

Cad/an, The name of a Welsh

Prince, 169, 323
Cadwallm, Welsh, 197
Cae, cai, Welsh, 136 ,
Celexti, 207, 208, 391
Gaerlleon, Welsh, 245
Caled, Welsh, 92
Callaur, Welsh, 74, written cal-

aur, 242
Cam, Welsh, 48
Cambodunwm,, O. Gaulish, 48
Camelokigi, 380, 407
Can, Welsh, 93
Ganecosedlon, Gaulish, 29
Canel, O. Welsh, 242, 441
Ca/at, Welsh, 11
GantaUm, Gaulish, 29
CanwyU, Welsh, 48
Gar, Welsh, O. Irishlcara, 152
Cakausius, 386
Cardod, Welsh, 151
Garfan, 392, 400
Gamwennan, Welsh, 22
Ca/rreg y Lleon, Welsh, 245
, Cam, Sansk., 9
Case-endings- formerly used in

Welsh, 160
CasAvellaunus, 197
Casmillon, Welsh, 197
Gaaulheticc, O. Welsh, 237
Qata, Sansk., 11
Gatai>a/r, Irish, 29
Catamanhs, 29, 169, 323, 384
Gathl, Welsh, 51, note
Catotigibni, 31, 380, 393, 396,

443
Gatraeth, Welsh, 183
Gatteyrn, Welsh, 31

Caune, 223, 381, 389
Cado, 223, 390
Cavoseniabgii, 215, 390
Cead, Irish, 41, 56
Ceann, Irish, 42
Cebystr, Welsh, 252
Gedlinau, O. Welsh, 43
Gedlestneuiom, O. Breton, 43
Ceiljog, Welsh, 123
Geinjog, Welsh, 123
Gelicrwn, Gaulish, 29, 30
Gelleell, O. Cornish, 241, 249
Celtic Languages enumerated,

&e., 18
Celtic Languages, Non - Aryan

traits in, 190-192
Celts, The two divisions of,

19,25
Celts, The, preceded in these

islands by other traces, 190
Genedl nodded, Welsh, 159
Gennfinnan, Irish, 22, 170
Cenndubhan, Irish, 22, 170
Genthiliat, O. Welsh, 253
Genthliat, O. Welsh, 51, note, 253
Centum, Latin, 11
Gepister, Cornish, 252
Cernunnos, Gaulish, 29
Geroenhou, O. Welsh, 237
Get, O. Irish, 11, 41, 56
Gethir, O. Irish, 26
Cethf, Welsh, 51, note
Gh, in Ogam, 276
Chester, Battle of, 141
Ghiommo, Neapolitan, 57
Chrotta, 63, 118, 434
Ghw, Sound of, prevalent in

North Wales, 235
Chwaff, Welsh, 23, 282
Ghwannen, Welsh, 83
Ghwech, Welsh, 93
Chwertkin, Welsh, 83
Ghwerwedd, Welsh, 228
Chwi, Welsh, 235
Ghwiorydd, Welsh, 98
Gkwysigen, Welsh, 83
a, Welsh, 152, 220
Gia/ran, Irish, 24
Cimadas, O. Welsh, 248
Giwdod, Welsh, 151
Glaf, Welsh, 131
Gland, O. Irish, 373
Classification of Languages, 1

448

LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Classification of Welsh conso-
nants, 39

CUbene, Irish, 130

Cliab, Irish, 130

Clotokigi, 406

Clum, O. Irish, 373

Cnuwch, Welsh, 103

Cock, Welsh, 133

Gocuro, Oocurus, 214

Coed, Welsh, 100

Cod, Welsh, 100

CoeUiren y Beirdd, a Welsh alpha-
bet so called, 316

Coes, Welsh, 209

Goffau, Welsh, 236

C6ic, O. Irish, 41, 254

Coire, O. Irish, 9

ComHrSc, 250

Gomtoou, O. Breton, 250

Conhevi, Cornish, 299

CONETOOI, 216, 411

Congual, O. Welsh, 250

Connecting vowel, 182, 184

CONSOBBINO,168, 179,207 ,215, 387

Consonants, Doubling of, in Ca-
pella Glosses, 246 ; doubled in
accented syllables, 211 ; ety-
mologically equivalent, 16, 17 ;
flanked by vowels, 43

Constantinus, 169

Contextos, Gaulish, 29

Convalleorum populus, 85

CoKBAONi, 30, 178, 381, 400

OoRBALBNGi, 29, 177, 212, 392

Cm-cur, O. Irish, 373

Cm-ff, Welsh, 59, 151

Coifori, Welsh, 151

Corfforoedd and cyrph, pi. of
corph, Welsh, 59

Cormac's Glossary, 247, 249, 250,
256, 327, 370, 436

Cornish, a Celtic Language, its
literature, 19

Corp, Irish, 59

Corstopilum, or Corstopipam, 194

Cow, Eng., 9

pram, prdmya, Sansk., 14

pra/marM, Sansk., 14

Crann, Irish, 105

Craibdech, Irish, 13

Cri, O. Irish, 153

Cred, credu, Welsh, 72, 93, 433,
435

Crefydd, Welsh, 13
CVei/jiore, Welsh, 122
Creman, O. Cornish, 249
Creyr, Welsh, 277
Crispos, Gaulish, 29
Crocenn, Irish, 277
Crochta, Irish, 176
Crom, Welsh, 277
Croth, Welsh, 118, 133
Cruimiher, cruimhther, crubtMr,

