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Full text of "The new Europe, 1789-1889; with short notes, bibliographies, diagrams, and maps"

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Cornell University Library 
D 359.J45 

New Europe, 1789-1889; 

3 1924 027 798 341 

Cornell University 

The original of tiiis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 







Author of " The Thirteen Colonies of North America," Etc. 




/77 7^ 


It has been my object in this small book to put into a handy 
form a short narrative of the history of " The New Europe." 
There are many far greater works on this subject, and I have 
tried to make this account a simple introduction to some, the 
titles of which will be found at the end of every chapter ; those 
marked with an asterisk being particularly recommended. The 
maps are merely to serve as guides to those students who 
have to draw, for examination or other purposes, sketches of 
campaigns or boundaries. The diagrams have proved useful 
in the past to many of my pupils, purely as an aid to visual 
memory. They are in no sense anything more than reminders 
of the subject of the previous chapter. I have endeavoured to 
give a very short biographical note concerning the most 
important foreign statesmen, soldiers, and thinkers ; but I 
have not thought it necessary to include in this list members 
of royal houses ; nor have I mentioned any Englishmen, as 
British biographies are easily ascertained. 

I cannot send this book into the world without saying how 
deeply indebted I am to many kind friends for their valuable 
assistance ; and especially to Mr. Philip Brown, of New College, 
who, besides reading and considerably revising my proof sheets, 
has contributed the greater part of Chapters I. and VIII. 
Mr. H. A. L. Fisher and Mr. L. J. Wickham-Legg, Fellows 


of New College, Mr. C. T. Atkinson, Fellow of Exeter College, 
and Rev. M. Patterson, Fellow of Trinity College, have all 
kindly read through the proofs of different chapters in the 
book. Any mistakes that may still be left are entirely faults 
of my own. I must also take this opportunity of thanking 
Mr. R. S. Rait, Fellow of New College, for by his action the 
writing of this little work was made possible. 

Oxford, igio. 




The French Revolution at Home, 1789-1799 .... 1 


The Revolutionary War on Land, 1792-1802 . 42 

The Revolutionary War at Sea, 1793-1805 6g 

The Napoleonic War, 1802-1807 ... ... 89 

The Peninsular War, 1807-1814 105 

The Napoleonic War continued), 1807-1815 124 

Poland, 1789-1815 152 

The Resettlement of Europe, 1814-1824 . . . . 171 


The GRiEco-TuRKiSH and Russian Wars, 1821-1831 . . . ig8 



Europe Unsettled, 1830-1843 • ■ zi? 


Revolution and Reaction, 1844-1850 . . ... 244 

The Union of Italy, 1815-1870 37° 

The Crimean War, 1854-1856 . . • ■ • 286 

The Rivalry between Austria and Prussia, 1846-1866 . . 502 

The Franco-Prussian War and After, 1867-1889 . . . 324 

The Renewal of the Eastern Question, 1873-1889 . . . 348 


Europe since the Treaty of Berlin, 1878-1889 . . . 369 



Changes in the Government of France . . .40 

The Effects of the French Revolution on England . 8a 

The Results of the Battle of Trafalgar ... 87 

The Success and Downfall of Napoleon . . . 104 

The Success and Defeat of the French in the Peninsular War 133 

The Results of the Moscow Campaign iS"'*- 

The Fortunes of the Greeks and Turks, 1820-1827 . . 216 

Some Results of the French Revolution, 1830 . . . 342a 

The Revolution of 1848-1850 368a 

The Eastern Question ... .... 358a 




The Bourbons 

The House of Austria . . 
The Family of Bonaparte .... .88 

The House of Hohenzollern. . . 103 

The Bourbons in Spain and the Two Sicilies . . . 122 

The House of Hanover -151 

The House of Romanov 170 

The House of Saxe-Coburg 197 

The Reigning House of Sweden ... . . 197 

The Royal House of Bavaria 215 

The House of Orange 243 

The Royal House of Portugal 269 

The House of Savoy .... . . 385 

To Illustrate the Schleswig-Holstein Question . 323 


Europe in igog Frontispiece 

To Illustrate a Part of the Campaigns of 1796 and 

1799 • 

To Illustrate the Campaign of Marengo . 
To Illustrate the Peninsular War . 

The Moscow Campaign 

The Napoleonic Empire, 1813 
The Partitions of Poland 
Races in the Austrian Dominions 

Italy in 1815 

The Siege of Sebastopol 

The Advance of the Prussian Troops in i855 

To Illustrate the Franco-Prussian War . 

The Balkan Peninsula 

The Partitions of Africa 

To face p . 43 


Alison. History of Europe. 

*Alison Phillips. Modern Europe. 

Andrews. Historical Development of Europe. 

Biographie Moderne, ou Dictionnaire historique des hommes qui se sont 

fait un no7n. 
Bioffraphie Universelle. Ancienne et Moderne. 
British and Foreign State Papers. 
Bryce. The Holy Roman Empire. 

Capefigue. Hisioire de I 'Europe depuis I 'dvdnement de Louis- 

Debidour. Histoire Diplomatique de V Europe. 

Dictionary of National Biography. 


Dyer and Hassall. 




Lavisse and Rambaud. 








Histoire Contemporaine. 

A History of Modern Europe. 

A History of Modern Etirope. 

European History. 

The Map of Europe by Treaty. 

Treaties and Tariff's regula/itig Trade, etc. 

Histoire generate du JV.^" siecle a. no s jours. 

Student's Modern Europe. 

The Resettlement of Europe. 

A Time Table of Modern History. 

A Century of Continental Europe. 

Histoire politique de V Europe contemporaine. 

Europe, 1789-18 15. 

Geschichte Europa's seit den Vertragen von 1815. 

Histoire de la dette publique de la France. 

Allgemeine Geschichte. 

An Introduction to the History of Modern Europe. 

The New Europe 



Contemporary Sovereigns of Most Important Nations. 

Great Britain. Holy Roman 




1622 — 42. 

1642 — 61. 

1661 — 1715. 



George III. 
(since 1760) 

Joseph II. 
(since 1765) 
Leopold II. 

Francis II, 


Frederick William II. 
(since 1786) 



Catherine II. 

(since 1762) 

Charles IV. Gustavus III. 
(since 1788) (since 1771) 

Gust a 


Paul I. 

Frederick William III. 

Important Dates in Previous History of France, 

The Meeting of the States-General. 

The Period of Cardinal Richelieu. 

The Period of Cardinal Mazarin. 

The Period of Louis XIV. 

The Period of Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Morelly, and Quesnay. 

The Accession of Louis XVI. 

The Declaration of American Independence. 

Necker became Minister of Finance. 

The Parlement goes into exile. 

The States-General summoned. 

The story of the French Revolution, together with its 
epilogue, the career of Napoleon, is from every point of 
view the most remarkable in the history of Modern Europe. 
It contains the most stirring incidents and some of the most 
fascinating and the most enigmatical characters. In dra- 
matic quality it has no rival. It has inspired some of the 
greatest of modern historians to study it and to interpret 
its significance. But, beyond everything else, it is remark- 
able for its effects. The history of France down to the 
present day can only be understood by reference to the 
Revolution, and there is scarcely a race or nation in Europe 
which has not been profoundly affected. 

N.E. B 


The closing years of the eighteenth century found the 
nations of Europe divided into hostile camps : a legacy from 
the great wars of the earlier part of the century. Since 1756 
France had been in alliance with Austria, and since 1761 
with Spain. In 1788 England, Prussia and Holland joined 
in the Triple Alliance. At the same time Joseph of Austria 
prepared to assist Catherine of Russia in a scheme for 
despoiling Turkey as Catherine and Frederick had despoiled 
Poland. Prussia, exhausted by the strain of Frederick's 
policy, showed signs of declining vitality. England had 
suffered somewhat in reputation from the War of American 
Independence, and was devoting her energies, during Pitt's 
tenure of office, to domestic affairs. The tension and vigour 
of the mid century had temporarily subsided. But the key- 
note of political theory was the Balance of Power, and terri- 
torial aggrandisement was still the most powerful of motives 
in politics. Political morality in international relations re- 
mained at low ebb. 

In domestic politics the period has been characterised as 
that of Benevolent Despotism. Several of the monarchs of 
Europe turned their attention to the amelioration of the lot 
of their subjects, though their methods differed widely from 
those of social reformers to-day, because attention to the 
organised opinion of the people as expressed through repre- 
sentatives formed no part of their programme. France felt 
the influence of the new ideas. Turgot, who was in charge 
of finance in 1775 and 1776, made a vigorous attack on 
some of the difficult problems which confronted the French 
Government. The most pressing of these arose from the 
constant deficits, due partly to the extravagance of the 
Government, partly to the faulty system of taxation. By the 
exercise of the strictest economy he was able to balance 
revenue and expenditure. With great difficulty he carried 
proposals for abolishing the royal corvee (forced labour 
on the roads), and some of the restrictions on internal trade. 
But his reforms brought him into collision with the interests 
of the Court and the nobility, and the King was induced 
to dismiss him. His successor, Necker,* was primarily a 

* Jacques Necker (1732-1804) ; established the London bank of Thellusson and 
Necker, 1762 ; published Essai sur le Commerce des Grains, 1775 ; Director of the 
Treasury, 1776 ; Director-General of Finance, 1777 ; his compU rendu brought 


financier. He attempted to restrict expenditure, and his ex- 
perience enabled him to negociate loans. But his efforts 
at retrenchment were foiled by the outbreak of the war with 
England. The revolt of the American colonies provoked 
lively sympathy in France, and the Government joined the 
Americans in 1778. The successes of the French and 
their allies wiped out the record of failures in the earlier 
colonial wars, but in several ways the action of the Govern- 
ment accelerated the outbreak of the Revolution in France. 
The story of the achievement of liberty in America was an 
incentive to reformers ih France, and some of the French 
nobles who crossed the Atlantic to assist the colonial revo- 
lution were to take the lead in the Revolution at home. The 
expenditure on the war completed the ruin of the finances ; 
Necker tried to cut down expenses but he alienated the 
official class, and his compte rendu, by which he hoped to 
restore public confidence, gave the opponents of the Govern- 
ment the opportunity of criticising the methods of the 
administration. In 1781 he resigned, and was succeeded 
by lesser men who were incapable of staving off the 
financial disaster, which was openly predicted in Paris. In 
1786 Calonne proposed that a radical reform should be 
undertaken, and an assembly of Notables was summoned for 
the following year. When it met, its members proved to 
be violently opposed to Calonne's measures which included 
a land-tax without exemptions. He was succeeded by 
Leomenie de Brienne, who placated the Notables, but met 
with stubborn resistance from the Parliament of Paris, a 
judicial body which had the privilege of registering the 
edicts of the executive. They refused to accept some of 
Brienne's proposals, and were exiled to Troyes. They re- 
turned again on the understanding that the edicts should be 
registered, but showed themselves intractable. During the 
debates there had been talk of summoning the States- 
General, a representative body, which had not met since the 
seventeenth century. As a last resource, it was determined 
that the States -General should be revived and should meet in 
May 1789. Brienne was shortly afterwards compelled to 

about his dismissal, 1781 ; recommended the summoning of the States-General, 
1788; dismissed on July nth, 1789; recalled on July 14th; resigned 
September, 1790; retired to Geneva. 

B 2 


resign ; Necker returned to ofifice and was immediately 
faced by two pressing questions. The States -General con- 
sisted of three orders : the nobles^ the clergy, and the com- 
mons or third estate. What was to be the proportion of 
representatives ? In the second place, were the three orders, 
when elected, to vote in common or separately ; to decide, 
that is, by a majority of the estates or by a majority of the 
deputies ? Necker yielded to the general demand that the 
third estate shoiold have a number of representatives equal 
to that of the two other estates put together, but no official 
pronouncement was made on the other burning question. On 
May 5th, the States-General was opened in the royal palace 
at Versailles. 

The cahiers, or statements of grievances, which the repre- 
sentatives brought with them from their electors show that 
popular criticism was directed to all parts of the political 
and social fabric. The occasion for the French Revolution 
was the financial deadlock, and the struggle between the 
States -General and the Government turned upon political 
questions. But it is most important to notice that the 
motives which imderlay the popular demands were, very 
largely, social grievances. In mediaeval times France had 
been governed by a system which gave to the nobility ex- 
clusive privileges, in return for their services in war and in 
local government. The movement towards centralisation, 
due chiefly to Richelieu and Louis XIV., gradually deprived 
the nobles of their powers, but left their privileges intact. 
The real difference between classes diminished ; the arti- 
ficial differences remained. The nobles had been granted 
exemption from the taille and other taxes, because their con- 
tribution to the State was to serve in war. Land was then 
under a system of servile tenure. The nobles were respon- 
sible for their tenants, held feudal courts, supplied their own 
needs by contributions of labour or kind, and were jealous 
guardians of the rights of hunting and killing game. But 
by this time, all except the poor gentry had ceased to reside 
on their estates ; they were concentrated round the court. 
A great proportion of the land was held by peasant pro- 
prietors. The privileges remained, when their justification 
had vanished. The French peasantry were better off than 
some of their neighbours, but the empty forms of feudal 


government were, for that reason, all the more irksome. 
Class division was rigid throughout France. It sundered the 
nobility from the unprivileged classes in town and country ; 
and the aristocratic clergy who held most of the places of 
authority were equally far removed from the poor priests who 
carried on the service of religion, for which the exemptions 
from taxation had been originally bestowed. 

The grievances were economic and social. The remedies 
proposed were political. During the eighteenth century the 
theory of political rights had progressed, and with it had 
appeared a movement of criticism, which, while it attacked 
the existing order of society, pointed the road to I'eform. 
These doctrines found some of their ablest exponents in 
France. The writings of Voltaire* reveal not so much the 
study of a man as of an epoch . His works undoubtedly marked 
the transition from the old to modern ideas, and he rendered 
very considerable services to the cause of intellectual free- 
dom. The publication of his Letters on the English in 1734 
was the starting point of an active warfare against the 
existing order of the State, the Church, and Society. Voltaire 
exposed the whole of his campaign in this short work, which 
well illustrates his brilliant wit and lucidity of style but also 
his lack of originality. After 1750 his diatribes became 
more and more virulent, but he always avoided pedantry or 
obscurity, and appealed to common sense and utility rather 
than to general principles. According to Voltaire, the 
English cry for liberty and property was, after all, the 
true cry of Nature. Although his influence was so far- 
reaching, yet, since he was so excluBive and so aristo- 
cratic, he must be looked upon as more of a conservative 
reformer than a revolutionist. 

Some years before Voltaire's publication, Montesquieu f 

• Fran90is Marie Arouet de Voltaire (1694-1778) ; CEdipe performed in 1718 ; 
in England 1726 ; wrote the Henriade ; History of Charles XII. and the Letters on 
the English, 1729-30 ; after 1734 wrote Merope, Mahomet, Treatise on Metaphysics, 
SiicU de Louis Quatorze, Les Mceurs et I'Esprit des Nations, Elements of the Philosophy of 
Newton ; Princesse de Navarre was performed in 1745 ; Zadig 1747 ; went to Berlin 
1750 ; settled in Geneva 1755 ; Candide, 1756-g ; while in Switzerland he wrote 
Age of Louis XIV., Russia under Peter the Great, Dictionnaire Philosophique, a 
Treatise on Toleration, Fragments on the History of India. 

t Charles de Secondat, Baron de la Br&de et de Montesquieu (1689-1755) ; 
published Lettres Persanes in 1721 ; in England 1729-31 ; published Causes de la 
Grandeur des Romains et de leur Decadence, 1734; De I'Esprit des Lois, 1748; Dlfense 


produced in 1721 the Persian Letters. This work was filled with 
the spirit of reaction against the rule and policy of Richelieu 
and Louis XIV. Montesquieu opposed a State which was 
governed by despotism and arbitrary power, and urged his 
countrymen to renew and invigorate their love of liberty. 
To modern ideas, his De I'Esprit des Lois, published in 
1748, is somewhat disappointing, but at the time it contained 
much that was new, and exercised no small influence upon 
the great thinkers of France. 

The teaching of Rousseau* differed from that of either 
Voltaire or Montesquieu. He is commonly believed to have 
exalted the state of Nature into a golden age, but this is 
only true of his Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, 
first published in 1753. When, seven years later, he issued 
his Social Contract, he deserted his former reasoning, and 
emphasised the importance of preferring the civil state to 
the condition of mere Nature. To him the voice of the 
people was indeed the voice of God, and he thought that 
in the majority of free and equal citizens was to be found 
the general will, or will for the general good. He pro- 
claimed a purely emotional new social gospel, a new reli- 
gion of humanity. Side by side with the new sentimentalism 
came a new sceptical and rationalist philosophy. This was 
largely assisted by the Encyclopaedists, such as Diderot,f 
D'Alembert,Jand others, whose purpose was to inculcate mis- 
trust of authority and confidence in human reason. 

Opinion in the middle and upper ranks had been permeated 
with these and similar views. A great majority of the 
deputies were convinced of the need of attempting radical 
reforms, and both nobles and clergy showed themselves 
ready, on grounds of justice or expediency, to surrender some 
of their privileges. The appearance of unanimity vanished 
in the controversy over the method of voting, par ordre or 

de VEsprit des Lois, Lysimaque, Arsace et Isminie, and an essay on Taste in the 
Encyclopfdie in 1750. 

* Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) ; published Discourse on Arts and Sciences, 
1749 ; Devin du Village, 1753 ; Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, 1753 ; The New 
Helb'ise, 1760 ; The Social Contract, 1762 ; Entile, 1762 ; Letters from the Mountain, 
1763 ; Botanical Dictionary and Confessions, when in England, 1766-7 ; Rousseau 
juge de Jean Jacques, 1770; Riveries du Promeneur Solitaire, 1770. 

f Denis Diderot (1713-1784). 

i Jean le Rond D'Alembert (1717-1783). 


par tete. The power of the reformers to carry their plans 
into effect was limited by the wishes of the privileged classes, 
if the orders voted separately. Accordingly the commons 
took up a resolute attitude, and refused to proceed with the 
verification of powers, the preliminary to the practical work 
of the session, until the other orders should join them. On 
June 17th they took another step, constituting themselves 
the National Assembly and leaving the nobles and clergy to 
join them if they pleased. On the 19th the clergy 
decided to do so. Next day, June 20th, the hall was closed 
to the deputies on the plea that preparations were necessary 
for a Royal sitting. They adjourned to the neighbouring 
tennis court and there swore " never to separate until the 
Constitution of the kingdom is established." On June 23rd 
the Royal sitting actually took place. The King promised 
many reforms, but reproached the Assembly for its delays, 
forbade the discussion of some questions, and declared that 
the orders should meet separately and only unite on special 
occasions and by special permission. The Assembly was 
then bidden to dissolve iiito its separate units, but the third 
estate refused. "Bayonets can do nothing against the will 
of the people," cried Mirabeau. Sifeyes assured them, " You 
are to-day what you were yesterday." 

The excitement in Paris was now at its height, and was 
kept there by the vehemence of the Political Clubs. It was 
rumoured that the King would employ force. The rumour 
began to take upon itself the appearance of actual fact when 
the Swiss and German Guards were ordered to Paris ; nor 
was the excitement in any way lulled, but rather fomented, 
by the dismissal of Necker on July i ith. Camille Des- 
moulins,* called upon the people to defend their liberties, and 
a collision took place between the mob and the regular 
troops. Paris was beginning to realise that the King was not 
to be trusted. On June 27th he had requested the nobility 
to join the commons, thus yielding on the main point at 
issue. But the Court party had regained their influence, as 
was shown by the dismissal of Necker ; and the leaders of 

* Camille Desmoulins (1760-1794) ; published La Philosophie au Peuple 
Frangais, 1788 ; La France Libre, 1789 ; Discours de la Lanterne, 1784 ; Re'volutions 
de France et de Brabant, 1789-1792 ; Histoire des Brissotino, 1793 ; Vieux 
Cordelier, 1793. 


the extremists determined to forestall them. On July 14th 
they demanded arms from the electors of Paris, who were 
sitting permanently at the Hotel de Ville. Meanwhile the 
pews had spread that the guns of the Bastille, the great 
fortress prison, were trained over the Faubourg St. Antoine. 
A series of deputations were sent from the Hotel de Ville, 
and a crowd collected in front of the drawbridge. A few 
shots were fired by the garrison, apparently in panic ; and 
the commander, De Launay, then surrendered, but was mur- 
dered on his way to the Hotel de Ville. Louis retracted 
his new policy of resistance, recalled Necker, and entered 
Paris on July 1 7th . The emigrations began . Like rats from 
a doomed ship the Royal princes and leaders of the Court 
party, who had tempted the king to provoke this outburst, 
scurried over the frontier. 

Meanwhile, in Paris, efforts were made to establish order 
and to take precautions against similar disturbances in the 
fu,ture. A new municipality was instituted under Bailly,* 
who struggled to supply the capital with bread ; while 
at the same time the National Guard was formed under 
Lafayette,f who strove to attach this force to his person. 
The most serious dangers were the difficulty of providing 
food and the secret machinations of a clique, with whom the 
Duke of Orleans was suspected of co-operating. They were 
bent on instigatitig disturbances and preventing the popular 
agitation from dying down. The city remained in an un- 
settled state : the sacking of shops during the recent riots 
had disconcerted the citizens and showed the existence of 
the rabble which was to exercise so malign an 'influence at 
every crisis of revolutionary history. In the provinces the 
peasants refused to pay feudal dues, and, especially in the 
south-west, revenged old wrongs on such of the nobles as 
were in residence. More often the chateaux were ransacked 

* Jean Sylvain Bailly (1736-1793); wrote Histoire de I'Asironomis, 1775-87; 
President of the National Assembly and Mayor of Paris, 1789 ; retired 1791 to 
Nantes and later to Melun, but seized and guillotined by the Jacobins. 

f Marie Joseph Paul Roch Yves Gilbert Motier, Marquis de Lafayette (1757- 
1834) ; aided the American Colonists, 1777-82 ; he was a pronounced reformer 
in the Assembly of Notables, the States-General, and the National Assembly ; he 
was driven from his command of the army by the Jacobins ; was imprisoned in 
Austria; liberated in 1797; sat in the Chamber of Deputies, 1818-24 ^-^d 1825- 
30 ; commanded the National Guard in the Revolution of 1830. 


for the records of serfdom and burnt to the ground. 
In the neighbourhood of towns the middle classes leagued 
together to maintain order and patrolled the country 
in arms. 

The steps taken by the deputies in Paris under the influence 
of these disorders were not at all fitted to quell them. On the 
night of August 4th the Assembly passed a series of resolu- 
tions, by which, as their opening words declared, the feudal 
system was abolished. Duties representing serfdom were 
annulled and other burdens on land were made redeemable. 
Feudal rights of jurisdiction and exclusive sporting rights, 
the Church tithe, the gabelle and other taxes were, at one 
stroke, swept away. The nature of the change was out of 
all proportion to the haste with which it was made, and it 
could not be carried into effect without considerable delay. 
Meanwhile it was hard to expect the peasants to pay taxes 
which had been declared unjust or to respect an order of 
society which had passed sentence on itself. 

From the first, acute observers, like Arthur Young and 
Mirabeau, had discerned defects in the Assembly which made 
it very ill-qualified to guide the State through a crisis. 
Instead of practical legislation, the Assembly fell into 
a somewhat aimless discussion on purely abstract sub- 
jects. The members were ever ready to reiterate with 
vehemence that they and the people of France were 
equal, sovereign, and free. It was in this spirit that they 
daily debated on that imposing but inconclusive Declara- 
tion of the Rights of Man which was finally published on 
August 27th. This declared, in a sweeping statement, that 
men had not only imprescriptible rights to liberty, property, 
and security, but also the right to resist tyranny. Virtue and 
talent were to be the sole distinctions by which men should 
be allowed to obtain ofiice, for in other matters they were 
born equal and were equal in the eyes of the law. The 
liberty of the Press and liberty of worship were also declared 
the undoubted rights of all, and orders and corporations were 
swept away as tending to check these privileges. The settle- 
ment of the Constitution was also a vital question which had 
to be decided, and by an overwhelming majority the vote 
was given in favour of a single Chamber only. At the same 
time, owing to their jealousy of Royal power, and their con- 


viction that the nation was the sovereign body, the King was 
deprived of his right of absolute veto. 

Meanwhile Paris was ' becoming more and more a scene 
of anarchy and confusion. Debates, however learned, 
on concrete or abstract subjects, failed to provide food 
for a discontented people, who soon broke into open 
riots for bread. At the end of September the libels against 
the Court became more and more scandalous, while the story 
was spread broadcast that the King intended flight. Colour 
was given to the rumour by the appearance of the King and 
Queen at a dinner given on October ist to the Regiment 
de Flandre, which had lately been added to the garrison at 
Versailles. In the toasts and speeches there were insults to 
the Assembly. It seemed that the King was preparing the 
way for escape. Meanwhile, there was the prospect of famine 
in Paris, and the women believed that the presence of the 
Royal family was the best guarantee that they would get food . 
They took the matter into their own hands, and on October 
5th marched to Versailles. A deputation was received by 
the King. During the night the mob gained access to the 
palace. They were driven out by Lafayette, but the King 
had to consent to enter Paris, and on October 6th the mob 
marched back, bringing with them, as they boasted, " the 
baker, the baker's wife and the little baker's boy." 

Mirabeau, who in October had prepared a memorandum on 
the future policy of the Court, aimed at forming a strong 
Ministry out of members of the Assembly. But Necker and 
Lafayette were suspicious, and rumours of Mirabeau 's am- 
bition penetrated to the Assembly. On November 7th it 
resolved that no member should hold an office under the 
Crown while retaining his seat or for six months afterwards. 
It was directed against Mirabeau, but its effect was to pre- 
vent Cabinet government on the English model, and to widen 
the rift between the Assembly and the Crown. The mem- 
bers were convinced that salvation was to be found in elec- 
toral contrivances, of which most of them may be said to 
have been passionately fond. In the winter of 1789 and 
1790 a system of local government was adopted by 
which the old provinces of France were abolished and the 
country was divided into 83 nearly equal departments. These 
were then subdivided into 574 districts, each of which was 


again split up into cantons, and these in turn were cut 
up into communes, so that the whole of France was 
composed of 44,000 of these communes or municipali- 
ties. Every division and subdivision had its own council 
and executive officers elected by the " active citizens," or 
those over twenty -five years of age, and paying the equiva- 
lent of three days' wages in annual taxes to the State. The 
local authorities themselves exercised unusual powers ; 
assessed and collected taxes, controlled the use of the troops, 
and were charged with sale of the Church lands. The lack 
of clear distinction between the authority of the department 
and the commune caused friction especially in Paris. The 
weakness of the Executive's control was more serious. It 
had no local representatives, while the local authorities could 
appeal against its action to the National Assembly. The 
judicial system suffered from a similar defect. It was con- 
stituted, in accordance with the theory of equality, on the 
elective principle ; litigation was made more accessible and 
the law was freed from some barbarous anachronisms. But 
the judges, while they had little to hope or fear from the 
Central Government, depended for their offices on public 
opinion and were subject to its influence. 

The franchise, on which the whole superstructure of cen- 
tral, local, and judicial machinery rested, was not itself in 
accord with Article 6 of the Declaration of the Rights of 
Man. That article declared that all citizens should share in 
the formation of law and be eligible for office . But the defi- 
nition of " active citizen " involved a property qualification. 

The application of theoretical principles to the administra- 
tion of the army and the navy very nearly ruined the 
Assembly. They desired, and rightly, to remedy the well- 
known abuses that had existed for so many years in both 
services. The immediate outcome of the Revolution had 
been disaffection, and in some cases open mutiny ; and, if 
possible, these lapses from strict discipline were more fre- 
quent in the army than in the navy. The officers^ pay was 
absurdly high, while the soldiers received proportionately 
little. The nobles' monopoly of the upper ranks was a serious- 
defect. But during the preceding twenty-five years improve- 
ments had been effected, and the Republic was to owe a part 
of the credit for her victories to the reforms of the ancien 


regime. At first the army was loyal, although the King's 
surrenders to the mob diminished their respect for him. 
During the summer of 1790 the ranks were leavened with 
revolutionary opinions and the rift between officers and men 
was widened. At last the Assembly awoke to their own 
danger and that of all France, when a severe outbreak of 
mutiny was reported from Nancy in the August of 1790. 
Steps were immediately taken, and Bouille,* with the 
National Guard, reduced the rebellious regiments to order 
with exemplary severity. Emigration began to drain the 
army of officers, especially after the flight to Varennes. The 
policy of throwing open the commissioned ranks allowed men 
of ability to mount rapidly from the bottom to the top of 
the ladder. But the theory of Equality weakened discipline : 
the soldiers obtained the right to form associations, to appeal 
to the civil magistrates, and even to the Assembly itself. 
Before the victories of the Revolutionary war were possible 
the army had to be brought under control by the great 
Committee of Public Safety. 

Bad as had been the Assembly's action with regard to the 
army, it was almost worse in its dealings with the Church. 
The lower clergy had shared the enthusiasm of the people for 
the Revolution. The country cures were for the most part 
recruited from the ranks of the poorest class, differing only 
from their relatives in the ascendency afforded by superior 
education. Some of these men were members of the Assembly 
and had thrown themselves into the work of reform. In 
the autumn of 1789 all Church property was declared to 
belong to the State, and in the following February the monas- 
teries and religious houses of every kind were suppressed 
and their property confiscated. On July 12th, 1790, the 
Civil Constitution of the Clergy was decreed. The sees of 
the bishops were made coterminous with the recently formed 
departments, and the bishops were elected by the secondary 
electors. Every parish was to have one priest, who was 
also elected and whose income was increased as that of the 
bishop was decreased. The State was responsible for the 

* Fran9ois Claude Amour, Marquis de BouilM (1739-1800) ; fought in the war 
1756-1763 ; earned distinction in the West Indies, 1778 ; commander of the Army 
of the East, 1790 ; tried to assist Louis to fly, 1791 ; forced to leave France ; served 
in the Swedish army ; died in London, 


salaries, and residence was made obligatory. All the clergy 
must take the oath to the (yet unborn) Constitution. The 
Pope was to receive only a formal notice of election. It 
was inevitable that the Assembly should take some steps to 
deal with so important a part of the fabric of old France. 
There was very little demand for the disestablishment of reli- 
gion. It was partly the ideal of an ijidependent Gallican 
Church, and the tradition of the Janseni'sts, of whom there 
were a number in the Assembly, which decided the treat- 
ment of the question. The King was induced to accept the 
new Constitution on August 26th. The result was a schism 
between the " Constitutional " clergy and those who refused 
to take the oath. Grad^ually the area of conflict widened 
and the execution of the law was merged in a general perse- 
cution of the Church. 

The seizure of Church property had been largely caused 
by the necessity of raisikig funds. The food supply of Paris 
had cost very large sums and Necker failed to raise even tem- 
porary resources by loans. It was calculated that the Church 
estates if sold wou]ld realize four hundred million francs, 
but by March, 1790, it was found that they were not selling 
fast enough, and only £.18,000 worth had found purchasers. 
The Assembly determined to make over portions of the land 
to the different communes, and these were to sell them, if 
possiblb, at a handsome profit. In the meantime, as 
the finances of France were utterly rotten, it was decided 
to issue four hundred million francs of assignats to act, at 
first, as merely a temporary convenience to fide over an 
extremely difficult period . Assignats were notes representing 
a given amount of land which the holder could realise by 
application. They were made legal tender, but it was soon 
proved that the difficulty was not to be overcome so easily ; 
the very existence of the paper checked the production of 
good money. The sale of Church property continued to be as 
slow as before. The municipalities, with happy ignorance, 
accepted the assignats at their nominal value, while clever 
speculators did their utmost to bring about their deprecia- 
tion. It is not surprising, therefore, that within a few months 
the Assembly was just as deeply embarrassed as it had 
been previous to the introduction of the scheme. The 
fatal step on the downward financial path had been 


taken, and in September, 1790, eight hundred million 
more assignats flooded the market. The result was 
disastrous ; nothing could now stop the hurried rush to 
calamity. By June, 1791, all the assignats had been spent. 
Throwing prudence to the winds, the Assembly again issued 
six hundred million more, which went the way of the other 
two batches . With the depreciation the rage for speculation 
increased, and the unrest and feverish excitement which 
already existed were fanned by the new spirit of financial 
gambling which seized every class from end to end of France. 
The Assembly was no more successful in other matters of 
finance. It willingly sacrificed those forms of indirect 
taxation which democracies are always prone to dislike, 
but whenever it was possible they retained those indirect 
taxes which they hoped might escape public attention. 
The members entered upon financial afi^airs with the 
confidence of ignorance and failed completely in every 
direction. They not only made no allowance for extra 
burdens, but their attempts to balance their receipts and 
expenses were ludicrously inadequate. 

But the members of the Assembly are not to be 
despised. They struggled manfully, though without experi- 
ence, to gain for Frenchmen political liberty and personal 
freedom. By means of a Constitution they hoped to accom- 
plish much, and although it was not the " stupendous and 
glorious edifice of liberty," as described by Charles James 
Fox, yet it was equally undeserving of the title bestowed upon 
it by Marie Antoinette, who called it '" a tissue of absur- 
dities." Arthur Young, with the prejudice of an Englishman, 
wrote " making the Constitution, which is a new term they 
have adopted as if a Constitution was a pudding to be made 
from a recipe," but he forgot that the French people had 
no long series of precedents from which a Constitution could 
naturally evolve ; and although Burke said that the French 
had " pulled down to the ground their Monarchy, their 
Church, their Nobility, their Law, their Revenue, their Army, 
their Navy, their Commerce, their Arts, their Manufactures," 
stiU they had made a determined effort to produce something 
that would give them freedom from oppression and equality 
in the eyes of the law. 

Unfortunately, the spirit of unrest was merging into the 


more dangerous spirit of disorder . At Nimes and Montaubon 
there was such serious agitation that it amounted almost to 
civil war. At Lyons and at Marseilles there were exciting 
scenes of bitter conflict ; while everywhere there was a 
general feeling of insecurity. There can be no doubt 
that this want of good governance, together with the lack 
of security, either personal or territorial, brought the 
Jacobins to the front. The rise of the Jacob ihs was 
entirely due to marvellous organization, and it stands out 
on the pages of history as a famous example of such 
methods. The leading Jacobins were not members of the 
lower class, but were for the most part professional men like 
Robespierre,* Danton,f and Camille Desmoulins. Nor was 
the club orig'inally composed of extremists. But the admis- 
sion of the public to debates gave authority to the more 
violent speakers, and the moderates seceded. In the autumn 
of 1790 the Jacobin Club of Paris published a news- 
paper which had immense effect, and, before the winter, 
was able to report the existence of 120 provincial clubs 
afifiliated to the central society in the capital. Within two 
years it was calculated that there were no fewer than 26,000 
of these clubs scattered through the numerous communes of 
France . 

In the face of so many dangers, disaster seemed inevitable. 
Its delay may justly be attributed in part to the mar- 
vellous personality of the Comte de Mirabeau. He had 
been born in 1749, and during the early part of his 
life had more than once been obliged to fly from his 
country. Four years before the outbreak of the Revolution 
he had been in England, where he was the friend of 
most of the leading Whigs of the day, and imbibed 
a lasting reverence for the English Constitution. During 
the preliminary meetings in Provence in 1788, Mirabeau 
had been rejected by the noblesse, so that in the spring 
of the following year, having offered himself to the Third 
Estate, he was elected for both Marseilles and Aix, and sat 
in the States -General for the latter. Much to the annoy- 
ance of Mounier, an acute observer and one who played an 
important part in the early scenes of the Revolution, Mirabeau 

* Maximilian Marie Isidore Robespierre (1758-1794). 
t Georges Jacques Danton (1759-1794). 


became still more conspicuous, and soon took the lead, 
believing firmly and wisely in the necessity of a strong and 
capable executive in touch with the popular desires. He it 
was who consolidated the National Assembly and pointed 
out the futility of abstract declarations. He saw that the 
hopes of France lay in the King's choice of a minister, and 
he did his best to wiin the confidence of his Sovereign. He 
failed, however, because of the bitter opposition of the Queen, 
the arrogance of Lafayette, and the pusillanimous conduct 
of Necker. He was, besides, suspected of complicity with 
Orleans in the events of October 5th and 6th. At one time 
he appears to have had serious thoughts of setting up the 
Duke of Orleans, but he found the prince too weak, too un- 
principled, and too wedded to a life of indolence and plea- 
sure. Throughout he was working strenuously for the good 
of his country, and he felt very strongly that, if only the 
King could be removed from Paris to some place a short 
distance away, a Constitutional Monarchy might then be 
established, firmly based upon the affections of the nation 
and the idea that the King and the people of France were 
one and indivisible. Mirabeau's schemes were destined to 
be ruined by the hostility of the Queen, prolonged until the 
critical moment was passed ; and by the decree of November 
7th, which kept the executive and legislature entirely apart. 
Even after this last event he continued to have hope, and 
was in constant communication with the Court. He boldly 
pointed out to the King that his plan of a counter-revolution 
was "dangerous, criminal, and chimerical." He told him 
very plainly that his only hope was to act in cordial co-opera- 
tion with a still existing body of loyalists who were ready to 
carry out reform. He urged the King to withdraw from 
Paris, but not beyond the border. He saw that it would 
be fatal to appeal to the allies against France, but he 
believed that the royal provinces would rally to the 
King. As late as December, 1790, he presented to the 
Court the most complete and weighty of his memoranda, 
in which he urged it to concentrate its efforts on two 
objects : the discrediting of the existing Assembly and the 
election of another which should have full powers to reform 
the Constitution. Carlyle says " had Mirabeau lived the his- 
tory of France and the world had been different " ; 


but it is idle to speculate now whether his busy schemes 
would have succeeded, for he was cut off before they 
could be fulfilled. The golden opportunity for action 
was lost, and with Mirabeau's death on April 4th, 1791, 
the last hope for the ancient Monarchy of France was 
extinguished, for, as he himself said, " When I am g'one 
they will know what the value of me was . The miseries 
I have held back will burst from all sides on France. 
I carry in my heart the funeral pall of the French 
Monarchy ; the dead remains of it will now be the sport 
of factions." 

France did indeed become " the sport of factions," and 
Mirabeau's death opened the way for Robespierre and the 
Jacobins. By the summer of 1791 Robespierre, at one 
time a lawyer and judge in Arras, became a person of 
great influence in the Assembly. The powerless King had 
lost his one supporter, and by June 20th, unable to bear the 
strain any longer, he made an attempt to reach the frontier. 
He was, however, stopped at Varennes and ignominiiously 
birought back to Paris as a virtual prisoner. Louis XVI. 
could hardly have foreseen the important results of his ill- 
advised action. He was provisionally suspended, and for the 
first time men realised the feasibility of a Republic without 
even a titular monarch. It was at this moment that Danton, 
working in touch with Robespierre and the enthusiastic 
Desmoulins, clamoured ardently for the deposition of the 
King. As yet the Constitutionists were sufficiently strong 
to resist this measure^ but they soon found that they had to 
meet the menacing demands of the Parisian mob. These 
demands were made clear by a huge meeting on July 17th 
in the Champ de Mars. Its object was the dethronement of 
Louis, and it was lashed into fury by the torrent of burning 
rhetoric that poured from Marat* and Desmoulins. The mem- 
bers of the Parisian municipality, understanding that the 
Assembly disapproved of the meeting, determined to break it 
up by force of arms. The ill-feeling towards the King was 

* Jean Paul Marat (i 743-1 793) ; published Philosophical Essay on Man, 1773 ; 
The Chains of Slavery, 1774 ; visited Edinburgh, 1775; published Plan de Legis- 
lation Criminelle, 1780; translated Newton's Optics, 1787; wrote D'e couvertes sur la 
Luminiere, 1788; established a paper, VAmi du Peuple, 1789; murdered by 
Charlotte Corday, July 13th, 1793. 

N.E. C 


thus only fomented by th'e serious loss of life which 

Two months before this the Assembly had completed its 
work. It was declared in May that no member of the 
existing Assembly should be allowed to elect or sit as a 
deputy in the forthcoming Assembly. The King, at his wits' 
end, accepted the Constitution on September 14th, and 
three weeks later the Assembly solemnly dissolved itself, 
after doing its best to obtain what seemed both right 
and just. 

With the acceptance of the Constitution all France ought to 
have realized that ' the ancien regime had gone for ever, but 
the Queen and her Court seemed incapable of understanding 
the seriousness of the situation. The country, too, was unfor- 
tunate in having no really supreme political genius to take 
the helm, and at the same time being nominally ruled by a 
iKing who had given his promise to his people and was 
asking help from the King of Prussia against them. The 
new Constitution cannot be classified as inherently bad, but 
it was impossible to work for lack of workers. The land was 
still hopelessly divided, and a great gulf yawned hot only 
between the noble and the peasant, but also between the 
dispossessed officials and the ardent reformers. 

The Legislative Assembly as created by the Constitution 
met for the first time on October ist. It consisted of a single 
House of 740 members, all of whom were strong Revolution- 
aries, though varying in character. The Right was given up 
to defenders of the Constitution as ratified by the King. 
They were guided by the pompous Lafayette, and they 
depended upon the support of the Club of the Feuillants. 
They were eminently respectable, and had behind them the 
great mass of the middle class and well-to-do tradespeople, 
besides the important but somewhat uncertain support of the 
National Guard. The Left was divided into two parts, the 
Girondists and the extreme Jacobins . At first the Girondists 
were by far the most powerful, and were distinguished for 
their ability, eloquence, and zeal. Their most famous speaker 
was Vergniaud,* and they were led by Brissot,f the editor of 

* Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud (1753-1793). 

t Jean Pierre Brissot (1754-1793) ; published Theorie des Lois Criminelles, 1780 ; 
Bibliotheque des Lois Criminelles, 1782-86 ; and established Le Patriate Frangais. 


Le Patriote Frangais, Madame Roland,* who dreamed of a 
republic on an antique model, and Siey^s,f who advocated 
moderation and concealment of their methods. They were, 
in general, far too ready to avail themselves of the popularity 
of extreme language and proposals, and only checked their 
headlong course when they found the weapon which they 
hurled against Monarchy in turn directed against themselves 
by the Jacobins. It was into the hands of this latter party 
that the Revolution passed. It looked for support to Robes- 
pierre and the Jacobin Club, to Danton and Camille 
Desmouiins, who swayed the recently formed Club of the 
Cordeliers, and the wildest fanatics, who urged extrera,ist 
measures upon the Parisian mob. 

The Legislative Assembly at once found that it had to bear 
the burdens created by its predecessor. By no means the 
lightest of these was the difficulty caused by the Civil Consti- 
tution of the clergy. The imposition upon all ecclesiastics of 
an oath of fidelity to the Constitution was un- 
doubtedly one of the greatest of the many blunders that 
had been made by the well-intentioned Assembly. The 
cures were, on the whole, extremely popular, and at the 
beginning of the trouble had been thoroughly in accord 
with the revolutionary movement. They were now 
driven into opposition, and many of the best priests re- 
fused to take the oath and became the non-jurors of France. 
The bishops endeavoured to excite the people against 
the Civil Constitution, and they terrified many by de- 
claring that the sacraments and the marriage ceremony were 
null and void if the officiating priest had taken the oath to the 
State. They even went so far as to say that those who 
attended the services conducted by these " Intruders " were 
themselves guilty of a mortal sin. These addresses had the 
effect of exasperating their opponents, and religious dis- 
turbances continued to add fresh horrors to the sufficiently 
cataclysmal state of France. The Girondists were strongly 
against the non-jurors, and on November 29th, 1791, by 
means of a decree, deprived them of their pensions and 
of the right of officiating iri the Church service. The 

* Marie Jeanne Phlipon (1754-1793) ; married Jean Marie Roland de la 
Plati^re in 1780. 

t Emanuel Joseph, Comte de Siey^s (1748-1836). 

C 2 


King, with some strength, vetoed this act, but, nothing 
daunted, a fresh decree was passed on May 27th, 1792, 
ordering the banishment of the non-jurors. The King 
again refused to pass this fresh decree, and for the time 
being things were left as they were. 

The Assembly had now another difficulty with which to 
contend ; the attitude of the emigres. The flight of the nobles 
from France was not only cowardly, but politically weak. 
They might have stemmed the tide, or at least so sup- 
ported their Sovereign as to retain the semblance of 
Monarchy on a limited basis. Instead they appealed to 
foreign powers to do the work which was really their own 
business, and their action led to those massacres of all sus- 
pected of complicity with them, in which the Reign of 
Terror had its origin. The emigres fled for the most 
part beyond the Rhine and established themselves at 
Coblenz, under the King's brother. Their appeal to the 
petty German princes did not fall upon idle ears, for 
the Germans knew only too well that their own people might 
at any moment be seized with a desire to emulate the deeds 
of their French neighbours. At the head of all was Leopold 
of Austria, the Holy Roman Emperor and the brother of Marie 
Antoinette. He was most anxious to preserve peace, but 
was deeply interested in the fate of the French Royal house ; 
both for family reasons and because it was the chief prop 
of the tottering Franco-Austrian alliance. In August, 1791, 
therefore, he met Frederick William of Prussia in conference 
at Pilnitz. They very wisely rejected the demands of the 
Comte d'Artois for warlike assistance against the party of 
the Revolution ; but they unfortunately issued the " Declara- 
tion of Pilnitz," stating that if all the European powers 
agreed the Emperor and the King of Prussia would take 
action in French affairs. 

The Girondists were eager for war as the fulfilment of the 
Revolution. The edict of November 9th recalling the 
emigres under threat of confiscation and death was vetoed 
by the King, but he consented to the despatch of notes de- 
manding a disavowal of their cause and the disbanding of 
the armies on the French frontier. The Girondists 
knew, however, that Austria would hardly do this at 
their command. This party, after March, 1792, were under 


the leadership of Roland, Minister of the Interior, and 
Dumouriez,* to whom foreign affairs had been entrusted. 
Louis XVI. was forced by the latter to propose to the 
Assembly on April 20th a declaration of war against Leopold. 
As will be shown in another chapter, the French troops at 
the beginning of the war fled in panic, but these disasters 
only excited the mob to still further acts of violence, and 
after the dregs of Paris had been armed the Royal family were 
subjected to the grossest insults. These culminated, on 
June 20th, in an attack upon the Tuileries, and the King 
himself, surrounded by armed ruffians, was compelled to don 
the red cap of liberty. This roused the Constitutionists for 
a brief space, and Lafayette hastened from the frontier to 
the capital, thinking that the moment had come for his per- 
sonal intervention. But the Assembly criticised his action. 
His visit was a failure and the moderate party lost ground. 

From this moment the deposition of the King could only be 
a matter of time. The crisis was hastened by the mani- 
festo, published by Brunswick, the Prussian commander, on 
July 27th, in which be threatened Paris with reprisals in case 
the Royal family suffered at its bands. It was determined to 
force the Assembly to take extreme measures, and, as usual, 
the Paris mob was the instrument chosen. On the night of 
August 9th the Marquis de Mandat, commander of the 
National Guard, after taking every precaution to protect the 
King, was murdered at the H6tel de Ville . The Swiss Guard, 
whose heroism gave to a scene of horror some signs of moral 
splendour, were butchered, and their master together^ with 
his family todk refuge with the Assembly. The Terror bad 
begun, and 284 members, in the absence of the rest, hastily 
suspended the King and sent him with Marie Antoinette 
and the Dauphin as prisoners to the Temple. The civil list 
was suspended, Danton was appointed Minister of Justice, 
and a National Convention was summoned to meet without 
delay. Thus fell the ancient Bourbon Monarchy, and thus 
rapidly did France become a republic. 

The man who had been largely responsible for all these 
sudden changes was Danton, the hero of Carlyle, who speaks 

• Charles Fran90is Dumouriez (1739-1823) ; commandant of Cherbourg, 
1778 ; commandant of Nantes, 1790 ; distinguished military career, 1792-93 ; 
denounced as a traitor ; finally settled and died near Henley-on-Thames. 


of him as " a gigantic mass of valour, ostentation, fury, affec- 
tion, and wild revolutionary manhood." He was of a Hercu- 
lean type, but lacked spiritual characteristics and nobility of 
purpose, for he regarded any measures justifiable as long as 
they were useful to the revolutionary cause. He has 
been called the Mirabeau of the populace. He lacked 
Seriousness, he was too heedless of his own position, 
and in his later days he became inert and lethargic. 
He differed in every way from his contemporary and rival 
Robespierre, for he was without question bolder, of a 
stronger character, and far more capable of initiation. It was 
because of these latter characteristics that he was now able to 
raise Paris to superhuman efforts against the allied army 
which had crossed the Rhine and was steadily converging on 
the capital . This advance exasperated the French and created 
a panic, which exhibited itself in an outburst of brutality in 
Paris. Danton was the heart and soul of the government, 
which was practically in the hands of the Commune. He was 
supported by Robespierre, Chaumette,* Billaud-Varennes,-}^ 
Hubert, J and others. It was determined that the safety 
of Paris demanded extreme measures against the enemy 
without and within the walls . A system of domiciliary visits 
was instituted to search for traitors, and it was made a capital 
offence to refuse the summons to arms. When the news 
reached Paris, on the night of September 3rd, that Verdun 
had fallen and that the enemy might be expected to march 
straight on the capital, the massacres began. The prisons, 
which were crowded with suspects, were cleared by a 
butchery in which several thousands perished . Danton must 
bear, and indeed accepted, a great deal of the responsibility 
for the outrage. It was part of a deliberate policy of ex- 
treme measures. " De I'audace, encore de I'audace, toujours 
de I'audace, et la France est sauv6e." 

On September 20th Dumouriez checked the Prussians' 
advance on Paris ; and upon the day following this, the first 
success of the Revolutionary arms, the Convention met. It 
began by abolishing the Monarchy and declaring France a 
republic ; and it determined to symbolise the beginning of 

* Pierre Gaspard Chaumette (1763-94). 

f Jean Nicolas Billaud-Varennes (1756-1819). 

J Jacques Rene H6bert (1735-94). 


a new era by making September 22nd the first day of the 
year I. The alteration in the calendar was carried out in 
^793, when the year was divided into twelve equal 
months of thirty days each. Sunday was abolished, but 
a day of rest was instituted in every ten days. The 
names of the months were radically altered, the three 
autumn months being called Vend^miaite, Brumaire, Fri- 
maire ; in the winter there were Nivose, Pluvidse, and Ven- 
t6se ; the spring was divided into Germinal, Flor^al, and 
Prairial ; while the summer months were to be known as 
Messidor, Thermidor, and Fructidor. 

Of the 749 members that went to compose the Convention, 
all may be said to have been Republicans, though those on 
the Right, or Girondists, were not so extreme as the mem- 
bers on the top benches of the Extreme Left, who, from their 
elevated position, came to be called the Mountain. It con- 
sisted of the leading members of the Commune, and in addi- 
tion to those already enumerated there were Camille Des- 
moulins and Marat. Between these two parties there 
was the Plain, insignificant in character because composed of 
men of great timidity, yet not unimportant if they could be 
won to either side . It was in this National Convention that the 
great struggle was fought out between the Mountain and the 
Gironde. The latter, under their leaders Vergniaud, Brissot, 
and Pdtion,* repeatedly reproached Danton, Robespierre, and 
Marat with the massacres of September. They favoured 
some Federal system which would give a share of power to 
the provincial districts where their strength lay. But the 
sections of Paris were fervently Jacobin, and these governed 
the city and, by their presence in the galleries, intimidated 
their opponents in the Convention. 

Intoxicated with their unexpected good fortune, the Repub- 
licans issued the decrees of November 6th and Decem- 
ber 1 5 th by which they arrogantly ruptured international law 
by throwing open the Scheldt to commerce, and by declaring 
that, wherever the French armies penetrated, they would pro- 
claim the sovereignty of the people and the abolition of all 
existing privileges and authorities. But this widespread 
policy was not enough to satisfy the fanaticism of the 
Mountain, who, though strenuously opposed by the 
* Jerome Petion de Villeneuve (1753-94)- 


Girondists, decided on December 2nd that the King 
should be tried by the Convention. This was, in fact, 
a direct scheme for discrediting the Gironde. The re- 
sult of such a trial before such bloodthirsty judges was 
a foregone conclusion. The King's guilt was stated to have 
been already decided by his deposition. It was pointed out 
that a dethroned monarch was dangerous to the Republic. 
Barfere was president of the trial and read the charges, of 
which the most important concerned his appeal to foreign 
powers and the flight to Varennes. The unhappy King was 
defended by Malesherbes,* Trouchet, and Deshze. The 
Girondists were culpably feeble in their resistance . If they had 
led the way the Plain might have followed. On January 1 5th 
voting began. Louis was declared guilty, an appeal to 
the people was rejected, and a bare majority voted for the 
death penalty ; among them was Vergniaud . On January 2 1 st; 
the sentence was executed. Louis XVI. suffered for the 
sins of his ancestors ; his personal character was greatly 
superior to that of his predecessor, and at times he showed 
spirit and nobility. But he was unintelligent, irresolute, 
obstinate ; defects which aggravated his misfortunes and the 
difficulties of his adherents. 

The results of the execution of Louis Capet were of world- 
wide importance. The war was renewed with increased 
vigour and was joined by most of the powers, including Eng- 
land, but excluding Russia. With regard to the internal 
affairs of France the crisis was followed by a temporary lull 
in the serious conflict with the Gironde. This was not, how- 
ever, to last for long. While Condorcet and his friends were 
busy with the preparation of a new Constitution, Marat and 
Robespierre were bent on destroying their opponents, and 
Danton, though drifting away from their policy, still acted 
with them. The Girondists had failed utterly to sub- 
stantiate the numerous charges they had brought against the 
Mountain, while their lack of experience and of definite policy 
caused disintegration in their own ranks. Above all, they 
had been most foolish in allowing their enemies to be re- 
elected for the Commune. Their fall was averted for the 

* Chretien Guillaume de Lamoignon de Malesherbes (1721-1794) ; President 
of the Cours des Aides, 1750; banished, 1771 ; recalled, 1774; travelled, but 
came to Paris to defend the King. 


moment by the fact that it was necessary for the Convention 
to take active steps to resist the new coalition. This meant 
fresh demands fox men and money, which caused a royalist 
reaction in La Vendee. The people broke into open rebellion 
against the authorities in Paris and, under Cathelineau,* 
Stofflet, and La Roche jaquelein,f were determined to resist 
the Revolutionaries. This rising, together with the success 
of the allied armies, forced the Mountain to renew their 
attacks upon the Gironde . With the haste that marked nearly 
every action of the Revolution, a series of extreme measures 
was passed ; the property of all emigrants was confiscated ; 
and a Committee of Public Safety, consisting of nine mem- 
bers, was given almost dictatorial authority. In May the 
extremists began to organise secretly. The Convention 
appointed a committee of twelve to investigate the behaviour 
of the Commime. They were intimidated and quashed the 
committee, but next day recovered their resolution and 
restored it . Again they were compelled to retract, and finally 
on June 2nd Henriot,J the commander of the National Guard, 
led an army of revolutionaries to the Tuileries, where the 
Convention was forced to proscribe the members of the Com- 
mission and the leaders of the Gironde. Some were exe- 
cuted, some died in hiding, some escaped ; as a party they 
were extinguished. Some of them were men of force and 
eloquence, and a great many were sincere advocates of liberty 
and the Republic, but their action in the face of the greater 
crises of their career condemns them. They showed them- 
selves vacillating, dilatory, afraid of their own opinions, and 
it seems clear that some of them attempted to save them- 
selves by voting for the death of the Kihg. 

The results of the fall of the Gironde were far more 
terrible than could have been foreseen. France became 
utterly chaotic ; fifty departments rose in open rebellion 
against the Parisian authorities ; the important towns of 
Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon, and Nimes declared against the 
Convention. In the north, there were distinct signs that 
the people desired the restoration of monarchy, while in 

• Jacques Cathelineau (1759-93) ; his greatest exploit was the storming of 
t Henri, Comte de La Rochejaquelein (1772-94) ; killed at Nouaille. 
X Fran9ois Henriot (1761-94). 


La Vend6e the horrors of civil war were unabated. With the 
disappearance of the Girondists power passed into the hands 
of the Jacobin leaders. In June they promulgated a new 
Constitution which never came into effect ; but a month later 
they carried out a more important work by remodelling the 
so-called Committee of Public Safety. It was divided into 
sub-committees and organised the war and the administration 
of finances as well as the correspondence. Control was 
in the hands of Robespierre, Couthon,* and Sai'nt-Just,f 
together with four men of risi'ng importance, Billaud- 
Varennes, CoUot d'Herbois,^ Barere,** and Carnot.ff 
The power of these men had been considerably augmented 
by the retirement of Danton and the murder of Marat by Char- 
lotte Corday %% on July 1 3th, as an act of vengeance for 
the fall of the Gironde. 

On August 23rd a levee en masse was ordered by which the 
whole nation, men, women, and children, were to be em- 
ployed in some way to assist France agaiiist her enemies. 
The Jacobins also passed the " law of the maximum," 
by which they enacted a maximum price for provisions, raw 
materials, and nearly all manufactured goods. Their most 
abominable act was reserved for September 17th, when the 
" law of suspects " authorized the Revolutionary Committees 
throughout France to throw into prison all who showed them- 
selves in favour of monarchy or against the supremacy of 
the authorities in Paris. The prisons of France were 
crammed, and the pressure was only relieved by the 
daily executions which increased as the months went by. 
Carlyle says " the guillotine gets always a quicker motion 
as other things are quickening." On October i6th Marie 
Antoinette went to the scaffold with a courage that in some 
ways redeemed the frivolity of her past life. Her influence 
on the course of the Revolution is hard to define. As repre- 

* Georges Couthon (1756-1794). 

f Louis Antoine Leon Florelle de Saint-Just (1767-1794) ; published L'Orgam, 
1789 ; L'Esprit de la Revolution, 1791 ; particularly fierce against Louis XVI. 

I Jean Marie Collot d' Herbois (1751-1796) ; -pahXisheA Almanack du Pen G&ard, 
1792 ; died in Cayenne. 

*♦ Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac (1755-1841); the " Anacreon of the Guillo- 

ff Lazare Nicolas Carnot (1753-1823). 

ii Marie Charlotte Corday d'Armans (1768-1793) ; of noble family but an 
advocate of revolution. 


sentative of the Austrian alliance she had been a factor in 
increasing the unpopularity of the Court. She had received 
an insufficient education, and her lack of judgment made 
many enemies ; at one time she seemed to symbolise all that 
the people most hated in the ancien regime. She was sus- 
pected of commimicating the plans of the Government to 
Austria. On the other hand, Mirabeau thought so highly of 
her abilities that, in the face of constant repulses, he per- 
sisted in his endeavour to induce her to take him into con- 
fidence, and called her " the only man among them." She 
was soon followed by Madame Roland ; by twenty-three 
leaders of the Gironde ; by the once omnipotent Madame Du 
Barry * ; by the brilliant rhetorician Vergniaud ; by Brissot, 
the Girondist leader ; by Barnave f ; by that wretched 
renegade Philippe Egalit6 ; by Bailly, who as Mayor of Paris 
had once tried to feed the mob ; by Houchard, who 
had led his troops with courage. All of these, and 
many less -known heroes, paid the penalty of standing 
in the way of Robespierre's schemes. Edmund Burke 
spoke the truth when he said " out of the murdered monarchy 
in France has arisen a vast unformed spectre in a far more 
terrific guise thcin any which ever yet have overpowered 
the imagination and subdued the fortitude of mankind." 
The Terror spread from Paris to the farthest corners 
of France. The unhappy peasants of La Vendue found 
their royalist movement stamped out in blood. Carrier 
at Nantes in 1793 did his best to fulfil his own words, " we 
will make France a cemetery rather than pot regenerate it 
in our ovra way." The insurgent towns of the south, in par- 
ticular Toulon and Lyons, were treated with the same most 
horrible cruelty. 

The power of the few, naturally, tended towards factious 
divisions, and the Mountain was broken up into cliques and 
parties.' Danton had sickened of the awful bloodshed far 
sooner than many of his old confederates. He led a party of 
moderation, and was assisted by Camille Desmoulins. 
For the Republic in its best sense Desmoulins had been 
ready to sacrifice all his scruples, but he now attempted 

• Marie Jeanne Vaubernier, Comtesse Du Barry (1741-1793) ; favourite of 
Louis XV. 
f Antoine Barnave (1761-1793) ; an advocate of moderate courses. 


in his Vieux Cordelier to recall the Government to mercy 
and moderation. With feverish activity he attacked the 
dictatorial rule of the Terrorists, and demanded that a 
Committee of Mercy should be formed to pacify all 
parties and inspire hope among all ranks. His work had 
enormous effect upon public opinion, but it caused his expul- 
sion from the Jacobin Club, in which he had previously placed 
his hopes for the formation of a Republic. Opposed to 
Danton and Desmoulins was Hubert's party, which was that 
of the Commune. Its power rested on the Paris mob and 
its organ Le Pere Duchesne openly advocated the destruc- 
tion of religion. It was this faction that celebrated 
in November the " Feast of Reason " in Notre Dame. 
But these corrupt creatures, in particular Hebert, Chau- 
mette, and Anacharsis Cloots, had on this occasion 
reached the high-water mark of their ascendency, and 
the orgies which marked their triumph were the begin- 
ning of their decadence. This was partially due to their 
tyranny, licence, and brutality, but in particular to the 
strongly-worded protests of Robespierre, who was firmly 
opposed to all atheistic principles. In the definite attack 
on Hubert's party, which took place on November 21st, 
Danton threw his weight on the side of Robespierre and said, 
" I demand that there shall be an end of these anti -religious 
masquerades." The alliance continued for some months, and 
by its means the Hebertists were finally crushed, and their 
leaders, Hubert, Chaumette, and Cloots,* were guillotined on 
March 15 th, 1794. 

Robespierre, having found Danton useful in accomplishing 
that important work for which he was needed, now deter- 
mined to destroy him and his party. That great revolutionary 
remained inert, for he was weary of these unending conspira- 
cies, and disdained to defend either himself or his colleagues. 
It was hardly likely that he depended on Robespierre's late 
friendship, for he must have known that Robespierre would 
never allow a matter of mere friendship to interfere with his 
own ascendency. Saint -Just began the attack by threatening 

* Jean Baptiste du Val de Grace, Baron Cloots (1755-1794) ; born at the 
chalteau of Gnadenthal near Cleves ; published Certitude des Preuves du 
Mahometisme (London, 1780) ; Base Constitutionnelle de la RlfuUique du Genre 
Humain, 1793. 


all moderates and by saying, " We are guilty towards the 
Republic because we do not desire terror." Danton was 
implored by his friends to protect himself, but he answered, 
" My life is not worth the trouble ; I am sick of the world." On 
March 30th he was arrested with his allies ; and on April 5th 
they were all sent to the guillotine. Danton was deeply 
responsible for the September massacres, which supplied so 
fatal a precedent for revolutionary Paris. He had few scr*u- 
ples and, where he might have intervened, he was sometimes 
content to acquiesce through indifference. But he was a 
great orator and organiser, and his character was sturdy, 
simple, and far more sympathetic than that of any of his 
colleagues . 

Robespierre was now the most conspicuous figure in France . 
He was a self-deceiver, and was, indeed, so successful that it 
must be admitted that he honestly persuaded himself to believe 
that his acts were in accordance with virtue. He was, too, 
determined always to be in the ascendant, always to be on 
the winning side. He was suspicious and jealous to the 
highest degree ; plagued by nervous tension so that 
nothing was too innocent for him to distrust. In his earlier 
life he had been both humble and narrow-minded ; in his 
later years he became an inflated fanatic, but his narrowness 
of vision still remained. With Couthon and Saint-Just he 
formed a supreme triumvirate. While they ruled, from 
March to June, 600 persons were guillotined, includ- 
ing Princess Elizabeth, Malesherbes and his family, and all 
members of the legislative and constituent assemblies who had 
made themselves in any way conspicuous. In May the 
Supreme Being was recognized by the Convention, which was 
merely the preliminary to the extraordinary festival held in 
June and carried out upon truly classical lines. At this meet- 
ing Robespierre appeared at the head of the assemblage ; 
he walked alone, some five yards in front of his colleagues ; 
he was attired in gorgeous robes, bearing in his hands both 
com and flowers. The spectators were divided in opinion as 
to whether this meant a usurpation of the throne of France or 
the introduction of a milder regime. Their hopes were soon 
dissipated by Robespierre's own words : " People, let us to-day 
give ourselves up to the transports of pure delight. To- 
morrow we will renew our struggle against vice and against 


tyrants." The struggle was indeed renewed with greater 
violence by the fiendish decree which was actually proposed 
by Couthon on the 22nd Prairi'al (June loth). By this 
infamous law prisoners were no longer to be tried singly, 
but in batches ; they were deprived of the privilege of counsel 
for defence ; and their guilt was left entirely to the biased 
judgment of a packed jury. Under this iniquitous scheme no 
fewer than 1,300 persons were guillotined in the next six 
weeks. This is an everlasting and incontrovertible proof 
that Robespierre was anxious to continue the Terror, which he 
spoke of with praise and respect when he said : " Terror is only 
justice more prompt, more vigorous, more inexorable, and 
therefore Virtue's child." 

No sooner had Robespierre reached this position in power, 
and also in sentiment, than he with Couthon and Saint-Just 
found that they were regarded with hatred and jealousy on 
every side. The majority of their colleagues began to look 
at them askance and show a terror of their incorruptible 
leader. His position, therefore, came to be very uncertain, 
and his only hope would have been in a bold attack. It was, 
however, the want of initiation and formation of a bold policy 
that showed Robespierre to be lacking in true statesmanship. 
He had readily and successfully taken advantage of the 
cunning schemes of Hubert or Danton, but to inaugurate 
any form of attack was beyond his capacity. After June loth 
he began to absent himself from the Convention ; he walked 
much alone, plotting and planning schemes that were always 
elusive and refused to become practical. And this man who 
now paced the fields around Paris with a meditative air, 
seeing possibly the doom to which he had sent so many 
coming upon, himself, was after all the same man who had 
resigned his judgeship at Arras rather than sentence a fellow- 
man to death. As July progressed Robespierre's position 
became less and less tenable. The justification of the Terror, 
as a desperate remedy in a supreme crisis, had been removed 
by the victories of the French armies, and the working mem- 
bers of the great committees who had organised those 
victories found his theories an obstacle to business. Billaud 
said that Robespierre and his etre supreme had begun to bore 
him. Then, on 8th Thermidor (July 26th, 1794), Robes- 
pierre made a speech in which he attacked certain traitors 


in the committees, w;ithout mentioning names. It was a 
general menace ; every one feared for his own safety ; and, 
next day, they resolved on a counter-blow. Robespierre was 
first denounced by Vadier,* and then by Joseph Cambon, who 
cried, "It is time to speak the whole truth ; one man para- 
lysed the resolution of the National Assembly ; that man was 
Robespierre." The Jacobin Club still stood by their leader 
and cheered him to withstand the attack. The meeting of 
the 9th Thermidor was stormy indeed, for Robespierre 
attempted again and again to speak, but his voice was 
drowned by the discordant yells and thunderous cries of his 
enemies. Robespierre, Couthon, and Saint- Just were then 
arrested, but having broken from their prison, they took refuge 
with their few supporters in the Hotel de Ville. But this 
was a mere respite ; the Convention controlled the armed 
force of the city, and the three unhappy men were again 
arrested. Robespierre was found shot through the jaw. On 
the loth Thermidor at 5 in the evening Robespierre, Hen- 
riot, Couthon, and Saint-Just ascended the death -cart, around 
which a boisterous and exultilng crowd jeered. 

Robespierre's character has remained an enigma. There 
is evidence that, in early life, he was a man of unusual 
humanity and sensibility. He professed very strong 
democratic principles and came forward as a champion 
of religion in an age when the character was not fashion- 
able . He seems to have cherished great though vague ambi- 
tions, but it is clear that the most powerful motive of evil 
within him was jealousy of colleagues or rivals. He was 
accused by his contemporaries of hypocrisy, but he certainly 
had strong principles of a kind, and honestly hated both 
licence and irreverence. He was far too boastful of his own 
virtues ; thus he said, " I have never bowed beneath the yoke 
of baseness and corruptiom " ; and owing to this arrogance 
he increased neither his popularity nor his reputation. He 
had, indeed, been part of the Terror, and with his execution 
it naturally came to an end. Reaction at once began, 
although the men who had accomplished the downfall of the 
triumvirate were in many cases far worse than even Robes- 
pierre himself. The very principles of the Terror now passed 
away ; the Committee of Public Safety was remodelled ; the 
* M. G. A. Vadier (1736-1828). 


Convention again resumed the reins of government ; the law 
of the 22nd Prairial was abolished. The Commune was now 
swept away ; the prison doors were thrown open ; hundreds of 
prisoners were set free ; and by the end of August the old 
Terrorists, such as Collot d' Herbois and Billaud-Varennes, 
were forced to retire. The independence of the Press 
began to revive, and Jacobin opinion was the object of attack. 
The Jacobin Club, a centre of intrigue, was closed, and the 
Jeunesse Doree, a society of the young bourgeois, carried on 
a guerilla warfare against the Jacobins in the clubs and cafes . 
Carrier,* the vile supporter of the Terror in Nantes, was 
executed on the i6th of December ; and an amnestiy was 
granted to the unhappy district of La Vendue. In the winter 
an attempt was made to improve the finances of France, but 
this entirely failed, for the time was not yet ripe, and the evil 
done in the last four years could not be remedied in a single 
moment. About the same time the Assembly took into con- 
sideration the harsh laws against the emigrants ; while in 
February, 1795, freedom was granted to all forms of religious 
opinion. Still further political toleration was shown on 
March 8th, when sixty-three survivors of the Gironde, who 
had been expelled in October, 1793, were reinstated in their 
seats in the Assembly. Carnot remained to organise the army. 
But other members of the Great Committee were not re- 
elected . New names appear ; among them Merlin of Douai f 
and Treilhard .J But these men, like their predecessors, could 
not make money, nor could they find bread for the 
starving mob. It was, indeed, this starvation, rather than any 
pressure of political intrigue, that caused the people to rise on 
the 1 2th Germinal (April ist). On the other hand, the rising 
on the 1st Prairial (May 20th) was solely clue to the discon- 
tented Jacobins, whose agents had continued to preach on 
behalf of the recently crushed principles . This was suppressed 
two days later by a strong cavalry and infantry force under 
General Menou.§ The old Terrorists were disarmed, six 
deputies of the Mountain were executed, the National Guard 
was reorganised, and the Jacobin power destroyed for ever. 

* Jean Baptiste Carrier (1756-1794) ; in 1793 he massacred 16,000 Vend^ans, 
f P. A. Merlin de Douai (1754-1838) ; a celebrated lawyer. 
I J. B. Treilhard (1742-1810). 
§ Baron J. F. Menou (1750-1810). 


In October, 1795, the old Convention, whose history had 
been so saturated with blood, came to an end. In June the 
Constitutional Committee had recommended plans for a new 
Constitution. These were modified by the decrees of Fruc- 
tidor (August i8th, 1795) so as to ensure a majority of 
Conventionalists. This Constitution received the sanction of 
the Primary Assemblies, but Paris rose in the last desperate 
protest of Vendemiaire, which was suppressed by Barras and 
Bonaparte. The Corps Legislatif was to be elected in- 
directly, on a property qualification. It consisted of two 
houses : the Conseil des Anciens, numbering 250, with an 
age minimum of forty, elected from among its own 
members by the Conseil des Cinq Cents, which contained 500 
deputies who were to be at least thirty years old. One third 
of each of these bodies was to retire annually, and the 
members were to be elected by all males of full age paying 
taxes. Above these two chambers there was an executive of 
five Directors. They were selected by the Anciens from a 
list prepared by the Cinq Cents. But, in the first instance, 
they were to be in no sense the people's free choice. By 
the decrees of Fructidor two thirds of the original Corps 
Legislatif must be drawn from the old Convention. One 
Director was to retire annually. They were all in touch with 
the revolutionary methods, for they were all regicides. To 
Rewbell * was given the administration of justice, finance, and 
foreign affairs . La Revelli^re f was to govern all matters 
concerning the internal politics of France. The police was put 
into the hands of Barras J ; Letourneur had the management 
of the Colonial Office and the navy ; while Carnot showed 
considerable organizing ability. They had to set the finances 
in order, curtail expenditure, and restore credit. To the ex- 
penses of the war were now added the depredations of the 
Directors themselves. Ass.ignats, of which twelve milliards 
were issued, continued to lose value, as did the mandats 
territoriaux by which they were replaced, until in February, 
1797, the State demonetized the 35 milliards then in circula- 

• J. F. Rewbell (1746-1810). 

t La Revelli6re de L^peaux (1753-1824). 

I Paul Jean Francois Nicolas, Comte de Barras (1755-1829) ; one of the first 
members of the Jacobin Club ; practically dictator in 1797 ; lived abroad 

N.E. D 


tion. The Directors suffered also from the disturbed state 
of public opinion. In 1796 they were obliged to take strong 
measures to suppress a Socialist plot under Babeuf * ; while, 
after this, they had not only to pacify the country, but con- 
tinue a war against the Great Powers of Europe . 

The war, as will be shown, was carried on with the greatest 
success in Italy by Napoleon Bonaparte between 1796 and 
1798, nor were Joubert,t Mass6na,J and Augereau § ^.ny 
less triumphant in their different campaigns. But this con- 
tinuous prosperity in war did not make matters any more 
settled in Paris. By the May of 1797 two parties had arisen. 
The Constitutional party, called Clichians, from their meeting 
place at the Club de Clichy, was in a majority. Some of 
its members, among them Boissy d'Anglas and Pichegru, 
desired the immediate repeal of the revolutionary laws. 
Another section was in favour of compromise and a gradual 
process of reform. The party of the Conventionalists, pn 
whom Barras, Rewbell, and La Revelliere relied, were out- 
voted. Letourneur, the retiring Director, was replaced 
by Barth^lemy, who acted with Carnot in opposition to 
Barras. The deadlock between Executive and Legis- 
lature was solved by violence. In September Augereau, 
who had been despatched by Bonaparte to sup- 
port Barras, completed a coup d'etat the outcome of which 
was the arrest and exile of Barth61emy,|| Carnot, and 53 
deputies. Merlin of Douai and Frangois de NeufchateauH 
were now added to the Directory, and the five obtained 
absolute power. 

Bonaparte had been opposed to the Clichians. But he had 
little reason to trust the Directors, and the scope of his ambi- 
tions, as well as his cynicism, had been much enlarged by his 
Italian experience . Havihg seen his enemies and rivals safely 
removed, he was furious that he was not appointed com- 
mander-in-chief, but that Augereau should be given that post 

' Francois Noel Babeuf (1762-1797) ; editor of Tribun du Peuple ; was an 
advocate of Communism. 

f B. C. Joubert (1769-1799). 

j Andr^ Mass(Sna (1758-1817) ; the greatest of Napoleon's marshals. 

§ Pierre Francois Charles Augereau (1757-1816) ; fought at Lodi, Castiglione, 
Roveredo, Jena, Eylau, and Leipzig. 

II Fran90is, Marquis de Barthelemy {1750-1830). 

If Fran9ois de Neufchateau (1750-1828). 


on the death of Hoche.* Besides all this, Bonaparte was 
attempting to conduct negotiations with Austria entirely 
upon his own lines, and as he, by his brilliant campaigns, had 
made those negotiations possible, he resented the interference 
of the Directors. Seeing, therefore, the necessity of his pre- 
sence in Paris, he hurried on the Treaty of Campo Formio in 
October, 1797. The time, however, was not ripe for 
him to strike. After a brilliant reception in Paris, he 
started ;upon his Egyptian schemes, which proved utterly 
abortive. In May, 1799, he furtively left Egypt with 
the intention of gaining supreme power at home. He 
found Emanuel Sieyfes at the head of the Directory 
plotting to withdraw the Constitution of 1795. This man had 
originally looked to Joubert and Bernadotte,f but later turned 
to Bonaparte. On November 9th the two Councils were 
induced to remove to Saint-Cloud. The Directors resigned 
or were imprisoned ; the Ancients acquiesced ; the Five Hun- 
dred, after a stormy scene in which Lucien Bonaparte dis- 
tinguished himself by his cool resolution, were expelled from 
the hall. In the evening a few returned and decreed a pro- 
visional government by three Consuls. 

The Directory had thus come to an end. Its failure was 
largely due to the fact that the foundation of the Constitution 
was fundamentally wrong. For a period of obvious transi- 
tion so rigid a system was impossible. The separation of 
the Tegislature and the Executive had inevitably led to 
quarrels, especially in 1797, when the legislative body had 
endeavoured to encroach upon the rights of the Directory. 

There were other reasons for its fall. The members of 
the Directory were divided amongst themselves. They had 
lost irretrievably the confidence of the bulk of the people. 
Their prestige, resting chiefly on foreign successes, had 
dwindled with the failures of 1799. Of the generals, whose 
exploits had redeemed the Government from ignominy, many 
were estranged. The finances were in disorder, and the bank- 
ruptcy of 1797 seemed to have disorganised credit without 
extricating the State from its embarrassments. The middle 
classes were alienated by the incompetence of the admipis- 

* Lazare Hoche (1768-1797). 

•]• Jean Baptiste Jules Bernadotte (1764-1844) ; afterwards Charles XIV. of 

D 2 


tration ; justice and order had not been secured by the multi- 
plication of machi'nery and officials. The peasants, eager 
to take advantage of improved conditions of agriculture, 
resented the conscription and the constant pressure of taxa- 
tion as well as the religious persecution. The Terror, which 
the Directors were to have ended, seemed perpetually re- 
newed. Frenchmen were weary of the Revolutionary creed 
and vocabulary and in love with other ideals. 

The members of the Consulate, in which the government 
was vested, were Siey^s, Bonaparte, and Ducos.* Sieyds pro- 
posed a most complicated system. At the head was to be a 
body of three men : a Great Elector, to be purely 
ornamental, and two Consuls. The Senate was to be 
elected for life and to have the power of vetoing measures 
that had previously been initiated by a Council of 
State, discussed by a tribunate, and accepted or re- 
jected by a legislative body. Five hundred thousand 
men were to be elected, from whom municipal officers were 
to be chosen, and these were to select 50,000 officials of 
departments, who were in turn to chose 5,000 for legislation. 
Bonaparte was quite ready to accept all the complicated 
items, but he resolutely opposed the Great Elector and the two 
Consuls. He insisted that he should be the first Consul, and 
the other two his advisers . Sieyfes, naturally annoyed at this 
usurpation of power, refused to hold any office if he could 
not have supreme authority. This had no effect, and the Con- 
sulate was proclaimed as Bonaparte desired, his colleagues 
being Cambac6r^s,f a lawyer, and Lebnm,J late secretary to 
Chancellor Maupeou.§ 

Bonaparte had won his position in Italy and the 
East. He reappeared as the champion of the Republic 
against the degenerate Directors. It was not hard to 
oust them, and the man who did so became, in effect., 
the ruler of France. This was readily acquiesced in by 
a nation weary of bloodshed and internal bickering. They 
welcomed him with enthusiasm, not only as a great general, 

* Roger Ducos (1754-1814) ; advocate. 

f Jean Jacques R^gis de Cambac^rds (1753-1824) ; his Projet de Code Civil was 
the basis of the Code NapoUon. 

X Charles Fran9ois Lebrun, Duke of Piacenza. 

§ Nicolas Augustin de Maupeou (1714-1792), Chancellor of France 1768. 


but as the one strong man who could give them peace . They 
did not realize, or, at any rate, shut their eyes to the fact, that 
he had attained his position by greed, acts of violence, and 
breaches of the Constitution. They failed to see that he was 
bound to maintain that position by being absolute, despotic, 
and indifferent to all party and, possibly, all patriotic require- 
(tnents. On the other hand, they obtained the benefits of 
order and regularity in all departments of the State., 
Although the system has been said to have paralyzed the 
national spirit, yet it gave to Frenchmen equality in the eyes 
of the law and secured to numerous purchasers the national 
property, which had been for some years held upon a pre- 
carious title. 

Here the Revolution vanishes for the space of forty years 
from French history. It may be true, as Napoleon believed, 
that the French nation cared very little for liberty and 
equality, and very much more for honour. But the record 
of liberties achieved is not mean. Hereditary privilege, 
economic and political, and the absolute monarchy, unrelated 
to public opinion, have not been restored. The struggle with 
Europe, and the influence of the Paris mob, corrupting and 
corrupted, shattered the ideals of reconstruction. But, in 
revenge, France sent sparks of the Revolution flying across 
the frontiers. 







*Cambridge Modern History. 
*T. Carlyle 

Chevremont . 

»> ... 


Lavisse et Rambaud 

*H. Morse Stephens 

)) ■ 

*A. Sorel . 


>» ... 

Willert . 


Histoire politique de la Revolution Franfaise 


Marie Antoinette. 

Reflections on the French Revolution. 
Vol. viii., 1904. 
French Revolution (edited C. R. L. Fletcher), 


The Great French Revolution. 
Histoire Generale, Vol. viii. 
French Revolution. 
Histoire de la Revolution frangaise. 

Diderot and the Encyclopcedists. 

History of the French Revolution, 1886, etc. 
Statesmen of the French Revolution. 
Marie Antoinette. 
L' Europe et la Revolution franfaise, 1885- 

L'Ancien Regime. 
The Revolution. 

Histoire de la Revolution franfaise. 
L'Ancien Regime. 



1789. George III. recovered from his insanity. 

1790. The Convention with Spain after the quarrel about Nootka 

Burke's " Reflections on the French Revolution." 

1791. Burke and Fox quarrel. 

The Ambassador of Great Britain was recalled from Paris. 
Society of United Irishmen founded. 



Contemporary Events in the History of Great 
Britain — continued. 

1793. Thurlow was dismissed. 

1793. France declared war on Great Britain. 
Pitt obliged to become a Minister for War. 
The Traitorous Correspondence Bill. 
The Conference of the Allies at Antwerp. 
Toulon surrendered to the British. 

The Battle of Hondschoote. 

1794. The Battle of the Glorious First of June. 
The British took over Corsica. 

1795. The recall of Lord FitzWilliam from Ireland. 
Treaties made with Austria and Russia. 

An expedition sent to Quiberon. 
The acquittal of Warren Hastings. 

1796. The United Irishmen become militant. 
The French attempted to invade Ireland. 

1797. Suspension of cash payments. 
The Battle of Cape St. Vincent. 
Meeting at Spithead. 

The Battle of Camperdown. 



1786. Lord Cornwallis appointed 



1790-93. The second Mysore War. 



1793. The permanent settlement 
of the land revenue in 



The Philadelphian Convention drew 

up a new Constitution. 
George Washington first President 

of the U. S. A. 
Warfare with the Red Indians. 

The creation of Vermont as a 

Washington again elected Presi- 

Creation of Kentucky as a State. 

John Adams elected President. 
The creation of Tennessee as a 



1789 — 1804. 

May, 1789 
June, 1789 
Jan., 1790 
Oct., 1791 

Sept., 1792 

Sept., 1793 

April, 1794 
Oct., 1795 

May, 1797 

Dec, 1799 

The Three Estates. 

The National Assembly. 

The Constituent Assembly. 

The Legislative Assembly. 

Club. of the Feuillants. 
The Middle Class. 
The Army. 

Mde. Roland. 
Left, j „, ( Jacobin Club. 

I ( Tacobins I Club of Cordeliers. 
■' ■ ( Parisian Canaille. 

The National Convention, 






Hebert's Robespierre's 
Party. Party. 

The Triumvirate. 

The National Convention 

The New Convention. 

Council of 250. Council of 500. 

■ Rewbell. 
Five j La Revelliere. 
Directors. < Barras. ' 

1 Letourneur. 
. Carnot. 

Club de Clichy. 

Party of the 

The Directory 


May, 1804 






Louis XIII., 1610 — 1643. 

Louis XIV., 
1643— 1715. 

Due d'Orleans. 

Louis the Dauphin. 

Due de Burgundy. 

Philip V. 
of Spain. 

Philip the Regent. 

Due d'Orleans. 

Louis XV., 
1715— 1774. 

Louis the Dauphin. 

Louis XVI., 

Louis XVII., 
d. 1795. 

Louis XVIII., 
1814 — 1824. 

Charles X., 
1824 — 1830. 

Louis Philippe, 
d. 1785- 

Philippe Egalitd, 
ex. 1,793. 

Louis Philippe, 

Ferdinand. Due • Prinee Due Due Marie, 

de Nemours, de Joinville. d'Aumale. de Montpensier. 

Louis Philippe, 
Comte de Paris. 

Due d'Orleans. 

Due de Chartres. 







Contemporary Ministers of the Most Important Nations 
Great Britain. Holy Roman France. Prussia. Russia. Spain. 

Montmorin. Hertzeberg. Ostermann. Florida Blanca. 


Holy Roman 
f William Pitt, ( Kaunitz, 
I Duke of Leeds. 1 P. Cobenzl. 
Lord GrenviUe. 

f Colloredo, 
( Thugut. 

de Lessart. 
, Dumouriez. 
j Chambonas. 
I Bigot de Ste. Croix. 
^ Lebrun Tondu. 


f The Directory, 
I Delacroix. 


L. Cobenzl. Talleyrand. 

f Thugut, 
^ Lehrbach. 