Irish, 370
Crummanhiu), O. Welsh, 249
Crunnolunou, O. Welsh, 254
Crynjon, Welsh, 250
Cii, Irish, 152, 220
Cuisil, O. Welsh, 249
Cunacena, Irish, 29, 173, 438
Cunacennvm, 30, 212, 381, 395
Cunagussos, Irish, 29
Cunatami, CuNOTAMI, 29, 183,

212, 292, 405
CUNEGNI, 381, 400
CnffOCBNM, 29, 30, 178, 301, 395

CUNOMOEI, 410

CnNOVALi, 86, 392, 413
CuntiUlet, O. Breton, 250
CnRCAONi, 381, 398
Cuwch, Welsh, 103
Gyd-breiniog, Welsh, 121
Cyff, Welsh, 61 ■
Gyghor, Welsh, 54
Cylched, Welsh, 120
Cyllell, Welsh, 74
Gymraeg, Welsh, 120, 250
Gyndaf, Welsh, 405
Cynddelw cited, 322, 418
Cyndeyrn, Welsh, 31
Gynfyw, Welsh, 299
Gyntefig, Welsh, 120
Oynud, Welsh, 101
Gymmal, Welsh, 86, 250
Cyrff, pi. of corff, Welsh, 59
CyssylUu, Welsh, 74
Cysyl, Welsh, 249

D, The letter, 200 : its use in 0.

Welsh, 229
Dd, Irish, 7
Daaki, 216, 381, 406
Baeareg, Welsh, 120
Dafydd ab GwUym quoted, 133
Dakshina, Sansk., 13
Dcden, Welsh, 120

INDEX.

449

Dalligni, E. Irish, 30

Damdrchineat, O. Welsli, 240

Daniel, 121

Dannotali, Gaulish, 29

Dant, "Welsh, 56

Dam, Welsh, 134

Datolaham, O. Breton, 239

Dauu, daw, "Welsh, 242, 441

Dawn, "Welsh, 98

Dd, Use of, in "Welsh, 259

Deas, Mod. Irish, 12

Decceddas, Deccedda, Irish, 274

Decoeti, Decheti, 63

Dee, The river, 325, 436

Deg, "Welsh, 93

Dehau, "Welsh, 12, 94, 205

Delehid, O. Gomish, 238, 249

Demeti, 217, 295, 441

Den, Provencal, 57

Denoui, 406

Debvaoi, 380; 394

Derwydd, "Welsh, 152

Dess, O. Irish, 12

Det, Irish, 50

Deus, Latin, 12

Di- and Dy-, "Welsh prefixes. Con-
fusion of, 251

Dia, Irish, 130

Differences between "Welsh and
Irish, 35

Diguormechis, O. "Welsh, 238

Din, dinas, "Welsh, 124, 220

Dingad, "Welsh, 182, 220

Dinoot, Dunawd, The name of a
"Welsh abbot, 129

Diu, O. "Welsh, 12

Div, dyu, Sansk., 12 f

Do, The prefix, 251

Dohorcu, Irish, 252

DoBDNNl, 380, 408

Dodocetic, O. Breton, 250

Doe, "Welsh, 108

Dof, "Welsh, 96

Doguorenniam, O. Breton, 250

Doiros, Gaulish, 29

Dometos, 214

Dontawrios, Gaulish, 29

Door, Eng., 9

Dorus, Irish, 9

Draighen, Irish, 138

Drain, "Welsh, 138

Draoi, Irish, 32, 152

DrudUm, Gerrig y, 426, 443

Di-ui, 0. Irish, 152

Druid, Welsh and Irish for, 32

Druidism, Adoption of, by insu-
lar Celts, 32 ; introduction of,
into Gaul, 32

Dkustagni, O. "Welsh, 410

Druticni, Druticnos, Gaulish, 30

Drwg, "Welsh, 97, 441)

Drws, Welsh, 9

Du, The prefix, 251

Du, Lith., 8

Dual Number, Traces of, in
Welsh, 156, 157

Duheneticon, O. Welsh, 251

Duhricius, 250

Dunnagual, O. Welsh, 183

DuNOOATi, O. Welsh, 177, 178,
220, 300, 382, 394

Duo, Latin, 7

Dur, Welsh, 220

Dtttigirn, O. Welsh, 31

Duw, Welsh, 12, 102, 436

Dva, Sansk. and Zend., 8

Dvdra, Sansk., 9'

Dwfn, fem. dofn, Welsh, 97, 117

Dwyf, dwyv), "Welsh, 100

Dyuushpitar, Sansk. , 12

Dyfnwal, Welsh, 183

Dyfrdwy, Welsh, 325, 436

Dyfrig, Welsh, 250

DyUifh, Welsh, 238„249

Dyw, Welsh, 12, 95

E, for Aryan a in many Welsh

words, 93; two sounds of, in

Latin, 213
Hachtighearn, Irish, 32
Mol, Welsh, 94
Eclipses of consonants, 38, 50,

54 55 56 ''

'Edifeirjol, Welsh, 121
Ednod, Welsh, 253
Efydd, Welsh, 423
Ehnlinn, O. Cornish, 241
Ehorth or eorth, Welsh, 279
Ei, poss. pronoun, masc. and

fem., Welsh, 154
Ei, The diphthong, 225
Ei, Welsh, equivalent to Latin

as, 225
eXtov, 11
Eidon, Welsh, 225

2f

450

LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Eifl, Yr, in Caernarvonshire, 157

Eimetiaco, 215, 426

JEjudon, O. Welsh, 225

Minn, O. Cornish, 241, 425

Elin, Welsh, 128

Ellesheticion, O. Welsh, 237

Ellyn, Welsh, 241, 424

Empmn, Breton, 54

Emrys, Welsh, 123

Enabaeri, 29, 211, 212, 408

Enllyn, Welsh, 241

Ennyn, Welsh, 9

Enuein, 0. Welsh, 122, 243, 437

Enw, Welsh, 243

Eofn, Welsh, 276

Epeiacum, a town of the

Brigantes, 194
Epidium, The name of an island

between Scotland and Ireland,

192
Erlyn, Welsh, 154
Ekcagni, 206, 381, 402
Erchan, Welsh, 206
Eroilivi, 381, 411
Erlid, Welsh, 183
Esomun, O. Irish, 276
Etekni, 385

Etncoilhaam, 0. Breton, 239
Etruscan, Doubtful origin of, 4
Ettekni, 403
I.U, The diphthong modified into

au in Mod. Welsh, 137
Eu, Welsh pronoun, genitive

plural, 154
Eunt, O. Breton, 257
Euog, Welsh, 13
Euohoc, O. Breton, 250
Eutigirn, Welsh, 31
Evacattos, Irish, 29, 212
EVALI, 406
Even, Bug., 258
EVOLENGGI, EVOLENGI, 177, 206,

212
Ewin, Welsh, 153
Ewynog, Welsh, 250
Exobnus, Exomnus, Gaulish, 276

F, The letter sounded as^in O.

Welsh, 233 ; as v, 261, 262
F, The sound, its origin in

Welsh, 285 ; its Ogmic symbol

unknown, 280

Families of Speech, 1

Fanntjci, 381

Fanoni, 211, 282, 381, 409

Fechem, Irish, 130

Fedb, O. Irish, 228

Feidiog, Y, Welsh, 426

Feminine nominatives in e, 179

Ffer, 233

Ffetog, Gwentian Welsh, 45

Fflangdl, Welsh, 245

Fforch, Welsh, 118

Ffordd, Welsh, 118

Ffraeth, Welsh, 233

Ffrwyth, Welsh, 64

Ffunen, Welsh, 106

Ffwrch, Welsh, 118

iFfwrdd, Welsh, 118

Ffwm; Welsh, 151

Ffyrf, iem.fferf, Welsh, 120

Finch, Irish, 130

Fidchell, Irish, 373

Fin, Irish, 280

Finnmhagh, Irish, 171

Fius for Filius, 205

Foircheann, Irish, 172

FolcaAm, Insh, 59

Four Ancient Books of Wales

quoted, 159
Frater, Latin, 8
Fron, Provencal, 57
Futhark or Runic alphabet, 340
Furca, Latin, 118
Fy, fyn, fyng, Welsh, 52

G, Value of, in O. Welsh, 233

Gaedd, O. Irish, 188

Gaelic, Scotch, A Celtic language,

18
Gafr, Welsh, 432
Gair, Welsh, 122, 138
Gaoidheal, Irish, 188
Garlleg, Welsh, 76
Gatel, Gwentian Welsh, 46
Gaulish, A Celtic language, 179
Gaulish words extant, 19
Gdfr, pi. of gafr, Welsh, 136
Geill, Welsh, 122
Gen, Welsh, 94
Genaius, Cornish, 222
Genauni, Gaulish, 197
Gender in Welsh, 155
Genitives, Place of, in Welsh, 160

INDEX.