^The Consulate, 
J Keinhardt, 

f Aranda, 
[ Godoy. 

j Saavedra, 
\ Urquijo. 

f Addington, 
y Hawkesbury. 

j Panine, 

1 Kotchoubey. 


The cowardly flight of the emigres to the Rhine frontier, 
together with their frantic appeals to the German princes 
were largely the causes of the European war. This suicidal 
policy of the French nobles cannot be sufficiently condemned. 
Their appeals were not unheeded, for most of the European 
princes were bound to either the King or Queen of France by 
close relationship and ties of blood. Pitt, as Prime Minister 
of England, continued to imagine that he could remain 
neutral, and he carried this attitude almost to absurdity. His 
strong conviction that he was right may be seen in his re- 
duction of both the army and navy in 1792, and in his short- 
sighted speech on the Budget of that year. At exactly the 
same moment revolutionary France declared war upon 
Austria. Soon after his accession to the Empire, Leo- 
pold had despatched a protest urging that France ought 


to give compensation to the German nobles who had, by the 
decrees of August 4th, 1789, lost their feudal rights in 
Alsace. The Emperor also demanded that the Pope sliould 
be indemnified for the loss of Avignon and Venaissin, which 
were annexed by decree of the Constituent Assembly in Sep- 
tember, 1791. Besides this, he pretended that all he really 
wanted was a government at Paris in which the world could 
place a certain amount of reliance. More powerful motives 
were Leopold's anxieties about his sister, Marie Antoinette, 
and about the Austro-French alliance, which was unlikely to 
survive the fall of the King and Queen. His joint procla- 
mation with the King of Prussia at Pilnitz on August 27th, 
1 79 1, was only meant to intimidate the French, and he ex- 
pressed his satisfaction when the King accepted the new Con- 
stitution in September. But' since then the actions of 
Kaunitz and the emigres had increased the danger of war. 
At home the state of affairs was certainly advantageous if war 
proved necessary. Leopold had won the goodwill of his 
subjects by granting religious toleration. He had pacified 
Hungary and checkmated Russia. He had to keep apart the 
separate nationalities that went to compose his vast domi- 
nions, such as Austrians, Hungarians, Bohemians, Belgians 
and Milanese, and on the whole at this juncture he was suc- 
cessful. In February, 1792, he concluded an alliance with 
the King of Prussia. For the time they were united 
in the policy of restoring order in France, though the old 
jealousy between Austria and Prussia was sufficient to make 
any lengthy friendship impossible. Prussia never had her 
heart in the war, for her King would have preferred, 
with the help of Russia, to dismember Poland, while Bruns- 
wick,* the commander-in-chief, hated the French emigres 
quite as much as the Revolutionaries. When Leopold died, 
on March ist, 1792, the possible understanding seemed less 
likely to last, for Francis II. encouraged a policy of com- 
plete lassitude and torpor ; while, at the same time, his 
ministers were far more concerned with Eastern and Polish 
difficulties than with the prosecution of the Western War. 

In France war was keenly desired by the Ministry of Sans- 
Culottes; the Girondists felt that that alone could complete 
their schemes, and they forced Louis XVI. to declare war on 

* Charles William Frederick, Duke of Brunswick-Luneburg (1735-1806). 


April 2oth, 1792. The French army fled in hopeless panic 
at the first encounter ; they murdered their generals, and, as 
Dumouriez said, they marched out like madmen, and 
returned like fools. After this it was thought through- 
out Europe that the struggle was merely a contest 
between an army and an undisciplined mob, and that the 
Prussians would rapidly advance on Paris and rescue the 
royal family. On July 28th the army under Brunswick 
started from Coblenz ; the Duke had on the previous day 
issued a manifesto by which he only exasperated France 
although he had hoped to terrorize the Revolutionaries. On 
August 19th about 100,000 men of the allied army crossed 
the Rhine, and on the next day the Prussians invested LongTvy, 
which was taken on August 24th. A week later the invaders 
reached Verdun, and when tTiis was captured, after bombard- 
ment, the road to Paris lay practically open . Had Brunswick 
pushed on with anything like determination Paris must have 
fallen ; but he had been trained in the school of Frederick the 
Great, and, although a brilliant strategist, he failed to grasp 
the situation. Brunswick was too cautious, he was incapable 
of running risks for a great venture, and as a consequence 
all was lost. The movement from Verdun into the wooded 
country of the Argonne was slow and careful. Before this 
almost nervous advance Dumouriez, who was defending the 
ways to Paris, was obliged to fall back. On September 20th, 
however, all was changed by the cannonade at Valmy, by 
which Brunswick's seasoned troops were checked by the raw 
levies of France under their general Fran9ois Kellermann.* 
The Prussians asked for terms, and, under cover of negotia- 
tions, retired. The Revolutionaries were naturally delighted, 
and at once started an aggressive policy somewhat resembling 
that of their greatest monarch Louis XIV. They had the 
boldness to invite all discontented subjects of whatever king- 
dom to appeal to France, which would assist them towards the 
acquisition of the rights, liberty, and equality. They sent an 
army to punish Amadeus III. of Savoy for daring to support 
the House of Bourbon ; and they annexed, with the welcome 
and sanction of the populace, the two territories of Savoy and 
Nice. One of their leaders, Montesquiou, was ordered to 

* Fran90is Christophe Kellermann, Duke of Valmy (1735-1820) ; his son, 
Fran<;ois Etienne ("1770-1835), distinguished himself at Marengo, 


attack Geneva, but he managed to establish peaceful rela- 
tions with the country he had been commanded to seize. The 
war had already been carried into German territory by 
Cystine,* with his motto " War to the palaces and peace 
to the cottages." He marched with a large revolutionary 
army into the " Priests' Lane," and Spiers (September 30th), 
Worms (October 5th), Mainz (October 21st), and Frankfort 
fell into the hands of the French. Aggression by no means 
stopped here. Dumouriez invaded what is now Belgium, and 
on November 6th defeated 20,000 Austrians under Cler- 
fait f and the Duke of Saxe-Taschen at Jemappes. The Con- 
vention, as has been shown, entered upon even more rash 
actions by opening the Scheldt, declaring the emancipation of 
serfs and abolition of nobility in all countries invaded by the 
French army ; and finally, at the instigation of Danton, 
decreed the confiscation of all ecclesiastical and royal pro- 
perty. The application of this last act to Belgium not only 
caused the indignation of the people and lost the goodwill of 
Dumouriez, but also roused the wrath of the whole of Europe. 
On January 21st, 1793, Louis XVL was guillotined. The 
news had a powerful effect in England and in other coun- 
tries where public opinion was as yet undecided in its atti- 
tude to France. Many other reasons had combined to 
reconcile Pitt to the prospect of war : the decrees of 
November 6th and December 1 5th, the one declaring the 
Scheldt open, and the other proclaiming the intention of the 
French armies to bestow liberty wherever they penetrated and 
to punish the slaves who refused to avail themselves of it ; 
the danger to Holland ; the blustering attitude of the French 
agent Chauvelin ;$ the secession of Burke from the Whig 
ranks. The decision was, in any case, taken out of Pitt's 
hands. The French ministers, deceived by their hopes, 
expected the assistance of a powerfi:d body of English 
republicans, and declared war on February 8th. The 
Stadtholder of Holland also entered upon the war, and 
on March 7th the coalition was joined by Spain under 
Charles IV. 's favourite, Godoy.§ The forces were still further 

* A. P., Comte de Custine (1740-1793). 

t F. S. C. J. de C. de Clerfait (1733-1798)- 

X F. B. Chauvelin (1766-1832). 

§ Manuel de Godoy, Duke of Alcudia(i767-i85i) ; banished from Spain 1808- 


augmented by those of Portugal, the Papal States, and Naples. 
In this way France was seriously menaced by all the nations 
except Russia. That country alone stood out, for Catherine II. 
realized that she would be left free to carry out her designs 
against Poland. 

The first move of the allies was made by the Prince of 
Coburg on Belgium. Success attended his enterprise, for 
Valence * was driven from Louvain, Miranda was forced to 
abandon the siege of Maestricht, and Dumouriez was defeated 
on March i8th at Neerwinden. The latter, having been 
annoyed by the extreme actions of the Dantonists, joined on 
April 5th the Austrian general Mack,f but accomplished 
nothing, and died an exile in London twenty years later. The 
complete failure of the French arms brought a fresh attack of 
the Mountain upon the Gironde, and the latter fell. Mean- 
while the French force under Custine was checked at Mainz ; 
20,000 Piedmontese invaded France, and, what was 
worse, England declared the French ports in a state of 
blockade. But France was now under the triumvirate, and, 
having raised an enormous army, its forces proved success- 
ful at home and abroad. In the north Caen submitted, after 
the Royalist general Wimpfen had been defeated. In the 
west Bordeaux was forced to accept the Constitution. In the 
south Marseilles surrendered ; and Toulon called in Admiral 
Hood :j: for its protection, but gave way to Napoleon Buona- 
parte, who first distinguished himself at this place as a young 
artillery officer. Abroad the forces of the revolution were 
equally successful under Jourdan, Hoche, Pichegru, and Hou- 
chard. In September Houchard distinguished himself by 
driving out the Duke of York from Dunkirk ; a month later 
Jourdan § crushed the Austrians at Wattignies ; while in 
December Hoche and Pichegru defeated the allied forces 
under Brunswick and Wiirmser || at Worth and Weissenberg. 
The success of the French was due in part to the want of 
co-operation between the Allies. Their armies were often 

* C. M. A., Comte de Valence (1757-1822). 

t Karl Freiherr von Mack (1752-1822) ; imprisoned 1805 ; liberated 1808 ; 
fully pardoned 1819. 

I Samuel, Viscount Hood (1724-1816). 

§ Jean Baptiste, Comte Jourdan (1762-1833) ; supported the revolution of 

II D. S. Wurmser (1724-1797). 


out of touch with each other ; and Prussia, at any rate, had 
her thoughts fixed on Poland. Against this half-hearted 
coalition the French fought with the ardour of a new nation, 
realising that the profit and the glory of victory belonged 
to each of them. Credit is also due to the reforms under 
the old regime by which the Revolution profited. Besides 
this, Carnot exhibited remarkable skill in detecting ability 
in unexpected quarters : in Massena, the old soldier, in 
Moreau, the ex-lawyer, and iri Murat,* once an inn -waiter. 
In April, 1794, Lord Malmesbury, in a convention at the 
Hague, obtained from the Prussian minister Haugwitz f a 
promise of 62,000 soldiers under Mollendorf J in exchange 
for a subsidy, but this agreement was made invalid, 
for the army was sent by Frederick William II. to 
Poland, in distinct contravention of the compact. The 
Prince of Coburg about the same time marched on Paris, 
succeeded in taking Landrecies, but was forced to retire by 
General Pichegru . The English were no more successful than 
in the past, for the Duke of York was again defeated a,t 
Turcoing and Yprfes by Greneral Moreau. § In June Jourdan 
made himself still more famous by his victory at Fleurus, 
which caused the retirement of Coburg behind the Meuse 
and the retreat of the Duke of York into Brabant . Although 
Coburg now retired from the command and Clerfait was 
appointed in his place, the change brought no advantage to 
the coalition. Clerfait was immediately driven behind the 
Rhine, and the Revolutionary force took Cologne, Bonn, and 
Coblenz. Pichegru || was also active in the Netherlands, 
and by his seizure of Antwerp he made himself master 
of the Low Countries, still further crippling the Dutch 
by his march across the ice and the capture of their 
fleet in the Texel. The fact was, that as in the previous 
year, the Allies were not working together, as was shown by 
the Austrian minister Thugut ^ when he said " Every one 
does exactly as he pleases ; there is absolute anarchy and dis- 

• Joachim Murat (1771-1815) ; proclaimed King of the Two Sicihes 1808. 
t C. H. C, Count Haugwitz (1752-1832). 

X Field-Marshal Count W. J. Heinrich von Mollendorf (1725-1816). 
§ Jean Victor Moreau (1761-1813). 

II Charles Pichegru (1761-1804) ; 1797 deported to Cayenne; 1798 escaped 
to England. 
IT F. M. Thugut (1734-1813). 


order." To make matters worse for the Allies the Prussian 
troops were recalled by the Kosciusko * revolt in Poland, 
where Austria was also seeking aggrandizement. In Spain 
Godoy saw his power waning, and he gained no advantage 
from the coalition ; and England was left in the uncomfortable 
position of only being able to threaten to withdraw the vast 
subsidies. This being the case, the coalition rapidly began to 
break up. Tuscany made terms with France in February, 
1795- This was followed in April by the Treaty of Basle 
between the Revolutionaries and Frederick William II. of 
Prussia, by which France kept what she had won on the left 
bank of the Rhine and recognized the neutrality of the North 
German States. In June France again made advantageous 
terms with Spain by which the Spanish portion of the island 
of San Domingo was added to the French West Indian 

Before this was accomplished, however, in May, England 
and Austria made a fresh alliance, partly because of the sub- 
sidies offered by the former, and partly because the latter 
was satisfied with the promise of Russia with regard to the 
annexations in Poland. This new coalition was largely 
the "work of Thugut. He was a scornful man, of humble 
parentage, and therefore detested by the haughty Austrian 
nobility. The Prussians looked upon him as Satan him- 
self, and with his entrance to power the Prusso-Austrian 
alliance was doomed. He was possessed of many striking 
qualities, and, though ambitious, was never blind to the prac- 
tical questions of politics. His schemes were of the widest, 
and always to increase the dominions of Austria. At one 
time or another he had hopes of annexing French Flanders, 
Bavaria, Alsace, Venice, Dalmatia, Salzburg, Geneva, Pied- 
mont, Bosnia, and part of Poland. He has been accused of 
giving way to French demands and diplomacy, but this is 
very unlikely, for throughout his career he was the steadfast 
enemy of French aggression. 

The first outcome of the alliance was that Clerfait and 
Wiirmser drove Pichegru from Mannheim. He was at once 
superseded by Moreau . General Barth61emi Schdrer f having 

* Tadeusz Kosciusko (1746-1817) ; fought for the Colonists in America 1777 ; 
headed the Polish movement in 1794 ; see Chapter VII. 
f Barth^lemi L. J. Sch^rer (1747-1804). 


secured the entrance to Piedmont at Loano on November 24th, 
Bonaparte was given the command to attack Austria by this 
Italian route and so to restore the finances of France. The 
state of Italy at this time was far from satisfactory. Long 
habit had made the race not only submissive but actually 
servile. Nevertheless, the country in the north was pro- 
gressive and the communes of Lombardy were doing 
excellent work in irrigation and industry. The vitality 
of its literature was shown by the works of Beccaria * 
and Vittorio Alfieri.f Socially Italy had hardly emerged 
from the primitive stages, and in Tuscany in particular 
the nobility were little more than country gentlemen 
with small estates. The mezzeria, or partnership between 
landlord and tenant, was the common system of agricul- 
ture. Wealth was very unevenly divided in all parts, 
though this was probably most noticeable in the kingdom of 
the Two Sicilies. The few laws that existed were not rigidly 
enforced, life was regarded very indifferently, and murder was 
by no means uncommon. Above all there was a savage and 
fanatical priesthood, exercising enormous influence over a 
superstitious people. 

Napoleon Bonaparte, now twenty-seven years of age, 
started his famous Italian campaigns at the battles of Monte- 
notte and Dego, by which he separated the Piedmontese under 
Colli ^ and the Austrians under Beaulieu.§ He next forced 
Victor Amadeus III. to make an armistice at Cherasco, which 
was soon followed by a- peace, surrendering Savoy and Nice 
to France. After defeating the Austrians at Formbio, he 
crossed the Po at Piacenza and crushed Beaulieu at Lodi on 
May loth. The results of this battle were most important 
and far-reaching. The Austrian army was obliged to retreat 
to Mantua, while the city of Milan made its submission to 
the formidable conqueror. The finances of France were 
assisted by the receipt of 20,000,000 francs, and many of 
the finest examples of Italian art were sent to Paris, for the 

* Cesare, Marchese de Beccaria (1735-1794) ; published Dei Delitte e delle Pens 
1764 ; Professor of Political Philosophy at Milan 1768. 

f Vittorio, Count Alfieri (1749-1803) ; he published 21 tragedies, 6 comedies, 
and Abele, which was a combination of tragedy and opera ; he also wrote an epic 
in four cantos, 16 satires, many lyrics, and an autobiography. 

I Baron de Colli (1760-1811). 

§ Jean Pierre, Baron de Beaulieu (1725-1820). 

N.E. E 


greedy Directors had told Napoleon " Leave nothing in Italy 
which will be useful to us." Pavia made some effort to 
resist the French, but was easily suppressed with more extor- 
tion. The Austrian main force was driven into neutral 
territory at Peschiera, and was defeated at Borghetto on the 
Mincio, Bonaparte himself having first entered Vene- 
tian territory at Brescia. His elation now made him 
pick a quarrel with Venice, and he seized Verona and 
Legnano, while at the same time conducting the siege 
of Mantua. In June he gave the Pope an armistice at 
Foligno, and granted the same to the King of Naples. In 
the same month he despatched Augereau to take Ferrara and 
Bologna, while Murat was allowed to plunder Leghorn. All 
these actions, but in particular the victory at Lodi, 
strengthened the Directors against the Royalists. The in- 
creased power of the army, however, alarmed the civilians of 
France, and the general spoliation disgusted the whole of 

The Emperor now sent Wiirmser from his position on the 
Rhine to effect the relief of the besieged Mantua. He con- 
sidered it advisable to divide his army into two forces, and 
one of these, under Quasdanowich, was defeated in August 
by Bonaparte at Lonato. Mantua was revictualled, but 
Wiirmser was defeated at Brescia and Castiglione in the same 
month, and the flying Austrians were obli'ged to take refuge 
in the beleaguered city. 

Meanwhile the Archduke Charles, by falling back to 
Niiremberg, had allowed Moreau to advance into Bavaria. 
Jourdan had also pushed forward by the valley of the Main and 
Frankfort to Arnberg, but the Archduke, leaving Moreau on 
the river Leek, turned upon Jourdan and, with the help of 
General Wartensleben,* drove back the French across the 
Rhine. This left Moreau unprotected, and he, too, was 
obliged to retreat, which he effected without much loss, 
though the Austrians took the fortresses of Hiimernigen and 
Kehl. In the following October Lord Malmesbury tried to 
bring about peace on the understanding that the Netherlands 
were restored to Austria. France, however, had had such 
unparalleled success in Italy that the terms were refused and 
Bonaparte was allowed to go on his victorious course. 
• W. L. G. Wartensleben (1728-1797). 


With his star in the ascendant Bonaparte was now 
opposed by Alvinzi * with 40,000 men and Davidowich with 
a force of about 18,000. The former was defeated at Car- 
rignano in November, but when the two armies combined 
Bonaparte was temporarily forced to retreat to Verona. He 
soon regained this momentary repulse by defeating Alvinzi at 
Areola on November 17th and obliging Davidowich to retire. 
On January 14th, 1797, Alvinzi was again defeated at Rivoli, 
and his ally Provera, after reaching Mantua, suffered loss at 
La Favorita, and Mantua surrendered on February 2nd. This 
victory was followed by the seizure of Bologna, which was 
added to Modena and Ferrara, already created by Bonaparte 
into the Cispadane Republic, thus unconsciously giving birth 
to the idea of a united Italy. His next step was to obtain 
from the Pope a ratification of the armistice of Foligno at 
Tolentino on Febrtiary 19th. Under this later arrangement 
the Papal temporal powers were much curtailed, and Avignon, 
Romagna, and Ancona were ceded to France. Bonaparte also 
saw that it was time to obtain the good will of the Catholics^ 
for he realized that he must look to them when he struck for 
power, and he understood that there was a decided revulsion 
towards Catholicism. But he did not forget the possible 
rivals by whom he was surrounded, and to prevent Hoche 
gaining too much authority and popularity in the north he 
invaded Austria to attack the forces of the Archduke Charles. 

The French success continued unabated. Joubert seized 
the Tyrol, Massena took over the territory of Carinthia, while 
Bonaparte himself defeated Charles at Tagliamento, and by 
this means became master of the port of Trieste and the 
district of Carniola. Continuing his triumphant progress 
he crossed the Alps and marched to Leoben, eighty miles 
from Vienna. It was at this point that negotiations for peace 
were opened on April i8th. The French demanded that 
Belgium, Lombardy, and the Rhine frontier should be surren- 
dered to France, while Austria was to be recompensed from 
neutral Venetian territory, receiving the district between the 
Oglio, Po and Adriatic, and also Istria and Dalmatia. While 
these negotiations were in progress Bonaparte, in May, 
attacked Venice on the flimsiest excuse, and that unfortunate 
province was obliged to give way, being in complete ignor- 
• Joseph, Baron d'Alvinzi (1735-1810); Austrian field-marshal. 

E 2 


ance of the terms of the Austrian treaty. The results were 
that Venice was declared a republic, works of art and sums 
of money were exacted, and the Venetian possessions in the 
Levant, together with Corfu and Cephalonia, were taken. A 
month later he reorganized the Cispadane Republic, and 
with certain additions, such as Austrian Lombardy and 
Romagna, converted it into the Cisalpine Republic. Not 
content with this, at the same time he subjected Genoa, 
under the title of the Ligurian Republic, to the strictest 
dependence on France. 

Bonaparte had during this period kept a sharp eye upon 
the Directors at home, and he knew perfectly well that affairs 
were by no means settled in Paris. In September the coup 
d'etat of Augereau had taken place ; Moreau had been dis- 
missed, and Hoche, who had been put in supreme command, 
had died. Bonaparte was weary of the incapacity of the 
Directory, and he had now determined to rise to the highest 
position in France. For this reason he hastened the treaty 
with Austria, which was completed on October 1 7th at Campo 
Formio. France obtained Belgium, Lombardy and the Ionian 
Islands, while Austria received Istria, Dalmatia, Venice and 
Venetian territory up to the Adige, on the understanding that 
the Emperor recognized the Cisalpine Republic. A secret 
article was also inserted under which the Emperor was to do 
his best to obtain for France the left bank of the Rhine. All 
other questions were to be discussed at a meeting at Rastadt 
in December. This Congress proved a sham. It was clear 
that the only compensation for the Rhine frontier could be 
the secularization of German territory, a change strongly 
recommended by Protestant Prussia, but equally firmly re- 
sisted by Thugut. The Congress continued to sit, but 
accomplished jiothing. 

Bonaparte, meanwhile, had returned to Paris and had been 
appointed to command the army of invasion which was being 
prepared against England. By the beginning of the new year 
the project had been temporarily abandoned. Bonaparte was 
fascinated by the East and by the prizes which it offered 
to the adventurer. In May, 1798, he left France with an 
axmament for Egypt ; by the end of the summer he had 
overcome resistance, but Nelson's victory in Aboukir Bay, 
"the Battle of the Nile," on August ist, 1798, cut off his 


communications. An expedition against Syria was repulsed 
before the walls of Acre, and on his return to Egypt he learnt 
that the Government of the Directors was tottering to its 
fall. Deserting his army, he slipped home with a few 
companions . 

At the beginning of 1798 the Austrian minister once again 
advocated war, and he had many justifications for doing so. 
In the first place, the desire to secularize ecclesiastical pro- 
perty was contrary to the wishes of most of the southern 
Germans. The Roman Catholics, too, had been shocked in 
February by Mass6na's pillage of Rome after the murder of 
General Duphot ; by the abduction of Pope Pius VI . ; and by 
the conversion of Rome into a republic under consuls. Nor 
had French actions in Switzerland during the winter allayed 
suspicions. The Swiss cantons had been proclaimed as the 
Helvetic Republic at Aarau on March 29th, while £800,000 
had been taken from the treasury at Berne ; actions sufficient 
to cause a revolt against French arrogance and a three days' 
fight at Stang. For these reasons, in the winter of 1798-99, 
the second coalition of England, Austria, Portugal, Naples, 
Turkey and Russia was formed against France. Turkey had 
now thrown in her lot with the Western Powers because ,oi 
Bonaparte's attack on Egypt ; while Russia had also joined 
Pitt with cordiality, for Catherine II. had died in 1796, and 
the insane Paul hated the fanaticism of the Jacobins and all 
reform . 

General Mack, with his Austrians, marched down on Rome, 
obliging the French to retire for the moment, but was soon 
defeated at the hands of Championnet, who advanced to 
Capua. Naples was then reduced, and was converted into the 
Parthenopean Republic. Ferdinand IV. had attempted to 
restore the Pope and had even got as far as Rome ; but he 
was unloved by his people, for he was a weak fool, and, with 
his wife, had carried on a policy of great cruelty. They 
were forced to fly the country, seeking a temporary refuge 
on Nelson's ship the Vanguard. The French, having started 
on their acts of deposition, now deprived of their thrones 
both Charles Emmanuel of Sardinia and Ferdinand of Tus- 
cany. This extension of French territory was one of the 
greatest errors of the Directory, as it gave them more than 
they could safely protect. 


In March, 1799, Jourdan, by the line of the Danube, 
advanced, only to be defeated by the Archduke Charles at 
Stockach on the 25th of the month. Nor was the French 
army more successful in Italy, for although the Austrians 
were traditionally lethargic, slow, and wanting in method, 
yet General Schdrer was driven from the Adige by the battle 
of Magnano on April 5th, and was replaced by Moreau. 
Mass6na, who had his headquarters in Switzerland, was also 
obliged to retreat to Zurich. The brilliant and impetuous 
Russian General Suvorof * defeated the French in Lombardy, 
and the mushroom Cisalpine Republic, which had not been 
in existence two years, collapsed. Moving forward to meet 
Macdonald,t who was advancing to assist Moreau, the Rus- 
sians again scored a victory on the Trebbia on June 19th, 
while in August at Novi', by the defeat of Joubert, Suvorof 
added fresh laurels to those already gained by his splendid 
force. But the Russians were obliged to retreat, and, failing 
to reach Zurich in time to help Korsakof against Mass^na 
on September 26th, Suvorof made his celebrated march over 
the Panixer Pass and ultimately to Russia. He did not 
meet with the reception from the Czar which he naturally 
expected. Paul I. was insane, and when Suvorof returned 
from his glorious efforts in Italy he was not welcomed, but 
hotly reprimanded upon a formal punctilio, and sank under 
the blow. He was succeeded by General Mdlas, who was 
enfeebled by age and slow of action. He proved himself too 
cautious to risk anythihg and a poor successor to so gallant 
an officer. 

Meantime stirring events were taking place in Naples, 
where in June the cruel Ferdinand had been restored by 
Nelson after an insurrection and an acrimonious quarrel 
between the British admiral and Cardinal Ruffo.J A reign 
of terror was instituted, in which Nelson took a part and 
which has left an ineffaceable stain upon his memory. 

* Alexander Vasilievich Suvorof (1729-1800) ; fought in the Seven Years' War 
and against Poland and Turkey. 

f Etienne Jacques Joseph Alexandre Macdonald (1765-1840) ; marshal of 
France ; son of a Scottish Jacobite ; entered the army 1784 ; governor of the 
Papal States 1798 ; took Laibach, and distinguished himself at Wagram ; fought 
in Spain and in the Russian campaign ; Chancellor of the Legion of Honour, 1816. 

J D. F. Ruffo (1744-1827) ; was not only a cardinal, but also a general and 


In Paris, as has been shown, matters were advancing with 
rapidity, and, brushing aside Sieyfes' elaborate scheme of 
checks and balances, in December, 1799, Bonaparte was 
appointed First Consul. He was now at the head of the new 
France, and as a man of colossal capacity, intellect and ambi- 
tion, aimed at supreme power. The Consulate, in its original 
form, was well contrived to give him the substance of empire 
under a constitutional guise. In executive matters he was 
supreme. The Legislative Assembly could not initiate or dis- 
cuss legislation ; the Tribunate could give nothing the force 
of law. Both were selected, from lists presented by the 
electors, by the Senate. This body was appointed by the 
Government, so that legislative as well as executive 
powers were in Napoleon's hands. His first task was the 
appointment of his officials. Carnot continued the work of 
Minister of War for the next eight years until relieved by 
Berthier.* Fouch6 f was appointed Minister of the Police ; 
Talleyrand J accepted the duties of the Foreign Office, where 
he gained in later years a world-wide fame. For the first 
twelve months of the Consulate Lucien Bonaparte conducted 
the affairs of the interior, but was then replaced by Chaptal. 
The Ministry of the Marine was held for a short time by 
Forfait,§ who was succeeded in 1801 by Decies. Abrial 
was Minister of Justice until 1802, when Regnier || took over 
the office until the first Treaty of Paris. The all -important 
questions of finance were entrusted to Gaudin,^ who imme- 
diately started their reorganization by appointing receiver- 
generals of taxes in every department, and by introducing an 
income tax of twenty-five per cent. 

* Alexandre Berthier (1753-1815) ; entered the army 1770 ; fought for the 
Colonists in the American War of Independence ; chief-of-the-staflf in Italy 
1795 ; proclaimed the Republic of Rome 1798 ; fought in Egypt ; married the 
daughter of Duke William of Bavaria. 

f Joseph Fouche (^1763-1820) ; Duke of Otranto ; member of the National 
Convention 1792 ; expelled as a Terrorist 1794 ; Police Minister, with interrup- 
tions, till 1815 ; exiled 1816. 

I Charles Maurice Talleyrand de P^rigord (1754-1838) ; Bishop of Autun 
1789 ; member of the States-General ; exiled 1792 ; returned 1795 ; helped 
Napoleon to become Emperor 1804 ; organized the Confederation of the Rhine 
1806; Opposed the Moscow campaign 1812; Minister of Foreign Affairs under 
Louis XVIII. ; chief adviser to Louis Philippe in the July Revolution. 

§ P. A. L. Forfait (1752-1807). 

II C. A. Regnier (1736-1814). 

il M. M. C. Gaudin (1756-1844) ; Duke of Gaeta. 


Bonaparte did not confine himself to the selection of 
ofBcials. He showed clearly that the policy of the Con- 
sulate was to be one of reconciliation. From the moment 
of his accession to power deported individuals, unless they 
were open and avowed Royalists, were allowed to return and, 
in certain instances, were taken into favour. At the same 
time the harsh laws against the emigres were annulled and 
150,000 came back to France.^ An attempt was also made 
to win over the clergy- by no longer regarding them as rebels 
and by restoring man}" of the churches to their proper uses. 
La \^endee was quietened in ^larch, 1800, by the Treaty of 
Montlucon, and a large number of soldiers were thus freed 
for use against Europe. Bonaparte was determined to con- 
duct the State on the lines of an army, and, if possible, to 
teach it to promote equality at home under a monarchical 
sj-stem. His immediate work, however, was to rouse France 
to a warlike spirit against England and Austria ; because, 
in the first case, the people supported the House of Bourbon, 
and, in the second, the Austrians refused to treat apart from 
the allies, although Paul 1 . of Russia had withdrawn from the 
coalition and had established amicable relations with the 
Consulate . 

Up to this period the war had been purely revolutionary, 
and the French had done their best to excite democracy and 
revolutionar\- principles in the different States of Europe. 
The character of the struggle during the next three years 
(1799- 1 802) was entirely changed. The First Consid had 
been wiilingly accepted to bestow upon a distracted countr}- 
the benefits of rest and peace. The nation, acting in com- 
plete ignorance, had selected a man who could give neither 
the one nor the other. The Republic had become merged in 
the person of Bonaparte, and to him peace was useless, war 
was essential. It was all very well for him to talk of peace, 
and to assume a purely civil office, but he really looked to 
the army, and his ambitions were not confined to the original 
revolutionary- schemes of the " natural limits "^^ of France. His 
restless natiu^e and o\erwhelming ambition drove him on to 
imaginary- flights of stupendous conquest. Even if Bona- 
parte had desired to give to the French nation a lasting peace, 
it would probably have been impossible for two reasons. In 
the first place, the treasury of France was empty, and the 


only obvious way of restoring the finances and of feeding a 
starved army was by further aggression. Besides this im- 
portant fact, Great Britain imagined France to be utterly 
exhausted, while Austria was too proud to make a lasting 
treaty on the basis of Campo Formio ; so that when the First 
Consul pretended to hold out the olive branch in December, 
^799> it was scornfully rejected. 

The year 1800 did not open well for France. The army 
was much reduced by the fact that so many men had been 
deserted by Bonaparte, and were left cooped up in Egypt 
and kept there by the British navy. To remedy this, from 
January onwards Bonaparte was perpetually busy in 
creating a new force. By March he had raised an army 
of between 40,000 and 50,000 men. His first scheme was 
to make the banks of the Rhine the theatre of war, and he 
was about to send a large contingent there when he discovered 
that Moreau was jealous of his power and reluctant to serve 
under his command. He then decided to lead his new army 
once again to Italy, where he had been so successful in pre- 
vious years, and where Mass^na was now holding General 
M61as in check. By the new scheme Moreau was left to do 
what he could on the Rhine, while Bonaparte was to cross 
the Alps and take M61as in the rear. In April Moreau, 
after five complete victories, drove General Kray into Ulm ; 
but, in the meantime, M61as had attacked the French in the 
Apennines and forced Mass6na to take refuge in Genoa. 
Bonaparte planned everything, and proposed to win back 
all those parts of Italy which had been retaken. He had, by 
a Consular decree, been given the full command in March ; 
but it was realized that thi's was an infringement of 
the Constitution, as the office of First Consul had been 
declared to be purely civil in character. Bonaparte, 
however, knew that his power lay in the army, and he 
would not allow his glories to be eclipsed by any otlier 
generals. This being the case, the nominal command of 
the Italian army was given to Berthier, and Bonaparte did not 
appear till all was prepared for the passage of the Alps. This 
scheme had another great advantage, for if the expedition 
proved a failure no blame could rest upon the civil First 
Consul, while if it was triumphant Bonaparte knew well how 
to take the praise to himself. 


No incident in the life of this extraordinary man so well 
illustrates his talent for self-advertisement and his skill in 
producing dramatic effect as his passage of the Alps by way 
of the St. Bernard. It is probable that the great difficulties 
of this journey have been grossly exaggerated, and it is now 
believed that, although a military exploit of great brilliance, 
it was no more remarkable than Lacourbe's crossing of the 
St. Gothard or Macdonald's passage by the Spliigen. TBona- 
parte came down upon the plains of Lombardy, where he 
was joined by the other French forces, making a total army 
of 70,000 men. To oppose these troops, flushed with the 
sensation of a great deed accomplished, M61as could bring 
but a wearied and disheartened army. On June 1 4th, by mere 
chance and the greatest good fortune, Bonaparte was joined 
by the gallant Desaix,* and together they fought and defeated 
M61as at Marengo. Desaix was the true hero of the day. He 
had led his troops with consummate gallantry and met his 
death in the thickest part of the fight. It is supposed that 
this courageous Frenchman really won the day for Bona- 
parte, and that by his bravery at Marengo the power of the 
First Consul was established and he and his family were 
saved from utter ruin, if not actually from the guillotine. 

Bonaparte now felt so assured of his position that, having 
made an armistice at Alessandria with Melas, he returned to 
Paris to begin a new scheme of increasing his power. He 
won the good will of Paul I. by restoring to him without 
ransom 6,000 Russian prisoners, and by promising to return 
Malta to the Knights of St. John and Piedmont to the King 
of Sardinia. He also made a treaty with Spain by which 
Louisiana was restored to France ; and Tuscany was promised 
to the Duke of Parma, son-in-law of Charles IV. But what 
particularly pleased Bonaparte was the good will of Paul, who 
offered to make terms in January, 1801, and caused him to 
exclaim " Peace with the Emperor is nothing in comparison 
with an alliance which will overcome England and preserve to 
us Egypt." The Emperior Francis II. was gradually feel- 
ing the burden of French dominion. He, guided by Thugut, 
was still unwilling to come to terms, although defeat after 

* Louis Charles Antoine Desaix de Veygoux (i 768-1 800) ; entered the army 
1783; assisted Moreau's retreat 1796; held the fortress of Kehl 1797; conquered 
Upper Egypt 1799. 

The revolutionary war on land 59 

defeat threatened his roain. After Marengo, Moreau had been 
to a certain extent freed in his actions, and had defeated Kray 
at Hochstett, taken Munich, and driven the Austrians into 
Bohemia. He again showed the superiority of his arms at 
Hohenlinden on December 3rd, where Archduke Joseph was 
crushed, and after which the Archduke Charles concluded an 
armistice at Steyer. Just before this Macdonald, having 
crossed the Spliigen, drove the Austrians back to Botzen. 
These successive blows were too much for Austria, and in 
February, 1 80 1, Thugut came to terms at the Treaty of Lun^- 
ville. France by this treaty seemed to have reached the 
zenith of "her power. The possessions in Italy which France 
had gained by the Treaty of Campo Formio, the whole of 
the Netherlands, and the west bank of the Rhine passed into 
the hands of Bonaparte. Although Tuscany was restored to 
the Duke of Parma, Naples was only given back to the Bour- 
. bons on the condition that Ferdinand closed his ports to those 
British allies who had so frequently assisted him. 

A few months before this treaty, in December, 1800, by 
means of the mad Paul, Russia, Sweden and Denmark, and 
shortly afterwards Prussia, formed what is called the " armed 
neutrality," with the purpose of resisting England's right of 
searching their vessels. Bonaparte gave them his support, 
and instructed Talleyrand to inform the allied Powers tliat 
France .would assist the neutrals in seeing that their flags 
were respected. He also added that he would make no peace 
with England until courtesy and respect were shown to the 
ships of Russia, Denmark, Sweden, Prussia, and America, 
and that England must acknowledge that the sea belonged to 
all nations. England was not likely to yield so powerful a 
weapon. In 1801 a Danish ship, the Freya, was told by 
the English to stand-by to be searched, but refused, and was 
therefore brought into the Downs. Russia resented this attack 
upon the "armed neutrality," in addition to which Paul hated 
Great Britain for the seizure of Malta. In retaliation, he 
imprisoned 2,000 English seamen on the confines of Siberia. 
England was at once forced to take up a menacing attitude. 
Admirals Parker and Nelson were sent in April to Copen- 
hagen, where the Danish fleet was drawn up to meet them . The 
English captains had many difficulties to contend with, includ- 
ing dangerous channels. After a very severe struggle, 


Parker signalled to Nelson to retire, but he, traditionally at 
least, turned his blind eye, and continued to inflict such 
damage upon the Danish fleet that from that moment 
the Baltic was reopened to English vessels. This was 
made still more possible by the alliance between England 
and Russia. On March 21st Alexander I. had assassinated 
his father Paul and was recognized as Czar ; and a treaty 
was immediately made by the new Czar with Addington, who 
had succeeded Pitt. In 1800 Pitt had carried the bill for 
uniting England and Ireland through both Parliaments. 
Irish consent had been gained, partly by bribery, but also 
by a promise to abolish the penal laws against Roman 
Catholics. George III. refused to consider the proposal and 
Pitt resigned. By the agreement with Russia England was 
to be allowed to confiscate all merchandise meant for France, 
while an ineffective blockade was to be regarded as no 
blockade at all, and neutral vessels were to be protected from 
privateers. This was a severe blow for Bonaparte, for he 
saw in the alliance between Russia and England the ruin of 
his Eastern plans. Up to this time he had always hoped to 
win the Czar to his side, but now he recognized in the young 
Alexander a possible rival upon the political stage. 

In Egypt, since Bonaparte's departure, the French army 
had been in a precarious position . General Kleber * 
had been refused all terms by Admiral Keith, and the 
French had therefore again seized Cairo, their main 
basis of strength in the valley of the Nile. Kleber was 
soon afterwards assassinated, and was succeeded by General 
Menou, an officer of second rate ability. In March, 1801, 
Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had won for himself distinc- 
tion in the West Indies, landed in Egypt and defeated 
Menou at Alexandria, but was mortally woimded in the hour 
of ^•ictory. A larger force was at once sent, and in June 
General Belliard capitulated at Cairo to General Hutchinson, 
afterwards Lord Donoughmore. On September ist Alex- 
andria was besieged and, after hard lighting, was taken. This 
concluded the French occupation of Egypt, as the troops were 

* Jean Baptiste Kleber (1753-ii^o) : entered the Austrian army 1776 : enlisted 
in the French army 1792 : general of brigade, 1793 ; captured Maestiicht 17^ ; 
victorious at Altenkirchen 1796 : won the battle of Mount Tabor 1799 ; destroyed 
the Tnrks at Heliopolis ; assassinated at Cairo 1800. 


forced to evacuate the land of the Pyramids and Bonaparte's 
grandiose schemes of an Empire in the East collapsed. 

The British troops as they returned from Egypt heard 
at Gibraltar that the preliminaries of peace had been signed 
in London. The Great War was apparently about to close. 
This seemed even more certain when the Treaty of Amiens 
was signed on March 27th, 1802. Great Britain abandoned 
her conquests except Trinidad and Ceylon, for Malta was to 
be restored to the Knights of St. John and the Cape of Good 
Hope was handed back to the Dutch. The French were to 
evacuate Naples, while both English and French left Egypt 
again in the hands of Turkey. The integrity of Portugal was 
guaranteed, and the independence of the Ionian Islands 
recognized. After hundreds of years the King of England 
renounced the absurd title of King of France, and Bonaparte 
was left supreme in fact, if he had not, as yet, the actual title 
of either King or Emperor. 

The revolutionary war which had torn Europe in pieces 
evei- since 1792 was now at an end ; but the peace was 
utterly absurd, and it was ridiculous for Addington to say 
" this is no ordinary peace but a genuine reconciliation 
between the two great nations of the world." It was nothing 
of the sort; it could only be regarded by all think- 
ing men as a truce. The Treaty of Luneville, by 
which Austria had made terms with the triumphant France, 
had been exacted at a time when the Emperor could only 
accept such terms or be crushed ; but every patriotic Austrian 
looked forward to a day when those terms could be repudiated 
and when it should be no longer necessary to acknowledge 
the supremacy of Bonaparte. The Prime Minister had in no 
way expressed the public opinion of Great Britain, where, from 
the very time that the treaty was signed, every one realized 
that the negotiations failed to protect British interests in the 
Mediterranean, and that the First Consul had, as keenly as 
ever, a full determination to rob the great naval State of her 
supremacy in that land-locked sea. It was with this know- 
ledge that the Englishmen of the day agreed to a treaty, 
seeing in it a breathing space in this Titanic struggle. It was 
merely a calling of time after a few rounds ; the contest 
must be resumed after gaining fresh strength. Nor did 
Bonaparte himself regard the treaty as a genuine reconcilia- 


tion. His personal ambition pushed him on to wilder ven- 
tures, and he saw that it was to his own advantage that war 
should come again at no far distant date. For this reason he 
displayed an all-consuming activity in preparing for a fresh 
outburst. France was made as strong as possible within 
and without. The means of communication were improved 
so that men and goods could pass rapidly in any direction. 
He realized that on the renewal of war the products of 
the West Riding of Yorkshire and of the West of England 
would be excluded from his markets, so that he personally 
encouraged in every way the clothing industries of Normandy. 
His fleet had been shattered, his colonies had been lost, butt, 
this did not deter him from fresh efforts both in creating a 
new navy and instituting colonial schemes. But where he 
made one of his fatal mistakes was in his attempt to dragoon 
other countries into obeying his behests. From Spain he 
sought absolute obedience ; in Portugal he demanded that 
her Jiarbours should be closed to her best customers and 
oldest allies, the English ; while in Italy he altered the Cis- 
alpine Republic into the Italian and forced himself on it as 
President. Nor did he refrain from interfering in the politics 
of both Holland and Switzerland. In the first case, in 1801, 
he had reorganized the Batavian Republic, while in the 
second he withdrew the French troops as he foresaw that a 
civil war was imminent. He waited until it broke out and 
then offered his mediation. 

Besides this interference abroad, Bonaparte saw that to 
gain even dizzier heights than those to which he had attained 
it would be necessary to establish a firmer and harsher 
despotism at home. After an attempt on his life he exiled 
130 innocent Jacobins. He then founded special tribunals, 
consisting of three criminal judges, three officers, and two 
assessors, the last being his own nominees. When this was 
attacked by the Tribunate he revenged himself by nominating 
all those who were opposed to him to retire, as they had to 
do by law. He carried his system of espionage to unheard- 
of lengths, and the Feuillant Lafayette and royalist 
Moreau were forced to retreat into private life. In April, 
1802, as a stepping-stone towards his further advancement^, 
he restored the Roman Catholic faith, in which he had not the 
faintest belief. But his great object was to be absolute, 


and in August he appealed to the people against the Senate 
and obtained the position of First Consul for life. He was 
then authorized to nominate his successor and to govern 
France, as he said, " through her vanity." 

Revolutionary principles and the supremacy of Bonaparte 
were not only felt in France, but in England, Italy, and Ger- 
many. In England the Revolution had, in its early stages, 
been welcomed by several distinct types. The first was that 
of the philosopher and scholar, who saw in the Revolution 
of 1789 much that was the outcome of the teaching of such 
French philosophers as Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, and 
others. They recognized the ability of these men, but they 
knew that their teaching had been largely influenced by the 
Englishman Locke, whose Social Contract had done so much 
for England at the time of the Revolution of 1688. The 
leaders of the new Romantic School of English poetry, 
Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Southey, found their earliest 
inspiration in the Revolutionary principles. The ordinary 
politician was flattered, for he imagined that the French 
were trying to obtain what England had already got, 
a constitutional and limited monarchy. The man of the 
world welcomed the Revolution as an opportunity for all 
the other countries of Europe to develop without 
French interference. The Radicals acclaimed the out- 
break with joy and, in the case of Charles James Fox, with 
extravagance. Their opinions were voiced by such demo- 
cratic organizations as " the Revolutionary Society," " the 
Bill of Rights Society," " the Corresponding Society," and 
" the Association of the Friends of the People." It was, 
however, Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution that 
altered England's opinion. He wrote to contradict the argu- 
ments of Dr. Price, laid before the Revolutionary Society 
on November 5th, 1789. The work created an immense 
sensation, and although Tom Paine said that Burke " pitied 
the plumage but forgot the dying bird," yet the anti -Galilean 
feeling of Englishmen may be attributed to this brilliant and 
versatile man. This was still further accentuated by the 
murder of the King, so that the Revolution and its attendant 
circumstances first of all created a warlike spirit. Fear of 
the English radical reformers, to whom he attributed the 
extreme views of a few of their leaders, caused William Pitt to 


inaugurate a series of harsh measures and gagging Acts, such 
as the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, the Treason 
Bill, the Traitorous Correspondence Bill, and the Sedition 
Act ; and in 1799 and 1800 Pitt's fear of the working 
class was proved by his stern Combination Acts to prevent 
the amalgamation of labourers or artizans. But the effect 
of the Revolution was seen particularly clearly in the check to 
all proposals for reform. For many years reform agitation 
had been made by the extreme Whigs, and even during the 
early years of the Revolution Mr. Grey brought forward three 
motions, all of which failed. But between 1797 and 1809 no 
one dared to bring in any proposal for Parliamentary reform, 
for Whigs and Tories alike feared that by giving the fran- 
chise to the people the horrors of Paris might be re-enacted 
in London. The results, therefore, of the Revolution on Eng- 
land were non-progressive and reactionary ; the land of 
liberty, the theoretical champion of freedom, came to be for 
a time a land of harsh measures, the home of legislative 

This was hardly the case in Italy, where one of the imme- 
diate outcomes of the Revolution was the introduction of 
certain civil reforms. Here, for the first time, the hope of 
obtaining liberty and a fatherland was aroused. The Revolu- 
tion was rapturously welcomed by the Italians, for they 
imagined that their country would be lifted to higher planes 
of freedom and importance. They soon found, however, that 
French liberation meant French conquest ; and by the time 
of the second Italian campaign they had learnt that the Con- 
sulate was actuated by sheer greed. Bonaparte, at first, 
won over the Roman Catholics, the Liberals, and the Patriots. 
The latter thought that he was carrying out the suppression of 
abuses and preparing the way for national unity. As a matter 
of fact, unity was the last thing that Bonaparte desired. He 
worked rather for the separation of the different States. Thus 
Venice was the earliest to be split off ; in 1801 Piedmont was 
declared a French military province ; the Ligurian Republic 
was first allowed to have a body of Directors as governors^ 
but in 1802 Bonaparte altered this, and the Republic of 
Genoa became his humble ally until incorporated with France 
in 1805. With regard to the Cisalpine Republic he did his 
best, in 1801, to satisfy national aspirations, but he firmly 


established French rule, he himself being made the chief 
magistrate. Bonaparte cannot be said to have given Italy 
national solidarity, but it was during this period that the seed 
was sown. Undoubtedly very great national improvements 
owe their origin entirely to the French despot ; and had it 
not been for him Italy would long have continued behind- 
hand in means of communication, the improvement of har- 
bours, and the extension of her cities. There seemed reason 
for , Venice, Rome, and Naples to look forward to a 
strong and peaceful rule beneath the capable government and 
arbitrary will of the First Consul. 

The industrial prosperity of Western Germany also owes 
something to the victories of the Revolution and Bonaparte's 
rule. Germany welcomed the ideas of liberty, equality 
and fraternity, and the Revolution did more than any- 
thing else to shatter the effete political fabric that had 
so long existed under the fallacious title of Holy Romaii' 
Empire. The relaxation of the feudal system, par- 
ticularly upon the left bank of the Rhine, made it 
possible for French ideas and principles to be easily acclima- 
tized. But what hardly suited Bonaparte so well was the 
steady increase of the passion of patriotism and the rise of 
the splendid spirit of nationality. With the acquisition of 
civil equality and freedom from the burdens of ecclesiasticism 
and feudalism the inhabitants of the Rhenish provinces wel- 
comed their liberators. The people, too, were raised from 
the servile state by the sale of national domains and the 
creation of a system of peasant proprietors. In the Rhenish 
provinces, in particular, agriculture was developed to a far 
larger extent than had existed before, for although fhat tract 
of country was traversed by the armies, it was left untouched 
by actual war . But, as in Italy, liberty still remained an ideal 
to be attained ; it was not a fact, for the Press, as in most 
countries during the period, lay under the ban of a rigorous 
censorship. As early as 1801 Bonaparte began to take 
definite steps with regard to Germany. In that year a diet 
was held in Ratisbon to decide what compensation should be 
given to the German princes dispossessed of their rights upon 
the Rhine. Two years later Bonaparte appointed the Czar 
Alexander as arbitrator, with unfortunate results . If possible, 
Germany became more than ever disunited. All ecclesiastical 

N.E. F 


States were secularized, and forty-four out of fifty Imperial 
cities were suppressed. It is also noticeable that as the 
princes of Baden, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Saxony were 
related to Alexander, so they were all advanced in power. 
Owing to this interference the Roman Catholics in Germany 
lost their predominance, and by the suppression of the eccle- 
siastical States a Protestant majority was gained in the Diet. 
The Archbishops of Treves and Cologne lost their electorates, 
which were giVen toi Baden, Wiirtemberg, Hesse -Cassel, and 
Saltzburg. For Germany as a nation it was good that petty 
sovereigns should be stamped out, and for Europe as a whole 
it was not without benefits that the Holy Roman Empire 
should cease. 

In many respects the tributary States benefited by Napo- 
leon's rule. But they suffered for the very reason which 
made the Napoleonic conquests popular with the French 
people. The success of the French army was applauded by 
the French nation ; but it was gained at a great cost of ex- 
penditure and individual prosperity. These losses were made 
good by the administration of the conquered States. Foreign 
tribute replenished the French treasury, and the bureaucratic 
governments which were set up offered continually fresh 
prizes for Napoleon's supporters, in civil as well as military 




Chuquet . 
^Cambridge Modern 

De Castro 

Ernouf . 


*Rose, J. H. 



Vivenot . 


Les Guerres de la Revolution. 
History, Vol. viii. and ix,, 1904 and 1906. 
Storia d'ltalia dal 1799 al 1814. 

Storia d'ltalia dal 1789 al 1799. 
Histoire militaire de la France. 
Life of Napoleon, 1902. 

Vie de L. Hoche. 
Thugut, Clerfayt, und Wurmser. 






Great Britain threatened witti invasion. 
The rebellion in Ulster postponed. 
Rebellions in Kildare and Wexford. 
The Battle of the Nile. 
Humbert effects a landing in Killala Bay. 
Proposed coalition by Paul I. 

British troops were ordered to leave San Domingo. 
The beginning of the siege of Acre. 
The siege of Seringapatam. 
The expedition to the Helder. 

Great Britain endangered by the return of Bonaparte. 
The Union between Great Britain and Ireland. 
Great Britain isolated. 

Pitt resigned office owing to the Catholic Emancipation 

F 2 



Maria Theresa, = Francis I., 

Queen of Hungary, 


Joseph II., Leopold II., CaroUne = Ferdi- Marie Antoinette, 

1765-1790. 1790-1792. nand I., of Sicily. Queen of France, 

I I I I I I 

Francis II., Charles. Joseph. Rainer. John. Ferdinand, 
1 792-1 835. Duke of Tuscany . 

Ferdinand I., Francis Charles. Maria Louisa = Napoleon. Leopold. 

1835-1848, I I 

d- 1875- I I I 

Francis Joseph, Maximilian Napoleon II., Ferdinand IV., 
1848- of Mexico, d. 1832. dep. i860, 

d. 1867. d. 1908. 

The French Revolution, 1789. 

Fall of the Bastille, July, 1789. 



The Scholar and Philo- The Politician, who 
sopher, who thought the thought the Revo- 

Revolution was due to 

Locke through 

Montesquieu and 

others, and the Poet 

who was inspired by the 

ideals of the Revolution. 

lution would gain 
for France 

The Man of the World, 

who thought it would 

prevent French 

interference in the 

affairs of Europe. 


Pitt's neutrality, 1790-2. 


,C. J. Fox. 

I Home Tooke. 

1 T. Paine. 

The Radicals i The Bill of Rights Society. 

The Association of the Friends 

of the People. 
VThe Revolutionary Society. 

Dr. Price's Sermon, Nov. 5, 1789. 

E. Burke's " Reflections," 1790. 


Arrogance of tlie Decrees 
of Nov. and Dec, 1792. 

Execution of 

Louis XVI., 

Decrease of the 
Army and Navy. 


Short-sighted Speech 
on the Budget. 


A strong anti-Gallican feeling. 


War, Feb. 



Delayed all proposals for reform 
from 1797-1809. 

Dismissal of 

Naval Warfare. 

Attack on French 

Colonial Possessions. 


Increase of Taxation 

In the Mediter- 

The occupation 
of Toulon. 

In the Atlantic. 

Loss of French power 
in the West Indies. 

Loss of French 
power in India. 

Change m the character 
of Radicalism. 





Numerous Gagging Acts. 

.1 I II I 

Traitorous Suspension Treason Sedition Combina- 

Correspond- of Habeas Bill, Bill, tion Acts, 

ence Bill, Corpus Act, 1794. I795- 1799-1800. 

1793- 1794- I I I 

I I I I I 

Trial of Home 

Tooke, &c., for 

High Treason, 



Battle of the 

1st of June, 



Capture of the 

Cape of Good 

Hope, 1795. 

Napoleon's Egyptian 

Seething discontent. 

Occupation of Corsica, 

Evacuation of Corsica, 

Occupation of Elba, 1796. 

Mann retired, 1796. 

Evacuation of the 
Mediterranean, 1797. 


Commerce de- 

of Sea-Power. 

The Battle of the Nile, 
Aug., 1798. 

Malta held by 
the French. 

Defeat at Acre by 
Sir Sidney Smith. 


General Politi- 
cal Agitation. 

Battle of Cape St. Vincent, Feb., 1797. 




Capture of 

Malta by 

the English, 


Increased Naval Prowess. 


I I I I 

At Santa Cruz, 1797. Camperdown, Oct. 1797. Off Ireland, 1798. Copenhagen, iSoi. 

I \ \ \ 

Return to, and 

Flight from 


Battle of Alexandria, 

Evacuation of Egypt 
by the French. 

I I 

Rise of Peterloo, 
Demagogues. 1819. 

I I 

Orator The Six 

Hunt. Acts. 

A fresh cry 
for reform. 


The efi'orts of 

Burdett, Francis Place, 

Russell, and Grey. 

1839 and 1848. 

The Treaty of 
Amiens, 1802. 

The Reform Bill, 

[P. 68a. 








Some Contemporary Admirals of Great Britain, France, and Spain. 


English Admirals, 

French Admirals. 

Spanish Admirals, 

The Battle of the 

Admiral Richard Howe. 

R. Adm. L. Villaret- 

ist of June. 

V. Adm. Sir A. Hood. 


V. Adm. Thomas Graves. 

R. Adm. F. J. Bouvet. 

R. Adm. G. Bowyer. 

R. Adm. Nielly. 

R. Adm. B. Caldwell. 

R. Adm. A. Gardner. 

R. Adm. Pasley. 

R. Adm. Montague. 

The Battle of 

Admiral Sir J. Jervis. 

Admiral J. de 

Cape St. Vincent. 

R. Adm. W. Parker. 


The Battle of the 

R. Adm. Sir H. Nelson. 

V. Adm. Brueys. 


R. Adm. H. Gant- 

R. Adm. A. Blanquet. 
R. Adm. P. Villeneuve. 
R. Adm. D. Decr^s. 

The Battle of 

V. Adm. Lord Nelson. 

V. Adm. P. Villeneuve. 

R. Adm. Cisneros. 


V. Adm. C. CoUingwood. 

R. Adm. Dumanoir- 

Adm. Gravina. 

R. Adm. Earl of 


R. Adm. Escano. 


R. Adm. C. Magon. 

The war between England and France was the aatural 
result of the horror which ran through Europe after the execu- 
tion of Louis XVI. on January 21st, 1793. The Girondists 
actually agreed with both the Mountain and the extreme 
Jacobins in being determined to propagate in all directions, 
by force of arms, the principles of liberty, equality, and fra- 
ternity. It was, indeed, their object so to arouse the monarchs 
of other nations as to make it impossible for France to with- 
draw from the dangerous course upon which she had been 
launched. William Pitt was most averse to the war, and, 
had it not been for the direct provocation of France he 
would undoubtedly have imitated the policy of Walpole 
and adhered to the less perilous but less glorious paths of 
j>eace. In many ways peace would have been better for Eng- 


land, because the war was now waged for no apparent object. 
There was no material gain to be got on either side ; and 
as the Whigs had foretold, England had to recognise the 
success of the Revolution eventually, and meantime was 
abetting the reactionary powers of the Continent. This 
situation was far from what had been desired by either 
the minister or the nation. After the war had con- 
tinued for three years every one saw that it had placed 
Great Britain in a still more false position as interfering 
in the internal affairs of France. As Pitt openly acknow- 
ledged his determination to support the Bourbon claims 
to the throne of France, so he now stood, like Loui's XIV. 
nearly a hundred years before, when he decided that 
the Old Pretender was to be King of England. The British 
people refused that kindly arrangement ; and the French at 
the end of the eighteenth century had feelings not unlike those 
of Englishmen in the reign of William III. If it had been 
possible, which it was not, it would have been better for 
Great Britain to have delayed her warlike preparations until 
Bonaparte had started his scandalous war of aggression. 
To wait, however, would have been to fail. Nor was it pos- 
sible, for the French became intoxicated by their successes 
and forced Pitt to enter a war the length of which no one 
could have conceived. 

England during the Great War was going through one 
of the most unsatisfactory periods of her history. It was an 
age of corruption, idiotic foppery, sycophancy, and sham. It 
is an astounding fact that these twenty years should have con- 
tained such extraordinary persons. The Prime Minister was 
a confirmed hard drinker, while the leader of the Opposition 
was a well-known libertine. The old King was blind and 
at times insane, while his disgraceful son, the Prince of 
Wales, was a dissolute rake. And yet, though the doors of 
society were closed to wisdom and virtue, it was an age of 
heroism, for it contains the names of such a sailor as Nelson, 
such a soldier as Wellington, and so splendid a statesman 
as the younger Pitt . 

The British were well oS indeed when they had such men 
as Howe, Jervis, and Nelson. The last was an honest man 
with noble sympathies and a lion -like courage. There was 
something in his nature of the virile Puritanism that had 


formerly distinguished East Anglia, but, unlike those 
Puritans of the seventeenth century, there was a wonderful 
tenderness and gentleness that marked him as truly human. 
These more gentle characteristics were absent in the persons 
of Howe and Jervis, but they were, before all things, seamen. 
They were iron -hard, perhaps, and stamped their principles 
upon the navy, but no man can deny that they fashioned it 
into a splendid fighting force . Howe was particularly revered 
by his men, and was familiarly and affectionately known as 
Black Dick ; while Jervis won for himself more respect than 
enthusiastic love — he was not ungenerous, but he lacked the 
qualities of sympathy and inspiration. 

When the war broke out the navy was well prepared for 
any attack the French might make, as such sea-dogs as Hood, 
Keppel, and Rodney had kept it in practice for many years. 
The importance of naval power had been realized and the 
British fleets were in excellent fighting trim, but the naval 
service was not popular at the beginning of the war because 
the life was rough and unwholesome. It is therefore all the 
more remarkable that the men serving on board these ships 
played so fine a part in the history of their country. The 
must unpromising materials, often impressed recruits, were 
somehow manufactured into first-class fighting men. Dis- 
cipline was rigidly and harshly exacted ; punishments were 
barbarously cruel ; the food was villainously bad. Year 
in, year out, the sailors roughed it at sea, and months 
often elapsed without their putting a foot on shore, and 
yet throughout this war they fought like lions. The 
English officers knew their work, for they had a rough 
life to start with and became experienced seamen. The 
able-bodied sailors had also learnt to serve their guns far 
more smartly than the Frenchmen ; thus an English frigate 
fired three rounds to every one from the Republican vessels, 
and by this skill victories were gained. 

With regard to the French navy everything was different. 
During the last years of the eighteenth century matters had 
been going from bad to worse. When the war broke out, 
although there were plenty of ships, the sailors were inefficient 
and incapable. The same cause that harmed the State also 
injiored the navy. The brilliant theories of amateurs were 
applied to both, whereas the knowledge of practised experts 


was what was required. Bertrand de Moleville, who was 
Minister of Marine, describes in his memoirs the difficulties 
of administration, when the Revolutionary propaganda had 
sapped discipline in the dockyards and the fleet. The old 
naval officers could not serve under a Republic. They could 
not bow before the rising tide, and when sovereignty was 
abolished three -fourths of their number had either voluntarily 
retired or been obliged to emigrate. This meant not only the 
employment of inexperienced men, but complete anarchy on 
board ships that needed the strictest discipline when pitted 
against the three-deckers of Great Britain. 

The naval warfare of the period naturally falls into two 
divisions : in the Atlantic and in the Mediterranean. The 
work of Great Britain was first of all to take the French West 
Indian Islands. This task was accomplished between 1793 
and 1796. Fortunately at this time there was a very strong 
military force in the British West Indian colonies. The sol- 
diers displayed great bravery throughout the attacks on the 
French islands and very materially assisted the sailors in win- 
ning the fame that they so justly gained. In April, 1793, Sir 
John Laforey, with a large body of soldiers on board his fleet, 
sailed to seize Tobago, an island of some importance from 
strategic and commercial points of view. Fort Scarborough 
was taken with slight loss, and the island passed into the hands 
of the British. A month later a very much larger expedition 
was sent to Martinique to assist the French loyalists against 
the upholders of liberty, equality, and fraternity, which had 
been taught throughout the West Indies by Victor Hugues, a 
disciple of Robespierre. The troops were under the command 
of Major-General Bruce, but the expedition was an entire 
failure. Not so, however, the gallant adventure of Major 
Carless, supported by a fifty-gun ship. His small force struck 
terror into the hearts of the men in the huge batteries of Cape 
Nicholas Mole, and that place was added to the growing pos- 
sessions of Great Britain in the West . During the next year 
Sir John Jervis took up the command in the Caribbean 
Sea, his coadjutor beiiig Sir Charles Grey. Their first 
expedition was against Martinique, which was then under 
the command of the Revolutionary leader General Rocham- 
beau. The united naval and military forces had the greatest 
difficulties to overcome, for they had to cut their way through 


dense jungle and haul their guns up to a height which com- 
manded the town. Colonel Eyre Coote, a brave son of a 
more celebrated father, here proved his skill by storming 
the redoubt without losing any of his men, and before many 
hours had passed the most valuable sugar island in the 
western Atlantic had become the property of King 
George III. Not content with this, Sir John Jervis sailed 
on board H.M.S. Boyne to Santa Lucia, which capitulated, an 
event soon followed by the surrender of Guadeloupe. Both 
were soon in a state of insurrection under the tricolour. 
Jervis was then succeeded in the West by Vice-Admiral Cald- 
well, whose arrival was celebrated by the capture of Cape 
Tiburon. The recapture of Guadeloupe by the French Repub- 
licans and the retreat of Lieut. -Colonel Drummond was a 
heavy blow for the British, who sustained another reverse in 
the evacuation of Santa Lucia, where the climate proved 
unhealthy for the English army. In fact in 1795 affairs 
looked hopeless in the West, for St. Vincent, Grenada, 
Dominique, and the southern part of Martinique broke into 
open rebellion ; and the Royalist Frenchmen residing on 
these islands were brutally treated by their Republican 
brethren owing to the recognition and encouragement of every 
form of cruelty by Victor Hugues. Prosperity for the British 
dawned again in 1796. The revolted islands were recon- 
quered by an expedition under Sir Ralph Abercromby and Sir 
John Moore. The people of Grenada, who were called 
brigands, were skilled mountaineers, and it was with the 
greatest difficulty that the British could contend against them, 
as they were well experienced in every form of annoyance 
without coming under fire. The troops scaled precipices in 
their attacks upon Fidon, the brigand chief, but it took weeks 
of fighting and hardship before they were successful. The 
recapture of Santa Lucia was particularly pleasing to the 
English, because it was realized that the island afforded a 
basis for military operations. They saw, too, as the French 
had seen before them, that commercially the island was most 
valuable ; but, above all, the English merchants were 
delighted at the occupation of what had been the head- 
quarters of the French privateers. In addition to these vic- 
tories Admiral Christian in 1 796 took possession of the Dutch 
islands in the West ; and Great Britain was free to turn elsewhere. 


Early in the war the supremacy of the English fleet was 
established in the Channel. In the spring of 1794 Lord 
Howe was at Spithead, not wishing to keep his heavy 
ships at sea during the stormy months. News reached 
him that some French vessels had put out to convoy a 
number of American and French merchantmen. The 
English fleet as soon as possible weighed anchor, and, 
leaving six vessels under Montague, Howe looked into 
Brest, where he found the main French fleet stationed 
under the command of Rear -Admiral Villaret de Joyeuse.* 
Seeing that they were safely in harbour, he cruised backwards 
and forwards, but the Frenchmen managed to slip out. At 
that moment news arrived from Montague of the possible 
approach of the convoy. Howe joined his fellow admiral, and 
the fleets were now of equal size, but the inexperience of the 
French captains gave the advantage to the English . Fighting 
actually began on May 28th, and the fleets only ceased to fire 
in the hours of darkness and when the management of the 
ships became so complicated that a considerable distance 
separated the antagonists. By June ist the British had 
won a gallant victory, although Howe has been blamed 
for allowing any of the Frenchmen to escape. But this 
is an unfair verdict, for he was a man of sixty-eight 
years of age and worn out with tremendous mental and 
physical fatigue. 

After such a victory it is surprising to find that the British 
admirals exercised more than usual caution. They seemed to 
use the utmost care in economising the expenditure of the 
fleet, and the Channel squadron remained in port for four 
months. , After putting out to sea, and failing to crush the 
French navy, it returned and stayed at Spithead well into the 
year 1795. It was in this year that the French forced the 
Dutch into war with Great Britain. The Reign of Terror 
had, from its own point of view, been perfectly successful. 
On the north-eastern frontier of France the armies of the 
Republic had been victorious. The Austrians and the Dutch 
had been obliged to retreat, and this had been followed by the 
conquest of Holland. By implication, the Dutch colonies 
became French possessions ; and the unfortunate Dutch 
found themselves between the upper and nether millstones, 
* L. T. Villaret de Joyeuse (1750-1812). 


for on the one side they were threatened with the Joss of 
their colonial possessions, while on the other the needy 
French were depriving them of the resources of their mer- 
cantile wealth. The British fleets in the Atlantic were ordered 
to seize every Dutch ship they met . Thus on June 1 9th eleven 
Dutch East Indiamen were taken by H.M.S. Sceptre and a 
few British merchantmen. The whole world lay before the 
British navy. Scattered in the far quarters of the globe were 
Dutch possessions, and fleets were sent east and west to sweep 
these into the net. On September i6th the Cape of Good 
Hope was taken by Admiral Elphinstone and General Clarke, 
while the main towns of Ceylon were also forced to submit to 
British rule. Elphinstone on August 17th, 1796, inflicted 
another crushing blow upon the Dutch fleet vmder Lucas in 
Saldanha Bay. 

The British had also to contend with the Spanish, who had 
now thrown in their lot with the Republic of France. Sir 
John Jervis and Nelson, after cruising in the Mediterranean 
(see p. 80), as will be shown, passed through the Straits 
and 'encountered on February 14th, 1797, a large Spanish 
fleet of twenty-seven sail off Cape St. Vincent. The occa- 
sion was critical. The Spanish fleet was on its way 
to join the French off Brest and clear the Channel for 
an invasion of England. The Spanish ships were separated, 
and Nelson, with the keen insight of the true-born sea- 
man, saw their weakest spot and ordered his ship to be 
cleared for action. He was rapidly followed by Troubridge 
in the Culloden, and the action began. At one particular 
period of this great battle of St. Vincent Nelson's ship was 
engaged by no less than nine of the enemy. Collingwood, 
who was afterwards to become so famous, now nobly played 
his part on H.M.S. Excellent. The whole navy fought well ; 
the commanders won for themselves the admiration of pos- 
terity ; and the battle of Cape St. Vincent will ever remain 
one of the proudest victories of British naval history. A few 
months later, on July 24th, Nelson, now an admiral and a 
knight, gained for himself still further renown by his expedi- 
tion to Teneriffe and his wild attack upon the batteries of 
Santa Cruz, where he lost his arm. 

In the meantime the sailors were becoming restless. As 
has already been said, the navy was a rough school, where 


men were knocked about, cruelly ill-treated, and shamefully 
fed. During the spring of 1797 a spirit of mutiny spread 
throughout the fleet, and a serious conspiracy was discovered 
at Spithead. The sailors wanted redress of grievances, and 
in truth these were bad enough. The pay of the navy was 
the same as it had been in the reign of Charles II., while the 
cost of living had risen thirty or forty per cent. The seamen 
pleaded that too often their officers were appointed by interest 
and influence, and that the promotion of really good, honest 
men was thereby checked. Barefaced peculation of funds 
was common, and owing to the dishonesty of contractors 
their food was seldom fit to eat. They considered tliat 
the captain had too much arbitrary power, and that he 
frequently misused it. For these reasons the fleet of 
Admiral Lord Bridport refused to put to sea. The men 
behaved very well and sent a petition to the Admiralty from 
delegates in conference on H.M.S. Queen Charlotte; to this the 
Admiralty sent an evasive reply. Mutiny at once began in 
earnest, the red flag was flown, and the guns were loaded. 
The Admiralty then came to its senses, and by the advice of 
old Lord Howe a free pardon was granted, all claims were 
conceded, and the men at Spithead immediately returned to 
their duty. This mutiny was succeeded by a semi -political 
outbreak in May and June at the Nore. The rising began on 
board H.M.S. Sandwich, at that time the flagship of Admiral 
Buckner. The ringleader was a well-educated man, called 
William Parker, who had formerly been an officer, but owing 
to degradation was now serving as a seaman. Under his 
haughty influence the men demanded political rights, the 
revision of the Articles of War, and the dismissal of officers 
not agreeable to the ship's company. Parker was met in a 
friendly spirit by Lord Spencer, the First Lord of the 
Admiralty, but the seaman, puffed up by his own importance, 
only insulted the man who was ready to listen to honest and 
open complaints. The mutineers then went from bad to 
worse ; they fired upon some frigates of the fleet the crews 
of which had refused to join them. Vigorous measures were 
at once taken ; they were cut off from the shore, surrounded 
by the loyal ships, and were forced to give way. Parker was 
apprehended and, with two or three of the ringleaders, 
hanged from the yardarm ; the rank and file were not 


severely punished, for the Admiralty knew only too well how 
serious the abuses in the navy were. 

During the insurrection at the Nore Admiral Duncan had 
been blockading the Dutch navy in the ports of Holland. 
The greater part of his fleet had mutinied and joined their 
comrades in iCngland, but the admiral had cleverly hood- 
winked the Dutch by continually signalling to a large 
imaginary fleet below the horizon. In October, the sailors 
having once more recovered their patriotic fervour and for- 
gotten their personal grievances, Duncan set out from Yar- 
mouth to attack the Dutch. The English admiral carried 
out a very dangerooxs piece of strategy, for he brought his ships 
between the shore and the Dutch fleet. The admiral's skill, 
however, proved highly valuable, for on October i ith he 
utterly defeated Van Winter * off Camperdown, south of the 
Texel . 

This battle, taken with that of Cape St. Vincent, put an 
end to any immediate danger of invasion, which was for- 
tunate, for British ministers were now busy with troubles at 
home. It was at this period that England required her fleets 
to watch the Irish coasts and prevent the landing of small 
French expeditions. Ever since 1795, when Wolfe Tone and 
Lord Edward Fitzgerald had started revolutionary ideas, 
numerous I'rench attempts had been made to pour into that 
distracted island armed bodies of men. By 1797 the whole 
of the north of Ireland was in tumult, and in May, 1798, the 
Irish rebellion devastated the land. But both Grouchy's f 
and Himibert's J expeditions to the west coast failed and 
General Lake succeeded in crushing the rebels at Vinegar 
Hill. Nevertheless the Atlantic squadron was obliged to be 
ever watchful and remain in home waters. 

In another part of Europe Great Britain's navy had for 
some years been playing a conspicuous part in the world's 
history. The importance of the Mediterranean had long been 
recognized by that nation, but perhaps more vividly when 
the principles of revolutionary France endangered the exist- 

* J. W. van Winter (1750-1812). 

\ Emmanuel, Marquia do Grouchy (i 766-1847) ; distinguished himself in Italy 
and at Hohenlinden, Eylau, Friedland, and Wagram ; took part in the Moscow 
campaign and covered the retreat at Leipzic. 

t Jean Joseph Humbert (1755-1823) ; at one time a dealer in rabbit skins ; died 
in America. 


ence of all people. Commercially, politically, and strategi- 
cally, it was essential for Great Britain, if she were to retain 
her sea power, to keep her grip upon that inland sea. Sea 
power had brought financial success, for not only was British 
commerce protected, but it gave to that country the power of 
destroying the commerce of others. In addition to this, by 
means of her supreme position on the ocean, territories were 
gained which in the future would further commerce and serve 
as tiaval stations at which ships could be refitted and their 
limited stores replaced. Our foreign allies, during the period 
of the Great War, found that it was economically wise to 
allow Great Britain to control the sea. The coalitions for this 
reason confined themselves to supporting large armies against 
Bonaparte, and Great Britain became the world-power with 
the unconscious acquiescence of Austria, Russia, and Prussia. 

When war was declared in 1793 the British fleet in 
the Mediterranean was not a powerful force. But by 
June it had been improved, and Lord Hood, with nine- 
teen Vessels of the line, appeared off Toulon to blockade 
the French fleet in the harbour. The inhabitants of Toulon, 
as has been shown, were not revolutionary in character, and, 
perceiving that their food supplies might be endangered, with 
their admiral, Trogoff, capitulated to Hood. This was at the 
moment a distinct advantage for the British, but very soon our 
allies |Of Spain and Naples sailed into Toulon Harbour with 
natural results . Such a mixture of nationalities, interests, arid 
ambitions were hardly likely to pull together. The revolu- 
tionary party saw their opportunity and at once took steps to 
recapture the port. The actual fighting material employed 
by the French was at the time wretchedly poor, but 
the allies were not in a position to take advantage of 
their opportunities. The want of discipline occasioned 
by the Declaration of the Rights of Man was fully com- 
pensated for by the rival ambitions of the powers. The 
giege of the French on the land side of Toulon pro- 
ceeded with such vigour that when Bonaparte took Fort 
Mulgrave it was evident that the English could hold out no 
longer, and in December Lord Hood evacuated the French 
arsenal and took his fleet a few miles east to a safe anchorage 
off Hyferes . 

The British now found that the station of Gibraltar was 


not sufficient to assure them the complete control of the Medi- 
terranean. Gibraltar, lying at the mouth of that sea, was 
too far removed from the French coast and from the 
seat of war. Corsica, on the other hand, seemed to 
the strategists of the day to be the very place from 
which to direct out vessels and to which they might return 
for food and supplies . The Corsicans were filled with a deep 
distrust and hatred of the French people and accepted the 
suzerainty of Great Britain on June 17th, 1794. From a 
naval point of view Corsica was not absolutely perfect, 
because it lay in the stormy track of the mistral and 
not in the Mediterranean of the poet. But it was near 
to Northern Italy, for about thirty leagues of water 
separated the island from either Genoa or Nice. It was 
most centrally situated, and the French might have snapped 
it up and forced the British to retire to Gibraltar. 
But, above all, as the grander aspects of naval war had 
given way to more lucrative commerce destruction, no 
better place than Corsica could have been found from which 
to harass the merchantmen of France and Spain. All ships 
going from Barcelona to Leghorn or from Constantinople 
to Marseilles were forced to run the gauntlet of English 
frigates and privateers. For these reasons, then, the island 
was taken over, and in 1795 Sir Gilbert Elliot * was made 
viceroy and opened a parliament. 

The Corsicans soon wearied of their new rulers, and, 
although a revolt was suppressed in June, 1796, it became 
evident that the island was no longer tenable, and it was 
evacuated on October 22nd. One reason for this change of 
feeling was the extending power of Bonaparte, whose 
wonderful success in Northern Italy materi|ally affected 
the position of the British navy. After Italy was made 
to feel the weight of Napoleonic wrath it was impos- 
sible for the British to obtain supplies from the harbours of 
Tuscany, Naples and the Papal States. Besides this, the 
Corsicans themselves feared that the restless ambition of 
Bonaparte might force him to pay a visit to his old home, and 
they dreaded his coming with the English there. The intri- 
gues that were now carried on from Genoa or Leghorn caused 
the British admirals to realize that it would be better for them 

* Afterwards first Earl of Minto (1751-1814). 


to make their headquarters in the island of Elba, which, being 
smaller, would be much easier to hold, and they could still 
preserve the principles of British sea -power in the Mediter- 
ranean. It was impossible, however, for the British to assert 
predominance after Admiral Mann with two-thirds of the fleet 
had left for England. Sir John Jervis and Nelson were both 
sterling men and born seamen, but they could not accomplish 
impossibilities with fifteen ships of the line. It must have 
been a mortifying position for Jervis, who, being possessed 
of 3, cool and rapid professional judgment and filled with an 
unflinching determination to succeed, had now to acknow- 
ledge that the Mediterranean must be evacuated (see 
page 75). _ 

The British Admiralty in the spring of 1 798 at last woke up 
to the fact that the French fleet dominated the Mediterranean, 
while not a single English ship patrolled its waters. The 
nation began to exhibit anxiety as to what Bonaparte was 
doing with the French and Spanish fleets at Toulon. He was 
preparing his vast Egyptian expedition, the ulterior object 
of which was the conquest of India. The immediate schemes 
of Bonaparte were stated in the secret decree drawn up by 
himself and signed by the Directors on April 12th. "'The 
army of the East," he says, " shall take possession of Egypt ; 
the commander-in-chief shall chase the English from all their 
possessions in the East which he can reach, and in particular 
he shall destroy all their comptoirs in the Red Sea. He shall 
have the Isthmus of Suez cut through, and he shall take all 
the steps necessary to assure the free and exclusive possession 
of the Red Sea to the French Republic. He shall ameliorate 
by all the means in his power the lot of the natives of Egypt. 
He shall maintain as far as it depends on him a good under- 
standing with the Grand Signor and his immediate subjects." 
There is, however, no doubt that Bonaparte's schemes 
did not end here. Ever sifice the days of Clive the 
English had been the predominant European power in the 
East. Clive 's victories at Chandernagore, Plassey and Chin- 
surah, together with Sir Eyre Coote's triumph over Lally at 
Wandewash, had established the English position upon the 
ruins ,of the Mogul Empire. But in Europe in 1798 Great 
Britain was not so powerful as she had been. She was left 
without allies to struggle against the power and enmity of 


France, which had not as yet reached its zenith. Bonaparte 
had only recently started on the marvellous career that has 
made his name world-famed. It was only now that 
that name was beginning to be whispered with awe and 
admiration from India to the northern forests of Canada, from 
Hudson's Bay to Cape Colony. He had by October, 1797, 
placed Austria hors de combat owing to the military bril- 
liance of his campaign in Northern Italy. He now looked 
forward to the time when he could repay the many grudges 
France owed to England. What better opportunity, what 
more glorious, what more astounding, than to make a dash on 
India and once more establish the French power in the EastI, 
and rebuild and recreate the shattered hopes of Dupleix * 
and Labourdonnais If This was what Napoleon was preparing 
at Toulon ; this was why he made his expedition to Egypt. He 
gazed into the future, and hoped that by his great military 
genius, by his command over men, by his indefatigable work, 
he might set back the stream of destiny. He imagined that by 
his means the steady decline of France as a colonial power 
might be checked, and that England might be forced to dis- 
gorge some at least of the many colonial acquisitions which 
she had gained during the last fifty years. It was this 
colonial and commercial aspect of Bonaparte's Eastern 
policy that particularly stirred Great Britain and forced 
William Pitt to redouble his efforts and to form a new 
alliance . 

Bonaparte's dreams were shattered before summer was 
over. Nelson had been watching Toulon, but his ships 
were scattered by a gale, and when they had reassem- 
bled they found the bird had flown. Bonaparte had 
sailed from Toulon ; Nelson started ih pursuit with orders 
to go to every part of the Mediterranean, and if neces- 
sary to pass the Dardanelles and sail round the Black 
Sea. Bonaparte first sailed to Malta, which he took 
from the Knights of St. John, for he quickly recognized the 
strategical value of that island stronghold. Nelson overshot 
the French fleet, but on his return, touching at Corfu, he heard 
news which made him put about and sail to Alexandria, where 
he found the harbour full of French shipping. With reckless 

* Joseph, Marquis Dupleix (1695-1754). 

f Bertrand Franjois Mahd de Labourdonnais (1699-1753). 

N.E. G 


courage the English captains determined to sail in, although 
there was considerable danger from sandbanks. Captain 
Troubridge had the misfortune to run his ship aground, and 
was unable to take any part in the great Battle of the Nile on 
August 1st, 1798. The results of this contest were prodigious. 
Nelson, with skill and daring, defeated an enemy of superior 
force ; but beyond this he was the first to inflict a crushing 
blow upon the colossal schemes of Bonaparte. He not only 
saved the greater part of the Ottoman Empire from the 
aggressions of the French, but also rescued the Indian Empire 
from future invasion. Bonaparte, like Alexander, sought other 
worlds to conquer ; to him the rich and resplendent terri- 
tories of India seemed for a moment to lie almost within his 
grasp, but by the brilliant performance of the British seamen 
this second Alexander was turned back. 

The year 1798 was the turning point in the uphill game. 
The island of Minorca, with its important harbour Port 
Mahon, was taken, and by the end of that year the whole of 
that inland sea was under the control of the British navy, 
while only two French ships of the line were left to dispute 
that power. In the following year France tried to renew her 
past glories under Admiral Bruix, who was opposed for some 
months by Lord St. Vincent, and later by Admiral Keith. 
Two things caused Nelson particular annoyance at this time. 
The first was'Sir Sydney Smith's continual proposals to "dis- 
solve the blockade of Alexandria ; but Nelson changed his 
mind concerning this gallant man when he utterly destroyed 
the enemy's forces oS Acre on May 20th. " As an indivi- 
dual and as an admiral," wrote Nelson to Smith, " will you 
accept my feeble praise and admiration, and make them 
acceptable to all under your command ? ' ' Nelson was far 
more irritated when he learnt the news that Bonaparte and 
his generals had been able to slip throu'gh the British fleet 
and" land in France. Nevertheless, the British navy had re- 
established its power in the Mediterranean, and in 1800 
Bonaparte's efforts to save Malta proved fruitless and 
General Vaubois was obliged to capitulate. 

The Treaty of Amiens, as will be shown, lasted but one 
brief year. The last naval scenes of the Napoleonic epoch 
were now enacted, and it is of this heroic period that Captain 
Mahan has said, " the world has never seen a more impressive 


demonstration of the influence of sea-power upon its his- 
tory." Blockading the ports of France was the main policy 
of the British, and heart-breaking work it was for these 
weather-beaten sailors. Brest was commanded by one flett ; 
Rochefort by another ; and Nelson himself patrolled the sea 
before Toulon, where Villeneuve and a large fleet lay snug. 
Gales were continuous ; the ships were often scattered ; and 
yet Villeneuve sat tight. At last in the spring of 1805 
Nelson was driven off, and Villeneuve * set out to help his 
master, who was watching from Boulogne for a moment to 
cross. Bonaparte had said, " Let us be masters of the Straits 
for six hours and we are masters of the world " ; but he was 
never allowed to be in that position because of the storm- 
beaten ships of Britain's navy. For two years Nelson had 
never left his vessel ; during that period he had worked and 
struggled for the safety of his country. He was now called 
upon to pursue Villeneuve to the West Indies, which he 
reached only to find that the Frenchman had turned again. 
This serious news was sent by a swift -sailing brig to the 
Admiralty, and while Cornwallis kept Ganteaume f safely shut 
up in Brest, Sir Robert Calder encountered Villeneuve off 
Ferrol, but allowed him, of hi's own free will, to turn south. 
It was reserved for Nelson to put a final conclusion to 
Napoleon's dreams of invasion. After a brief period ashore 
Nelson again put to sea, and on October 21st utterly crushed 
the combined navies of France and Spain off Cape Tra- 
falgar. The English fleet, advancing in double column, 
broke the French line iti two places and captured more than 
half of the enemy's vessels. It must unquestionably be 
acknowledged that the Battle of Trafalgar, in which Eng- 
land's great Admiral was k:illed, fixed the destiny of his 
beloved country. It was not merely a great naval victory, 
but in its results it exceeded any victories that the French won 
during the whole period of struggle. The passionate desire 
of Bonaparte to invade England was for ever checked. That 
this had practically been accomplished in August is an indis- 
putable fact, for when Villeneuve was obliged to turn south 
the Emperor's schemes had failed. But it needed the decisive 

* P. C. J. B. S. de Villeneuve (1763-1806) ; did splendid service in the Battle 
of the Nile, 
t J. H. Comte Ganteaume (1755-1818). 