451

Geraint, son of Erbin, 184

Oh, Sound of, 65

Gilhin, O. Welsh, 69

Gildas, the historian, 22

Glas, Welsh, 133

Glendid, Welsh, 120

Glomerarium, Latin, 78

Glosses, The Eutychiiis, of Breton
ori^n, 271

Glosses, The later Oxford, are
Cornish, 271

Glosses, Welsh, 146

Glottology, Historical value of, 8

Go, Sansk., 9

Goba, Irish, 152

Gqf, Welsh, 152

Goglei^'edig, Med. Welsh, 252

Goidel, 0. Irish, 188

Goidelic Celts, Theory of sup-
posed occupation of Wales by
the, 186

Golbinoc, O. Breton, 250

Golchi, Welsh, 59

Gorau, Welsh, 139

Gorphen, Welsh, 59, 172

Gorsin, Welsh, 153

Gosgorddfawr, Welsh, 183

GramMdeg, Welsh, 120

Grcm, Provencal, 57

Grian, grene, Irish, 130

Grimm's Law, 15

Gripjud for Griphjud, O. Welsh,
245

Grudnev,, Welsh, 425

Gruffudd ab Cynan, 187

Guaina, Italian, 82

Ghienedoie, 183

Guichir, O. Welsh, 253

Guillihim, O. Cornish, 238

Guitaulfili GuitoHawn, 176

GvXba, Irish, 69

G%ocelesetice, O. Welsh, 252

Guogaltou, O. Welsh, 242

Gvxrrunhaie, O. Welsh, 237

Gwrm, O.' Welsh, 222

Gurehic, O. Cornish, 238

6w, for the semi-vowel w, 82

Gv)ag, Welsh, 131

Gweddw, Welsh, 228

Gwellaif, Welsh, 238

Gwenfael, Welsh, 48

Gwentian dialect of Welsh, 45

Gwm, Welsh, 280

Gwinllan, Welsh, 77

Gvdr, Welsh, 99

Gwisc, Welsh, 10

Gwlan, Welsh, 10

Gwlyh,'iem. gwleb, Welsh, 119 ,

Gwraig, Welsh, 238

Gwrtheyrn, 31

Gwych, fem. gwech, Welsh, 119.

253
Gwychr, Welsh, 253
Gwydd, pi. gwyddau, Welsh, 137
Gwyddbwyll, Welsh, 373
Gwyddel, 'an Irishman,' Welsh,

186
Gwyddel, 'a bush,' Welsh, 187,

188
Gwyddost, Welsh, 11
Gwyn, fem. gwen, Welsh, 119, 280
Gwyndyd, Welsh, 183
G-ayynfa, Welsh, 171
Gwynhoedl, Welsh, 218, 385
Gwynt, Welsh, 83
G^jlfin, Welsh, 69
Gylfinog, Welsh, 250

H, how used in the O. Welsh
Glosses, 239 ; its sounds, 203,
204, 205, 234, 235, 279

Had, Welsh, 93

Haf, Welsh, 93

Hafod y Lleon, Welsh, 245

Hahya, Zend., 9

Haiach, ffaeach, Hayach, Welsh,
432

Haiarn, Welsh, 426

Haidd, Welsh, 9, 429 '

Halen, Welsh, 93

Handwriting, Last use of Kymric,
258

Haml, Welsh, 136

Head, Eng., 255

Heb, Welsh, 94, 131

Heddyw, Welsh, 123

Hdabar, O. Breton, 250

HeWia, O. Welsh, 61

Helghati, 0. Welsh, 61

Heli, Welsh, 120

Helmholtz, Professor, on the sen-
sations of tone, 109-136

Hen, Welsh, 94

Henoeth, henoid, Welsh, 66, 153

Hep, O. Welsh, 71

452

LECTUEES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Siriu, Irish, 153

Hestaur, hestawr, hestoraid, hes-

torjou, "Welsh, 25, 124, 129
Heueiid), 0. Cornish, 249
Hinham, O. Cornish, 237
Mir, 'Welsh, 99
Jliraeth, "Welsh, 137 .
Mirunn, for irhunn, O. Welsh,

239
Eloimol, O. Cornish, 78, 241
Hoedl, Welsh, 218
Holeu, O. Breton, 250
HomOies, Welsh, mentioned, 269
Houel, O. Welsh, 250
Huar, Irish, 130
Hud, Welsh, 101
Hufen, Welsh, 101
Hundred, Eng,, 11
Hwaff, and hwap, 282
Hwn, fem. hon, "Welsh, 117
Hwy, Welsh, 100
Hwynthvry, Welsh, 55
Hylafar, Welsh, 250
Hysp, Welsh, 95 -
Hyviaith, Welsh, 249

I, Aryan, how represented in

"Welsh, 94
/, The letter, how used in Welsh,

200, 240, 248, 265
loaunus, Gaulish, 197
Iccavos, Gaulish, 29
Idwal, Welsh, 184
Idwallon, "Welsh, 197
lechyd, Welsh, 120
Igueltiocion, O. Breton, 244
Illteym, Welsh, 31
Ilwweto, in Ogam, 300, 382, 395
Im, Imm, Irish, 48
Immotihiou, O. Welsh, 238, 248
In, O. Welsh, now yn, 249
Inhher Domnonn, Irish, 33
Inchinn, Irish, 54
Indh, Sansk., 9
Inge, Irish, 153
Initial Consonants, Mutation of,

37,41
Inscriptions, Roman, in Britain,

214
lorddonen, Welsh, 151
Jot, Breton and Cornish, 9, 106
Jou, Welsh, for lau, 228

Tr, O. Welsh, now yr, 249
Is, O. Welsh, now ys, 249
1th, Irish, 9
Ith in place of chth, in O. Welsh,

64
Ithel, Welsh, 437
luhron, Gaulish, 29
Iwerddon, Welsh, 153

Jacit, 383
Jarll, Welsh, 76
Jdut, Lettish, 9
Jawn, Welsh, 257
Jiva, Sausk., 98
Joven, Proven5al, 57
JovBNALi, 385, 442
Julios, Latin, 214
Jupiter, Latin, 12
JUs, Latin, and its congeners, 9
Jdsti, 167

Juthahelo, O. Welsh, 238, 437
Juvencus Oodex, Stanzas from
the, 230, 231

Keywannedd, Med. Welsh, 260
Ki;/)t6s, 119

i, Sound of, In O. Welsh, 240

LAine, O. Irish, 230

Landinegath, "Welsh, 184

Ldr, Irish, 257

Latin cases. Traces of, in Welsh.
151

Latin, Rustic, amon? the Britons,
226

Lavinia, Latin, 230

Laws of Wales, Venedotian ver-
sion of, 64, 145, 265

Leguenid, O. Welsh, 230

Lejnhaam., O. Breton, 239

Lestir, O. Welsh, 253

Letters, Kymric, by what names
known, 200

Le<lr, Breton, 257

Ligaunus, Gaulish, 197

Litimaur, O. Welsh, 183, 253

Litogeni, O. Welsh, 407

LI in O. Welsh and Cornish, 77 :
sound of, 241

Llaes, Welsh, 209

INDEX.

453

Llaeth, Welsh, 108, 230

Llafur, Welsh, 106, 220

Llaubeulan, Welsh, 225

Man y Gwyddel, Welsh, 186

Llathen, Welsh, 135

Llaw, Welsh, 129

Llwwenydd, Welsh, 139, 230

Llavm, Welsh, 98

Llawr, Welsh, 98, 257

Llawrudd, Welsh, 236

Lleiddiad, Welsh, 121

Llrnig, Welsh, 245

Llestr, Welsh, 253

Lletty, Welsh, 70

Lleyn, Welsh, 33, 109

Lloffa, Welsh, 236

Llofnidd, Welsh, 236

Llvarth, Welsh, 229

Lhiwch, Welsh, 103

Llwfr, fem. llofr, Welsh, 252

Hwm,f fem. llom, Welsh, 117

Llyg, Welsh, 152

Llym, fem. llem, Welsh, 119, 155

Lobar, O. Welsh, 252

Logograph, Description of, 80

LovERHACi, 380, 399

LOVEKNII, 209, 386

Lt,ld, Treatment of, in Welsh, 73

Lubhghort, Irish, 229

Imcopibia, The name of a town
of the Novantse, 192

Imch, Irish, 152

iMgudeccas. Irish, 176

Luird, O. Welsh, 229

LnNAB(o)Hi Cooci, 63, 398

Luxemhourg Fragment, of Bre-
ton, not Welsh, origin, 271

M, Value of, in O. Welsh, 242
Mob, map, 23, 135, 419
Mabinogion, The, mentioned, 54,

145 ; quoted, 156
Mac, Irish, 23
Macabitini, 397
Maecu, Macoi, Maqui, Macwy,

415-419
Maocudecoeti, 174, 180, 384, 409
Macht, Germ. , 64
Mae, Welsh, 137
Maelan, Welsh, 206
Maglagm, 30, 206, 381
Magli, 381

Maglocune, 169
Magolite in Ogam, 409
Mahts, Goth., 64
Mai, Welsh, 137
Mailagni, Irish, 30, 374
Mair, AVelsh, 121, 440
Malledo in a Eoman inscription,
. 214

Malluro, Latin, 214
Mdm, Sansk., 7
Mam, Zend., 7
Manapia, 193
Manaw, Welsh, ' Isle of Man,'

193
Mang", Lith., 7
Maneg, Welsh, 120
Maqveeagi, O. Welsh, 22, 408
Maqvi, 163, 415-419
Maqvi Ercias, Irish, 198
Maqvirini, 22

Maqvi-treni in Ogam, 293, 403
Maqvi Walamni, Irish, 198
Marcach, Irish, 59
March, Welsh, 59
Marchog, Welsh, 59
Margeteud, Welsh, 240
Maria, 121, 440
Math, Welsh, 421
Matdc, 388

Maurdluithruim, O. Welsh, 43'
Ma . . abii, 209, 409
Me, Lat., Irish, Eng., 7
Meddiant, Welsh, 56
Meibjon, Welsh, 122
Meilljon, Welsh, 241
Meirch, pi. of march, Welsh,

136
Meirchjon, Welsh, 123 n
Mel, Welsh, 94
Meli, 381, 384
Melldith, Welsh, 73
Mdlhionou, Cornish, 241
Meat, Welsh, 94
Mdyn, Welsh, 94, 119, 120
Menai Straits, The, 193
Mena/pia, 193
Menevia, 193
Merch, Welsh, 94, 155
Mercios, Latin, 214
Meredudd, Welsh, 240
Mergidhaham, O. Breton, 238
Meudwy, Welsh, 419
Mi, Welsh, 7