G 2 


victory of Trafalgar to assure Great Britain of absolute 
freedom. As Bonaparte had failed to crush the British 
navy, he now turned to other possible means of breaking the 
spirit of the British nation, and hoped by excluding British 
commerce from continental ports to at last conquer a country 
that seemed otherwise impregnable. The Continental 
System, by which Napoleon attempted to execute his design, 
failed. By the Orders ih Council the English Government 
retaliated, and the mercantile marine of Europe was de- 
stroyed. The raw materials from the colonies beyond the 
seas reached England alone, and, at a time when the great 
mechanical inventions of the 1 8th century enabled her to take 
aidvantage of them, gave her manufactures a commanding 
superiority. Northern Europe suffered heavily by the loss 
of imported foodstuffs, and the Conti|nental System helped 
to exasperate the population against Napoleon. Trafalgar 
had less important results than this. One was that, 
since invasion was no longer possible, the English garri- 
sons could be reduced. This change in the military 
system was in a few years' time extremely valuable. It 
liberated many soldiers for use in the Peninsular War. 
The wreck of Napoleon's schemes at Boulogne turned the 
thoughts of that extraordinary genius once again to the East. 
It may have been that his fascination for Eastern territory was 
due to a strain of Eastern blood inherited from his Corsican 
ancestors, or possibly he had been stimulated by reading the 
proposals of Liebnitz to Louis XIV. when a policy of aggran- 
disement in the land of the Pyramids had been strenuously 
advocated ; but, 'whatever the reason, Bonaparte from the 
earliest period of his career never lost sight of the possi- 
bilities of Turkey and beyond. After Trafalgar he found that 
it would be easier to transport his veterans from Paris to the 
Khaibar Pass than to tranship them across twenty-two miles 
of the English Channel. From 1805 to 1807 a fresh march 
on India was never lost sight of, and he placed renewed hopes 
in the young Czar Alexander I. This, like so many of his 
visions, was destined to be a mere phantasm and nothing 

The defeat of Napoleon's attempt to wrest the command 
of the sea from England may be considered the culminating 
success of Pitt's war policy. He was to die in the following 


year in the shadow of the defeat of Austerlitz, but, on a 
general review, his conduct of the war does not seem to 
deserve Macaulay's severity. The policy of assisting the in- 
surgent forces in France was erroneous, and the dissipation 
of resources in distant expeditions has been criticised. But 
his policy had the signal merit of exhausting the resources 
of France, and the overwhelming success of English sea 
power drove Napoleon to the commercial expedients which 
helped to undermine his empire . 





Brenton . 
Bunbury . 
^Cambridge Modern 
Chuquet . 
Clark- Russell . 
Coquelle . 
De la Graviere 
Clowes . 
Fox . 

*A. T. Mahan . 


Sturges- J ackson (editor) 

History of Europe, 1789-1815. 
Naval History of Great Britain, 1783-1822. 
England and Napoleon in 1803. 
Narrative of Certain Passages, &c. 
History, Vols. viii. and ix., 1904 and 1906. 
La feimesse de Napoleon, &c. 

Napoleon and England, 1803-1813. 
Guerre maritime sous le Consulat et I'Empire. 
The Royal Navy. 

Napoleon Bonaparte and the Siege of Toulon. 
Naval History of Great Britain. 
England and France in the Mediterranean, 

Influence of Sea-power upon the French 

Revolution and Empire, 1893. 

Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. 
Logs of the Great Sea Fights, 1794-1805. 



1801. The Expedition to Copenhagen. 

The English forced the French to evacuate Egypt. 

1802. The Treaty of Amiens. 

The conspiracy of Colonel Despard. 

1803. Great Britain renewed the war with France. 
The rebelUon of Emmet. 

1804. George III. again became ill. 
Addington resigned. 

Pitt again became Prime Minister. 
Lord Melville was impeached. 

1805. Calder fought Villeneuve off Cape Finisterre. 
The Battle of Trafalgar. 

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Charles Bonaparte. 

(King of 



Napoleon I. 

(King of 
Rome) . 




(King of 


I I 

Caroline = Murat. Jerome 
(King of 

Napoleon III. 

Eugene Napoleon 

(killed in 
Zululand, 1879). 





Napoleon's Marshals 

L. A. Berthier . 


J. Lannes . . 1769-1809. 

V. C. Victor . 


J. Murat . 


A. E. Mortier . 1768-1835. 

J. E. Macdonald 


A. J. Moncey . 


M. Ney . . 1769-1815. 

N. C. Oudinot . 


J. B. Jouidan . 


L. N. Davout . 1770-1823. 

A. F. Marmont. 


A. Mass6na 


J. B. Bessi^res . 1768-1813. 

L. G. Suchet . 


C. P. Augereau . 


F. C. Kellermann 1735-1820. 

L. Saint-Cyr . 


J. B. Bernadotte 


F. J. Lefebvre . 1755-1820. 

J. Prince Poniatowski 1762-1813. 

J. N. Soult 


D. C. de PArignon 1754-1818. 

E. de Grouchy . 


G. M. Brune 


J. M. S^rurier . 1742-1819. 

The Treaty of Amiens was not destined to last long. 
Napoleon turned to a number of projects connected with the 
renewal of war. Expeditions were equipped for Louisiana, 
Madagascar, and India. Public works were imdertaken, and 
plans laid for an industrial revival in France. In September, 
1802, Piedmont was incorporated in France ; the organisa- 
tion of the Cisalpine Republic proceeded ; Holland, on which 
■Napoleon had bestowed a Constitution in the autumn of 
1 801, remained in the hands of a French army. Switzerland, 
where Napoleon had already intervened without effecting a 
settlement, was invaded, and in February, 1803, the govern- 
ment was reorganised by the Act of Mediation. This 
consisted of certain regulations by which the Helvetic 
Republic was turned into a Swiss confederation of nineteen 
cantons divided into three classes and enjoying sovereign 
power. The first were the rural cantons, having popular 
assemblies for which bills were prepared by a Grand Council, 
while the executive was in the hands of a smaller body. The 
second class was urban with a senate, council, representative 
body, a burgomaster and supreme magistrate, and their 
character may be regarded as purely aristocratic. The last 
division was democratic, and comprised the subject districts, 
possessing both grand and petty councils. It is now for 


the first time that the Swiss cantons are known as Switzerland. 
All the States had to conform to the Federal contract, and 
could not conclude separate alliances. In many ways the 
Act of Mediation was distinctly beneficial. It restored peace 
to a distracted country, though it did not take into sufficient 
consideration the true interests of the Swiss peqple. The 
population was, however, generally satisfied with the working 
of the Act from a domestic point of view, and they welcomed 
Bonaparte as the restorer of their liberties. This was an 
erroneous view of his work, for he had no intention of 
forming a compact and united Switzerland. He had taken 
great care that the Swiss should require French guardianship, 
and for the next eleven years they had no real and separate 
existence, but were beneath the yoke of the Emperor. 

The English Government protested agaihst Napoleon's 
interference in Switzerland. There were many other grounds 
of complaint on both sides. Napoleon denounced the licence 
of the English Press and demanded that the Government 
should protect him against its assaults. The English 
Ministers declined to pay attention. Their efforts to induce 
Napoleon to evacuate Holland were equally unsuccessful ; 
Napoleon retorted by denying that it was legitimately a 
matter of interest to England, since the promise to evacuate 
had only been made in the Franco-Dutch Convention at The 
Hague. On his side he demanded that England should fulfil 
the conditions of the Treaty of Amiens by evacuating Malta. 
Relations were further straitied by the publication, in the 
semi-official Moniteur, of an account of the English occu- 
pation of Egypt by Colonel Sebastiani, an officer who had 
been on a mission there. The British forces were disparaged^ 
and the prospect of conquest by the French was discussed. 
Napoleon's preparations and the scenes to which he treated 
Lord Whitworth convinced the English Government that he 
intended to renew the war at the first opportunity. It is 
uncertain whether or not Napoleon was really bent on forcing 
the issue. He showed signs of consenting to an accommoda- 
tion, but would not make any concessions, though the Eng- 
lish ambassador was instructed to promise secretly that Malta 
should be restored as soon as Holland was evacuated. War 
was declared in May, 1803, and all the English tourists in 
France had the misfortune to be imprisoned. General Mortier 


at once took the initiative and' occupied Hanover. In Prussia 
Haugwitz was at the head of affairs, and by his advice 
Frederick William III. refused to move. The French there- 
fore blockaded the mouth of the Elbe, and although Lonibard, 
the son of a French settler at Berlin, was sent to remonstrate, 
no notice was taken. This had the effect of rousing once 
again the displeasure of the Czar of Russia, and a general 
European war was soon in full progress. 

The interval of peace had been a period of great activity 
in the process of codifying French law. The work was 
carried out by sound lawyers, and parts of it bear the imprint 
of Napoleon's own imagination. The Civil Code, passed into 
law on March 21st, 1804, is remarkable, among other thihgs, 
for the authority given to paternal discipline, the sub- 
jection of women, the jealous restriction of divorce, and 
the encouragement of the subdivision of property. It 
was followed by the Code of Civil Procedure in 1806, 
the Commercial Code in 1807, the Code of Criminal 
Procedure in 1808, and the Penal Code in 18 10. In such 
matters as the use of the jury and belief in civil equality and 
religious toleration the Codes preserved the essentials of the 
revolutionary spirit. No one can deny that they were clear 
and com.pact. In France the Civil Code was regarded as the 
symbol of enlightened despotism, while in Germany and Italy 
it was thought to embody a new spirit and to contain the ele- 
ments of liberty. On the other hand, it is equally clear that, 
masterly as was the production of these laws, they show dis- 
tinct signs of hurried and premature formation, and they are 
not without evidences of political passion. The stamp of 
the late Empire is impressed upon the barbarous regu- 
lations of the Penal Code. The working man and the future 
of industrial life were both alike unregarded. The clauses have 
been characterized as an amalgam of revolutionary doctrines 
with the principles of the ancien regime, but it is also obvious 
that Bonaparte was making a definite attempt to subject the 
law to his own personal rule. While this Code was being 
drawn up Royalist plots were keeping the French Govern- 
ment continually on the alert. The most celebrated of these 
was in February, 1 804. It was formed by a Chouan, Georges 
Cadoudal * and General Pichegru, with whom it was supposed 
* Georges Cadoudal (1771-1804) ; had led the Chouans since 1793. 


jMoreau Iwould join. It was supported by the British, and 
had for its object the enthronement of the Comte d'Artois. 
Bonaparte crushed it at once ; Cadoudal was executed, and 
Pichegru only escaped that indignity by comtaiitting suiicide 
in prison. But the French authorities went even further than 
this jn their attack upon the Royal family. They dared to 
encroach upon German territory at Baden and kidnapped the 
Due d'Enghien, son of the Due de Bourbon, and shot him in 
cold blood in Vincennes on March 2ist. This was a great 
mistake for Napoleon to have made, and Talleyrand was 
right when he said that it was worse than a crime, for it 
was a blunder. 

Napoleon seized the opportunity of France being stifled 
with terror, and in May was proclaimed Emperor by a decree 
of the Senate. He had naturally to buy his friendships, and 
so rewarded his generals with marshals' batons, and pur- 
chased the good will of Cambac^r^s and Lebrun by bestowing 
upon them the offices of arch-chancellor and arch -treasurer. 
In December, 1804, Napoleon was crowned Emperor in Notre 
Dame. The ceremony was of the utmost magnificence, and 
was not without its obvious warning, for although Pope 
Pius VII. was present he was not allowed to perform the 
actual coronation. Napoleon was determined that there 
should be no misunderstanding as to the person from whom 
he received his crown, and so placed the emblem of power 
upon his own head. 

The state of Europe when Napoleon assumed the title of 
Emperor was far from satisfactory. In England an advan- 
tageous change was made when Addington resigned the 
Premiership and the more able Pitt took up the administration 
of affairs at the most critical period in British history. The 
Emperor was at Boulogne watching with anxious eyes for the 
exact moment that was to make him master of the world. 
But, as has been shown, that great opportunity never came 
owing to the skill of British admirals and the pluck of British 
seamen. In Russia the ambition of Alexander had at last 
been stirred . He began to awake from the hypnotic influence 
that Napoleon had exercised over him, and with energy pre- 
pared for, what he imagined, a death struggle . The Emperor 
of the Holy Roman Empire understood that his title was 
shaky in the extreme ; he read aright the meaning of 


Napoleon's title ; he realized that the Empire that had 
so long existed in name was drawing to an ignomi- 
nious conclusion. Nor could Francis II. offer any serious 
resistance to this probable result of Napoleon's action. 
The whole of Austria was weak and torpid, and the 
Emperor's most faithful general, the Archduke Charles, 
was confronted with insuperable difficulties, not the least 
being the old-fashioned routine and the universal cor- 
ruption. Although Charles had given way to General Mack, 
confusion and incompetence became more and more evident. 
Cobenzl,* the first minister, was a clever diplomatist, but 
nothing else ; the country was ill -educated, owing to the 
priests, and, on the whole, extremely backward. Liberal 
opinions hardly existed, and even if they had done so, to 
make them known would have been impossible with a 
rigorous censorship of the Press controlled and regulated by 
the police. Nor was the commerce of Austria any more 
advanced than her military or educational systems ; and as 
yet she had been entirely untouched by the industrial revolu- 
tion. The mediaeval regulations which controlled trade and 
checked competition were still as rigid and binding as they 
had been centuries before. Austria's rival in future years, 
Prussia, was in no happier condition. Frederick William III. 
was pusillanimous in his decisions, and, although he had 
been aroused in 1803 by Napoleon's impudent attack on 
Hanover, his ardour lasted only long enough to begin negotia- 
tions with Russia for warlike preparations, from which he 
immediately retreated. Spain had been forced into a humi- 
liating treaty in 1800 with the all-powerful First Consul. 
Belgium had also bowed before him when he made a 
triumphal progress through that country to the Rhine. Nor 
was the Batavian Republic too insignificant to escape his 
notice, for he had ordered its reorganization under Schimmel- 
penninck. In Italy Napoleon was particularly a,ctive in 1805 ; 
the Italian Republic was converted into a kingdom and the 
Emperor was declared King, his stepson, Eugene Beauhar- 
nais, being appointed his viceroy. French aggression did not 
stop here, for Genoa was annexed to France, while Parma and 
Piacenza were incorporated within the Italian kingdom, which 
was again enlarged ; and in December the unhappy Austria 
* Louis, Count Cobenzl (i 753-1808). 


by the Treaty of Pressburg was forced to cede the Venetian 
States. Nepotism was rife, and Napoleon's brother-in-law, 
Bacciocchi, was presented with Lucca as a principality. Even 
America, the so-called land of liberty, was on friendly terms 
with the despot owing to the recent purchase of Louisiana 
from France. Napoleon, therefore, had reached the very 
summit of influence when the war was renewed in 1805. 

Crushed and terrified as were the powers of Europe, Great 
Britain still retained sea-power and remained unconquered. 
William Pitt succeeded in April in forming the third coalition 
against France, having as his allies Russia, Austria, and 
Sweden. It was solemnly agreed amongst these nations that 
no separate treaties should be made, and that they should all 
make common cause to restore the territory of Piedmont to 
the King of Sardinia and abolish the rule of France in Italy, 
Holland, and Hanover. Prussia foolishly held out from this 
alliance against the advice of the more energetic Haugwitz, 
who retired in favour of Hardenberg.* The new minister 
was a man who readily grasped both political and social 
ideas, but, at this moment, he entirely failed to realize 
the dangers to. which Prussia was exposed at the hands 
of Napoleon. 

The invasion of England having proved an expensive 
fiasco. Napoleon rushed across Europe to meet his other 
enemies. He was joined by the Electors of Baden and Wiir- 
temberg and by Marshal Bernadotte, who marched north 
from Hanover. On October 20th the Austrian army under 
General Mack was obliged to capitulate to the triumphant 
Emperor at Ulm. The results of this French victory were 
most disastrous for the coalition. The advancing Russian 
army under Kutusoff was forced to retire, and fell back to 
where Alexander I. was stationed with his main army. The 
Archduke John evacuated the Tyrol ; and the Archduke 
Charles, who had feebly attacked Mass^na in Italy, retired 
into Hungary. Murat succeeded in entering the Austrian 
capital, and all seemed hopeless. The action of the French 
had, however, one important effect ; when Bernadotte sent 

* Karl August, Prince von Hardenberg (1750-1822) ; became a Prussian 
minister 1791 ; first minister 1803 ; dismissed 1806 ; appointed chancellor 1810; 
created a prince 1814 ; present at the Congress of Vienna 1815 ; reorganized 
Council of State 1817 ; a great reformer. 


troops through Anspach the neutrality of Prussi:a had been 
violated. This was almost enough to rouse Frederick 
William III., but it needed a visit from Alexander I. to clinch 
the bargain at the Treaty of Potsdam, by which Prussia 
became a member of the coalition. 

Napoleon had now entered upon one of his periods of head- 
long conquest. He marched through Bohemia into Moravia, 
and reached its capital, Briinn . He selected his ground for the 
coming contest with the greatest care. He knew that he had 
to meet the forces of Russia and Austria, and that he had to 
win to retain his power. Had it not been for the rashnessi 
of Alexander I. the Battle of Austerlitz, or " The Battle of 
the three Emperors," on December 2nd, 1805, might have 
been very different, for Weyrotber, the chief of the 
Austrian staff, had drawn up the most elaborate plans 
to crush the French. As it proved, the Battle of Austerlitz 
was the most complete victory on land during the whole 
of the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. It had the 
most far-reaching and astonishing results, and, although 
it could never undo the work accompli'shed at Trafalgar, 
it placed Napoleon upon the giddiest of heights. In 
one battle the mighty armament of all the Russians was 
driven to headlong retreat. The newly-allied Prussia had, in 
a moment, fallen beneath the power of Napoleon, and was 
compelled on December 1 5th to make the humiliating Treaty 
of Schonbrunn. Neufchatel and Cleves were handed over 
to the French, while Anspach was surrendered to the hated 
Bavaria. Certainly Prussia by this treaty was to receive 
Hanover, but that province was bought at the high price of 
alliance with the Emperor. It meant that the once proud king- 
dom of Frederick the Great was to become a servile follower 
of the Corsican upstart. Nor was Austria any more fortunate 
in the Treaty of Pressburg, which was forced upon her by 
Talleyrand on December 26th. As has already been men- 
tioned, the Emperor was obliged to recognise Napoleon as 
King of Italy and to cede to him the Venetian States. Once 
again Bavaria was rewarded by the acquisition of part of the 
Austrian Tyrol ; and the Elector of Wiirtemberg was raised 
to the dignity of a monarch. There can be little doubt that 
Austerlitz hastened the death of William Pitt, which took 
place on January 23rd, 1806. This was an irreparable loss 


to England, seen only too vividly in the action of the next 
Cabinet, known as "All the Talents." 

The Battle of Austerlitz had a remarkable effect upon 
Napoleon himself. It filled his head with chimerical ideas 
of forming an all-powerful empire to dominate Europe. His 
conduct from this moment became more arrogant and more 
aggressive. Nothing seemed to stop the effect of this man's 
overwhelming presence, power, and personality. Holland, 
or the Batavian Republic, was converted into a kingdom under 
Louis Bonaparte and Hortense Beauharnais.* His younger 
brother Jerome was forced, by this dictator of politics and 
morals, to divorce his wife, and was only restored to favour 
when he helped on the ambition of the Bonaparte house by 
marrying Catherine, the daughter of the newly created King 
of Wiirtemberg. Out of the Venetian States 'twelve fiefs were 
carved as rewards for the marshals who had helped the 
Emperor to gain so great a triumph. The culmination of 
his schemes iseem'edto have been reached when on August 6th, 
1806, the ancient Holy Roman Empire, the most lasting 
memorial of a glorious but not unchequered past, ceased to 
exist. Interesting as this was, it had not the political import- 
ance that attached to the formation by Talleyrand of the Con- 
federation of the Rhine Provinces under the protection of 
Napoleon. This was indeed the most striking result of the 
victory at Austerlitz. The Confederation included Bavaria, 
Wiirtemberg, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, Berg, and nine lesser 
members. Dalberg, the Archbishop of Ratisbon, was 
appointed Prince Primate, while the capital of the Con- 
federation was to be the town of Frankfort. The feudal 
system was abolished, and the ritterschaft, or lesser 
tenants in chief, lost their property, which was media- 
tised or annexed to the province. In addition to all 
these arbitrary acts. Napoleon, without any hesitation as 
to rights and wrongs, sent an army to the south of 
Italy and deposed Ferdinand of Naples, and appointed Joseph 
Bonaparte to reign in his stead. From a domestic point of 
view this was by no means a loss for the Neapolitans, but 
rather a distinct gain, for Joseph did his best for his 
new subjects, and during his rule, with the assistance of 

* Daughter of Alexandre, Vicomte de Beauharnais (1760-94) ; sister of 
Eugene (1781-1824). 


Roederer,* attempted to carry out some excellent reforms. 
The finances of Naples were for the first time put upon a 
sound basis, and the French system of audit was introduced. 
The hateful method of tax-collecting by means of rapacious 
farmers was abolished, and the simpler form of an income 
tax took the place of innumerable and tiresome burdens. 
Education was not neglected, and schools were erected in the 
communes, while higher branches of learning were taught in 
a college attached to each province. The ancient systems of 
feudalism, primogeniture, and entail were abolished, and, as 
in France, the land was given to small proprietors, a scheme 
made still more possible by the confiscation of the monastic 
properties of St. Bernard and St. Benedict. Trial by jury 
was not allowed, but the other benefits of the French judicial 
system were introduced, though the reforms of the penal laws 
and the prisons were not advanced very far. Joseph was only 
stopped in his good works by the absurd ambition of his 
brother, who transferred him' from Naples to Spain in 

It is to be noticed that the turning point of Napoleon's 
career was not his outburst of greed and vanity after 
the Battle of Austerlitz, nor even, important though it 
was, the formation of the Confederation of the Rhine, but 
rather when he stirred the national spirit of Prussia by his 
unexampled oppression. The Prussians in 1806 were roused 
to a warlike spirit partly because they imagined that England 
was ready to ally with France in exchange for Hanover, but 
more particularly because of the enthusiasm kindled by Queen 
Louisa of Mecklenburg and Prince Louis Ferdinand. Un- 
fortunately for Prussia, she was at the moment alone in her 
desire for a continuance of fighting. She was by no means 
in a satisfactory state. The brilliant victories of Frederick 
the Great had gradually been forgotten, and had had no effect 
upon internal improvement. The Prussian nation had for fifty 
years been steadily declining as a power, and internally 
required drastic reforms to pull it from the slough of rotten- 
ness into which it had sunk. Neither officers nor men in the 
army were really formidable ; while Frederick the Great's 
school, good as it had been, was now old-fashioned and 
ineffective. The country lacked responsible government ; the 
* P. L. Comte de Roederer (1754-1835). 
N.E. H 


people had no share and little interest in the affairs of the 
nation ; and the ministers were merely the King's officials, 
and were seldom, if ever, in his entire confidence. 

Forgetful of these shortcomings, an army, under Bruns- 
wick, was despatched against the trained veterans of France. 
Prince Louis Ferdinand was killed at Saalfeld. Disaster fol- 
lowed disaster. Brunswick retreated to Magdeburg, leaving 
Hohenlohe to hold Jena. Here on October 14th Napoleon 
utterly routed the Prussian force ; and on the same day 
Davout defeated Brunswick at Auerstiidt. Once again Napo- 
leon had inflicted a crushing blow upon a European power ; 
he had added fresh laurels to the many already gained, 
and had the satisfaction of seeing, what all the Powers 
iknagi'ned to be the case, the Prussian monarchy not only 
humbled but practically non-existent. Erfurt, Halle, Ciistrin, 
Spandau, and Stettin, once formidable fortresses, now 
passed into the hands of the all -conquering French. Bliicher,* 
in after years so famous, held out courageously in Liibeck for 
a time, until at last that fortress gave way to the onrush of 
a French storming party. Napoleon played the same game 
as he had done after Austerlitz. His relations and friends 
must be rewarded, and so the rulers of Hesse -Cassel and 
Brunswick were deposed, and from these States the kingdom 
of Westphalia arose. The Elector of Saxony was allowed 
to purchase pardon and was created a King, being forced to 
join the Rhine Confederation. 

It was at this juncture, as a direct result of his failure at 
Trafalgar and his great victories at Austerlitz and Jena, that 
Napoleon introduced the " Contihental System " by which he 
hoped to break the spirit of the British nation and 
place such a yoke upon the necks of the Continental 
powers as to keep them his humble and submissive ser- 
vants. To accomplish this he issued the " Berlin Decrees " 
in November, 1806. By these most important enact- 
ments he declared the British Isles to be in a state of 
blockade. He gave to his subjects and those who were 
beneath his iron heel the right to confiscate all British mer- 
chandise, and threatened with his dire displeasure all who 

* Gebhard Leberecht von Blucher (1742-1819) ; Prince of Wahlstadt ; colonel 
of hussars 1793 ; lieutenant-general at Auerstadt 1806 ; chief command in Silesia 
1813 ; completed Wellington's victory at Waterloo. 


traded with her. These decrees resulted in a counterblast 
from Great Britain in the " Orders in Council " issued in the 
following year forbidding all trade between England and 
France or any ports dependent upon Napoleon, declaring 
the sale of ships by a b'elligerent to a neutral power void^ 
and asserting the continuance of the right of search. Great 
Britain had no other alternative than this, but it was extremely 
unfortunate, as in 18 12 it led to the war with the United 
States of America. 

Up to this time the Emperor had failed to score a single 
advantage over the British nation, however successful he may 
have been against Austria, Prussia, and Russia. Before the 
outbreak of the war in 1803 Napoleon had planned fresh 
conquests in the East and West, which would, he had hoped, 
ruin the colonial possessions and policy of Great Britain. But 
between 1803 and 1806 the war had proved conclusively 
that his colonial schemes were destined to be failures . French 
merchantmen had been captured in every sea ; arid the West 
Indian Islands had been conquered for the second time by the 
British. In San Domingo, in spite of the capture of the bril- 
liant negro commander Toussaint L'Ouverture,* the French 
had lost many lives and the island had practically secured 
its independence. Nor was it much consolation to French 
colonial ambition to remember that Louisiana had not been 
captured, but sold to the expanding States of North America. 
Malta, too, had been taken and retained ; and from this 
island, which Napoleon had hoped to obtain for France, many 
plots were now hatched against him. The greatest blow of 
all had been the failure of his invasion from Boulogne, for 
which nothing could atone. He found, too, that his alliance 
with Spain exactly suited Great Britain, which continued 
to prosper, while France was goirig through a financial crisis. 
This meant heavy taxation, and, with conscription, there was 
general discontent at home, and in Italy, Switzerland, and 
the Rhenish Provinces, where these burdens were also 
imposed. He had the disappointment of seeing that his 
influence over the young Czar was beginning to decline ; and 

* Toussaint L'Ouverture (1746-1803) ; a slave ; made by the French Con- 
vention commander-in-chief ; began to aim at independence ; after Bonaparte's 
proclamation for the re-establishment of slavery Toussaint rebelled ; he was 
finally arrested and died in prison. 

H 2 


he learnt that he had a dangerous enemy in Alexander, whose 
ambitions were too closely akin to his own. 

The war continued unabated, and in February, 1807, Napo- 
leon met at Eylau the Russian army, formerly commanded by 
Kamenski, but now under Bennigsen.* After a severe con- 
test, lasting for three days, both armies found it necessary to 
retire. It was at this point that England took the least effec- 
tive part in the whole struggle. Grenville ought to have sent 
a strong naval force to the Baltic to keep the Prussian 
fortresses on that littoral ; instead men and money were 
wasted in futile expeditions to scattered parts of the world, 
such as the near East and South America. The latter expedi- 
tion was utterly absurd, and revealed Grenville's incapacity to 
understand the situation . It met with no success, and Popham 
and Whitelock returned from Buenos Ayres to be tried 
for failing to attain the useless object conceived by the 
Ministry. Matters were much improved in April, when 
Canning, the favourite disciple of Pitt, became Foreign 
Minister in the Duke of Portland's Cabinet. He accepted the 
Treaty of Bartenstein, by which Russia, Prussia, and Sweden 
swore to carry on the war. In June they repented of their 
bargain, for the Emperor with 140,000 men defeated the 
Russians at Friedland and took Konigsberg. Alexander met 
Napoleon and entered into secret negotiations which "led to 
his desertion of the allies and Napoleon's treachery towards 
the Poles, to whom he had practically promised independence. 
A few weeks later, on July 7th, Napoleon concluded with 
Alexander the famous Treaty of Tilsit, in which Prussia was 
also included. Frederick William III. was made to resign 
his kingdom west of the Elbe, together with his gains in 
Poland. The district west of the Elbe, with Hanover, 
was seized by the French and incorporated with the kingdom 
of Westphalia under Jerome Bonaparte. Russia's gains 
were confined to Bialystock in Polish Prussia, while Dantzic 
was declared a free State under the protection of Prussia and 
Saxony. But the most important parts of the Treaty of Tilsit 
were the secret clauses between Napoleon and the Czar. The 
two allies promised mutual assistance against Great Britain if 
she did not abate her maritime claims and restore the con- 

* Levin August Theophil, Count Bennigsen (1745-1826) ; entered the army 
1773 ; fought at Pultusk 1806, Eylau 1807, Borodino 1812, Leipzic 1813. 


quests of the last two years. If Turkey refused French media- 
tion both powers were to attack the Mohammedan territory 
and leave only Roumelia and Constantinople to the Sultan. If 
any one of the courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, or Lisbon 
continued to allow trade with Great Britain that country 
should be regarded as an enemy. The Treaty of Tilsit was 
a great shock to Europe, for it made it clear that the Czar 
aimed at conquering Sweden and Turkey. The King of 
Prussia hoped to gain much by being included in the treaty 
with Alexander and Napoleon. He learnt, too late, that he 
was really exposing his kingdom to danger, and instead of a 
profitable alliance he made a gift of his resources, not to a 
kindly friend, but to a rapacious destroyer. 

Luckily for the future of the world England was still left 
to maintain the cause of Europe against the representatives 
of despotic rule. 





Oscar Browning 

England and NapoUon in 1803. 

*P. CoqueUe . 

Napoleon and England, 1803 — 1813, 1904. 



Cambridge Modern His 

tory, Vol. ix., igo6. 

Chenier . 


Ernouf . 


*H. A. L. Fisher . 

Shidies in Napoleonic Statesmanship : Ger 

many, 1903. 

Fournier . 

Life of Napoleon. 

Lanfrey . 

Histoire de Napoleon I. 

O'Connor Morris . 

Life of Napoleon. 

*J. H. Rose . 

Life of Napoleon, igoa. 

)) ... 

Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. 

»» ... 

Napoleonic Studies. 


Life of Napoleon. 

Sloane . 

Life of Napoleon. 


VEiirope et la Revolution Franfaise, 

Part VI. 

Vandal . 

Napoleon et A lexundre. 



1806. William Pitt died. 

" Ministry of all the talents " formed. 
Charles James Fox died. 

1807. The abolition of the slave trade. 
The Portland Administration. 
The seizure of the Danish fleet. 
The Orders in Council. 

1808. Joseph Bonaparte proclaimed King of Spain. 




Frederick William I. = Sophia Dorothea. 

Frederick the Great. 


August William. 


Frederick William II., 


Frederick William III., 


Frederick William IV., 

[Emperor] William, 

Frederick Charles 






Victoria = Frederick William. 

Frederick Leopold. Frederick. 

Emperor William. Charlotte. Henry. Victoria. Sophia. Margaret. 


and others. 

























"banishment to St, HELENA,' 



The Chief Dates in the previous History of Spain and Portugal 

Date. Spain. Portugal. 

J788. Death of Charles III. 

Accession of Charles IV. 

1792. Rise of Manuel Godoy Don John assumed the government. 

1793- Spain attacked by France Portugal allied with Spain. 

1795. The Treaty of Basle. Spain ceded to France her 

rights in San Domingo. 

1796. The Treaty of San Ildefonso Great Britain sent aid to Portugal. 

War declared against Great Britain. 

1797. The Battle of Cape St. Vincent. 
Loss of Trinidad. 

1798. Godoy resigned. 

1799. ... ... ... ... ... Don John declared Regent. 

1800. The Treaty of San Ildefonso (second) Portugal allies against France. 

1801. France ordered Spain to attack Portugal Treaty of Badajoz made with Spain. 

1804. Spain declared war against Great Britain. 

1805. The Battle of Trafalgar. 

1806. Spain reconquered Buenos Ayres. 

Napoleon's tyranny had become unbearable ; his genius 
in the last years of the Revolution had eclipsed that of any 
other, and during the few years that he had been Emperor 
he forced men to look upon him as one who stood head and 
shoulders above the rulers, diplomatists, and generals of 
Europe. He had diverted the energies of France into the 
path of military glory, and he had turned the ardent spirit of 
republicanism into a militant democracy. He had mastered 
the great art of dividing his foes ; he had learnt the truth 
that division gives command, and, having broken up the old 
boundaries of Europe, he had endeavoured to weld them into 
States under his own rule. He was gifted with a personal 
magnetism which, if it did not actually fascinate, at least 
terrified. He was in every sense the most remarkable man 
of his own or any other period ; and while his wonder'ful 
mind elaborated and planned, his physical energy, until the 
last months of his rule, remained unshaken. He was tireless 
in mind and body. 


Having reached what appeared to be the zenith of his 
power in 1807, he was unsatisfied and attempted even more. 
Not content with a Lodi, an Austerlitz, a Jena, and an Auer- 
stadt, he looked round for fresh conquests ; new kingdoms 
must be forced to feel his power, see his might, and bow sub- 
missive to his will. Behind it all, however, one country ever 
remained as the thorn iii the flesh which mUBt be torn out. 
Great Britain, so successful at Trafalgar, still continued un- 
broken ; at all costs Great Britain must be destroyed. The 
method of boycott, adopt'ed by the Berlin decree in the pre- 
vious year, could not be effective unless it was univer- 
sally adopted. For these reasons Napoleon determined 
to attack Portugal, for that small kingdom had dared 
to continue her commerce with Great Britain, and a very 
large trade had been carried on in port wine ever since 
the Methuen Treaty of 1704. Then, too. Napoleon saw that 
the Portuguese throne would do excellently for the dispos- 
sessed monarch of Etruria. He was particularly anxious to 
round off his Italian conquests, and he hoped to win the satis- 
faction of the King if he found him a new throne in place of 
the old. Finally, he was urged to action by the hesitating 
reply of Portugal when commanded to attack Great 

The Peninsular schemes of the Emperor began to take 
definite shape in October, 1807, when Godoy, the minister of 
Spain, signed an alliance at Fontainebleau . The treacherous 
minister was to have large possessions in Portugal ; while he 
was, on the other hand, to agree to the Lusitanian States being 
given to the King of Etruria ; half the Portuguese colonies 
were to go to the King of Spain under the title of Emperor 
of the Two Indies. In November Junot entered Lisbon, and 
the Regent fled immediately to Brazil. Napoleon had re- 
marked, some years before, on the danger of having a 
Bourbon dynasty on the throne of Spain ; it was a relic of 
the family system which Napoleon, as the heir of the Revolu- 
tion, had obliterated elsewhere. A more cogent reason for 
his ill-will had been given by the Spanish Government's threat 
of war during the critical period of the struggle with Prussia 
in 1806. Napoleon did not break off his relations with 
Godoy, but it is probable that, from that time forward, the 
fate of Spain was determined. King Charles was weak and 


incapable, and Godoy, the paramour of the Queen, was 
opposed by the Crown -Prince Ferdinand. For their own pur- 
poses they both sought the aid of Napoleon. The minister 
succeeded in arresting the Prince, and thereupon Napoleon 
took matters into his own hands and despatched a French 
army under Dupont.* The feeble demands of Charles IV. 
were left unheeded, and in February, 1808, Murat took 
possession of the Spanish capital. Godoy and Charles were 
now molested, and so serious did affairs seem that the, unhappy 
monarch resigned in favour of Ferdinand. Murat pretended 
to be friendly towards Charles, and took over the command at 
Madrid ; but it was the friendship of a Judas. Prince Fer- 
dinand hoped to win Napoleon by a personal intervi[ew, but 
he was trapped at Burgos and made prisoner. Charles IV. 
was then solemnly restored, only to abdicate again. To the 
astonishment of all. Napoleon, with the arrogance of an up- 
start, calmly forced his brother Joseph, King of Naples, upon 
the Spaniards ; and he was crowned at Bayonne. 

The Spaniards, as a whole, were naturally infuriated at 
this action of the Emperor, and rose in tempestuous wrath. 
They had already been stirred by the actions of Miollis against 
Rome, and now they found their sovereign and the country 
threatened by the curse of Europe. Their rising had a very 
important effect upon the whole course of affairs. In June 
Napoleon had intended to leave Bayonne, for he was required 
elsewhere, but his departure had to be delayed until he saw 
what might happen owing to this national rebellion . He was 
obliged to abandon the project, which he had formed in the 
spring of 1808, for another Armada and another expedi'tion 
against England proved permanently fatal to his maritime 
schemes. He had had wonderful visions of renewing the 
glamour and theatrical glories of another attack upon the 
East. In his correspondence with Alexander a campaign had 
been outlined which was to end in the conquest of British 
India and to absorb the Turkish empire by the way. 
Nearer home he was contemplating the extijnction of 
Prussia. The Spanish rising saved Turkey, and, possibly, 
British India. So seriously did he regard the unex- 
pected upheaval that, contrary to his plans, he was forced 

• Comte p. Dupont de I'Etang (1765-1840). 


to order Caulaincourt * to withdraw troops from Warsaw and 
Dantzig. The Spanish patriotism taught the rest of Europe 
a much -needed lesson, and Prussia was not the least of the 
important powers that were- stirred to their depths. As 
Bliicher said, " I do not see why we should not think ourselves 
as good as the Spaniards," and this sentiment soon spread, 
so that the kingdom of Prussia in its days of deepest gloom 
was saved from virtual extinction. 

The people of Great Britain were delighted with the action 
of the Spaniards . British policy began to take a larger scale 
than that of " filching sugar islands." Two small armies 
were despatched under the command of Sir Arthur Wel- 
lesley and Sir John Moore. At first the French were 
successful against the patriots, and Bessieres defeated 
them under Blake and Cuesta f at Rioi Seco in July ; 
Joseph was then enabled to enter Madrid as king. But in 
the same month the French force detailed under Dupont for 
the conquest of Andalusia, having passed from Cordova to 
Andujar, was forced to capitulate at Baylen, and Joseph fled 
from the capital. It was the first great shock to Napoleon's 
power, and had a widespread effect upon Europe. It was a 
blow that had not come alone, for it was soon to be followed 
by one almost as severe. 

It was at this moment that the future Duke of Wellington 
entered upon the war. He was a man of stern life and a strong 
upholder of discipline, but he was respected and trusted by 
his soldiers. He won his high position by his sterling qioali- 
ties ; like the great Chatham, he had a very high opinion of 
his own qualifications and services. Unlike Frederick II. of 
Prussia, he was never reckless of his soldiers' lives to win 
power and glory for himself. In battle he was ever cool 
and collected. The military genius of Napoleon had revo- 
lutionized Europe ; it was the work of Wellington to undo 
a part of what the Emperor had done, and he will remaim 
pre-eminent as his final conqueror. There can be no doubt 
that the English general owed much, like many officers before 
and since, to the valioable training he had received in India. 
Lessons learnt in the East made hita an illustrious goldier 

* Armand de Caulaincourt (1772-1827) ; created Duke of Vicenza ; Minister 
of Foreign Affairs 1813. 
t G. Garcia de la Cuesta (1740-1812). 


in Spaiti and the Netherlands . He showed in his march 
which carried him triumphant from Lisbon to Toulouse, and 
even to Waterloo, that he had acquainted himself with every 
detail of his profession. 

Sir Arthur Wellesley, like the rest of his countrymen, 
had hoped that the passionate hatred of the Spariish for 
the French would carry everything before it. He, how- 
ever, was soon to find that this was not correct, for the 
jealousy felt by the Spaniards for the English lessened the 
value of their patriotic fervour against Napoleon. Besides, 
they very soon proved themselves incapable of carrying out 
any concerted action, not so much because the rank and file 
were raw and untrained as because their officers were conceited, 
intolerant, bigoted, and devoid of the elements of discipline 
or subordination. The Portuguese were not good troops at 
first because they lacked military knowledge and experience, 
but they soon became supeHor to the Spanish, for they were 
ready to put themsqlves under the control of British officers, 
and so improved rapidly as the war proceeded. So hopelessly 
ill -disciplined were the Spaniards that even one of their own 
generals admitted that " In our marches we stopped to rest 
like a flock of sheep without taking up any position. By and 
by we resumed our journey like pilgrims, without paying 
any attention to distances, order, or formation." As addi- 
tional evidence of their incapacity Berthier wrote, " The 
Emperor considers that the English alone are formidable in 
Spain. The rest are the merest canaille, which can never keep 
the field " ; and Wellesley himself said, " A thousand French 
with cavalry and artillery will disperse thousands of them." 

The prospect before Sir Hew Dalrymple, Sir H. Burrard, 
and Sir Arthur Wellesley was not encouraging. The last 
landed at Mondego Bay and was joined by Major-General 
Spencer. His first action was to prevent the junction of the 
two French generals Laborde and Loison, which he did by 
driving back the former to Rolica. Junot, who was then in 
command at Lisbon, was much disturbed by the British 
success, and having joined the forces of Loison, marched 
to Vimiero, there to oppose the progress of Wellesley and 
his men. The defeat of the French in the battle of Vimiero 
on August 2 1 St would have been absolutely crushing ; but 
unfortunately Burrard, who was Wellesley's superior, would 


not allow the victory to be followed up, and thus prevented 
the British from reaping the full advantages of their com- 
plete repulse of all Junot's attacks. Wellesley was so furious 
that he remarked scornfully, " Gentlemen, there is nothing 
for us to do but to hunt red-legged partridges." Sir Hew 
Dalrymple, the commander-in-chief, negotiated the Conven- 
tion of Cintra, by which Junot agreed to evacuate Por- 
tugal, on August 30th, but refused to sign it with a 
French officer of inferior rank. Wellesley was therefore 
obliged to do so, though he complained at the time 
that he did not approve of the terms. He failed to 
see why the British nation should be oblige'd to carry 
25,000 French from Portugal in British ships. 

The natural disgust that Wellesley felt for the way in which 
his victory had been treated made him wish to retire, and he 
sought, fortunately in vain, for a civil post at home. He 
returned to England in October, where he was met with abuse 
for the Convention which he had done his best to prevent. 
Public opinion, however, changed, and in January, 1809, he 
received the thanks of Parliament for his splendid victory at 
Vimiero. Events were soon to bring him from this victory 
to loftier heights of success and triumph, uni'magined even 
within his own ambitious brain. 

In the autumn of 1808 the Spanish impulsive nature had 
made up for the want of discipline and had carried all before 
it. There were no fewer than 130,000 insurgents opposed 
to the intolerable pretensions of Napoleon. They had drawn 
themselves across the north of Spain, from Bilbao on the coast 
to Saragossa on the Ebro. In November, however, the 
always -victorious Emperor defeated Blake at Espinosa, on 
the southern slope of the Cantabrian mountains ; and Marshal 
Soult * succeeded in capturing Burgos, in the north of Old 
Castile. The central position of the insurgents was also 
broken when they were defeated under Palafox f by Lannes J 

* Nicolas Jean de Dieu Soult (1769-1851) ; entered the army 1785 ; general of 
brigade 1794 ; general of division 1799 : marshal of France 1804 ; Duke of 
Dalmatia 1807 ; fought well in the Peninsular War ; after Waterloo rallied the 
scattered forces ; banished 1815 ; recalled 1819 ; ambassador to England 1838. 

f Jose Palafox y Melzi (1780-1847). 

J Jean Lannes (1769-1809) ; Duke of Monlebello ; entered the army 1792 ; 
general of brigade 1796 : fought at Montebello, Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena, 
Eylau, Friedland, Saragossa, and Aspern. 


at Tudela, on the Ebro, a town which lies about halfway 
between Saragossa and Espinosa. Thus the patriots had been 
beaten all along the line, and Napoleon was able to restore 
his brother to the throne. So powerful had the French now 
become that Sir John Moore, who had been left in command 
in Portugal, retreated to the coast. He has been blamed for 
rapidity of his retreat. But the whole campaign is a bril- 
liant accompli'shment . The blow struck at Napoleon's 
commimications dislocated the attack on Portugal and 
Andalusia ; 50,000 men were diverted to the North West, 
and to no purpose ; Moore's army reached Corunna and was 
only compelled to fight because the transports had not 
arrived. In the great battle that ensued the French were 
defeated, but in the hour of vi'ctbry the gallant Sir John 
Moore was killed. The English were unable to improve the 
repulse they had given to Soult, and embarked on board the 
vessels waiting for them ; and Portugal was for the moment 
left with only 10,000 men under Cradock. 

The triumphs of the French in the Peninsula seemed 
unending. The brave leader of the Spanish patriots, Palafox, 
was again defeated at their most formidable stronghold, Sara- 
gossa. Added to this, there soon followed the news of the 
complete triumph of Marshal Victor * in the south of Spain, a 
district hitherto unconquered. The irrepressible Soult once 
more appeared upon the scene and took up his duties in 
Portugal. Since the main British army had evacuated that 
country it was not so dangerous or so difficult to subdue, 
and without any great effort he managed to seize Oporto 
at the mouth of the Douro. In fact, so thoroughly had the 
French established themselves that there seemed very little 
more to accomplish. Napoleon therefore quitted the scene 
of his labours and busied himself with the great questions of 
the dominion of northern Europe. He had been eagerly 
waiting to do this, because he imagined that there were no 
more laurels to be gained in the southern kingdom. Besides 
this, for some time he had seen ever -increasing signs of 
unrest in Austria, and he feared the hostility of the Empercxr, 
an hostility encouraged and excited by the patriot Count 

* Claude Perrin Victor (1764-1841) ; created marshal at Friedland 1807 ; 
fought in the Peninsular War, the Russian campaign, and at Dresden and 
Leipzig i held command under Louis XVIII. ; Minister of War 1821-1823. 


Stadioh.* In Prussia the Spanish rising had, as already 
mentioned, played a part, and it was obvious that the 
plucky ministers would force the somewhat pusillani- 
mous Frederick William to throw off the hated impositions 
of the Emperor of the French. For these reasons Napoleon 
started for northern Europe, and launched into the war which 
will be dealt with hereafter. 

Wellesley was again sent to Portugal in 1809 as com- 
mander-in-chief of the British forces. He had strongly 
recommended Lord Castlereagh to persevere in his plans with 
regard to that country, and said, " I have always been of 
opinion that Portugal might be defended whatever might be 
the result of the contest in Spain ; and that, in the meantime, 
the measures adopted for the defence of Portugal would be 
highly useful for the Spaniards in their contest with the 
French." He found Soult's army separated from that of 
Victor. He concentrated his force at Coimbra, and sent 
Beresford to the upper Douro. He himself went by the direct 
road and drove Soult from his walled defence of Oporto to 
Guimaraens, where he joined Loison, and then proceeded to 
Orense in Galicia. In the retreat from Oporto the French 
lost 6,000 men, their guns, ammunition, baggage, and mili- 
tary chest. All seemed to be going well for the British had it 
not been for the Spanish general Cmesta, whose co-opera- 
tion twith Wellesley in his advance on Victor at Plasencia 
proved useless . Cuesta prepared to attack Merida, which only 
ended in his retreat across the Guadiana to Mirabete. From 
there he pursued Victor to St. Olalla ; but, in the meantime, 
Joseph had set out from Madrid, and by the river Guadarrama 
joined Victor and defeated the Spanish at Torre jos and forced 
them to retire across the Alberche. The French were now so 
certain of success that by the foolish advice of Victor they 
attacked Wellesley at Talavera on July 27th. The English 
were drawn up on the right bank of the Tagus, with 
their flank protected by Talavera. The loss on either side 
was enormous, but it restored the glories of the British regi- 
ments which had for so long seemed effaced, though it failed 
to teach Napoleon that the British could fight well and that 
they had leaders of more than ordinary capacity. 

Great, however, as was the victory, it was rendered prac- 
* J. P. C. J., Count Stadion (1763-1824). 


tically useless by the incompetency of the Spaniards. Of 
this, Wellesley wrote to Castlereagh, saying, " I don't think 
that the Spaniards are yet in a state of discipline to contend 
with the French, and I prefer infinitely to endeavour to, remove 
them from this part of Spain by manoeuvre to the trial of 
another pitched battle." The effect that the battle had 
upon the British troops was excellent and it must be 
acknowledged that so far the expedition to the Peninsula 
had done good work. It taught Lord Wellington, as 
he now was, two great lessons : first, that to be suc- 
cessful he must act entirely independently of the Spanish 
generals ; and, secondly, that if he wanted to save him- 
self from the fate of Sir John Moore and his troops he 
must establish a strong line for the protection of his base of 
operation. This he at once set about in October, 1809, when 
he constructed the lines of Torres Vedras, the outer breasjt- 
work of which extended for twenty-nine miles from Alhandra 
on the Tagus to the mouth of the stream Zizandra. 

The incompetency of the Spaniards under General Areizaga 
was again proved by their complete defeat at Ocana on 
November ,20th by Mortier, and owing to which they were 
obliged to retreat to the Sierra Morena. Venegas also failed 
in his attack on Toledo, and, having engaged Sebastiani 
and Joseph at Almonacid, also retired. Nor was the Duke del 
Parque any more successful. He left Ciudad Rodrigo and 
repulsed the French at Tamames, and took Salamanca, but 
was finally defeated with very considerable loss at Alba de 
Tormes . 

The campaign of 18 10 was the most critical in the 
Peninsular War, and Napoleon should have conducted it in 
person, but affairs nearer home, together with his marriage 
with the Austrian Princess Marie Louise, occupied his full 
attention. Soult was therefore made commander-in-chief in 
Spain, while the same honour was conferred upon Mass^na* 
in Portugal . By the end of September the celebrated defensive 
works of Torres Vedras were completed, and Wellington 
could, if necessary, retire behind them. Earlier in the year 
Mass6na, with 80,000 men, had begun the campaign by the 

* Andre Mass^na (1758-1817) ; a. general of division 1793 ; fought at Rivoli 
1797, Zurich 1799; marshal 1804; created Duke of Rivoli 1807; fought at 
Landshut, Eckmiihl and Aspern ; joined the Bourbons 1814. 

N.E. I 


siege of Ciudad Rodrigo under Herrasti, which fell to the 
onrush of the French troops, and was followed by the cap- 
ture of Almeida and a steady movement upon Viseu and 
Celorico. Wellington had refused to send help to the 
Spaniards at Ciudad Rodrigo, for he had determined upon a 
waiting policy, and was ready to allow the key of that district 
to be taken before his eyes. His troops were now massed 
in the Mondego valley, and he knew that they needed encour- 
agement, for the loss of Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida had 
dispirited even the British. He therefore drew up his men 
on a ridge just north of Coimbra, at Busaco, on Septem- 
ber 29th. Here he was attacked by 56,000 men under 
Massdna, but they were driven back with a French loss of 
4,500. Although his victory had been so complete, Welling- 
ton at once adopted the cautious policy of retiring behind the 
lines of Torres Vedras. Mass6na advanced up the lines, but 
was obliged to retreat, for the whole country had been laid 
waste. Mass6na's retreat began at Sobral on November loth, 
and he was forced to cross the Tagus to Santarem, where in 
December there was an absolute deadlock. This retreat may 
well be called the beginning of the end, and was, in the 
widest sense, only concluded at Toulouse on April i ith, 1 8 1 4. 
The whole of the Peninsular War turned upon this important 
campaign of Busaco and Torres Vedras. Wellington had 
acted with the greatest forethought arid had taken three deci- 
sive measures, any one of which without the others would have 
proved ineffectual. The lines of Torres Vedras, the levee en 
masse in Portugal, and the ravaged lands where the wolves 
roamed unmolested were all the work of a thinker as well as 
of a soldier, and they altogether formed such a triple hedge 
of defence that Massdna, with a loss of 30,000 men through 
famine, was obliged to fall back. 

Wellington's work met with the hearty approval of the 
English Government under Perceval, but it was by no 
means completed, although he had put the French into such a 
position that for the whole of the next year they were obliged' 
to be on the defensive. At the beginning of 181 1 Soult and 
Victor bestirred themselves, but the latter failed to seize Cadiz, 
for it was reached by General Albuquerque, who had marched 
from Cordova and thrown himself within its walls before the 
French began to blockade it. By this time the war had had 


the effect of exciting a constitutional movement in Spain, 
where the Liberals had been particularly active since 1809. 
A reform movement was begun at Cadiz, which culminated in 
the drawing up of a new Constitution by the Cortes which 
was published in 1 8 1 2. It was a genuine attempt to meet the 
difHculties of the moment. All legislative power was to be in 
the hands of a single national assembly ; feudal rights were 
abolished ; the freedom of the Press was established ; and 
certain checks were to be placed on the monarchical power 
when the royal house should be restored. This Constitution, 
however, did not satisfy the wants of the time. It annoyed 
the clergy, who preached against it, and the ignorant people 
turned against those who were endeavouring to be their 
liberators. It was undoubtedly the work of one party, and 
the nobility looked upon it with the greatest distrust. Unfor- 
tunately, too, there was nothing in it to win the appreciation 
of Wellington, who was regarded with suspicion by the 
Liberal leaders of the day. 

The liberation of Spain from the French troops was the 
main wish of Wellington, and the theoretical schemes of the 
Cortes were not actually the requirements of the moment. 
Both Soult and Victor needed careful watching. Soult 
had moved from Merida and then invested and captured the 
fort of Badajoz. He then proceeded south, but in the mean- 
time Victor had fought the allies under La Pena and Graham 
at Barossa ; the allies immediately afterwards crossing into 
the Isla . Wellington saw that this could not be allowed to last 
for a moment longer than necessary, and he despatched Beres- 
ford to retake the fortress of Badajos, while he himself 
followed Massena and besieged Almeida. Massena turned to 
relieve the siege, but was met by the Duke at Fuentes 
d'Onoro. Both sides claimed the victory ; but Napoleon 
already doubted the generalship of Mass6na, and had replaced 
him by Marmont, who arrived three days after the battle . The 
prize of victory, at any rate, was Wellington's, for the French 
withdrew from Almeida, their last stronghold in Portugal. 
By this time Soult had invaded Estremadura, and Wel- 
lington went to the assistance of Beresford, who was 
carrying on the siege of Badajos. Soult attempted to 
prevent the junction by attacking Beresford at Albuera. 
So nearly was this a great defeat that Beresford at Albuera. 

I 2 


was on the point of ordering a retreat. This was prevented 
by the gallant charge of the Fusiliers under General Cole. 
There is perhaps no finer passage in Napier's Peninsular War 
than the one which describes this notable and glorious 
event. " Nothing could stop that astonishing infantry. No 
sudden burst of undisciplined valour, no nervous enthusiasm 
weakened the stability of their ordeir ; their flashing eyes were 
bent on the dark columns in their front, their measured tread 
shook the ground, their dreadful volleys swept away the head 
of every formation, their deafening shouts overpowered the 
discordant cries that broke from all parts of the tumultuous 
crowd, as slowly and with horrid carnage it was pushed by 
the incessant vigour of the attack to the farthest edge of the 
hill. In vain did the French reserves mix with the struggling 
multitudes to sustain the fight — their efforts only increased 
the irredeemable confusion, — and the mighty mass, breaking 
off like a loosened cliff, went headlong down the steep ; and 
1, 800 unwounded men, the remnant of 6,000 unconquered 
British soldiers, stood triumphant on the fatal hill." It was 
one of the bloodiest battles in the war, and Soult was for the 
time utterly crushed and retired to Solamo. He was, how- 
ever, supported by Marmont, and Wellington was obliged 
to retire from the siege of Badajos. Turning north he pre- 
pared to besiege Ciudad Rodrigo but was dislodged by Mar- 
mont, and retreated into the Portuguese mountains. 

To the surprise of Marmont, who had retreated to Valla- 
dolid, Wellington was again in the field in January, 18 12. 
On the 17th of the month he attacked Ciudad Rodrigo, the 
assault being led by Pictoji and Crawfurd. Elvas was next 
reached, but above all the campaign was famous for the cap- 
ture of Badajos on March 6th. The capture seemed well nigh 
hopeless, for throughout the whole affair Wellinigton had to 
fight against Spanish pride, obstinacy, and selfishness. He 
had also to use the most wretched artillery ever employed in 
modern warfare, for some of the guns dated from the six- 
teenth century, others had been cast in Portugal about 1 640, 
while there were a few twenty-four pounders that had been 
made under George II. The fortress was taken by a night 
attack, the Fusiliers and Connaught Rangers being particu- 
larly conspicuous in the first rush, which was unsuccessful. 
Another attack was made, the ditch jumped^ the men climbed 


up hand over hand in the teeth of a storm of bullets. The 
heavy fighting at last gave way to shouts of victory, though 
the carnage had been terrible, 5,000 men being slain. 

By means of these victories both lines of entrance from 
Spain into Portugal passed into British hands, and communi- 
cations between Soult and Marmorit were rendered far morje 
difficult by Hill's destruction of the Almerez boat-bridge on 
May 1 9th . Wellington was now free to advance against Mar- 
mont, and he drove the marshal back from Salamanca to 
the Douro. Marmont, however, having obtained reinforce- 
ments, assumed the offensive and forced Wellington to return 
to Salamanca. But here over-eagerness proved his ruin, and 
Wellington profited by his error to inflict upon him a crush- 
ing defeat on July 22nd. An attempt to outflank the British 
exposed two divisions to Wellington, who fell on the flank 
of the French, while Pakenham planted himself across their 
path. After this success the Duke was able to extend his 
designs on Spain, and advanced triumphantly on Madrid, 
which he entered on August 12th. He had trusted largely 
to the reinforcements, but he also knew that Napoleon was 
drawing his best men away from Spain and sending raw 
recruits. This was the period of Napoleon's infatuation. 
Foolishly believing that his star was still in the ascendant, he 
now needed every man he could get to make that mad invasion 
of Russia which ended so disastrously at Moscow. Welling- 
ton lost no time in Madrid, and having crossed the Douro to 
Palencia, laid siege to Biu-gos. Here he obliged Clausel,* 
a general of great ability, who had taken the command from 
the wounded Marmont, to retire to the Ebro. The French, 
however, by means of a concentration of their forces from 
the north under Souham, and from Valencia under Joseph 
and Soult, forced the British to retire to Salamanca, where 
Hill had rejoined the niain body. Nevertheless, to drive Wel- 
lington back to Portugal, the French had to abandon half 
Spain, and La Mancha, Asturia, Estremadura, and Andalusia 
had passed out of their possession before the end of 18 12. 

Wellington was now opposed by Joseph, who had quarrelled 

with Soult and had him dismissed. So incapable was 

Joseph as a soldier that he could hardly mass his men, and 

* Bertrand Clausel (1772-1842) ; fought in the Italian and Austrian campaigns ; 
fled to America 1814 ; returned 1819 ; governor of Algeria 1830-36. 


when he accomplished this he was so dilatory that nothing 
could be done. The Duke made a definite move north-east, 
which caused Joseph to evacuate Madrid and march from 
Toro to Burgos, where he joined Jourdan, and together they 
moved through Miranda to Vittoria. The British force had 
pursued him from Toro to Valencia, and, having crossed the 
Ebro, completed the tactical counterpart of the strate- 
gical move by defeating him and Jourdan at Vittoria 
on June 21st, 18 13. In the battle the French lost 
150 guns, their ammunition, and a million of money. 
This great capture on the part of the British was largely due 
to General Graham's corps cutting off the best line of retreat, 
that along the great road to Bayonne. The battle, like all 
the others, was hard fought ; the Allies lost 5,200, while the 
French losses were counted at about 6,000. It was one of the 
most important in the war ; it was not a mere local victory, 
but the crushing blow to Napoleon's schemes in the Peninsula. 
Madrid had already been evacuated, and Clausel fell back 
from Saragossa into France. It encouraged the Allies to still 
further efforts and practically freed Spain from her invaders. 
It laid the south of France open to Wellington's attack, and 
he was able to bring an efficiently trained army from the south 
at the same moment that Austria, Russia, and Prussia con- 
templated invasion from the east. 

Soult was immediately dispatched by Napoleon to take up 
the command once more. He moved from Bayonne to 
Sorauren and temporarily checked General Hill at Buenza, 
but a second battle forced him to retire from Sorauren, and 
he recrossed the Bidassoa. Wellington's men were flushed 
with victory, and defeated the French in these " battles of the 
Pyrenees " with enormous slaughter. San Sebastian fell to 
the British general, and having crossed the Bidassoa on 
October 7th, he fought and won the battle of Nivelle on 
November loth. Thus a week before the battle of 
Leipzig, British troops invaded the territory of Napoleon. 
The lower Adour was passed in February, and Soult was 
again defeated at Orthez on the 27th. Bordeaux was 
occupied by Beresford, while Wellington pursued the 
vanquished by Pau and Tarbes to Toulouse. Here the 
last battle of the Peninsular War was fought, with a loss to 
the Allies of between 4,000 and 5,000 men, on April nth. 


Soult evacuated tlie town, and left all his gxins in the 
hands of the English, because on the day before a treaty 
had been signed by the Allies, and Napoleon, after an 
extraordinary career, had been forced by his marshals 
to abdicate. They were weary of the war ; they had earned 
all the rewards that it was possible for Napoleon to give ; 
and so their master was obliged to succumb to circumstances 
and retire to Elba. 

The Peninsular War had lasted for many years. It 
had few results belonging entirely to itself, yet it was 
one of the main causes of Napoleon's downfall. It sapped 
Napoleon's strength at a time when it was most essential that 
he should have won in Eastern Europe . He spoke of the war 
itt Spain as " the running sore," and it was no inapt simile, 
for the story of 1 8 1 3 in Saxony would have been very different 
had Napoleon had under his command the 200,000 men then 
in Spain. It is at least probable that had those warriors been 
at Leipzig Napoleon would still have been able to dictate such 
a peace that would have left the empire intact. The steady 
perseverance of the Spanish patriots, though often ill- 
directed, did a great deal for national character ; their 
patriotism helped to save not only their own country, but the 
countries of others. The patience, the endurance, the untir- 
ing spirit and indomitable will of the Duke of Wellington did 
much to bring about Napoleon's fall. A most important con- 
tributory cause was the geographical peculiarity of the penin- 
sula. In the opening! stages of the war Napoleon was 
staggered to find that the defeat of her armies and the occu- 
pation of her capital did not involve the subjection of Spain. 
The moimtain ranges, and, still more, the psychological divi- 
sions which correspond to these barriers, made the art of 
war in Spain different in kind from that which Napoleon had 
brought to such perfection in Europe east of the Pyrenees. 
Castille, Aragon and Catalonia, Andalusia, Valencia, Galicia, 
were isolated units. They had to be dealt with separately, 
and victory in one did not imply, did not necessarily even 
contribute to, victory in another or over the whole area. 

Besides this error in political strategy. Napoleon was de- 
ceived by his inexperience of conditions of war in Spain 
into setting his marshals tasks which might have been accom- 
plished under ordinary conditions but were rendered impos- 


sible by the nature of the country. Large tracts were 
incapable of supporting an army during a campaign of any 
length, and the character of the road system, for the most 
part transverse to the lines of river and mountain, made war, 
most profitably, an affair of springs and surprises. Some of 
the French generals seem to have taken advantage of these 
characteristics, but such incidents as his instructions to 
Soult after the pursuit of Sir John Moore show that for once 
Napoleon's judgment was at fault. 




Cambridge Modern History, Vol. ix. 
Despez .... Soult. 
English Historical Review, Vol. xvii. 
Hooper .... Wellington. 

Maurice . 
Maxwell . 
Morse Stephens 
*C. W. C. Oman 

Roberts (Earl) 

Diary of Sir John Moore. 

Life of Wellington. 


History of the Peninsular War. 

A History of the Peninsular War, Vols. i. 

and ii., 1902 — 1904. 
The Rise of the Duke of Wellington. 
The Decline and Fall of Napoleon. 


1807. The Treaty of Fontainebleau. 

1808. Charles IV. abdicated. 
Murat entered Madrid. 
The Treaty of Bayonne. 

General Lefebre besieged Saragossa. 

Blake and Cuesta defeated by Bessieres at Rio Seco. 

Dupont capitulated at Baylen to CastaSos and Reding. 

Wellesley landed at Mondego Bay. 

Wellesley defeated Laborde at Rolifa. 

Wellesley defeated Junot at Vimiero. 

The Convention of Cintra. 

Napoleon entered Madrid. 

Lannes defeated the Spaniards at Tudela. 

1809. Moore defeated Soult at Corunna. 
Soult took Oporto. 

Wellesley took Oporto. Soult evacuated Portugal. 
Wellesley defeated Victor and Joseph at Talavera. 

1810. Mass6na captured Astorga, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Almeida. 
Wellington defeated Massena at Busaco. 

181 1. Wellington defeated Massena at Fuentes d'Onoro. 
Soult defeated by Beresford at Albuera. 

Suchet defeated Blake at Sagunto. 



The Chief Events in the Peninsular War — continued 

1812. Wellington took Ciudad Rodrigo. 
Wellington took Badajos. 
Wellington victorious at Salamanca. 
Wellington occupied Madrid. 
Soult evacuated Andalusia. 
Wellington checked at Burgos. 
Wellington retreated to Portugal. 

1813. Wellington victorious at Vittoria. 
Battles of the Pyrenees. 

San Sebastian and Pampluna surrendered. 
Wellington invaded France. Battles of the Nivelle and 

1814. Soult defeated at Toulouse. 


d. 1725. 

Philip v., 



Ferdinand VI., 

Charles IV., 

Ferdinand VII., 

Isabella II., 


Alfonso XII., 

Charles III., 


Philip, Duke 
of Parma. 

Ferdinand I. 

(King of the Two Sicilies), 


Francis I., 

Ferdinand II., 

Francis II., 




>iooa. xinos 

IV ^ao±olA Hsixiua 




nooi xnnos 

airoow NHOr ais jo xvaaxaa 

"ooas oiy xv snoiaoxoiA saaaissaa 



The Chief Dates in the Contemporary History of India and America 

Date, India. A nierica. 

1798. Lord Wellesley appointed Governor-General. 

1799. The Third Mysore War. Capture of Seringapatam. 

1801. Treaty of Lucknow. Thomas Jefferson elected President. 

1802. Ceylon retained by the British. The creation of Ohio as a State. 

1803. The Second Maratha War. Purchase of Louisiana from France. 
j8og. ... Madison elected President. 

1812. ... War with Great Britain. 

1814. War with the Gurlthas. Marquis of Hastings Capture of Washington. Attack on 

appointed Governor-General. New Orleans. The Treaty of Ghent. 
1 8 16. The Treaty of Segauli. 

The exciting events of the Peninsular War were by no 
means isolated instances of the strenuous work that was being 
done to resist the intolerable demands of Napoleon. Many 
events were happening in France, Prussia, and Austria that 
gradually led up to the Napoleonic triumph and its great 
collapse. Napoleon's mistakes hastened one upon another 
after his meeting with the Czar at Tilsit. There had been 
several chances of peace ; there had, indeed, been oppor- 
tunities for the settlement of Europe that might have left 
Napoleon still at the head of France, but his overwhelming 
ambition, his mistaken Continental system, together with the 
rousing of nations, brought these to nothing, and ended at 
St. Helena. 

Prussia was now to feel the weight of his hand. In the 
October of 1807 he insisted on the dismissal of Hardenberg, 
and Stein * was appointed in his place . The kingdom 
of Prussia had fallen from the glories of the period 

* Heinrich Frederick Carl, Baron von Stein (1757-1831); president of the 
Westphalian Chambers 1796; took charge of Prussian commercial affairs 
1804-1807; recalled 1807; laid the foundation of Prussian greatness ; dismissed 
at the command of Napoleon 1808 ; was at St. Petersburg 1812, and from that 
time the chief organizer of opposition to Napoleon. 


of Frederick the Great and found itself beneath the 
iron heel of the French soldiery. Stein's work mainly 
consisted of three things. He reorganized the municipali- 
ties in such a way that the citizens were allowed to choose 
their own magistrates. He had, too, a scheme for obtaining 
a representative Government, but this was prevented by the 
fear of the spread of Jacobinism, and also because his time 
and attention were necessarily focussed upon foreign affairs. 
His great success, however, was the issue of the Emancipating 
Edict, which was chiefly drawn up by Hardenberg's commis- 
sion. In the first place, by this celebrated enactment, the 
differences between noble, burgher, and serf lands were 
abolished. It was established that from henceforth men were 
to be allowed to pass freely from class to class ; and within 
three years' time all serfs were to become free. It may also 
be added here that in 1 8 1 1 the Act was enlarged by Harden- 
berg, and two-thirds of the peasants' holdings were given to 
the peasants as proprietors, and one-third to the lord in com- 
pensation . Nor was Schamhorst * idle in this hour of 
Prussia's need, for he reformed the army with excellent re- 
sults in the near future. By his scheme 40,000 men were 
to be kept on the active list for a short period only. This 
was supplemented in 18 13 by the organisation of the 
Landwehr, a reserve from the regulars, and the' Landsturm, a 
general levy of all between eighteen and forty-five years 
of age. But what was perhaps as useful as any part 
of his reform was the entire abolition of obsolete tactics 
and degrading punishments. Nevertheless, although these 
reforms were in progress, Prussia was burdened by the inter- 
ference of Napoleon. He demanded from the King 140,000 
francs, whilst at the same time certain towns had to support 
large French garrisons. The national pride was cut to the 
quick by the peremptory command that no militia should be 
formed and that the standing army was not to exceed 42,000 
men. The regulation was observed, but the short service 
system provided a total of 150,000 trained men by 18 12. 
As Napoleon had caused the dismissal of Hardenberg, . so he 
ordered that of Stein, when he found him in correspon- 

* Gerhard Johann David von Scharnhorst (1755-1813) ; director of the 
Prussian school of officers 1801 ; fought at Auerstadt, Lubeck, and Eylau ; 
wounded at Grossgdrschen. 


dence with Austria, and urging that " the war must be waged 
for the liberation of Germany by Germans." 

It was indeed with the intention of overawing Austria 
that Napoleon ostentatiously met Alexander at Erfurt in 
October, 1808. It was there arrange4 between the two 
arbiters of Europe that the Czar should have Wallachia and 
Moldavia on the condition that he continued the war against 
England. The opportunity for this arrangement was good, for 
Austria, like Prussia, was going through a period of reform. 
Count Stadion had undertaken certain social reforms, whilst 
the Archduke Charles was doing his best to put the Austrian 
army upon such a footing that it could again meet Napoleon. 
In 1809 all was considered ready. Count Stadion was then 
in office, and he had not only assisted the Archduke in hiis 
reforms, but had also succeeded in increasing the actual 
numerical strength of the army. It was obvious that this 
army must be used at once if it was to be kept up. The 
Austrians must be shown by deeds the necessity of so expen- 
sive a force. The people were anxious to attack the French, 
for they were jealous of Napoleon's dealings with regard to 
Poland, while at the same time they feared what might be the 
outcome of the meeting at Erfurt. The whole of Europe, 
including Austria, had been stirred by the capitulation at 
Baylen in July, 1 808, and it was thought that the time was now 
ripe to make a fresh attempt against Napoleon's dominion. 
For the first time in the history of Germany, Austria addressed 
a manifesto to the nation as a whole. It was determined that 
the German people should make a supreme effort against the 
French. In Prussia there was far more chance of this appeal 
meeting with success, for there the cause of the fatherland 
had been recently urged by the Tugendbund, or League 
of Virtue ; and the middle class, by this time well advanced, 
were inspired by the philosopher Fichte and the poet Arndt. 
But the King of Prussia would pledge himself to nothing 
while Russia remained in alliance with Napoleon. In Austiria 
the people were much less advanced in German patriotism, 
though the Catholic population had been incensed by Napo- 
leon's treatment of the Pope. Stadion and Metternich, how- 
ever, were in favour of forcing the issue, and the Austrian 
Government determined to take the field without allies. 

This national war was declared in April, 1809. The Arch- 


duke Charles concentrated his forces at Ratisbon and might 
have crushed Berthier and Davout,* but he proved himself 
too sluggish. The Archduke John, hov^ever, succeeded in 
defeating the French under Beauharnais at Sacile, near 
Venice, on April i6th. In Tyrol the insurgent peasants, 
under Andreas Hofer, an irm-keeper of the Passeyer valley, 
kept the French and Bavarian forces at bay and three times 
drove their opponents out of Innsbruck. It was not till 
the end of the year that the revolt was effectually 
crushed. They had been driven to rebellion by the 
increase of taxation and military service, and by the attacks 
of the Bavarian Government on the Church and ecclesiastical 
property. A third movement was made by the Archduke Ferdi- 
nand, who captured Warsaw on April 22nd, but was obliged 
to evacuate it in June. About this time Dornberg, a West- 
phalian officer, and Schill, a Prussian cavalry leader, made a 
plot to drag Prussia into the war by attacking King Jerome. 
Dornberg, however, was put to flight, and Schill was killed 
at the end of May. In the meantime Napoleon and Davout, 
in a masterly compaign, defeated the Archduke Charles at 
Abensberg and Eckmiihl, and marched towards Vienna. 
Napoleon and Massdna again attacked the Archduke beyond 
the isle of Lobau, at Aspern and Essling, where a struggle 
took place which is one of the most famous and bloody in all 
the annals of military history. Marshal Lannes, a brave and 
gallant officer, fell, and the Emperor was obliged to with- 
draw from the northern bank of the Danube. Schill's exploit 
had kindled the enthusiasm of north Germany. In June the 
Duke of Brunswick attacked Napoleon's ally, the King of 
Saxony. The English Government had granted a subsidy to 
Austria and was contemplating the dispatch of an armament 
to the mouth of the Scheldt . If Napoleon had failed to cross 
the Danube, all Europe would have united against him. 
But Napoleon changed the whole position of affairs. In a 
single night he built a bridge of boats, crossed the river, and 
in a two days' battle at Wagram caused the Archduke 
Charles to retreat to Znaim in Moravia. The results of the 

* Louis Nicolas Davout(i770-i823) ; fought at Aboukir ; marshal 1804 ; fought 
at Austerlitz and Auerstadt ; created Duke of Auerstadt 1808 ; fought at Eckmiihl 
and Wagram ; Governor of Poland ; fought in the Moscow campaign ; Governor- 
General of the Hanse towns ; War Minister 1815 ; a peer of France 1819. 


battle were of the gravest consequence to Europe. The 
Austrian championship of German unity was lost for ever. 
The Archduke Charles and Count Stadion, were forced 
to retire into private life. The work of the latter was 
taken over by the diplomatist Metternich, who, polished, 
seductive, self-possessed, and unenthusiastic, was in the 
future to play so great a part in the story of the settle- 
ment of Europe. For a short time Austria waited to 
see what might come from Great Britain, but she was 
utterly discouraged by the ghastly fiasco of the Walcheren 
expedition under Lord Chatham and Sir Richard Strachan. 
Chatham had received the most explicit instructions from 
Lord Castlereagh : " Your lordship will consider the operation 
in question as, in its execution, more immediately directed 
against the fleet and arsenals of France in the Scheldt. The 
complete success of the operation would include the capture 
or destruction of the whole of the enemy's ships, either build- 
ing at Antwerp, or afloat in the Scheldt, the entire destruction 
of their yards and arsenals at Antwerp, Terneuse and Flush- 
ing, and the rendering, if possible, the Scheldt no longer 
navigable for ships of war." Chatham, however, made the 
great mistake of attacking Flushing only, and the army was 
ravagfed by fever. It is of some interest to notice that, 
although the organiser of the expedition has been blamed, 
Wellington approved of it. He wrote to Castlereagh on 
August 25th, " It may be satisfactory to you to know 
that I don't think matters would have been much better jf 
you had sent your large expedition to Spain instead of the 
Scheldt." The chances of Austrian success now looked dim 
indeed, and, contrary to the> strenuous advice of Count Stadion, 
the Treaty of Vienna was signed on October 14th. Napoleon 
did not spare the Emperor, for not only were Salzburg, Berch- 
tesgaden, and the district of the Inn given to Bavaria, but 
Western Galicia and Cracow were added to the Grand Duchy 
of Warsaw. Nor did he forget his own desire for more terri- 
tory, and the district between the Adriatic and the Save were 
made into the Illyrian Provinces under his own rule. The 
humiliation of Austria was completed by the harsh punish- 
ment of the Tyrolese insurgents and the execution of Hofer at 
Mantua in February, 18 10. 

The downfall of Prussia and Austria did not end the 


aggressive conduct of Napoleon. As early as 1808 he had 
ordered Miollis to occupy Rome, and in May, 1809, he seized 
the Papal States. The Pope very naturally refused to recog- 
nize the confiscation and was imprisoned at Savona, where 
be remained for three years until transferred to Fountaine- 
bleau . The differences between Napoleon and the Pope date 
from the summer of 1801, when the Concordat was nego- 
tiated. As soon as the Pope's assent had been given. 
Napoleon proceeded to push the authority of the State beyond 
the limits agreed upon. The Organic decrees reaffirmed the 
former " Galilean articles " by which the power of Rome was 
modified in various ways and the finality of the Pope's deci- 
sions denied. A further complication was added by the 
Pope's reluctance to enforce the Continental blockade. 
Napoleon seems to have determined that stronger measures 
were necessary, and aimed at making the Papacy an appen- 
dage of the French Empire. Pius showed signs of yielding, 
but negotiations were delayed until Napoleon's falling for- 
tunes reversed the situation and the Pope was released, 
in March, 18 14, on the demand of the Allies. The 
political effects of Napoleon's Church policy were indeed of 
considerable importance. At first he had excited a certain 
amount of enthusiasm, which very rapidly changed to hatred. 
The Roman Catholics, especially the powerful society of the 
Congregation, arid the Jews, turned against him. Napoleon 
laboured under a delusion that the Pope must be passively 
obedient to the Emperor of the French. It was partly his 
scandalous aggression agaitist the Papacy which caused the 
Spaniards to rise and make that patriotic movement in 1808 
which helped so much to bring about the collapse of him 
whom they regarded as an infidel. Napoleon looked upon the 
Papacy as a puny power that could be crushed or moulded 
as he liked. He learnt, too late, that the Pope had supporters 
all over Europe who were aroused by these actions to a spirit 
of resistance that no army could ever crush. The struggle 
made by the Pope undoubtedly increased the prestige of the 
Papacy, and the policy of peace and restoration of Pius VII. 
appealed far more to the world than Napoleon's interests and 
ambitions. The chief result of Napoleon's interference with Pius 
was, without question, the formation of an opposition which, if 
intangible, nevertheless helped to free Europe from despotism. 

N.E. K 


The struggle had, however, still to continue for some years, 
and on the surface Napoleon seemed to have gained complete 
supremacy in 1810. He had humiliated his brother Louis, 
and obliged him to resign the crown of Holland because 
he would not enforce the Continental system. At the same 
time Hamburg and the Hanseatic towns were annexed for the 
purpose of holding the mouths of the Elbe and the Weser 
against English commerce. Undoubtedly by this time Napo- 
leon had brought about in France, Italy, and the Confedera- 
tion of the Rhine many social improvements by the abolition 
of feudalism and the working of the Code. Prussia was at the 
feet of the French Emperor, while he divided the dominium 
maris Baltici with the Czar Alexander. This powerful alliance 
caused Canning's failure to conclude a treaty with the King- 
dom of Sweden which was forced to relinquish any connec- 
tion with Great Britain. The whole of Northern Europe was 
entirely under French dominion by troops being concentrated 
in solid formation from the river Elbe to the river Niemen. 
But powerful as Napoleon appeared, there was a limit to his 
schemes which he failed to recognize. The hatred of the 
Papacy and of the Spaniards, as already mentioned, was a 
danger that could hardly be avoided. To the fresh movement 
towards nationality and patriotism, which was again making 
itself evident in Central Europe, there was to be added the 
attitude of the Courts of Austria and Prussia, which must 
sooner or later lead to a renewed outbreak of war. The days 
had passed when it was merely a war of Cabinets ; the hatred, 
fear, and dread of Napoleon had permeated to the people ; 
and now he had to uphold the Continental system, with the 
object of Great Britain's ruin, contrary to the wish of all Euro- 
pean nations. The Emperor's position was therefore super- 
ficially strong, but there were many cracks in the edifice that 
foretold catastrophe. 

The restlessness of Napoleon was well illustrated in France 
during the years 1809 to 181 1, when he continually changed 
his ministers. In January, 1809, Talleyrand was attacked 
in public ; and by June Fouche, owing to the illness of 
Cr^tet, became chief minister. In the August of the following 
year Fouch6 was dismissed, and was succeeded by General 
Savary,* whose character was of the worst, for Napoleon said 
♦ A. J. M. Savary (i774-iii33). 


of him " I like him ; he would kill his own father, if I bade 
him." Two months later Dubois * was replaced by Pas- 
quier,t an old Royalist and Councillor of the Parliament of 
Paris. At the beginning of 181 1 more rapid changes were 
inaugurated. Portalis,J thfe General Censor, was succeeded 
by General Pomimereul,§ a man now well advanced in years. 
Daru took the place of Maret as Secretary of State when the 
latter was sent to the Foreign Ofifice, in place of Champagny,|| 
who was dismissed. 

The greatest change, however, and a cause of those already 
mentioned, was the divorce of Josephine in December, 1809, 
and the marriage with Marie Louise of Austria in the follow- 
ing January. Napoleon was undoubtedly puffed up by the 
magnificence of this alliance, and his ministerial changes 
were largely due to this fact ; they illustrate a distinct ten- 
dency towards the employment of Royalists and foreshadow 
an aristocratic reaction. Important )as were the results of 
the marriage in the internal affairs of France, they were far 
more so in external politics. The Austrian matrimonial 
alliance snapped the link between France and Russia. 
Napoleon had made overtures for the hand of the Czar's 
sister, the Grand Duchess Anna and though the pro- 
posal had met with opposition from the Empress Dowager, 
Napoleon's sudden withdrawal was a personal slight. 
Alexander had long recognized the fact that he had gained 
nothing from the Treaties of Tilsit and Erfurt. He was 
ashamed of his sacrifice of Prussia when he saw Napoleon's 
treatment of that country. He was, too, particularly annoyed 
by the increase of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw and the seizure 
of the Papal States in May, 1809, of Holland in July, 18 10, 
and of Oldenburg in December, 18 10. He had found that 
the alliance with France was a hindrance rather than an assis- 
tance in his designs on Constantinople. The Continental 
blockade had proved very injurious to Russian commerce ; 
the export trade declined and the country was cut off from 
the best supplies of coffee, sugar and other commodities. In 
December, 18 10, Alexander began to admit colonial vessels 

* E. L. Dubois de Craned (1747-1814). 

f E. D. Due de Pasquier (1767-1862). 

% J. M. Portalis (1778-1858). 

§ Francois Renfe Jean, Baron de Pommereul. 

II J. B. N. de Champagny (1756-1834). 

K 2 


to the Russian ports, and during the following year the pro- 
hibition on British goods was gradually abandoned. 

The position and character of Napoleon had also been 
changed. He was no longer the champion of revolutionary 
principles, but rather the successor of the great empire- 
builders of the past and the author of a gigantic scheme of 
personal and family aggrandisement. Starting life as a 
Republican general, he had now reached dazzling heights. 
He had posed before the world at first at the deliverer 
of oppressed nations, as the champion of the serf, as 
a worker in the cause of downtrodden humanity. In 
1812 the whole situation was reversed ; he had in turn 
become a despot and oppressor ; he cared nothing for the 
serf of Poland or the peasant of Prussia ; his purposes were 
entirely confined to his own ambitions and bis own schemes 
of conquest. 

Alexander saw that for the safety of Russia war was now 
inevitable, but he was forced to delay the actual outbreak for 
two reasons. The first was his anxiety to see if he could 
by any means win the Poles to his side ; while the second 
lay in the fact that he was already engaged in war with 
Turkey. In 18 10 the Russians had utterly defeated the 
Mohammedans at Battin, and this led to the Treaty of 
Bucharest in 1812. Bessarabia was ceded to Russia; 
while the boundary between the two Powers was to be 
the river Pruth. Wallachia and Moldavia were restored 
to the Sultan. The Turkish war having been satisfac- 
torily concluded, war with France became a possibility. 
Unfortunately, Russia could not look to Prussia as a possible 
ally, for Hardenberg, sacrificing enthusiasm to prudence, 
offered the support of the North German kingdom to France. 
It was for this reason that the patriot Scharnhorst ^resigned 
and many Prussian officers tendered their services to the Czar. 

Alexander I. took the final step in March, 18 12, and war 
was actually declared against France on April 1 2th . He was 
joined in this action by Sweden, under Bernadotte, the afore- 
time marshal of Napoleon. This alliance was the natural 
outcome of the Treaty of Frederikshamn in 1809, by which 
Russia gained Finland. Napoleon worked with wonderful 
energy to raise a force to crush the Czar. He soon collected 
400,000 men in East Germany ; though the commissariat 


was not by any means equal to the task of maintaining such 
a number. The Poles enthusiastically supported him. Their 
ambition, the re -establishment of the ancient Polish kingdom, 
had long been dreaded by Alexander, who foresaw that an 
attempt would be made to recover the territory which Russia 
had annexed. At a diet on June 26th the kingdom of Poland 
was declared to be re-established, though Napoleon refused 
to hold out any hopes of restoring its old frontiers. 
For the moment he had no intention of giving offence 
to Austria. On June 24th the army, perhaps 600,000 
strong, crossed the Niemen and invaded Russian Poland. It 
was indeed a momentous day in the history of the world, 
for when Napoleon really started on this celebrated cam- 
paign he also decided his ultimate fate. The French endea- 
voured to bring to action the Russians under the command of 
Prince Barclay de Tolly,* who retreated until he joined Prince 
Peter Bagration.f De Tolly's movement was really masterly 
and exactly the right strategy to adopt. But it was naturally 
disheartening to the Russian people, and he was therefore 
recalled. The new general, Kutusoff,^ after a stubborn fight, 
was utterly defeated on September 7th at Borodino ; but 
the victory gave nothing to Napoleon except the possibility 
of advancing on Moscow, which he did, without very 
serious loss. He entered Moscow to find it deserted, 
and within a few days three-fourths of it in ashes by the action 
of its Governor, Count Feodor Rostopchin.§ 

On October 19th Napoleon ordered the retreat that was to 
be the most terrible in history. His army now consisted of 
only 108,000 men and 569 guns. Prince Kutusoff led a 
force to meet him on a southerly route at Taroslevetz^ 
which he had to evacuate after a bloody fight on Octo- 
ber 23rd. Kutusoff, however, barred the road to Kaluga, 
and by the time the army reached Wiazma it numbered no 
more than 49,000 tnen. At the end of the first week of 
November the horrors of a Russian winter began to be 

* Michael, Prince Barclay de Tolly (1761-1818). 

■j- Prince Ivanovich Bagration (1765-1812) ; fought at Austerlitz, Eylau, Fried- 
land ; died from wounds received at Borodino. 

X Michael Kutusoff, Prince of Smolensk (1745-1813) ; fought against the Turks ; 
defeated Davout and Ney at Smolensk. 

§ Feodor Vassilievich, Count Rostopchin (1763-1826) ; a favourite of the 
Emperor Paul ; appointed, by Alexander, Governor of Moscow ; a versatile vvriter. 


experienced. The army hastened forward to Smolensk, 
expecting to find food and warm clothing ; but tTie organiza- 
tion had broken down, and they found neither. On Novem- 
ber 17th Kutusoff allowed Napoleon and the main army to 
pass him at Krasnoi, but fell upon the rear and took 16,000 
prisoners. Marshal 'Ney and a few troops only escaped by 
crossing the Dnieper. At the crossing of the Beresina, bn 
November ,28th, the Russians cannonaded the French, who 
were still further discomforted by the collapse of a bridge. 
Napoleon saw the complete ruin of his schemes if he waited 
with his army, and so, on December 3rd, hastened to Paris, 
leaving the remnant of his men under the command of Murat. 
The Niemen was crossed on December 13th, and it was 
Eugene Beauharnais who led back into Prussia between 
90,000 and 100,000 men out of an original army of 600,000, 
which during retreat had been joined by reinforcements at 
different times to the number of 100,000. The horrors of 
this celebrated retreat were not so much due to the rigours of 
the winter, nor to the national rising amongst the Russians 
themselves, but rather to Napoleon's own great mistake in 
setting out to accomplish an impossibility in the time given. 
It is now universally agreed that it was madness for him to 
drive so large a force into the heart of Russia, even though the 
ancient capital of Moscow was his objective. If an invasion 
of Russia had to be made, his army might have wintered at 
Smolensk. The fact was that Napoleon was on the down- 
ward path ; he was degenerating as a leader of men and as 
a strategist. His creative genius, his personal influence, his 
command of men, were all declining, but with this decrease in 
the very essentials of success his schemes became more vast 
than ever before. 

It is, however, certain that, disastrous as had been the 
Moscow campaign. Napoleon was not entirely without advan- 
tages on his return to Western Europe. In Germany there 
was as yet no sign of concerted action. Prussia was quite 
unable to raise an army to a war footing as quickly as had 
been hoped, and the King had not the will-power, the quick- 
ness, the resolution to take any decisive actibn. The king- 
dom of Prussia was in a state of disruption ; and neither 
financial ruin nor a disordered Government could help to 
create a great military force. Russia, too, had suffered in the 


attack on Moscow. Although the war spirit ran high', there 
were factious quarrels, for one party under Alexander wished 
to carry the war against France into the heart of Europe and 
to become the deliverer of that Continent ; while the other, 
under the commander-in-chief, Kutusofif, wished to terminate 
the war at the frontier. It was better understood by the 
General than by the Czar that the Russian soldiers were far 
outnumbered by the French even after the disaster ; land 
it was well known that the organization of the French army 
of new recruits was far superior to the indiscriminate way in 
which the Russian force was composed. The whole of Europe 
was ready enough to growl against the oppressor, but Napo- 
leon was aware that he was still feared ; and, although he 
lacked good cavalry and tacticians, he had every chance of 
raising new forces in those countries which still supported 
him, such as France, Italy, Illyria, the Netherlands, and the 
greater part of Germany. 

On the other hand, the Emperor had lost his veterans, and 
any new army that he might call into being must lack the 
strength of the old, and would never have the heart in the 
struggle that he had in his great days been able to inspire. 
The war would necessarily in the future be very different to 
what it had been in the past. The spirit of all the peoples of 
Europe had been roused in a way that had never, hitherto, 
been shown. The misfortunes of Prussia had helped her to 
revive ; a great moral force revealed itself, and all classes 
now flew to arms . The national poets, such as Karl Theodor 
Korner,* inspired the people with their songs of liberty, and 
were, at the same time, ready to lay down their lives for their 
fatherland. Scharnhorst, Gneisenau,f and Hardenberg came 
forward again to help Prussia in her hour of need, and the 
first, in creating a national army, did much to liberate 
Germany from the despot. 

The Moscow campaign made a profound impression 
throughout Europe, and men felt that a new era was about 
to dawn . In December the shilly-shally policy of the Prussian 

* Karl Theodor Korner (1791-1813) ; virote Der Griine Domino, Der Nachwdchter 
Zring, Leier und Schwert ; the latter published after his death in 18 14. 

+ August Wilhelm, Graf Neithardt von Gneisenau (1760-1831) ; joined Prussian 
army 1786 ; fought at Saalfeld and Jena 1805 ; defended Colberg 1807 ; fought at 
Leipzig and Waterloo ; field-marshal of the Prussian army 1831. 


King was settled for him by General Yorck making the Con- 
vention of Tauroggen, and his troops joined the Russians. 
Stein was made the official of the Czar in East Prussia, and 
immediately convened the Diet of Konigsberg, which ordered 
a levy of arms against France. The distracted Frederick 
William fled from Berlin to Breslau, and in February, 1 8 1 3, 
concluded with the Czar the Treaty of Kalisch. By this 
alliance Russia was to obtain that part of Poland which had 
hitherto belonged to Prussia. The kingdom of Prussia was to 
be restored to the old boundaries of 1806. Russia promised 
to supply I 50,000 men and Prussia 80,000 against Napoleon. 
At the same time Sweden, by the Compact of Trachenburg in 
July, allied with Great Britain in resisting the common foe. 
Germany was also aroused ; Austria was most anxious to 
throw off the yoke of France ; Prussia's hatred was no less 
deep and steadfast. Saxony, Bavaria, and the rest of the 
Confederation were still in alliance with Napoleon ; but a 
change might happen at any moment, for Stein was beginning 
to create in the minds of all thinking Germans the noble 
image of a common and beloved fatherland. 

The allied forces of Russia and Prussia were ready as 
early as March, 18 13, when the Russian general Wittgen- 
stein* entered Berlin in conjunction with General Yorck .f As 
military monarchies at this time, it is noticeable that Russia 
and Prussia were very different. It was obvious that Russia 
might be beaten in the struggle, but there was no chance of 
her being held by the conqueror. The Russian people were 
most warlike, but their chief want was organization and 
method. As a counterbalance to this there was the one 
central figure round which to rally — the Holy Czar, head of 
the Greek Church. Incessant wars in Turkey and the Cau- 
casus had given to the Russian army generals of considerable 
experience and merit ; but, unfortunately, there had been no 
change in tactics for many years. On the other hand, the 
people of Prussia were peaceful and industrious. They had 
no one like the Cossacks, with their dash and fire, but this lack 
was compensated for by their splendid organization. Prussia 
had not the mineral wealth of Russia, but Stein and Scharn- 

* L. A., Prince Wittgenstein (1769-1843). 

■]■ Hans David Ludwig Yorck von Wartenburg (1759-1830) ; entered the 
Prussian army 1772 ; field-marshal 1821. 


horst had done much to encourage the resources of the country 
since 1806. In particular, as has been shown, the army was 
entirel}- reformed, and by the creation of regulars, militia, 
and reserve, together with the abolition of the obsolete tactics 
of Frederick the Great, the Prussians had a great national 
force of very considerable strength and a population pecu- 
liarly suitable for organised effort. On the whole, therefore, 
though Prussia could only supply about half the number of 
men, they were at least as formidable as the Russian forces, 
for the superior organization made up for the want of 
numbers, and the Prussian army was after all only the 
vanguard of an armed nation. 

The War of Liberation of 1 8 1 3 did not meet with the 
response that might have been expected. Kutusoff, Bliicher, 
Wittgenstein, and others did their best, though they have been 
accused of losing their great opportunity when the French 
were divided. Bliicher counted every moment lost that kept 
him from battle, but agreement was almost impossible, and 
the hopes of raising Saxony caused delay, and to no purpose. 
After some fighting in March and April between the Allies 
and Beauharnais, the serious campaign began in May. On 
the 1st of that month Napoleon fought the Allies at Gross- 
gorschen, near Lutzen, and although he was victorious, the 
Allies were not crushed. A fortnight later the French 
Emperor entered Dresden. The Allies were obliged to fall 
back, but on May 2 1 st Alexander, Gortchakoff * and Bliicher 
stopped at Bautzen, on the Spree. This river Napoleon 
crossed on the morning of the 20th, and on the next day 
fought a strategically indecisive battle. The French were 
severely handled, and had the allied generals been able to 
agree. Napoleon would not have called Bautzen a victory. 
He pushed his wearied regiments in pursuit of the 
Allies. They were exhausted, and had Napoleon pressed on 
he might have been able to crush them enti'rely. But he 
was ill-supplied with cavalry and nervous about the attitude 
of Austria. He halted in the moment of victory and con- 
cluded a seven weeks' armistice on June 4th at Plasvi^itz. 

Up to this time Austria, under the guidance of Metternich, 
had stood aloof. This was chiefly due to two things. In 

• Alexander Gortchakoff (i 764-1 825). 


the first place, Mettemich * disliked the reforms of Stein 
and did not wish to aggrandise Russia ; secondly, being 
a diplomat before all things, he intended only to join the 
alliance when it suited him. After the armistice of June 4th 
he offered to Napoleon to act as mediator and bring about 
a general peace. On June 27th Metternich signed with the 
Allies the Treaty of Reichenbach, by which he promised to 
join them if Napoleon did not accept his terms. From France 
he demanded the restoration of the lUyrian Provinces and 
generally, the withdrawal of Napoleon from his interference 
in Germany. A proposed conference at Prague in July and 
August on these terms proved abortive, and Austria there- 
fore declared war on August 12th. 

Castlereagh wrote very strongly to Lord Aberdeen, 
then ambassador at Vienna : " Your lordship will collect 
from these instructions that a general peace, in order 
to provide adequately for the tranquillity and independence 
of Europe, ought, in the judgment of His Majesty's Govern- 
ment, to confine France at least within the Pyrenees, the Alps 
and the Rhine ; and if the other Great Powers of Europe 
should feel themselves enabled to contend for such a peace, 
Great Britain is fully prepared to concur with them in such a 
line of policy. If, however, the Powers most immediately 
concerned should determine, rather than encounter the risks 
of a more protracted struggle, to trust for their own security 
to a more imperfect arrangement, it never has been the policy 
of the British Government to attempt to dictate to other 
States a perseverance in war which they did not themselves 
recognize to be essential to their own as well as to the common 
safety." This was written on August 6th, but Metternich 
failed to persuade Napoleon to accept his terms. 

Napoleon did not hesitate to take immediate steps. He 
despatched Oudinot against Berlin, but he was defeated by 
Bernadotte at Gross -Beeren on August 23rd. Macdonald had 
also been sent into Silesia, but he was defeated by Bliicher on 
the river Katzbach three days later. Napoleon himself re- 
turned from seeking Bliicher in Silesia, and by the battle of 

• Clemens Lothar Wenzel, Prince Metternich (1773-1859) ; Austrian Minister 
at Paris 1805; concluded Treaty of Fontainebleau 1807; foreign minister of 
Austria 1809 ; very prominent at the Congress of Vienna, 1814-15 ; the repre- 
sentative of reaction 1815-1848 ; fled to England 1848 ; retired to his castle on the 
Rhine 1851, 


Dresden on August 26th and 27th saved the city from 
Schwarzenberg.* The Allies were forced to retreat, but, while 
doing so, utterly defeated Vandamme f in a two days' fight 
(August 29th and 30th) at Kulm, in the Bohemian mountains. 
The French fought well, but were forced to give way ; 1 0,000 
prisoners were taken with large quantities of stores and 
cannon. Ney,:[: who had replaced Oudinot, was utterly 
defeated at Dennewitz by Biilow on September 6th. The 
success of the Allies did much to encourage them, and Ney 
might well exclaim " I have been totally defeated and do 
not yet know whether my army has reassembled. The spirit 
of the generals and officers has been shattered." Such was 
the feeling at that time, and the Allies renewed their promises 
at the Treaty of Toplitz on September 9th. It was there 
agreed that the members of the Rhenish Confederation were 
to maintain their power but to resume their independence. 
This was particularly the work of Metternich, who was 
opposed to any national German policy. Baron von Stein 
had hoped for a rising of the whole German people and had 
strongly advocated a national parliament. Metternich, how- 
ever, dreaded the thought of popular agitation, and regarded 
Stein's schemes of dethroning the petty princes and setting 
up the people in parliament as ultra-radical and savouring 
of a revolution as excessive as that of France. By the Treaty 
of Ried, which was signed on October 3rd, Bavaria deserted 
Napoleon and joined the Allies. The complexity of the 
system of alliances hindered decisive action. Schwarzenberg 
showed no power of initiative. Bernadotte, the Crown 
Prince of Sweden, was interested chiefly in the annexation 
of Norway, and, more remotely, in his prospects of succeed- 
ing to the French throne. Bliicher was the only man who 
pressed for energetic measures, and he succeeded in getting 
the Allies to move across the Elbe on the same day as the 
Treaty of Ried. 

At last the Russian, Prussian, and Austrian forces closed in 

* K. P. von Schwarzenberg (1771-1820). 

t Dominic Ren^ Vandamme (1770-1830). 

J Michel Ney (1769-1815); general of brigade 1796; general of division 1799 ; 
marshal 1804 ; fought at Elchingen 1805, and at Jena, Eylau, Friedland ; took 
part in the Peninsular war and the Moscow campaign ; fought at Lutzen, Bautzen, 
Dennewitz, and Leipzig ; joined Louis XVIII., but returned to Napoleon ; shot 
as a traitor, 


upon Napoleon at Leipzig. For three days (October 16-19) 
the desperate battle of the three nations raged. Napoleon 
was crushed, and by November 2nd was in full retreat beyond 
the Rhine, defeating on the way the Bavarian army at Hanau . 
At Leipzig Napoleon lost 40,000 killed and wounded, 
30,000 prisoners, and 260 guns. The Allies themselves 
had suffered terribly, for in those three days the total of their 
killed and woimded was about 54,000. The campaign itself, 
taken in conjunction with the battle, was proof of Napoleon's 
failing powers. It was the second great example of a failure 
in his once masterly strategy. He still had some of the very 
best of generals, as, for example, Marmont and Ney, but he 
himself did not show his usual coolness and decision in hand- 
ling the campaign. His army was no longer composed of 
veterans, but in many cases of unseasoned troops, some mere 
boys. There was, therefore, not only a want of mobility that 
is only obtained by long experience, but a lack of the 
training and the staying power that had distinguished 
the earlier army. Napoleon certainly had a grip upon the 
throat of Saxony, but that was hardly essential, and as long 
as he retained that grip he was unable to attack the most 
vulnerable points of his enemies. It is supposed that he 
would have done infinitely better had he moved to the 
strongly fortified Magdeburg and made that his centre for 
attack upon Berlin. His advances were not sufficiently deci- 
sive ; he ought to have crushed one of the three Powers and 
then moved against the two. It is possible that he was mis- 
taken in making his stand upon the line of the Elbe, which 
was capable of being turned, and was so isolated that defeat 
involved a long retreat across Germany. 

The results of the Battle of Leipzig were of the greatest 
consequence for Europe. The French garrisons at Drfesden, 
Dantzig, Ciistrin, Stettin, and Torgau were surrendered, 
though for the time being those at Magdeburg, Hamburg, 
and Mainz held out. Denmark, by the Treaty of Kiel, was 
forced to abandon the Napoleonic alliance in January, 18 14. 
The King of Saxony was taken prisoner, and his kingdom, 
together with Berg, was put under the administration of 
Stein. Brunswick and Oldenburg received their old rulers ; 
the Kingdom of Westphalia was broken up, and Jerome fled ; 
the Rhenish Confederation joined the Allies to a man ; and 


the great Empire of Napoleon collapsed. Norway was ceded 
to Sweden ; while Holland was freed by Graham and Biilow* 
and restored to the son of the dispossessed Stadtholder. 
Terms were offered to the French Emperor at Frankfurt on 
November 9th, but these were put off with indefinite replies^ 
for he was to surrender all conquests beyond the Alps and 
the Rhine. The terms were withdrawn on December ist, and 
the Allies determined to invade France. 

Stein made strenuous efforts, and by his intervention with 
the Czar the invasion was made in the last week of 18 13. 
Schwarzenberg made a detour through Switzerland to Cham- 
pagne to capture the Plateau of Langres, which was of some 
strategic value. Bliicher was allowed to take the direct route, 
and on December 31st crossed the Rhine near Coblenz. For 
the first few weeks of January the monarchs and diplomatists 
waited at Langres, expecting to hear of terms from Napoleon. 
Some indeed, Metternich in particular, wished to stop the 
advance, but the Czar threatened to carry it on by himself, so 
that Austria had to give way. Napoleon showed wonderful 
strategy. His advantage consisted in the fact that the roads 
to Paris have to cross the river system by a series of bridges . 
An inferior force, occupying a central position, had an oppor- 
tunity of crushing opponents in detail, whenever they 
emerged from the shelter of the rivers. This advantage was 
conceded to the French by Schwarzenberg's failure to support 
Bliicher. Napoleon hoped to cut off Bliicher at St. Dizier 
before he could reach Schwarzenberg, but the Prussian was 
too quick and had got as far as Brienne before overtaken 
by the Emperor. An indecisive battle took place, and 
Bliicher joined the Austrians. Napoleon was now far out- 
numbered and was defeated on February ist at La Rothifere. 
Once again Schwarzenberg held back ; had he pushed on 
the wai- might have been concluded. On February 5th a 
conference met at Chitillon-sur -Seine. The Allies demanded 
that France should retire within the boundaries of 1791, 
giving up Belgium, the left bank of the Rhine, Savoy and 
Nice . Caulaincourt f was instructed to propose that France 

* F. W. Bulow (1755-1816) ; Count von Dennewitz. 

t Armand de Caulaincourt (1772-1827) ; general of division 1805 ; Minister of 
Foreign Affairs 1813 ; supported Napoleon and received a peerage of France in 


should retain the boundaries of 1797. But his success pre- 
sently nerved Napoleon to make a final effort before confess- 
ing defeat. In the meantime Bliicher left Schwarzenberg to 
move towards Troyes, while he made an independent advance 
on Paris. His plan was carelessly executed, and he was 
suddenly attacked by Napoleon himself. In four days 
Bliicher, Yorck and Sacker suffered a series of defeats, which 
in turn led to the defeat of Schwarzenberg when coming to 
Bliicher's assistance. The Austrians fell back towards Lan- 
gres, and the Prussian general was expected to concentrate 
with Biilow from Holland. These extraordinary successes 
made Napoleon demand far more from the Congress of 
Chitillon which had reassembled on February 17th. His 
demands were far too great ; even Austria could not tolerate 
the arrogance of his proposals, and by the Treaty of 
Chaumont on March 9th the Powers bound themselves to go 
on with the war until France was reduced to the limits of 
her territory before the Revolution. The Emperor fol- 
lowed Bliicher to the north with every hope of capturing him 
before he united with the army of General Biilow. Napo- 
leon was mistaken, and Bliicher met the Russian General 
Winzingerode * coming south . Together they advanced on 
Laon, when ;Marmont was defeated on March loth and the 
Emperor was obliged to retreat. He lost valuable time in 
making a detour to join Oudinot,f and on March 19th found 
himself confronted by 100,000 men under Schwarzenberg 
at Arcis-sur-Aube. After one day's fight he saw that his 
only chance was to tlireaten their communications, thus 
leaving Paris open. The armies, therefore, of Schwarzen- 
berg and Bliicher advanced on the capital, a mere detachment 
of cavalry being left to hoodwink the Emperor. The 
first attack on Paris was made on March 30th. Marmont 
had only a disheartened force, and by noon the capital 
of France had capitulated. The next day the Allies entered 
in triumph and the despotism of Napoleon seemed at 
an end. A provisional Government under Talleyrand was 

* Ferdinand, Baron von Winzingerode (1770-1818) ; at Dresden ; in Holland ; 
at the Congress of Vienna. 

f Charles Nicolas Oudinot(i 767-1847) ; fought at Austerlitz, Jena, Ostrolenka, 
and Friedland ; created marshal of France 1804 ; occupied Holland 1810 ; fought 
in Moscow campaign ; became under Bourbons a Minister of State and commander- 


at once appointed, and on April 2nd Napoleon was de- 
throned, and four days later the House of Bourbon was 
recalled. On April loth Wellington completed his Penin- 
sular War successes by the defeat of Soult at Toulouse, and 
at the same moment the treaty was signed which brought the 
first Empire of France to an end. The once all-powerful 
General was still allowed to bear the meaningless title of 
Emperor, and, with a considerable fortune and a bodyguard, 
was forced to retire to Elba, which was to be both his princi- 
pality and his prison. 

On April 29th, 18 14, the Count of Provence came from 
Hartwell in Buckinghamshire to take over the throne of his 
long line of ancestors, and was immediately proclaimed 
Louis XVIII. The Allies were anxious to be as lenient as 
possible with a Sovereign who had nothing to do with the long 
years of aggression and with a country that had been the tool 
of an unprincipled despot. For this reason the first Treaty 
of Paris, which was signed on May 30th, was by no means 
harsh. The dominion of France was once again to be con- 
fined within those borders that had been hers in 1792. No 
indemnity was to be asked in return for the colossal expen- 
diture that Napoleon had caused in every European country, 
and all the art treasures, except those trophies from the Bran- 
denburg Gate of Berlin and the Library of Vilma, were left 
in the hands of France. It was an extraordinary act of gene- 
rosity not only to allow to France freedom from burdens that 
she had placed on others, but also to allow her to retain the 
outcome of twenty years' spoliation and rapine. Mauritius 
was ceded to England ; Holland was to be restored to the 
House of Orange, and the Dutch Colonies were given back, 
except Essequibo, Demerara, and the Cape of Good Hope, 
the latter being actually purchased by Great Britain. The 
Colonies of France which had fallen to British sea-power were, 
restored, except Tobago, St. Lucia, and lie de France. In 
June, Louis published his Charter of the Constitution, dated 
" in the nineteenth year of our reign." There was to be a 
chamber of hereditary peers, and a chamber of Deputies, con- 
sisting in the first place of the existing deputies and in the 
future to be elected on a high franchise. The chamber of 
deputies was to initiate money-bills ; otherwise the initia- 
tive in legislation was to lie with the Crown. The Catholic 


religion was recognised by the State, but toleration was 
guaranteed : liberty of the Press was granted, but modifi- 
cations were foreshadowed. The Charter was, explicitly, a 
concession, and not an agreement between Sovereign and 
people. From the first the situation needed firm resolution 
and tactful handling. The Treaty of Paris associated the 
restored monarchy in the eyes of the nation with a national 
humiliation — no small matter in the case of a people who had 
been so long bribed with glory. The work of financial re- 
trenchment was delicate. In the face of a large deficit 
expenses had to be cut down, while obnoxious taxes were 
maintained ; so that unpopularity with those who suffered 
by the curtaililng of the National services was not counter- 
balanced by any gratitude from the general taxpayer. The 
soldiers of the Empiire, in a special degree, felt slighted by 
the favour shown to emigres, while Monsieur and the Ultras 
remained unsatisfied because the whole structure of the ancien 
regime was not restored ; the nation was feverish and ner- 
vous. Only time could cure, but a firm and enthusiastic 
leader might powerfully assist by soothing fears and curbing 
animosities. Here only the Government of the Restoration 
may be said to have failed . Talleyrand at Vienna did France 
masterly service ; Baron Louis showed courage in his hand- 
ling of the financial problem ; but nowhere — least of all in 
the King himself — was the inspiring force which was needed. 
Paris soon recovered from her enthusiasm for the Bourbon. 
All over the country the peasant began to fear for his hold- 
ing ; even the stories of a general massacre of terrorists were 
widely current. France was growing restless, and Napoleon 
hearing the news in his island prison determined to strike 
at once. He landed near Cannes on March ist, i8i 5, and was 
joined by Soult, Massdna, Augereau, and Ney. He then 
moved to Grenoble, supported heartily by the populace and 
the military. Napoleon's advance caused Louis to fly over the 
border ; and on the Emperor's arrival in Paris he immediately 
appointed a ministry of his old servants, Fouch^, Carnot, 
Maret,* and Cambac^res. He then employed Benjamin 
Constant f to draw up a convention resembling somewhat 

• H. B. Maret (1763-1839). ' 

f H. Benjamin Constant de Rebecque (1767-1830) ; for some time at Oxford ; 
settled in Paris 1795 ; banished by Napoleon 1802 ; friend of Madame de Stael ; 


the Charter of the Constitution. It was called the Acte 
Additionnelle, and provided for the establishment of two 
Houses of Parliament, Peers and RepresentativeSj which 
should share control with the Executive. About the same 
time Murat deserted the Allies and rose on behalf of his own 
master. He attacked the Papal States and pushed forward 
against the Austrians ; but on this occasion fortune was 
against the trimmer, who was defeated at Tolentino, and 
Ferdinand was restored. 

On the night of June i ith Napoleon started for the 
northern frontier to attack the British and Prussians, who 
were covering Brussels from the west and east. Two days 
after the start 129,000 French were concentrated at Beau- 
mont and Philippeville . Wellington was at Brussels with, to 
use his own words, " an infamous army, very weak and ill- 
equipped, and a very inexperienced staff." His total force 
consisted lOf about 95,000 of British, Dutch, Germans, and 
Belgians. The Prussians were as an outpost screen at Char- 
leroi, but were driVen thence on June 14th and retreated to- 
wards Ligny, on which Bliicher concentrated his main force. 
Two days later Bliicher, with a numerically superior army, 
met Napoleon, who was commanding a finer army of veterans 
than he had had since the retreat from Moscow. Bliicher was 
defeated, but Napoleon miscalculated the pertinacity of the 
Prussians, who, he thought, must retire eastward to Namur. 
This was a great blunder, for had Napoleon continued against 
the Prussians the cause of the Allies would have been ruined. 
As it was, Bliicher was allowed to escape northwards to join 
Wellington. The British had, on the same day as the battle 
of Ligny, attacked Ney at Quatre Bras. Between the twio 
battlefields General d'Erlon,* with an army corps forming 
Ney's reserve and part of the left wing, was called to Ligny 
and then back to Quatre Bras, but arrived too late to prevent 
Ney's defeat. 

The Prussians, under the leadership of Gneisenau, Bliicher 
being for the moment incapacitated, fell back to Wavre, 

returned to France 1814 ; wrote in favour of constitutional government after 
1815 ; a member of the Chamber of Deputies 1819 ; wrote among others De la 
Religion and Adolphe. 

* Jean Baptiste Drouet, Comte d'Erlon (i 765-1 844) ; fought in the Peninsiflar 
War, and in Belgium ; fled to Bavaria 1815 ; Governor-General of Algeria. 

N.E. L 


while Wellington, who had foreseen the Prussian defeat at 
Ligny, retired to Waterloo on July 17th, closely pursued 
by Napoleon. Bliicher sent a message to Wellington that he 
would join him and that they would fight the great battle 
together. Grouchy for some unexplained reason had 
failed to keep the Prussians in sight ; while Napoleon had 
calculated only on having to attack the mixed force under 
Wellington, extending for two miles along a gentle slope 
crossing" at right angles the road from Charleroi to Brussels. 
On the right was the chateau of Hougomont, while in the 
centre there was the farmstead of La Haye Sainte, both of 
which were used as fortified outposts. 

On the morning of Waterloo, Wellington with 70,000 men 
was obliged to fight a defensive battle so as to give time for 
Bliicher to come up. The main feature of the contest was 
the steadfast resistance of the British army to all the attacks 
of the French, culminating in the final onslaught of the 
Old Guard, and its complete repulse in the late after- 
noon. Wellington, seeing that the Prussians, at last, 
began to press in on the French right, gave the order 
to advance, an action which was made perfectly safe on 
the arrival of the Prussian main army. Thus the con- 
verging Anglo-Prussian forces routed the French with 
the Prussians hard upon their heels, and a death-blow 
to the ambitions of Napoleon was finally struck. The 
loss in that great battle was terrible ; the British losses 
were put at 13,000; the Prussian at 7,000; while the 
French are said to have suffered to the extent of 30,000. 
It was a victory of supreme importance. Great as had 
been the naval battle of Trafalgar, which saved England 
from invasion, Waterloo was greater still. In the first battle 
Great Britain was saved from the clutches of the most cele- 
brated of all commanders ; but in the second Wellington and 
Bliicher did a service to the whole of the civilized world. 

Napoleon made some efforts to rally his dispersed forces 
at Philippeville and Laon, but these proved ineffectual, and he 
fled to Paris, which he reached on June 21st. The -Assembly 
having declared against him, Carnot and Lucien Bonaparte 
begged him to seize the dictatorship, but he refused and 
abdicated in favour of his son. On Jime 28th the Prussians 
appeared to the north of Paris, and after Davout had pro- 


claimed the capital incapable of defence a capitulation was 
signed, and the Allies entered on July 7th. In the meantime 
Napoleon had escaped to Rochefort with the hope of taking 
ship to the United States. He lingered too long ; and, 
fearing capture, he embarked on H.M.S. Bellerophon, trusting 
to the good nature of the English to find him a happy resting 
place until his opportunity came again. The lesson of the 
year 18 14 had not been learnt in vain, and when Napoleon 
found himself off Plymouth he heard that the verdict 
had been passed upon him and he was henceforth to remain 
a prisoner on the ocean-girdled rock of St. Helena, where he 
died in 1821. 

Napoleon had without doubt made many mistakes since the 
Treaty of Tilsit. His perseverance in the Continental system ; 
his rousing the national spirit of the Spaniards ; the unwar- 
rantable attack upon the Papacy ; the oppression of Prussia ; 
the quarrel with Russia and the Moscow campaign ; the 
position of his armies after the Conference at Prague ; 
his steady refusal of terms, and the gradual alienation of 
France — all show him to have been liable to the errors of 
humanity. And yet it may truly be said that there was some- 
thing of the superhuman in this giant among generals. He 
was the greatest soldier the world has ever seen ; but with 
all his brilliancy as a leader, he never entirely forgot the 
necessities of his country. To France he brought the greatest 
curse of unrest and desire of aggrandisement, but he also gave 
to her internal prosperity. It was Napoleon who allowed the 
return of the emigres, though he angered, by his action, his 
own marshals and generals . Under his rule education was 
increased, technical schools and semi-military lycees were 
instituted throughout France. The Legion of Honour, which 
he created in 1802, tended to form a new aristocracy to 
take the place of that which had been so shattered by the 
Revolution. Public works, roads, canals, town improvements, 
were all undertaken at his command. By his Code of 2,281 
articles he established law and order ; he freed the land from 
feudal burdens ; he encouraged the division of property in 
the interests of equality ; and the law of persons was 
improved by toleration in religion and equality in possession. 

The violence and the volume of Napoleonic legislation are 
to a certain extent compensated for by its splendid achieve- 

L 2 


ments. If Napoleon's rule affords many examples of 
deplorable errors, at the same time it must be acknowledged 
thai his administrative system was wonderfully successful both 
within the kingdom of France and in those foreign countries 
that came under the direct influence of the Emperor. There 
was behind the system the momentum of a great person. The 
men employed were inspired by the vastness of the schemes 
of their leader. He above all men could lead, encourage, 
force and coerce. Nothing was allowed to be slipshod, 
nor was there any tendency to badly done work, for the 
officials regarded themselves as the bearers of glad tidings, 
the messengers of intellectual illumination. On the other 
hand, it is only fair to point out that the ruthless pillage of 
art treasure ; the bribery and corruption ; the tribute of men 
and money ; the unfair exclusion of the Powers from French 
markets — all tended to ruin a system that had great possi- 
bilities. Two things in particular contributed to its failure. 
The first was the unstable, restless, and suspicious character 
of the Emperor himself, owing to which he lost after a short 
time the good will of his officials. The second was the fact 
that time was not given him to develop his schemes. Had 
he ruled some years longer, there is little doubt that he could 
have established such a body of civil servants by whom he 
would have governed his dependencies with skill and 

France needed, after the heat and burden of the Revolu- 
tion, the very strongest possible government, and this 
Napoleon undoubtedly gave. The long struggle resulted in 
much for which France should still bless the great Emperor. 
He gave her social equality, political order and the " career 
open to talents ; " his rule was above petty factiousness 
of party and unwitti'ngly he healed the schisms in the 
Church. But his schemes were too vast to continue ; he 
tmdertook far more than any human being could carry out. 
To him France owes the loss of her Rhine frontier ; to his 
lust of possession France owes her curtailed domiinion to- 
day ; to him France owes much of her history for the next 
century . 

Although more has been written on Napoleon Bonaparte 
than upon any human being, yet his character must ever 
remain something of a mystery. He once said of himself 


, — , 


















j; ■ 





















1 H 






" I am Revolution," and many still regard him as the captain 
of militant democracy. Certainly at times he was hysterically 
violent, but his emotions never influenced his actions. To 
the Englishman of his day he was the avowed enemy of free- 
dom, a tyrant, a liar, and a criminal. In another aspect 
his work was not in vain, for he broke down the worn-out 
systems of Europe and prepared the way for the unity of 
Italy and the consolidation of Germany. The period of his 
rule marks the ascendancy of Great Britain ; her supremacy 
on the sea and in the colonies was assured. He endeared 
himself to France and to her splendid soldiers ; he had won- 
derful histrionic powers and he was a finished actor in all 
his relations with men and women. He has been regarded 
as the greatest of human beings and as a villain who set 
back the clock for a century. But whether he is regarded 
as a soldier, a legi'slator, a liberal ruler, a despot, or a bully, 
it is difficult not to accept the verdict of de Tocqueville, " He 
was as great as a man can be without virtue." 




*H. A. L. Fisher 

*Cambridge Modern 


Chesney . 

English Historical 

Galvani . 
*H. B. George . 

Hamley . 


Jeffery (editor) 




*J. H. Rose 



Vandal . 

Welschurger . 


Bonapartism. igo8. 
History, Vol. ix., igo5 

Histoire de I'expedition de Russie. 

Waterloo Lectures. 
Review, Vols, v., viii., x., xi., xiii., xv., xvii., xviii. 

Murat et ses derniers jours. 

Napoleon's Invasion of Russia. i8gg. 

The Art of War. 

Campaign of 1815. 

Dyott's Diary, 1781-1845. 

Sea-power and the War of 1812. 

Leipzig Campaign. 

Memoirs (translated). 

The Campaign of Waterloo. 

Life- of Napoleon L igo2. 

Life and Times of Stem. 

L'Histoire de I'expedition en Russie. 

Napolion et Alexandre. 



I Bog. The Dulce of York charged with maladministration. 
Duel between Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning. 
Mr. Perceval succeeded the Duke of Portland as Prime 

1810. The case of Sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Abbott. 

Mr. Brand brought forward a motion for parliamentary 

Mr. Grattan proposed a motion on behalf of the Roman 

George III. became permanently insane. 

181 1. The Regency Bill. 

The outbreak of the Luddite riots. 

1812. Lord Castlereagh became Foreign Secretary. 
Mr. Perceval is assassinated by Bellingham. 
Lord Liverpool became Prime Minister. 
War with the United States of America. 

1813. The Roman Catholic Relief Bill brought forward by 

Mr. Grattan is dropped. 
The charter of the East India Company was renewed. 

1814. The visit of the aUied Sovereigns to England. 
The capture of Washington. 

The Treaty of Ghent. 

1 81 5. The repulse of a British expedition at New Orleans. 


The Campaign. 
The retreat of the French. 

The Dawn of 
a New Era. 


Gener.-il hope 

of crushing 

the despot. 

The Convention Stein appointed Sweden allied with 
ot Tauroggen. in East Prussia. Great Britain. 

Yorck's troops Diet of Konigsberg. 
deserted France. | 

Levee en masse. 

Austria becomes 

Destruction of French Army. 

Napoleon a 
changed man. 

Nations as well as 
Cabinets aroused 
against Napoleon. 


Stein created 
the image of 
a fatherland. 


Flight of Frederick 
William to Breslau. 

Treaty of Kalisch, 
Feb., 1813. 

Cavalry gone. Heterogeneous Marshals 
character of glutted 

new army. with glory. 


The Treaty itself. 

Wittgenstein and Yorck 
entered Berlin, March. 

Treaty of Reichenbach, June. 
Austria declared war, August. 

Russian Army 
100,000 men. 

Prussian Army 
80,000 men. 

Prussia confined to 
boundaries of 1806. 

I Gross Beeren. 
The Battles] Katzbach 


, Kulm. 

( Dennewitz, &c. 

Renewal of 


at Tiiplitz. 

Treaty of Ried. 

Bavaria deserted 

The campaign 

of 1813 

a failure. 

Napoleon's defeat at 
Leipzig, October. 

French garrisons in 

Germany forced 

to surrender. 


King of Saxony a 

prisoner ; his dominions 

administered by Stein. 

Kingdom of 
broken up. 


Denmark forced 

to desert 

the French. 

Norway ceded 
to Sweden. 


ceded to 

Great Britain. 

Holland restored 

to the House 

of Orange. 

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Previous Contemporary Events in the History of Russia, Poland, and Turkey 

Date. Russia. Poland. Turkey. 

1762, Accession of Catherine II. 

1764. Church property united to Stanislas Poniatowski elected 

the State. 

1768. War with Turkey. 

1769. Russian victory on the 


1770. Russian naval victory at 


The confederation of Bar to War declared to help the 
exclude foreigners. Polish patriots. 

Defeat of Turks in Moldavia. 

The Confederates failed to seize The Turks lost the Crimea. 
the King. 

1772. Russia gained White The first partition of Poland. 

Russia, and the land 
beyond the Dnieper. 

1773. Cossack rebellion on the Changes in the Constitution. 


Accession of Abdul Hamid. 

1774. Russia gained from the 
Turks Azof and Kin- 



The Treaty of Kutchuk- 

Final ratification of the Treaty 

of Partition. 
The Diet of Grodno. 

1779. Russia renewed her treaty 

with Turkey. 

1780. The armed neutrality 

against England. 
1784. Russia retained the Crimea. 

1787. Sweden declared war on 


1788. St. Petersburg threatened The Four Years Diet begun. 

by Gustavus III. 

1790. End of the Swedish war 
at the Treaty of Verela. 

The Treaty of Constantinople. 
Suvorof defeated the Turks 
at Kinburn. 
Suvorof took Ochakof. 

Suvorof won the battles of 

Fochshani and Rimnik. 
Succession of Selim III. 
Capture of Ismail by Suvorof. 

For many years the kingdom of Poland was in the unenvi- 
able position of being the bone over which the dogs wrangled, 
and which in the struggle was broken in pieces. It was^ in- 
deedj the intense weakness of Poland that made that country 
an easy prey for the greedy kingdoms along her borders . The 


chief weakness of Poland lay in the vices of her Constitutjion . 
Instead of a sovereign with autocratic powers the King was 
an impotent character who could never make his office strong, 
for each one was elected by the party temporarily in 
power. Such an unsatisfactory state of affairs could not have 
continued had Poland possessed a sturdy middle-class cap- 
able of making its voice heard. The mi'ddle-class did not 
exist, and the nobles were the only so-called representa- 
tives of the nation in the Diet. One of the most absurd 
rules existed in conducting the business of the National 
Assembly ; the liberum veto was a drawback to all quick 
and progressive legislation, and necessitated complete unani- 
mity in every decision of the Diet. Besides these very obvious 
drawbacks the Confederation was not law-abiding. But the 
danger of Poland lay not completely in the want of a 
sound Constitution. There were plenty of spaces in her 
armour that invited the sword -thrust of the opponent. 
Russia had long wished to complete the power of the 
Greek Church, and had worked strenuously to embrace 
within the orthodox fold the whole of the Slav people. 
Poland was the stumbling block, for the Poles were almost 
to a man believers in the Roman Catholic faith. Prussia, 
too, had looked upon Poland with dislike, for by her 
means Eastern Prussia was severed from Brandenburg, 
and formerly the religious question had been prominent, 
for the Prussian Kings were the German champions of 
Protestantism. In any aggressive movement of either of the 
two northern Powers Austria had to be taken into considera- 
tion and conciliated. It was for this reason that Austria had 
her share in the first dismemberment of Poland in 1772. It 
was not, however, until three years later that the Polish Diet 
was persuaded to acquiesce in the robbery. The Polish Con- 
stitution was guaranteed by the Powers as a sop, but they 
annexed Polish territory ; and a Council was called into exist- 
ence which was under the tutelage of the Czar. The Russian 
strip ,of territory consisted of Polish Livonia, Vitebsk and 
other palatinates near the Dnieper. Prussia annexed 
Polish Prussia, except Dantzig and Thorn, and part 
of Greater Poland ; while Austria accepted as her share |the 
province of Galicia. It was indeed a direct and illegal seizure, 
but Poland was too weak at home and without friends abroad. 


From 1775 until 1786 the influence of Russia was pre- 
dominant, but it began to wane when the Turks declared 
war against the Northern Empire in 1787. 

The momentary overthrow of Russian dominance brought 
Prussia forward in Polish affairs. When the "Four Year;s 
Diet " toet at Warsaw in 1788 the Prussians were friendly, 
and, on March 29th, 1790, a defensive alliance was con- 
cluded. The attitude of Prussia was governed by no senti- 
mental considerations, but depended upon her general policy 
in the East of Europe. In the early months of 1790, the 
scheme most favoured was to unite the members of the Triple 
Alliance — Prussia, England and Holland — with as many other 
Powers as possible in a determined effort to crush Austria 
and Russia, who were engaged in the Turkish War. Hertz- 
burg, on the other hand, proposed that Prussia should 
mediate in the Turkish War, and in the subsequent jnego- 
tiations obtain Dantzig and Thorn as compensation. But 
both schemes were defeated by the adroitness of Leopold II., 
the new Emperor ; and with them disappeared Prussia's 
interest in the Polish Alliance. The Diet continued to 
talk about reform, and in December, 1790, rather than 
retire, fresh elections were held and the numbers weDe 
doubled. On May 3rd, 1791, King Stanislas Poniatowski 
made a great effort to overcome all the absurd obstruction 
that hedged in every action of the Diet. He took upon him- 
self to propose a new Constitution, and in this he was sup- 
ported by Ignatius Potocki,* Kollataj, and the Czartoryskis .f 
He won over the nobility as a whole, and all of them except 
twelve were ready to take the oath, which was administered 
in the cathedral. 

The new Constitution contained many of the points that 
were most needed to revive Poland from her moribund state. 
The puppet King was to be a thing of the past, and in his 
place there was to be a Sovereign with so much personal power 
and initiative that he could, by his own commands, suppress 
all attempts at disorder. The old elective character of the 
succession was declared null and void ; henceforth the throne 
was to be hereditary and pass to the Elector of Saxony, whose 

* Ignatius, Count Potocki (1750-1809). 

t The two were Prince Adam Czartoryski (1734-1823), and his son Adam 
George (1770-1861). 


ancestors had sat upon the throne of Poland in the eighteenth 
century. The army was to be under the complete control of 
the King, who had also the full right of nominating all 
members of the Senate and all officers of State. At last, 
and most wisely, the liberum veto was to be suppressed and 
the working of the Diet made more manageable. It was to 
consist of two Chambers, meeting every two years and 
including representatives of the towns. As to religion, 
the Roman Catholic faith was to be recognized by the 
State, but henceforth there was to be toleration for all. 
The promulgation of this Constitution, which in so many 
ways was excellent, came as a great surprise to Russia, and 
was indeed a direct act of defiance to Catherine .II. The 
religious question was definitely decided without Russian 
interference — and this was bad enough — but, in addition, the 
Elector of Saxony had been declared the successor of 
Stanislas Poniatowski. 

The Swedish and Turkish troubles had in the past few 
years kept Russia too busy to take any active share in Polish 
questions. But in August, 1790, a peace had been made 
with Gustavus III., and there was every sign of a conclusion 
of the Turkish War. Catherine now made it her object to 
restore Russian influence in Poland, but she saw the trend 
of affairs in Europe, and, as has already been shown, she was 
left free to carry out her schemes when the rest of Europe 
allied to fight the French Revolutionaries after the execution 
of Louis XVI. in January, 1793. Austria was in no easy 
position. Leopold II. had to remember that, as Holy Roman 
Emperor, he must fight the battle of kings ; he partially 
realized the danger in which his sister Marie Antoinette was 
placed, and his attention was naturally diverted to the West. 
At the same time he was bound in his own interests to keep 
his eyes turned towards Poland. He realized that a strong 
Polish State in the north-east was the mainstay of Roman 
Catholicism in Germany itself ; and he hoped by means of his 
influence in Poland to retain his influence in North Germany. 
Busy as he was, therefore, he is supposed to have stimulated, 
or at any rate not discouraged, Stanislas in his reform 
schemes. The third interested Power was Prussia. The pro- 
posal in the Constitution that the House of Saxony should 
succeed to the Polish dominions was extremely distasteful 


to Frederick William II. Prussia then wanted and was deter- 
mined to have Dantzig and Thorn. If Saxony became the 
possessor of Poland Prussia's greedy desires would be 
thwarted. The Prussian minister Hertzberg * ^recommended 
the King openly to denounce the Constitution ; but he was not 
retained in office, and his successor Bischofiswerder, a Saxon 
by birth, proved himself of a less stern disposition, and his 
advice and proposals were vacillating. He cannot be entirely 
blamed for this, for the circumstances made European diplo- 
macy by no means easy. At the moment, owing partially to 
French troubles, Prussia desired the alliance of Austria, and 
Prussia was not anxious to lose this alliance when there were 
possibilities of war with Russia over the terms of her settle- 
ment with Turkey. For this reason, then, Frederick William 
II., on May i6th, 1791, thought that the wiser plan was to 
approve the Polish arrangement. He declared, however, 
that if it should so chance that an heiress should succeed to 
the Polish throne she must not marry from the royal houses 
of Russia, Prussia, or Austria. The Prussian settlement was 
not altogether pleasing to Austria, and it was only after some 
difficulty that Bischoffswerder on July 25th obtained from 
Leopold a reluctant agreement. 

This apparent settlement left Poland perfectly happy, but 
from that moment dangers appeared on every side. On 
January 9th, 1792, Catherine II. concluded her war with 
Turkey by the Treaty of Jassy, and she was now left with a free 
hand to interfere in Poland. On January i8th Frederick 
William succeeded to Ansbach and Baireuth in Southern 
Germany. Austria was jealous of the intrusion. The Poles 
were soon to learn that Prussia was no friend. Frederick 
William showed evident signs of disliking the Constituton 
which he had pretended to accept, and he based this dislike 
upon the character of the arrangement, which he pleaded 
was too much in favour of Austria. On February 7th, when 
the agreement with Austria was confirmed at the Treaty 
of Berlin, he altered the words of his agreement from 
" the " Constitution to " a " Constitution, which made all the 
difference. The death of Leopold had a very grave effect 
upon the situation. Up to this time the Minister of Austria 
had not advocated war, but the new Emperor, Francis II., fell 
• E. F. von "Hertzberg (1725-1795). 


into the hands of those who were ready enough to use warlike 
threats. The Girondist Ministry in Paris forced the Powers 
to turn westward, and, after the declaration of war on April 
20th, 1792, Prussia and Austria were engaged in that 
struggle which has already been described. The moment 
had therefore come for Catherine II., and she wasted no time 
in seizing her opportunity. 

The new Constitution had been submitted to the Elector 
of Saxony, but in April, 1792, he declared that he could only 
accept on such conditions that he might as well have 
refused point blank. The Polish malcontents, under Felix 
Potocki, Francis Branicki, and Severin Rzewuski, supported 
and protected by Catherine, formed on May 14th the Con- 
federation of Targowice, a town in the palatinate of Broclaw, 
near Human. Their objects were to restore the old system 
that had so long proved the curse of their country. Four 
days after the formation of this confederation the Czarina 
publicly informed the Diet that it was her intention to support 
the demands of the malcontents . Twenty -four hours after the 
announcement two Russian armies were on their way to 
enforce Catherine's wishes, and the one entered Poland, the 
other Lithuania. 

It was at this moment, and on other similar occasions, that 
the Poles showed that they really loved their country. Every 
confidence was at once expressed in their King Stanislas, 
and as a proof of their trust he was given supreme control over 
the army and revenue. He declared that it was his intention 
to defend his country and the new Constitution, that was to 
be its salvation, with his life. At the same time he despatched 
messengers to Prussia begging Frederick William to come to 
the assistance of that which he had promised to accept. 
Instead of assistance the Polish King received the stag- 
gering reply that the Pfussians had only guaranteed the 
old Constitution and not that of May, 1791. Stanislas 
was therefore without allies, but he had in his service one 
really great man, Thaddeus Kosciusko.* This courageous 
and noble-minded patriot was a Lithuanian by birth, and 

* Thaddeus Kosciusko (1752-1817) ; fought in the American War of Inde- 
pendence ; fought in the Polish War, 1792; in France 1792-94 ; Commander- 
in-chief of Polish Army 1794 ; captured at Maciejowice ; released by Paul I. ; 
died in Switzerland. 


had earned a considerable reputation in the American 
War of Independence, where he gained the rank of 
brigadier-general. He new fought magnificently against 
the Russians, especially at Zielence and Dubienka. In the 
latter engagement he, together with 4,000 Poles, held out for 
five days against 18,000 of the enemy. But the work of the 
patriot was undone by the inaction of the Sovereign in whom 
his people had put their trust. The inertness of Stanislas 
brought upon him and the country complete defeat, and 
within six weeks of their invasion the Russians held the whole 
kingdom in their grip . 

The danger of a fresh partition was avoided by the King's 
submission to the Confederation of Targowice. He was now 
reduced to a cypher, and his kingdom was temporarily 
governed by a convention under the leadership of Felix 
Potocki. There is no doubt that Catherine's success would 
have been impossible had it not been for the fact that the two 
Powers of Austria and Prussia were deeply engaged in fight- 
ing on behalf of the Bourbons. The aged and long-trusted 
Austrian minister, Wenzel Anton Kaunitz,* would have done 
what he could to have prevented Russia's aggression, but, 
after forty years' service in the princi|pal direction of Austrian' 
politics, he was dismissed from office. Francis II. signed 
a treaty with Catherine in July, which stated his approval 
of the restoration of the former Polish Constitution — 
an action imitated by Frederick William II. on August 7th. 
It is a noticeable fact that in neither of these documents 
is there any mention of partition. But it is evident that 
partiti;on and nothing else was at the back of the minds of 
these robbers. Austria and Prussia, partly for their own 
preservation, partly from duty, and partly from chivalry, had 
engaged in a bloody, somewhat disastrous, and expensive war 
on behalf of the downtrodden Hou^ of Bourbon. According 
to the traditions of eighteenth century diplomacy, such 
an engagement could not continue without distinct remunera- 
tion. It was impossible to ask Louis XVI. for a return 
for their support ; to have done so would have ren- 
dered his cause more unpopular than before. Where, 

♦ Wenzel Anton, Prince von Kaunitz (1711-1794) ; distinguished at the 
Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle 1748 ; ambassador to France 1750-1752 ; chancellor 
of Austria 1753. 


then, was the territorial gain to be obtained? It was 
on this question that the two Powers wrangled during the 
latter part of 1792. Prussia's proposal was very clever. 
Frederick William told Franci's that if he would agree ta 
Prussia's seizure of a large slice of Poland then Prussia would 
in no way object if Francis cared to exchange the Netherlands 
for Bavaria. The generosity of the offer did not appeal to 
Francis, for he saw at once that an exchange was no gain of 
fresh territory, and he need hardly have reminded the Prussian 
King that the Elector of Bavaria might not be so willing to 
make the exchange as was supposed. In compensation the 
Austrians demanded from Prussia the cession of Ansbach and 
Baireuth — a demand which sent Berlin into hysterics of fury. 
Before any conclusion had been reached the question assumed 
a very different aspect. Dumouriez after his victory at 
Jemappes had deprived Francis II. of the power of exchang- 
ing the Netherlands, for they had, by conquest, passed into 
the hands of the Revolutionary French. It was quite impos- 
sible for Austria to retire from the war without making an 
attempt to recover her dependency. This was not the case, 
however, with regard to Prussia. Frederick William there- 
fore took the opportunity of informing the Austrian ministers 
that if they did not fall into line with his agreements he would 
withdraw his armies. Austria was at a disadvantage, and 
on December 1 9th the Emperor very grudgingly agreed that 
Russia and Prussia should negotiate a settlement of the 
Polish question. For all this, Austria did not abandon what 
she regarded as her rights, and, although incapable of en- 
forcing her wishes, she still declared that she had claims on 
part of the unhappy kingdom of Poland. 

The squabbles of the two Powers had caused Catherine II. 
no little satisfaction, and, being perfectly conversant with the 
state of affairs, she readily met the demands of the Prussian 
King with increased demands of her own. On January 23rd, 
1793, the Treaty of Partition was signed. Prussia was at 
last to be allowed to take possession of Dantzig, Thorn, Posen 
and the remainder of Great Poland ; while Catherine 
acquired Eastern Poland as far as the centre of Volhynia and 
Lithuania. The confederates of Targowice were incensed 
at the action of Prussia and staggered that Russia should 
have been an accomplice. Austria learnt that she, too. 


had been betrayed. To the astonishment, fear, and 
wrath of the Emperor, he found that the immense gains 
of Russia had swallowed all that portion of Poland that had 
so long acted as a buffer State between the two great nations, 
and that now Russian territory was contiguous to Austrian 
frontiers. The infuriated Francis II. seized the opportunity 
of dismissing Philip Cobenzl * and Spielmann, who had con- 
cluded the negotiations with Haugwitz. In their place he 
raised to power Thugut, who from this time conducted 
Austrian foreign affairs. 

The Russians now took Poland in hand, and on June 1 7th a 
sham Diet met at Grodno. To the surprise of the Czarina the 
members exhibited most unexpected opposition to her desires. 
They appealed to- the two Powers to act with generosity. 
They turned to Sievers, the Russian plenipotentiary, hoping 
that he would influence Catherine and persuade her to act with 
magnanimity in this, their hour of trouble. With regard to 
Prussia they assumed a more courageous attitude, and 
demanded from Buchholz, the ambassador of Frederick 
William, that the Prussians should at once evacuate Polish 
soil. The answer they received from Sievers was most dis- 
heartening, for on July i6th, after vainly attempting to inti- 
midate its members, the Russians informed the Diet that if it 
did not at once proceed to the business in hand Russia would 
regard it as contumacious and there would be a renewal of 
the war. Fearing that such an outburst would be still more 
disastrous, the Diet was forced on July 23rd to make a treaty 
with the conqueror, by which Russia obtained legal possession 
of her provinces. The submission to Russian demands 
encouraged Stanislas in his attitude towards Prussia, arid a 
week after the treaty, hoping to be supported by the Czarina, 
the King of Poland again insisted that the Prussians should 
retire. At the beginning of September a treaty was proposed 
by which the Prussian territory should be more closely con- 
fined. This, however, did not suit Buchholz, who answered 
the proposition with a counterclaifn that the Prussian terms 
should be at once accepted. These waverings on the part of 
Prussia and Poland naturally kept Frederick William on 
tenter-hooks, and produced a most unsatisfactory campaign 
against the French. Had a definite decision been made at 

• Philip Cobenzl (1741-1810). 


Grodno the Prussian and Austrian forces might have made 
more successful warfare against the principles of the Revolu- 
tion. As it waSj neither country did its best, and the ministers 
of Prussia and Austria spent their time in useless recrimina- 
tions. By the end of the month of September Frederick 
William thought that it would be better if he proceeded 
to Poland in person, for Catherine II. had placed Prussia in 
such a position that it was almost dependent upon Russia for 
anything that it might obtain. Before Frederick William's 
advent Catherine changed her plans, and ordered Sievers to 
coerce the Diet into an acceptance of Prussian terms. Thus 
on September 25th, in an assembly " as mute as fish," 
domineered by the heavy hand of Russia, the treaty was 

The Diet of Grodno collapsed, and on November 23rd it 
came to an end. The behests of Russia had been obeyed, 
and the mutilated territory was deprived of the Constitution 
of May 3rd, and what was left of the once famous kingdom of 
Poland fell back into the ancient slough of weakness, incapa- 
city and despondency. Poland had indeed fallen into a miser-' 
able state, and worse soon followed. Sievers was replaced by 
the notoriously insolent and brutal Ingelstrom. The Con- 
stitution had promised much ; it had gained nothing. 
Military despotism of the worst type was now the rule under 
which the unhappy Poles were crushed. It was only natural 
that as the outcome of this harsh regime, secret societies were 
formed on all sides. Thaddeus Kosciusko, with many other 
patriots, sought refuge in Saxony, and there began to hatch 
innumerable plots for the restoration of Polish freedom. 
Their plans, however, met with little response. Certainly the 
French were most friendly disposed towards them, and would 
welcome any rising of the nation against the power of auto- 
crats ; but Poland was far away, and Napoleon had not yet 
risen to that exalted position in which he taught French 
armies to rush from one end of Europe to the other. Sweden, 
too, was naturally friendly. But the Swedish King knew, and 
the Polish patriots learnt to understand, that Sweden was 
incapable of attacking the combined forces of Russia and 
Prussia. Had Turkey been in the position that she had once 
proudly held then Poland might have found an ally among 
the very descendants of those who had a hundred years before 

N.E. M 


fled before Sobieski. Nor was it of any avail for the Poles to 
remember that Vienna had indeed once been saved by their 
gallant King. Vienna had long forgotten the obligation, and 
Thugut made them clearly understand that if he interfered at 
all it would only be to obtain a partition in which Austria 
was included. 

Kosciusko and his friends felt that the fates were 
against them and that their only policy was to wait. But 
events in Poland made delay impossible. Internal affairs 
hastened on what a more thoughtful policy would have post- 
poned. The growing unrest had not been confined to the 
exiles. A committee at Warsaw controlled a network of 
secret societies, which had adherents in all ranks. Ingel- 
strom, the commander of the army of occupation, was aware 
of the disaffection, but there were no traitors to supply evi- 
dence. He determined to disarm the Polish troops, a 
measure which precipitated the rebellion. The brigade pf 
Madalinski mutinied and refused to disarm. Kosciusko 
again came forward at his country's need and was proclaimed 
commander-in-chief. The Constitution of 1791 was re- 
newed and an appeal issued to the nation. The whole 
movement had been one of great rapidity, and his accept- 
ance of the leadership of the army on March 24th was 
a practical declaration of war against Poland's two 
oppressors, Russia and Prussia. The challenge was quickly 
accepted by the Czarina, and on April 4th the Poles and 
Russians again met at Raslawice. Here Kosciusko was 
successful, and the insurgents were correspondingly en- 
couraged. Ingelstrom, fearing that the revolt would 
spread, tried to disarm the soldiers in Warsaw, but was 
met with refusal. The soldiery soon had the city in their 
own hands, and in less than a fortnight the hated Russian 
ruler had been forced to evacuate the capital. Kosciusko was 
at once made dictator, and the war continued. On April 23rd 
the people of Wilna, in Lithuania, rose against their oppres- 
sors, and it was thought that at last Poland might throw 
off the insupportable burden. 

At this time Prussia was in a somewhat exhausted con- 
dition after two years' fighting without any appreciable gain. 
Frederick William had, however, entered into a treatiy 
at The Hague with Lord Malmesbury, by which a large 


body of Prussians were to attack France under the 
King. Events in Poland made this treaty so much waste - 
paper. The King of Prussia was far more interested in 
gaining territory in the East than in suppressing intangible 
principles in the West. He feared that he might not only lose 
the possessions he had gained, but that Austria might seize 
the opportunity of obtaining more . In May the King turned 
his back on France and concentrated his attention upon 
Poland, sending as many men as he could to the war, and 
following himself in June. Great Britain, realizing that he 
had repudiated the treaty, immediately withdrew the subsidies 
that had been promised in exchange for the Prussian army ; 
but to Frederick William Poii'sh territory was worth many 

Catherine II. had been taken by surprise. It is evident 
that she had regarded the ashes of disaffection as, stamped out, 
for she would not have renewed her aggression against Turkey 
had she believed that there was the least spark that might 
rekindle a Polish blaze. The military mutinies showed her 
that she had misjudged the recuperative powers of Poland, 
and she was obliged to alter her schemes and concentrate her 
forces upon the revolted kingdom. The Austrian interests 
were no less centred upon Poland than those of the other two 
northern powers. It was indeed because Thugut showed so 
much more inclination towards Polish affairs, following the 
example of Frederick William, that the French had one of 
the most extraordinarily successful years in military con- 
quest ; and, as has already been shown, the quarrels of the 
Allies, together with Polish politics, made the Revolu- 
tionists successful at home and abroad through the year 

Sentiment has generally been found to be on the side of 
the Poles. As a witty Frenchman once said, " Poland was 
a country to die for, but not to live in." That wonderful 
readiness of the Poles to lay down their lives has on many 
occasions won them the sympathy, though not the assistance, 
of all nations except Russia, Prussia, and Austria. And yet, 
though the Poles have always shown a willingness to die for 
their country's freedom, Poland could not succeed in winning 
her ancient liberties. The patriot Kosciusko was certainly a 
gifted man, but he was unpopular with the nobility, for he was 

M 2 


regarded as a democrat ; whilst the democracy mistrusted 
him for his comiection with the aristocracy. He had unfor- 
tunately no real army that could oppose the disci'plined forces 
of Prussia or the dashing warriors of Russia. The question 
of the emancipation of the peasants pressed for an answer, 
and Kosciusko had great difficulty in avoiding offence taken 
to the peasants or the military classes. The people of War- 
saw were well aware of the marvellous world-shaking revo- 
lution that was threatenihg the collapse of the old rules and 
methods of society, and many of them were stirred with a 
feverish anxiety to adopt the methods of the Parisian revolu- 
tionaries. Kosciusko had indeed hard material upon which 
to work, for there was a hatred of subordination ; discipKne 
was an unknown quality, and he was obliged to use severe 
measures . 

Kosciusko met his first military reverse on June ist at 
Rawka, and was forced to retreat to Warsaw. On June i 5th 
Cracow was taken by the Prussians. Frederick William had 
arrived at the capital on July 2nd, and ought to have stormed 
the city at once, but instead of doing so he sat down to a 
lengthy siege. For two months the city was beleagured, when 
suddenly on September 6th he was called away owing to 
rebellions in the provinces. In the meantime Wilna had capi- 
tulated to the Russians on August ist, and Suvorof was sent 
forward against the Polish insurgents. This man was the 
greatest general that Russia had produced. He moved with 
remarkable rapidity, and, as he moved, he cut down the Polish 
forces on every side. At the beginning of October Fersen, 
with a large force of Russian troops, received orders to amal- 
gamate with Suvorof 's army and combine to crush Kosciusko. 
That leader, however, determined to fall upon Fersen before 
he could reach the Russian commander-in-chief. The Poles 
met Fersen on October loth, and Kosciusko was utterly 
defeated at Maciejowice. He had fought with great courage, 
but, covered with wounds, he was captured by his enemies. 
It was at this moment, according to Segur's version, 
which, however, has no foundation, that he cried " Finis 
PolonicE ! " The story of the revolt practically ended with the 
capture of the great patriot. General Wawrzechi was placed 
in command of the rebels, but he was no fitting successor of 
their late leader. On November 8th, after a desperate struggle 


and terrible bloodshed, Suvorof defeated Zajaczek * and 
entered Warsaw. The freedom of Poland was at an end. 
The struggle had for its fruits only more terrible disasters 
than had already fallen upon that kingdom. 

Frederick William of Prussia had preferred to waste his 
time. He had let the golden opportunity slip, and had failed 
to seize Warsaw. Had he been successful in July the Rus- 
sians would not have been able to claim the suppression of 
the revolt. As it was it was again made possible for 
Catherine II. to dictate the terms that were to decide the fate 
of the Polish kingdom. Austria, too, had again been left 
behind in the race for territory. Thugut had dispatched 
15,000 men to assist in the suppression and win a portion of 
the perquisites ; but this army had only reached Lublin and 
had taken no part whatever in the struggle. Thus on 
January 3rd, 1795, Russia could claim the largest share in 
the partition, which was then arranged without the know- 
ledge of Prussia. The Russian frontier was to be from 
Galicia along the Bug to Brzesc. The line then passed to 
Grodno and along the Niemen to East Prussia. Austria 
claimed as her share Cracow, Sandomir, and the district that 
lies between the Pilica, Vistula, and Bug. The two powers 
decided that if Prussia would fall in with this arrangement 
Frederick William was to receive the residue of Poland. 
Catherine II. was also willing to enter into a secret 
agreement proposed by Thugut. She had the power of grasp- 
ing any rapid change of circumstance. To her Prussia had 
been the most satisfactory of allies as long as she was engaged 
in the seizure of Poland. But since Poland was now crushed, 
and there was no fear of her revival, Catherine immediately 
turned her attention to her old foe in the south. Austria had 
been of no value to Russia up to this moment, but if the 
dominions of the Sultan were to follow those of Poland, 
Austria would be the only possible ally and Prussia's friend- 
ship would be worthless. So Catherine accepted Thugut's 
secret scheme for the partitioning of Turkey, in exchange for 
which Russia was to support Austria in any possible war 
with Prussia, and to assist her to secure compensation in 
France or Italy. 

It was not till long after the Treaty of Basle with France 
* Josef Zajaczek (1752-1826). 


on April 5th — in fact, not until the second week of August— 
that Frederick William learnt the exact arrangement which 
had been made between Austria and Russia. To go to war was 
impossible, for he was isolated in Europe, and the only thing 
to be done was for Tauenzien to confer with Count Oster- 
mann * and Cobenzl. This led to a revised scheme of parti- 
tion, which was brought forward in October. It was then 
decided that Russia should keep what she had got, but that 
Austria should resign a small piece of her gains that 
lay between the Vistula, the Bug, and the Narew. A month 
later, on November 25th, Stanislas Poniatowski made his 
formal abdication, and died in St. Petersburg some two years 
later. The quarrels between Austria and Prussia still con- 
tinued, for no agreement could be reached as to the exact 
delimitation of their respective boundaries. Catherinel, 
satisfied with her own portion, spent the last few months of 
her life endeavouring to bring about a solution. She died on 
November i6th, 1796, seeing that she had failed to bring the 
two Powers to terms. But on January 26th, 1797, the final 
treaty was signed, and the three Powers agreed not to do 
anything that would recall the memory of the kingdom of 

' The brilliant Czarina, Catherine II., was succeeded by Paul, 
who was disposed to treat the Poles with kindness. He 
marked the first year of his reign by liberating Kosciusko, 
who found an asylum in Switzerland, where he died in 1 8 1 7 . 
A large number of Poles felt that now they had no fatherland. 
Residence in their ancient homes was no longer bearable. 
Many emigrated, and the most high-spirited took service in 
the French army, in which Joseph Poniatowski f distin- 
guished himself as a general under Napoleon. It had been a 
long-cherished hope amongst these emigrants that something 
might be obtained from the great European struggle ; but 
when they found that in the Treaties of Lun^ville and Amiens 
they obtained nothing they returned to their native land and 
readily accepted the amnesty. Those portions of Poland 

* A. J. Ostermann-Tolstoi (1770-1837). 

t Joseph Antony Poniatowski (1762-1813) ; fought on behalf of Austria 
against Russia in 1792 ; followed Kosciusko 1794 ; minister of war for the Duchy 
of Warsaw 1807 ; invaded Galicia 1809 ; distinguished himself at Smolensk and 
Borodino 1812, and at Leipzig 1813. 


which were tinder the rule of Austria or Prussia found that' 
it was the policy of their new sovereigns to make them 
German subjects in every sense. Russian Poland, on the 
other hand, found Alexander I. more sympathetic, as was 
evidenced by his gift of privileges to the University of Wilna 
in 1803. 

The ascendancy of Napoleon revived the hopes of many 
Polish patriots. When he had made himself apparently all- 
powerful after Jena, Poland began to stir again. Napo- 
leon, however, had no real feeling for the Poles, and in 1808, 
when he took from Prussia part of her Polish possessionsi, 
such as Posen, Kaliz, Plock, Warsaw, Lonza, and Bydgoszez, 
it was only to re-create them into the Grand Duchy of Wat- 
saw for his own purposes. Four years later the Duchy was 
enlarged by the incorporation of Sandomir, Lublin, and other 
cities, though Alexander did his best to prevent Napoleon's 
action. When he made his attack on Russia in 18 12 no less 
than 60,000 able-bodied Poles joined his forces, with the 
hope that he would restore their coiuitry's independence. 
Their confidence was misplaced, and they were coldly in- 
formed, " I have guaranteed to the Emperor of Austria the 
integrity of his dominions, and I cannot sanction any 
manoeuvre or any movement that tends to trouble the quiet 
possession of what remains to him of the provinces pf 

The Congress of Vienna resettled the Polish question. For 
some time it was one of the chief difficulties. Alexander 
was bent on making the Grand Duchy of Warsaw a depen- 
dency of Russia. By the Convention of Kalisch on Feb- 
ruary 28th, 18 13, Prussia had agreed to this in exchange for 
compensation. Her statesmen aimed at incorporating Saxony, 
but this met with vehement opposition from France, Austria, 
and England. War seemed imminent, but negotiations 
were resumed and a settlement was reached in February, 
1815. Austria was now to have, as in the past, the pro- 
vince of Galicia and the salt mines of Wieliczka, but she was 
obliged to resign Tarnopol, which she had already lost to 
Russia in 1809. Prussia obtained Posen and was allowed to 
keep those districts which had been granted in the first parti- 
tion. It was declared necessary for both Austria and Prussia 
to guarantee national representation and autonomous govern- 


ment. Cracow was to form an independent State. Russia 
obtained all the rest as a constitutional kingdom subject to 
the Czar. Large slice though this was, Alexander had had 
even greater designs, but they had been successfully thwarted 
by Castlereagh. During the Congress, Prince Adam Czar- 
toryski played such a part that the English P'oreign Minister 
wrote to Lord Liverpool that the Prince " although not in 
any official situation appears now the actual Russian minister, 
at least in Polish and Saxon questions." Czartoryski was to 
have been the viceroy under the new Constitution, but he 
incurred the displeasure of Alexander before the settlement 
was complete. 

The Polish Constitution was, in many ways, liberal and 
progressive. The country was to be governed by respon- 
sible miniisters, a senate, and a chamber of deputies. It was 
to have a national flag, national army, and national 
budget. The Press was to be free, and personal liberty was 
to remain unassailed. There was no attack upon the Polish 
language, and it was to remain the language of the country 
even in official affairs. The Roman Catholic faith was to 
have no special privileges, but was to be equal with all other 
beliefs. The only intolerant clause was that which excluded 
the Jews from the exercise of all civil functions. The Grand 
Duke Constantine was made commander-in-chief, and 
General Zajacznek viceroy. The new era seemed to be auspi- 
ciously opened. But the Constitution had contained language 
of great and dangerous vagueness in reference to some of the 
most important of individual liberties. In a few years a cen- 
sorship of journals was decreed and repression began again. 






*Cambridge Modern History. 
Castera . 
Chodzko . 

Ferrand . 
Korzon . 

Lelewel . 
MorfiU . 

Roepell and Caro 
Solovev . 

Sybel . 

Theodor Schiemann 
Waliszewski . 

Slavonic Europe. 
Geschichte Russlands, 1815-1830. 
, Vols. viii. and ix., 1904 and 1906. 
Histoire de Catherine II. 
La Pologne Historiqae, etc. 
The Russian Government in Poland. 
Histoire des trois demembrements de Pologne. 
Internal History of Poland under Stanislas 

Augustus Poniatowski. 
Poland at the time of the three Partitions. 
Histoire de Pologne. 

Histoire de la Russie. 
Geschichte Polens. 
Geschichte des Falles von Polen. 
The Eastern Question in the i8th Century 

French Revolution. 
Russland unter Kaiser Nikolaus I. 
History of Russia in the Reign of Catherine 1 1 . 
Romance of an Empress. 



1st Eudoxia = Peter the Great = 2nd Catherine I. 
I 1725-1727. 

Alexis, Anna. Ehzabeth, 

exec. 1718. 

Peter II., Peter III. = Catherine II., 

1727-30. 1762. I 1762-96. 



Alexander I., Constantine. Nicolas I., 

1801-1825. 1825-55. 

Alexander II., 

Alexander III., 

Nicolas II., 
born 1868. 




Contemporary Rulers of the most Important Nations 











George Francis 








in. II. 



William III. 





(since (since 








1760). 1792). 











George IV. 




Charles X. 


Nicholas I. 

For many years the course of European history had 
depended upon a single personality. If Napoleon did not 
act himself, the fear or the hafred of him, or the hope of 
hiis favour, had spurred others to action. When, in April, 
1814, he abdicated at Fontainebleau, the control of the 
Continent passed to his conquerors. In the face of the 
comm(5n danger they had forgotten, or laid aside, many of 
their selfish antagonisms, and, though often deflected by 
national or dynastic interests, the kings and statesmen were 
pledged and concerned, to a degree without precedent at 
similar conferences, to establish peace in Europe on stable 
foundations. It was their immediate task to establish order 
out of the chaos into which the Continent had been plunged by 
the breakdown of the Napoleonic system ; to assign govern- 
ments to a great area of territories in Germany, Italy, Poland 
and the Netherlands ; to dispoise, as the Statistical Com- 
mittee reckoned, of nearly thirty-two millions of "souls." 
Enlightened opinion had. sketched out for the Congress a far 
more ambitious programme : a permanent settlement of the 
equilibrium, the discovery of safeguards against its disturb- 


ance in the future, tentative disarmament, the aboli'tion of 
the slave trade, and the solution of other problems of universal 
interest. Their expectations were not fulfilled. The pleni- 
potentiaries at Vienna were still, in spite of their greater 
seriousness, the representatives of the older Europe which 
had suffered eclipse and now reappeared with many new reso- 
lutions, but with memories also of the balance of power and 
the days of territorial rivalry. 

The boundaries of France, which, with some exceptions, 
remained as they were in 1792, were fixed at the Treaty 
of faris in May, 18 14. But the general resettlement of 
Europe was reserved for the Congress, which was appointed 
to meet at Vienna in August. Its opening was, however, 
deferred until September, and its members were not, in fact, 
ready to commence their labours until October had begun. 
Chief among the sovereigns attending the Congress in person 
were Alexander, Czar of Russia ; Francis, Emperor of 
Austria ; Frederick William III., King of Prussia ; Frederick 
VI., King of Denmark ; Maximilian Joseph, King of Bavaria, 
and Frederick I., King of Wiirtemberg. England was served 
by Castlereagh, and, after his departure, by Wellington. 
Russia's most influential plenipotentiary was Count Nessel- 
rode ; Prussia's representatives were Prince von Harden- 
berg and Count Wilhelm von Humboldt. Prince Metternich, 
Austria's first plenipotentiary, occupied an unique position 
among European statesmen, and was fortunate in possessing 
in Gentz, the Secretary of the Congress, a trusted lieutenant. 

The Congress was preceded by a trial of strength. The 
Four Allies issued, on September 22nd, a declaration of their 
proposed course of action. A committee, consisting of their 
own first representatives and those of France and Spain, was 
to prepare all matters of general interest for the considera- 
tion of the Congress. But from this scheme was excepted 
the distribution of the chief territories at the disposal of the 
Powers ; this they reserved for their private consideration. 
TalleyraJid protested against the exclusion of France, and 
rallied the lesser Powers to resist the encroachment on their; 
rights with such success that the committee, as finally com- 
posed, included the representatives of France, Sweden, Spain 
and Portugal, as well as those of Russia, Austria, Prussia 
and England. There was no formal ceremony of inaugura- 


tiion, but early in November the plenipofentiaries settled 
down to their task, which was to detain them until June of 
the following year. 

The fate of Poland was the most controversial of the ques- 
tions which the Congress was called upon to decide. Inti- 
mately connected with it was the problem of the kingdom 
of Saxony, which was generally considered to have been for- 
feited by the persistent loyalty of its sovereign, Frederick 
Augustus, to Napoleon. Almost equally important was the 
future of Germany and the organization of the German 
States. Besides this the Congress had to decide the fate of 
Italy and of the Netherlands ; to consider the claims raised 
by the plenipotentiaries of Sweden, Spain and other States ; 
to provide some form of organization for the Swiss cantons, 
and to take measures of security against the disturbance of 
the peace of Europe by France in the future. The representa- 
tives of Great Britain raised the question of the Slave Trade, 
and there was a strong body of public opinion which 
demanded the setting up of some tribunal, or scheme of 
arbitration, which should diminish the risk of war. 

In dealing with Polish and Saxon questions, the Congress 
had to take into consideration the pledges already inter- 
changed on these subjects by some of the Allies. At the 
convention of Kalisch, Russia and Prussia had made a 
definite bargain : Prussia was to be restored to a position 
equivalent to that which she had occupied previous to the 
war of 1806, and, in exchange for this, she resigned the 
greater part of her claims on Poland in favour of Russia. 
When Austria joined the alliance at Reichenbach on June 
27th, 18 13, it was agreed that the Duchy of Warsaw (repre- 
senting the ancient kingdom of Poland), should be shared 
between the three Powers. The former understanding, how- 
ever, still subsisted between Russia and Prussia. Alexander 
was urged, alike by his dream of re-erecting the kingdom 
of Poland under his suzerainty, and by the traditional 
Russian policy of encroachment, to interpret the agreement 
at Kalisch as a guarantee of the whole of Poland to Russia. 
Prussia was prepared to agree, on condition that she should 
be compensated by the cession of Saxony. At first it 
seemed unlikely that these claims would be effectively dis- 
puted. Metternich was equally afraid of Russian encroach- 


ments on the East and of the absorption of Saxony by 
Prussia, which would have exposed Austria all along her 
northern frontier ; but Castlereagh was disposed to agree 
to the Prussian claim in order to gain her support in 
moderating the Czar's demands. But Alexander's distrust 
of Metternich made negotiations difficult, and the population 
of Saxony showed a devoted loyalty to the monarch whom 
it was proposed to dispossess. Talleyrand seized the oppor- 
tunity to widen the rift, and by the beginning of the 
new year the Powers had drifted far apart. A triple 
alliance was concluded on January 3rd, 18 15, between 
Great Britaiii, Austria and France, in which the outbreak 
of war was actually contemplated. It was then that the 
lesson of the Napoleonic wars bore frui.t ; within a few 
days negotiations had been renewed in a more concilia- 
tory spirit, and early in February the Powers came to an 
agreement which was accepted by Frederick Augustus on 
April 6th. By it Prussia received rather less than half 
Saxony, while the remainder was restored to its former 
sovereign. On the Polish frontier she was content with 
portions of the departments of Posen and Kalisch, together 
with the town of Thorn. Austria was confirmed in the 
possession of her former share of Galicia. The remainder 
of Poland fell to Alexander, with the exception of Cracow, 
which was erected into an independent and neutral re- 
public . 

The territorial settlement of Germany gave Prussia addi- 
tional compensation. She was confirmed in all her pos- 
sessions between the Elbe, the Weser, and the Rhine ; by 
the cession of the Duchy of Westphalia, with neighbouring 
territories, Julich, Berg, and parts of Cologne, Trier, Luxem- 
burg and Limburg, she was established as the guardian 
of Germany on the western frontier ; and her possessions 
were connected by two military roads . On the north Swedish 
Pomerania was ceded to her by Denmark in exchange for 
Lauenburg. ,She was, however, cut off from the North 
Sea by the loss of East Friesland, which, together with 
the principality of Hildesheim, was handed over to Hanover 
in compensation for Lauenburg. In the south of Germany 
Austria recovered Tyrol, Salzburg and the Inn Quarter from 
Bavaria, which was compensated by receiving Wiirzburg, 


Aschaffenburg, and, by a supplementary treaty, a separate 
territory on the left bank of the Rhine. As an additional 
bulwark upon the western frontier, the Grand Duchy of 
Hesse-Darmstadt was given territories on either bank of 
the Rhine. With the same object the former possessions 
of Austria in the Netherlands were united with Holland 
under the rule of William of Orange, who also received the 
remainder of Luxemburg in exchange for the hereditary 
possessions of the House of Orange, now ceded to Prussia. 
The cities of Luxemburg, Landau and Mainz were con- 
stituted federal fortresses. Further south again the king- 
dom of Sardinia, in its quality of buffer State, was allowed 
to absorb the republic of Genoa, togetlier with the greater 
part of Savoy. 

In Italy and on the Adriatic, Austria received ample 
compensation for the moderation of her claims in Ger- 
many. Besides the provinces of Lombardy and Venetia,, 
which were annexed in April, 1 8 1 5, she recovered the 
districts of lUyria and Dalmatia ; Tuscany was restored 
to Ferdinand, the brother of the Emperor ; Modena was 
given to a Hapsburg prince, Duke Francis IV., heir 
of the house of Este ; Parma to another Hapsburg, 
Marie Louise, the wife of Napoleon. The Duchy of Lucca 
was assigned to the Infanta Maria Louise, the late Queen 
of Etruria, and her son, Charles Louis, reprtesentatives 
of the Spanish Bourbons. Naples had been unwisely guar- 
anteed to Murat by Mettemich in the treaty of January i ith, 
1 8 1 4, but Austria was saved from the consequences of 
this false step by Murat's manifesto and his invasion of 
the Papal States. Austrian troops occupied Naples, and 
Ferdinand was restored to the throne, as King of the Two 
Sicilies. The Papal States were restored to Rome, and 
Pius VII., though he formally protested agaiinst the loss 
of Avignon and the occupation of Ferrara by Austria, 
suffered little in respect to his temporal possessions. More 
serious was the transference of the Catholic inhabitants 
of Germany and the Netherlands to the Protestant sovereigns 
of the houses of Hohenzollern and Orange. 

The fate of Switzerland was settled by a special com- 
mittee. The difficulty was enhanced by the traditional 
animosities of the pantons, but the Powers were able to 


handle it with unusual success, because they were themselves 
less disturbed by considerations of personal interest. A 
preliminary settlement was agreed upon in March, 1815, 
and the neutrality of Switzerland was guaranteed on Novem- 
ber 20th. Three new cantons, Valais, Geneva, and Neuf- 
chatel, were added, and the whole was bound together 
in a loose federal association. 

The Congress had from the first accepted the obligation 
to provide some constitutional framework for the States of 
Germany. There was no serious intention of reviving the 
Holy Roman Empire in any form ; and, though Stein was 
in favour of uniting Germany under the supremacy of a 
single Power, neither Prussia nor Austria showed any de- 
cided ambition to assume the leadership ; rather each was 
bent on safeguarding its interests against possible encroach- 
ments by the other. Preliminary deliberations were 
assigned to a committee consisting exclusively of German 
States, and the subject was thus preserved from the 
disturbing influence exercised by Talleyrand elsewhere. 
Negotiations began in March, 18 14, and proceeded through- 
out the year. The committee held its first sitting in 
October, and Metternich laid before it a draft of twelve 
articles based on the proposals of the Prussian represen- 
tatives. Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, however, objected to 
a scheme which subjected them to a Federal authority, 
in which the two leading Powers had so great a prepon- 
derance, while the lesser princes claimed admission to the 
committee in order to safeguard their rights against the 
smaller sovereign States. The sittings of the committee 
were adjourned for five months. The air was full of 
conflicting proposals ; the greater Powers were at variance 
on the crucial questions of Poland and Saxony, and were 
not in a position to enforce a settlement. It was not till 
February, 181 5, when their private differences had been 
adjusted, that the Germany Constitution once more began to 
make progress. In a series of conferences extending from 
May till June the Federal Act was elaborated. On June 
8th it was signed by representatives of all the German 
Governments except Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, which re- 
sisted for a short time longer. The Act provided for a 
Diet of seventeen votes, presided over by Austria, and an 


Assembly of sixty-nine votes, to deal with questions of 
organic change. The members might not enter into alliance 
with a foreign Power either against the Confederation 
or fellow-members. In the final draft no Federal Judica- 
ture was provided. The Constitution thus outlined was 
to be placed under the guarantee of Europe. 