454

LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

Mi, O. Welsh for/3/, 249
Mi, Irish, 153
Mis, Welsh, 153
Moch, Welsh, 96
Modryb, pi. modryhedd, O. Cor-
nish, modreped, 249
Mogou, O. Breton, 244
Momonia, 193
MONBDORIQI, 382, 391
'Monnow, the name of a river, 193
Morgen, Welsh, 61
Morten, Welsh, 61
Jlfucoi-ftrccJinOgam, 292, 380,404
Muin, O. Welsh, 249
Mumhain, Munster, 193
Musical tones, 110, 111
Mwnai, Welsh, 423
■ Myllteyrn, Welsh, 31, 385
Myn, Welsh, 249
Myned, Welsh, 124
Mynwy, Welsh, 193'
Mynyddoedd, Welsh, 137
Mynyw. Welsh, 193, 249
Mysc, Welsh, 95

iV surd, 58
Nef, Welsh, 94
Nemnivus, his alphabet, 359
JSTerth, Welsh, 59
Nertlifawr, Welsh, 59
Nerthheint, O. Welsh, 233, 236, 237
Nertmdr,.0. Irish, 59
Nertomarus, Gaulish, 59
Nettalami, Irish, 29
Nettasagru, 29, 180, 212, 380, 404
Neuter gender in Welsh, Traces

of a, 155
Ng, The guttural nasal, 243, 273
Nliw, Welsh, 55
Night, Eng., 65
Noeth, Welsh, 66, 96, 434
Nogtene, ai7, 295, 441
NoGTivis, 295, 381, 441
Nos, Welsh, 96, 153, 438
Nouel, O. Welsh, 242
Np, Sound of, according to Cors-

sen, 206
Nyfjo, Welsh, 95

0, in some words for a, 95, its
' two sounds in Latin, 214

0, "if," Welsh, 96

Och, Welsh, 133

Oc'hen, Breton, 8

Ocht, Irish, 64, 205

Octo, Latin, 64

Oen, Welsh, 67, 138

Oerllwm, Welsh, 76

Oes, Welsh, 108, 137

Ofydd, Welsh, 314

Og, Welsh, 96

Ogam alphabet, values of letters,

284, derived by the Celts from

the Teutons, 350, regarded as

a cryptic alphabet, 327, written

from left to right, 346
Ogam-inscribed stones in Ireland,

376; in Wales, Devon, and Com-

waU, 289-304
Ogma, The Irish tradition about,

313
Ogyrven, 320
Oid, O. Welsh, 137
Otda, 11.

Oio, The mystic, 318
Ois oisoud, O. Welsh, 137
Oil, Welsh, 76
Olwyn, Welsh, 254
One, Eng. , 101
Oppiamicnos, Gaulish, 30
Ordous, 207, 382, 392
dti, Gweutian Welsh, 45
Ouse, The English river-name, 196

P of Aryan parent speech omit-
ted in Celtic, 21 ; how Latin p
was dealt with in Ogam, 21,
284

Pa, Welsh, 93

Pabell, Welsh, 76 ,151, 175

Pair, Welsh, 9

Pais, pels, Welsh, 209, '435

Paradwys, Welsh, 236

Parisii, A Gaulish tribe, 26

Pas, Welsh, 93

Pose, Welsh, 373

Pascent, 21, 391

Fatal, O. Welsh, 242

Patjsknini, Latin, 21, 167

Patrick, St., Oath of, 257

Paulini, Latin, 167

Paulus, Latin, 225

Pawb, Welsh, 129

INDEX.

455

Pedol, Welsh, 236
PedMar, Welsh, 20, 198
Pembroke^ Bng., 234 1
Pem, 'Welsh, 125, 255
-Pmfro, Welsh, 234
Pennocrucium, Gaulish, 195
newoouwSos, Gaulish, 23
Permyn, Welsh, 22, 170
Perllan, Welsh, 76
Peteu, O. Cornish, 249
Petguar, O. Welsh, 83
PethoM, Welsh, 139
Petorritum, Gaulish, 20, 198
Petuaria, a town of the Parisi,

194
Ph, Sound of, 245
Pib, Welsh, 131
Pictish Language, The, 19
Pig, Welsh, 255

Pimphet, O. Welsh, 49, 231, 254
Piran in the Sands, 24
Plara, Welsh, 134, 373
Plantheriruyr, O. Welsh, 237
Pluf, Welsh, 373
Po, Welsh, 154
Pobi, Welsh, 96
Pompeius, Latin, 301
Poulloraur, O. Welsh, 234
Pant, Welsh, 151
Porchell, Welsh, 75
Porfeydd, Welsh, 109
PoEius, 22, 381, 390
Porth y Gwyddel, Welsh, 186
POTENINA, 393
Prasutagus, Gaulish, 194
Pregetk, Welsh, 67
Prem, O. Welsh, 247, 370
Premier, O. Welsh, 370
Preon, Provenfal, 57
Pridd, Welsh, 153
Priddell, Welsh, 120
i'Ww, Welsh, 52
Prcmter, O. Cornish, 371
Prounder, O. Cornish, 371
Provection, Explantion of term,

67
Provection, Examples of, 69, 70
Pryf, Welsh, 247 .
Ptolemy's Geography, 192
Pvmp, pummed, Welsh, 254
PuNPEins, 301, 397
Puoenimis, Gaulish, 254
Pwdr, fem. podr, Welsh, 117