On June 9th, the day following that on which the Federal 
Act had been accepted, the Final Act of the Congress was 
signed by the representatives of seven out of the eight 
Powers . Spain remained obdurate, partly because the claims 
of the Spanish house had not been satisfied in Italy, partly 
because she was unwilling to restore Olivenga to Portugal. 
The Act did not contain any reference to questions of Inter- 
national arbitration or the Slave Trade, though the declara- 
tion of the Powers, in which its abolition was promised 
in general terms, was printed as an appendix. Nor 
was any mention made of the two groups of problems 
connected with the East aJid with the fate of the South 
American colonies which had revolted from Spain during 
the Napoleonic period. These omissions had important 
consequences, but it is not wonderful that the plenipoten- 
tiaries, impressed by the scope of their task, should have 
refused to include remoter considerations. 

Before reviewing the work of the Congress, mention 
must be made of the second Treaty of Paris, which was 
signed on November 20th, after the second abdication 
of Napoleon. By it some concessions of territory were 
made to the Netherlands and Prussia, and Landau and 
Mainz, besides Luxemburg, were constituted federal for- 
tresses. An indemnity of seven hundred millions of francs 
was exacted, and an army of the Allies was to be main- 
tained on the northern frontier for five yearis. France 
retained very nearly the boundaries of 1790, and was 
indeed stronger in virtue of the greater compactness of 
her territories. Of her colonial possessions only Guiana 
was mentioned in the Act, but Great Britain had already 
restored Guadeloupe and Martinique. 

Great Britain herself showed a remarkable — Napoleon 
thought a mistaken — modesty in her demands, considering 
the share which she had taken in the preceding campailgns. 
To Holland she restored her East Indian possessions, re- 

N.E. N 


taining only Ceylon. She kept Demerara and Cape Colony, 
andj in Europe, Heligoland, Malta, and a protectorate over 
the Ionian Islands . Actually she was tacitly conceded the 
most important of all advantages. In their restoration of 
the general equilibrium, the plenipotentiaries made no 
attempt to restore that balance of maritime supremacy 
which had been the motive of the great naval strug'gles 
of the eighteenth and earlier centuries. In commerce, on 
the seas and beyond them. Great Britain held a position 
which could not be improved by the decisions of a 
European Congress. 

Of the other Powers, Prussia suffered a most remarkable 
transformation. She gained little in population by the 
terms of the Final Act, and actually lost in the area of 
her territory as compared with 1805 ; was deprived of her 
former outlet on the North Sea ; failed in the cherished 
project of her diplomacy, the acquisition of the Saxon 
kingdom ; received, in compensation, an incoherent medley 
of territories. Yet the Congress laid the foundations on 
which Bismarck was to build. Austria, of her own accord, 
withdrew from the hegemony of Germany, though Metter- 
nich might pose as the arbiter of Central Europe. With a 
population now preponderantly German, Prussia was invited 
to lay aside the traditions of Frederick the Great, and to 
assume the guardianship of Germany on her western 
frontier. More than this, her fiscal policy, one of the 
most powerful cohesive forces of the nineteenth century, 
depended for its efficacy upon the way in which Prussian 
territories had been distributed in 1 8 1 5 . 

Austria, on the other hand, had concentrated her attention 
upon her southern frontiers. In compensation for the 
moderation of her demands in Germany, she resumed her 
control over North^n Italy and secured important outlets 
on the Adriatic Sea. Additions to her territory, chiefly 
on this side, gave her a large increase of population, while 
the honours of the diplomatic tournament may be said to 
have rested with her representative. Count Metternich. 
Only one danger threatened. In spite of his efforts the 
Austrian Emperor had not rid himself of the traditions 
of the Hapsburgs, and it was inevitable that Austria should 
still play a part in German politics. But she had deli- 


berately stepped aside and allowed the headship of the 
German race to pass from her by default. The honour 
which she refused was in time to be assumed by her 
rival in the north. 

The Czar of Russia, upon a general review of the nego- 
tiations, mlight well be satisfied with the part which he had 
played. True, the final solution of the Polish and Saxon 
difficulties had left some of his hopes unrealized. But there 
remained a compact remnant of the ancient Polish kingdom 
on which to test his benevolent designs. As the descen- 
dant of Peter the Great and Catherine II., he could 
point to substantial additions to Russian territory — to Fin- 
land on the north, and to slices of Persian provinces on 
the south. As the pupil of La Harpe and the patron of 
Liberal idealism, he might pride himself on his successful 
resistance to the designs of German diplomatists on the 
French frontiers at the time of the second Treaty of Paris. 
It would have been hard to convince hita that, in fitting 
the methods traditional in his house to the political theory 
of the new age, he was sowing the wi'nd. 

In the settlement at Vienna the allies seem to have borne 
in mind a few simple principles. The champions who had 
wrested Europe from Napoleon had been rewarded. Pre- 
caution had been taken against a repetition of the outrage 
by redistributing the territories on the eastern frontier of 
France. A working agreement about boundaries and 
sioverergn rights had been negotiated, so as to give the 
nations of Europe the advantage of a tranquil convalescence. 
In these designs the allies must be acknowledged to have 
succeeded. France was neither crushed by a penalty greater 
than she could bear, nor left at liberty to strike panic 
through Europe again, though the " natural frontier " of 
which she had been deprived on the north-east remained an 
ideal, dangerously associated with the name of liberty. 
The rearrangement of the patchwork of territories and 
the settlement of the problems of sovereignty, though not 
permanent, were followed by five years of European peace, 
such as had not been since France declared war against the 
Allies in 1792. 

In the bulk of the work which they accomplished the 
diplomatists were supported by the general desire for peace 

N 2 


which emerged as the one sure moral lesson taught by 
Napoleon to Europe. It remains to ask whether they would 
have had a sanction for the wider programme of reforms 
which, with a few exceptions, they refused to under- 

The national spirit, which had been aroused in almost 
every instance where Napoleon's inroads had been resisted 
with any success, was overlooked or neglected by the Final 
Act. In the union of Norway and Sweden it was sacrificed 
to recompense Bernadotte, a member of the coalition against 
Napoleon. Holland and the Southern Netherlands, separated 
by differences in history, relig^ion and language, interests 
and sentiment, were bound together, in the interests of 
Europe, into a single buffer State. In Germany the rivalries 
of courts, great and small, were allowed to thwart the en- 
thusiasm for a Federal link which should unite instead of 
paralysing. Italy was deliberately handed back to the dis- 
integrating forces — foreign masters and the temporal 
sovereignty of the Pope. Poland became the plaything of 
Alexander. The republic of Genoa disappeared in the king- 
dom of Sardinia. 

Of projects more remote from the official programme of 
the Congress, that of the Slave Trade was shelved with a 
general formula appended to the Final Act. The hopes of 
International Peace, raised by the Russian Emperor as long 
ago as 1814, and cherished by the most enlightened minds 
in Europe, were not likely to be realized. The Treaty of 
Chaumont, on which the attitude of the great Powers was 
based, provided for periodical meetings between the allies 
for the maintenance of the peace of Europe, and this claim 
had been, in effect, reiterated at the Treaty of Paris and the 
renewal of the alliance at Vienna on March 25th, 18 15. 
The peace of Europe was, therefore, to be maintained, not 
by a tribunal resti'ng upon the consent of the European 
peoples, but by the vigilant benevolence of their rulers. 

The effectiveness of this agreement was not much in- 
creased by the famous manifesto of September 26th, 18 15. 
In it Alexander invited the other sovereigns of Europe to 
adhere to the Christian principles by which he, the King of 
Prussia, and the Emperor of Austria had already agreed to 
regulate their conduct. The invitation was accepted by 


almost all, and the compact received the name of The Holy 
Alliance. It was si'gnificant that, while Austria gave an 
official approval, Metternich privately considered the mani- 
festo " a loud-sounding nothing," if not a part of the Jaco- 
binical machinations of the Czar. The English Government 
found itself unable to endorse the document officially, 
though the Prince Regent signified his approval in a private 
letter. Castlereagh was, no doubt, influenced by the opinions 
of Metternich, who found in him a congenial ally. He 
had also, as a corrective to enthusiasm which he scarcely 
needed, to bear in mind the necessity of justifying his action 
to the English Parliament. Apart from this, the policy of 
the manifesto had no place in his practical programme. 
He aimed at giving a breathing space to the nations of 
Europe and, in particular, to the English ministry, and was 
not to be involved in fresh complications by the prospect 
of giving " a lofty satisfaction to Divine Providence." 
His attitude was further defined by the amendments which 
he succeeded in introducing into the original draft of the 
Treaty of Alliance in November, 1 8 1 5 . Alexander, its 
inspirer, would have put the French under official patronage. 
A long record of repressive policy and legislation has re- 
corded indelibly Castlereagh's conviction that the fires of 
revolution must and could be stamped out. It is certain 
also that he believed that France might again be the incen- 
diary of Europe. But, while he adhered to the principle of 
European intervention, he objected to authorizing general 
i'nterference in the internal affairs of another country, a 
view which foreshadows the more general principles 
associated with the name of Canning. In its final shape 
the treaty of November 20th pledged the Allies, from whose 
number France was excluded, to remain united " for the 
happiness of the world " and to meet, from time to time, 
to decide what would be " most salutary for the peace and 
prosperity " of the nations of Europe. 

Corresponding to the Nationalist feeling, there appeared in 
many parts of Europe a demand for Constitutional liberties. 
Of these Alexander had made himself the patron, and ex- 
pressed the intention of setting an example to his neigh- 
bours by granting a Constitution to his dependency of 
Poland. Similar provision was made in the case of the 


new kingdom of the Netherlands ; and the Federal Act; 
declared, in guarded language, that the sovereigns of Ger- 
many would grant Constitutions in due course to their 
respective peoples. Elsewhere, constitutional liberties lost 
ground before Talleyrand's doctrine of Legitimacy, which 
taught that long tenure gave dynasties a title which could 
not be set aside ; and this principle, while it helped to save 
the Saxon monarchy from extinction, restored the Bourbons 
to apathetic subjects in the kingdoms of France and the Two 

In vindication of the work of the Congress it may be urged 
that the Nationalist and Liberal programmes were not widely 
accepted or supported unanimously in any quarter of 
Europe. Certainly a fundamental criticism of the settle- 
ment must not be based on the state of Europe in 1814 
and 1 8 1 5 . On that ground the Congress is secure, ^.nd 
it is the business of statesmen to face present evils and to 
maintain stability. But it is also their business to anticipate 
the urgency of great problems and to apply remedies before 
neglect makes rebels of reformers. The plenipotentiaries 
acted on the principles which had been current throughout 
the past century. New forces and ideals, which were to 
revolutionize politics, were already developing, while the 
Congress, in which the lesser Powers had no voice, was con- 
trolled by diplomatists who did not recognize the change. 
It was likely, therefore, that its work would become obsolete 

The first reunion of the Allies, which took place in 
October, 18 18, at Aix-la-Chapelle, was called upon to deal 
principally with questions raised by the terms of the settle 
ment of 18 15 as regards France. At the second restora- 
tion the Bourbon monarchy was confronted by difficulties 
which had only been accentuated by the episode of the 
Hundred Days. The claitai of the Bourbon house to rule 
rested ultimately on the principle of Legitimacy, which had 
been formulated by Talleyrand for the express purpose of 
crystallizing the anti -revolutionary sentiment. On the other 
hand, Louis XVIII. had formally discarded a great part of 
the system which was thus restored. The charter, issued 
in 1 8 1 4, recognized the political rights of the French nation 
as secured by the Revolution and retained much of the 


machinery of Napoleon's government. Louis represented in 
his own person a policy of compromise between two extreme 
systems of political theory and practice. But the nation 
over which he ruled was not yet within sight of such a 
compromise. The reactionaries, partisans of the restored 
orders of Church and Nobility, included intellectuals, whose 
doctrine went far beyond their onslaughts on the logic of 
recognizing both the Church and the rights of her 
despoilers, restoring the nobles and refusing compensation. 
Ultimately they maintained the futility of all attempts to 
found a system of government on the principles of the Revo- 
lution, however modified. It was necessary to reject free- 
thought, which finally resolved itself into scepticism, and to 
take refuge in authority, the natural basis of society and the 
only sure refuge above the welter of opinion. On the othc 
hand, discredited but unrepentant, stood a remnant of revo- 
lutionary and Napoleonic leaders. Between them appeared 
two groups, which discarded the extreme doctrines of either 
wing : " Doctrinaries," who accepted the monarchy in its 
constitutional guise while they prosecuted, in history an: 
philosophy, the search for new principles and generaliizations 
to take the place of the outworn dogmas of the Revolu- 
tion ; Royalists, who were content to accept the compro- 
mise as a safeguard of the monarchy. On the acceptance 
of one of these two views the future of the monarchy 
depended. It was the task of Louis XVIII. to convert 
the nation, and, incidentally, to win its confidence ; "to 
royal ize France and to nationalize the monarchy." For 
assistance he had to rely on a coalition of the two central 
parties. Danger lay in the natural cleavage between 
Liberals and Royalists inside the coalition. The centrifugal 
forces increased continually in influence and in voting 
strength within the Chamber, until the Right Centre sought 
refuge with the extreme reactionaries, who pressed their 
claims to the verge of an open rupture. That rupture 
was deferred until the next reign, when Charles X. had 
abandoned the effort at conciliation ; it was, however, fore- 
shadowed before the death of Louis XVIII. The problem 
of meeting this danger appeared in the form of a dilemma. 
Freedom of thought and expression, essential to any per- 
manent reconciliation between the Bourbons and revolu- 


tionary France, seemed equally its enemy through the oppor- 
tunity thus giVeUj in public debate and in the revived Press, 
for incitements to violence on either side. The nation could 
not be pacified except by means of free discussion on the 
tribune and in the Press. And yet it seemed as if liberty 
must end in anarchy and the uprooting of all established 

The Chamber met in October, 1816. Qualification for 
the franchise had been fixed at thirty years of age and 
three hundred francs in direct taxation, thus limiting the 
electorate to one hundred thousand ; candidates must be 
forty years old and pay one thousand francs in direct 
taxation. The elected Chamber numbered 402, and 
was renewable by fifths yearly. The Upper Chamber con- 
tained a majority of Moderates, but the deputies of the 
I;ower Chamber, elected under the influence of the White 
Terror and the fiasco of the Hundred Days, were over- 
whelmingly reactionary. As chief minister, Talleyrand gave 
place to the Due de Richelieu,* an opponent of the Revo- 
lution, but a distinguished patriot, who could say, " I pass 
every day by the house which belonged to my ancestors. 
I see their property in other hand's, and I behold in museums 
the treasures which belonged to them. It is a sad sight ; 
but it does not rouse in me feelings either of despair or 
revenge." Such a spirit was unknown to the majority 
of the deputies. The session, which lasted from October, 
1 8 1 5, to April, 1 8 1 6, was occupied in legislation which 
suspended personal liberty, established special courts and 
facilities for the work of revenge, repealed the divorce 
laws, and handed back the control of the central organization 
of education to the Catholic Church. The resistance of 
the Ministerial party, supported by the Crown, led to a 
curious reversal of the natural order of politics. The 
Ultras, confident in the support of the country, demanded 
ministerial responsibility and a more democratic electoral 
law. The moderate Royalists, in the interests of a con- 
ciliatory policy, defended the restricted franchise and em- 
phasized the royal prerogative. The victory of the Ultras 
was only prevented by the resistance of the Upper Chamber. 
During the summer there were disturbances at Grenoble 
* A. E. Due de Richelieu (1766-1822). 


and in other quarters of France. The Allies were alarmed, 
and it became evident that France could not regain the 
confidence of Europe, or deserve the withdrawal of the 
army of occupation, so long as her destinies were confided 
to the " Chambre introuvable," as it had been named by 
the King at the moment when all were staggered by the 
incredibly decisive defeat of the Tricolor party. Richelieu 
was at length convinced of the urgency of the need for 
dissolution. On September 5th the Chamber was dissolved, 
and the ensuing elections gave the ministers a majority of 
more than forty. The Government, which, first under 
Richelieu, and, after his resignation on December 21st, 
1 8 1 8, under Decazes,* and Dessolles, controlled France 
until 1 82 1, advocated moderation, a narrow franchise, 3,nd 
financial retrenchment. The army was reorganized on a 
mixed system of voluntary service and conscription. The 
Press Law was repealed in May, 1 8 1 9, by the influence 
of Count Hercule de Serre, whose eloquence, tolerance, and 
foresight combine to make him the greatest of the Restora- 
tion statesmen. 

In the same year the elections returned a number of 
members of the Left, among them Gr^goire, the author of the 
proposal to abolish royalty, and a regicide. The King and 
his advisers determined to secure France against further 
developments by a change in the electoral law. De Serre 
proposed to create a Chamber of Hereditary Peers and a 
Chamber of Deputies with a high property qualification, 
elected septennially on a franchise which gave a double 
vote to the wealthy classes. Dessolles resigned, and the 
reconstructed ministry was further weakened by De Serre's 
breakdown in health. The electoral reform was pressed 
forward, but, before it could be introduced, the Duke of 
Berry was assassinated at the door of the Opera House on 
February 13th, 1820. Decazes fell, and was replaced by 
Richelieu, and the freedom of the Press was again restricted. 
In June the Electoral Law was passed. The Chamber 
was increased from 258 to 410, and the additional members 
were to be elected by an indirect method on a high property 
franchise. The Right, encouraged by the birth of a post- 
humous son of the Duke of Berry, heir presumptive to the 
* 6lie, Due de Decazes (1780-1860) ; a close friend of Louis XVIII. 


throne, increased their majority during the elections of 
1 82 1, and in December Richelieu fell and was succeeded 
by VillMe.* 

In 18 18, however, it was a prime object of French 
policy to remove from France the shame of occupation by 
foreign armies and to secure for her a recognized place in 
the hierarchy of European Powers. At the conference, 
which met at Aix-la-Chapelle in the autumn, the first of 
these objects was secured by the mutual consent of the 
allied Powers. Satisfactory guarantees were obtained for 
the payment of the remaining part of the indemnity, and 
the occupation of French territory by foreign troops ceased 
at the end of November. The further question of the 
admission of France to the Alliance of the Powers was less 
easily decided. Alexander favoured the proposal as a step 
towards universal alliance ; he was supported by Prussia 
and even by Metternich, who was haunted by the fear 
of revolution. Great Britain, through her representatives, 
Castlereagh and Wellihgton, withstood the proposal, on the 
principle, formulated at the instance of Canning in the 
Cabinet's instructions to their representatives, that there 
should be no confusion between the general principles of 
goodwill enunciated by the Alliance in September, 1 8 1 5, 
and the special provisions of treaties, such as those of 
Chaumont and Vienna and the Treaty of Alliance, which 
safeguarded Europe against danger from France. The 
Alliance was directed against France. To include France 
was to transform the Alliance into an organization of the 
Governments of Europe, overtly for no specific object ; 
in effect, to the menace of popular rights and liberties in 
every country. The final decision of the conference was 
in this sense. France was allowed to join the other Powers 
in declaring her intention to maintain general peace, while 
the proposal to bind the Governments of the greater Powers 
into a permanent federation was tacitly disclaimed ; a secret 
treaty renewed the Quadruple Alliance to resist possible 
danger from future disturbances in France. The effect 
of the English attitude had been to reinforce the principle 
that the politics of Europe should be regulated by treaties^ 
concluded in the ordinary manner, dealing with specific 
' J. R. Comte de VillHe (1773-1854). 


objects, and maintained by the ordinary guarantees ; not 
by the edicts of an international High Court, enforced by 
extraordinary sanctions . 

Although the conference of Aix-la-Chapelle did not con- 
cern itself officially with German affairs, Metternich took 
the opportunity to address to the King of Prussia a series 
of observations on his domestic troubles. In these he 
recapitulated the sources of danger : the Universities, the 
Gymnastic Establishments, and the Press. Almost simul- 
taneously the German University system was more openly 
attacked from another quarter. It had been ominous of 
the change in Alexander's sentiments that at the conference 
he had distributed copies of a pamphlet by Stourdsa.* The 
author predicted a revolution in Germany as the result of 
the unrestrained licence of the University students. Next 
came the report — bruited by Kotzebue,t a literary adventurer 
and Russian spy — that the pamphlet was an official docu- 
ment. It had already been rumoured that Kotzebue was 
largely responsible for the Czar's defection from Liberali|sm. 
On March 23rd he was stabbed to death by Karl Sand,:j: 
a student of the University of Jena. 

The train lay ready for such a spark to kindle. Mettler- 
nich had long designed to put down the Burschenschafti 
as well as the Gynmastic Establishments and the free Press. 
The students' associations, most powerful at Jena, had 
already earned the hatred of the Conservatives by youthful 
enthusiasms, effervescing at the Wartburg festival on 
October i8th, 1817, when after praying and dining the 
political students made a bonfire of reactionary books and 
emblems, the pig-tail and the corporal's cane. The 
Gymnasia, organized by the famous Tumvater Jahn, were, 
in principle, entirely harmless institutions designed to train 
up the youth of Germany in manly exercises, patriot;ism 
and the simple life. The Liberal Press, whose headquarters 
were also at Jena, held more real dangers. Attacks upon 
Metternich and his system and expositions of Liberal and 
national doctrine, coupled in their minds with affrays in 
various quarters of Germany, had prepared statesmen and 

* Alexander Stourdsa (1788-1854), diplomatist. 

t August F. F. von Kotzebue (1761-1819), a voluminous dramatist. 

t Karl Ludwig Sand (1795-1820), a. member of the Burschenschaft ; executed. 


sovereigns for panic. Striking while the impression was 
still vivid, Metternich won the Prussian King to his view 
at a conference at Toplitz in July. He was therefore 
in a position to meet the Congress, which had been sum- 
moned to Carlsbad in the autump, with confidence and 
resolution. There was no effective opposition, and Metter- 
nich confided to the Diet, now established in favour as a 
convenient medium of influence, the task of admonishing 
the sovereigns of Germany to set their houses in order. 
Journals and pamphlets were to be rigorously censored ; 
the Universities were to be controlled by commiissioners ; 
at Mainz an inquisition was to be established to explore 
the ramifications of the secret societies. The Carlsbad 
decrees were agreed upon by September ist, and two months 
later a conference met at Vienna to supplement the Federal 
law of the Germanic League. Its general effect was to 
guarantee the sovereigns of Germany against their subjects. 
The Diet was charged with the task of maintaining order^ 
which included the supremacy of monarchs over estates 
or legislatures of any kind. At the same time the centri- 
fugal pressure was reinforced ; independent Powers were 
repudiated by the Diet, and the agreement took the form of 
resolutions signed by the separate States and deposited in 
the Federal archives. By the blessing of Providence Metter- 
nich had routed the forces both of Liberalism and 
Nationality in Germany. It was a crowning triumph that 
Austria had been allowed to direct the conference unim- 
peded by the co-operation of the external Powers, which had 
guaranteed the original Federal Constitution. 

The victory had been made easy by some peculiarities 
of public opinion in Germany. Liberalism had been allied 
with the national German movement during the war of 
Liberation, but the alliance was soon dissolved. Liberal 
opinions flourished in academic circles, but had not per- 
meated the middle classes, which relapsed into indifference. 
The first sessions of the Diet showed that Liberals could 
not hope for anything from the central power ; Prussia and 
Austria manoeuvred agailnst each other and aroused the 
jealousy of the smaller States. In 1817 the Diet determined 
that the execution of Article XIII. of the Act of Con- 
federation (by which the granting of Constitutions had been 


foreshadowed) must be left to individual States. The 
members of the Diet began to act mainly as deputies 
at a Congress, and its powers were only revived in 18 19 
as a weapon of reaction. Liberalism became necessarily 
associated with the particularist aspirations of the different 
States. In the south, Baden and Bavaria, which aimed at 
incorporating the Baden Palatinate on the death of the 
ruling prince, vied with each other in granting Liberal 
Constitutions . 

In Wiirtemberg the old Diet had enjoyed unusually large 
powers. During the Napoleonic period, Frederick II. had 
abolished it and ruled absolutely. In 18 14 he trimmed 
his sails and promised a democratic Constitution, but the 
estates demanded their old rights and Frederick continued 
to rule without them. His successor, William, offered 
concessions, but the opposition had hardened and a compro- 
mise was not effected till 18 19. 

In the north reaction was stronger. Prussia had been 
promised a Constitution by Frederick William III., but 
the reformers, who urged him to fulfil his pledges, were 
balanced by the feudal nobility who opposed all concessions . 
Frederick William was undecided in character, and there 
was no strong miniister to prompt him. Prussia had not 
as yet a real consciousness of solidarity, and for the time 
her energies were devoted to organizing the administration 
of her scattered territory, and in financial and fiscal reform. 
Maassen, the Finance Minister, freed internal trade through- 
out the Prussian provinces. Transit dues remained high, 
and the disposition of Prussian territory on the routes into 
Central Germany made this a powerful lever which was used 
later to force neighbouring States into a Zollverein. 

In 1820 the Revolution, for which Germany was not yet 
ready, broke out in Southern Europe. In Spain revolu- 
tion had come late. It was only during the Peninsular 
War that the Cortes set up a democratic and enlightened 
system of government, famous throughout Europe as the 
Constitution of 1812. With the expulsion of the French 
reaction began. Ferdinand, reinstated in power, reverted 
to absolute rule. The old machinery of government was 
restored, and with it came the Inquisition and the Jesuits ; 
and many of the deputies at the Cadiz Cortes were deported 


or imprisoned. The Government were at the same time 
engaged in an exhausting struggle with the revolted 
colonists in South America. England's commercial interestis 
made her ministers unwilling to interfere, but the Czar 
promised his aid and a large Spanish force was mobilized. 
Cadiz, the starting-place of the expedition, was a centre 
of disaffection, which was spreading through the organiza- 
tion of the Freemasons. 

The Liberals received the support of the leaders who had 
organized the revolt against Napoleon, and the army was 
opposed to the expedition against the colonies. In .January, 
1820, a military rising, under Colonel Quiroga and Raphael 
del Riego, gave the signal. In February Galicia rose, and was 
followed by Asturias, Aragon, Catalonia, Navarre and 
Pampeluna. On March 9th Ferdinand yielded, swore to 
observe the Constitution of 1 8 1 2, and summoned the Cortes . 
When they met in July, the weakness of their position 
appeared. The finances demanded immediate attention, and 
reform inevitable diminished the popularity of the new 
Government. Its policy was, of necessity, anti-clerical, 
and it was thereby brought into collision with the most 
powerful influence in Spain. The army, which had begun 
the Revolution, was disbanded, and its leaders were 
alienated ; and a cleavage appeared between moderate 
Liberals and extremists. Thus encouraged, the reactionaries 
began to organize resistance in armed bands, which received 
aid from the French border. Spain became once more a 

The example of the Spanish Liberals was widely fol- 
lowed. Portugal was discontented at the arrangement by 
which the government had been transferred, at the time of 
Napoleon's invasion, to Brazil. In 1821 the King was 
compelled to return, and two years later Brazil proclaimed 
her independence under his son, Pedro. On his arrival 
in Europe, John VI. found that the Cortes had followed 
the example of Spain and had proclaimed a similar Consti- 
tution. The King accepted the situation, but an Absolutist 
party, under his son, Dom Miguel, prepared to resist. Their 
rising, which took place in 1824, was temporarily success- 
ful, but the Powers used their influence to reinstate the 


The Italians were more prompt to follow Spain's example. 
The conditions of Italian politics had been profoundly modi- 
fied during the Napoleonic period and the diplomatists at 
Vienna, in ignoring the change, had only succeeded in 
driving the movement underground. Metternich recognized 
the possibility of a national movement, and the policy of 
Austria was directed to combat it. The Austrian provinces 
enjoyed an excellent system of education, and local govern- 
ment had been developed, but Austria remained the enemy 
of Liberal reformers in every part of Italy, because it was 
to her interest to maititain the existing order of society 
and government. Her influence dominated the smaller prin- 
cipalities of the north. In the south Murat's precipitancy 
had enabled the Powers, in accordance with the principle of 
legitimacy, to restore the Bourbon line. Ferdinand IV. 
signalized his restoration by promises of good government, 
security and freedom. Simultaneously he entered into a 
pecret engagement to restrict the liberties of his people 
to the limits adopted by the Austrian Government in their 
Italian provinces. The authority of the clergy was restored, 
justice was corrupted. Liberal principles were persecuted, 
the Muratists were alienated by neglect. Secret societies 
were congenial to the national temper, and had spread widely 
even before 18 14. The Cartonari, originally an organiza- 
tion of landowners, rapidly developed into a Liberal move- 
ment, supported by the middle classes and discontented 
soldiers. On July 2nd, 1820, two sub -lieutenants, Morelli 
and Salvati, raised the tricolour standard of the society 
at Nola. The Government was vacillating, and the King, 
without any attempt at resistance, accepted the Spanish 
Constitution on July 6th. 

The effect of the Carlsbad decrees and the outbreak 
of the Spanish Revolution had been to set the policies 
of Alexander and Metternich in the clearest opposition. 
The Czar was not at all interested in the creation of a 
solid Germany, whether independent or under the control 
of Austria. But he was beginning to lose zest for Liberal 
ideas under the influence of domestic troubles, and the 
murder of the Duke of Berry on February 13th, 1820, 
hastened the development of the new train of thought. 
He proposed . that the Powers should meet to discuss the 


situation, and showed a suspicious anxiety to explain that 
he had troops to be marched across Europe to reduce 
Spain to order. Mettemich protested against the policy 
of intervention. Then came the revolt in Naples. Metter- 
nich held that Austria had the right to intervene here in 
virtue of the secret compact between the Emperor and the 
King of Naples. He was opposed to the suggestion of a 
Congress of the Powers, because he had reason to suspect 
some connection between the Russian Court and the Italian 
rebels. His counter-proposal was that the different Govern- 
ments should assent to the action of Austria. When, how- 
ever, Castlereagh suggested that the ministers might with 
advantage meet in conference to see that the intervention 
was executed without injury to the European system, Metter- 
nich preferred the Russian proposal ; and a Congress was 
summoned to meet at Troppau on October 20th, 1820. 
Before the conference met the show of unanimity had dis- 
appeared. Metternich wished the Allies to lay down general 
principles under which the intervention in Italy should 
fall. Revolutions were only to be legitimate when the 
change came " from above," and the Allies would not 
recognize them unless they did so. In reply, the English 
Government dissented from this view, on the ground that it 
involved an entire change in the character of the alliance. 
Lord Stewart attended the conference, but was instructed 
to refuse his assent to the Protocol, which gave expression 
to Metternich's principles. Austria had been supportedl, 
contrary to all expectation, by the Czar. The news of a 
military rising in St. Petersburg, received during the con- 
ference, completed the reaction in Alexander's temper, and 
for the moment he was the docile pupil of Mettemich. 
England had made no objection to intervention by Austria, 
if she believed that her interests made it necessary. The 
King of Naples was invited to attend at a further con- 
ference, which met at Laibach in January, 1821. On his 
arrival, Ferdinand, who had promised his people to secure 
the official recognition of the change in their Constitution 
by the Powers, denounced the Revolution to a sympathetic 
audience. Austria's proposals were sanctioned, and no diffi- 
culty was experienced ih putting down the revolt in Naples. 
While the Austrian troops were thus engaged came news of 


a rising in Piedhiont. Geographically and historically the 
Piedmontese kingdom was loosely connected with the rest of 
Italy, but the people were inspired by the ambition to 
drive the Austrians from Italian soil, and there was a 
strong popular belief that they had the countenance of a 
member of the royal family. Prince Charles Albert. King 
Victor Emmanuel felt himself too strongly bound to both 
sides to take part in the quarrel ; he resigned, and, in 
the absence of his brother, Charles Felix, appointed Charles 
Albert regent. The young prince, without the consent of 
the new king, accepted the Spanish Constitution. His 
action was disavowed, and he was ordered to leave Turin. 
Thus deserted, the Revolutionaries lost ground, and the 
Austrians, with the aid of the partisans of Absolutist govern- 
ment, had little difficulty in suppressing the rising. 

At Laibach, Castlereagh had emphasized the position of 
the English Government by refusing to assent to any attempt 
to revive the Troppau Protocol. The Congress was dis- 
solved without arriving at a definite conclusion, and another 
was summoned to meet at Verona in the autumn of 1822. 
In the interval two developments altered the situation. The 
revolt of the Greeks and Russia's difficulties with Turkey 
ranged Austria and England on the same side in the en- 
deavour to prevent Alexander from acting in isolation from 
the other Powers interested in the Eastern question. The 
continued disturbances in Spain gave the Ultras, who now 
dominated French politics, the opportunity for pressing 
forward an aggressive policy. Troops were massed on the 
Spanish frontier, and the French Government urged the 
Powers to sanction her intervention. Before the conference 
opened, Castlereagh 's death removed the spokesman of the 
English ministry, but his successor. Canning, was a strong 
supporter, if not the originator, of the line of policy hitherto 
pursued. The English representatives were instructed to 
adopt a discreet neutrality with regard to the affairs of 
Italy and the Eastern question, and to refuse to intervene 
either in the internal affairs of Spain or in the relations 
between the Spanish Government and the colonies. Russia, 
Prussia and Austria returned favourable answers to the 
inquiries addressed to the Powers by the French ministers, 
and joined France in addressing notes to the Spanish 



Government demanding the liberation of the King and the 
abolition of the Constitution of 1812. The English repre- 
sentative at the Congress had withdrawn from the dis- 
cussion, but the English Government still strove to prevent 
the outbreak of war. The Power which had fought to 
save Spain from Napoleon was naturally unwilling that the 
French troops should re-enter the Peninsula. There was a 
more practical reason. The French Government did not con- 
fine its interest to the Spanish mainland. The Spanish 
colonies might be reduced to submission with the aid of 
the Power which restored the Bourbon line to the capital 
of empire at Madrid. In April, 1823, the French army 
crossed the boundary, and in May entered Madrid, while 
the Spanish Government retired, carrying the King with 
them, to Cadiz. After three months of blockade, the 
Liberals in September agreed to release the King, and he 
promised free pardon and a moderate government. There 
followed a reaction even more violent and bigoted than 
that which had marked Ferdinand's first restoration in 
18 14. Every Act passed during the period of constitutional 
government was repudiated, and Ferdinand continued to 
rule as an absolute monarch until his death in 1833. 

As an epilogue to the Revolution in Spain came the 
recognition of the independence of the Spanish colonies in 
South America. England had long been interested in the 
establishment in those regions of a definite and responsible 
authority. The commercial interests of English merchants 
suffered from the refusal of the Spanish Government to 
recognize the rights of her colonies to trade with any 
nation but the mother country, and gained proportionately 
by the more enlightened attitude of the colonists them- 
selves. There was, moreover, a difficulty in fixing the 
responsibility for the acts of piracy committed by vessels sail- 
ing under the Spanish flag in tTie waters of the New World. 
These motives were reinforced by the fear that France 
might develop her plans and seek to restore the authority 
of the Bourbons beyond the Atlantic. The danger of joint 
intervention by the Powers led President Monroe to enun- 
ciate the doctrine, w'ith which his name is connected, 
that Europe should leave America to settle her own con- 
cerns. Hard upon this came Canning's determination to 


recognize the independence of the Portuguese colony of 
Brazil, and the principle was extended shortly afterwards to 
Mexico, Colombia and Buenos Ayres. 

The achievement was Canning's . The English Cabinet 
had barely survived the controversy which his proposals 
aroused. The credit or reproach belonged to him, and he 
appropriated the responsibility in a characteristic passage of 
rhetoric : "I resolved that, if France had Spain, it should 
not be Spain with the Indies. I called the New World 
into existence to redeem the balance of the Old." In spite 
of the magniloquent phrases, the importance of the new 
departure depended more upon the principles implied than 
upon its positive results. From sympathy, tempered by fear 
of opposition in Parliament, the attitude of the English 
Government to the European hierarchy had gradually deve- 
loped, since the Congress of Vienna, into a veiled distrust. 
Under Canning's influence the estrangement was now openly 
avowed, and at Verona the Concert of Europe, though 
not dissolved, was crippled by the defection of an important 
member . 

o 2 





*Cambridge Modern History, 
Daudet . 
H assail . 
Hertslet . 
Martin . 
Marquis of Salisbury 

SchoU . 
*H. W. V. Temperley 

Life of Lord Castlereagh. 
Vol. X., 1907. 
Le Congrh de Verone. 
Louis XVIIL and Charles X. 
Histoire Diplomatique, Vol. I. 
Louis XVI II. et k Due Decazes. 
Life of Lord Castlereagh. 
1814 (i vol.) ; 1815 (3 vols.). 
Map of Europe by Treaty, Vol. I. 
Histoire de France. 

The Memoirs of Prince Metternich (trans.). 
Essays Biographical and Historical (Castle- 
Congres de Vienne. 
Life of Canning, 1905. 
Histoire des deux Restauration. 
Histoire de la Restauration. 








Princess Charlotte married Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. 

The defeat of the Dey of Algiers by Lord Exmouth. 

The riots in Spa Fields suppressed by the Lord Mayor. 

General disaffection throughout Great Britain. 

Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. 

The march of the Blanketeers from Manchester. 

The army and navy thrown open to Roman Catholics. 

Mr. Grattan's motion for Roman Catholic reUef again thrown out. 

Sir Francis Burdett again urges reform of Parliament. 

Princess Charlotte died. 

Sir Francis Burdett again brought forward an ineffectual reform 

Birth of Princess (afterwards Queen) Victoria. 
The case of Ashford v. Thornton. 
The resumption of cash payments. 
The massacre of Peterloo. 
The Six Acts. 
Death of George III. 
The Cato Street Conspiracy to assassinate the members of the 

An attack upon Queen Caroline of Brunswick. 
The Commons carried a Roman Catholic Relief Bill, but it was 

rejected by the Lords. 
Grampound is disfranchised. 



Contemporary Events in the History of Great Britain — continued 

1822. The Marquis of Wellesley appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
Robert Peel became Home Secretary. 

Lord John Russell proposed the reform of Parliament. 

Lord Castlereagh committed suicide. 

Mr. Canning was appointed Foreign Secretary. 

1823. Mr. Huskisson was appointed President of the Board of Trade. 
Recognition by Mr. Canning of the freedom of the South American 



Francis, Duke of Saxe-Cobhrg 
•d. 1806 


Ernest I. Victoria = Duke Ferdinand, 
of d. 1851. 


Ernest II. Albert = Victoria, 
Queen of 

Ferdinand = Maria 

Edward VII. Pedro V„ Luis I. 
o.s.p. 1861. 

Leopold, = Louisa, 

King of the 

d, of 



I I 

Leopold H., Philip 

King of the of 

Belgians. Flanders. 


Adolphus Frederick 

Gustavus III., 

Gustavus IV., 
abd. 1809. 

Charles XIII. 



Charles XIV. 

Oscar I., 

Charles XV., 

Oscar II., 








Gustavus Adolphus. Charles William. 




Chief Dates in Turkish History from 1790-1820 

1790. The Greek patriot, Lambro Canzani, defeated by the Turks. 

1791. The peace of Sistova between Turkey and Austria. 

1792. The peace of Jassy between Turkey and Russia. 
179S. Turkey joined the alliance against France. 

1799. The Turks assist in repelling Bonaparte at Acre, but are defeated at Aboukir. 

i860. Kleber defeated the Turks at Heliopolis. 

1801. Peace between Turkey and France. 

1804. The Janissaries conquered by the Servians. 

1805. Kara George, the Servian patriot, defeated the army of the Sultan. 

1806. The Servians gained their independence. 

1807. War with Great Britain and Russia. Truce of Slobosia. Succession of 

Mustapha IV. 

1808. Succession of Mahmoud II. 

1809. Revolt of the Janibsaries. Peace with England. War renewed with Russia. 

1810. The Russians defeated the Turks at Battin. 

1811. Mehemet AH massacred the Mamelukes. 

1812. The Treaty of Bucharest ended the Russian War. 

1814. The Turks were not allowed to send a representative to the Congress of Vienna. 
1820. Proposed reforms in the Turkish army caused renewed opposition from the 

During the period immediately following upon the fall 
of Napoleon the affairs and interests of Greeks, Turks, and 
Albanians centred round the remarkable figure of Ali Pasha,* 
who, by force and by fraud, exercised complete jurisdiction 
in his island castle at Janina. Here the '* Lion of Janina " 
administered a rough and ready justice amongst the wild 
tribes of Albania, and attempted to establish an independent 
kingdom. It was, indeed, his open defiance of the Sultan- 
that gave tlie Greeks the opportunity for which they had 
long been waiting. The settlement of Europe at the Con- 
gress of Vienna had done nothing for the Christian subjects 
of the Sultan, and they had learnt that what they wanted must 
be gained entirely by their own efforts. Nor were echoes 
of the revolutionary turmoil in France wanting to urge the 

* AH Pasha (1741-1822) ; pasha of Trikala 1787, of Janina 1788, and governor 
of Rumili 1803 ; deposed 1822. 


best educated Greeks to struggle for the reconstruction of 
the glories which had passed away. The Hetairia Philike, or 
association of friends, "was determined to rid Europe of the 
Mahomedans. An independent spirit was fostered in many 
ways among the different communities of the Greek race. 
To the educated and wealthy families dispersed throughout 
Europe the French Revolution had been an inspiration. The 
island Greeks had long enjoyed a measure of autonomy, and on 
the mainland the tradition of independence remained among 
the brigands and the local armatoli to whom the police of 
the mountains was entrusted. Shipping industries flourished ; 
partly, since the treaty of Kutchuk Kainarji, under the Rus- 
sian ensign. Consciousness of racial identity had been 
aroused by the new semi-classical language in which Adei- 
muntus Korais had sought to revive the literary tradition of 
Hellas. Among these incongruous beginnings the spirit of 
independence had its roots. 

Ever since the foundation of the society its chiefs had pre- 
tended that they were really carrying out the orders of the 
Russian Foreign Minister, Capodistrias,* who, a Greek of 
Corfu by birth, had become one of the leading statesmen of 
Europe. By the year 1820 the work of the association had 
been so successful that the leaders were obliged to throw off 
the mask of deception, and openly invited Capodistrias to 
assume that position which they had for six years pretended 
that he held. The wise minister refused the honour, and 
urged his countrymen to undertake, no rash action. Dis- 
appointed by theit failure to obtain the leadership of 
one who stood in the first rank, they fell back upon 
Prince Alexander Ypsilanti,t son of a former hospodar 
of Wallachia who had lost much at the hands of the Turks. 
The choice seems to have been an unfortunate one, but 
Ypsilanti himself readily accepted the tempting offer of the 
association . 

The plan decided upon was that Theodor Wladimeresco, 
a Roumanian, should raise a revolt among the Wallachian 
peasantry, and that Ypsilanti should then step in to control 
the movement. In February, 1821, Wladimeresco with a 

* Joannes Anionics Capodistrias (1776-1831) ; passed into Russian service 1809 ; 
became President of Greece 1828. 

t Alexander Ypsilanti (1783-1828), fought for Russia in 1812. 


horde of peasants marched on Bucharest, while at the begin- 
ning of March the members of the Greek association, under 
Karavias, brutally murdered the Turks. It was now time for 
Ypsilanti to leave the Russian frontier, and on March 7th, 
having crossed the Pruth, he proceeded to Jassy, where he was 
joined by a large force of insurgents. Two things, however, 
were fatal to their cause ; the first was the incapable and dila- 
tory conduct of Ypsilanti, while the second was the clearly 
expressed disapproval of the movement by the Czar and the 
Powers. The rebellion was declared to be as revolutionary 
as the outbreaks in Spain and Naples, and the Congress of 
Laibach refused to give the association any encouragement. 
It was in vain for Ypsilanti to pretend that Russia was playing 
a deep game ; it was equally ih vain that the association 
murdered the traitor Wladimeresco ; it was, too, of no avail 
for the gallant Georgakis to throw away his life on behalf 
of the cause at Skuleni on the Pruth. The Turks were 
completely victorious, and Ypsilanti was driven into 
Austria . 

The first movement had failed ; but the spirit of independ- 
ence was not stamped out, and in April, 1821, the people of 
the Morea revolted. Plans, however, were non-existent, 
and they lacked organization, method, and discipline. The 
massacres that ensued were horrible in the extreme, and before 
the month of May those Turks who had escaped murder found 
themselves besieged in such towns as Patras and Tripolitza. 
The Greeks, while massacring the Turks in the Morea, seem to 
have forgotten that the Mahomedans also had the power of 
retaliation by butchering the Greeks of Constantinople. On 
April 22nd, after many previous days of bloodshed, the whole 
of Europe was startled by the execution of the Greek Patriarch 
Gregorios IV., and the cold-blooded assassination of the Arch- 
bishops of Adrianople, Salonica and Tirnovo, which were 
followed by a general pillage of Christian churches and the 
murder of their priests. Massacre succeeded massacre where- 
ever Christians were to be found. The Czar Alexander could 
not fail to be much disturbed by this attack upon his fellow 
Christians ; but he was on the horns of a dilemma, for he had 
thrown himself heart and soul into the legitimist policy of 
Metternich, and supported the view that the Greek Rebellion 
was merely one more example of the " revolutionary pest." 


The Turks, however, had gone too far. They had not only 
murdered the head of the Orthodox Church, but they had 
interfered with Russian shipping and Russian rights. The 
result was that an ultimatum was sent to Constantinople de- 
manding redress for all that had happened. To this the 
Sultan refused to reply, and the Russian ambassador, Strogo- 
noff, left Constantinople on July 27th. War seemed inevit- 
able, and 100,000 men were concentrated on the frontiers of 
the Principalities. 

Two countries, however, viewed with alarm any interference 
of Russia with the Porte. Austria had formerly been 
champion of Europe against the Turks, but ever since Metter- 
nich had been the director of European diplomacy it had been 
his object to preserve the Otto-man Empire, and keep thg 
nations at peace by means of congresses. To Austria a Rus- 
sian advance was a serious menace and a thing to be avoided. 
Great Britain, too, though not immediately endangered by 
Russian advance, was averse to the increase of Russian power. 
The policy of Alexander had long caused mistrust amongst 
English foreign ministers, and from the time of the Congress 
of Vienna to the outbreak of insurrection, Castlereagh had, 
with anxiety, watched every action of the Czar. It appeared to 
the authorities that the Ottoman Empire must be preserved at 
all costs, and that, to avert war, the interference of the Czar 
must be prevented. Castlereagh's attitude was that of an un- 
imaginative man who had learnt the lessons of the past. To 
him any insurrection in Greece was only of importance in so far 
as it might again kindle the torch of battle . It was, indeed, 
for this reason that he approached the Czar with the greatest 
sincerity and earnestly pleaded that war should not be the 
outcome. He felt now, as strongly as he had done at the time 
of the Congress of Laibach, that " England stands pledged 
to uphold the territorial arrangements established at the Con- 
gress of Vienna. The invasion of a weaker State by a stronger 
State for the purposes of conquest would demand our imme- 
diate interference. But with the internal affairs of each 
separate State we have nothing to do. We could neither 
share in nor approve, though we might feel called upon to re- 
sist the intervention of the ally to put down internal disturb- 
ances in the dominions of another. We have never committed 
ourselves to any such principle as that, and we must, as a 


general rule, protest against it." Metternich was temporarily 
in alliance with Castlereagh, and equally desired that peace 
should be preserved ; but was actuated by different reasons 
and sentiments . He saw in the Greek revolt the bloodstained 
hand of revolution. He considered that it was only one more 
of the many examples that were exciting unrest in Austria. 
Behind this was also the fear that the outcome of war could 
only lead to the aggrandizement of Russia and the displace- 
ment of Austria in the near East. For these reasons both 
Powers desired the maintenance of the existing order. For 
twelve months the diplomatists of Austria and England waited 
in suspense, but the die was cast when in August, 1822, Capo- 
distrias retired from his exalted post, and took up his abode 
in Geneva to await the course of events. This retirement, 
which had been brought about by the gradual settlement of 
Alexander's doubts, marked the triumph of the policy of 
councils, and bound Alexander to that federation of European 
courts that he had so largely helped to inaugurate . The Greek 
patriots had been deserted in order that the Powers might 
suppress revolutionary principles elsewhere, and "Europe 
escaped a general war, leaving the Greeks and Turks to settle 
their own disagreements. 

The insurrection in the Morea was followed by a similar 
outburst in Central Greece, where the same hideous atrocities 
marked the fanatical and merciless spirit of the Greeks. At 
the time the Turks, under Khurshid Pasha, were busily en- 
gaged in attempting to reduce the crafty Ali Pasha in his 
stronghold of Janina. Had he been able to make some alli- 
ance with the Greeks the Albanian chieftain might have 
altered the whole course of events. As it was he was cooped 
up by the resourceful Ottoman general, who thereby saved the 
border provinces, and was rewarded in 1822 by the capture 
of Janina and the death of Ali. Nor was the Sultan less suc- 
cessful in Chalcidice, where, owing to factious quarrels, the 
Turks soon restored their rule. This, however, was not the 
case in the Aegean Islands, where an active share was taken 
in the revolt. The islands of Hydra, Spetza, and Psara had 
been suffering for some years from a failure of trade, and it 
was not long before the quarrel between the owners and their 
seamen merged into the great quarrel between the Greeks and 
the Turks. The sailors of these islands supported the cause of 


independence, and formed the nucleus of a navy that 
played no small part in the final creation of the Kingdom 
of Greece. 

The first provisional government of the Greeks, known as 
the Senate of Kaltesti, was soon established outside the 
besieged Tripolitza, and men flocked to join the great cause. 
Amongst these were Demetrios Ypsilanti,* brother of the late 
leader ; Prince Mavrocordato, a politician of no mean ability ; 
Kolokotrones, a born soldier, but cunning and faithless ; and 
the jovial, picturesque Petros, chief of the Maina. The 
Greeks, however, stained the story of their struggle by most 
barbarous massacres and numerous instances of ill -faith. In 
August, 1 82 1, after a promise of quarter, the inhabitants of 
Navarino were butchered in cold blood, regardless of sex or 
age, and on October 5th the same awful scenes were witnessed 
at the capitulation of Tripolitza, where 2,000 Mahomedan 
prisoners were brutally slaughtered. It is not surprising' 
that the Turks seized every opportunity to retaliate. Thus, 
between April and June, 1822, the island of Chios became 
a huge shambles ; thousands were slain in the places of 
sanctuary, and whole families were ruthlessly exterminated. 
Day after day the island was given up to the murderous lust, 
passion, and profligacy of Ottoman troops and volunteers. 
Words fail to describe these horrors, but it has been calculated 
that no fewer than thirty thousand persons were either 
murdered or sold into perpetual slavery from this island, the 
most peaceful, prosperous, and civilized of the Aegean Sea. 
One man, who afterwards became the idol and pride of the 
Greeks, did something towards revenging the Chian horrors. 
On the night of June i8th, when the Turkish admiral, Kara 
Ali, with a thousand men, was celebrating the feast of 
Ramazan on board the flag ship, Constantine Kanaris,f from 
the island of Psara, drove a fire ship down upon the unsus- 
pecting Turks. The plan was eminently successful, and 
practically all the Turkish seamen, including Kara Ali, either 
perished in that Gehenna of flame or were drowned in the 
waters illuminated by the awful conflagration. So terrified 

* Demetrios Ypsilanti (1793-1832) ; served in the Russian army ; took part in 
the capture of Tripolitza, 1820 ; gallantly defended Argos ; commander-in-chief 
of the Greeks 1828-1830. 

f Constantine Kanaris (1790-1877) ; made senator 1847. 


were the rest of the commanders that they evacuated the 
Aegean and took refuge in the Dardanelles. 

The Sultan was now determined to make the greatest effort 
to crush the revolt . From Larissa' two armies were despatched 
towards the south ; the one, under Omer Vrioni, by the west 
of the Corinthian Gulf, while the second, under AH, the Pasha 
of Drama, was to enter the Morea on the east. In the 
mountains, through which the first army would have to pass, 
there were once again the Suliotes, who had been conquered 
by Ali Pasha in 1804, and had since been exiles in the Ionian 
Islands. It was the purpose of these Suliotes to act as a link 
between the Hellenes and the Christians of Albania. The 
first object of the Greeks was to relieve Suli from the army of 
Omer Vrioni, which ought to have been done easily enough. 
Unfortunately Mavrocordato imagined himself a general as 
well as a politician, and made so complete a muddle of the 
expedition that the foreign regiment of Philhellenes was 
annihilated at Arta on July 1 6th, and the Suliotes were again 
driven into exile by the Turks. The remnant retired to Misso- 
longhi, which they defended with heroism from May 7th, 
1825, to April 22nd, 1826. The Greek fleet commanded 
the sea, and kept the besieged supplied with provisions until 
Omer Vrioni retired. 

The second army, under the Pasha of Drama, was, at first, 
no less fortunate than that of Omer. In July, the isthmus of 
Corinth was passed, the Greek Government was dispersed 
from Argos, and the Turkish army was relieved at Nauplia. 
But owing to the gallantry of Demetrios Ypsilanti the citadel 
of Argos held out until Kolokotrones raised a force to come 
to his assistance. Unsupported by the Turkish fleet he 
was obliged to retreat in August, and only a small remnant of 
that triumphant Ottoman army managed to cut its way back to 
Corinth, for most of his men perished on August 6th in the 
defiles of Devernaki. 

The Greeks had done much to weary the Sultan, and Kolo- 
kotrones had acted splendidly for his country ; but factious 
spirits arose and the hero of the moment set himself up against 
the Greek Legislature. A compromise was made by appoint- 
ing Konduriottes of Hydra President, supported by Kolettes 
as chief minister. This form of government soon caused dis- 
affection, for the President had only the welfare of the island 


at heart, and civil war broke out between Kolokotrones and 
the Primate of the Morea, on the one side, and the supporters 
of the Hydra government on the other. Kolettes proved him- 
self a politician of no small ability, and the Kolokotrones 
faction was defeated and their leader imprisoned. 

In the meantime the Sultan was driven to seek aid from one 
of his most dangerous vassals, Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt. 
It was a perilous action on the part of Mahmoud, for the 
Egyptian's fleet and army, which had been organized on the 
European model, were superior to those of Turkey and might 
be turned against their nominal suzerain. In exchange for 
the island of Crete and the Pashalik of Morea, conferred on 
his son Ibrahim, Mehemet Ali agreed to reduce the Greek 
rebels to submission. The wretched government of Kon- 
duriottes could do nothing to save the islands, and Casos 
and the splendid shipping island of Psara were allowed to 
fall into the possession of Khosrew, the Turkish admiral, 
and his Egyptian allies. The fall of Psara at last 
aroused the Greeks to despatch a strong fleet to protect 
Samos, and drive Ibrahim to the coast of Asia Minor. The 
Greeks proved too easily satisfied, and after returning to 
Hydra they allowed Ibrahim to reach Crete in December. 
In the following spring the Egyptian commander landed 
troops at Modon in Morea, occupied Sphachteria and cap- 
tured Navarino. 

Kolokotrones was released and put in command of the 
Greek forces, but it was in vain. He was driven back 
through Tripolitza, and Ibrahim continued his advance 
unchecked to Nauplia. Here, however, Demetrios Ypsilanti 
again showed his wonderful courage and beat back the 
Egyptian vanguard. Ibrahim retired to Tripolitza, and 
then began such a period of brutality that the Philhellenes 
throughout Europe were aroused, and most of the governments 
began to think it time to step in to prevent the establishment 
of barbarism in the birth-place of civilization. But before 
any steps could be taken the world was horrified by the 
terrible conclusion of the second seige of Missolonghi. From 
April, 1825, to January, 1826, Reshid Pasha * had besieged 
the town without success. The people had shown astounding 
bravery, and the sea-captains of Hydra, under Admiral 
* Reshid Pasha (1802-1858). 


Miaoulis, had thrown supplies into the town and had forced 
the Turkish fleet to retire. In January the grim work of 
blockade was undertaken by Ibrahim, with the result that 
on April 22nd all food supplies failed. The inhabitants, men, 
women, and children, endeavoured to cut their way out. 
Thousands perished in the attempt, and owing to a mistaken 
order some struggled back to the town only to perish in the 
massacre that marked the incoming of the Egyptians. Some 
fought bravely to the end, blowing up the powder magazine 
and perishing in the explosion. Meanwhile, in spite of the 
efforts of Gordon, Church and other volunteers, Athens, 
Munychia and the Acropolis had fallen. The whole of con- 
tinental Greece fell into the enemy's hands, and resistance 
survived only in Morea. 

The hour had arrived, however, for the intervention of the 
Powers on behalf of the Greek patriots, who now held practi- 
cally nothing except the besieged Nauplia. For some years 
there had been in Europe a large number of Philhellenic 
societies, and Frenchmen like Colonel Fabvier, and English 
officers like Colonel Gordon and Sir Richard Church, had 
brought to the Greek cause not only their fighting capacity, 
but their knowledge of military science. Byron's efforts on 
behalf of Greece and the news of his death at Missolonghi 
stirred the imagination of his admirers in western Europe. 
The consciences of Christians had at last been roused by 
the horrors perpetrated by Ibrahim and his negro and fella- 
heen army. As early as January 12th, 1824, the Czar had 
proposed that the Powers should make a joint intervention, 
being partially led to this action by the obvious goodwill 
displayed by Canning to the cause of the insurgents. 

George Canning, the favourite disciple of Pitt, had been 
appointed Foreign Minister after the untimely death of Lord 
Castlereagh in August, 1822. His object was always that 
English interests should alone direct the work of English 
statesmen, and that as far as possible the countries of Europe 
should not interfere w'ith each other's domestic affairs, but 
that nations should " set up for themselves whatever form 
of government they thought best." This he stated with great 
clearness to the Duke of Wellington in September, 1822. 
" Our object, in common with our allies, has been to main- 
tain peace, aware that a new war, in whatever quarter it might 


be kindled, might presently involve all Europe in its flames. 
Our object, as with respect to ourselves, has been to avoid 
all interference with the internal concerns of any nation — an 
interference not authorized in our case by positive rights or 
obligations of a Treaty." In accordance with this principle 
he was ready to mediate between Russia and Turkey, but 
not, at first, between the Sultan and the revolted Greeks. 
At the same time his personal inclinations were well known. 
The success of the Greeks during the latter part of the year 
1822 put their government on a new footing. It was essential 
to fix the responsibility for the acts of piracy which be- 
came increasingly common ; and, on March "23rd, 1823, the 
British Government recognized the Greeks as belligerents. 
The diplomatists of Austria and Prussia scented the danger 
of isolated intervention by Great Britain. In October the 
monarchs debated the situation at Czernovitz, where 
Alexander proposed that Greece should be divided into three 
independent principalities under the suzerainty of the Powers . 
This was not more acceptable to Metternich than to Canning. 
A conference met at St. Petersburg in June, 1824, but the 
British delegate retired and a wide divergence appeared 
between Metternich's view — that the Greeks must be either 
completely subject or completely independent — and Alexan- 
der's determination to do nothing which would diminish the 
influence of Russia in the south. The joint note in which 
the Sultan was offered the mediation of the Powers produced 
no effect. Charles X. of France had been won over to 
Metternich's side. An understanding between Russia and 
England naturally suggested itself, and in the summer of 
1825 Canning opened negotiations. Alexander took the 
view that no intervention was practicable which did not con- 
template the use of force, and avowed his intention of settling 
the question himself if Great Britain was unwilling to co- 
operate on those terms. A journey undertaken by the 
Emperor in southern Russia about this time gave point to the 
suggestion ; but, while negotiations were still proceeding, 
Alexander died at Taganrog on December 24th, 1825. 

The Duke of Wellington was sent to congratulate the new 
Czar, Nicholas I., on his accession, and was instructed to 
invite the co-operation of Russia in a further effort to mediate 
between Turkey and the Greek rebels. The proposal was 


accepted in spite of the fact that a Russian uhimatum had 
been despatched already to the Sultan demanding an 
immediate conference to settle the grievances of the Russian 
Government. The Protocol of St. Petersburg was signed on 
April 4th, 1826. The Sultan showed his indignation at 
Russia's action by pressing forward the reorganization of the 
army. The Janissaries, long the tyrants of Constantinople, 
rose in defence of their privileges ; and, though he was able 
to suppress their revolt, Mahmoud was compelled, by the 
treaty of Akkerman, on October 7th, 1826, to grant the 
demands of Russia. 

To the joint proposals of the protocol he offered a stubborn 
resistance, and negotiations proceeded between England and 
Russia, the English ministers deprecating the use of force, 
which Russia continued to urge. In April_, 1827, Canning 
succeeded Lord Liverpool as Prime Minister, and Wellington, 
the chief opponent of Russian policy, refused to serve in the 
new Government. The effects of this change were visible 
when, on July 6th, 1827, the Protocol of St. Petersburg was 
converted into the Treaty of London. Austria remained 
obdurate and Prussia followed her lead, but France joined 
England and Russia in the agreement : to procure the auto- 
nomy of Greece under Turkish suzerainty, if possible by 
negotiation, but if necessary, by forcing an armistice on the 

Canning's death on August 8th, 1827, found the new policy 
launched but in need of careful and resolute handling. Such 
qualities were not to be found in the Cabinet now formed 
under the presidency of Lord Goderich, and Metternich was 
emboldened to hope that he might yet foil the Allies. A 
note, offering the Sultan the good ofifices of Austria, was pre- 
sented at Constantinople on October 20th. On the same day 
the complexion of negotiations was altered by the battle of 
Navarino. The allied fleets in Greek waters had been in- 
structed to propose an armistice and, if necessary, to enforce 
it by a peaceful blockade. The British admiral, Codrington, 
found the Greeks ready to negotiate, but the Turks refused 
to consider the proposal, and their determination was forti- 
fied by the arrival of an Egyptian fleet which joined the 
Turkish fleet in the bay of Navarino. Here they were 
blockaded by the English and French fleets acting in concert , 


Ibrahim was awaiting the instructions of the Sultan, when, 
on September 23rd, the Greeks destroyed a Turkish squadron 
in the bay of Corinth. Ibrahim attempted to leave Navarino 
and was turned back. An ultimatum delivered by the 
English admiral received no answer, and on October 20th 
the English and French fleets entered the harbour. Chance 
shots led to a general engagement, and the Turkish and 
Egyptian fleets were destroyed. 

The effects of Navarino were, from one point of view, very 
considerable, and it has been characterized as one of the 
decisive battles of history. Metternich exclaimed that " for 
Europe the event of October 20th began a new era." 
In England, however, Goderich's weak Cabinet was panic- 
stricken. Its members, together with Dudley, the Secretary 
of Foreign Affairs, showed none of the sterling qualities or 
promptness of George Canning, and they were disinclined 
to accept the whole responsibility, and were quite incapable 
of any vigorous action. The battle was referred to as "an 
untoward event/' but the Sultan's demand for reparation was 
refused. Russia "was permitted to take up the whole con- 
duct of affairs. It was a policy that Canning could never 
have sanctioned, and it was an example of that extraordinary 
incoherence that marked the doings and methods of English 
statesmen from- 1827 to 183 1. 

In December Mahmoud formally denoxmced the treachery 
of the Powers and annulled the treaty of Akkerman. Russia 
controlled the situation, and the Czar declared his intention 
of occupying the Principalities . The Duke of Wellington, who 
succeeded Goderich as Premier at the beginning of 1828, 
protested, but the Powers were disarmed by Russia's offer of 
co-operation in carrying out the provisions of the Treaty of 
London. In that treaty the Powers had contemplated armed 
intervention, should Turkey remain unconvinced by peaceful 
suasion. These conditions were fulfilled by the action of 
the Sultan, who had issued a proclamation inviting his sub- 
jects to undertake a holy war against the infidels. Thus 
the battle of Navarino decided the long-debated question 
of method at the moment when a change in the character 
of the English Government seemed about to place fresh 
obstacles in the way of the solution favoured by the Czar. 

On May 4th, 1828, the Russian army crossed the Pruth. 

N.E. p 


After Navarino and the exterin,ination of the Janissaries it 
seemed as if the Turkish empire must lie exposed to every 
attack by land and sea. But, as so often in the hijstory of 
Turkey in Europe, the event falsified expectations. The 
military resources of Russia were far weaker than had been 
anticipated, and Wittgenstein '^ was too old to command 
effectively the forces at his disposal. 

The Roumanian territories were first occupied by the 
Russians, who crossed the Danube on June 7th. To bar their 
path the Turks had entrenched themselves in Ibraila, Silis- 
tria, Varna, and Shumla. The first of these capitulated on 
June 1 8th ; but Shumla held out bravely under Omer Vrioni, 
and Wittgenstein was unable to move forward. At last, on 
September 24th, the Turkish general broke out and marched 
to the relief of Varna. On his way he defeated Prince 
Eugene of Wiirtemberg, but so delayed his march that on 
October loth Varna surrendered. Nevertheless, the Turks 
were satisfied with the check they had given to the Russian 
advance, and, winter coming on, the military campaign ended. 
The Angel of Death, however, stalked through the Russian 
camp, and sickness terribly wasted their ranks. At the 
beginning of 1829, Wittgenstein was removed in favour of 
the Prussian, Diebitsch,f who, on June loth at Kulewtscha, 
utterly routed Reshid Pasha after some Turkish successes 
between Shumla and Varna. Diebitsch was thus able to 
accomplish what he had first intended to do, and before the 
end of the month the Turkish stronghold of Silistxia had fallen 
into Russian hands. 

The meagre Russian force had established a reputation 
which it hardly deserved, and in July crossed the Balkans 
unopposed. On August 19th Diebitsch, with 13,000 men, 
obliged jAdrianople to capitulate. The chief ports on the 
Black Sea were captured by detached expeditions and he pre- 
pared to march on Constantinople. The Russian force num- 
bered only 20,000 men, but the news of Russian victories 
in Asia Minor and the fear of rebellion within the walls of 
Constantinople induced the Sultan to surrender. For the 
Czar moderation was a matter of expediency. France showed 

* Wilhelm Ludwig Georg Wittgenstein, Prince of Sayn (1769-1843). 
t Hans Karl Friedrich, Count Diebitsch (1785-1831) ; fought in campaigns of 
1805, and 1812-1814. 


herself lagreeable to the idea of partitioning the Turkish 
dominions in exchange for a modification of her own eastern 
frontier. But neither England nor Austria was likely to 
prove complaisant, and Russia would only lose her hold on 
Turkish policy by a general European war. Accordingly in 
the treaty of Adrianople, which was signed on September 4th, 
1829, Russia's part was forbearance. She could not deny 
herself all territorial gain, and Anapa and Poll, on the eastern 
shore of the Black Sea, became part of Russia. The Danu- 
bian provinces were made almost independent of Turkey and 
more susceptible to Russian influence. The Turks were 
to have no forts on the left bank of the Danube ; the 
Dardanelles were to be open to all merchant shipping ; and 
freedom of trade was to exist in the Black Sea. An indemnity 
was also demanded, which, as long as it remained unfixed 
and unpaid, gave the Czar an opportunity of exercising pres- 
sure upon the Sultan. Besides these arrangements the Porte 
agreed to a clause, arranged by the Powers, for the regulation 
of the Greek frontier. 

The war between Turkey and Russia had played no incon- 
siderable part in the history of Greece. In April, 1827, Capo- 
distrias had been offered the Presidency of Greece, and before 
taking up his office he visited certain Courts to find out what 
help he would be likely to obtain from them. He found at 
St. Petersburg that Russian support would mean that Greece 
was to be ruled in such a way that Russia could intervene on 
every possible pretext. The Czar also insisted on the aboli- 
tion of local self-government and its replacement by auto- 
cracy. The first of the Czar's proposals did not suit the 
schemes of his ex-minister ; the second, however, tallied 
exactly with his own principles and beliefs. By the Protocol 
of London, July 19th, 1828, it had been resolved to attempt 
a settlement of the Greek troubles, while the arms of Russia 
were still unsuccessful. France was authorized to intervene 
and a French corps under General Maison* reached the Gulf 
of Corinth on August 30th. They were met with the news that 
Ibrahim had agreed to evacuate the Morea. Earlier in the 
month Sir Edward Codrington had appeared off Alexandria 
and Mehemet Ali' had consented to withdraw his forces. 
Capodistrias now threw in his lot with Russia against the 

* Nicolas Joseph, Marquis Maison (1771-1840) ; marshal of France. 

P 2 


Turks, ^nd with energy succeeded in reconquering Misso- 
longhi a.nd the country north of the Gulf of Corinth. He 
had been largely tempted to do this by the issue of a protocol 
of the Powers in November, 1828, which limited the sphere 
of the allies to the Morea and the islands. Tlie action of 
Capodistrias, and the continued Turkish resistance, tempted 
the allies to act more generously, and by the Protocol of 
March, 1829, the Greek northern frontier was extended to a 
line drawn from the Gulf of Arta to the Gulf of Volo . Greece 
was to be a tributary State, ruled by an hereditary prince 
under the suzerainty of the Sultan. After the Treaty of Adria- 
nople, fear of Russia's advance southward reconciled the 
Powers to Greek independence, and by common consent the 
Sultan's supremacy was abandoned and the circumscribed 
Hellenic kingdom was accepted by Leopold of Saxe-Coburg 
on February i ith, 1830. 

In the years of revolution much perished, but the source 
of Greek independence, the desire for local self-govern- 
ment, remained alive. Capodistrias, however, failed to 
understand this, and work as he would he never could 
have succeeded in bringing the Greeks to a happy and 
peaceful nation by establishing uniformity in all parts of the 
government and creating a highly centralized administrative 
system. He was, undoubtedly, deeply disappointed by the 
appointment of Leopold, for he had ever had hopes that he 
himself might have become Prince of the country that cer- 
tainly held all his affections, even if his methods of govern- 
ment were erroneous. It is probable that his actions and 
letters were largely the cause of Leopold's renunciation of 
the crown that was so shorn of all power. From May, 1830, 
Capodistrias was, therefore, free from personal rivalry, but 
he found that the greater part of the nation were against him . 
Bureaucratic methods and attacks upon constitutional 
liberties, such as the freedom of the Press, earned 
him the hatred and distrust of those fellow-countrymen 
who had formerly looked to him as a leader. At last 
open revolt broke out. Among those implicated was Petros 
Bey. Two other members of the Mavromichales family were 
inspired to avenge his humiliation, and on October 9th, 1831, 
Capodistrias was assassinated in the Church of St. Spiridipn 
at Nauplia. 


Meanwhile, in Western Europe the revolutions of 1830 
made the Powers eager for a settlement on any terms. The 
fall of the Tory Government in England smoothed the way 
to an agreement, and on February ist, 1833, Otto of 
Bavaria, a lad of eighteen years of age, was entrusted 
with the rule of a distracted country composed for the most 
part lOf unruly shepherds and lawless brigands. A fresh 
frontier was arranged which enlarged the kingdom, but still 
excluded Crete, Thessaly, and Epirus. The date marks, not 
the solution of a problem, for the Greek nation was yet to 
make, but the beginning of a new epoch. 





*W. Alison Phillips 

Cambridge Modern History. 
De Poucqueville 
Gordon . 
Holland . 
Marriott . 

The War of Greek Independence, 1897. 
Letters and Journals. 
Vol. X. 
La RegSnSration de la Grece. 
History of the Greek Revolution. 
History of the Greek Revolution. 
Treaty Relations between Russia and Turkey. 
George Canning and his Times. 
A bfall der Greichen oon Tilrkeschen Reich. 
Histoire de Russie. 

The Political Life of George Canning. 
George Canning. 



1824. The Law of Settlement repealed. 

The beginning of Free Trade by the reduction of duties on 

certain articles. 
The repeal of the Combination Laws. 

1825. The suppression of the Catholic Association. 

A Bill for the Relief of Roman Catholics carried in the Commons 

but rejected by the Lords. 
The strike of the Bradford woolcombers. 

1826. Riots in Lancashire. 

The partial re-enactment of the Combination Laws. 
Troops are sent to Portugal. 

1827. The Duke of York died. 

Mr. Canning became Prime Minister on the resignation of Lord 

Mr. Canning died in August, and was succeeded by Lord Goderich. 

1828. The Duke of Wellington became Prime Minister on the resigna- 

tion of Lord Goderich. 
The repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. 
The Penryn and East Retford Bills. 

The election of Daniel O'Connell for the county of Clare. 
The revival of the Catholic Association. 

1829. The Catholic Association was ordered to be suppressed. 
The Roman Catholic Emancipation Bill passed. 

1830. Death of George IV, 



Maximilian I., 


Louis I., 


Maximilian II., 

King of Greece, 

Regent of Bavaria. 

Louis II., 
succ. 1864. 

b. 184S 



b. 1846. 

b. 1852. 






























CAPODISTRIAS president of the GREEKS 


1830— 1843 

The Chief Dates in the Contemporary History of India and America. 



A merica. 


The Pindari and last Maratha War. 

James Monroe elected President. 


Florida acquired by the U.S.A. 


The " Missouri Compromise." 


Lord Amherst appointed Governor-General. 

The " Monroe Doctrine " proclaimed. 


The first war with Burmah. 

Treaty with Russia. 


J. Q. Adams elected President. 


Assam ceded to Great Britain. 


Lord W. Bentinck appointed Governor- 


A. Jackson elected President. 


Coorg annexed by the British. 


Van Buren elected President. 


The first Afghan War. 

Americans assisted Papineau. 

1841. Murder of Burnes and Macnaghten at Cabul. 

1842. Lord EUenborough appointed Governor- 


1843. The Sind War. 
1845. The first Sikh War. 

1848. Lord Dalhousie appointed Governor- General. 

1849. Annexation of the Punjaub. 

Harrison elected President ; succeeded 

by J. Tyler. 
The Ashburton Treaty with Great 


J. Polk elected President. Annexation 

of Texas. 
War with Mexico. 
Discovery of gold in California. 
Z. Taylor elected President; succeeded 

by M. Fillmore. 

During the last years of Louis XVIII. Liberalism in the 
Assembly of France became almost extinct. The electoral 
law of 1820 was successful in its objects. The partial elec- 
tions in 1820, 1821^ and 1822 had increased the Royalist 
majorities. In 1824 V'illMe decided upon a dissolution and 
in the New Chamber there were only seventeen Liberals 
out of a total of 434. Charles X. on September i6th, 
1824, succeeded Louis^ and reaction was started on every 
side. The emigres received their compensation, the Church 
obtained its old ascendency, the Jesuits were authorized to 
return, and the Galileans were alarmed by the claims of the 
Ultramontanes . Opposition soon sprang up, which the 
ministers tried to quell by censorship of the Press, the closure 


of the Ecole Normale as a seat of sedition, and the threat 
to abolish trial by jury. Even the National Guard was con- 
taminated, and its mutinous aspect caused the King to 
order its disbandment in 1825. Extreme Royalists and 
Liberals began to unite in opposition to the policy of the 
Government. Villfele determined upon another dissolution, 
while he tried to secure the position of the Government in 
the Upper Chamber by the nomination of 76 new peers. 
During the elections Paris was the scene of formidable riotB 
and the streets were barricaded. A number of Liberals were 
returned, and, in December, 1827, VillMe fell before a coali- 
tion of Ultras and opponents of the Monarchy. In January, 
1828, he was succeeded by a moderate, the Vicomte de 
Martignac,* who attempted at the same time to conciliate 
public ppinion and to maintain the authority of the Crown. 
He failed to satisfy the Liberals by his partial reforms or 
to reconcile tlie Ultras to them. In August, 1829, he retired 
and the King entrusted the government to Prince 'Jules de 
Polignac,t an emigre and a leader of the reactionaries. At 
the same time General Bourmont $ was made Minister of 
War, a man intolerable to the French people as a deserter 
from Napoleon at Waterloo. Polignac was notorious for his 
good-will towards the priests, and all the world recognized 
that Charles had entirely failed to learn the lessons of the 
past and to realize that serious undercurrents of revolution 
were forming on every side. An address in which the 
several deputies demanded the choice of representative 
ministers provoked Charles to authorize prorogation, and 
from that moment the bitter discontent against the royal 
ministers was transferred to the monarcb himself. Lafayette, 
the Republican, began at once to form a secret society, " aide 
toi et le del faidera," for Liberal agitation. 

The unpopularity thus excited was too violent to be 
overcome by successes abroad, and Charles placed vain hopes 
in the conquest of Algiers . General Bourmont had been dis- 
patched in May, 1830, nominally to punish the Dey for his 

* J. B. S. A., Vicomte de Martignac (1776-1832). 

t Auguste Jules Armand Marie, Prince de Polignac (1780-1847) ; made a prince 
by the Pope 1820 ; ambassador to England 1823 ; head of Bourbon ministry 
1829 ; imprisoned at Ham ; liberated 1836. 

I Louis Auguste Victor, Comte de Ghaisnes de Bourmont (1773-1846) ; marshal 
of France. 


conduct towards the French Consul, but in reality to en- 
deavour to obtain for France a grip on the southern shore 
of the Mediterranean. The slyness of the French policy 
at this time is particularly noticeable. They had hoped 
to obtain the assistance oT Mehemet Ali, Pasha o'f Egypt, 
and thus gain some influence in the valley of the Nile. Great 
Britain, however, exercised such pressure upon Mehemet Ali 
that he refused to take any share in the French schemes. 
Great Britain only allowed the expedition to start on the 
direct understanding that it was punitive and not colonial in 
character. On July 4th the French were absolutely success- 
ful, and Polignac had hoped that the elections would there- 
fore be favourable and that the country would be stirred by 
the idea of a new France in sunny Africa. But he was 
destined to be disappointed ; and the election produced a 
still more powerful opposition to the unconstitutional 
monarchy under the deputies Royer -Collar d and Guizot.* 
Exasperated by his impotence in the Chamber, v/here he 
could count on no more than 100 supporters, Charles made 
use of Article 14 in the Charter. "By it the 'Crown retained 
the right of providing for the safety of the State by special 
regulations. On July 25th, 1830, he issued the Four Ordinances, 
by which the liberty of the Press ceased, the Chambers were 
dissolved, a new Parliament was summoned, and the franchise 
was altered by raising the property qualification. 

This was the last straw ; the imminence of revolution 
was obvious to the outside world, but not to Charles X. 
The Government was absolutely unprepared, having only 
a small force of untried men on which to rely in case 
of danger. A few deputies began the trouble by pro- 
testing against the King's action ; and they were followed 
by a group of journalists under the young Thiers,f who 

* Franfois Pierre Guillaume Guizot (1787-1874) ; published Nouveau Diction- 
naire des Synonymes 1809 ; an essay on the fine arts 1811 ; a translation of Gibbon 
1812 ; appointed general director of departmental administration 1816 ; together 
with other writers published Mycins relatifs a VHistoire de France jusqu'au I'i"" 
Steele, and Memoirs relatifs & la Revolution d' Angleterre ; prominent member of the 
Opposition 1830 ; French ambassador 1840 ; fled to London 1848 ; returned to 
Paris 1849; after 1851 published many works, having abandoned politics. 

f Louis Adolphe Thiers (1797-1877) ; called to the Bar 1820 ; wrote Histoire 
de la Rholution Frangaise 1823-1827 ; started the National 1830 ; Minister of the 
Interior 1832 ; and then Foreign Minister ; President of the Council 1836, but 
resigned ; again President and Minister of Foreign Affairs 1840 ; wrote Histoire 


was already beginning to play a part in French politics. The 
real movement, however, would never have been made had it 
not been for the organization which Cavaignac * had spread 
among the working class. It was these men who started 
the street fighting on July 27th ; the H6tel de Ville was 
captured the next day. The Louvre and Tuileries were 
attacked on the 29th, and, owing to Marmont's indecision, 
taken, and most of the troops joined the mob. Charles X. 
unexpectedly discovered that he had lost Paris, which was 
occupied by the National Guard under Lafayette. The 
capital, however, was for the moment really divided into two 
parties — the one, under Lafayette, avowedly Republican ; the 
other, under the banker Laffitte,f in favour of a revolutionary 
monarchy. In the end the two coalesced, and, taking no 
notice of the abdication of Charles in favour of his grandson, 
the Comte de Chambord, established on August 7th Louis 
Duke of Orleans as Louis Philippe, King of the French. 
Charles retained some of his dignity, and, surrounded by a 
few of the faithful military, retired to the coast, and on 
August 1 6th took refuge in England . 

Louis Philippe, though named the King of the French, had 
not been called to that position by any definite demand of 
the French nation ; he owed his exaltation to Talleyrand, 
Laffitte, and Lafayette. The opposition, which had provoked 
Charles X. to revive the methods of the old absolute 
monarchy, contained violent reactionaries as well as Liberals. 
Even among the Liberals there was a fundamental difference 
of opinion, which soon divided them into hostile parties. 
While Guizot and his friends believed that the sovereign 
power rested upon a contract between king and people, and 
that the liberties which were secured in the first year of the 
" July Monarchy " would suffice, another section of Liberals 
aimed at extending democratic government at home and 
wished to champion the Liberal cause all over Europe. Many 
of them held that the foundation of the Government was 

du Consulat et de VEmpire 1845-1862 ; voted for Louis Napoleon 1848 ; banished 
1851 ; returned 1852 ; re-entered the Chamber 1863 ; elected to the National 
Assembly 1871 ; suppressed the Commune ; elected President of the Republic ; 
resigned 1873 ; caused the fall of the de Broglie ministry 1877. 

• Louis Eugene Cavaignac (1802-1857). 

t Jacques Laffitte (1769-1844) ; governor of the Bank of France 1814 ; founded 
a discount bank in 1837 < President of the Chamber of Deputies in 1843. 


popular sovereignty, and that the monarchy was no more 
than an expedient. Much, therefore, depended on the view 
taken by the monarch himself of his rights and position. 
Louis Philippe was of middle age ; a genial and unpretending 
gentleman, connected by tradition with the first Revolution. 
He had few illusions, but had learnt to rely upon his own 
tact and judgment. For the sake of power he was willing 
— to forego all the trappings of the old monarchy. He was 
determined to be head of the State in fact, but quite ready, 
as a preliminary, to make large concessions. He imme- 
diately issued a hew Constitution, under which the Press 
was to be free, the Roman Catholic Church was to have 
no privileges, the deputies were to be elected for five years, 
and the King was not to suspend the law, appoint tribunals, 
or use mercenaries. At first there seemed a likelihood of 
the Powers refusing to accept this extraordinary action of the 
French people, but the days of the Holy Alliance had really 
passed away ; and although Lord Aberdeen threatened to 
apply the Treaty of Chaumont, and Metternich spoke of it as 
" a difiScult task, but one of supreme necessity," neither the 
King of Prussia nor the Emperor of Austria was eager to 
renew a system which had becom,e obsolete ; nor was the Rus- 
sian minister Nesselrode any more anxious, though the Czar 
Nicholas would have welcomed a second Revolutionary war, 
which left him with " a free hand in the East." There is no 
doubt that Louis Philippe hardly understood the difficulty 
of the situation. He had been raised to the throne by the 
Parisian mob, but it would be hazardous for him to obey the 
wishes of his people, who were anxious to restore the glories 
of France and to re -obtain much that had been lost in 181 5. 
Talleyrand saw far more clearly that the policy of France 
should be directed to play upon the jealousies of the different 
Powers and so break up the long-existing alliance between 
England, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, and thereby liberate 
France from that position of isolation into which she had been 
forced for the last fifteen years. To work both policies was 
no easy game for the newly -appointed King of the French. 

Louis Philippe was largely assisted by the disunion of his 
enemies, and by means of Lafayette he succeeded in ruling 
with peace and order for the first few months . He had hoped 
to govern through a Cabinet composed of the different parties 


that had brought him to power ; but this proved unworkable, 
as the members quarrelled between themselves. The mob 
thirsted for blood and repeatedly demanded the execution 
of Polignac and his colleagues. The King and his coun- 
cillors were determined to save them if possible, but one 
expedient failed after another. The continual riots became 
daily more dangerous, and on October 17th and i8th 
the Parisian mob, having invaded the Palais Royale, attacked 
Vincennes, where Polignac and his companions were detained, 
and their lives were only saved by the pluck of the wounded 
veteran General Daumesnil.* This rioting brought about the 
resignation of such moderate ministers as Guizot, Broglie,t 
Casimir Perier,J Mole,§ and Dupin || ; while Lafifitte became 
President of a Cabinet of progressives, with a minority in 
the Chambers . The actual struggle between the Government 
and the mob of Paris came in the trial of Polignac and the 
ministers in December. The lust for blood was unappeased. 
and the "July Monarchy " was much endangered by the grow- 
ing unpopularity of Lafayette, who withstood the desires of 
the people . The matter, however, was concluded by smuggling 
the ex-ministers out of Paris to places of confinement, and the 
mob pacified itself by an attack upon the peers. But Louis 
Philippe found that he had escaped this difficulty by the loss 
of much prestige, and that he was still more indebted to 
Lafayette . He was liberated .from this, however, by Lafayette 
regarding himself insulted and resigning his office. One 
more instrument of the past had to be got rid of before Louis 
could feel tolerably free. Jacques Laffitte was an idealist, and 
as such was neither in touch with the people nor with the man 
he had raised to the throne. The unrest at home and the 
position of the Powers abroad had proved too much for a man 
who, though a good financier, was not a statesman. He found 
that he was liable to slights from his master and suspicion 
from the people, and in his wrath he retired. He was suc- 

• Pierre Daumesnil, Baron (1777-1832). 

t Achille Charles Leonce Victor, Due de Broglie (1785-1870) ; Foreign 
Secretary 1832-34 ; Prime Minister 1835-36 ; lived in retirement after 1851. 

J Casimir Perier (1777-1832) ; banker and statesman. 

§ Matthieu Louis, Comte Mol^ (1781-1855) ; wrote Essai de Morale et de la 
Politique 1806 ; Minister of Marine under Louis XVIII. ; Foreign Minister under 
Louis Philippe ; Prime Minister 1836. 

II A. M. J. J. Dupin (1783-1865). 


ceeded by Casimir Perier in March, 183 1, and Loms 
Philippe, after this temporary compromise with the popular 
leaders, was in a position to discard them and to found the 
dual tradition of the " July Monarchy " : resistance to revo- 
lution at home and non-intervention abroad. 

The King was not yet freed from difHculty, for the imme- 
diate reaction was met by formidable rebellions in Lyons and 
Grenoble, which had to be suppressed by the Minister of War, 
Marshal Soult. In Casimir Perier he had found a minister 
who was strong and honest, but, unfortunately, in March, 
1832, he was carried off by cholera, and was succeeded in 
office by the Comte de Montalivet. In the west the Duchess 
of Berry roused the Legitimists to revolt. In November, 
1832, she was arrested, and the cause of the Bourbons was 
discredited by her secret marriage with the Italian Count 
Lucchesi Palli. A more formidable rebellion took place 
in June, 1832, when a Republican demonstration was 
made at the funeral of General Lamarque.* Had it not been 
for the prompt action of Soult the " July Monarchy " 
would have been seriously endangered. On the other 
hand, Louis Philippe had distinct advantages at this 
time. Austria had always had a hold on France in 
the person of the Duke of Reichstadt, son of Napoleon I., 
but he died on July 22nd. At the same time Soult 
became President of the Council, the Due de Broglie 
accepted the Foreign Office, and Guizot was made Minister of 
Public Instruction. Above all, Thiers, who had now made a 
brilliant reputation as a journalist, was appointed a minister 
of France at the age of thirty-five. Fresh troubles, however, 
arose. The taxes were increased enormously, not only for 
buildings and fortifications, but also to support the recently 
created Zouaves and Chasseurs d'Afrique for the protection of 
Algiers. These burdens caused a fresh outbreak in Lyons in 
1834, which led to much bloodshed. The unpopularity of 
Louis Philippe Was also shown by an attempt on his life by 
Fieschijf a native of Corsica, who failed in his murderous de- 
sign upon the King, but killed Marshal Mortier X and seven 
others. In 1835 stricter measures were taken, and the harsh 

* Maximilien, Comte Lamarque (1770-1832). 

t Joseph Fieschi (1790-1836). 

X E. A. C. J. Mortier, Due de Trevise (1768-1835). 


" laws of September," for the punishment of political offenders, 
did not improve the feeling towards the King or his ministers . 
The Government appeared strong" enough, but there were 
internal quarrels, which reached a climax in the spring of 
1836, when Guizot and Broglie retired, defeated on a 
question of the budget, and Thiers became President of the 
Council and Foreign Minister. The parties in the Chamber were 
by this time clearly defined. On the Right was a small section 
headed by the brilliant orator Berryer ; Guizot led the Right 
Centre ; the Left was under Odilon Barret,* while Thiers was 
at the head of the Left Centre. The latter was not to remain 
in power for long, because, after forcing Switzerland to 
banish political refugees and demanding intervention in 
Spain, Louis Philippe dismissed him in September, and the 
office of President fell to the Comte M0I6. 

On the death of Charles X., Louis Napoleon, son of the 
late King of Holland, made a futile rising at Strasburg in 
October, but his colleagues were acquitted, and he himself, 
after an enforced visit to America, soon ireturned to Switzer- 
land. France was undoubtedly in a state of unrest, and the 
factious spirits of her rulers did not help to allay this trouble. 
In 1839 the three other parties combined against the Right 
and overthrew the ministry, but their hopes of obtaining 
office were shattered by the outbreak of socialist troubles, 
which were caused by the society called Les Saisons, headed 
by Bernard and Barbds.f The revolt was soon crushed, but 
the King seized the opportunity of once again placing Marshal 
Soult in power. In 1840 the Chambers refused for a second 
time to grant any settlement for the Due de Nemours, and 
Mai'shal Soult was obliged to give place to Thiers on 
March ist. At the same time Guizot was sent to London as 
ambassador at a very critical moment. The Powers had 
intervened, with an appearance of unanimity, in the disputes 
(described elsewhere) in which the Sultan of Turkey had 
been involved with his formidable lieutenant, Mehemet Ali. 
France, however, refused to join in coercing Mehemet Ali. 
The French people had been interested, since the time of 
Napoleon's expedition, in the Egyptian question ; they had 
designs on North Africa, and some of their statesmen were 

* Camille Hyacinthe Odilon Barrot (1791-1873). 

f Armand Barb^s, born 1810 ; French colonel, socialist and anti-clerical. 


anxious to effect a secret se'ttlement of the dispute^ which 
would protect Mehemet Ali and increase French prestige in 
the Eastern Mediterranean. The discovery of these inten- 
tions led England to join the other Powers in a separate 
agreement, which was bitterly resented in France. Louis 
Philippe wisely resisted the aggressive policy of Thiers, and 
in October replaced him by a ministry in which the Foreign 
Minister, Guizot, adopted a more pacific attitude. 

That there were internal dangers as well as external 
was shown by Louis Napoleon's attempt to raise a rebel- 
lion at Boulogne. He was captured, and this time his 
sentence was more severe than after his Strasburg revolt . He 
was condemned to perpetual imprisonment at Ham, from 
which six years later he escaped to England. Thiers' ministry 
had not been successful, and, after another attempt on Louis 
Philippe's life by Darmds, the ministry resigned, and Guizot 
took over the Premiership and Foreign Office, though Soult 
was nominally at the head of affairs. By 1843 the popular 
discontent was at its height, and the Guizot rule was much 
discredited. The English consul Pritchard had been arrested 
by a French admiiral at Tahiti. The French Government 
agreed to pay compensation in money, thereby irritating 
the sensitive pride of France. Then, too, the unpopular Due 
de Nemours had been appointed regent for the infant chil- 
dren of the beloved Due d'Orleans, who had been killed in a 
carriage accident on July 13th, 1842. 

In the meantime the example of France in July, 1830, had 
been copied in most of the countries of Europe. As far as 
Great Britain was concerned, the French Revolution of 1830 
had the effect of encouraging democratic feeling and 
unrest. This took the shape of increasing the demands 
for reform, which had for nearly a hundred years been 
made in vain. General discontent and disorder, rick- 
burning, murder, and intimidation succeeded. The anti- 
reformers were obliged to give way, partly through fear of 
worse things, and partly because of lessons learnt from the 
French ; and Lord Grey carried his Reform Bill in 1832. 

In other countries the effect of the Revolution was far more 
serious, and certainly more apparent. In Holland and 
Belgium the French excesses had an extraordinarily interest- 
ing result. The Congress of Vienna of 18 15 had, without 

N.E. Q 


any "great justice, united these two contiguous countries. Its 
members had paid more attention to the need for precau- 
tions against another aggressive movement on the part of 
France than to the wishes of the inhabitants of the 
territories |of which they were disposing. The Dutch were 
for the most part 'Calvinists, arid had a great and noble 
Calvinistic history behind them. By the Congress they 
were united to. the Roman Catholics of Belgium, who 
had for so long continued under Hapsburg rule and had 
failed to throw off the shackles of dependence. The clergy 
of both parties easily found reasons for quarrels and re- 
criminations in the secular education and equality that was 
granted to both sects. Even the trading instincts of the two 
peoples were not the same, for the Dutch had ever been 
traders and voyagers, while the Belgians confined their ener- 
gies to manufacture. Then, too, there were financial and 
linguistic causes of ill-feeling, for the Belgians had to bear 
the burden of half the national debt of Holland, while they 
felt insulted by the Dutch language being decreed na'tional 
and official on October 26th, 1822. The Dutch population, 
though jmuch less than the Belgian, was represented in the 
Assembly by an equal number of deputies and needed only 
the support of a few Belgian officials to form a majority. The 
Revolution in July in Paris caused a similar revolt in Brussels ; 
unpopular ministers were attacked ; a national guard was 
formed ; the Government practically acknowledged itself in- 
capable of keeping order ; and other towns, such as Verviers, 
followed the example of the capital. Legislative indepen- 
dence was promised by King William, but the people, find- 
ing themselves duped, rose again and drove back Prince 
Frederick, King William's second son, from his attack on 
Brussels. By October matters had reached such a crisis that 
the independence of Belgium was proclaimed, and the House 
of Orange was said to have forfeited its rights. This state of 
affairs was more than could be tolerated by the other Powers 
of Europe, and out of this purely domestic question there was 
every likelihood of another European war . The Belgian ques- 
tion aroused the interests of Europe, for it was generally 
feared that the French might endeavour to annex Belgium, 
which had been part of France durihg the Revolutionary and 
Napoleonic period. Any chance of war was, however, dissi- 


pated by several circumstances. In the first place, Louis 
Philippe was wise enough to refuse the offer of the Belgian 
crown made to his son, the Due de Nemours, while he grati- 
fied public opinion by threatening Prussia with retaliation 
if she interfered forcibly. Secondly, though it was only 
natural to expect the Czar to throw in his lot with the House 
of Orange, at this moment sucTi a course was quite impos- 
sible, as Russia had her hands full in crushing the revolt in 
Poland. Meanwhile, Talleyrand convinced the Duke of 
Wellington and the English Government of the pacific inten- 
tions of France. The two last of the Great Powers had no 
desire to intervene in the affairs of Belgium, for Prussia had 
her own interests to guard along the Rhine ; while Austria, 
under ,Metternich, had to combat the approach of revolu- 
tionary principles in Italy and Poland. A great European 
outbreak being thus averted, it was agreed at a conference 
in London, under the leadership of Talleyrand, that Belgium 
should be an independent State under a monarch of her own. 
The boundaries of Belgium did not include Luxemburg and 
Maestricht. This aroused violent indignation, and led to 
further negotiations . By an agreement reached on June 4th, 
1831, Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg was elected King, and 
more favourable terms were conceded to Belgium. Luxem- 
burg was to remain in statu quo. In addition, it was guaran- 
teed, contrary to the original proposals of December, 
that Belgium was to be responsible only for the debt 
which she bore at the time of the union and for a 
portion of that which had been contracted since 1 8 1 5 . 
The Dutch naturally disliked these articles, and, having 
taken up arms, defeated Leopold at Tirlemont on August 
iith. The wishes of "tTie conference had, however, to 
be enforced, and Marshal G6rard * was sent by the French 
Government, while an English fleet entered the Scheldt. 
Another conference was held in London, and fresh articles 
were then issued on October 15th. By that it was declared 
that Limburg on the Meuse was to go to Holland, while Wal- 
loon-Luxemburg was to be given to Belgium. The financial 

* Etienne Maurice, Comte Gerard (1773-1852); general of brigade after 
Austerlitz 1805 ; fought at Jena, Erfurt, Wagram, Moscow campaign, and at 
Ligny and Wavre ; drove the Dutch out of Flanders 1831 ; marshal under Louis 



settlement was altered, and it was now decided that Belgium 
should pay 8,400,000 florins per annum towards the debt.* 
The Czar Nicholas, who had always been friendly to William 
of Orange, did not accept the new terms until May, 1832; but 
the Dutch King would not give way even when he had lost his 
only ally. Great Britain was therefore forced to take strong 
measures, and blockaded the ports of Holland, while Marshal 
Gerard seized Antwerp, forcing Chasse, its commander, after 
a plucky defence, to give way in December. By May of the 
following year King William entered upon a preliminary 
treaty, but it was not until six years later that he consented to a 
final agreement, which was the natural outcome of the peace- 
ful and constitutional government Leopold had bestowed upon 
a hitherto distracted country. 

The reason why Nicholas had not taken more definite steps 
when appealed to by William of Orange was, as has been 
stated, because of his own difficulties in Poland. That 
nation had been once again created a kingdom by the Con- 
gress of "Vienna, as a direct outcome of the really generous 
feeling that filled the heart of Alexander I. up to 1820. But 
the success of the experiment was endangered from the first. 
Memories of the three partitions made the Poles hard to 
conciliate, and the Constitution contained language of which 
the Government availed itself, when ffiction arose, to annul 
the reforms which had been granted. The weakness of the 
Polish Nationalists lay in the absence of any democratic 
element. By the nation they understood not the whole 
people, but the landowning and upper classes. Before 
Alexander's death, on December ist, 1825, the Government 
had proceeded some way in the direction of reaction. The 
Press was subjected to the censorship, and the secret socie- 
ties, which sprang up in all directions, were combated by the 
use of unconstitutional tribunals and arbitrary sentences. 
Alexander's successor, Nicholas I., had to face a difficult 
situation. His brother Constantine had resigned his claim 
to the throne in 1822, but his decision had not been made 
public. The opportunify was seized by the secret societies, 
which aimed, some at a Constitutional Monarchy, some at a 
Slavonic Federation. Their risings, both in St. Petersburg 

* By the Treaty of London, May ig, 1839, this sum was reduced to 5,000,000 


and in the south, were suppressed, and, by the Czar'fe 
instructions, an investigation was made into the connec- 
tion between the societies of Russia and those of Poland. 
The Czar was, before all things, a Nationalist ; he strongly- 
supported the old national institutions and the Greek Church, 
and for this reason he insisted on all the children of Russian 
parentage being educated in the old faith. But what was 
equally disturbing to the Poles, he commanded that the Rus- 
sian language was to be taught in the Polish provinces. The 
news of the July Revolution iti France inflamed the Poles, 
and in November, 1830, they burst into revolt. The 
residence of the viceroy at Warsaw was attacked, and Con- 
stantine fled to join the Russian forces. It seemed that, in a 
moment, Poland was free. Chlopicki,* a Napoleonic soldier 
of great reputation, took command of the army, but he was 
not staunch, for he disliked the people, and was rather a poli- 
tician than a soldier. He relied too much on diplomacy, 
and was ultimately ready to make terms with the Czar. At 
the head of the Polish Government was Adam Czartoryski, 
a survivor of the ancient royal house of Jagellon. His task 
was difficult, for he was torn hither and thither by the 
division of parties. Some clamoured angrily for extreme 
measures, whilst others were equally timorous and dreaded the 
alienation of Prussia and Russia. In February, 1831, 
Diebitsch, with an army of 114,000 men and 336 guns, 
marched against Praga and Warsaw. Chlopicki resigned, 
and his place was taken by Radzivil.f The Russian general 
was foiled time and again, until he died in June, 1831, of 
cholera. He was succeeded on June i6th by Paskievitsch, 
who, altering the plan of campaign, determined to march 
round Warsaw and take it in the rear. In the meantime 
quarrels and divisions among the Poles brought about the 
resignation of Czartoryski, and the democratic party placed 
in his stead the ambitious General Krukoviecki, who gave 
the chief command of the Polish army to Malachovski. 
This assisted Paskievitsch to carry out his plans ; and on 
September 8th Warsaw capitulated. It now only needed the 
fall of Cracow to General Riidiger J on September 28th, and 

* Joseph Chlopicki (1771-1854) ; made general by Emperor Alexander ; died 
in exile at Cracow. 

f A. H. Radzivil (1775-1833) ; diplomatist and musician. 
I Fedor Rudiger (1780-1856). 


the capture of the fortresses of Modlin and Zamose in October, 
to convert the kingdom of Poland into a Russian province. 
The Czar, hoping to win the good-will of his people and allay 
the evidences of sympathy among the Powers, allowed a cer- 
tain show of autonomy by the Organic Sta,tute promulgated 
on February 14th, 1832 ; and offered an amnesty to 
those who had pluckily struggled for liberty. As the world 
afterwards saw, and the Poles quickly realized, it was a 
mockery, for 80,000 patriots found themselves hurried off to 
the horrors of a life-long imprisonment in Siberia. During 
the next twenty-five years the viceroy, Paskievitsch, steadily 
crushed the political and national independence of the 
kingdom of Poland. 

It is not surprising that the revolution in Paris caused 
much political unrest in Germany, where the Metternich 
system could but foster the principles of revolt. In Septem- 
ber, 1830, the Liberal movement began by the expulsion of 
Duke Charles from Brunswick and the selection of his brother 
William to take his place. During the next two years there 
were continual signs of disturbance in Hanover ; while in 
183 1 the people of Saxony and Hesse Cassel succeeded in 
extorting Liberal Constitutions from their rulers . Metternich 
watched the troubles with the gravest interest, and, fearing 
lest a similar Liberal programme might be brought forward 
in Hungary, took the precaution in 1832 of confirming the 
Carlsbad Decrees. He forbade all popular assemblies, and in 
the full spirit of the old Holy Alliance promised military 
assistance to any Government threatened by revolution. So 
obvious was the danger to the sovereigns from this growing 
discontent, which, indeed, did not reach its height for another 
fifteen years, that they met together to discuss the situation. 
Thus in 1 833 the Czar, the Emperor of Austria, and the Crown 
Prince of Prussia entered into the famous league of Miinchen- 
gratz to settle the Eastern question by concerted action and 
to uphold the right of sovereigns to summon foreign aid in 
the case of domestic difficulties . As an outcome of this con- 
ference, in September Metternich also called a conference 
at Vienna to define more clearly the attitude of the Powers 
to their enemy, the spirit of revolution. It was agreed that 
the sovereigns were to do their utmost to defend themselves 
from the ever -increasing encroachments oi the Chambers, and 


that if the action of the " people " went too far, every 
sovereign would be justified in using force to suppress 
popular demands. It was also well understood, not only in 
Germany but also in France, that one of the main incite- 
ments to revolution was to be found in the professors and 
students of the universities. These Metternich insisted should 
be watched with the greatest care. In addition to the univer- 
sities, the Press was regarded as even a more serious danger, 
and the sovereigns in conference agreed that it must be at 
least kept under, if not entirely suppressed. And, lastly, 
they came to the conclusion that a way out of their difficulties 
would be to form a court by which cases might be decided 
which arose between sovereigns and their Estates. 

Liberal inovements silmilar to those which were ag'itating 
the Great Powers penetrated into the cantons of Switzerland. 
Before the news of the French Revolution the oligarchy in 
Tessin had been overthrown. Zurich began at once to reform, 
and a grand council was elected by the country districts and 
the towns, tTie latter electing one-third of the whole. Berne 
resigned its autocratic privileges, and, together with Zurich, 
Lucerne, St. Gallen, Thugau, Aargau, and Solothurn, in 
March, 1832, formed themselves into a league called 
Siebener-Concordat, with the purpose of remaining united 
until the Constitution had been reformed and their liberties 
guaranteed. Against this, Uri, Unterwalden, Valais, and 
Neufchatel formed a Conservative and Roman Catholic 
League under the title of Sarner Bund. In 1834, the Sarner 
Bund attacked the Siebener-Concordat. The Liberals were 
successful, and in the autumn the Catholic League was dis- 
solved . 

" Of all European countries," according to Metternich, 
Italy was " the one which had the greatest tendency towards 
revolution." The Italian Peninsula had long been the home 
of secret societies, such as the Centri in Mantua, the Raggi 
in Bologna, the Massoneria in Upper Italy, the Anti Eugeniani 
in Milan, but, above all, of the Carbonari, originating in 
Naples. This latter society was the most influential and most 
widely -spread. In its origin it had been a society of land- 
lords, isoldiers, provincials, lawyers, aiid the middle class, 
but it came to be a society anxious to overthrow all political 
and social affairs. Besides these there was the party of 


moderate Liberals, who did not wish for anarchy, but merely 
desired a substitution of constitutional checks for autocracy. 
In 1831 the conspirators against Austria included Francis VI. 
of Modena, but he, in February, turned against his colleagues, 
and, being forced to fly, Modena was declared an independent 
State. The election of Gregory XVI. in the same month 
afforded an opportunity for a rising in the Papal States. 
Bologna, Romagna, and Umbria threw off their allegiance, 
and in March were joined by the two sons of the late King of 
Holland. The eldest died at Forli on March 17th, and thus 
opened the way for the adventurous career of Louis Napo- 
leon Bonaparte. At the same time Parma revolted from 
Marie Louise, and she fled to her old home in Austria. Her 
countrymen soon restored order, much to the disgust of the 
revolutionists in Paris, who had hoped that Louis Philippe 
would throw in his lot with the insurgents ; but Casimir 
Perier contented himself with sending a regiment to Ancona, 
a sufficient intimation that the affairs of Central Italy could 
not be settled by Austria alone. In Naples Ferdinand II., 
who had succeeded his father Francis in 1830, pacified 
Liberal tendencies by the offer of a moderate system of 
government. Sardinia remained quiet. Charles Albert, 
who succeeded Charles Felix in April, 1831, was mis- 
trusted by Austria and by his own subjects. 

The troubles in Portugal were dynastic, and had in- 
deed started before the July Revolution of 1830. When 
John VI. died in 1826, his son, Pedro I. of Brazil, 
was forbidden by the Constitution of the Western king- 
dom to succeed to the throne of his ancestors. He therefore 
devised that his daughter Donna Maria should become Queen 
of Portugal, which was carried out by the help of English 
troops against the opposition of her uncle, Dom Miguel. The 
army had been sent by Canning, and illustrated the capacity 
of his judgment and his determination to support Portugal 
against aggression. He knew that by the treaties of 1661, 
1703, and 18 1 5 Great Britain was bound to defend Portugal 
against invasion, and he judged it the duty of England to 
carry out those treaties when asked. Five thousand troops 
were therefore ordered for active service in Portugal. The 
resolution to assist Portugal was only formed in the Cabinet 
on December 9th ; it was approved by the King on the loth, 


Parliament was informed on the i ith, and on the evening of 
the 1 2th the troops were marching to embark. When^ how- 
ever, the army was recalled during the premiership of the 
Duke of Wellington, Dom Miguel seized the throne. Pedro I. 
in 1832 was obliged to abdicate in favour of his son Pedro II., 
and espoused the cause of his daughter, who was again sup- 
ported by the Whigs in power in England. In the following 
year, through the assistance of Charles Napier, the cause of 
Pedro and his daughter began to make some headway. A 
party of British was landed by Napier at Villa Real on 
June 24th and conquered the province of Algarve. He him- 
self utterly defeated the navy of Dom Miguel off Cape St. 
Vincent on July 5th, and after a battle near Lisbon Donna 
Maria was able to enter her capital . By means of the Quad- 
ruple Alliance of France, England, Spain, and Portugal the 
cause of Dom Miguel was rendered hopeless in ^834. The 
allies ordered the Spanish general Rodil to cross the frontier, 
and Dom Miguel concluded the Treaty of Evoramente on 
May 26th, renounced his rights, accepted a pension, and 
agreed to leave the country. 

The greatest and most barbarous civil war of modern 
times was going on in Spain while Dom Miguel was making 
his claims in Portugal. In 1829 Ferdinand VII. had married 
for his fourth queen Maria Christina of Naples. He deter- 
mined to throw over the Salic law, as established for the 
succession of the Spanish throne by the Treaty of Utrecht in 
1713, and proclaimed his infant daughter Isabella as his heir. 
Don Carlos, the King's brother, protested bitterly against this 
attack upon his rights, and on the whole the Church raised its 
voice in his favour. On September 29th, 1833, Ferdinand 
died, and Isabella was declared Queen, with Maria Christina 
as regent. She was obliged to rely upon the Liberal party 
under Martinez de la Rosa. Her difficulties were very great, 
not the least being the fact that it was almost impossible to 
find an honest politician in Madrid. In the spring of 1834 
Spain allied with Portugal, England, and France, and, by 
means of this Quadruple Alliance, Christina hoped to gain 
considerable support for her daughter. The Alliance suc- 
ceeded in dismissing Dom Miguel, but Don Carlos only 
retired to England for a few weeks, and in July returned to 
support his cause. The Carlists in the north had maintained 


the upper hand by means of the famous Zumalacarregui,* 
who was beloved by his soldiers, worshipped by his sub- 
ordinate officers, and respected by his enemies. In April, 
1835, this dashing leader won a victory over Christina's fol- 
lowers in the valley of Amacoas, which left open to him the 
main road to Madrid. Don Carlos would not allow him to 
proceed, and he turned his attention to Bilbao, where, it is 
thought, he was poisoned. The war was now undertaken by 
the ruthless, but wonderful, Cabrera,f a name that is still a 
household word. In the meantime the Queen-mother had 
appealed to England and France for help, and the former 
allowed the embarkation of the English Legion, which con- 
sisted of volunteers. In 1836 Lord Palmerston again 
attempted to persuade France to interfere, but Thiers 
definitely refused. 

During the summer of 1836a moderate government was in 
power. In August the dissolution of the Cortes led to an in- 
surrection, and the progressive Liberals compelled Christina 
to establish the Constitution of 1 8 1 2 . The Powers of Europe 
could no longer assist the Queen-mother, and their ambassa- 
dors were withdrawn from Madrid ; while in .June, 1837, 
the English Legion under De Lacy Evans, which had been 
enlisted with the sanction of the Government, left Spain. 
The unwillingness of France to co-operate with Great Britain 
brought about severely strained relations, and Palmerston 
found himself as isolated from the councils of Europe ^ 
Wellington had been sixteen years before. The cause of 
Isabella was still upheld by General Espartero,^ who in 1839 
forced the Basque Provinces to acknowledge the Queen ; and 
Don Carlos, weary of the struggle, renounced his rights jn 
favour of his son, and finally retired to Trieste, where he died 
in 1855. In the year 1840 Espartero was proclai'med regent 
in place of Christina, who had retired to France ; but, though 
supported by Great Britain, the general's rule did not last 

* Tomas Zumalacarregui (1789-1835) ; fought against Napoleon ; dismissed 
from the army 1832 ; head of the Basque rising 1833. 

t Ramond N. Cabrera, Count of Morella (1810-77) ; led Carlists 1833-40, and 

i Baldomero Espartero (1792-1879) ; fought against the insurgents in South 
America; created Duke of Vittoria 1836 ; Regent 1840; resigned 1843 ; head of 
the Government 1854; supplanted by O'Donnell 1856; proposed for the throne 
1870 ; tendered his allegiance to Alfonso 1875. 


for long, and in 1 843 he was forced to retire to London. The 
moderate Liberals, with Narvaez * at their head, immediately 
restored Christina, and French influence remained pre- 
dominant until the " Affair of the Spanish Marriages " in 

Within the period of the 1830 revolutions may be placed 
the important struggle between Mehemet Ali, Pasha of 
Egypt, and his suzerain, the Sultan of Turkey. After the 
struggle with the Greeks, and after that ' ' untoward event ' ' 
of the battle of Navarino, Turkey was in an extremely weak 
state. She was no longer of that importance which had made 
the whole of Europe rejoice at every victory over the 
Crescent. It was, therefore, imperative for the Turks, 
if they wished to obtain strength and conciliate Europe, 
to adopt the civilized methods and reforms of the 
West. No one recognized this better than the Sultan, 
Mahmoud IL, who, immediately after the settlement of 
the Treaty of Adrianople, prepared to put himself at the 
head of the reformers. On the surface he appeared to 
have every chance of success, for any discontent on the 
part of the army had been foreseen and forestalled by the 
massacre of the Janissaries. He was at the same time sup- 
ported by two capable ministers, Khosrew and Reshid 
Pashas, and behind everything was his own indomitable will 
and character. But the stern adherence to the Turkish reli- 
gion and the incongruous position of Mahomedans in Europe 
tnade his work ineffective. The grievances of the Chris- 
tian population formed the most frequent pretext for foreign 
intervention. Mahmoud tried to deprive the Powers of this 
pretext by doing away with the civil distinctions between the 
members of the different faiths. 

One of the chief incentives for Mahmoud's reforms was 
that he clearly understood the restless activity of his nominal 
subject, Mehemet Ali. He had made himself master of 
Egypt by ruthlessly massacring the Mamelukes, and had then 
extended his conquests to Nubia and Kordofan, establishing 
Khartum as the capital of Egyptian Soudan. His schemes 
in the north, in which he had been ably assisted by his son 

* Ramon Maria Narvaez (1800-68); routed Carlist general Gomez, near 
Arcos, 1836; fled to France 1840; made Duke of Valencia 1844 ; overthrown 
1846, but lived to be Prime Minister on three other occasions. 


Ibrahim, had been checked by the intervention of the Euro- 
pean Poweis in the Greek War. Emboldened, however, by 
his success, and regarding the Sultan as deeply in his debt, 
he demanded the pashaliks of Syria and Damascus. 
This the Sultan refused, and thus aroused the smoul- 
dering wrath of JVIehemet Ali. In 1832 he pretended to 
have been insulted by Abdallah Pasha of Acre, and under 
this pretext sent Ibrahim with 30,000 men to invade Syria. 
He reiterated the fact that he was still a loyal subject of the 
Sultan, and he understood very well that the slow movements 
of diplomacy might give him time to accomplish his ends^ 
with which he trusted the Powers would not find it necessary 
to interfere. Ibrahim moved with rapidity, and on May 27th 
Abdallah capitulated at Acre, which was followed on June 
loth by the fall of Damascus. Having carried his campaign 
still further afield, Ibrahim defeated the Pasha of Aleppo on 
two occasions, first at Homs on July gth and two days later 
at Hama. Mahmoud was now in the greatest danger, and sent 
a large Turkish army with Hussein Pasha to dispute the way 
with the triumphant Ibrahim. This the Turkish general was 
unable to do, and was utterly crushed at Beilan, thus allowing 
Ibrahim to cross the Taurus mountains. The Powers were 
for the most part deeply engaged in their own affairs at home, 
but Russia, ever watching proceedings at Constantinople, 
now magnanimously offered assistance. Before refusing or 
accepting this offer, Mahmoud dispatched the tried soldier, 
Reshid Pasha, against Ibrahim, but he was defeated arid taken 
prisoner at Konieh, the ancient Iconium, on December 21st. 
It was now clear to the world that Constantinople itself was 
threatened, and at the very moment of supreme danger Count 
Muravieff arrived with fresh offers of help. Mahmoud, 
between the devil and the deep sea, was obliged to accept 
the terms of Russia. All the Western Powers regarded this 
unnatural alliance with suspicion and even dread. In Feb- 
ruary, 1833, Ibrahim had reached Broussa. At the request of 
the Sultan the Russian fleet now appeared before Constanti- 
nople, but so strongly did Admiral Roussin* make representa- 
tions to the Porte that the Russians were orderedto withdraw. 
This encouraged Ibrahim to advance as far as Scutari, which 
caused a fresh appearance of a Russian force, which was 
* A. R. Roussin, Baron (1781-1854"). 


landed at Buyukdere and Therapia. Both Great Britain and 
France were now thoroughly alarmed by Russia's interven- 
tion, and a combined squadron of men-of-war was dispatched 
to the Archipelago. In the meantime Lord Ponsonby and 
Admiral Roussin persuaded the Sultan to make terms with 
Ibrahim, who was very willing to accept them, as he did not 
wish to come in contact with the forces of Russia. It was 
therefore agreed on May 5th, at the Convention of Kiutayeh, 
that Ibrahim should hold both the governorship of Syria 
and of the district of Adana, by which he could command the 
defiles of the Taurus mountains ; but that the greater part 
of Asia Minor should be restored to the Porte. This agree- 
ment, largely due to British and French intervention, was 
most pleasing to Russia, for it was a practical example of 
the violation of Turkish integrity. Russia wished that Turkey 
should be weakened, and certainly the other Powers had 
not strengthened her by their interference. The price of 
Russia's assistance was made clear when Europe learnt the 
details of the alliance contracted on July 8th, when the 
Sultan and the Czar bound themselves for eight years 
in the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi. By this treaty Russia 
could, during that period, use armed intervention in the 
affairs of Turkey, and by a secret clause, soon made 
public, the Dardanelles were closed to all ships of war except 
those of the Czar. The British and French ambassadors 
protested in St. Petersburg, and Palmerston used violent 
language ; but Nicholas knew that in neither England nor 
France was there a war party to convert threats into blows. 
The Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi marks the beginning of a 
period during which Russia and England watched one 
another's movements with increasing suspicion, and Europe 
contemplated with redoubled anxiety the prospect of the dis- 
solution of the Turkish Empire. 

For the actual rivalry between the two countries there were 
other reasons besides this Turkish question. The Russian 
Empire now began to creep south in Central Asia and 
threatened the spread of the dominions of Great Britain in 
India. The problem of the Russian advance was, however, 
only in its infancy, and beginning to exercise the minds of the 
statesmen and diplomatists of both countries. In the year 
after the treaty there still seemed some chance of cordiality 


between Great Britain and Russia, when the former was under 
the guidance of the Peel -Wellington administration. But 
the distrust that had been engendered, together with the 
shortness of Peel's premiership, checked the renewal of good 
feeling. When Melbourne became Premier in April, 1835, 
the Foreign Office was under the superintendence of Lord 
Palmerston. He took upon himself to champion the 
" oppressed peoples," and declared himself openly and 
strongly against Russian aggression. This attitude of the 
Foreign Minister of Great Britain encouraged the other 
Powers to stand aloof. The Czar had not forgotten the 
alliance of the July Monarchy and William IV. in con- 
nection with the revolution in Belgium, and he welcomed 
Metternich's invitation to the conference at Miinchengratz, 
which drew together the three Powers of Russia, Austria, and 
Prussia. The three Powers recognized " the right of every 
independent sovereign to summon to his assistance, whether 
in the internal or external difficulties of his country, any other 
independent sovereign whom he shall deem best able to assist 
him." Amongst the many other questions discussed at this 
memorable conference was the one that dealt with the exact 
attitude of Russia and Austria to each other and the world, 
if, by any circumstances, the Ottoman Empire were dismem- 
bered. Nicholas, by this time, was not anxious for the actual 
destruction of Turkey, for after much persuasion he had come 
to see that a weak power along his southern frontier was "far 
better than the reformation of that territory under a strong 
man. This being his attitude, there seemed a chance of an 
alliance with Great Britain. By the year 1836, owing to 
events in Portugal and Spain, the break-up of the Anglo- 
French understanding did not seem to present any consider- 
able difficulties. But as a cTieck there came, in 1838, the 
first cry of Russia's advance on India by way of Herat ; whilst 
it ^vas also proved that Russia was intriguing in Persia. Both 
these stories the Czar Nicholas did his best to contradict 
by means of his able ambassador. Baron Brunnow.* 

In June, 1839, the Sultan imagined that he was ready to 
strike a blow against his rebellious vassal, Mehemet Ali. 
Mehemet's power was based upon a kind of State socialism ; 

* Philipp E., Count von Brunnow (1797-1875) ; entered the service of the Czar 


he had developed a system of Government monopolies. At 
these the Sultan struck by a commercial treaty with England 
which applied to all parts of the Turkish Empire, including 
Egypt. At the same time, with the assistance of European 
ofificers, amongst whom was the afterwards celebrated 
Moltke,* he had completed the reorganization of his army, 
which he imagined would easily be a match for any that Ibra- 
him might bring against it. War was declared on June 24th, 
and the Turks under Hafiz Pasha poured into Syria. The 
success of Mehemet Ali was even more complete than it had 
been six years before. Ibrahim utterly crushed the invaders 
at Nezib, a village on the Euphrates ; and the hopes of Turkey 
were still further dashed on June 30th by the sudden death 
of the aged Sultan, Mahmoud II. Very little could be ex- 
pected from his successor, Abd-ul-Medjid, who was a feeble 
arid dissolute youth lof seventeen years of age . A fresh calamity 
was immediately reported, for the Turkish admiral, Achmet 
Pasha, deserted with his fleet and joined the cause of Mehemet 
Ali at Alexandria. It was now full time for the Powers to 
intervene if Russia were to be prevented from taking 
advantage of thte Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi. All the Powers 
were anxious to prevent this, but their agreement ended 
here. France threw in her lot with Mehemet Ali, and endea- 
voured to persuade Great Britain that it was the only way to 
resist the aggression of the Czar. But Nicholas had been 
steadily working for some time to show to the British Foreign 
Minister that French advance and increased power in the 
Mediterranean was far more dangerous than any assistance 
that Russia might afford to the youthful Sultan. By means of 
Baron Brunnow, Nicholas offered the most tempting terms, 
and stated that the Russians were perfectly willing to join 
Great Britain in any genuine attempt to settle the affairs of 
Turkey, and that, if Great Britain desired, the unpopular 
Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi might be allowed to lapse . Nicholas 
went even further, and promised that he would not pass the 
Bosphorus unless called upon by the Powers. Palmerston 
could not at once accept these terms, and waited to hear from 

* Helmuth, Count von Moltke (1800-91) ; lieutenant in Danish army i8ig ; 
entered Prussian army 1822 ; away from Berlin 1835-39 ; chief of the General 
Staff 1858-88 ; wonderful success in war against Denmark 1863-64, and again in 
the Austrian war 1866 ; and in the Franco-Prussian war 1870-71. 


France. He waited in vain. Thiers had had his own 
schemes, and had tried to bring about a secret understanding 
with the Porte, while at the same time he hoped to preserve 
Mehemet Ali in his power. France, in common with the 
other Powers, had agreed to submit the whole question to 
the judgment of Europe. The discovery of her duplicity 
led Palmerston to join the Quadruple Alliance, which was 
signed by Russia, Prussia, Austria, and England at the 
Conference in London on July 3rd, 1840. It was agreed 
between the Powers that if Mel*emet Ali gave way in 
reasonable time he should be confirmed in his pashalik 
of Egypt and should be allowed to retain the govern- 
ment of Southern Syria and Acre. The French nation 
was infuri'ated by this " mortal affront," and immediately 
prepared for war. Louis Philippe, however, learnt that it 
was wiser to keep the peace, and so dismissed Thiers and 
formed a Cabinet under Soult, with Guizot as Foreign 

The generous offer of the Powers to Mehemet Ali was 
not accepted, and as he openly defied them they were obliged 
to attempt to suppress him. A combined British, Austrian, 
and Turkish fleet was sent to the Syrian coast, and at their 
appearance off Beyrout there was a revolt in Syria against the 
rule of Ibrahim. Beyrout fell on October 3rd ; Ibrahim 
was forced to retire ; and Charles Napier took Acre on 
November 3rd. Mehemet Ali, seeing that it was hopeless 
to attempt to hold Syria, ordered its evacuation ; but found 
that his other dominions were threatened by Napier at Alex- 
andria on November 25th. He was obliged to resign his 
claim to Syria on the same day, and on the promise of pre- 
serving the pashalik of Egypt he undertook to restore the 
Sultan's fleet. Even now Guizot did not relinquish his desire 
to interfere in the settlement of Turkey, and he was not with- 
out a supporter in Metternich, who felt that Austria had been 
placed on one side in the negotiations. They both therefore 
demanded that Turkey should be placed under the guidance 
of the five Great Powers. This was contrary to the wishes of 
Lord Palmerston, who stood out firmly in refusing it ; and the 
question of Turkey was settled for the time being by the 
" Convention of the Straits," signed in July, 1841, by which 
the Bosphorus and Dardanelles were closed to the warships of 


the Powers. For the next few years the East enjoyed com- 
parative calm, and when Mehemet Ali abdicated in 1844 he 
was peacefully succeeded in Egypt by his son Ibrahim. 

Something like a Concert of the Powers seemed to have 
been re-established. England, whose itidepen dance had 
marked the ideals of the earlier period, had once more acted 
in coalition with Russia, Prussia, and Austria, while, nomi- 
nally, she was still in accord with France. The danger of 
revolution, strikingly illustrated in 1830, seemed indefinitely 
postponed. But such optimism was ill-grounded. For 
the understanding between the Powers "had very little in 
common with the projected Federal system, and the revolu- 
tion had not been postponed for more than a few years. 






Blanc .... 

Histoin des Dix A ns. 

Cambridge Modern History 

Vol. X. 

Clot .... 

Mehemet A li, Vice-Roi d'Egypte. 


Histoire diplomatique de VEurope. 

G. Lowes Dickinson 

Revolution and Reaction in Modern France. 


Driault .... 

La Question d'Orient depuis ses Origines. 

English Historical Review, 

Vol. X. 

Esher and Benson . 

Queen Victoria's Letters. 

Florez .... 

Life of Espartero. 

Gerlache .... 

Histoire du royaume des Pays Bas depuis 


Guizot .... 

Hume .... 

Modern Spain. 

Juste .... 

La Revolution Beige de 1830. 

Napier .... 

The War in Syria. 

St. John .... 

Egypt and Mehemet Ali. 

Salmons .... 

The Fall and Resurrection of Turkey. 

Senior .... 

Conversations with M. Thiers, Guizot, etc. 

Thureau-Dangin . 

Histoire de la Monarchic de Juillet. 

White .... 

The Belgic Revolution. 



1830. Accession of William IV. 
Death of Mr. Huskisson. 

Resignation of the Duke of Wellington ; Lord Grey became 
Prime Minister. 

1831. Lord John Russell introduced the Reform BiU. 

William IV. dissolved Parliament in April; it met again in June. 
The Reform Bill passed the Commons, but was thrown out by the 

Riots in Nottingham and Bristol. 
Prosecution of WiUiam Cobbett. 
Tithe riots in Ireland. 

1832. The Reform Bill passed. 

1833. The reformed Parliament met. 

An Affirmation Act for Quakers and Moravians was passed. 

The Irish Coercion Act was passed. 

The Emancipation of Slaves Act was passed. 

Lord Ashley's Factory Act. 

The beginning of the Tractarian movement. 

July, 1830. 

The Revolution in France, 
July. 1830. 

Fighting in Pans. 

Deposition of 
Charles X. 


Accession of 
Louis Philippe. 


Political unrest 
in England. 

The Reform 
Bill, 1832. 


Civil War in Holland 
and Belgium. 

The separation of the 
two countries. 

I . 
in Italy. 

Political unrest in Germany. 


A new 

Threat to 
impose the 
Treaty of 


of the 

by the 

1 1 

Fresh Riots Rising 

in Paris, for the 

Lyons, and Duchess 

Grenoble. of Berri. 

i 1 

g of 



" Laws of September," 



L. Nap 

at Stra 

Formation of 

the Society 

of Les 

Saisons, 1839 


granted in 
Saxony and 

Hesse Cassel. 

Carlsbad Decrees 

were confirmed, 


League of 



Rising in Modena, 

Flight of 
Francis VI. 





Election of 
Gregory XVI. 

Rising in the 
Papal States. 

Battle of Forli. 

Revolt in 


Flight and 

restoration of 

Marie Louise. 

Naples received 
a moderate 


Fighting in 



of the 


I . 

of the 
of Zurich. 

Dynastic Quarrels in the 
Iberian Peninsula, 




Dom Miguel 


in Portugal. 


wars for 

some years 

in Spain. 

Revolution in Poland, 1830. 
Abolition of Pohsh Constitution, 1832. 

[P. 242A. 



Contemporary Events in the History of Great Britain — continued. 

1834. The Poor Law Amendment Act was passed. 
Daniel O'Connell proposed the repeal of the Union. 

Lord Grey resigned, and was succeeded by Lord Melbourne. 
Lord Melbourne was dismissed, and was succeeded by Sir Robert 

1835. Sir Robert Peel resigned, and was succeeded by Lord Melbourne. 
The Municipal Reform Act was passed. 

1837. Death of William IV. 

William the Silent = LoniSA Coligny. 

Frederick Henry. 

William II. 

William HI. 
(King of England). 

Emilia = William of Nassau. 
Henry Casimir. 
John William Friso. 
William IV. 
Wilhelmina of Prussia = William V. 

William I., 

King of the Netherlands, 


William II. 

William III. 



Louisa = Charles XV. 
of Sweden. 

Marianne = Albert 

of Prussia. 

R 2 



Some Dates in the Internal History of Germany 

1790. Leopold II. quelled the rising in Hungary by concessions, the Belgian revolt by force. 

1792. Francis II. became Emperor. 

1793. The Second Partition of Poland. 
1795. The Third Partition of Poland. 

1797. Frederick William III. became King of Prussia. 

1803. The reconstruction of the Empire. 

1804. Francis II. became Emperor of Austria. 

1806. Prussia seized Hanover. The formation of the Confederation of the Rhine. 

1807. Formation of the Kingdom of Westphalia. 

1808. Stein introduced his reforms in Prussia. 

1809. Metternich became Austrian minister. 

1810. Foundation of the University of Berlin. 
1813. Outburst of patriotism in Prussia. 
1814-15. The Congress of Vienna. 

1816. The New German Confederation. 

1817. The Diet opposed all revolutionary actions. 

1818. Improvement in the general welfare of the Prussians. 
i8ig. The Carlsbad Decrees. 

1820. The " Final Act " in Vienna for the suppression of Liberal movements. 

i8zi. The Congress of Laybach. The smaller States began to oppose Austria. 

1822. The Congress of Verona. 

1829-36. The German Zollverein excluding Austria, 

1830-32. Political unrest in Brunswick, Saxony, Cassel and the Palatinate. 

1832. The renewal of the Carlsbad Decrees. 

1833. The meeting at TepUtz. 

1834. The meeting at Munchengratz for the suppression of reform. 

1835. Ferdinand I. became Emperor of Austria. 
1837. Ernest Augustus became King of Hanover. 
1840. Frederick William IV. became King of Prussia. 

1845. Opposition to the proposed alteration in the Constitution of the Confederation. 

1847. The United Diet summoned at Berlin. 

1848. The year of Revolutions. 

The death of the Emperor Francis I. on March 2nd, 
1835, caused great changes in Europe. Had that aged ruler 
been followed by a powerful successor, Russia, under Czar 
Nicholas I., might still have been kept in a subordinate posi- 
tion ; but the new Emperor of Austria, Ferdinand, though 
not actually mentally deranged, was undoubtedly weak- 
minded. The able minister Metternich belonged to a past 
generation, and old age, together with the complications of 
the increasing rivalry between Prussia and Austria, were 


beginning to tell upon his powers of statecraft. The influ- 
ence of Prussia had been increased between 1830 and 1836 
by the admittance of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Saxony, the 
Thuringian States, Baden, Nassau, and the city of Frankfort 
into the Zollverein ; thus consolidating the political influence 
of Prussia in Germany upon purely commercial and material 
interests. Although Prussia was apparently soon to become 
supreme in Germany, the King was still under the influence 
of Russia — an influence which continued after the accession 
of the romantic, mystic, and somewhat liberal-minded 
Frederick William IV. Nicholas, however, recognized that if 
he was to extend his powers he must also have the alliance of 
Great Britain, which he endeavoured to win by drawing closer 
the commercial relations of the two countries in 1842. But 
this good feeling was not likely to last for long, for when the 
Czar visited England in 1844 his plans were unmasked, and 
the British minister realized that his ideas with regard to 
the " sick man " of Turkey might well hasten his dissolution. 
It was only one more example of the fact that the diplomatic 
schemes of Russia always caused the English Government 
concern and mistrust. 

Louis Philippe had watched the movement towards recon- 
ciliation between Russia and Great Britain with alarm. 
He recognized that, if a firm alliance should be efi'ected, 
France would be isolated in the councils of Europe. 
Queen Victoria and Prince Albert cheered him by a 
personal visit at the Chateau D'Eu, but he knew that 
the Earl of Aberdeen was a good friend to Russia, or, 
at any rate, a bitter enemy to Turkey, which in this 
instance might mean the same thing. When, however, 
in 1844 the Czar had failed to win the confidence of the 
British, Louis' hopes of cordial relations were again aroused. 
On the other hand, the actual interests of France and Great 
Britain were by no means identical, and there were open and 
avowed causes of disagreement. The "affaire Pritchard" 
had caused some excitement. On September 9th, 1842, 
Admiral Dupetit-Thouars had signed a treaty with Pomare, 
Queen of Tahiti, during the absence of the English agent, 
the missionary. Consul Pritchard. When he returned he influ- 
enced the Queen against the French, so that, in March, 1844, 
Dupetit-Thouars annexed the island and expelled Pritchard. 


War almost ensued ; but eventually Guizot had to disavow 
the action of the French admiral, pay compensation to Prit- 
chard, and the " affaire " was settled. But a French expedi- 
tion to Morocco had been regarded with anger, and 
Lord Aberdeen had threatened, on behalf of Great 
Britain, that, should the French persist in their efforts 
to obtain the whole coast line of North-West Africa, war 
would be inevitable. This was, however, averted by two 
things. First, the French had to rest content wich a 
victory at Isly and the bombardment of Tangier and 
Mogador, for they found it impossible to carry on a struggle 
against Moroccan fanaticism and Algerian resistance. And 
secondly, Louis Philippe came to England in October, 1845, 
and with many honeyed phrases won the English people. He 
was fortunate in the hour of his desired alliance, for When 
in 1846 the Peel ministry fell, foreign affairs passed into the 
hands of Lord Palmerston, an ardent antagonist of Russia 
and Russian diplomacy. The cordiality between the English 
and the French was thus cemented, but the cement was poor 
and brittle, and the Spanish matrimonial question brought 
the good feeling between the two countries rapidly to an end. 
In the meantime domestic events in France were hastening 
Louis to his downfall. From 1840, Guizot had conducted 
the affairs of the State upon two principles — peace abroad 
and resistance to reform at home. Apparently the Avhole 
of France was cowed, and on the surface Louis Philippe's 
position seemed unassailable. He failed entirely, however, 
to realize the economic changes that were beginning to revo- 
lutionize French society. The theoretical socialism of St. 
Simon,* Fourier,f and Louis Blanc was reinforced by dis- 
content due to material distress and by the revived tradition 
of the first revolution. The watchwords of the people became 
" The organization of labour " and " The right of every man 
to work." The future trouble was obviously to be social in 
character, and would eventually overwhelm the politi'cal 
fabric. Louis Philippe looked only to politics, and, like 

• St. Simon (1760-1825). Led a. life of varied experience. He and his 
disciples preached a, gospel of reorganization in society. Industry was to be 
carried on by communities of workers, directed by a class of " Savants " and 
inspired by Priests or Artists. 

t Fourier, a philosophical socialist ; believed that society might be organized 
in voluntary associations inspired with a passion for a special form of production. 


George III., believed implicitly in the principle that the King 
should rule as well as reign. For this reason, supported 
by a Parliamentary majority under Guizot, Louis threw to 
the winds all idea of being King of the French, and 
inaugurated a dynastic policy that in some ways resembled 
that of his far greater predecessor, Louis XIV. He succeeded 
for a time in keeping on friendly terms with Great Britain ; 
but his dynastic policy led him' to actions which were destined 
to bring about the rupture of that alliance. Queen Isabella 
of Spain and her sister Luisa were, by 1846, of marriageable 
age, and it was proposed that they should be betrothed to 
French princes. To this Great Britain agreed on condition 
that the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht were kept and 
no close family tie between France and Spain was formed. It 
was agreed between Guizot and Lord Aberdeen that Isabella 
should marry either Francisco de Asis, Duke of Cadiz, or 
his brother Henrico, the latter being supported by England. 
It was also understood that her sister Luisa should 
espouse the Due de Montpensier, for whom Louis 
Philippe wished to obtain a satisfactory settlement. The 
Queen-Mother Christina, on the other hand, made over- 
tures to Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, to bring about a rupture 
between England and France, and gain a French matrimonial 
alliance. When Palmerston succeeded Aberdeen in June, 
1846, he continued to support Henrico, and suggested 
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg as an alternative choice, but agreed 
that Spain could choose any of the candidates. Guizot seized 
the pretext to declare that in admitting the Coburg candi- 
dature England broke her word. He persuaded Louis Philippe 
to allow Isabella and Luisa to be married at the same time, 
on October loth, 1846, tlie one to Francisco, and the other 
to the Due de Montpensier. This was enough to ruin the good 
will between Great Britain and France, and, explain as Guizot 
might, he could not restore the shattered confidence of Lord 
Palmerston or the British nation . The clever scheme of Louis 
was almost at once destined to fail. Francisco was well-known 
to be incapable of having heirs, and in a very short time his 
place in the royal household was taken by General Serrano,* 

• Francisco Serrano, Duke de la Torre (1810-1883); fought against the 
Carlists ; banished i8$6 ; drove out the Queen 1868 ; Regent till 1870 ; fought 
the Carlists 1872 and 1874; Regent for the second time 1874. 


and any child born to the Queen would be of doubtful pater- 
nity. At the same time British influence was restored at 
Madrid by Isabella's resentment against France and her 
espousal of the cause of the progressive party. 

An opportunity for Lord Palmerston to revenge himself 
upon Guizot for his trick was not long in coming, for diplo- 
matic questions now arose out of mere domestic difficulties 
in Switzerland. In this country the nationalist and demo- 
cratic party had long been working against the conservative 
section of Swiss society. But in addition to their political 
disagreements there was also the perpetual difficulty of 
religion — the rivalry between Roman Catholicism and the 
Protestant faith. In the Catholic Cantons, particularly Uri, 
Schwytz, and Unterwalden, the Jesuits had become supreme, 
and were the leaders in all questions of dispute withi 
the Liberal party. In 1839 the Liberals in Zurich 
had been overthrown owing to their appointment of the 
heretical David Strauss * to the chair of theology in 
the university. Two years later, however, they suc- 
ceeded in suppressing eight of the great monasteries in 
Aargau ; but their triumph was only for the moment, as in the 
same year the clerical party became supreme in Lucerne. In 
1843 Lucerne became head of the " Sonderbund," a league 
of seven Catholic States to resist Radical tendencies. As 
early as May, 1844, fighting took place in Valais ; and on 
March 3 ist, 1 845, Colonel Ochsenbein f was driven back with 
considerable bloodshed in his attempt on Lucerne. Revolu- 
tions took place in Berne, Basle, and Geneva, and the Federal 
Assembly of 1847, by a Radical majority, determined on the 
suppression of the " Sonderbund " and the dismissal of the 
Jesuits. It was at this moment that the European Powers, 
under the settlement pf the Congress lof Vienna, agreed to 
intervene. France, led by Guizot and Louis Philippe, sided 
with the Jesuits and reactionaries ; while Palmerston, though 
ready to consider the French proposals, encouraged the 
Liberals, who acted with rapidity and passed decrees dissolv- 

* David Friedrich Strauss (1808-1874) ; German theologian ; teaclier at 
Maulbronn 1831, at Tubingen 1832 ; published his Leben Jesu 1835 ; broke with 
Christianity 1840; he thought Jesus had no historical existence; issued Die 
ChristUche GlaubensUhn 1840 ; published Ulrich von Huttm i860, Reimarus 1862, 
Voltaire 1870, Der alte und der neue Glaube 1872. 

j Ulric Ochsenbein, born 1811. 


ing the league and expelling the Jesuits. Guizot advocated 
European intervention, but dared not move without the sup- 
port of Austria. Palmerston delayed his reply, giving time 
to the Swiss Liberals to accomplish their work. By the end 
of November, Prussia and Austria had both joined France ; 
but when Palmerston on November 26th agreed to send a 
joint note the work had been done. The federal forces had 
been put under the command of Colonel Dufour,* of Geneva ; 
while the 78,000 men of the " Sonderbund " were led by 
Colonel Ulrich Salite-Soglio. Dufour proved himself a 
splendid strategist, and by his victory on November 23rd, 
at Gislikon, the " Sonderbund " was crushed, the Catholic 
party was no longer powerful, and their stronghold. Lucerne, 
fell. Thus Switzerland, formerly a confederation of States, 
was placed under a new federal institution. 

The failure of the foreign schemes of Guizot had a 
disastrous effect upon the stability of the French monarchy. 
The policy of resistance to progress had collapsed. The 
nation had learnt that from 1840 nothing had been accom- 
plished of any lasting good. The rule of the Orleanists was 
rotten to the core ; it was realized, in the struggle for reform, 
that if the mob would but show somethihg of that 
spirit that had accomplished so much fifty years before 
there would no longer be a King of the French. The 
agitation began in what were called " reform banquets," 
but these soon passed from mere Liberal gatherings to 
advocate political change into dangerous socialistic meetings 
to demand radical reforms on behalf of the working class. 
Louis Philippe denounced the agitation in vain, and 
when the Government endeavoured to prevent, on Feb- 
ruary 22nd, one of these so-called " banquets " the 
revolution broke out. The mob, excited by long suppres- 
sion, carried this way and that by various rumours, at last 
came into contact with the police. The National Guard was 
called out to suppress the riot ; but it was too late, the mis- 
chief had been done ; and the Guards themselves joined the 
people in their clamour for the dismissal of Guizot and the 
introduction of reform. Louis took what steps he could to 
prevent further trouble by dismissing Guizot and forming 
a Government under Mol^. But the Republican spirit had 

* Guillaume Henri Dufour (1787-1875) ; an authority on military affairs. 


been aroused, and on February 23rd a large mob attacked 
the residence of the ex-minister. The troops fired upon the 
crowd ; that was enough ; and by next morniing, under the 
leadership of avowed Republicans and Socialists, there was 
a general cry for a new Republic. The King, supported by 
Odillon Barrot and Thiers, in vain made concessions to the 
mob. A personal effort on the part of Louis to win back the 
National Guard failed ; and on February 24th, 1848, Louis 
Philippe abdicated in favour of his grandson, the Comte de 
Paris. The national representatives accepted this, but power 
had entirely passed from their hands ; Paris was now com- 
pletely dominated by the revolutionary and infuriated mob. 
A provisional Government was set up at the Hotel de Ville ; 
the Republic was proclaimed, and France once again calmly 
accepted the excited decisions of her capital. The difficulty 
of the situation was intense ; the two parties which had 
brought about the Revolution were no longer on friendly 
terms. The Republicans, pure and simple, Lamartine,* 
AragOjf Cr^mieux,:j: Marie, § and others, were opposed to the 
Socialists, Louis Blanc,|| Albert,^ Flocon,** and Marrast.ff 
This second party was guided by the dictates of the populace, 
and on February 25th decreed the establishment of national 
workshops. As March and April passed, however, there was 
a general reaction on the part of the middle class against 
the Socialist mob, which ended, on April i6th, in a severe 
contest between the National Guard and the armed proletariat. 
The outcome was the election of a majority of moderates in 

* Alphonse Marie Louis de Lamartine (1790-1869); the greatest lyrical poet 
and orator of France ; wrote Meditations 1820, Harmonies PoMques et Religieiises 
1829, Souvenirs d'Orient, c. 1830; and many other publications between 1833-1848, 
including the Histoire des Girondins ; Minister of Foreign Affairs 1848 ; after the 
rise of Napoleon III. devoted himself to literature. 

t Emanuel Arago (1812-1896) ; ambassador to Switzerland 1880-1894. 

X Isaac Adolphe Cremieux (i 796-1 880); an eloquent Jew; Minister of Justice 

§ Alexandre T. Marie (i 797-1 870); a lawyer. 

II Jean Joseph Louis Blanc (1811-1882); founded the Revue du Progrh 1839; 
published Organisation du Travail 1840, and Histoire des Dix ^ns (i830-i84o)in 
1841-1844 ; later he wrote Histoire de la Revolution Frangaise, Vol. I. ; and after 
1848 wrote Lettres sur l' Angleterre ; returned to France 1871 ; a member of the 
Chamber of Deputies 1876. 

'f Martin Alexandre Albert, b. 1815 ; a revolutionary workman who fought at 
the barricades. 

** Ferdinand Flocon (1800-1866) ; able editor of the extreme paper LaR^forme. 

■j-f Armande Marrast (1801-1852) ; a journalist. 


the National Convention. Its policy was republican, but not 
socialist, and on May i 5th it was only saved by the National 
Guard. In June, a fresh insurrection was organized 
by what was known as the Socialist Committee of the 
Luxembourg, in the newly-formed national workshops. 
The Assembly at last realized the danger of having 
100,00c armed and discontented workmen in Paris, and 
ordered the national workshops to be closed. There was at 
once a fresh outbreak, which General Cavaignac, the regular 
garrison, and the National Guard were called upon to sup- 
press. Barricades, set up by the insurgents " with the regu- 
larity and skill of engineers," had to be attacked. General 
Br6a was killed ; and the revolt of the " days of June " was 
only subdued after terrible bloodshed. On November 4th 
a Constitution was at last issued, based on the sovereignty of 
the people. The legislature was balanced by the President, 
both being elected by universal suffrage for four years. It 
was a Constitution that gave a great chance to a man who 
could seize iit:.. The man was ready^ and in the dread of 
socialism and all that the Red Terror meant, the people readily 
acquiesced in the election of Prince Louis Napoleon. " I 
accept the candidature," he said, " because . . . France re- 
gards the name I bear as one that may serve to consolidate 
society." In December, 1 848, he was chosen President of the 
French Republic by 5,400,000 votes. " Memories of the 
Napoleonic legend, dreams of a glorious future, the fear of 
communism and of a clerical propaganda, had deceived the 
mind of the people, and in consequence the Republic obtained 
a master." 

It would be incorrect to assume that the French Revolution 
of February, 1848, was the sole reason for those other dis- 
turbances that forced so many monarchs to tremble for their 
thrones. It was the occasion of the outbreak, but the causes 
were more deeply Seated. There was a distinct sign of 
change in the working classes of all nations. Peace had 
brought prosperity ; and prosperity had in turn created a 
spirit of antagonism towards the political barriers that 
monarchs had apparently created as checks towards future 
progress. In the Austrian dominions of Italy the rule of 
Metternich had aroused Revolutionary antagonism. The 
enthusiasm for a united Italy, combined with perseverance 


to obtain that ideal, had much encouraged Revolutionary 
notions. In past years the Carbonari had been a formidable 
influence, but their secret organization had become almost as 
harmless to the State as modern freemasonry. But with the 
failure of the older associations for liberty and nationalism, 
" Young Italy." The hopes of the people were again aroused 
Mazzini* had broug;ht into existence the new society of 
when the anti -Austrian and Liberal Cardinal Mastai-Ferretti 
was elected Pope Pius IX. on June 17th, 1846. It looked 
to the Powers of Europe as if the reconstitution of Italy was 
after all to be accomplished by the successor of St. Peter, 
and for this reason Austria poured troops into Ferrara in 
July, 1847. This was protested against by the Papal autho- 
rities, who were supported by the appearance of the French 
and British fleets off the Italian coast. At the same time 
Charles Albert of Piedmont, as a faithful son of the Holy 
Church, and as the champion against Austrian aggression, 
placed himself at the head of the Liberal movement,which now 
began to be general. The Revolution began in Naples in 
January, 1848, when King Ferdinand II. was forced to grant 
a Constitution. At the same time a revolt took place in Milan, 
which Austria easily suppressed, but which marked the pro- 
gress of Revolutionary principles in the north. Charles Albert, 
like all sovereigns, distrusted the Revolution, but, as an Italian 
unionist, granted to the people of Piedmont the much-desited 
Constitution in March. 

The dominions of the House of Hapsburg were, indeed, 
threatened ; since it was composed of a dozen nationalities 
divided in race, religion, and stages of civilization, all 
changes were perilous . The basis of the State was feudal and 
medieval in character, and the work of Metternich had been 
to perpetuate the old methods by stern censorship and repres- 
sion of all Liberal ideas. Liberalism smouldered only among 

* Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872) ; joined tiie Carbonari 1829 ; imprisoned 
1830 ; organized an abortive invasion of Savoy 1834 ; the greatest political 
agitator ; banished from his refuge in Switzerland 1837 ; his letters opened by 
the British Government in 1844 ; took part in the Lombard rising in 1848 ; 
appointed, with Safii and ArraelUni, a triumvir of Roman Republic 1849 ; plotted 
different risings in Italy 1852-1857 ; supported Garibaldi in his expedition against 
Sicily and Naples ; taken prisoner at Aspromonte 1862 ; elected by Messina as 
Deputy 1866-1867 ; again expelled from Switzerland ; wrote chiefly on political 
topics, such as Thoughts upon Democracy in Europe. 


the comitatus of the Magyars of Hungary. Here the first move- 
ment towards revolution began under the cry for Magyariza- 
tion. But in Hungary there were two parties that were work- 
ing at t"he same time . The one aimed at Magyarization ; tTie 
other, supported by Count Szechenyi,* at the introduc- 
tion lof Western civilization and Liberalism. The Magyar 
movement had extended to Transylvania, where for some time 
there had been an agitation under Baron Miklos Wesselenyi f 
for a Diet,which was at last called in May, 1834. In Hungary, 
by 1839, the nobles showed signs of surrenderiVig their old 
feudal privileges under the influence of their Liberal allies. 
In the following year a new power had arisen in the person 
of Louis Kossuth.^ When in 1841 he issued his reform 
journal, Pesti Hirlap, the struggle which culminated in 1849 
had begun. From mere journalism Kossuth swung natu- 
rally into oratory, and by means of his fiery words roused the 
patriotism of Hungary, which found vent in 1844 in the 
" Protection League " for the use of home-made artitles 

The movement of the Magyars aroused a national agitation 
among the Slavs. This began in Bohemia in much the same 
way as the Magyar language movement had begun in 
Hungary. The Bohemians at first merely endeavoured to 
revive the Czech language, and such students as Palachy and 
Schafarik diligently studied the ancient history of both Czechs 
and Slavs ; but the agitation soon became political, and the 
Magyar-German authority was bitterly assailed by Carl 
Havlicek, the editor of the Czech Gazette. But the Pan-Slav 
movement was not without a danger in that it was divided 
against itself. The Slavs of the south, the Serbs, the Slovenes, 
the Croatians, and the Dalmatians had started a political idea 
of their own, called " Illyrism," which owed a great deal to 
the foundation of the Illyrian National Gazette of Ljudevit 
Gaj.§ The Austrian Government showed no signs of alarm, 

* Istran, Count Szechenyi (1792-1860). 

t Miklos Wesselenyi (1795-1850). 

X Louis Kossuth (1802-1894) ; a Slovac who turned Hungarian ; Deputy at the 
Diet of Presburg 1832 ; imprisoned 1837 and learnt English ; liberated 1840 ; 
made a prisoner in Turkey 1849 ; came to England 1851 ; tried to rouse a 
Hungarian revolt in 1861 and 1866; retired to Turin 1867; wrote Memoin of My 
Exile 1880-1882 ; buried at Buda-Pesth. 

§ Ljudevit Gaj, b. 1810. 


but the Magyars regarded the movement with the greatest 
suspicion as an obvious attempt on the part of the Govern- 
ment to use the southern agitation as a means of breaking 
that in Hungary. By 1844, however, the Imperial Govern- 
ment changed its attitude, and forced the editor to altbr the 
name of his paper, which now definitely supported the rights 
and liberties of the Slavs against the Magyars. 

In Austria the chief cause of revolution was agrarian, 
though there were also national and constitutional reasons 
for the outbreak. The Poles of Galicia rose in 1846, and 
fought with the desperate but useless courage always shown 
in their continual struggles for national freedom. They suc- 
ceeded in driving across the Vistula the incompetent General 
Collin, but instead of pushing on at a moment when Austria 
was completely disorganized they endeavoured to establish 
a republic in Cracow. Precious time had been lost, and by 
the energy of Colonel Benedek * the rebels were routed at 
Golow on February 26th. But what made this Galician rising 
so horrible was the fact that agrarian troubles were utilized 
in the worst way by the Government. The Im'perfai 
authority encouraged the Ruthenian peasants, who hated 
their Polish overlords, and in the spring of 1846 there 
was a massacre, in which the serfs murdered 1,400 of 
the nobles. The Government was practically respon- 
sible for this, and when on April 13th the Emperor 
abolished the most crying evils of feudalism the world 
regarded his action as an endorsement of the butchery. It 
was at this time that Vielopolski wrote his celebrated Lettre 
d'un gentilhomme polonais au Prince Metternich, in which 
he warned the Austrian minister that a renewal of these atroci- 
ties would drive the Poles into the arms of the Czar Nicholas. 
The outcry against the massacre and plunder of the peasants 
brought about the revocation of the concessions, and Count 
Francis Stadion was sent to restore order in Galicia. His 
coming showed that there Was little to hope for in the way 
of reform, and the discontented agrarians allied with the 
nationalists. Russia and Prussia looked quietly on, whilst 
Austria arbitrarily set on one side the European compact of 
18 1 5, and the neutralized free republic of Cracow was 
absorbed within the Austrian Empire. 

* Ludwig von Benedek (1804-1878). 


In Hungary the Diet was discussing a moderate reform 
when the news of the Revolution in Paris was first made known 
to the members. Kossuth, in a wonderful outburst of oratory, 
on March 3rd, demanded that his country should have a true 
national government, with ministers entirely responsible to 
the Hungarian people. In Bohemia there was the same 
excitement and enthusi'asm as in Hungary, and it was 
decided in Prague to send to the Emperor numerous 
demands. Liberal and nationalist in character. At the 
same moment the Diet of Lower Austria asked that 
steps should be taken of a representative character to 
find some solution for the financial crisis which had started 
in Vienna on March 4th. The people of the Austrian capital 
were roused ; the students clamoured for the programme of 
Kossuth ; the armed forces were called out, the middle class 
joined the rebels ; the wildest cries of the Revolution and 
Reform were heard on every side ; and Metternich, who had 
been sleeping peacefully under the delusion that his system 
of repression would keep everything safe, suddenly awoke 
to his personal danger, and was obliged to fly his country 
on March 13th. 

The effect of Metternich 's flight, and with it the collapse 
of his system, wals yery considerable. The centre of the 
Hungarian movement was transferred from Presburg to Pesth, 
where there was much more danger of wild revolution. Two 
days after the aged diplomatist's fall Kossuth had succeeded 
in passing the " March laws," which combined Magyariza- 
tion and modern Liberalism . By the end of the month, largely 
owing to the armed agitation of the Committee of Public 
Safety at Pesth, Hungary was practically separated from 
Austria, and a Cabinet, under Count Batthyany,* was con- 
firmed, and he, with Kossuth, was loudly welcomed in Vienna 
by the armed mob. Bohemia again followed the example 
of Hungary, and on April 8th a new Constitution was pro- 
claimed. The Imperial Government was obliged to give way 
to their demands because of the situation in Italy, where un- 
wittingly the patriots were assisting the more northerly revolu- 
tionaries. The news of the fall of Metternich brought about 
a union of the Italian States. It was not until March i8th 
that the people of Milan heard the glad tidings from Vienna, 
* Casimir Batthyany (1807-1854). 


and with one accord turned against General Radetzky * and 
drove him to Verona. Five days later the Piedmontese, under 
Charles Albert, declared war, and the nationalist movement 
was joined by the people of Naples, who marched north under 
General Pepe ; while a rising was made under Daniele Manin 
in Venice, where a Republic was proclaimed on March 22nd. 

Nor was Metterni'ch's fall unfelt in Prussia. The King of 
Prussia had already tried a constitutional experiment in Feb- 
ruary, 1846, by summoning the " United Diet," contrary to 
the remonstrances of the Czar and of Metternich, who 
prophesied the dissolution of the kingdom. It caused his 
brother to declare that " A new Prussia will -arise. The old 
Prussia goes to the grave. . . . May the new be as great 
and glorious in honour and fame as the old has been." 
Frederick William IV., however, did not regard his scheme 
as in any way pandering to revolutionary tastes ; he declared 
that it included " no charter, no Constitution, no periodic 
meetings of States-General." " Never," said the King on 
April I ith, " will I allow a written document to come be- 
tween God in Heaven and this land in the charactter of a 
second Providence, to govern us with its formalities and take 
the place of ancient loyalty." It was simply a body 
of representatives to approve such matters as the Kihg should) 
initiate. This refusal of a Constitution was regarded 
by the Liberals as a cTiallenge Jrom autocracy ; they refused 
to accept the limitations imposed by the King, and the Diet 
was prorogued on June 26th, 1847. It only needed the 
fall of Metternich to cause Prussia to burst into revolutionary 
flame. Two days after the old minister's flight Berlin was 
barricaded, but the King, after some fighting, wishing to 
avoid further bloodshed, agreed to negotiate with !the Liberals . 
Unfortunately, before this could take place, on March 28th, 
it was necessary to clear the mob from the palace, and shots 
being fired it was regarded as the King's deliberate treachery. 
The opportunity for crushing the revolution was lost, for 
Frederick William IV. ordered General von Prittwitz to check 
the troops, and he proclai'med himself a German nationalist. 
This, however, did not last for long, as in November a reac- 

* Johann Joseph, Count Radetzky (1766-1858) ; fought continually against 
France 1792-1815 ; commander-in-chief in Lombardy 1831 ; won the victory of 
Custozza 1848 ; defeated the troops of Savoy at Novara 1849. 


tionary ministry was called into being under Count Branden- 
burg, the son of King Frederick William II. and Countess 
Donhoff . The moving spirit of the new Cabinet was Otto von 
Manteuffel,* and obedience to the King's commands was 
enforced by the military under General Wrangel.f Berlin 
was declared to be in a state of siege ; the people were 
deprived of their arms, and the political clubs were closed. 

There had been an attempt to unify the German States on a 
liberal basis as early as September, 1847. The south was 
favourable, pud on the 5th of March, 1848, at Heidelberg, 
extremists and moderates coalesced to form a definite pro- 
gramme and demand a National German Parliament elected 
by the people. The popular chamber was to control jjeace 
and war and all co-mrhercial details. Wiirtemberg, Saxony, 
and Baden fell in with the scheme, but the King of Bavaria 
would not give hi's consent. After the revolution in Berlin 
it was impossible to expect anything from Prussia ; and the 
revolutionaries, supported by the vote of the Diet, opened the 
first national Parliament at Frankfort on May i8th. 

The revolution in Germany seemed, therefore, triumphant, 
but the blows which had rained upon the Powers stunned 
but failed to k^U. It was still possible for one or other of 
the different European Governments to recover consciousness 
and with renewed vitality struggle to restore the ancien 
regime. Mob-rule, however, in Vienna was to last for 
some months before Austria could shake ofi^ its ill effects. 
The popular clamours had been for Austrian representa- 
tives to sit in the National Parliament, but in the end 
this proved a mere farce. At the same time a central 
Constitution was issued by the Viennese Government 
which excluded Hungary and the Italian provinces. The mob 
imagined anything and everything ill of the Government, and 
having forced Count Ficquelmont to resign by one outburst, 
tried the effect of another upon his successor, Pillersdorf. 
At last the Emperor fled to Innsbruck on May 26th, and the 
burden of settling Vienna was left on the shoulders of that 
city. Vienna could not dictate to the whole of Austria, even 

* iSfot to be confused with General E. H. K. F. von Manteuffel (1809-1885). 

f Friederich Heinrich Ernst Wrangel (1784-1877); fought in the campaigns of 
1807, 1813, and 1814 ; commanded in Schleswig-Holstein 1848 ; field-marshal 
1856; commanded in the Danish war 1864 ; fought against Austria i856. 

N.E. S 


had she wished, and many of her people, seeing the loss of 
trade by the flight of the Emperor, joined the provinces in 
appealing to the sovereign for peace. 

Ferdinand was ready to seize at anything to bring about 
the suppression of popular rule at Vienna, and on May 29th, 
after Count Thun and Prince Windischgratz * proclaimed at 
the Pan-Slav Congress at Prague the separate government 
of Bohemia, the Emperor confirmed its independence. But 
the military spirit of Windischgratz made it impossible for 
him to work well with the Pan-Slavic movement, and when 
the turbulent elements of Prague on June 1 5 th broke into 
revolt in emulation of the Viennese, he crushed the revolt and 
established himself as Emperor's dictator. The race war now 
broke out. The Germans of the National Parliament at 
Frankfort, casting their Liberalism to the wind, offered the 
dictator help. Windischgratz refused. His victory had not 
been won on behalf of any nationality, but in order to recon- 
stitute the authority of the Emperor. It was as well that the 
Government had been so ably supported, for the meeting of the 
Austrian Reichsrath on July loth showed a Slav majority, to 
the disgust of the German nationalists. Very little could be 
the outcome of these warring parties ; one thing, however, 
was gained when the Act for the emancipation of serfs was 
finally passed on September 7th. It was the only result of 
the revolution, and, as the agrarian burdens of the peasants 
had been definite causes, it was hoped by the Emperor and 
his advisers that this act of Liberalism might possibly bring 
the much-desired reaction. In this way the peasants were 
won over to the Emperor's side, and when the true struggle 
with Magyarization and Liberalism came he was also sup- 
ported by an army flushed with success in their engagements 
in Italy. 

The Italians had been cheered by victories at Milan, Goito, 
and at Santa Lucia ; they were only just defeated by a superior 
force at Curtatone on May 29th, and a second victory at Goito, 
together with the reported fall of Peschiera, made them pro- 
claim Charles Albert King of Italy. Radetzky's force was 
now 60,000 men, and although the Government of Vienna 
feared the total loss of Lombardy he bade them wait. He 
had realised that three things would be fatal to the Italian 

• Prince Windischgratz (1787-1862) ; defeated by the Hungarians at GbdoUo. 


cause : the first vacillation ; the second divided counsels ; 
and the third, the unwillingness of the princes to follow the 
cause of Piedmont. Pope Pius IX. set the example of deser- 
tion, by his Allocution on April 29th, by which he declared 
that war with Austria was abhorrent to him . He was followed 
by Ferdinand of Naples, who seized the opportunity to crush 
radicalism, abrogate his charter, and recall General Pepe. 
Even now Charles Albert mi'ght have succeeded, but instead 
of taking a strong line he allowed the people of Lombardy, 
Parma, Piace'nza, Modena and Venice, to declare their incor- 
poration in the Kingdom of Piedmont. This creation of a 
strong northern kingdom lost him what little goodwill was left 
in Switzerland, France, Naples and the Papal States . In the 
meantime Radetzky worked vigorously. On June 7th 
Vicenza fell, and the Venetian mainland passed under Austrian 
control. The Austrians were still further encouraged by an 
enormous influx of troops, which on July 25th utterly defeated 
Charles Albert at Custozza. After retiring to Milan, which he 
was soon forced to leave, he signed the six weeks' armistice 
at Vigevano on August 9th. 

The Austrian victory of Custozza seemed to have finally 
settled the Italian question. But in that distracted land of 
little principalities the revolutionary movement soon broke 
out afresh. Rossi,* the Papal premier, was murdered by an 
infuriated mob ; the Pope fled to Gaeta and surrendered him- 
self to reactionary schemes. On February 9th the Roman 
Chambers declared the abolition of Papal temporal power, 
and announced to the world that Rome was a Republic. Some 
ten days later the democrats of Florence deposed the Grand 
Duke of Tuscany, who when informed that his kingdom was 
now a republic found an asylum with the Pope. Piedmont, 
under the guidance of Gioberti,t naturally disliked the forma- 
tion of these republics in central Italy. But at the very 
moment of difficulty Gioberti was driven from office, and 
Charles Albert was left alone in Italy to contend with the 

* Pellegrino Rossi (1787-1848) ; wrote Traits de Droit Pencil; French ambas- 
sador in Rome 1845 ; roused hatred of the Romans ; a Protestant ; poHtical 
economist ; friend of Guizot. 

t Vincenzo Gioberti (1801-1852) ; banished 1833 ; wrote Introduzione alio Studio 
delta Filosofia, Del Bella, Del Buono, Del Primato Civile e Morale degli Italiani, De 
Gesuila Moderno 1839-1847 ; died in Paris. 

S 2 


increased power of Austria. Against the advice of Cavour * 
he denounced the armistice of Vigevano and declared war . It 
was entirely disastrous, and on March 23rd the Piedmontese 
were defeated at Novara. Charles Albert made a great sacri- 
fice and proved hiimself a patriot of the true kind ; men came 
to regard him as the martyr of the lofty cause of unity, for 
rather than sign the humiliating treaty with his enemies he 
abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emanuel .f It was this 
wise action which really prepared the way for the true union 
of the Italian people . 

In the meantime Baron Jellachich,^ devoted to the imperial 
power of Austria, had been appointed Viceroy, or Ban, of 
Croatia, and had started the system of federalism as 
advocated by the southern Slavs. He was the avowed 
enemy ;of Magyarization, and replaced all Magyar officials 
by Slavs, who ruled Croatia and Slavonia under mar- 
tial law. The Hungarian Government appealed to the 
Emperor, who, misunderstanding Jellachich, ordered him 
to abandon his schemes. His reply was a prompt 
refusal, followed by a meeting of the Croatian Diet^ 
which desired the separation of the " Triune Kingdom " 
from Hungary, proposed the inclusion of Gorz, Carniola, 
Carinthia, Istria, and Lower Styria, and stated that its union 
with Austria consisted only in the matter of finance, foreign 
policy, and war. Count Batthyany, as head of the Hungarian 
Cabinet, persuaded the Emperor to condemn this action and 
depose Jellachich. The latter, however, understood the situa- 
tion exactly ; the Croatian Diet was devoted to him, and, 
having conferred upon him unrestricted authority, Jellachich 
prorogued it, with a benediction, on July 9th. He felt strong 
enough to take this action, for, he had found that the loyalty 
of the Magyar troops had been tampered with at Pesth, and 
that they would be useless to fight the revolutionaries in 
Vienna. For this reason he issued a proclamation to the 
Croatian regiments fighting in Italy to continue to struggle 

* Count Camillo Benso di Cavour (1810-1861); travelled; founded the news- 
paper II Risorgimento in 1847 ; premier 1852-1859 ; advised Sardinia to take part 
ill the Crimean War ; induced Louis Napoleon to assist Piedmont against Austria ; 
deeply disappointed with the Treaty of Villafranca 1859 ; encouraged Garibaldi 
i860 ; the maker of the modern Italian Kingdom. 

t Charles Albert, died an exile at Oporto, July 28, 1849. 

I Baron Joseph Jellachich (1801-1859) ; a general and poet. 


for a common fatherland . The Hungarian Diet, on the other 
hand, urged by the fiery words of Kossuth, were determined 
to crush the Croats. But the victory of Custozza on July 25th 
had freed a large army, faithful to the Emperor, and there 
was again a chance to re-establish a centralized State. The 
Magyars were still for separation, and the settlement of the 
questions between Austria and Hungary seemed impossible 
except by war . The first warning was given on August 2 2nd, 
when the extraordinary powers of the Palatine were with- 
drawn. On September 4th the Emperor definitely sliowed 
on which side were his sympathies by the reinstatement of 
Jellachich. The Hungarian ministers were at first dumb- 
founded, but Kossuth rose to the situation and took the direc- 
tion of all proceedings into his own, somewhat irresponsible, 
hands. Jellachich seized his opportunity and by September 
17th had crossed the river Drav at the head of a Croatian 
army, and war had begun. 

The German democrats found that the Slav majority in 
the Austrian Reichsrath would do nothing for them, and that 
they supported the Imperijal authority. For this reason the 
Liberals allied with the Magyars, and Louis Kossuth was given 
an enthusiastic welcome by the Viennese mob when he was 
refused an audience by the Reichsrath. The Imperial autho- 
rity now made a great mistake in appointing Field Marshal 
von Lamberg head of the military forces in Hungary, and 
Kossuth stirred up the people to refuse him allegiance, which 
ended in the brutal murder of the general on September 28th 
by a frantic mob. On October 3rd Hungary was placed under 
martial law and Jellachich was made commander of all the 
forces. The next day the Ban of Croatia met the Hungarian 
army, under General Moga, near Veldencze, but after a 
bombardment by artillery the two forces agreed to an 
armistice for three days. Jellachich began to retreat, and on 
October 7th his reserve was utterly crushed by Generals 
Perczel and Gorgei. In the meantime General Latour was 
sent with more regiments, but these mutinied, and his fate 
was the same as that of von Lamberg. The weak Emperor 
thought it time to withdraw the proclamation, and fled to 
Olmiitz, appealing to all the Slavs to rally round the imperial 
cause. The Slav majority also moved to Prague and left the 
wretched German minority to do what it could in Vienna, 


The time for warlike intervention had arrived, and by October 
28th Windischgratz attacked the city on behalf of the 
Emperor, and two days later it capitulated. The fall of 
Vienna on November 9th, together with the execution of two 
of its Liberal defenders^ Robert Blum * and Messenhausser, 
marked tlie Imperial attack on German nationalism. Prince 
Felix Schwarzenburg was placed at the head of affaiirs ; 
with him were associated Count Francis Stadion at the Home 
Office, Bruck as Minister of Commerce, Krauss as Minister of 
Finance, and Bach as Minister of Justice. It was clearly 
recognized from this moment that the Emperor would en- 
deavour to restore autocratic rule and the Metternich system. 
But the first thing to be accomplished was the suppression of 
the Magyar revolt. 

The Diet was transferred to Kremsier on November loth, 
where it could debate without being in the least dangerous, 
and on December 2nd the Emperor Ferdinand abdicated in 
favour of his nephew, Francis Joseph, a step definitely 
aimed against the Hungarian revolutionaries, since the 
abdication freed the Imperial authority from any obliga- 
tions and compacts that might have been made in the past 
with Louis Kossuth. The Hungarians declared the impos- 
sibility of the abdication and decided to regard the new 
Emperor as a usurper. Jellachich began the war with vic- 
tories over the rebels under Perczel and Gorgei f in Decem- 
ber ; while on January 2nd, after the flight of the Hungarian 
Diet to Debreczen, Pesth was occupied. Two days later Count 
Schlich, having already routed the forces of Pulszky, defeated 
General Mesziros with 1 7,000 men. By the end of the month, 
however, Magyar hopes revived by General George Klapka's % 
defeat of the Austrians, under Schlich, when endeavouring 
to reach Debreczen. This proved a mere temporary success, 
for on February 27th Schlich and Windischgratz utterly 
crushed the Magyars under the Napoleonic veteran Dem.- 

* Robert Blum (1807-1848) ; a bookseller in Leipzig ; carried a congratulatory 
address to the Viennese rebels. 

f Arthur Gorgei, born 1818 ; defeated Jellachich at Ozora ; relieved Kcmorn ; 
nominated dictator August, 1849 ; imprisoned at Klagenfurt ; accused by Kossuth 
of treachery ; allowed to return to Hungary 1868 ; declared free of all suspicion 
of treachery 1885. 