Pwy, Welsh, 100, 154
Py, Welsh, 95
Pydew, Welsh, 249

Qgv in Ogam, 282

Quatuor, Latin, 20

Queranus, the name of an Irish

Saint, 24
Qv changed into p, 20, 24,

371 ; in Ogam, 281
QvENATAUCl, 22, 211, 212, 224
QvENVENDANi, 22, 264, 381, 398
Qveci, 213
Qvid, 213, 381, 440
Qvrimitirros, Irish, 370

iJ, The sound of, 245
Bamedon, Gaulish, 29
Sask's Law, 15
Secht, Irish, 64
Rectum, Latin, 64
Red Book of Hergest, 266
Res patres, 247
Rettias, Irish, 176
Retws, Gwentian Welsh, 45
Rh, 76, 245
Rhaidd, Welsh, 121
Rhaith, Welsh, 64
Rheffyn, Welsh, 121
Rheibjo, Welsh, 121
Rhi, Welsh, 99
Bhodri, Welsh, 184
Rhudd, Welsh, 102
Rhuddlan, 183, 260
Rhuwch, Welsh, 103
BTiwd, Welsh, 97
Rhwyd, Welsh, 79
Rhydeym, Welsh, 30, 250
Rhys, Welsh, 246, 247
Rhys ah Tewdwr, 187
ElALOBBANl, 381, 413
EiOATl, 177, 411
Right, 'En%.,%i
Riglion, O. Breton, 43
Rodhericus, 184
Roenhol, O. Welsh, 238
Rogedou, O. Breton, 244
Roluncas, O. Breton, 250
Rudelcm, 183
EUOHIAVO, O. Welsh, 394

456

LECTUKES ON WELSH PHILOLOGT.

Eunes, 338-340 ; written from

right to left, 346
Rutegyrn, O. Welsh, 250
Butupice, or Eichborough, 194

S changed into h, 25 ; omitted
■when final, 207 ; and when
flanked by vowels, 28

Sack, "Welsh, 61

Saeth, Welsh, 61

Sagbani, 212, 405

Sagkanui, 282, 303

Saeson, Welsh, 275

Sais, Welsh, 189, 275

Saith, Welsh, 25, 52

Salesirary, William, mentioned,
55, 260, 268

Salince, in Bedfordshire or South
Lincolnshire, 194

Samotalms, 29

Sanctdn, Irish, 388

Sasya, Sansk., 9

Satueninhs, 207

Satimilini, 290, 389

Scamnhegint, O. Welsh, 233, 237.
239

Schnv/r, Germ. , 243

Scipaur, O. Welsh, 254

Scribl, Welsh, 43

Seacht, Irish, 52

Segomari, Gaulish, 29

Segovellauni, Gaulish, 197

Semitic, The, Family of Langu-
ages, 1

Senaccs, 215, 380, 385

Smanui, Irish, 25

Sbhemagli, Senomagm, 30, 165,
177, 212, 389

Seniaegii, 209, 390

Ser, Welsh, 94

Serbe, O. Irish, 228

Serch, Welsh, 94

Seren, Welsh, 120

Sit, O. Irish, 56

Sbveki, 401, 410

Sevekini, 410

Seviros, Gaulish, 29

Sextarius, Latin, 25, 124, 129

Sir, Irish, 99

SUbib, Ii-ish, 130

Sliab, 130

SOHHI, 380

Sonants and surds, how distin-
guished, 40

St, in Ogam, 273

Stdn, O. Eng., 104

Stour, English river-name, 196

Suas, Irish, 130

Sulbair, O. Irish, 250

Surds and sonants, how distin-
guished, 40

Swaqqvuci, 23, 303, 381

Sych, fern, sech, Welsh, 120

Sympathetic resonance, 113

T, d, th, &c., 43, 229, 258
Tad, Welsh, 11, 131, 135
Tafod yr edn, Welsh, 427
Tai, pi. of ty, Welsh, 234
Tairmchrutto, Irish, 176
TcKth, Welsh, 205.
Tcdagni, Irish, 30
Tan, ' fire,' Welsh, 125, 152
Tant, pL tannau, Welsh, 11,

56
Tanti, tantu, Sansk., 11
Taradr, Welsh, 252 : tarater, O.

Cornish, 252
Twrb, O. Irish, 228
Tarbelinos, Gaulish, 29
Targe, O. Eng., 61
Tarjan, Welsh, 61
Tarvos, Gaulish, 29
Tarw, Welsh, 93, 228
Tdo-is, 11.
Tat, O. Welsh, 11
Tata, tdta, 11
Taw, Welsh, 137
Tawdd, Welsh, 135
Te, O. Welsh, 233
Teach, Mod. Irish, 31
Techt, Irish, 205
T^, O. Irish, 31
Tecbenacds, 213, 215, 380, 396
Tegeenomali, 31, 213, 380, 411
Teirthon, Welsh, 123
Teisterbant, 13
Tene, Irish, 152
Tit, O. Irish, 11, 56
Tiud, Irish, 56
Teulu, Welsh, 233
Teutonic Languages, Phonology

of, 348-350
Texel, 13

INDEX.