I George Klapka (i 820-1892) ; exiled after the war, but returned in 


binski * at Kapolna and drove him back on Theiss. The result 
of this victory was the issue of a new centralized Constitution, 
including Hungary, on March 7th. But the Magyars were not 
yet crushed ; Bem,-j- the guerilla chief in Transylvania, Perczel 
in the Servian Banate, and Gorgei in Hungary were more 
than holding their own against the Austrians. Gorgei de- 
feated Windischgratz on April 4th at Tapio Bacze and again 
on the 6th at Godollo, and the Austri&n general was super- 
seded by Welden. The Magyar leader then defeated Gotz 
at Waitzen, and Wohlgemiith at Nagy Sarlo ; and by April 
22nd he was able to relieve the fortress of Komorn. Mean- 
time, on April 14th, the- independence of Hungary was pro- 
claimed at Debreczen, and Kossuth appointed a ministry of 
his own. The young Emperor, Francis Joseph, now readily 
accepted the Czar's offer of assistance, and in March requested 
the Russian troops to move forward. An Austrian force from 
the west marched to ,meet the Russian from the east, while 
Jellachich, with 40,000 men, advanced from Croatia. The 
Magyar hopes were placed in the hands of Gorgei ; but 
Kossuth had resigned his dictatorship in vain, for Gorgei was 
defeated on June 20th at Pered by Wohlgemiith ; another 
force suffered reverse at Mossorip on July 23rd ; General 
Liiders routed Bem at Segesvdr or Schassburg on the 31st ; 
Haynau fell upon Dembinski at Szoreg on August 5th and 
obtained a decisive victory ; and the army of Gorgei, 24,000 
strong, capitulated to Riidiger on August 13th at Vilagos. 

The capable Prince Schwarzenburg, who was ultimately the 
saviour of Austria, meant to finish the question for ever, 
and with the assistance of the bloodthirsty General Haynau 
he stamped out every sign of Magyar liberty, " in some 
instances with a barbarity congenial to him." The Metternich 
system was once again restored, and the Austrian ecclesiastics 
solemnly condemned the spirit of nationality as contrary to 
the teaching of their Church. 

Austria, whose empire had seemed on the verge of disso- 
lution, was miraculously restored. The Hapsburg family 
owed the successful issue of its troubles to the racial 

* Henry Dembinski (1791-1864); entered Polish army 1809 ; fought in Moscow 
campaign and at Leipzig ; commander-in-chief in the Polish rising of 1830 ; 
served under Mehemet Ali 1833 ; fought for Kossuth ; fled to Turkey after 1849. 

t Joseph Bem (1795-1850) ; lied to Turkey in 1849 ; became a Mahomedan. 


differences between different sections of the rebels and to the 
armed force by which they were at last reduced. But they 
might easily have been ousted from the German Confedera- 
tion while too weak to resist. That they were not was the 
fault partly of the German revolutionaries, partly of the 
Prussian King. 

At Frankfort the German Parliament was confronted by 
problems of policy and method which demanded a speedy 
answer. The relation of Austria and Prussia to the new 
Constituti'on was a delicate matter. So was the racial pro- 
blem ; for the States on the borders of the German Con- 
federation contained many other besides German elements. 
The Assembly met in May, 1848. In June it succeeded in 
constituting a Provisional Government, and on June 29th the 
Archduke John of Austria was elected Regent. "Next they 
proceeded to waste precious time in abstract debates about 
the Constitution of Germany and the fundamental rights of 
her people. Debates did not mean authority, and it 
was soon seen that if Prussia and Austria did not give 
their consent to the scheme both Regency and Constitution 
were likely to prove absolutely valueless. The weak- 
ness of their position was illustrated in the question of 
Schleswig-Holstein, as will be shown in a later chapter. The 
factious state of Germany was made still more apparent in 
the next year by Prussia's obvious dislike for Schwarzen- 
burg's attempt to rearrange Germany in such a way that 
Austria should be undivided and therefore supreme. On 
March 4th, 1849, Schwarzenburg had proclaimed a new Con- 
stitution for the whole of the Austrian Empire, and had hoped 
to substitute for a German Emperor a Directory of seven, and 
for a popular Parliamen't a Commission of delegates from' 
governments and diets in which Austria would have the 
largest number of votes . In answer to this Frederick William 
with a small majority, was hastily elected Emperor, but seeing 
the difHculties of the situation and disliking an alliance with 
the revolutionaries, on April 21st, he refused to accept the 
crown. This brought about the collapse of the German 
Parliament. The Austrian deputies had already withdrawn. 
They were now followed by those of Prussia. Gradually the 
moderate party deserted, and the democrats, after removing 
to Stuttgart, were finally dissolved in June, 1849. 


The failure of the attempt to constitute a German State on 
national and Liberal principles was due to the essential diffi- 
culty of arrivi'ng at a settlement, but also to defects in the 
working of the Frankfort Parliament. To frame a Consti- 
tution, to decide upon the relation of Austria to the new 
German organization, to steer safely between national and 
racial jealousies, to win the confidence of Europe : all these 
were problems to tax the resources of any assembly. The 
Parliament lost its opportunities by delay. Meeting in May, 
it did not undertake the work of framing the Constitution 
until October. The problem of excluding Austria or includ- 
ing the whole or part of her dominions was left unsolved 
until Austria was able to use menaces. By that time, too, 
Frederick William was under the influence of a reactionary 
committee, and more than ever uncertain in his designs upon 
the Imperial crown. The Parliament was divided on questions 
of principle, and had lost the confidence of the middle classes. 

The failure of the much -debated Constitution caused a 
fresh revolutionary outburst in Dresden and Baden. The 
insurrection was, led by the Polish general Mieroslawski, but 
the Prussian troops under their Prince, assisted by Generals 
von Hirschfeld, von Groben, von Peucker, and Haunecken, 
soon restored order. On May 7th, 1849, Frederick William 
attempted, at a Prussian conference, to promulgate a new 
Constitution based on the idea of a College of Kings. This 
Schwarzenburg had formally pretended to be worthy of con- 
sideration, but he was really determined to restore the old 
Federal Diet, and the representative of Austria soon withdrew 
from the Prussian conference. Nevertheless, Frederick 
William was anxious to proceed, and endeavoured to establish 
what proved a most insecure " league of the north " between 
Prussia, Saxony, and Hanover, known as the " Dreikonigs- 
bund," which came to an end before October. The scheme 
was rejected by Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, for, by the end 
of August, the Austrians had crushed the Magyar disaffec- 
tion, and Schwarzenburg hoped to be able to exert pressure 
to carry out his . own plans . He persuaded Prussia to 
agree on September 30th to the " Compact of the Interim," 
which brought about the resignation of the regency by Arch- 
duke John, and postponed the question until May, 1850. But 
as Hanover, Saxony, Bavaria, and Wiirtemberg were now 


ranged on the side of Austria it meant that the smaller States 
and Prussia were naturally, pitted against them. Schwarzen- 
burg still persevered in dividing Germany among the great 
States and forming a Directory of their rulers. Frederifck 
William saw through the scheme that would thus exalt 
Austria, and so summoned a Parliament at Erfurt for March, 
1850, which was to have delegates from all the States in the 
Prussian league. At the same time he was determined to 
decide what the Constitution should be, and it was his revised 
Constitution that was finally passed by the Erfurt Parlia- 
ment on April 29th. Schwarzenburg's reply to this was a 
summons of the Congress of Princes to revise the Constitu- 
tion of Germany according to the Treaty of 1 8 1 5 . The 
Schleswig-Holstein question again intervened, and, as 
Prussia emerged from that in 1850 in a very shaky condition, 
the King, against his real wi'shes, had to seek the support of 
Russia. But Russia was the nominal ally of Austria, and it 
seemed that Schwarzenburg's chance had come to crush 
Prussia by means of war. He, however, still preferred 
negotiations, and offered to set up a central Government, based 
on the equal powers' of Austria and Prussia, if Frederick 
William would abandon his Constitution. But Prussia still 
clung to the league, with the result that, after the intervention 
of the Powers in the Schleswig-Holstein questipn, she found 
herself isolated in the councils of Europe. On September 2nd 
Schwarzenburg's Close Council of the Diet met. With this 
body Frederick William came into collision owing to the 
action of the Elector of Hesse. He had quarrelled w'ith 
his subjects and appealed to the Diet. If Hesse were 
occupied by any Power unfriendly to Prussia it would 
be a considerable danger to her military strength. 
Schwarzenburg insisted that the Diet had the supreme right 
to set'tle the question, and emphasized his remarks on Octo- 
ber 1 1 th by forming at Bregenz, against Prussia, a league of 
Austria, Bavaria, and Wiirtemberg, by which the sovereigns 
bound themselves to put an army of 200,000 men into the 
field. A fortnight later the Diet ordered the occupation of 
Hesse by Bavarian troops, and a slight collision took place at 
Bronzell, near Fulda, with a few Prussian soldiers, skir- 
mishers of von der Groben's army, which had been 
dispatched to the front. Actual war was averted by 


the inffuence of a strong party in Prussia under Gerlach', 
Retzow, and Bismarck-Schonhausen, which in the Kreuz 
Zeitung advocated alliance against revolution. The danger 
was removed by the convention of Olmiitz on Novem- 
ber 29th, at which Frederick William acknowledged tTie 
right of Austria to "defend Hesse. At the same time he 
promised to force the Holsteiners to evacuate Schleswig, and 
he renounced the league of the north. Austria Jiad not, how- 
ever, won all along the line ; Schwarzenburg might have 
demanded more. As it was^ it was agreed that Austria and 
Prussia should jointly summon a Conference at Dresden to 
decide the Constitution of Germany. Schwarzenburg had 
lost his grand opportunity. He still pressed for such a Diet 
that Austria would have the preponderating sway and Prussia 
be a second-class Power. But this did not meet with the 
approval of either Russia, or France, or Great Britain, as they 
all viewed with jealousy and distrust any definite increase 
of Austria's supremacy. Frederick William saw his chance, 
and at the Conference, opened on December 23rd, 1850, 
so opposed Austrian claims that the German nation once more 
fell back upon the old Confederaiion of 18 15, and the Con- 
stitutional struggle of two years reached its unsatisfactory 
climax in May, 1851, when the antiquated Federal Diet was 
again introduced. The great hour for Prussia had not yet 
come ; with reluctance she realized that her policy must still 
be one of time-serving. But the events of the last two years 
had fundamentally altered the political relations between the 
two greatest powers in Germany, and the day was not far 
distant when their conflict must be fought out and the question 
of Hohenzollern or Hapsburg supremacy ultimately decided. 






Bach .... 

Blanchard Jerrold . 

*Cambridge Modern History, 


Coxe .... 
*G. Lowes Dickinson 

De la Gorce . 

Dufour . 

Esher and Benson 


Garnier- Pages 




Mahaffy . 

Martin . 

Maurice . 

Mazade . 


Thureau Dangin 

Trangi and Chassen 

Les Races et Nationalites en A utriche-Hongrie. 

Die Wiener Revolution, 1848. 

Life of Napoleon III. 

Vol. XL, 1909. 

Louis Napoleon and the Genesis of the Second 

House of Austria. 
Revolution and Reaction in Modern France. . 

Histoire du Second Empire. 
Der Sonderbundskrieg. 
Queen Victoria's Letters. 

Histoire de la Revolution de 1848. 
Genesis of the Revolution of 1848 in Austria. 
Histoire de la Revolution de 1848. 
Histoire de I'Autriche-Hongrie. 
Francis foseph I. 

Guerre de Hongrie en 1848 et 1849. 
The Revolutionary Movements of 1848 in Italy, 

Austria and Hungary. 

Austria in 1848, 1849. 
Histoire du regne de Louis-Philippe. 
Histoire Politique de la Revohition de Hongrie en 




1837. Accession of Queen Victoria. 

Great improvements in the criminal law. 

1838. Lord Durham was appointed Governor-General of Canada. 
The People's Charter drawn up. 

1839. Lord Melbourne resigned, and was succeeded by Peel. 

Sir Robert Peel declined the Government over the Bed- 
chamber Question. 
Rowland Hill's penny postage was adopted. 
Chartist riots at Newport. 

1840. Marriage of Queen Victoria with Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg. 
Settlement of the case of Stockdale v. Hansard. 

1841. Great meetings on behalf of free trade. 

Lord Melbourne resigned, and was succeeded by Peel. 

THE REVOLUTION OF 1848— 1850. 

In France. 

In Switzerland. 


In Prussia. 


The absolute 

The party 
of reform. 

Socialism | 
Communism I 

The Sonderbund 
Roman Catholic. 


Republicans. Communists. 

The Republic, 


concluded in 

favour of the 


November, 1847. 

An autocrat, 
Frederick William 

Produced the 

United Diet, 

which proved 

a failure. 


In Germany 
as a whole. 


Growth of national 


In Italy. 

In Austria. 

A constitutional 




in Berlin. 

March 15 and [8. 

The Carbonari 
had become 

Parliamentary Republicans 
under Lamartine. 

Moderate majority in the 
National Convention. 

Universal suffrage 
and a President, 
Louis Napoleon. 

German National 
Parliament, May. 



granted in 


Hesse, Nassau, 


Socialist Republicans 
under Louis Blanc. 

Socialist Commission 
at the Luxembourg. 

Riots, and suppression. 

Dismissal of the 

Fred. William, a 
' German Nationalist. 

The troops under 

Wrangel ordered 

to occupy Berlin 

when Brandenburg 

was made 


Fred. William 

again became 

head of a military 



Fred. William 

wanted a 


based on a 

College of Kings. 





under Radetzky 

in Lombardy. 

a policy of 
delay and 
the Italians 
scored victories 
at Goito and 
Santa Lucia. 

Young Italy 
under Mazzini. 

Nationalism = Liberalism. 

Metternich's system. 

Revolt in 
Galicia, 1846. 

Revolutionary feeling. 



Pius IX. 


Revolt in 

crisis, March, 


in Vienna. 

Western the 
under Cc 



Mob Rule. 

Schwarzenburg wanted 

a Directory of seven, 

Austria to be 


Fall of Metternict 
March 13, 1848. 

Charles Albert 

of Piedmont, 

head of the movement. 

A constitution 
granted to Piedmont. 


Austrian Reichsrath. Flight of the Emperor. 







declared a 



Slav Agrarian Liberal 
majority. Reform. Germans 
I discontented. 

I I 

Italian Tyrol 
eager to join 
the war. 

Vienna taken 
by Windischgratz, 
November, 1848. 

Second flight 
of the 

Abdication of 
the Emperor, 
December 2. 

The Compact of 

the Interim, 
September, 1849. 

The Italians were 

defeated at 


Isolation of Prussia, 

being deserted by 
Saxony and Hanover. 

The Federal Constitution 
of 1815. 

Beginning of 



Pius IX. 

issued the 


Flight of Pius 
to Gaeta. 




declared a 


declared a 


Flight of 

the Grand 

Duke to Gaeta. 

The German 

Liberals allied 

with the Magyars. 

The Hungarians 
deny his right. 

from Pr 


The F 



The Convention 

of Olmtitz, 

November 29, 1850. 

Piedmont left 

alone to carry 

on the war. 

Charles Albert 

defeated at 


War between the 
Emperor and Hungai 

Kossuth proclaimed 

the independence 

of Hungary. 

The inter\-ention 
of Czar Nicholas. 



forced Gorgei 

to capitulate at 

Vilagos, August, 184 

Complete suppressic 
of Magyar liberties 
by General Haynau 


OF 1848— 1850. 

n Italy. 

In Austria. 






ited in 
, Nassau, 




under Radetzky 

in Lombardy. 

a policy of 
delay and 
the Italians 
scored victories 
at Goito and 
Santa Lucia. 

Young Italy 
under Mazzini. 

Nationalism = Liberalism. 

Metternich's system. 

Revolt in 
Galicia, 1846. 

In Hungary. 

In Bohemia. 

South Slavs. 

Revolutionary feeling 





Pius IX. 

Revolt in 

crisis, March, 

in Vienna. 


Western thought 
under Count 


under Louis 


Charles Albert 

of Piedmont, 

head of the movement. 


A constitution 

granted to Piedmont. 

Mob Rule. 

Austrian Reichsrath. 


Fall of Metternich, 
March 13, 1848. 

Revival of 










. Kossuth's Speech 
and Revolution. 


Demand for a 
separate Constitution. 

Pan-Slav Congress 
at Prague. 

crushed revolt. 

Gradually became 
upholders of Illyrism. 

The Diet of Agram 
opposed that of Hungary. 

The Triune Kingdom 

supported by Jellachich, 

separated from Hungary 

June 5,, 1848. 

Flight of the Emperor. 


Slav Agrarian Liberal 
majority. Reform. Germans 
I discontented. 

Second flig 

of the 







declared a 

Italian Tyrol 
eager to join 
the war. 

Vienna taken 
by Windischgratz, 
November, 1848. 

Abdication of 
the Emperor, 
December 2. 

Government transferred 
from Presburg to Pesth. 

The " March Laws." 

The Hungarian Diet 
attempted to crush - 

Jellachich is for a 
= United Empire. 

The Italians were 

defeated at 


Beginning of 



Pius IX. 

issued the 


Flight of Pius 
to Gaeta. 




declared a 


declared a 


Flight of 

the Grand 

Duke to Gaeta. 

The German 
Liberals allied 
with the Magyars. 

The Hungarians 
deny his right. 

Jellachich invaded 

Piedmont left 

alone to carry 

on the war. 

Charles Albert 

defeated at 


War between the 
Emperor and Hungary. 

Kossuth proclaimed 

the independence 

of Hungary. 

The intervention 
of Czar Nicholas. 



forced Gorgei 

to capitulate at 

Vilagos, August, 1849. 

Complete suppression 
of Magyar liberties 
by General Haynau. 

[P. 268a. 


Contemporary Events in the History of Great Britain — continued 






Sir Robert Peel carried his sliding scale with regard to corn. 

An income tax was substituted for many duties. 

The meeting at Clontarf. Arrest of O'Connell. 

The Bank Charter Act passed. 

The Maynooth Act passed. 

Lord John Russell failed to form a Cabinet. 

The gradual repeal of the Corn Laws. 

Sir Robert Peel resigned, and was succeeded by Lord John 

The potato famine in Ireland. 
Fielden's Ten Hour Bill. 
The failure of Chartism. 
The Treason Felony Act passed. 
The repeal of the Navigation Acts. 
Death of Sir Robert Peel. 


John V., 
1706 — 1750. 

Ferdinand VI. = Maria Magdalena. 

1750— 1777. 

Maria I., 
d. 1816. 

: Peter III., 
d. 1786. 

John VI., 

Ferdinand VII. = Isabella. 


Peter IV., 
of Brazil. 


Ferdinand of | | | | 

Saxe-Coburg = Maria II., Jannaria. Peter II., Francesca = Prince 

I 1826-53. of Brazil. de Joinville. 

Maria Anna. Peter V., 

I I I 

Luis = Maria Pia, Isabella. Leopoldine. 
d. of Victor 
Emmanuel II. 



Some Sovereigns of the Period. 
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, Kings of Sardinia. 

The Pofies. 


Ferdinand, IV. (restored). 1814. Victor Emmanuel I. (restored). 1800. 

Pius VII. 


Francis I. 

1821. Charles Felix. 1823. 

Leo XII. 


Ferdinand II. (Bomba). r83i. Charles Albert. 1829. 

Pius VIII 


Francis II. (deposed 

i860). 1849. Victor Emanuel II. 1831. 

Gregory XVI 


Victor Emanuel II. 

1861. Victor Emanuel II. (King of 1846. 

Pius IX. 

Italy). 1878. 

Leo XIII. 

1878. Humbert (King of Italy). 

Some Important Dates in Literature 


Manzoni's Promessi Sposi. 


Rosmini's Cinque Piaghe delta. Santa Chiesa. 


Gioberti's Primato morale e civile degli Italiani. 


Gioberti's Prolegotneni al Primato. 


d'Azeglio's / Casi di Romagna. 


Gioberti's Gesuita Moderno. 


d'Azeglio's Lutti delta Lombardia. 


Gioberti's Rinnovamento Civile d^ Italia. 


d'Azeglio's / Miei Ricordi. 


Carducci's Odi Barbare. 

Since the foundation of the modem political system in 
Europe Italy had never been united. The interference of 
foreign Powers, the temporal dominion of the Papacy, and 
the partition of her territories between a number of Govern- 
ments, jealous and evenly balanced, had proved insurmount- 
able obstacles. The partial unification under Napoleon's 
dominion supplied the Italian people with a model, but the 
fall of his empire and the restoration of Austria, the Pope, 
and the numerous separate dynasties seemed to condemn Italy 
to lasting dislocation. But the spirit aroused in the Napo- 
leonic period was not quenched. The government of Austria 
in Venice and Lombardy, though in some things enlightened, 
aroused a fierce antagonism, chiefly because it appeared as 
the champion of reaction throughout Italy. Even in the 
Papal States old conditions could not be restored intact. All 

French [i i 

Austrian ] I 

Sardinian | | 

Lucca 1 I 

Parma [ '■ - I 

Modenal j 

Papal [ I 

Neopolitan | | 

Tuscany { I 



over Italy, and especially in the south, opinion ripened, in 
the years after the Congress of Vienna, in favour of some 
kind of Italian unity and united reform. 

In 1820 the revolution which had been provoked in Spain 
by the action of the restored monarch, Ferdinand, gave the 
signal for a similar rising in Italy. In Naples the King was 
compelled to accept the Spanish Constitution of 1812. The 
progress of the struggle, which is traced elsewhere in con- 
nection with the general movement of Europe in that year, 
siiowed that Italy was not yet capable of striking off her 
fetters. Austria, as soon as she had gained the assent of 
her ^.llies, had no difficulty in crushing either the Neapolitan 
revolt or the rising by which it was followed in Piedmont. 
But the foreign troops could not impair the growing demand 
for unity or the Italian genius for political intrigue. Secret 
societies, such as the Carbonari, passed the gospel from 
place to place. In some cases their views were ex- 
treme. The moderate Liberals, on the other hand, aimed 
at obtaining Constitutional government, while a, third party 
saw as a natural head of united Italy the Pope . It was for this 
reason that Gioberti dreamed of the day when the Papacy 
should have at least supreme temporal power from the Alps 
to Cape Passaro. Gregory XVI., hoping to obtain this power, 
tried to strangle the spirit of Liberalism, and on the out- 
break of revolution crushed its adherents with gross cruelty. 
In 1 8 3 1 , therefore, the adventurer, Louis Napoleon, thought 
it necessary to interfere on behajf of the Romagna in its 
revolt against pontifical rule. 

Unity under the Papacy having proved impossible, 
men flocked round the patriot Giuseppe Mazzini. He was 
a iman whose life was illuminated by a great ideal of free- 
dom and unity ; he was a born proselytiser ; and his schemes 
were founded on deep meditation and the most careful 
thought. He was the creator of the " Young Italy " party, 
for, as he himself said, " Place youth at the head of the insur- 
gent multitude ; you know not the secret of the power 
hidden in these youthful hearts, nor the magic influence 
exercised in the masses by the voice of youth." Once again 
the hatred of Austria became intense, especially after Count 
Lasanzky had proclaimed that Austria " must Germanize 
Italy." The Gioberti dreams were revived for the 


momentj as has been shown, by the accession of Cardinal 
Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti as Pius IX., whose Liberal 
measures pointed to a prospect of better rule and nationality. 
As Bishop of Imola he had been unable to conceal his disgust 
at the imprisonments, banishments, and executions carried out 
by the Austrian authorities. There is, however, no proof that 
he was ever, even in his youth, in any political connection with 
the Revolutionary party, though it has been stated that he 
was in league with the Freemasons and the Carbonari. 
Veiled insurrection had been steadily proceeding, tmd the 
news of the revolution in Vienna was the signal for renewed 
effort. Charles Albert, ruler of the Sardinian Kingdom, put 
himself at the head of a Piedmontese army and the other 
Italian Governments were forced to send assistance. For a 
time the expulsion of Austria seemed possible. This hope 
proved abortive, for Pius IX., by his Allocution of April, 
1848, recalled his troops, and in this was followed by Ferdi- 
nand of Naples. The battle of Custozza robbed Charles 
Albert ,of his previous success, and the Treaty of Vigevano 
checked for a time the struggle for unity. Austria remained 
triumphant because the Italian States were divided, and the 
complete formation of the Italian kingdom was postponed for 
several years. 

In the future the Italians looked for assistance to France, 
where great changes were very rapidly effected between 1848 
and 1 85 1. France came to be ruled by another member 
of the House of Bonaparte . Louis Napoleon had been elected 
President by an enormous majority, defeating the Republi'can 
candidate, Cavaignac. It was his ambition to restore the 
empire of his uncle. Napoleon I. He placed his hopes in 
the support of the peasants, the army, and the Church, and 
he had pandered both to the soldiers and the priests when 
in April, 1849, he dispatched Oudinot * with 8,000 men to 
restore the Papal authority in Rome. They had succeeded 
in driving out Garibaldi,t but Pius IX., doubting the good 

* Charles Nicolas Victor Oudinot, Duke of Reggio (1791-1863) ; saw some 
service in Algeria. 

f Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807-1882) ; joined the "Young Italy" party 1834; 
took part in revolutions in South America ; joined the revolutionary government 
at Rome 1849 ; defended Rome against the French ; went to New York ; returned 
to Italy 1854 ; did great service in the war of Italian liberation ; led the 
"thousand heroes" at Marsala i860; tried to seize Rome 1862; captured at 


faith of his allies, preferred to remain at Gaeta . The French 
elections of the following May showed that the Repub- 
licans had lost ground, and Ledru-Rollin * headed only a 
small opposition under the title of the Mountain. A rising in 
Paris was quickly suppressed by Charigarnier,f and Ledru- 
Rollin fled to England, leaving his country in the shackles 
of despotism, which Napoleon began to rivet by crushing the 
Press and dismissing the Constitutional officials and replacing 
them by docile clerks. Unfortunately the Assembly on May 
31st, by restricting the franchise, enabled Napoleon to pose 
as the vindicator of universal suffrage. As the year 
1850, however, drew to a close, he realized the more 
keenly that by the law it was impossible for him to be elected 
President again. In January, 1851, General Changarnier was 
dismissed, and the Assembly, long suspici'ous of their Presi- 
dent, declared their confidence in the general and their want 
of trust in the ministry. On their resignation Napoleon 
selected equally docile followers. By this time he under- 
stood that the state of the electoral law might be made 
a most powerful lever. To pose as the champion of 
universal suffrage would secure him, if the point were con- 
ceded, the support of the popular vote, by which he had 
obtained the Presidency ; if it were refused, he had a pre- 
text for overturning the Assembly. Up to the very moment 
of attempting the final stroke the Emperor had hesitated. 
Tocqueville has said, " Louis Napoleon was very vacillating 
in his plans ... he let his energy . . . become daily en- 
feebled and his ambition abate." But on December 2nd he 
carried out his coup d'etat, assisted by de Morny,t Maupas, 
General Saint Arnauld§ and Magnan. Without any warning, 
troops were cunningly distributed and placards and proclama- 
tions were secretly prepared. The possible enemies of this 

Aspromonte ; commanded a force in the war of 1866 ; again attacked Rome 
1867 ; routed at Montana ; joined the French in the war of 1870. 

* A. A. Ledru-Rollin (1808-1874) ; wrote Appel aux Travailleurs in 1846 ; fled to 
England ; returned to France in 1870. 

t N. A. T. Changarnier (1793-1877) ; served in Algeria ; besieged with Bazaine 
in Metz. 

J Charles Auguste Louis Joseph, Due de Morny (1811-1865) ; supposed to be 
half-brother of Napoleon III. ; served in Algeria ; became Minister of the 
Interior after 1851 ; ambassador to Russia 1856. 

§ Jacques Leroy de Saint Arnauld (1796-1854) ; fought for the Greeks 1822- 
1826 ; served in Algeria ; commanded the French in the Crimea. 

N.E. T 


outrageous assumption of power were imprisoned ; Cavaig- 
nac, Changarnier, Bedeau,* Lamorici^re,t Victor Hugo^ 
Sue,§ and Thiers were all suddenly arrested and sent 
to different gaols. The protest of 250 of the deputies 
was met on the morning of Deceniber 3rd by force, 
and they found themselves prisoners in the hands of the 
guards. There were, of course, revolts and barricades, but 
they meant nothing when confronted by the soldiers, and by 
the night of December 4th Louis Napoleon had been com- 
pletely successful. It was not, however, until exactly a year 
after that he was actually proclaimed as Emperor Napo- 
leon III., though he had been greeted as Emperor throughout 
his dominion by the populace and soldiery. In January, 1853, 
with much pomp and ceremony, the new Emperor married 
Donna Eugenia di Monti jo, and, as Empress Eugenie, she 
became the leader of fashion, arid member of a clique which 
exercised a sinister influence over Napoleon on critical occa- 
sions in his career. 

Napoleon's character was one of the riddles of the age. 
Veuillot had called him " the eyeless sphinx," because 
of his stone-like countenance, for his glance was dull, 
his bearing phlegmatic ; and his aspect, thougli gentle and 
devoid of much expression, suggested crafty obstinacy. He 
was undoubtedly brave, but, unlike his greater namesake, he 
lacked originality. He was a great adventurer, but only a 
restless and uneasy imitator in comparison with Napoleon I . 
Filled with deep hidden schemes, he loved secrecy ; he hated 
work, and was naturally indolent, but no one knew what there 
was behind that pleasant smile and thoge unreadable eyes. 
He made his way, at first by the glamour of his uncle's name 
and by playing on the fear felt by the middle classes for the 
extreme Radicals ; later by a clever and successful crime. He 
retained his power, not by the careless cynicism with which 
he seemed to rule France, but by imitating Napoleon I., and 
allowing France to have no internal history, while influencing 
very materially the history of all the other countries in Europe. 

* Marie Alphonse Bedeau (1804-1863). 

t C. L. L. J. de Lamorici^re (1806-1863). 

J Victor Marie Hugo (1802-1885) ; a prolific writer ; at first a great admirer of 
Napoleon I. ; retired to Brussels 1851, and Jersey 1852 ; returned to Paris 1870 ; 
made a senator in 1876. 

§ M. J. Eugene Sue (1804-1857). 


At the close of the Crimean war Napoleon turned 
his (attention to the distracted state of Italy. The first part 
of the story of the struggle for unity from 1849 to i860 is 
practically the career of Count Camillo Cavour. He has been 
well called the restorer of Italian nationality. He was born 
at Turin on August loth, 18 10, and, after serving in the Sar- 
dinian Engineers, he was obliged to resign his commission in 
1 83 1 owing to his Liberal principles. After visiting France 
and England he settled down to improve his family estates, 
and in 1843 he wrote ironically about the study of agricul- 
ture, which, he says, " is indeed the only one to which one 
can with perfect safety devote oneself in this country." 
He took up a more active public life in 1847, when, 
with Count Cesare Balbo,* he established a newspaper, 
" // Risorgimento," advocating the representative system, 
and stating, " The hour of fate has struck for the Sar- 
dinian monarchy One road only is open, that of im- 
mediate war." It was owing to Cavour 's initiative that 
the King was petitioned for a Constitution, which, as 
already shown, was granted in the spring of 1848. In 
March, 1849, the Piedmontese, contrary to Cavour's 
advice, again fought the Austrians and were defeated at 
Novara. Nevertheless, Italy had by this time, to use Cavour's 
expression, found a " national flag." In the next year the 
powers of the much-hated priests were restricted in Piedmont 
by the " Siccardi laws," and the special jurisdiction of the 
clergy was abolished. From 1852, when Cavour succeeded 
D'Azeglio t as Premier at the head of a Liberal coalition, he 
threw himself heart and soul into the work of administration. 
Finance, commerce, home affairs, agriculture, and foreign 
policy were all alike within his province. He had learnt 
from England the value of material progress in increasing 
the prestige of a nation. In foreign policy he was equally 
audacious. His great object was to win Napoleon III. as an 
ally, and it was by his advice that Sardinia joined with Eng- 
land and France in the Crimean war in 1855. In this way he 
was able to bring the Italian question before the Congress at 
Paris in March, 1856, and he urged England and France to 
stop the unrest in Italy by making demands from Austria. 

• Cesare, Count Balbo (1789-1833) ; statesman. 

t Massimo Taparaelli, Marchese d'Azeglio (1798-1866). 

T 2 


But Napoleon III. had Italian affairs brought home to him 
even more forcibly by an attempt on his life on January 1 4th, 
1858. On that day Orsini,*an Italian, hurled a bomb at the 
Emperor in revenge for his desertion of the Carbonari, 
whom he had joined in the days of his youthful adven- 
tures in Italy in 1 8 3 1 . The Compact of Plombiferes 
was the result of a secret meeting between Napoleon 
and Cavour on July 20th, 1858. A provisional agree- 
Jnent was made. France and Piedmont were to unite to 
expel the Austrians from Italy ; the spoils were to be, for the 
Italians, Venice, Lombardy, the Duchies and the Legations ; 
for France, Savoy and perhaps Nice. A marriage was 
arranged between Prince Napoleon and Victor Emanuel's 
eldest daughter. On January ist, i?59, Napoleon made a 
public reference to causes of disagreement between the 
French and Austrian empires. It became Cavour 's business 
to provoke Austria to take the offensive before peacemakers 
could intervene or Napoleon be dissuaded from his purpose 
by his advisers. A European Congress was proposed, and 
it seemed certain that Piedmont would be compelled to dis- 
arm and submit her claims to the judgment of the Powers. 
At the moment of crisis, Cavour was saved from defeat by 
a blunder on the enemy's side. On April 19th, 1859, Austria 
sent a practical ultimatum, summoning Sardinia to put her 
army on a peace footing within three days or war would be 
the consequence. 

In April, 1859, the war of Italian liberation began. Napo- 
leon III. promised 200,000 men, and was made commander- 
in-chief of the united armies of Italy and France. On 
April 29th the Austrian general Gynlai f invaded Sardinian 
territory, and on May 4th his army entered the valley of the 
Po. News of Napoleon's advance forced Gyulai to retire from 
his march on Turin, and turned him to the Ticino, where it 
divided Lombardy from the kingdom of Sardinia. On 
June 1st Napoleon directed his army towards Milan, and to 
the surprise of the French entered Novara unopposed. On 
the next day General Camou reached Porto di Turbigo, 
which, like Novara, was unoccupied. General Espinasse J 

* Felice Orsini (1819-1858) ; took part in the defence of Rome and Venice; 
wrote Austrian Dungeons in Italy in 1856. 

t Franz Gyulai (1799-1862). | E. C. M. Espinasse (1815-1859). 


pushed forward to Milan, which was deserted, and it was 
now evident that the Austrians would make their great stand 
on the banks of the Lavigho Grande, where it runs parallel 
to the Ticino. The position of the main Austrian army 
remained doubtful until Macmahon,* unsupported by the 
Emperor, won his brilliant victory of Magenta. Macmahon's 
corps included Generals Lamoterouge, Mellinet, and Camou, 
and he was ably supported by the Turcos and other soldiers 
from Algiers. The fight was very stubborn, but it was a com- 
plete victory, and earned for Macmahon the marshal's baton 
and title of Duke of Magenta. Allowing his men one day 
of complete rest, Macmahon on June 6th hastened off to 
check General Umbria, who was returning from his chase of 
Garibaldi ; and on June 8th the allied forces entered Milan. 
The campaign, however, was not yet concluded, and the great 
fight of Solferino took place on June 24th. The Emperor 
Francis Joseph had now come from Vienna to take command 
of his army, a little to the west of the Mincio . Unfortunately 
for him, he was easily swayed, and his opinions were always 
wavering according to the different advice given him by his 
generals. At the moment that the Austrian force was being 
marched backwards and forwards between the Mincio and 
the Chiese, the combined French and Italian armies came in 
contact with them. Napoleon and Victor Emanuel com- 
manded 150,000 men ; the Austrians being rather superior 
in numbers . Benedek,t commanding the Austrian right, kept 
back the Piedmontese at San Martino ; but the French in 
the centre fought with such success that they decided the day, 
and the Austrians withdrew, having lost, killed and wounded, 
about 14,000 men. 

Napoleon realized that, although the victory was so com- 
plete, Austria was by no means crushed. Fresh forces were 
approaching from the north, there were the forts of the Quad- 
rilateral to be taken, and general sympathy for Austria was 

• Marie Edme P. M. de Macmahon (1808-1893) ; served in Algeria ; gained 
distinction at Constantine 1837 ; fought in the Crimean war ; again fought in 
Algeria 1857-58 ; made Governor-General of Algeria 1864 ; fought in Franco- 
German war ; captured at Sedan ; suppressed the Commune ; elected President 
in 1873. 

f Ludwig von Benedek (1804-188 1); fought in Galicia 1846, Italy 1847, 
Hungary 1849 ; governor of Hungary i860 ; court-martialled after Koniggratz 


being roused in Germany. Por these reasons on July i ith 
he made the armistice of Villafranca, whiph was completed 
on November loth at the I'reaty of Zurich. It was indeed a 
crushing blow to Italy that Austria should retain Venetia and 
the Quadrilateral. Nevertheless the flag of united Italy had 
been gained, and by the union of Lombardy and Piedmont 
the nucleus of the future kingdom had been ofificially recog- 
nized. On January 20th, i860, Cavour, who had retired 
from office, returned ; and in March Romagna, Bologna, 
Modena and Tuscany declared in favour of being united with 
Piedmont. To persuade Napoleon to agree to this, Cavour 
surrendered to France Savoy and Nice, which declared, if 
the plebiscite could be trusted, strongly in favour of this 
course. The annexation was generally regarded as a revival 
of the old Imperial policy, and the statesmen of Germany 
remembered that the cupidity of the French had always 
associated the barrier on the Alpine summits with the 
damnosa hereditas of Richelieu, the frontier of the Rhine. In 
Southern Italy the Union had many adherents . In Naples the 
failure of all attempts at reform made the Liberals reckless, 
and Sicily, where there had been numerous conspiracies 
during the past few years, broke into rebellion in April. In 
May Giuseppe Garibaldi landed at Marsala with his 
" Thousand " red-shirted volunteers, and by July had con- 
quered the country. In September he entered Naples, and 
obliged Francis II. to fly to Gaeta. Cavour's share in this 
expedition was of a rather peculiar character, for he had 
secretly encouraged Garibaldi, supplying him with arms from 
the arsenal at Milan. 

Meanwhile Pius IX. had entrusted the command of his 
army to the French general Lamoriciere, who had recruited 
troops among the Germans, Irish, Spaniards, and all the out- 
casts of the different nations, the inglorious adventures of 
whom afterwards formed a fertile topic of ridicule. Cavour 
looked upon the army with the greatest contempt, and wrote : 
" The singular expedient to which Antonelli has resorted of 
hiring the biggest scamps in Europe at the dirtiest street 
corners of Switzerland and Germany in order to prop the 
throne of St. Peter's successor, even if it might have suc- 
ceeded in the fourteenth century after the Popes had left 
Avignon, is no longer presentable at this date." The Italian 


Government, from its capital at Turin, demanded that the 
force should be disbanded. As this was refused, an army 
under Cialdini * and Fanti entered Umbria, routed the rabble 
at Castelfidardo on September 14th, and forced Lamorici^re 
to capitulate at Ancona. Rome itself was guarded by the 
French garrison, and an attack would have aroused the wrath 
of Napoleon ; this was the reason why no assault was made, 
for, as Cavour said, Victor Emanuel was not afraid of " all 
the thunderbolts in the cellars of the Vatican." In the mean- 
time Garibaldi's success in the south made matters difificult 
for Cavour. He had indeed to balance his Machiavellian 
statecraft against Garibaldi's imprudence and impetuosity. 
Mazzini strongly urged Garibaldi to form Naples into a 
republic. There was also the danger that Garibaldi might 
attack Rome and provoke a rupture with the French. The 
Italian Parliament declared itself on Cavour's side, and the 
'plebilscites in Naples and Sicily resulted in favour of 
union. The Sardinian army then moved forward to Capua, 
and on October 26th, at Teano, Victor Emanuel met Gari- 
baldi, who handed over his power to the King, and after 
entering Naples together on November 7th he consulted his 
personal dignity by retiring to his island home at Caprera, 
A real Italian kingdom had now been formed, and 
23,000,000 subjects acknowledged Victor Emanuel as King. 
In February, 1861, an Italian Parliament met at Turin ; it 
contaihed representatives from Naples, Sicily and Umbria. 
Cavour hardly lived to see the accomplishment of his great 
work, for he passed away on June 6th. He was a statesman 
of abilities to which, in his own age, only those of Bismarck 
were comparable. He had audacity, judgment, and that 
appearance of good fortune which is found in conjunction 
with the greatest talents in generals and politicians. Above 
everything else he was practical. Italy possessed a great 
idealist and a band of heroes. But, in the middle of the 
nineteenth century, these would not suffice to wrest a new 
nation from the Courts of Europe. By a brilliant handling 
of the weapons of diplomacy, sometimes by expedients hardly 
justifiable by success, Cavour vindicated Italy's claim to 
utai'ty. He advanced trade and education ; he was an 

* Enrico Cialdini (181 1-1892); Duke of Gaeta ; fought in 1848-1849; made a 
senator 1864; oocupied Venice 1866. 


enthusiast on agriculture, and no matter was too small to 
occupy his attention. He saw the future of nations ; Jie 
gauged with splendid judgment the uprising of Prussia, and so 
sought King William's friendship. As one who understood 
his people, Cavour remains one of the finest examples of a 
patriot and a perfect model of unselfishness. " A free Church 
in a free State " was his ideal, and if he perished before he 
succeeded it was he who contributed more than any other 
to bring it about. Throughout Great Britain his death was 
universally regretted, and Lord Palmerston said of him, " The 
tale with which Count Cavour's memory will be associated is 
one of the most extraordinary, I might say one of the most 
romantic, in the history of the world. . . . We have seen 
that people, under his guidance, and at his call, rising from 
the slumber of ages, breaking that spell with which they had 
so long been bound, and displaying on just occasions the 
courage of heroes, the sagacity of statesmen, the wisdom of 
philosophers, and obtaining for themselves that unity of poli- 
tical existence which for centuries has been denied them." 

There was still some work to be done in Italy, although 
Francis H. had been driven out of Gaeta and Victor Emanuel 
had been greeted with vociferous cheers as King of Italy. No 
easy task confronted Cavour's successor. Baron Ricasoli, a 
man devoted to the cause of unity, but far less capable, less 
fertile in expedients, and lacking the versatility, adroitness, 
and enthusiastic popularity of his predecessor. In a very 
short time he was forced to send in his resignation, and after 
this virtual dismissal was succeeded by Ratazzi * as principal 
minister. Difificulties, however, almost immediately arose, for 
in August, 1862, Garibaldi again attempted a rising in Sicily, 
his ulterior otject being the capture of Rome. He landed in 
Calabria with a force of 3,000 volunteers, but the Italian 
Government could not afford to allow this freebooting action, 
which would have brought them into hostile contact with 
Napoleon III. For this reason Garibaldi was attacked by his 
old allies and colleagues, Generals Pallavicini and Cialdini, at 
Aspromonte, where the great soldier was wounded "by an 
Italian bullet " and was taken prisoner. The popular sym- 
pathy excited by the personal sufferings of Garibaldi did much 

* Urbano Ratazzi (1808-1873) ; Minister of Justice 1853 ; retired 1858 ; 
Minister of the Interior 1859 ; Prime Minister in 1862 and 1867. 


to cause the fall of the Ratazzi ministry. It was succeeded 
by a ministry of the Right, at first led by Farini, 
later by Miinghetti.* A storm of indignation passed 
from end to end of Italy agailnst the King's apparent 
ingratitude to Garibaldi, and universal opinion de- 
manded an amnesty for the beloved hero. Vifctor 
Emanuel, however, went on his way, and in September the 
Italian Premier signed a convention by which the French 
were gradually to withdraw their troops from Rome. But 
the Italian Government had to guarantee the Papal territory. 
The greatest aimoyance was caused by a secret clause by 
which the capital of Italy was to be mloved from Turin to 
Florence, whi'ch was done in 1865. So much fury did this 
arouse that the Minghetti ministry fell. 

iThe incompleteness of the unification of Italy was empha- 
sized by the attitude adopted by the Pope. In December, 
1864, Pius IX. issued the Syllabus, in which the genuine 
spirit of the Papacy, unadulterated by compromise or con- 
cession, was opposed to the relig'ious principles of modern 
Europe. Toleration, freedom of worship, the pretensions of 
the civil power to shelter the members of different sects, were 
all condemned. Public opinion was incensed by this chal 
lenge from the Middle Ages, but the attention of Italy was 
distracted for a time by the negotiations with Prussia. 
Bismarck was preparing for the war with Austria and was 
anxious to secure the alliance of Italy, not only against 
Austria, but also as a precaution against French interference. 
On April 8th, 1866, a treaty was signed, by which Italy 
agreed to join Prussia aga^inst Austria, if war broke out 
within three months. If the war were successful, Italy was 
to be rewarded by the cession of Venetia. 

Immediately before the outbreak of the Seven Weeks' War 
Francis Joseph had endeavoured to buy off the Italians by 
offering to cede Venetia in exchange for neutrality, but Victor 
Emanuel, having given his word to Bismarck, preferred to 
adhere to his alliance . On the outbreak of war the Archduke 
Alberi;, son. of that famous Archduke Charles, the antagonist 
of NiqDoleon I., was dispatched to Italy with an army of about 
135,000 men. At the end of May the Italians had their main 

* Marco Minghetti (1818-1886) ; Secretary of Foreign Affairs 1859-1860 ; 
Premier 1863 ; Italian Minister in London i868 ; Prime Minister 1873. 


forces in readiness for the invasion. A small army of between 
30,000 and 40,000 men under Garibaldi were, if possible, 
to make an attack upon the Tyrol. Another army of 60,000 
lay between Ferrara and Bologna, but the main army of 
140,000, under the nominal command of Victor Emanuel, but 
really led by the Crimean veteran General La Marmora,* 
lay in Lombardy. This army was divided into three corps 
under Durandi, Cucchiari, and Delia Rocca. By Thursday, 
June 22nd, the Italian main force had concentrated on the 
Lombard bank of the Mincio ; the right advanced into the 
plain of Villafranca ; the left moved towards the hills that 
run from the lake of Garda to Custozza. Here the great 
battle was fought on June 24th, the Austrians having pro- 
ceeded in four lines from Verona, the most northerly crossing 
both the Adige and Tione, while that on the extreme south 
penetrated the low range of hills in the neighbourhood of 
Somma Campagna. The battle was won by skill and pluck 
over superior strength ; it was a complete victory for the 
Austrians ; but they were so exhausted by their nineteen 
hours' marching and fighting that they were unable to pursue 
the Italian army, now converted into an undisciplined mob. 
The fight caused heavy loss, for the Austrian list of killed 
numbered 960, while the wounded totalled 3,690. They also 
lost a few Jagers, who were captured by the division under 
Pianelli. The Italians did not lose so many killed, possibly 
about 760, amongst whom was the general Villarey. The 
number of prisoners, however, taken by the Austrian? 
was very great, and has been calculated tO; be about 

This great blow to the Italian cause was followed in July 
by another off Lissa. The Austrian navy, under Admiral 
Tegetthoff,f had been commanded to relieve this place. He 
was met by Count Persano, and the two fought the only battle 
that has taken place between ironclads in European waters. 
The Austrian admiral succeeded in his task, and thus gained 
a victory, which Count Persano refused to allow, for he had 
not withdrawn. The Italian people thought otherwise, and 
the Count was court -martialled and found guilty of having 
sacrificed his fleet through incompetence. Admiral Tegett- 

♦ A. La Marmora, Marquis de (1804-1878). 

t Wilhelm, Baron von Tegetthoif (1827-1871) ; born in Styria. 


hofif, on the other hand, was honoured by his sovereign and 

Before the Italians could make any fresh attempts to undo 
these mortifying reverses, KSniggratz had been fought and 
won, and, by the arrangement at Nikolsburg, Venetia was 
offered to Italy. The Italian pride was naturally much hurt, 
but Victor Emanuel knew that there was no other alterna- 
tive, and by the Treaty of Vienna, October 3rd, he accepted 
the much-coveted province. About the same time the French 
evacuated Rome according to the Convention. Very foolishly 
Ratazzi encouraged Garibaldi to make a fresh effort to seize 
the city. Napoleon III., on hearing of the attack, again dis- 
patched a strong French force, and Garibaldi, after defeat- 
ing the Papal army at Monte Rotondo, was defeated with 
heavy loss at Mentana on October 3rd. This action, though 
the Italians owed so much to the French, ended all good 
feeling between the two nations. The fact was that the 
Italians were determined to have Rome as their capital ; but 
it had been reoccupied by the French for an indefinite period. 
Then came the Franco -Prussian War, and the French troops 
withdrew from Italian soil. Ten days after the disaster 
of Sedan the Italian soldiers crossed the frontier of the Papal 
States. Pius IX. had in the year previous laid down the 
dogma of Papal infallibility, and he was therefore a deter- 
mined opponent of the Italian King. Rome was bombarded 
on September i8th, and in two days capitulated. The Pope 
chose to remain a prisoner in the Vatican, but the achieve- 
ment of Italian unity was completed on October 8th, 1870, 
by the incorporation of Rome in the kingdom of Italy. 





*Bolton King 
Bolton King 
Bordone . 
Colletta . 
Debidour . 
Gallenga . 
Marriott . 

Reuohlin . 
Rustow . 
Stillman . 
Venturi . 

Historical Essays. 
Geschichte der Jahyen 1866 — 71. 
History of Italian Unity. 1899. 

Le Giniral Garibaldi. 
Modern History, Vols. x. and xi. 
Storia di Napoli. 

Histoin Diplomatique de VEurope. 
History of Piedmont. 
Makers of Modern Italy. 

Italian Characters in the Epoch of Unification. 

Geschichte Italiens. 
Der Italienesche Krieg. 
The Union of Italy, 1815 — 1895. 
Garibaldi's Defence of the Roman Republic. 
Garibaldi and the Thousand. 
Joseph Mazzini. 
Pie IX. et Victor Emanuel. 




Charles Emanuel I., 

Victor Amadeus I., 


Francis Hyacinth, 

Charles Emanuel IV., 

Charles Emanuel II., 

Victor Amadeus II., 

(King of Sardinia 1720). 

Charles Emanuel III., 

Victor Amadeus III., 


Victor Emanuel I., 

Charles Felix, 

Thomas Francis. 

Emanuel Philibert. 
Victor Amadeus. 

Louis Victor. 
Victor Amadeus. 

Charles Emanuel. 

Charles Albert, 

Victor Emanuel II., 

(King of Italy 1861). 

Humbert I., 



The Chief Dates in the Contemporary History of India 

1852. The Second Burmese War. 

1856. Lord Canning appointed Governor-General. 

1857. The Indian Mutiny. 

February. Sepoys refused use of cartridges at Burhampur. 
May. Arrest of eighty-five men at Meerut. 

The march to Delhi. The siege of Arrah. 

Sindhia of Gwalior sends help. 
June. Haidarabad disaffected. 

Lucknow invested. Sir H. Lawrence killed. 
July. Korhapur plundered by Sepoys. 

Lawrence from Punjaub brought help to Delhi. 

Siege of Cawnpur. The massacre by Nana Sahib. 

Havelock's victory at Futteypur. Havelock at Cawnpur. 
September. Attack on Delhi. Death of Nicholson. Delhi taken. 

Havelock relieved the Lucknow Residency. 
October. Sir Colin Campbell set out to reduce Oudh. 

November. Sir Colin Campbell reached Cawnpur and Alambagh. 

Sir Colin Campbell relieved Lucknow. Havelock killed. 

General Wyndham cut off by Tantia Topi. 
December. Sir Colin Campbell won complete victory at Cawnpur. 

1858. January. Sir Hugh Rose marched to Sagar. 

February. Sir Hugh Rose took Rathgarh and relieved Sagar. 

Sir Hugh Rose marched against the Ranee of Jhansi. 

Palmerston introduced his Bill transferring the Government to the Crown. 
March. Sir Colin Campbell crushed the Mutiny in the North at Lucknow. 

April. Tantia Topi defeated by Sir Hugh Rose, and Jhansi taken. 

Sir Hugh Rose fought the battle of Kunch, and took Calpee. 
June. Gwalior captured, and the Ranee died. 

It is difficult to convey any idea of the long-continued 
unrest of Europe owing to the presence of the Turk. The 
original Turkish danger lay in the possibility of the whole of 
Europe being overrun by the Mahomedans^ but in modern 
times the difficulty that has to be faced lies in the unknown 
results of the dissolution of the Turkish dominions. Great 
Britain, supported by m^ost of the first-rate Powers, "has always 
advocated the retention of Turkey, and has regularly thrown 
in her lot with any proposal to bolster up the so-called ** Sick 
Man." Russia, on the other hand, has never regarded this 
as the wisest scheme, for ever since the days of Peter the 


Great, and the foundation of the modern Eastern question, 
Russia has looked with greedy eyes upon Constantinople and 
the possessions of the Sultan. Dismemberment has always 
been the desire of all Russian ministers, a desire accentuated 
by the traditional ambition of the Czars to obtain the in- 
heritance of the Byzantine Empire. 

When the Sultan was endangered by the rising of Mehemet 
Ali in 1832 Russia stepped forward and offered assistance 
to the Porte, not for any philanthropic reasons, but because it 
was imagined that the revolution might place upon the throne 
at Constantinople a young, energetic, and enthusiastic man 
who would not be amenable to Russian schemes and pro- 
posals. The Sultan recognized the Russian diplomacy, and 
saw through the hypocrisy of the ministers, but as he himself 
said, " A drowning man Will grasp at a serpent," and he 
accepted the Russian offer. The alliance was ratified on 
July 8th, 1833, at the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi, where, 
openly, an offensive and defensive alliance was agreed upon, 
but secretly the Russians obtained a clause by which the war- 
vessels of all the other Powers were shut out from the Black 
Sea. The treaty, as a matter of fact, was a political farce, 
because it legalized for the future the armed intervention of 
Russia in Turkish affairs . The French and English were both 
annoyed by this underhand attempt of Russia to place Turkey 
under the thumb of the Czar ; and Lord Palmerston bitterly 
denounced the alliance. The Russians, however, found that 
Mehemet Ali gave them so much trouble that they were 
obliged to seek the assistance of Great Britain. This led to a 
conference, which brought about the Treaty of London of 
1840, between Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria ; 
by it they agreed to keep the " Sick Man " of Turkey alive 
as long as possible. In doing this they abrogated the Treaty 
of Unkiar-Skelessi, but the Dardanelles and Bosphorus still 
remained closed to the warships of all nations, including 
those of Russia. The Czar solemnly swore to observe this 
unless commanded by the other Powers to enter the Bos- 
phorus as the protector of the Sultan. 

The temporary friendship of Great Britain and Russia was 
not to last for long ; it was unnatural for the lion and bear to 
walk amicably together. Both parties had views, designs 
and ambitions that were in opposition, and Russia was un- 


doubtedly only cloaking her numerous schemes for satiating 
her earth hunger until the moment came to grab and seize. 
It was clearly recognized in England at the time that the 
polic}' of the Czar was, in the words of a contemporary, " to 
bully the weak, to cajole the strong, to seize by force, or to 
circumvent by fraud." The British had by no means for- 
gotten that the Russians were not only looking to advance in 
Turkey ; they knew quite well that the Czar's ministers were 
sending missions to Central Asia, and that Afghanistan was 
not beyond the radius of Russian ambition. For these reasons 
the quiet that surrounded the Eastern question in 1840 was 
merely the delusive calm before the great storm. In 1844 
Czar Nicholas paid a visit to London, had an interview with 
Lord Aberdeen, and laid in the Foreign Office a document 
stating his views on the Eastern question. Lord Palmerston, 
Lord Aberdeen's successor, not only personally disliked the 
Russians, but distrusted their diplomacy, which he regarded 
as shallow and untrustworthy. Nicholas soon learnt that he 
would never be able to persuade the British minister that the 
dissolution of Turkey would be advantageous for Europe ; 
and in the next few years his failure forced the Czar to regard 
the English Government with suspicion and dislike. 

In the meantime the Russians had also lost the goodwill of 
the French nation. The Czar had been the only potentate 
who had refused to fully acknowledge Napoleon III., when, 
by the help of Morny and St. Arnauld, the Republic had been 
shattered and the Second Empire had been created. But this 
would not have been sufficient to bring the two great nations 
into open warfare. It was a question that arose in the East 
which led to one of the most wasteful wars of modern times. 
Ever since 1740 the guardianship of the Holy Sepulchre and 
shrines in Palestine had belonged to the Catholics of France. 
A time came, however, about the beginning of the nineteenth 
century, when the Greek Church, protected by the Czar, had 
undertaken the task of repairing the shrines, which France 
had neglected. In 1850 Napoleon was bent on conciliating 
the Roman Catholic party, and, in pursuance of this policy, 
demanded the recognition of the French claim to the custody 
of the shrines. The Russian Government desired the Porte 
to refuse this request. The situation, in itself by no means 
critical, was rendered dangerous by the animosities of the 


Czar and the French Emperor. Both contemplated war 
with equanimity — Napoleon, because he was eager to 
distract the minds of the French from home affairs ; 
Nicholas, because he thought that war was sooner or 
later inevitable, and that the present opportunity was the 
best, as England had been lulled to sleep by the delu- 
sive preaching of Bright and Cobden. Besides this fact, 
Nicholas knew that Lord Aberdeen had an intense dislike for 
the Turks, and that the British premier would do all in his 
power to avoid assisting them. Nicholas, however, made a 
great mistake in forgetting that the English people had a 
considerable share in their own government, and that they 
could make their opinions heard. They had long distrusted 
the Russian plans ; every act of Russia had been question- 
able ; every step in her progress had been regarded with 
suspicion ; the talk about a " sick man " was all very well ; 
but what was beyond ? 

The affair came to a crisis in 1853, when the Russian army 
was mobilised. This looked like coercion ; and worse was 
soon to follow. The Czar demanded, through Prince 
Menschikoff,* a hot-tempered and by no means tactful diplo- 
matist, that the guardianship of the Holy Places should be 
as it had been immediately before this question arose. But 
the Czar went even beyond this, for he demanded the right 
to protect under all circumstances the orthodox subjects of 
the Porte. This was a particularly impudent demand on the 
part of Russia, for it meant that one-half of the Sultan's sub- 
jects were now to become the subjects of the Czar. The Porte 
was naturally alarmed at this outrageous proposal ; and the 
Sultan, in his extremity, appealed to Colonel Rose (afterwards 
Lord Strathnairn), in the absence of the real representative of 
Great Britain, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. Rose was in- 
formed by the Grand Vizier that the demands of Menschikoff 
were totally opposed to the policy of Great Britain and the 
powers, and at the same time subversive of the definite pro- 
mises of Russia. The Sultan asked Rose to send for the 
British fleet, as Menschikoff insisted upon a reply within 
twenty-four hours. Rose communicated with Admiral 
Dundas and suggested that the fleet should be brought up to 

• Alexander Menschikoff (1789-1869) ; fought in campaigns 1812-1815 ; 
wounded at Varna 1828 ; commanded at the Alma, Inkerman, and Sebastopol. 
N.E. U 


Constantinople, but his view did not commend itself to the 
British Government. On April loth the demands of the Rus- 
sian Government were formally presented, and, after a 
month's interval, were rejected by the Porte on the advice 
of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. Russia retorted by announc- 
ing her intention of occupying the Danubian Principalities 
as a guarantee. A rupture seemed inevitable, when Austria 
assumed the part of peacemaker and induced the Western 
Powers to submit a joint note, composed at a conference at 
Vienna, to the Governments of Russia and Turkey. The 
terms proposed were accepted by the Russian Government 
early in August. Turkey demanded modifications, and the 
note, in its altered form, was again presented to Russia and 
by her refused in terms which afforded the Western Powers 
some justification for siding with Turkey. In October the 
Porte was encouraged to present an ultimatum, and a Turkish 
army crossed the Danube with the intention of forcing 
Russia to evacuate the Principalities. 

For the outbreak of hostilities the two Western powers were 
chiefly responsible. The stubborn attitude of the Porte was 
due, in a great measure, to the influence of Lord Strajtford 
de Redcliffe, and the ultimatum of October would scarcely 
have been delivered had not the Sultan's hands been 
strengthened by the appearance of a combined Anglo-French 
fleet off Constantinople. On November 30th a Turkish 
squadron was destroyed by the Russians off Sinope. The 
indignation of the allies was increased by the contrast 
between the practice of Russia and her declaration, on 
October 30th, that she would, for the time being, act solely 
on the defensive. A Turkish success in Asia and the action 
of the allied fleets had led the Czar to reconsider his deci- 
sion . Napoleon wished to fight, and the English Government, 
in which the parties of war and peace had been strugg'ling, 
was now dominated by Lord Palmerston and the champions 
of Turkey. A final effort was made to avert hostilities in 
December, when a note, drafted by the four Powers, was 
accepted by Turkey. The Czar refused to consider it. The 
English and French fleets had already entered the Black Sea 
and were menacing the Russian fleet. In England war was 
demanded by public opinion, and was declared on March 
27th, 1854. 


At the very outbreak of the war what was really needed was 
accomplished. The evacuation of the Principalities was the 
first main object. The Turks in Silistria, led by a German 
engineer and two stubborn and gallant English officers, had 
withstood with effective resistance the siege of Paskievitsch, 
who lost many thousands of his men in an attack upon an 
outwork of the fortress. At the same time Austria, fearing 
the presence of the Russian army so near her borders, had 
ordered the evacuation of the territories that had been 
invaded . Russia thought it well to comply, and the order was 
carried out probably with increased celerity as the Russian 
general was severely wounded and obliged to retire from his 
command. With the liberation of these Principalities the 
alleged reason for the war had ceased to exist . The struggle,, 
however, continued ; first, because a warlike temper had been 
aroused both in France and especially in England, where 
the public was dissatisfied with the results of the expedition 
to the Baltic undertaken by the British fleet under Sir 
Charles Napier ; and, secondly, because the Western 
powers were determined that no peace should be made 
until Russia had been taught a severe lesson and, by 
concessions, humbled to the dust. It was therefore pro- 
posed that the Crimea should be invaded and that Sebas- 
topol, at present by no means strongly fortified, should be 
taken. Had this been attempted at once it must have proved 
almost immediately successful, and the war, which was at that 
moment regarded as a mere expedition, would have ended 
in a few weeks. 

Lord Raglan, formerly knovim as Lord Fitzroy Somerset, 
was appointed to the command of the English army. He had 
long been the sincere friend of the Duke of Wellington, and 
had much experience as military secretary. He was a man 
of many excellent qualities ; his judgment was good, his 
manner was kind and conciliatory, though at the same time 
commanding. Most important of all, since the army 
of invasion was a divided one, he had the power of 
working in harmony, though force of habit made him 
sometimes speak of the enemy as " the French." Raglan 
had to work in complete accord with a very different 
officer, the notorious General Saint Arnauld, who had seen 
some service in Algiers, where he had gained a reputa- 

u 2 


tion for bravery and harshness. He was a man whose 
real pretensions for command were founded on the fact 
that he had largely assisted Napoleon to carry out the coup 

The British forces were ordered in June to fortify Gallipoli 
and were then moved on to Varna, " where they were en- 
camped in a position pleasing to the eye, but which a little 
inquiry would have shown to be notoriously pestilential." 
After spending a terrible summer on the unhealthy coast, 
they embarked for the Crimea, where they were to effect 
an invasion at once. Lord Raglan, unlike the authorities 
at home, realized fully the extreme difficulty and danger 
of the undertaking. The troops had not been prepared 
for a lengthy campaign ; the ships of transport were 
not ready, and valuable time hkd to be wasted before 
the French and English could be shipped across the 
Black Sea. It was not until September that the troops 
were landed in the Bay of Eupatoria. In the meantime 
Prince Menschikoff had been appointed commander-in- 
chief of the Russian army. Instead of resisting the 
disembarkation of the British troops by means of the power- 
ful Russian fleet at Sebastopol, he preferred to wait until the 
allied army was safe on shore. He hoped to destroy 
the invading army as it traversed some twenty miles 
which separated its landing-place from Sebastopol, and 
chose a strong position for his army along the river 
Alma. So certain was he of his own success that he 
had only raised for his protection two breastworks known 
as the Greater and Lesser Redoubts. The former was 
of some considerable strength, having two short sides 
for flanking fire and being armed with twelve heavy 
guns ; but the Lesser Redoubt was only defended by 
field artillery. 

It was to this position that the allied forces came on the 
morning of September 20th. For the first time in modern 
history the two ancient hereditary foes, the French and 
English, were actually fighting in alliance. For centuries 
they had struggled against each other, only forty years before 
they had been the deadliest enemies in many a fierce contest. 
Some of the officers in both forces had won their laurels in 
those very battles, but the old enmity had been buried, and a 

V 5 


fast friendship apparently existed in all ranks on either side. 
Unfortunately this amicable relationship did not assist the 
two commanders to work effectively in touch with each other . 
The French wanted to go one way, the English another. The 
result was that when the French had climbed the hill some of 
them found no enemy to confront them, and the rest did 
not push their attack with sufficient energy to be of real assis- 
tance to the British troops, upon whom the burden of the 
battle of the Alma fell. 

At the beginning of the engagement the Light Division 
was commanded by Lord Raglan to advance . The order v/as 
carried out with the greatest difficulty, for the men had to 
move through vineyards, which broke their formation. 
Codrington, who was in command, felt that it was 
his duty to push on, loyally supported by his colonels, in par- 
ticular by Lacy Yea of the 7th Fusiliers. So splendidly, 
indeed, did the Light Division make their pell-mell rush that, 
against tremendous odds, they managed to take the first 
Redoubt. They were unable to hold the position gained, for 
they had outdistanced the rest of the army ; but scarcely had 
they withdrawn when the Guards made a gallant advance and 
the whole army pushed across the river. The fate of the 
battle was partly decided by an accident. Lord Raglan and 
his staff had ridden round a burning village, and, having lost 
their bearings, reached a small hillock in the midst of the 
enemy. Raglan at once noted their position and the weak- 
ness of the Russian defence . Two guns were immediately sent 
for, and these were soon in full play. In the meantime, the 
Scots Guards and Coldstreams had taken up a position near 
Codrington 's Light Division. The battle raged round them so 
fiercely that someone is said to have exclaimed, " The Brigade 
will be destroyed." But Colin Campbell relied upon his 
fellow -Scots, and his trust was not misplaced. They drove 
back twelve Russian battalioms, and finally the British 
force was able to seize thte strategic position, of Kourgan6 

The French had now succeeded in coming up, after Marshal 
Canrobert * had defeated Kisiakoff at Telegraph Hill. The 

• Francois Certain Canrobert (1809-1895) ; fought in Algeria ; supported 
Napoleon in December, 1831 ; wounded at the Alma ; fought at Magenta and 
Solferino; fought in Franco-German war; taken prisoner. 


Russians were forced to retire on all sides, which they did in 
orderly manner until out of sight of the allied forces ; a 
moment later the flying troops became a hopeless rabble and 
the army of the Czar was dispersed. Now would have been 
the moment to crush all the hopes of Russia, but, unfor- 
tunately, when Raglan proposed it. Saint Arnauld said that 
his men could go no further, for they had left their knapsacks 
behind them. This fatal delay was the most disastrous in the 
whole war. Had Raglan's advice been taken, and more 
energy been shown on the part of the French, there is little 
doubt that a crushing blow would have been administered, 
and Sebastopol might have fallen. 

The great object of the battle of the Alma was the capture 
of the town of Sebastopol. Great Britain had wasted 2,000 
lives, and the fulfilment of the object was further off than 
ever. The military and naval depot of Sebastopol is situated 
on a long inlet. The harbour was, at that time, protected by 
batteries, and the northern heights were crowned with Star 
Fort. When the allied forces approached the town after the 
battle of the Alma, Sebastopol was in no way impregnable, 
and for this reason Raglan advocated an immediate attack ; 
and such an advance would certainly have had a considerable 
chance of success. Again Saint Arnauld wished to delay, 
and insisted on the danger of such an attack, pointing 
out that there was a huge earthwork in the way. The 
precious moment was allowed to slip away, and the armies 
marched round the fortress to take possession of the southern 
heights of the Crimea. The British were only once molested, 
and, having driven off the enemy, took the harbour of 
Balaclava, which Canrobert, who had now succeeded the dying 
Saint Arnauld, offered to yield to the British. The accep- 
tance of this was by no means advantageous to the British, 
because the French shi'ps obtained far better berths in another 
commodious anchorage. 

Menschikoif had now withdrawn all the troops from Sebas- 
topol and had garrisoned it with sailors from the ineffectual 
navy, some of the ships of which he had sunk across the 
harbour^ thus preventing an attack from the sea. The French 
generals ought to have seen that by giVing the Russians 
time they were simply playing into their hands. Besides this, 
there were in Sebastopol Admiral Korniloff and Colonel von 


Todlebeiij* men of extraordinary genius and skill. These 
two made superhuman efforts. They had vast supplies both 
from the military establishment and from the fleet that had 
been dismantled. The spirit of the one and the ingenuity of 
the other were employed to make the garrison as strong as 
possible. Time was all that they wanted, and the fatal 
irresolution of the allies gave them that. 

At last, however, the bombardment of Sebastopol began on 
Octobei' 17th, 1854. The position of the besiegers was far 
more uncomfortable than that of the besieged, the soldiers 
having been equipped for a dashing expedition and not for 
a long" iand sustained campaign. Menschikofi's army was 
ever ready to harass the allies in their work against vori 
Todleben. Sir Colin Campbell's defences of Balaclava had 
for some time been seriously menaced by the advance of 
the Russian army, and by October 25th Liprandi was within 
striking distance. Lord Raglan had been informed of the 
danger, but he thought that it was only a ruse, aiid contented 
himself with moving forward some cavalry regiments. The 
Russians commenced by attacking some Turkish redoubts, 
and the Turks, though they fought very bravely, were forced 
to retire from their entrenchments, leaving in the hands of 
the Russians some English guns. Two divisions of the 
British army were at once dispatched to the assistance of 
Campbell's troops, but before they came up the enemy sur- 
prised the Heavy Brigade of Cavalry. Its commander. 
General Scarlett, led a portion of the brigade against 2,000 
of the Russian horse soldiers. The British cut their way 
through the opposing mass and then reformed to charge back 
again. Their doom was an absolute certainty, but at that 
moment the other regiments that went to make up the full 
strength of the brigade came up, and the Russian cavalry 
were driven back . 

Lord Raglan was by this time in a fever of anxiety because 
his infantry came into action so slowly. Having seen how 
much the cavalry had already accomplished, he thought he 
might call upon it once again to do more. For this reason 
he sent a written order to Lord Lucan to try to gain the 
redoubt and the seven guns which had been lost by 

» Eduard Ivanovitch Todleben (1818-1884) ; fought in Turkish war 1 877-1 878 ; 
took Plevna. 


the Turks. Lucari apparently did not understand the 
message ; at any rate he did not move. Captain Nolan was 
again sent, telling him to take the guns. Lucan asked, 
" Which guns ? " " The enemy is there," said Nolan, " there 
are your guns." Then took place that famous and ever- 
glorious charge of the Light Brigade. Lord Cardigan with 
673 men, not knowing why, but obeying the orders of Lucan, 
charged impetuously across the valley against the Russian 
guns. They never reasoned or questioned, but uselessly 
braved the tornado of flame and shell ; uselessly 
they met their deaths, but they earned undying and ever- 
lasting glory. The feelings that tore the hearts of those 
who witnessed the awful tragedy can never be described. 
This act of blind self-devotion and heroism filled their minds, 
like those of the civilized world, with rage and admiration. 
The deed was heroic ; the men had established the prowess 
of the British ; but this having been accomplished, the com- 
manders of the allied forces saw that Liprandi and his men 
must be left in possession of the field and the captured guns. 
About the date of the battle of Balaclava, the Russians 
were cheered into the belief that Sebastopol might be' saved 
by the arrival of large reinforcements, so that the Rus- 
sijan army now numbered 100,000 men as opposed to the 
mere 70,000 of the allies, who were in a strange country, ill- 
equipped, ill -supported, .and only too liable to factious 
quarrels. On November 5th was fought the greatest 
battle of the war. The Russian army, strongly reinforced, 
hoped to render untenable the position of the invaders and 
to raise the siege by driving the enemy off the heights round 
Balaclava. The method they adopted was a surprise attack 
upon the British camp, and early in the morning they de- 
livered an assault upon tlie 2nd Division. Its commander, 
Sir de Lacy Evans, was sufifering from the results of an acci- 
dent, and General Pennefather took his place. The morning 
was dull and heavy wjth mist, and the Russians, who had 
great numerical superiority, never realised against how small 
a force they were operatihg. Pennefather decided not to 
concentrate his troops, but to attempt to save his entire line, 
and Lord Raglan acquiesced in his decision. Thus the battle 
of Inkerman was really a series of more or less isolated com- 
bats at different points in the line of defences of the 2nd 


Division camp. Other portions of the army were summoned 
to the aid of the 2nd Division, and some assistance was given 
by the French. From six o'clock in the morning until the 
late afternoon these fierce combats went on. When, at last, 
the Russians retreated. Lord Raglan urged General Canrobert 
to pursue them and deliver a striking blow, but he declined 
to join in such an attempt, and the enemy retired almost 
unmolested. They had lost 10,000 men in killed, wounded 
and prisoners. The battle of Inkerman, in the opinion of a 
high authority, decided the fate of Sebastopol. It proved 
that the allies could keep their hold in the Crimea ; and' 
having the command of the sea, they were able to continue 
the struggle, persiistently and doggedly, 'to the end. 

The winter came upon the allies before they could realize 
what preparations would be necessary. That fatal year of 
1854 the cold came earlier than usual, and by the middle of 
November the Crimea was seized by the grip of frost 
and snow. The horrors of winter were intensified by 
mismanagement. Everything went wrong. Supplies were not 
really scanty, food was not really scarce, but it could not be 
got up from the base of operations. The winter proved far 
more disastrous than the shot and shell of the Russians, and 
the allied armies wasted away with cold and disease. Then, 
too, the elements seemed to combine against the British, and 
the wind and waves " entered into rivalry with the rage of 
man, for a hurricane unexampled even on that stormy coast 
swept over the allied fleet, and engulfed men, ships, stores, 
and treasures of a number and amount hardly paralleled in 
the annals of disaster." Cholera then broke out amongst the 
rank and file, and constitutions weakened by privation readily 
succumbed to this terrible disease. At the end of February, 
1855, there were 13,000 men in hospital at Scutari. 
Florence Nightingale, who went to the Crimea in the autumn 
of 1854, organised the nursing with the aid of a band of 
devoted women, and, with the coming of spring, the worst 
was over. 

But the organised newspaper correspondence had let 
England into the grisly secret. England had forgotten the 
Napoleonic wars, and the new impression was vivid and pain- 
ful. In January, 1855, Roebuck moved for a commission of 
inquiry into the conduct of the war. Russell declared that 


" he did not see how the motion could be resisted " and 
resigned ; the Government was defeated, and, after a week 
of fruitless negotiations, Lord Palmerston became Prime 
Minister. The new ministry pressed forward vigorously the 
organisation of the war, but, at the same time, showed itself 
prepared to come to terms. In the previous summer Great 
Britain had joined Austria in proposing a settlement, which 
would secure four priticiples : free navigation of the Danube ; 
an International protectorate of the Danubian provinces ; the 
integrity of the Turkish Empire ; the immunity of Turkey 
from Russia's interference on behalf of her co-religionists. 
Negotiations were resumed on this basis after the death of 
Nicholas, which occurred on March 2nd, 1855. 

He had said after Inkerman that, even if Menschikoff were 
defeated, he had two generals who would still serve him well. 
Generals January and February. This had indeed been true, 
but General February had turned against his master and 
attacked him, so that in the first days of March a new Czar, 
Alexander II., ascended the Russian throne, " and the seventh 
part of the globe received a new master." A conference met 
at Vienna, but in April negotiations were ruptured ; the war 
went on, and Sebastopol appeared impregnable. Every day 
trenches, ditches, and rifle-pits were brought nearer to the 
city, and every day there were sorties and hand-to-hand 
encounters between the besiegers and besieged. The Mala- 
koff Tower was the great point of attack, and it was from this 
stronghold that the sorties were made, and it was against this 
that any final attack would be concentrated. By the middle 
of June both the French and British were much disheartened 
by the Russians' successful resistance ; whilst the British in 
particular were cast down by the death of Lord Raglan, a 
gallant soldier and a brave man. His loss was a very dis- 
tinct one, and was still further magnified by the appoint- 
ment of his successor. General Simpson, a man well advanced 
in years, lacking dash and vigour, and obviously far less able 
than Raglan had been. 

At last the French and British made a combined 
attack upon Sebastopol on September 8th. The former 
were to take the Malakoff and the latter the Redan. The 
French succeeded, but the arrangements of the British com- 
mander-in-chief were so faulty that he was unable either to 


assist General P^lissier * or take the Redan. After a severe 
struggle and terrible waste of life the British retired, but the 
French had seized the Malakoff, the key of the position, and 
the days of Sebastopol were numbered. Strenuous as had 
been the work .of Todleben it was to prove of no avail. The 
Black Sea fortress, the city of naval and military stores, ithe 
arsenal of Russia, was taken by the allies on September loth. 
The expedition which ended in the siege and capture of this 
great stronghold was an astonishing example of heroism on 
both sides. A few months later, on November 25th, General 
Mouravieff forced General Fenwick Williams and his two 
British coadjutors to surrender Kars, and the Crimean War 
was concluded. 

Great battles had been fought and won, the struggle had 
been nobly sustained. Two out of the four belligerent powers 
clamoured for peace. The state of the Russian finances was 
a sufficient cause to make the Czar ready to come to terms. 
Napoleon III. imagined that he had succeeded in doing what 
he had set out to do. He had hoped to lead the minds of 
the French from home affairs and gain popularity and glory 
for his youthful empire . As far as the mysteries of the future 
and of destiny could be pierced he seemed to have succeeded, 
and so he, too, was ready for peace . Neither Great Britain nor 
Turkey were quite so anxious to lay down their arms. They 
both thought that for the future peace of the world more 
should be wrested from Russia than was possible at that junc- 
ture. But Napoleon showed signs of deserting the alliance, 
and Palmerston acquiesced in the Treaty of Paris, which was 
signed on March 30th, 1856. The integrity of Turkey was 
guaranteed and Kars was restored to her rule. The Danube 
was declared a free river, and the Danubian Principalities 
were restored to their former position. It was also agreed 
that Sebastopol should be evacuated, and the Black Sea 
should be shut to men-of-war. The Sultan was to grant 
to his Christian subjects equality of treatment with those of 
his own faith. The latter clauses were proved by time to 
be utterly useless. In 1871, after the Franco -Prussian War, 
the Czar, supported by Bismarck, repudiated the Black Sea 

* Amable Jean Jacques P^lissier (1794-1864) ; served in Spain 1823, Morea 
1828, Algeria 1830 ; suffocated 500 Arabs ; made Due de Malakoff ; French 
ambassador in London 1 858-1 859 ; Governor of Algeria. 


agreement ; and in the same year, below the slopes where 
thousands of lives had been lost, Sebastopol again rose from 
its ruins as a great naval arsenal of Russia. England holds 
Egypt, the prize which Nicholas suggested in 1853. Turkey 
has continued to disappoint the expectations of friend and 
foe, and is only now beginning, after half -a -century, to in- 
spire her neighbours with confidence for the future. Deprived 
of the hope of an outlet on the Mediterranean by the estab- 
lishment of the Balkan States, Russia has continued to 
advance in Central Asia and even to endanger British 
influence along the Indian frontier. Her determination not to 
be dammed back from the sea has forced her to advance to 
the furthest confines of the East, and she has sought harbours 
on the Pacific which have in recent years brought her in con- 
tact with the youngest of civilized nations. The Treaty of 
Paris was regarded as the crowning act of the wisdom of the 
European powers; later and more recent history has taught 
that the work then done has inevitably been undone in all 
directions. Sir Spencer Walpole has written that " Huge 
and horrible as the death-roll was, it does not tell the whole; 
story. From 18 15 to 1854 the Continent of Europe had 
practically enjoyed peace ; no two of the great European 
powers had, at any rate, been engaged in war with each other. 
But from 1856 to 1878 the Continent of Europe was afflicted 
with five great wars — the Franco -Austrian of 1859 ; the 
Danish of 1864 ; the Austro -Prussian of 1866 ; the Franco- 
German of 1870 ; and the Russo -Turkish of 1878 — all of 
which can be lineally traced to the war of 1854. Thus the 
obscure and unintelligible dispute about the custody of the 
Holy Places developed into a quarrel w'hich let loose war 
upon Europe and terminated the forty years of peace which 
had followed Waterloo."* 

* C.iM. H., Vol. XI., p. 324. 




Delord . 
Hamley . 
*A. W. Kinglake 
De La Gorce . 
Low and Sanders 
Rousset . 

Todleben . 


Life of Lord Palmerston. 

Life of Lord Palmerston. 

Vie de Napoleon. 

The Life of Lord Granville. 

The War in the Crimea. 

The Invasion of the Crimea, 1863-87. 

Histoire du Second Empire. 

Life of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. 

Political History of England, 1837 — 1901. 

La question d'Orient, etc. 

La guerre de Crim^e. 

British Expedition to the Crimea. 

The Great War with Russia. 

Despatches and Papers relative to the Campaign 

in Turkey. 
Defense de Sebastopol. 
The Crimea in 1854 and 1874. 


1851. Lord John Russell resigned in February, but returned to office in 

Lord Palmerston resigned and Lord Granville became Foreign 

1852. Lord John Russell resigned and was succeeded by Lord Derby. 
Death of the Duke of Wellington. 

Lord Derby resigned and was succeeded by Lord Aberdeen. 

1853. Gladstone introduced his first budget. 
A new India Bill was passed. 

1854. The beginning of the Crimean War. 

1855. Lord Aberdeen resigned and was succeeded by Lord Palmerston. 

1856. The case of the Wensleydale Peerage. 
The Treaty of Paris. 

1857. The Indian Mutiny. 
Commercial panic in England. 

1858. Lord Palmerston resigned and was succeeded by Lord Derby. 
Jews admitted to Parliament. 

1859. The beginning of the modern volunteer movement. 
Lord Palmerston again became Prime Minister in June. 

i860. Cobden's Treaty of Commerce with France. 



Events in France, Russia and Spain not mentioned in the Chapter 

Espartero became Prime 

Fall of EsparterO) succeeded 
by O'Donnell. He was 
succeeded by Narvaez. 
Armero's ministry. 

O'Donnell at the head of the 

Spain at war with Morocco. 





The Crimean War. 

The Crimean War. 


The Peace of Paris. 

The Peace of Paris. An 
amnesty granted to the 


Commercial Treaty 


Napoleon and the Czar meet 


at Stuttgart. 


Orsini attempted to 


The emancipation of the serfs 

nate Napoleon. 



Napoleon III. joined 


Russia pacified the Caucasus. 




Emanuel in the Italian 
War of Liberation. 

The Treaty of Turin. French 
expedition sent to Syria. 

The Mexican War. Treaty of 
Commerce with Turkey. 

The sovereignty of Mexico 
was offered to Maximilian, 
Archduke of Austria. 

The Convention for the with- 
drawal of French troops from 

Riots in Poland. 

Peace with Morocco. 

Emancipation of serfs com- Spain annexed San Domingo. 

Harsh suppression of the second 

Polish insurrection. 

Nobles' lands in Poland given Narvaez became Spanish 
to the peasants. Prime Minister. 

Annexation of Tashkent. 

Miscarriage of General Prim's 
insurrection. War with 
Chili and Peru. 

No more difficult, complicated^ and important question has 
arisen in modern European politics than that of Schleswig- 
Holstein. As far back as the year 1460 the two Duchies had 
been united to the kingdom of Denmark, and though they 
remained within this union for many centuries it is surprising, 
for there were many reasons why therie should be frequent 
occasions for quarrel. Holstein was part of the Holy Roman 
Empire, while Schleswig was not. This was sufficiently incon- 
gruous, but a still more awkward situation might at any 
moment arise from the fact that Denmark was free from the 
Salic law, while the two Duchies were bound by that survival 


of ancient custom. In 1806 Frederick VI. of Denmark had 
attempted to incorporate the Duchies within the Constitution, 
but the heirs of the House of Augustenburg', which had its 
origin in the same progenitor as that of Denmark, success- 
fully combated the attempt of Frederick, and matters remained 
in statu quo. The real trouble began in 1846, when Chris- 
tian VIII. claimed that his sister Charlotte and her heirs were 
the natural successors to Schleswig and Lauenburg. It was 
now that the connection between Holstein and Germany made 
itself apparent, and the Holsteiners seized the opportunity 
of appealing to the German Diet. Two years later matters 
were still further complicated, for Frederick VII. had suc- 
ceeded Christian VIII. and issued a Constitution that was to 
embrace both Duchies. The conflict of races now seriously 
began. Holstein immediately arose in revolt, and the Duke 
of Augustenburg asked for the intervention of Prussia, which 
Frederick William readily accorded. General Wrangel occu- 
pied Schleswig, entered Jutland, seized Fridericia on May 
2nd, 1848, and drove out the Danes. 