457

Teyrn, "Welsh, 30, 31

Teymlluc, "Welsh, 31

Teymas, Welsh, 109

Tegmog, "Welsh, 31 >

Teyjiwn, "Welsh, 31

Tk, Use made of, 229, 258

Thiers, French, 31

Ti, "Welsh, 220

Tiern, French, 31

Tiemmael, Breton, 32

T^/, 0. Welsh, 31

TigerinomaZum, 32, 411

Tigemum, Tiern, Thiers, 31

Tigheamach, Irish, 31

Tir, Welsh, 99

Tlws, fern, tlos, Welsh, 153

T6ib, O. Irish, 229

ToUapis, supposed to be Sheppey,

194
Tojos, Greek, 11.
Torcigel, O. Cornish, 244
Torfeydd, Welsh, 109
TOKRICI, 381, 412
Toutiorix, Gaulish, 221
Toutissicnos, Gaulish, 30, 221
Ttmtius, Gaulish, 102, 221
ToviSACi, 211, 215, 382, 389
Tmim, Eng., 220
Traed, Welsh, 108
Trannoeth, Welsh, 153
Tren, 381

T3SENACATTIS, 29, 212, 393
Trenagusu or TBBNEGnssi,30,180,

211, 212, 403
Tria maqiia Mailagni, 29
Trilluni or Teiltoti, O. Welsh,

211, 394
Tnom, fem. from, Welsh, 117
Tu, Welsh, 101, 229
Tuath, Irish, 102, 221
Tud, Welsh, 102, 221
TudwaUon, Welsh, 197
TUn, O. Eng., 220
Turanian Languages, The, 1
TUEPILLI, 21, 167, 175, 394
Tutri, Welsh, 221
TwU y Gwyddel, Welsh, 186
Two, Eng., 8
Ty, Welsh, 31
Tymmhor, Welsh, 50, 151
Tymp, Welsh, 151
Tynghed/en, Welsh, 323
Tvraonnell. Irish, 86

U, Aryan, how represented
in Welsh, 96; derived from
Aryan di, 100 ; sounds of,
in Early Welsh, 218, 246,
267

Uchel, Welsh, 103

Ugain, Welsh, 53

Uile, Irish, 76

VTcshan, Sansk., 8

Ulcagni, Uloagnus, 30, 381,
398, 410

Ulcos, Gaulish, 29

Un, Welsh, 101, 126

Unbenndeth, Welsh, 123

Undeb, Welsh, 126

Unol, Welsh, 126

Urbgen, O. Welsh, 61

Urjen, Welsh, 61

Uma, Sansk., 10

Ursa, O. Irish, 153

Uwanos Awi Eioaccatos, 369

Uvid, Welsh, 9, 102

T, Pronunciation of, 210
"V"ailathi, 222, 410
Valoi, 0. Welsh, 381, 409
Vastra, Sansk., 10
Veda, Sansk., 11
Vedmi, Sansk., 11
Vedomavi, 224, 396
Vellaunodunum, Gaulish, 197
Vblvor, O. Welsh, 392
Vbndesetli, 171, 385
Vendoni, 171, 381
Vendubaki, 171, 212, 398
Vendumagli, 48, 171, 396, 434
"Venedotis, 207
Vbnnisetli, 218, 402
Vebaoius, 215, 385
VercassivellaunVfS, Gaulish, 197
Vernodiibrwm, Gaulish, 29
Vestis, Latin, 10
Vetta, 381, 414
VicTOK, Latin, 167, 403
Video, Latin, 11
Viducos, Latin, 214
Vilna, Lith., 10
Vindomagus, Gaulish, 171
Vindos, Gaulish, 171
ViNNEMAGLi, 165, 177, 389, 434
Vinniano, Irish, 280
Virgnous, Irish, 280

458

LECTURES ON WELSH PHILOLOGY.

VlTAUANI Emebeto, 179, 288,
294, 406

Tivus, Latin, 98

VlUna, O. Bulg., 10

Vortipori, the name of a Eing of
the Dimetians, 22, 169

Vowel, Irrational, not written
in O. Welsh, 252 ; now pro-
nounced fully in S. Wales, 252

Vowels, The, 90, 124, 212, 247

Vv, The combination, 210

Witaliani, 179
Woodbine, Eng., 56
Wool, Eng., 10
Wy, in Welsh for 8, 104
Wyth, Welsh, 64, 96, 205

X was frequently pronounced ss
or s, 208 ; xs used for x, 208

T used for i, 264
Ych, pi. ychen, Welsh, 8
Yd, Welsh, 95
Ymenyn, Welsh, 53
Ymennydd, Welsh, 54
Ymmod, Welsh, 248
Yn, a masc. termination, 120
Ynhw, ynhwy, Welsh, 55
Ysceijn, Welsh, 136
Yseuhor, Welsh, 254
Yspaid, Welsh, 121
Yspail^ Welsh, 123
Yspytty, Welsh, 70
Ystafell, Welsh, 75
Ystwyll, Welsh, 76
Ythewal, Welsh, 184
Yiis, y&sJia, Sansk. , 9

Z, in Ogam, 273
ZejJs, 12
ZeD irdrep, 12

THE END.

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