At this point the powers thought that it was necessary to 
intervene, for they looked with alarm upon any possible dis- 
memberment of the territory of Denmark in favour of Ger- 
many, and opinion in Great Britain was much influenced by 
the Danish politician Orla Lehmann. For these reasons 
Prussia, at the Convention of Malmoe on August ,26th, was 
ready to yield to the Danish demands, and a truce was con- 
cluded for seven months. Frederick William, however, by 
his action was regarded by the German reformers as a rene- 
gade, and was spoken of as a traitor to the cause of the 
Duchies. He was vigorously opposed by the Schleswig- 
Holsteiner Dahlmann, but ultimately the truce was approved 
on September i6th. As has been already noticed, the pres- 
sure that Schwarzenburg placed on Prussia was sufficient cause 
for the King's action. In 1849, however, a fresh difficulty 
arose. The powers had intervened, and had decided in Lon- 
don that the Duchies should be separate. But Denmark, 
although England impressed upon her the necessity of 
moderation and prudence, refused to accept the verdict, and 
Prussia, therefore, once more declared war against Frede- 
rick VII. on April 3rd. The Diippel redoubts were taken by 
Saxon and Bavarian troops on April 13th, but, as a counter- 


balance, the Danes drove back the Schleswig-Holsteiners 
under General von Bonin at Fridericia. The Czar now took 
some interest in the situation, for, as the heir of the elder 
line of the House of Gottorp, he was closely connected with 
Schleswig-Holstein. He asserted his right to intervene 
in the cause of order, and threatened to interfere in 
Holstein by force of arms. Prussia saw the opportunity of 
winning Russia from Schwarzenbuxg, and in 1850 Frederick 
William threw himself into the arms of the Czar. But to 
the aimoyance of Prussia, peace had to be concluded with 
Denmark on July 2nd, and Frederick VH. remained Duke of 

This did not settle the question. The people of Holstein 
resented the decision of the powers, and, supported by German 
popular opinion, they openly defied Denmark. The army 
of 30,000 men, commanded by General von Willisen, strug- 
gled hard, but met with defeat at Idstedt on July 25th, and 
at Friedrichstadt on September 7th. By the end of the year, 
on December 7th, the plucky attempt of the Duchies subsided 
owing to the resignation of their general ; and on January 28th, 
1852, Frederick VH. took possession of the two provinces. 
Another conference of the Powers in the same year deter- 
mined that Prince Chr'istian, the heir of the House of 
Gliicksburg, should ultimately succeed. Between 1854 
and 1855 Denmark endeavoured to get a firm grip 
upon the Duchies by conferring upon them a new Constitution 
under which they would be subordinated to rhe majority at 
Copenhagen. But three years later the German Diet decided 
that this Constitution of 1855 should not apply to either 
Lauenburg or Holstein. These continual interferences kept the 
question in a state of unrest, and at last, in i860, the estates 
of the Duchies were at open issue with the Danish Parlia- 
ment. Once again both Austria and Prussia intervened, and 
commanded Denmark to restore the indissoluble union of 
Schleswig with Holstein. The quarrel, however, continued, 
and in 1862 Lord John Russell proposed a form of compro- 
mise which brought the Danes into direct collision with the 
Powers. Denmark was not to be bullied out of what she 
regarded as her rights, and on March 30th, 1863, a new Con- 
stitution was proclaimed, which infringed the agreement of 
1S52 in two ways ; it included Holstein in the proclamation 


without consulting her, and it involved the formal annexa- 
tion of Schleswig. Public opinion in Germany strongly 
condemned this action. The Federal Diet demanded that the 
Charter should be withdrawn and, when the Danish Govern- 
ment remained stubborn, prepared to use force. On Novem- 
ber 15th, the King of Denmark, Frederick VII., died. His 
successor. Christian IX., put the Constitution into operation. 
Thereupon Frederick, Prince of Augustenburg, son of the 
claimant who had renounced the Duchies in 1852, laid claim 
to the succession and was supported by Baden, Coburg, and 
other principalities. In December Saxon and Hanoverian 
troops overran Holstein, and Augustenburg assumed the 
title of Frederick VIII. 

In this action neither Prussia nor Austria took any 
definite part ; they had determined to adhere to the 
agreement of 1852. Austria's chief interest in the ques- 
tion of the Duchies was her desire not to run counter 
to public opinion in the German Confederation. But 
fear of Napoleon's ambition forced her to co-operate with 
Prussia. Bismarck aimed at acquiring the whole or part of 
the disputed territory for Prussia, and, by a striking success, 
reconciling his domestic enemies to his policy. His strategy 
was obscure and remained generally unpopular, but he per- 
sisted, in defiance of the Prussian chamber. On January 14th 
the Federal Diet refused to continue the execution of the 
resolutions of 1852, and it became possible for Austria and 
Prussia to act independently . On January 1 6th it was agreed 
to present an ultimatum demanding the repeal of the Novem- 
ber constitution. Rechberg, the Austrian minister, would have 
liked Bismarck to have laid down a definite policy, but the 
astute Prussian could not be persuaded to divulge his plans. 
Schleswig was then occupied, to force Denmark to observe 
the protocol of 1852, and within a fortnight the Danes were 
driven from the Duchies. This was accomplished by a com- 
bined force of 45,000 men under the command of Wrangel, 
with von Gablenz and Prince Frederick Charles as his subor- 
dinates. The Danes opposed them by a much smaller force 
of 36,000 men under General de Meza. The Prussians had 
expected resistance at the celebrated line of the Dannewerke, 
but on February 6th found that it had been evacuated, and 
that the Danes had left 154 guns and large quantities of 

N.E. X 


stores . The great stand was at the redoubt of Diippel, which 
consisted of a formidable line of defence, but was taken 
by Prince Frederick Charles, who " rivalled or excelled in 
his boastful proclamations the most bombastic generals of 
America or of France." The Danish loss was tremendous, 
for in dead, wounded and prisoners it was computed to have 
amounted to 5,500 men. The main army retired to the island 
of Alsen ; a truce was called, and a Conference met in 
London on April 25th to discuss the situation. 

In the face of a general demand for aggressive action, Bis- 
marck contented himself with stipulating that the Duchies 
should form independent parts of the Danish sovereign's 
dominions, and that Schleswig should be admitted to the 
Germanic Confederation. The Eider-Danes refused, and the 
conferences ended fruitlessly. Meanwhile, Bismarck had 
been in negotiation with Prince Frederick of Augustenberg. 
He had offered to recognise his claims, but only on condition 
that Prussia should control the post, the railways, and the 
army. Early in June these terms were refused, and the news 
at last reconciled Prussian opinion to Bismarck's policy. 
Austria was compelled to support him, and on June 24th, 
1864, their alliance was renewed on the understanding 
that the Duchies should be separated from Denmark. 
The war agaih broke out ; the Prussians captured the 
island of Alsen on June 29th, and were preparing for 
still further aggression, when the Danish Government 
capitulated. The Eider -Danish ministry, under the stubborn 
Mourad, gave way to a new ministry under Bluhme, which 
immediately offered to negotiate, and finally, by a treaty 
signed at Vienna on November 30th, the two Duchies were 
handed over to Austria and Prussia. 

The apparent settlement of the question only increased 
the tension between the two Powers. Schmerling, the 
Minister of Home Affairs, and Privy Councillor von Biegele- 
ben urged the Emperor to remain firm, for they saw the 
danger of Austria losing her leadership in Europe. For this 
reason General Count Mensdorf, who had succeeded Rech- 
berg,* proposed to Bismarck that Prussia should be allowed 
to incorporate the Duchies if Lower Silesia were ceded to 
Austria, and if Prussia would guarantee to the Emperor his 
* Albert, Count von Rechberg, born 1803. 


non-German territories. The Holsteiners and the lesser 
princes still desired that Augustenburg should be given his 
rights, and even at the court in Berlin there were many, under 
the leadership of the Crown Prince Federick, who favoured 
him. Bismarck was, therefore, almost alone in his determina- 
tion to incorporate the Duchies with Prussia. Count 
Mensdorf assumed an aggressive tone in his dispatches. Bis- 
marck, whose diplomacy had not yet matured, delayed his 
answer until February, 1865, when he retorted by claiming 
control of the Duke's army and finances. The Austrian 
ministers encouraged the ag'itation on behalf of Augusten- 
burg but were not in a position to contemplate the immediate 
outbreak of hostilities . This put them at a serious disadvan- 
tage as compared with Bismarck. Moltke had declared that 
Prussia was well prepared for war, and a meeting was actu- 
ally held at Berlin on May 29th to discuss the advisability 
of such a course. Vienna had, therefore, to give Avay before 
the dictatorial demands from the Prussian capital. The King 
of Prussia at last informed the Emperor that ihe state of the 
Duchies must be decided, and that Prussia would undertake 
to settle the matter without Austrian assistance. Austria 
was in no state to resent this ultimatum, and the outcome of 
it was that the Emperor met King William at Gastein on 
August 14th, 1865. By the convention that was here signed 
it was decided that Schleswig should be governed by Prussia, 
Holstein was to be under the administration of Austria, and 
Lauenburg should pass to Prussia in return for a money 
payment. Prussian influence was now paramount in 

Bismarck's success had been due, in part, to his determina- 
tion to act in defiance of public opinion until it was reconciled 
to his methods by their success ; but still more to Austria's 
fear of Napoleon and to her inability to face the risk of 
immediate war. Prussia, on the other hand, had for some 
time been completing her military reorganization. For 
many years after Scharnhorst's reforms nothing had been 
done to improve the army. The great work that had been 
carried out at the close of the Napoleonic period had been 
regarded as satisfactory, and the Prussian army had remained 
untouched. It was, indeed, the defective conditions that had 
crept into the military system that had been the chief cause 

X 2 


of Prussia's submission to Austria at the Treaty of Olmiitz 
in 1850, and there can be no question that had Prussia been 
in possession of a strong force the king would not have com- 
plied so willingly with the schemes of Schwarzenburg. A 
change in method was soon made when Frederick Wil- 
liam IV. became so seriously ill that his brother William 
had to accept the regency. He was a soldier by profession 
and habit, and between 1859 and i860 inaugurated reform. 
He was urged to undertake this work, both by the inclination 
of his own character, and because he recognized that the 
rivalry between Prussia and Austria demanded that reorgani- 
zation should be at once effected. He understood perfectly 
that Austria was not only jealous of the power of Prussia, 
but that she actually feared any increase of her military 
strength. He saw, too, that if Germany was ever to be united 
under the leadership of Prussia it was absolutely essential 
to make Prussia strong. Scharnhorst's schemes had, at the 
time they were carried out, been excellent ; be had made 
" the standing army the school for the war training of the 
nation." The Prussians had been obliged to serve three years 
with the colours, two years in the war reserve, and seven 
years in the first and second militia. But between 18 14 and 
i860 the total population of Prussia had doubled, while the 
regiments remained the same size. Thus it was clear that 
a very large number of men were escaping military service, 
and the number was calculated to be at least 25,000. To 
remedy this obvious mistake it was now proposed to make 
some radical changes for the strengthening of Prussia. 
Thirty -nine new infantry battalions and ten new cavalry regi- 
ments were to be raised at once. By this means it was hoped 
to increase the annual levy of those bound to serve for three 
years from 40,000 to 60,000 men. The old Landwehr was 
to be abolished, but the men who were thus turned out were 
not to be allowed to escape serving their country, for they 
were to be divided between the war reserve and the garrisons. 
At the same time it was decided that the law of universal 
military service was to be far more strictly observed, and 
no able-bodied citizen was to be allowed to shirk his duty. 
The forces of Prussia were not to be merely an army, but a 
nation in arms. To superintend these reforms, on which the 
existence of Prussia as a great power really depended, the 


able and conscientious General von Roon * was made Minister 
of War. The scheme did not pass without much opposition 
on the part of the German Liberals . They argued hotly that 
Prussian military strength had not in the past been employed 
in the furtherance of German unity, and they insisted, not 
without some reason, that in adding to her armaments Prussia 
would only increase the jealousy of the other powers. But, 
though the opposition was strenuous, the Regent William 
carried out his reforms, and on January ist, 1861, the 
standards of the new regiments were consecrated ; and on the 
very next day William succeeded his brother as king of a 
country which was soon to be the greatest military power in 
the world. 

Prussia, after the Treaty of Gastein in 1865, was, therefore, 
better prepared for the inevitable war. The only hope 
of preserving the peace was that Austria might be tempted 
to sell Holstein, a chance which was most remote. Not only 
was Prussia's strength augmented by the possession of a 
powerful army, but Austria had lowered her position in Ger- 
many by her settlement at Gastein. The greater number 
of the German States had come to dislike a power which had 
so shaken their confidence in making a separate agreement 
with Prussia, and, in particular, Bavaria and Saxony were 
ready at any moment to show the annoyance that had been 
caused, and actually illustrated their irritation by the reco.gni- 
tion of the kingdom of Italy. Besides, Austria was much 
weakened by troubles on her Eastern borders. The diverse 
nations which helped to compose the Austrian state, the Poles 
of Galicia, the Czechs of Bohemia and the Slavonic tribes 
alike resented the Council of Empire in which the Germans 
predominated. In Hungary the Magyars steadfastly refused 
to exchange their traditional liberties for the united Parlia- 
ment which had been proposed by the Imperial Constitution 
of 1861. 

Bismarck had consented to the armistice because his pre- 
parations were not yet complete. Had Russia and Aus^tria 
drifted nearer to the verge of war, Bismarck would have had 
three difficulties to face : the king's reluctance to make war, 
the isolation of Prussia, and the danger of the hostility of 

• Albrecht Theodor Emil, Count von Roon (1803-1879) ; created count 1871 
field-marshal 1873. 


France. Against the two latter of these he took immediate 
precautions. Italy was marked out by her history and 
ambitions as the natural ally of Prussia in a war wi,th' 
Austria. But Victor Emanuel's consent was contingent on 
that of Napoleon III. For this reason, and because French 
neutrali!ty was in itself of the utmost importance, Bismarck 
sought an interview w'ith the French Emperor. Napoleon 
was bound by obligation to assist the Italian nation in the 
struggle for uni'ty ; he had a strong though vague belief in 
Nationality as a general principle ; and he was eager for a 
diplomatic victory which would obliterate the approaching 
disaster ,of his Mexican venture. It was characteristic of 
Bismarck's adroitness that Napoleon promised neutrality and 
sanctioned the annexation of the Duchies and even, in the 
general terms, the unification of Germany. In return there 
was, no doubt, mention of compensation on the eastern fron- 
tier ,of France, but as to Bismarck's infentions Napoleon 
learnt nothing of importance. Bismarck had learnt what was 
all important. 

Bismarck next turned to Italy. Negotiations hinged 
on the possession of Venetia. Bismarck definitely informed 
Nigra, the Italian minister at Paris, that war was inevitable. 
If war came with Austria, and if Austria were defeated, the 
possession of her Italian provinces was the question of the 
utmost importance. The newly formed kingdom of Italy 
naturally wished to round off her dominions by the incor- 
poration of Venetia and the expulsion of Austrian control 
in Italian territory. Napoleon III. was much perturbed by 
the situation. He knew very well that he had definitely 
pledged his word to free Italy to the Adriatic, and he foresaw 
that the failure to fulfil this pledge might possibly mean the 
collapse of his power and the downfall of his dynasty in 
France. What he particularly feared was that Austria and 
Prussia might come to an amicable settlement of the dififi- 
culties, and that a reconciliation might be made on the under- 
standing that if Austria renounced her rights with regard 
to the Duchies Prussia in exchange might guarantee to the 
Emperor his possessions in Italy. It was even possible, that, 
in order to isolate Prussia, Austria might surrender Venetia 
to Victor Emanuel. But this was a most unlikely outcome 
of the sitxiation, because of the honourable pride of Count 


Mensdorf, whose chief aim was to recover the lost influence of 
Austria, and also because there was a strong military party 
in Austria which would hardly tolerate such a solution. Still 
the possibility^ and their mutual suspicions, kept Prussia and 
Italy apart. 

Bismarck was not without his own suspicions of all the 
parties concerned. He knew that the Italians might obtain 
the territory of Venetia as a gift and offer to Austria a 
Prussian province in exchange. Nor had he been hood- 
winked by the words of Napoleon III. He knew perfectly well 
that the Emperor was being pulled in two directions. 
He understood that the personal sympathy of the Emperor 
of the French lay with the rising power of Prussia. 
Bismarck was quite as surely convinced rhat the Empress 
Eugenie, backed by that strong clerical party for which the 
Prussian minister had so much dislike, was urging Napoleon 
to throw in his lot with an Italian and Catholic cause. Not 
was Bismarck quite sure of what might happen in Germany 
itself. His wish was to make Prussia the leader of Germany, 
but his work might be undone at any moment, before war 
was declared, by peaceful vmion between the two would-be 

Bismarck began his delicate task in January, 1866. He 
entered into a commercial treaty with Italy, which he also 
persuaded Bavaria to join. On January 13th he wrote to 
Baron von Usedom that if Italy joined him against Austria 
there would be war, but if not he would not enter upon war 
alone. He thus cleverly placed the responsibility upon the 
Italians. On February 28th, 1866, he sent General von 
Moltke to Florence to sound the true state of feeling 
in the Italian kingdom, but he found, at this moment, 
that the ministers were as suspicious of Bismarck as 
Bismarck was of them. Meantime the affairs in the 
Duchies helped the Prussians very considerably. Gablenz, 
the Austrian governor of Holstein, continued to favour 
the Augustenburg agitation by administering the pro- 
vince as if on behalf of that Prince, and allowing great 
slackness of government, the Press being uncensored 
and taxes unlevied. Bismarck had inaugurated a very 
different system of control in Schleswig, where the rule was 
the strictest possible, and it caused the meeting of 4,000 


men at Altona to complain . The renewed agitation on behalf 
of the Augustenburg claim supplied Bismarck with an argu 
ment by which King William was convinced of Austria's in- 
fidelity. Remonstrances addressed to the Austrian court 
brought Germany to the brink of war. Only then was the 
strength of Bismarck's position fully apparent. So long as 
the suspense lasted, Prussia, in virtue of her convenient posi- 
tion, had the Duchies at her disposal. In the event of war, 
owing to the recent re-organisation, the Prussian army could 
be put into the field in a fortnight. Austria needed six weeks 
for her mobilization. Before she could present an ultimatum 
she must, by her secret preparations, give Bismarck warning 
and supply him with a pretext for precipitating the struggle. 

Negotiations continued between Prussia, France, and Italy. 
The King of Prussia explained to Napoleon III. the situa- 
tion with regard to his country and France. He told Napo- 
leon that under no circumstances would a single acre of 
German territory be ceded to the French. He statted that 
he would not be adverse to seeing some slight " rectification 
of frontier," but that if he allowed such an undertaking 
Prussia would have to be rewarded and safeguarded by 
aggrandisement in North Germany. In Prussia's rela- 
tions with Italy there was more of subterfuge. Bis- 
marck nominally welcomed General Govone as one who was 
anxious to obtain information concerning new inventions, but 
in reality his true mission was the discussion of terms of 
alliance. The Austrian ministers were not deceived by the 
ruse, and the bitterness of feeling on their side was increased. 

In the meantime the two countries were making care- 
ful preparations. By February 22nd, 1866, Austria had 
100,000 men in Bohemia, but it was well understood that 
nothing could be done against Prussia without an army of 
double that number. It was, therefore, with secret, but steady, 
progress that the mobilization of the Austrian army proceeded. 
To cloak this undertaking the Emperor now declared that 
Prussia had deliberately broken the Treaty of Gastein, and 
on this account Austria appealed to the German courts. Bis- 
marck did the same on March 24th, and not only denied any 
breach of the treaty, but charged Austria with the crime 
of inciting to war by mobilization. He pointed out that it 
was incumbent upon Prussia to arm as rapidly as possible 


owing to the aggression of Austria. It is now well known 
that all this was a mere pretext, for Moltke himself had told 
Bismarck that up to that time Austria's action was purely- 
defensive and that the Austrian mobilization could not be con- 
strued into an offensive action. Nevertheless, on March 26th 
the king consented to the partial mobilization of the Prussian 

Bismarck could not afford to relax his pressure for an 
instant at home or abroad. The king was resolutely deter- 
mined not to be the aggressor. Italy had yet to be secured 
as an ally in definite terms. This object, after prolonged 
negotiations, was secured by treaty on April 8th. If war 
broke out within three months Italy was to come to the help 
of Prussia ; neither side was to conclude peace without the 
consent of the other ; Prussia agreed not to desist until 
Venetia was handed over to the kingdom of Italy. On the 
same day Bismarck assured Austria that he had no intention 
of taking the offensive. Simultaneously he informed Bene- 
detti,* the French ambassador, that he was determined on 
war. Then, on April 13th, Austria proposed ,simultaneous 
disarmament, and the whole fabric of Bismarck's policy 
seemed endangered. The King of Prussia approved, but 
Bismarck was able to insist that the agreement should include 
the south of Austria. This condition was refused and 
William, convinced of the righteousness of his cause, 
assented to rapid mobilization. 

The immediate causes of the war are to be found first of 
all in the question of the government of Holstein, but this 
was by no means a main reason for Bismarck's decision to 
enter upon the terrible arbitrament. The real leason was 
the rivalry between the two powers for leadership, and this 
consolidated itself into the question of the organization of 
the German Confederation. Bismarck believed in the possi- 
bility of knitting Germany together under the headship of 
Prussia. From a domestic point of view he was convinced 
that the executive could not maintain its power except by a 
foreign policy which should gain the admiration of the Prus- 
sian people. On both accounts he had determined that 
Austria must be driven out of the German Confederation. 

* Count Vincent Benedetti (1817-1900); born in Corsica ; entered the Foreign 
Office 1855 ; ambassador at Turin 1861, and at Berlin 1864 ; retired to Ajaccio. 


Accordingly, in March, when the Austrian minister. Mens- 
dorf denounced Prussia's attitude and threatened Federal 
intervention, Bismarck had replied by a circular in which he 
outlined a radical reform of the Federal constitution. 

The conditions of the Italian alliance made it essential that 
a war should be forced before the three months, to which it 
was limited, should have expired. The proposals for reform- 
ing the Constitution, coupled with the Italian negotiations, 
incited Austria to push forward the somewhat lengthy pre- 
parations which were necessary before her army could be in a 
position to strike at Prussian territory. Upon this Bismarck's 
policy hinged. He could force the issue whenever he chose, 
but Austria was compelled to give him warning. On April 
26th an ultimatum was received from Austria demanding an 
immediate settlement of the Schleswig Holstein question, and 
this was followed by preparation for war in Prussia and Italy. 

The breathing space which preceded the outbreak of hostili- 
ties was occupied by Napoleon's endeavours to unknit the 
alliance which he had been instrumental in procuring. A 
considerable body of French opinion, of which Thiers was 
the spokesman, criticised a policy which seemed designed to 
enhance the difficulties of France by creating a new and 
powerful state in central Europe. Too late Napoleon com- 
plied with their advice, reversed his efforts and attempted 
to detach Italy from the Prussian alliance. At his suggestion 
Austria consented to negotiate for Italian neutrality at the 
expense of Venetia, but the Italian ministers refused to break 
with their ally. Next he reappeared in a familiar part, as 
the convener of an European congress. Austria reluctantly 
consented with the qualification that none of the assembled 
Powers should receive additions, of territory or power. The 
Diet at Frankfort objected to interference with the questions 
of the Duchies and of Federal reform on the ground rhat they 
were matters of domestic concern. The idea had to be dis- 
carded. Napoleon hastened to insure against the result which 
he anticipated from the approaching war — an Austrian vic- 
tory. He received a guarantee that no attempt would be 
made to unite Germany under Austrian rule. Confident in 
his judgment Napoleon made no similar agreement with 
Prussia, but gave a promise of neutrality, which he modified 
by a public declaration, that France would be satisfied with 


her present position so long as her neighbours remained in 
theirs . 

On the first day of June Austria was forced, by the strain 
on her finances, to take the offensive. She proclaimed her 
intention of summoning representatives of Holstein to decide 
upon the future of the Duchy. Bismarck replied that by this 
violation of the Convention of Gastein the former status of 
joint occupation was restored ; and Prussian troops entered 
Holstein. On June i ith Austria proposed that the Federal 
army should be mobilized to resist Prussia. On the previous 
day Bismarck had announced his scheme for Federal reform ; 
Austria was to be excluded, and power was to be vested in a 
united Parliament elected by manhood suffrage. On June 
14th the Diet considered the rival motions. By a majority 
of nine to six a Bavarian amendment to Austria's proposals 
was carried, and Prussia declared her intention of withdraw- 
ing from the Confederation. 

The long drawn crisis was at an end. On June 18th 
Prussia declared war against Austria. Hanover and 
Hesse wished to be neutral, but they were informed by 
Bismarck that it was a case of real alliance or dis- 
armament. In the struggle Prussia was practically 
alone, for, as King William said, " I have no ally but the 
Duke of Mecklenburg and Mazzini." The King was his own 
commander-in-chief, but he had as the chief of his staff that 
great " battle -thinker," General Moltke, who, whilst Austria 
was wasting valuable time in political intrigues, had arranged 
all the movements of the campaign. By June 30th news 
arrived of the capitulation of Hanover ; while all Western 
Germany north of the Main, together with Schleswig and 
Holstein, were conquered almost without a blow. By that 
time the three main armies of Prussia were advancing. The 
first, consisting of 93,000 men under the "Red Prince," 
Frederick Charles, set out from Lusatia ; the second, 
totalling 100,000 men, was under the leadership of the 
Crown Prince, who started his attack from Silesia ; while the 
third fell to General Herwarth von Bittenfeld, who made his 
point of departure from Thuringia. It was their object to 
march by different routes, but to converge, and then fight 
the great battle as one combined force. The Austrians, rein- 
forced by the army of the King of Saxony, were commanded 


by Field-Marshal Benedek. Unfortunately for him, he had 
been compelled by the actions of his own Government to 
allow the Prussians to anticipate him in the seizure of 
Dresden. The invading force reached Bohemia on July ist. 
The Austrians made a belated attempt to isolate the armies 
and crush Prince Frederick Charles before he could effect 
a junction. In a series of vanguard actions Benedek was 
repulsed, and the Austrians retreated on to the Elbe. On 
July 3rd the decisive battle of Koniggratz or Sadowa was 
fought. The total number of combatants in this stu- 
pendous conflict was not far short of 435,000 ; they 
were as great at Leipzig, and the results were almoiSt as deci- 
sive as those of Waterloo. The Austrians, with their centre 
at Chlum, had gradually retired under the shelter of the 
guns of the strongly-fortified town of Koniggratz, with the 
Elbe in their rear. King William, Bismarck, von Roon, and 
Moltke watched this decisive battle of German history from 
the hill of Dub. Prince Frederick Charles attacked the Aus- 
trians, but their artillery at first proved too strong. The fate 
of the day seemed to be against the Prussians until the Crown 
Prince, who had been delayed like Bliicher at Waterloo, 
brought up his force late in the afternoon. The victory at 
last lay with the Prussians, whose fighting qualities were 
now well proved ; but the battle was won at enormous 
cost. Prussia lost 10,000, while twice that number of 
Austrians were killed, and 18,000 taken prisoners. King 
William, Moltke, " the silent one in seven languages," and 
Bismarck had together done in seven days what it had taken 
Frederick the Great seven years to accomplish. A centuxy 
before Moltke, the greatest soldier of his day tried to humble 
the pride of Austria, and succeeded after a prolonged 
struggle. Once again Prussia had undertaken the same task, 
and in a short week proved her skill and power. It was 
thought at the time, and with some justification, that the 
Austrian empire would scarcely survive the shock of this 
great contest. 

Immediately after Koniggratz the Emperor of Austria 
appealed to Napoleon III. for his mediation, and as a pledge 
of his good faith gave over to French keeping Venetia. 
Napoleon at once responded by opening a correspondence 
with King William, which showed to Bismarck very clearly 

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° Brunswick 



• Gottingen 

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Cassel • 


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Frankfort o° 
•o ^ o 

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Prague ' 


• Nuremberg 

/ Proesnitr 

I BriJnn* 

\ ■»■ 
\ + 

\ Nikolsburg? 


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VIENMjf. Blumen 


English MUes 

o so too l&O 

Von Bittenfeld. ., .. 

Prince Frederick Charles.... * + ♦ * + 


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I 1 

Grand Duke of Mecklenburg... x x x x x 

1 1 

Bartholomew, Edin'' 


that the French would endeavour to prevent Prussia from 
obtaining the fruits of this conspicuous victory ; and that, 
if by negotiation Napoleon failed to rescue Austria, he 
would have recourse to arms. The great German statesman 
tl -efore advised his sovereign to accept Napoleon's media- 
tion, but to insist on the preliminaries of peace being 
settled before the cessation of hostilities. By this means he 
still kept Vienna as the goal for the triumphant Prussians. 
X. larck had now learnt the depths of the Napoleonic dupli- 
city, and Napoleon could never in the future expect to gain 
anything from Prussia. The attitudes of the other powers 
at lis juncture are not without interest. Great Britain had 
taken up the policy of non-intervention in Continental 
affairs unless she was actually affected. Since the death 
of Lord Palmerston on October i8th, 1865, the old traditions 
had gradually disappeared, so that now Bismarck felt safe. 
But in Russia he saw a more dangerous intermediary. 
The Czar demanded both in Paris and London that a congress 
should be called to settle the affairs at stake. Bismarck was 
most anxious to avoid anything of the sort, and it was for 
this reason that he so readily acquiesced in the French 

The French would not be allowed to have it all their own 
way. Bismarck knew exactly what terms of peace were wanted 
for Prussia. The two Duchies that had caused so much 
bickering and so many quarrels, Schleswig and Holstein, were 
to belong absolutely to Prussia. At the same time he wished to 
accomplish the reformation of the Confederation of Germany 
under the hegemony of Prussia. But in making that Con- 
federation he really only cared about the strong union of 
North Germany. On July 9th he said, " I use the term North 
German Confederation . . . because I consider if the neces- 
sary consolidation of the'federation is to be made certain it 
will at present be impossible to include South Germany in it." 
The day after this statement was made Benedetti came from 
Napoleon to Bismarck at Zwittau. He had, however, no in- 
structions except to persuade the King of Prussia to be as 
moderate as possible in his demands. Bismarck could get 
nothing definite from the French ambassador, because the 
Emperor had not made up his mind. This was Bismarck's 
opportunity. From the moment at which Prussia's victory 


was assured Austria ceased to be formidable. Her place was 
taken by France and Bismarck, by a swift settlement and 
reasonable terms, pacified the old rival before attacking the 
new. He let it be known at Vienna, by way of the 
Court of St. Petersburg, that he was most willing and 
anxious to negotiate direct with the Emperor of Austria. He 
also sent from Briinn, by means of an Austrian noble, a list of 
most lenient terms, for he knew the great advantage of making 
an agreement without any intermediary. He informed the 
Austrians in this round-about way that the King of Prussia 
would bo perfectly willing to allow Austria to retain all her 
territory except that of Venetia, which must be ceded to Italy. 
To the surprise of every one concerned the Prussians magna- 
nimously refused to demand a war indemnity. The Main was 
to be the Prussian boundary, and South Germany was to be 
left free. All these terms were only on the understanding 
that Austria gave up the idea of employing the mediation of 
Napoleon HI. In making these proposals Bismarck saw that, 
if necessary, Austria and Prussia might unite in a strong 
alliance and show a firm front to all non -Germans ; or, if this 
failed, he knew thai: it was always possible for him to endanger 
Austria by stirring up revolt in Hungary and Italy, and renew- 
ing the days of 1848. As a matter of fact, neither plan was 
necessary, for Napoleon III. suddenly gave up his proposed 
intervention. He found that his health was breaking down 
and that he could not carry on the intricate schemes that he 
had started ; he found, too, that the Italians now refused to 
desert their ally, Prussia, and to receive Venetia as a gift from 
France, since it had been practically won for them by the 
victory at Koniggratz. 

For these reasons Napoleon ordered Benedetti to proceed to 
Vienna, and he, with the Due de Grammont,* persuaded the 
Emperor to come to terms. On July 23rd an armistice was 
agreed upon and a conference was held at Nikolsburg, where 
in two or three days Bismarck settled the whole future history 
of Germany. Bismarck, according to himself, was working 
almost alone in his schemes, and he says that his own 
sovereign, as head of the war party in Prussia, did not approve 
of such terms as left Austria undeprived of territory. Cer- 
tainly the resistance of King William had to be overcome, but 

• Due de Grammont (i8ig-i88o). 


the military leaders appear to have been convlinced that it 
was necessary to conciliate Austria. The Czar still con- 
tinued to talk about a general congress ; and Napoleon 
again tried to interfere on the ground that, if territory 
was given to Prussia, France must have some too. 
Foolishly, if he really hoped to obtain anything, he agreed, 
by the advice of Drouyn de Lhuys,* to wait till Prussia, 
had arranged her treaty. It was the act of a deluded man, or, 
at least, that of a man who entirely failed to understand the 
elementary attributes of Bismarck's character. Immediately 
after the Treaty of Prague had been made on August 24th, 
Benedetti demanded on behalf of his master the left bank of 
the Rhine and Mainz. King William and Bismarck bluntly 
told him that it would mean war. For the moment the lesson 
of the needle-gun had been learnt, and Napoleon again found 
himself worsted in the diplomatic struggle with the German 

The Czar continued to murmur about the annexation in 
North Germany, but he was quieted, possibly by Bismarck's 
threat to proclaim the Revolutionary Constitution of 1849, 
which the Czar dreaded as likely to cause another revolt in 
Poland. The chief work that was now left to complete the 
settlement of the difficulties of the last ten years was the Con- 
federation of the German States. The four southern States 
had leagued in the war with Austria, and by a brilliant cam- 
paign they had been defeated ; Frankfort had been occupied, 
and Manteufifel had demanded an indemnity of £1,000,000. 
They were naturally annoyed, and felt very bitterly towards 
Prussia until, as will be seen later, Bismarck let them into the 
secrets and intriguing schemes of their imaginary friend 
Napoleon. A Southern Confederation was not formed and 
Bismarck trusted to include the States of the South in the 
Northern Federation by individual compacts. As to the 
Northern States, they engaged themselves by treaty on 
August 18th to ally with Prussia ; the troops of all were 
to be under the supreme command of King William ; they 
mutually guaranteed each other's possessions ; they were to 
enter into no new federation, and their North German Parlia- 
ment was to be elected by universal suffrage . This agreement 

• Edouard Drouyn de Lhnys (1805-1881) ; French ambassador in London 
1849 ; three times Minister of Foreign Affairs. 


was at first to last only one year, but Bismarck worked inde- 
fatigably, and by February 2nd, 1867, a new Constitution 
was prepared and agreed upon, and passed on April i6th. 

The next event in this great struggle for political cohesion 
was reached in November, 1870, when treaties were drawn 
up uniting all the Southern States with the existing Northern 
Confederation. The union was finally completed in the fol- 
lowing year, when King William assumed the title of German 
Emperor . 

Towards that consummation the events of 1866 marked a 
notable advance. Austria had been excluded from the Ger- 
manic Confederation. Attempts at intervention on the part 
of France and Russia had been thwarted. Bismarck's pledge 
to Italy had been fulfilled, though she did not .succeed in 
annexing southern Tyrol. At home Bismarck had achieved 
the pbject which had been constantly before him in his 
foreign policy. The King and the Prussian Parliament, both 
opposed, on different grounds, to his policy, had been con- 
vinced by success ; in the Representative Chamber a part 
of the Left joined the Old Liberals in forming a National 
Liberal party. _ Upon these and upon the Conservatives Bis- 
marck was able to, count for a majority in support of the 
further projects of foreign policy which were already in his 




Asseline . . . Histoire de I'Autriche depuis Marie ThMse. 
*Prince Bismarck . Reflections and Reminiscences {translated) 2 vols.. 
Busch . . . Bismarck. Our Chancellor. 
Cambridge Modern History, Vol. xi. 

De la Gorce 


Fontane . 

Headlam . 


Jansen and Samwer 


■*E. Matter . 

Rothau . 


Rustow . 

Salisbury (Marquis of) 

*Von Sybel 


Histoire du Second Empire. 

The Schleswig-Holstein War. 

Der deutsche Krieg von i865. 


The Seven Weeks' War. 

Schleswig-Holstein' s Befreiung. 

The Overthrow of the Germanic Constitution by 
Prussia in 1866. 

Bismarck et son temps, 1898. 

Souvenirs Diplomatique. 

Der deutsche-Danische Krieg. 

Der Krieg von i865. 

Quarterly Review, Vol. civ. 

Histoire du Prince de Bismarck. 

Die Begriindung des Deutschen Reichs {trans- 
lation by Perrin and Bradford), 1893, 

Le Secret de I'Empereur. 

Deutsche Geschichte. 

Histoire de la Prusse. 





i85i. Death of Prince Consort. 

1862. The cotton famine in Lancashire. 

1863. The Prince of Wales married Princess Alexandra of Denmark. 
1865. Mr. Gladstone defeated in the election for the University of Oxford. 

Death of Lord Palmerston. 
Lord John Russell became Prime Minister. 
i865. Commercial panic in London. 

Habeas Corpus Act was suspended in Ireland. 

1867. Lord John Russell resigned, and was succeeded by Lord Derby. 
The Reform Bill was passed. 

Fenian outrages. 

The formation of the Dominion of Canada. 

1868. Lord Derby resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Disraeli. 
The expedition to Abyssinia. 

The Irish and Scottish Reform Bills passed. 
i86g. Mr. Disraeli resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Gladstone. 

1870. The Irish Land Act passed. 

Mr. Forster's Elementary Education Act. 

Lord Granville succeeded Lord Clarendon as Foreign Secretary. 

The neutrality of Belgium preserved by treaty. 

1871. The University Test Act abolished. 
Abolition of the purchase system in the army. 

Power over the miUtia, yeomanry, and volunteers was vested in the 

1872. The Ballot Act was passed, but limited to eight years. 


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Britain. Austria. France. Spain. Germany. Russia. Portugal. Papacy. Italy. 

.,* Isabella. 


Pius IX. 








William I 

Luis I. 



Amadeo I. 



Alfonso XII. 









William II. 

Carlos I. 





1901. Edward VII. 

Leo Humbert 





By his abilities or his good fortune Napoleon III. had 
contrived to vsrin for himself and for the French people a 
position in European diplomacy which must have been in- 
conceivable when the French empire disappeared in the wreck 
of his uncle's fortunes half a century earlier. His successes 


were, it is true, greatly inferior in magnittide to those of 
Napoleon I. But they had in common a grandness of con- 
ception. They might plausibly be represented as a develop- 
ment of the theories which had appeared, somewhat paradoxi- 
cally, in the first Napoleon's programme during the " Hun- 
dred Days." In Italy he had been the patron of nationality, 
and, so long as diplomatic secrets remained unrevealed, he 
oould lay claim to the same character in his relations with 
Germany. Less disputably he could point to successes which 
had transformed France from a second-rate Power into one 
whose ambitions must be reckoned with by every sovereign 
in Europe. The Emperors of Russia and Austria had 
suffered humiliations at his hands. Italy was under obliga- 
tions to him, and Bismarck, in laying his plans in 1865, had 
taken care to consult the oracle at Biarritz. 

It had been a watchword of Napoleon I. that the French 
people cared little for liberty and much for honour. Napo- 
leon III. might well believe it, for he had reaped the reward 
of his foreign policy at home. Constitutional liberties had 
been suppressed but the nation, if not content, had seemed 
to acquiesce. But latterly, as he himself confessed, " black 
shadows " had appeared. His diplomacy had met with 
disaster when confronted by the coolness and assurance of 
Bismarck. Crippled by the Mexican adventure, he had not 
felt himself in a position to sustain his demands by the forci- 
ble arguments on which their cogency depended. In March, 
1867, the French troops were withdrawn from Mexico, 
and in the last days of June the news of Maximilian's death 
brought the adventure to a tragic conclusion. The extreme 
Imperialists and Catholics, with the powerful assistance of 
the Empress Eugenie, urged upon him an aggressive foreign 
policy and involved him in a breach with his old allies in 
Italy. At the beginning of 1867 Garibaldi had put himself 
at the head of another crusade and invaded the Papal States. 
French troops were dispatched to re-occupy Rome, and Gari- 
baldi's force was routed at Mentana on November 3rd. The 
incident was inopportune. For the future of French diplo- 
macy, whether peaceful or bellicose, seemed to depend upon 
co-operation with the Austr'ian and Italian Governments in 
the face of the new and formidable union of the North 
German States, 


Bismarck was fully aware of the situation. From the 
moment that Napoleon began to interfere in the ques- 
tions between Prussia and Austria, the German minister 
knew that war between Prussia and France would be 
the natural outcome. It was because of this danger, that 
could not be postponed for over -long, that Bismarck worked 
with all his energy to accomplish not only the consolidation 
of the North Germari Confederation, but also, if possible, 
to draw closer the civil and military relations of the North 
and South German States ; and he had also to procure 
the neutrality of the European Powers. The difficulties 
which this great diplomatist had to overcome were numerous, 
but not insurmountable. His popularity was not exces- 
sive, but at the same time he was not without power- 
ful supporters, and he succeeded in getting rid of the Con- 
stitutional conflict with his politi'cal enemies, the Progres- 
sive Opposition. He foresaw that he might have trouble 
with the Poles and Danes in the Prussian Parliament ; but, 
on the other hand, he knew that he could safely ignore the 
feeble protests of the dispossessed princes of the north, and 
that the Guelph armaments in Belgium and Switzerland were 
not powerful. But, above all, since the late war Austria had 
been completely ousted from the Confederation, so that there 
was no danger from that quarter. The most obvious peril lay 
in the fact that the South German States formed, after all, 
only a paper union. It was very clear that they were 
not inspired by any particular affection for Prussia, and it 
might be feared that in the moment of supreme danger they 
would throw in their lot with Prussian foes. Napoleon had, 
however, as already hinted, played into Bismarck's hands. 
In August, 1866, he fell back upon the expedient that the 
mistaken French diplomacy had given him, and he published 
Napoleon's demand, or, as he called it, " hotelkeeper's bill," 
for compensations on the left bank of the Rhine. The effect 
upon the wavering allegiance of the South German States was 
instantaneous. Wiirtemberg, on August 3rd, Baden, on the 
17th, and Bavaria, on the 22nd, entered into the "August 
Conventions," by which, in time of war, the King of Prussia 
was to command the armies of the three States. A more 
lasting tie than these conventions was found in the following 
summer . The zollverein was in urgent need of reform . Chief 


among its defects was the impossibility of making any altera- 
tion without unanimous agreement. The South German 
members consented to a fresh arrangement. By it they sent 
delegates for fiscal purposes to the North German Bundesrath 
and Reichstag, which, for the occasion, were resolved into 
a Federal Tariff Council and Customs Union, in which reso- 
lutions were decided by a majority of votes. Thus an 
economic pressure drew the South into closer union. 

Napoleon meanSvhile was beset with difficulties at home and 
abroad. The growth of republican opinion and the dangers 
which were threatened by the spread of revolutionary and 
socialistic doctrine among the working classes at last ex- 
torted the long delayed reforms . Restrictions upon the Press 
and upon public meetings were relaxed in January, 1868, 
and the evolution from personal government to the Liberal 
Empire began. The official view of the war of 1866 repre- 
sented it as another French success. At the same time, since 
Bismarck had taken such drastic measures to expose Napo- 
leon's designs on the left bank of the Rhine, the " bill " was 
presented in another shape. When in August of 1866 
he had asked Bismarck to help him he had also proposed 
the conquest of Belgium and the cession of Luxemburg. At 
that moment the German minister had given him no definite 
reply, so that the Emperor continued to demand in the spring 
of 1867 the cession of Luxemburg. This territory was of 
some importance. It had long been regarded as the entrance 
to Lower Germany, and had, by the Treaty of Vienna, been 
included in the German Confederation, and the right of 
guarding it had been allotted to Prussia. On the other hand, 
it was an appanage of the Crown of Holland. The 
King of Holland, however, was not unwilling to cedei 
it to France, since it was practically in the hands of 
Prussia owing to the presence of Prussian guards. In Ger- 
many itself the proposal of its cession was met with a storm 
of indignation, for though not actually within the North 
German Confederation, yet it was regarded as tied by circum- 
stances and history to the fatherland. 

It is not surprising, therefore, that the experts of the 
General Staff of the Prussian army shrieked aloud for war ; 
but the cool and calculating Bismarck still held his hand, 
for he had not quite completed the schemes that he had 


evolved, and he still wished to bring about a perfect mili- 
tary organization in the provinces before the decisive blow 
was struck. The Luxemburg question was not to be the 
actual cause of war, and, after a conference on the subject on 
May 7th, 1867, the Treaty of London was issued four days 
later, by which Luxemburg was to be neutral territory under 
the guardianship of the Powers ; the Prussian garrisons were 
withdrawn ; the Kipg of Holland was to retain the sovereignty 
on a promise that he would at once demolish the fortifi- 

By this means it might be thought that the immediate 
danger of war between the two great Powers had been 
averted ; but the duel was inevitable, and the settlement of 
the Luxemburg question merely postponed the struggle which 
was bound to come in a few short years. The position of 
France was, on the surface at any rate, remarkably strong. 
It was believed that most of Europe would support Napo- 
leon III. should a struggle between France and Germany 
actually take place. Beust,* the Imperial Chancellor, 
was regarded as a Francophile, while Italy was bound 
to the Emperor of. the French by tiies of gratitude, if such 
ties in politics are really worthy of consideration. In the 
north, too, France was not without political allies, for the 
Scandinavian Powers did not regard Prussia in any friendly 
spirit after the conduct of Bismarck in the Schleswig-Holstein 
question. Even in Southern Germany there was some cause 
for congratulation. In Bavaria the Court and the professional 
classes dreaded Prussian influence, and, at the outbreak of 
hostilities in 1870, the war credits were passed with the 
utmost difficulty. In the near East the wisdom of Bismarck's 
attitude towards Russia during the Polish rising was now con- 
clusively proved. The European Powers, Prussia excepted, 
had remonstrated with the Czar for the barbarities perpe- 
trated in Poland, where General Mouraviefi earned the abhor- 
rence of mankind by his ferocious tyranny. Prussia alone 
exhibited no regret for the suppression of the instirrection 
which led to the butchery, imprisonnient, and exile of men 
and women, with no regard for either law o» humanity. Bis- 
marck had foreseen that Russia would look with jealous and 

* Frederick Ferdinand, Count von Beust (i8og-i885) ; Imperial Chancellor 
1867-1871 ; ambassador in London 1871-1878 ; ambassador in Paris 1878-1882. 


anxious eyes upon the diplomacy of Beust, and the Czar 
feared, and not without reason, that if a definite alliance was 
concluded between France and Austria, Galicia might become 
the centre of a new Polish movement. Russia was ready, 
therefore, to meet the friendly advances of the astute German 
minister. Bismarck promised that Prussia would support 
Russia in denouncing the Black Sea clauses of the Treaty of 
Paris of 1856 ; and that he would give active assistance to 
the Czar in the event of Austria taking up arms . 

On both sides of the Rhine the possibility of war was con- 
templated, and, in different ways, the ground was prepared. 
In 1867 Napoleon III. had met Francis Joseph at Salzburg. 
It is clear that no compact was struck, but views were ex- 
changed. During 1869 Napoleon resumed negotiations with 
a view of linking France, Austria, and Italy in a triple 
alliance. It is significant that at this time Bismarck dis- 
patched Bernhardi to Spain, and there is reason to believe 
that Prussian bonds travelled to the same destination at the 
same time. Early in 1870 the Archduke Albrecht paid a 
visit to Paris. Simultaneously the question of the Hohenzol- 
lern candidature (described below) was discussed at a con- 
sultation in Berlin. The Plebiscite of May was a confirmation 
of the French Emperor's policy. On the 15th the Due de 
Grammont became Minister for Foreign Affairs, and later in 
the month Lebrun was dispatched to Vienna. Here he dis- 
cussed a plan of campaign with the Austrian military authori- 
ties, and on June 14th was admitted to an audience of the 
Emperor. The result, which he reported to Napoleon on his 
return, was that Francis Joseph had said that he would be 
compelled by public opinion to join France if the cause of 
war concerned the freedom of Southern Germany. The 
Austrian generals promised their co-operation within three 
weeks of the French taking the field. Simultaneously 
Leopold of Hohenzollern was induced to reconsider his 
decision, and, on July 2nd, consented to become a candidate 
for the throne of Spain. 

Such a chronological summary suggests that Napoleon, at 
the instigation of the Empress and the Imperial party, had 
at length decided upon war, and that Bismarck, always well 
supplied with information, was determined to force an issue 
on which France would not have the support of her ally. 


The cause of the rupture was an international " incident " 
manufactured by the diplomatists, the Press, and heated 
popular rumours in both countries. For years the people 
of Spain had been torn by the internecine struggle of the 
Carlist wars, and misgovernment reigned supreme. At 
the head of affairs was the Queen Isabella, who was entirely 
influenced by her confessor, Dom Claret, her paramour, 
Marfori, and by the clever but injurious influence of a nun, 
Petrocuno. Affairs of State depended upon the camarilla; 
whilst the generals of the army were banished not indivi- 
dually but in batches. By September, 1868, Spain could 
endure no longer . General Prim * raised revolt at Cadiz on 
the 17th, and Isabella fled to France on the 30th. A pro- 
visional government was immediately established, with 
Serrano as president and Prim head of the War Office ; 
while the electors were called upon to settle the govern- 
ment. The Constituent Cortes finally decided on May 21st, 
1869, in favour of a Constitutional monarchy : a deci- 
sion which was easy enough ; but the difficult question 
arose as to whom they were to elect as Constitutional 
monarch . 

There were four candidates. Carlos VII. claimed his 
rights from Pau, but was regarded as quite impossible. An 
obvious candidate (see pedigree, p. 41) was the Due de 
Montpensier, but to elect him would, as Prim well knew, 
offend the august Emperor of France. The King of Italy 
was applied to, but he resolutely refused to accept on behajf 
of his second son. General Prim therefore proposed Prince 
Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, brother of the Prince 
of Roumania, and thus unwittingly started the fire that was to 
blaze round the French empire. Prince Leopold was related 
through the families of Murat and Beauharnais to Napoleon 
himself ; and, though a subject of the King of Prussia, he 
was not related closely to the royal family. Besides this, 
he was a Catholic, and would therefore be most acceptable 
to the Spanish people. At first the prince refused, but finally 
agreed on condition that the head of his house. King William 
of Prussia, gave his entire consent. 

The news was equally a shock to the pride of the French 

* Juan Prim (1814-1870) ; opposed Espartero ; fled to England 1866 ; secured 
the election of Amadeus 1870 ; assassinated. 


people and to the diplomacy of the French Court. The in- 
convenience of having a representative of Prussian interests 
behind the Pyrenees, the disparagement of French influence, 
which had been exerted in favour of another candidate, the 
personal resentment of the Bonapartes at the honour done 
to a house with whom they had a private quarrel, overcame 
considerations of policy. On July 4th the Due de Gram- 
mont declared that " France would not tolerate the estab- 
lishment of a Hohenzollern or any other Prussian prince on 
the throne of Spain." Bismarck pointed out that the question 
had nothing to do with Prussia as a nation, but was a 
purely private affair for the King as head of the House of 
Hohenzollern. This only increased the intense suspense of 
the French people, who waited impatiently to hear what the 
Prussian King would say to their minister, Benedetti. He 
said much the same as Bismarck had already said. At 
the same time Lord Granville suggested, both to Bismarck 
and to Prim, that the withdrawal of Leopold's candidature 
was an obvious way of preserving the peace. On July 12th, 
after ten days of intense excitement, Leopold withdrew hi's 
candidature. Ollivier * proclaimed that France had gained 
a brilliant and bloodless victory. But there seemed room for 
doubt as to the terms of the withdrawal, and the Imperialists 
thirsted for further triumphs. When it appeared that the 
Prussian Government refused all responsibility and took the 
view that the Prince had acted on his own initiative, the Due 
de Grammont proposed that the Prussian King should signify 
his assent and g'ive some guarantee for the future. Benedetti, 
the French ambassador, was entrusted with the mission. The 
King expressed his approval of the action of Prince Hohen- 
zollern but would give no promise, and the request for another 
interview was refused. The news was sent to Bismarck in 
a long telegram, which he forwarded in an abbreviated form 
to the Prussian envoys at different courts . Germany was con- 
vulsed with amusement at the rebuke to the French am- 
bassador, and France was roused to a passion of resentment 
which decided the Cabinet in favour of war. It has been 
supposed that Bismarck's modified version of the telegram 
Was the deciding factor. It was not, in fact, materially 

* Olivier Emile Ollivier, born 1825 ; formed a constitutional ministry in 1870 ; 
a great writer. 


different or more humiliatihg than the original. His con- 
versation, on the same day, with the British ambassador, in 
which he compared the French to robbers revealed by a flash 
of lightning, shows that he was resolute for war. But the 
French ministers must bear a part of the blame. M. OUivier, 
in words which have become historic, said that he accepted 
the challenge of Prussia "with a light heart." Napoleon, 
urged by his wife, yielded to the demands of the nation. 
Fie probably realized that the die was cast and on this war 
depended the fate of himself, his Empress, and the future wel- 
fare of the Prince Imperial . The Government took immediate 
steps to " safeguard the interests and honour of France." AH 
ideas of arbitration were swept on one side. The declaration 
of war reached Berlin on July 19th. 

The French were entirely unprepared, as after events 
proved ; while Prussia was absolutely ready down to the 
minutest detail. The Emperor announced his intention of 
commanding in person, with Marshal Leboeuf * as virtual 
chief of the army . Macmahon was summoned from his govern- 
ment in Algeria, and Marshal Bazaine, together with Generals 
Frossard, Douay, and de Failly, were given the task of extend- 
ing the line from Strasburg to Metz and Thionville. The 
actual plan of campaign consisted of three points. In the 
first place the main army was to be concentrated on the upper 
Rhine ; there was to be an invasion pf South Germany ; a 
couple of tremendous victories were to be gained to win over 
Austria, the South German States, and the wavering Italians. 
According to Leboeuf's calculations there should have been 
150,000 men in Lorraine and 100,000 in Alsace within nine 
days of mobilization. It was in this particular that the 
French suffered the first check to their hopes. By the end of 
July there were not more than 35,000 men in Alsace, and 
130,000 men in Lorraine together with a corps in reserve at 
Chalons. The French system was found wanting in those 
very points in Vhich their opponents were at that moment 
giving Europe an object lesson ; the details of the mobiliza- 
tion had not been worked out with sufficient care. Reservists 
rejoining the colours wasted precious days in crossing the 
country to get their equipment from a regimental dep6t to 
which they had been allotted, irrespective of the situation 

* Edmond Leboeuf (1809-1888) ; fought in Algeria, the Crimea, and Italy. 


of their homes. The transport, both of troops and of stores, 
was speedily disorganized. Nor was there, in the rank and 
file of the officers, the initiative necessary to improvise a 
system in place of the defective organization of headquarters. 
The highly centralized General Stafi", by usurping the func- 
tions of its subordinates, had killed the independence of the 
regimental officer. At the same time it was obstructed in the 
discharge of its proper duties, so that the German staff is 
said to have had more accurate information than thet 
French as to the geography and railway system of France. 
It became apparent that any offensive movement must be 
deferred . 

Simultaneously French hopes of foreign alliance were 
dissolved. Bismarck had held his hand till the right 
moment. He now published the draft of Benedetti's treaty 
for seizing Luxemburg, which not only caused the alarm of 
all the smaller States, but forced England to demand a 
guarantee for the neutrality of Belgium. To the surprise and 
indignation of France, the Austrian entente cor Male was repu- 
diated by Count Beust, who not only declared France to be 
entirely in the wrong, but on July 20th notified the absolute 
neutrality of Austria in the war. The Austrian action was 
followed in the next week by a similar declaration of 'neutrality 
by Russia on July 23rd, Denmark on July 25th, and Italy on 
the same day. The long-cherished hopes of a strong coalition 
against Prussia thus crumbled to the ground. 

Unlike the French campaign, which was purely hypothe- 
tical, the Prussians had their schemes all cut and dried. Von 
Moltke had arranged that 300,000 men should immediately 
mass on the middle Rhine, and so perfect was the 
organization that within eighteen days of the declaration 
of war the German army was in its place with everything 
required. The first army was under the leadership of Stein- 
metz,* who, with 85,000 men, occupied a position from the 
Saar to Saarlouis. The second army spread from the latter 
town, to Saargemiind, and was commanded by Prince Fre- 
derick Charles ; whilst the third army of no less than 200,000 
men lay between Landau and Carlsruhe. It was under the 
command of the Crown Prince, and consisted mainly of the 

• Carl Friederich Steinmetz (1790-1877) ; fought in the campaign of 1813-1814 ; 
after Gravelotte appointed Governor General of Posen and Silesia. 


South German troops. Its function was to link the first and 
second armies and so to enable a superior force to be con- 
centrated on either of the enemies' forces, which were 
separated by the Vosges mountains. 

The war opened on August 2nd, after King William had 
arrived at Mainz, and the French under Frossard made a 
recoimaissance towards Saarbrucken. The small German 
force at this point very naturally fell back, which was mag- 
nified by the French into a " glorious victory." It was here 
that the Prince Imperial had his " baptism of fire." Napo- 
leon I., in the midst of some glorious campaign, might have 
indulged in such a flourish ; but coming from Napoleon III. 
it only caused the Parisians to ridicule such an ostentatious 
exposure of the young prince to such unnecessary peril. It 
was the first and last victory during this war gained by the 
French empire. The first really serious engagement took 
place three days later at Weissemberg, where the Crown 
Prince with a contingent of Bavarians and South Germans 
defeated decisively General Abel Douay with a force be- 
longing to the left wing of Macmahon's army. 

On August 5th the first and second armies advanced, and, 
having crossed the Saar, carried on the next day the heights 
of Spicheren, which were commanded by General Frossard. 
At the same time the Crown Prince again was victorious, 
by defeating Macmahon and his 45,000 men at the bloody 
battle of Worth. The Prussians lost more heavily than their 
opponents, but the French army evacuated Alsace and re- 
treated in disorder through the Vosges mountains to con- 
centrate at Chalons. 

The political results of such a week of victories were of 
course fraught with the utmost importance. There was now 
no possibility of Austria and Italy joining France, and the 
neutrality of these two nations was strengthened by the for- 
mation of the League of Neutrals, owing to the intervention 
of Lord Granville. It was agreed that no Power within 
the League was to jo,in either of the combatants without giving 
proper notice to the other members. But it was not only in 
external affairs that this cycle of victories played its part, for 
it had equal force in the internal affairs of France, where great 
changes were effected. Napoleon himself was virtually 
deposed in favour of his Empress ; the ministry of Ollivier 


gave way to that of the Comte de Palikao ; and Leboeuf 
was replaced by Marshal Bazaine.* 

With these changes the fury and consternation of France 
were for a moment allayed ; and visions of success re- 
appeared . There was still a large army unbroken at Chalons, 
and the commander-in-chief, Bazaine, had 170,000 men at 
Metz. In Marshal Macmahon they had a man they could 
trust. An attempt was to be made to join forces at 
Verdun. The Germans were well aware of it, and 
strained every nerve to prevent the coalition. With this 
object in mind, the Crown Prince, on August i ith, crossed 
the Vosges, while the other two armies were ixioving along the 
Moselle in a half circle towards Metz. The French retreated 
towards Verdun, but on the 14th were checked by the fierce 
onslaught of Von der Goltz at Colombi^res . The importance 
of this battle was almost immediately eclipsed by the terrible 
slaughter that took place on August 1 6th and 1 7th at Vion- 
ville. Mars -la -Tour, and Gravelotte. Bazaine was succes- 
sively cut off from retreat on the line of Verdun and driven 
inside the lines of Metz by aji action in which the Germans 
were massed between him and Paris. 

Macmahon, who had now a force of 150,000 men con- 
centrated in Rheims, made a desperate effort to slip round 
the right wing of the Prussian first army and join Bazaine. 
He gained several days before Moltke received information 
of the manoeuvre . Then the army of the Meuse moved rapidly 
northward to intercept him and was closely followed by the 
third army. Macmahon was unable to cross the Meuse and 
would have retreated to assist in the defence of Paris but 
for express orders from Palikao . On August 3 1 st, the French 
army was hemmed in by the Germans inside a triangle whose 
base was the Meuse. Macmahon did not realise his danger ; 
the increased range, accuracy and rapidity of gun-fire made 
it possible to overwhelm an enemy from a distance without 
engaging him with massed battalions. On September ist 
the end came. The French were overwhelmed by gun-fire 
from the heights, and enveloped on all siides by German 

• Franfois Achille Bazaine (1811-1888) ; entered the army in the ranks 1831 ; 
fought in Algeria, the Crimea, and Italy ; served in the French expedition to 
Mexico 1862; court-martialled 1873; sentenced to death, but commuted for 
twenty years' imprisonment ; escaped in 1874. 


corps. The Emperor surrendered and 81,000 of his subjects 
laid down their arms. 

Sedan was the end of the emipire, but not of the war. 
The quarrel which had originated amongst princes had now 
been transferred to the nation. It was no longer a struggle of 
Courts and Cabinets ; it became a national struggle of the 
French people. The empire ceased to exist at dead of night 
on September 2nd, when Jules Favre * proposed Napoleon's 
deposition. Thiers, as a supporter of the Orleanists, advo- 
cated the formation of a provisional Government by the 
Chambers. But Paris had once again burst into revolution, 
and, as before, settled the destinies of the nation. The mob 
rushed into the Chamber, and Favre and Gambetta,f at the 
head of the Parisian deputies, proclaimed a Republic. Thiers 
was obliged to recognize this Government at the moment, but 
could not accept the principles upon which it was based. The 
unhappy Empress fled to England, where she has since 
resided ; and Napoleon remained for a time in German hands. 
The new Government immediately set about the best means 
for national defence. General Trochu,:]: although an anti- 
Republican, was placed at its head, with Favre as Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, and Gambetta as Minister of the Interior. 
The latter had come before the public eye some two or three 
years before as a young advocate in a political trial, during the 
course of which he had violently attacked the Emperor. 

Favre maintained that the King of Prussia was merely 
fighting Napoleon, and that, having conquered, he ought to 
make peace. But Prussia, as represented by King William 
and Bismarck, was not only fighting against Napoleon, but 
equally against the army of France. It was decided without 
hesitation that the war should be prosecuted, and the Crown 
Prince lost no time after Sedan, but pushed on rapidly to 
Paris. On September 19th the investment was completed. 

* Jules Claude Gabriel Favre (1809-1880) ; defended Orsini the assassin in 
1858 ; a leader of the Republicans against Napoleon ; Minister of Foreign 
Affairs 1870 ; wrote Melanges Politiques et LitUraires. 

■]■ L6on Michel Gambetta (1838-1882) ; elected deputy 1869 ; Minister of the 
Interior 1870; retired to Spain 1871 ; helped to suppress the Commune; averted 
civil war in 1877 ; President of the Chamber 1878 ; again formed a cabinet in 

J Louis Jules Trochu (1815-1896) ; fought in Algeria, the Crimea, and Italy ; 
wrote L'armie Franfaise en 1867 ; received command 1870 ; Governor of Paris ; 
resigned January 1871 ; member of the National Assembly. 


Jules Favre had two fruitless interviews with Bismarck ; 
the Provisional Government was pledged to resist all terri- 
torial concessions, and Bismteirck turned aside to negotiate 
with the Empress Eugenie. The siege of Paris began. 
Three months before every one in France had imagined 
that if any capital were besieged in 1870 it would be 
Berlin. It is remarkable that even now the French did 
not lose all hope of bringing the struggle to a suc- 
cessful conclusion. They imagined the previous failures 
were largely due to the corrupt government of the empire, 
and they hoped that under the new regime- the complexion of 
affairs would be radically changed. They knew that 400,000 
Germans were kept inactive round Metz, and that they would 
have to remain there as long as Bazaine held out . If Paris was 
really to be taken they calculated that double the number of 
men brought by the Crown Prince would be required. They 
rejoiced in the fact that the difficulty of food supplies for the 
Prussian army seemed almost insurmountable. As long as 
the Prussians were assailed by these difficulties the opti- 
mistic nature of the French taug'ht them to look for- 
ward to the formation of a new army, created in the south, 
which would drive the half-starved invaders out of the 

Against these advantages they had to weigh two great dis- 
advantages : the lack of capable leaders and the innumer- 
able factions within the country. The Cabinet which was to 
govern France and direct the nation to victory was shut up in 
Paris. Monsieur Cr^mieux, an honest lawyer but an in- 
experienced statesman, slipped out with three others to form 
a Cabinet at Tours. But Lyons, Marseilles, and Toulouse, 
instead of sticking nobly to the national cause, raised the 
red flag of the Commune. On October 7th Gambetta es- 
caped from Paris by balloon to rally the country to 
the great emergency. He formulated a scheme for 
dividing France into four parts, with central points at Lille, 
Le Mans, Bourges, and Besan9on, where a separate army was 
to be raised with a separate general at its head. Count Keraty 
raised a force in Brittany ; General Bourbaki did the same 
in the north ; ajid Garibaldi joined General .Cambriels in 
the Vosges. These forces when combined were to effect the 
relief of the beleaguered capital. 

N.E. ^ 


In the meantime Strasburg had surrendered on Septem- 
ber 1 6th, and General Werder * and a Prussian force having 
thus been liberated, marched to assist von der Tann,f who 
was, at the command of Moltke, investing the city of Orleans. 
He was fairly successful ; but his great object was to cross 
the Loire and destroy the arsenals at Bourges ; arid this he 
was unable to do. 

The position of the Government in Paris was greatly en- 
dangered by the news of October 27th. Bazaine had 
surrendered. The great army of Metz was in the hands of 
the Germans, arid .another army was freed for the siege of 
Paris and the reduction of the provinces. 

While the Proyisional Government was with difficulty 
making headway against the Communist followers of 
Blanqui, Gambetta was organizing the resistance of 
the French nation in the provinces. A levee en masse 
was called, and General Aurelle des Paladines,^ a veteran 
of the Crimea, was ordered to advance against von der 
Tarm. The move seemed excellent, for on November 
9th des Paladines attacked the Prussians, at Coiilmiers 
and drove them out of Orleans, but unfortunately for 
France, was unable to follow this up, owing to the arrival of 
the Duke of Mecklenburg with considerable reinforcements. 
Had he been able to take more active steps the Prussian force 
besieging Paris might have been endangered. This was 
recognized by Prince Frederick Charles, who thrust himself 
between Orleans and the capital. Gambetta's impulsive 
nature caused him to order des Paladines to take action and 
to advance upon Paris . For this purpose an arrangement was 
made with General Trochu that a simultaneous assault should 
be attempted from the north and south. The attack took place, 
but ended in disaster ; on November 27th des Paladines 
assaulted the German left at Beaune-la-Rolande, and the 
Pontifical Zouaves under General Charette made; gallant 
efforts to win a way to Paris. Brie and Villiers were taken, 
but on November 28th and December 2nd the French army 
was cut to pieces in a bloody engagement immediately north 

* August von Werder, born 1808. 
f Ludwig, Baron von der Tann, born 1805. 

I Louis Jean Baptiste d' Aurelle des Paladines (1804-1877) ; fought in Algeria 
and the Crimea. 


of Orleans. By December 5th the work of des Paladines 
was undone, and Orleans once more fell into Prussian 
hands . 

The story of the French downfall is one long series of 
disasters. The French army in Paris was not idle ; they 
did what they could, but the hand of fate was turned against 
them, and one small success was almost immediately followed 
by a crushing defeat . Thus General Ducrot * on November 
29th carried the heights of Champigny, but five days later 
he was driven back into the capital, and on the last day of the 
year Mont Avron was taken by the besieging army. In the 
north-east the same disastrous story was being enacted. 
Manteuffel was victorious wherever he went. Amiens gave way 
on November 27th ; Rouen was occupied on December 6th, 
while Dieppe was reached four days later. Thus the year 
1870 closed with a vast Prussian force occupying the 
greater part of northern France, and Paris was in the 
throes of starvation, with an invi'ncible army waiting at her 
gates . 

Events now moved with even dizzier rapidity. The relief 
of Paris was attempted by General Faidherbe,f commanding 
the North -Western Departments, on January 3rd, but it was 
checked by the indecisive battle of Bapaume. A second 
attempt a fortnight later was no more successful, and the 
French were utterly defeated by General Goben at St. 
Quentin. The collapse of France was now complete. In the 
north it had already been effected, but in the next few weeks 
it was clearly evidenced in the south. On January 12th 
General Chanzy,:}: after having been driven by Prince Fre- 
derick Charles from Vend6me, was finally crushed in front 
of Le Mans, with an enormous loss of prisoners. One chance 
seemed still open to the French, and it was used by Gambetta 
as a last resource. He commanded Bourbaki § in the first 
weeks of January, to make a diversion into Germany. The 
object was to force General Werder to fall back from the siege 

* Auguste Alexandre Ducrot (1817-1882). 

t Louis L^on C^sar Faidherbe (1818-1889) ; served in Algeria ; Governor of 
Senegal 1854 ; he wrote several books on African topics, and Campagne di I'Armk 
du Nord. 

X Antoine Eugene Alfred Chanzy (1823-1883); served in Africa 1841-1870 ; 
Governor- General of Algeria 1873-1879 ; ambassador at St. Petersburg 1879-1881. 

§ Charles Denis Sauter Bourbaki (1816-1897) ; retired from the army 1879. 

Z 2 


of Belfort. The manoeuvre failed, for Bourbaki was checked 
at Villersexel by a clever flank move, which enabled Werder 
to take up a very strong position at Montb61iard to await the 
coming of Manteufifel, who had completed his work in the 
north. From January 15th to the 19th the half -starved and 
frozen forces of Bourbaki hurled themselves in vain against 
the Prussian army. There was nothing left but to make a 
dignified retreat, which Bourbaki did towards Pontarlier and 
the frontier. He was closely pursued, however, by the ener- 
getic Werder, who knew that Manteufiel was in advance of 
the French. Any possibility of success was against the dis- 
heartened force. The last effort had proved in vain, and on 
February ist, utterly dispirited, the French army of 85,000 
men crossed over the Swiss frontier " in a condition so pitiable 
as to recall the retreat from Moscow," and, according to inter- 
national law, laid down their arms. 

In the meantime the aged Thiers undertook a roving 
commission, and made an unsuccessful tour of the European 
Courts, trying to get help for his oppressed country. The 
victories of the Prussians made it very difficult for the Powers 
to intervene. The only person who was really anxious 
for intervention was Count Beust, who saw with alarm 
the advance of Prussian power. England under the 
Gladstone ministry was not likely, as Bismarck knew, to 
do more than offer advice ; and the Prussian chancellor 
had taken good care to win the good- will of Russia 
before the war started. The repeated proposals, therefore, 
of the Austrian minister fell on unheeding ears, and the 
pathetic appeals of Thiers gained little or no encourage- 

The time had now come, however, to bring the terrible 
slaughter to a conclusion. ^Before Bourbaki had laid down 
his arms Gambetta had realized that the cause of France was 
hopeless, and on January 23rd Jules Favre met Bismarck for 
the second time at Versailles to discuss a general armistice 
and the capitulation of Paris. Five days later the armistice 
was signed, so that a national assembly should be elected to 
make terms. Even now Bismarck distrusted his foes, and 
before he agreed to the terms he forced the French in Paris 
to give up their forts, dismount their guns on the enceinte, 
and all regular troops were compelled to lay down their 


arms. He also took a strong line against Gambetta, 
who wished to deprive all the officials of the late empire 
of the franchise ; the Prussian chancellor, together with 
the government of Paris, were unanimously against this 
measure, and Gambetta, who had done so much for 
France, resigned. The actual elections took place on 
February 8th, and four days later the National Assembly, 
with Thiers at its head, was opened at Bordeaux. Their 
chief object was the terms of peace, and after a fortnight the 
preliminaries were signed. Something had been gained by 
the stubborn resistance. 'The reputation, as well as ihe self- 
esteem of France was in some degree revived. Alsace and 
Lorraine, including Metz and Strasburg, passed into 
Prussian hands. A war indemnity was also to be paid, 
consisting of the tremendous sum of 5 milliards of 
francs, or £200,000,000. It was agreed that until 
the actual treaty was signed the German troops should 
occupy a part of Paris . This, however, did not last for long, 
for on March ist the German Emperor, with 30,000 men, 
marched through the Champs Elys^es, and two days later 
evacuated the French capital. The final and definite treaty 
was signed at Frankfort on May loth. 

The results of the Franco -Prussian war were of enormous 
importance to Germany, France, and Europe as a whole. 
There can be no doubt that the war completed the work of 
Bismarck and consolidated Germany. The German empire 
was a direct outcome of the struggle, when the King 
of Prussia reluctantly consented to be crowned Emperor 
at Versailles on January 1 8th, 1 8 7 1 . France was strangely 
altered. She had entered the struggle as an Imperial power ; 
she emerged a Republic. The war had engendered the fight- 
ing lusts of men, and no sooner had the German troops 
marched out of Paris than it was seized by the Communists. 
When the regular troops were deprived of their arms the 
National Guard had been allowed to retain theirs. This 
guard, composed for the most part of the working-class, 
paid no heed to the commands of their leader, des Paladines, 
though famous for his strict discipline. On March [8th 
Thiers and his colleagues were compelled to abandon Paris 
to the Commune. Government was carried on, at first by 
the Central Committee, which controlled the National Guard, 


afterwards by a " General Council " elected on March 26th. 
In the south and centre there were other risings of the Redls, 
but none of these showed permanent vitality, and the efforts 
of the Versailles Government were concentrated on the reduc- 
tion of Paris. In May, when the Council and the Central 
Committee had fallen into disputes, the Versailles troops 
attacked. After a week of street fighting and reprisals the 
barricades were carried and order restored with rigour. For 
the moment the Revolutionary and Socialist parties ceased to 
exist in France, and the old divisions of party reappeared. 
In the Assembly there was a monarchical majority, but it 
was not united and there was no general enthusiasm for 
Orleans or Bourbon. As for the Bonapartes, their popu- 
larity did not outlive Sedan and the dishonour of their third 

Russia had taken the opportunity of repudiating the 
obnoxious clauses of the Treaty of Paris. This had been 
done by Gortschakoff on October 29th, 1870, though the 
bold move was probably suggested by Count Nicolaus Igna- 
tieff,* the most active and skilful of Russian diplom;atists . 
The Italians, too, had seized their chance while France was too 
much engaged in her own affairs, and had established their 
power in Rome, and the ancient capital became the seat of 
government of united Italy. From this moment the Pope 
shut himself up as a prisoner in the Vatican. 

One remarkable feature of the war lies in the illustration 
that it afforded of the extraordinary recuperative powers of 
France. This power of recuperation is an ever-familiar 
feature in the story of the French people. No European 
nation has passed through so many political crises as 
France, but in every case she has recovered with wonderful 
vitality. Humbled, broken, wearied, and overcome, in a few 
years' time all is changed, and France is herself again. 
So in this instance, the indemnity which would have 
crushed the commercial and financial resources of any ordi- 
nary nation, was paid off not only by the time stated in the 

* Nicolaus Paulovitch Ignatieff (January, 1832-July, igo8) ; entered the 
diplomatic service 1856 ; ambassador at Pekin ; ambassador at Constantinople 
1867 ; took an active part in the diplomacy of the period 1877-1878 ; was the 
chief author of the Treaty of San Stefano ; Minister pf the Interior 1881 ; 
dismissed i§8i, 


Treaty of Frankfort, but long before . Besides this, although 
thousands of her male population had perished, although she 
could scarcely register a single victory during those terrible 
months of war, nevertheless the militant spirit still beat in the 
hearts of patriotic Frenchmen, and within four years of the 
peace it was possible for France to place in the field an army 
of 2,400,000 men. 





*Lord Acton 
Bismarck . 
Blanchard Jerrold 
Bodley . 
Cambridge Modern 

D'Heylli . 
Du Camp . 
Hippeau . 
Jaures & Dubreuil 
Maurice . 
Meding . 
Moltke . 

*E. OUivier, 


Historical Essays, 1907. 

Reflections and Reminiscences. 

Life of Napoleon III. 

History, Vol. XI. 

La France et la suite de la guerre de 1870-1871. 

The Franco-German War {German Official 

Journal du SiSge de Paris. 

Histoire illustrSe du Second Empire. 

Les convulsions de Paris. 

Histoire Diplomatique de la Troisieme Republique. 

La guerre Franco-allemande et la Commune. 

Trois Empereurs d'A llemagne. 

Histoire de la guerre de 1870-1871. 

Histoire de V intervention frangaise au Mexique. 

The Franco-German War. 

De Sadowa d Sedan. 

The Franco-German War of 1870-1871 {transla- 

Kaiser Wilhelm. 

L'Empire liberal. 1895, etc. 

Bibliographie ghiiral de la guerre de 1870-1871. 

Le ministere Gambetta. 

The Government of M. Thiers, 1871-1873. 

Histoire diplomatique de la guerre Franco- 
A llemande. 

Histoire du General Chanzy. 

Le Siege de Paris. 


1870. July 









Skirmish at Niederbronn. 

French repulsed at Saarbriick. 

Frossard forced Prussians to retire at Saarbriick. 

The Crown Prince defeated Frossard, and stormed the 
lines of Weissemberg and Geisberg. 

The Crown Prince defeated Macmahon at Worth. 

Von Gbben and Von Steinmetz victorious at Saar- 
briick and Forbach. 

The Germans occupied St. Avoid. 

The Germans invested Strasburg, and Lichtenburg 

The Germans occupied Nancy. 

Chief Battles in Franco-Prussian War — continued 

1870. August 14. 






September i. 








October i. 






Von Steinmetz won the battle of Courcelles. 

Prince Frederick Charles won the battle of Mars-la- 

The combined armies won the battles of Gravelotte 

and Rezonville. 
Retreat of Macmahon. 

Complete isolation of Marshal Bazaine at Metz. 
Chalons occupied by the Germans. 
The Germans invested Thionville. 
Battle at Busancy, between Vouziers and Stenay. 
Battles at Dun, Stenay, and Mouzon. 
The Germans stormed Vrizy. 
De Failly defeated at Beaumont. 
Defeat of the French in the plain of Douzy. Bazaine 

forced back into Metz. 

The Germans occupied Rheims. 
St. Dizier occupied by the Germans. 
Surrender of Laon. 
The Germans repulsed at Toul. 
The siege of Paris begun. 
Sevres surrendered. 

Battles of Drancy, Pierrefitte, and Villejuif. 
Toul surrendered. 

The Germans drove back sallies from Metz. 
The Germans occupied Clermont. 
Formal surrender of Strasburg. 
General Vinoy repulsed outside Paris. 
Battle near Rouen. Beauvais captured. 
The Germans occupied Mantes. 
The Germans occupied Epernon and La Fert^. 
General Reyan successful at the battle of Thoury. 
General Duprd defeated by Von Gegenfeld near 

St. Remy. 
The repulse of a great sortie from Metz. 
The Germans repulsed at St. Quentin. 
Von der Tann successful at Arthenay. 
Prussians repulsed at Cherizy. 
Von der Tann captured Orleans. 
The French captured Stenay. 
The Germans captured Epinal, and Breteuil. 
The French escaped at Ecouis. 
Soissons surrendered. 
The Germans attacked Montdidier. 
The French defeated near Chateaudun. 
The French forced to retire at Malmaison. 
Wittich occupied Chartres. 



Chief Battles in Franco-Prussian War — continued 

1870. October 22. 







November 2 & 3. 









The battle near Evreux. 

Defeat of the French at Vouray and Cussey. 

General Cambriels repulsed the Germans at Chatillon 

de Due. 
The Germans evacuated St. Quentin, which they had 

taken on October 21. 
The capitulation of Schelestadt. 
The surrender of Metz. 

Von Werder defeated the French near Gray. 
Le Bourget recaptured by the French. 
The Badanese defeated near Besangon ; the Prussians 

repulsed at Formerie. 
The capture of Dijon. 

The defeat of the Franc-tireurs near Montereau. 
The Germans recaptured Le Bourget. 
The defeat of the Franc-tireurs between Colmar and 

The French recapture Chateaudun. 
The Prussians repulsed at Marchenoir. 
Verdun capitulated. 

Manteuffel advanced on Amiens and Rouen. 
The Germans entered Montbffiard. 
Von der Tann defeated between Coulmiers and 

D'Aurelle des Paladines retook Orleans. 
Neu Breisach capitulated. 
Repulse of the French near Montb61iard. 
The Germans occupied D61e. 
Repulse of the French at Mezieres. 
Repulse of the French at Belfort. 
The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg and Von Treskow 

defeated and captured the army of the Loire, near 

Successful French sortie from Mezieres. 
The Germans defeated the French near Chateaudun. 
Garibaldi successful at Chatillon. 
The Germans were repulsed at Evreux. 
The French were repulsed at La Fere. 
The French were defeated at BretonceUes. 
The Prussians occupied Ham. 
The capitulation of Thionville. 
The Germans were repulsed at Amiens. 
The capitulation of La Fere. 

Von Werder defeated the Garibaldians near Pasques. 
Manteuffel victorious near Amiens. 
Voigts Rhetz and Prince Frederick Charles defeated 

D'Aurelle des Paladines near Beaune la Rolande. 


Chief Battles in Franco-Prussian War — continued 

1870. November 30. 
December 2,. 






1871. January i. 








February i. 


Generals Trochu and Ducrot made a successful sortie 

from Paris. 
Tlie Germans retook Champigny and Brie. 
The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg defeated Chanzy at 

Bazoche des Hautes. 
D'Aurelle des Paladines defeated by Prince Frederick 

Charles and the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg ; 

Orleans surrendered. 
Manteuffel occupied Rouen. 
The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg defeated Chanzy 

and occupied Beaugency. 
Manteuffel occupied Evreux. 
Chanzy with the army of the Loire made vigorous 

The Germans occupied Dieppe. 
The Germans occupied Blois. 
Montmedy surrendered. 
Freteval taken and abandoned. 
Von Werder captured Nuits, near Dijon. 
The .Battle of Monnaie. 
Tours surrendered. 

Faidherbe fought Manteuffel at Pont k Noyelles. 
Chanzy claimed a victory at Montoire. 
Mont Avron, near Paris, occupied by the Germans. 
Capitulation of M^zieres. 
Manteuffel and Von Goben forced Faidherbe to 

retreat near Bapaume. 
Chanzy and Prince Frederick Charles fight an in- 
decisive battle near Dijon le Mans. 
The Germans stormed Daujoutin. 
The Germans occupied Rocroy. 
The defeat of General Roy near Jumieges. 
The capitulation of P^ronne. 
Von Werder fought Bourbaki at Villarais. 
Prince Frederick Charles and the Grand Duke of 

Mecklenburg defeated Chanzy near Le Mans. 
Von Werder defeated Bourbaki near Belfort. 
Isnard recaptured St. Quentin. 
The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg entered Alengon. 
Von Goben defeated Faidherbe at St. Quentin. 
General Trochu's great sortie from Paris repulsed. 
Capitulation of Longwy. 
Capitulation of Paris. 

Bourbaki driven into Switzerland, near Pontarlier. 
The Germans occupied Dijon. 
The capitulation of Belfort, 



N Estimate of 

Some of the 


UBCEs OF the 

Powers Interested 

IN the Eastern 

Question, 1873- 







Military Force. 

Officers and Men 



;S77, 130,000. 










;Cio3, 000,000. 



































;£ 700, 000. 



Roumania ... 





Montenegro ... 





To all appearances the Franco -Prussian War had left 
France a Republic ; but the Republican spirit had no 
deep hold upon the minds of the most important and influen- 
tial classes. The majority in the Assembly were Monarchist 
in sentiment, but they were so divided into parties, such as 
Legitimist, Bonapartist, and Orleanist, that they lacked 
strength for the furtherance of their plans. On May 20th, 
1873, the Monarchists made an effort and drove out Thiers, 
who as the head of the Executive had declared in favour of 
a Republic, replacing him by Macmahon, who was defi- 
nitely pledged to the Bourbon Restoration. The Crown 
was then offered to the Comte de Chambord, but he, 
perhaps foolishly, but certainly chivalrously, refused to 
accept if the tricolour was retained in the place of the 
white lilies. This failure to obtain a king brought 
about the declaration of a Republic on February 25th, 
1875. The Constitution consisted of a President, elected for 
seven years by both Houses voting in common ; and a legis- 
lative body divided into two Houses ; the first, the Senate, 


partly chosen by an electoral college, arid partly by the 
second, or lower house. 

The settlement of Germany was naturally left to the able 
administration of Bismarck, who desired that while the empire 
was being consolidated and its military resources developed, 
it should at the same time preserve a conservative 
towards the rest of Europe. Most of the European nations 
had internal troubles. Communism in France, Nihilism in 
Russia, and Socialism in Germany, all threatened the old 
order of society. For this reason, as early as Septem- 
ber, 1870, the German chancellor had soimded the Czar, 
Alexander II., and Francis Joseph, the Emperor of Austria, 
as to their attitude towards these disturbing elements. 
Two years later, in September, 1872, the outcome of these 
deliberations made itself apparent in a new Holy Alliance 
between Russia, Prussia, and Austria, to which Italy was 
admitted in the following year. The Igreat object of this 
union was to endeavour to preserve the world's peace upon 
existing" treaties. Bismarck was at the same time quietly 
working to accomplish the complete isolation of France ; but 
at the same time he supported the French Republican party, 
for he desired to bring about the downfall of that clerical 
influence which had been one of the main factors in causing 
the Franco-Prussian War, and against which he now found 
that he had to struggle in Germany itself. Bismarck's work 
seemed likely to be crowned with success ; by 1873 he had 
restored the harmony of the Powers, and there was every 
likelihood of the last years of the nineteenth- century closing 
in peace. 

Unfortunately this happy state of affairs was disturbed by 
the revival of the Eastern question. The trouble began in a 
purely internal change in Austrian politics. In November, 
187 1, Count Beust was succeeded by the Hungarian, Count 
Andrassy.* To Bismarck this was entirely satisfactory, for 
he had for some time thought that the centre of the Hapsburg 
monarchy should be at Pesth and not at Vienna ; but to Russia 
it was far from pleasing, and the Czar was seriously yfraid 
that Austria, having been deprived of her position in Ger- 
many, might turn to the Balkans to restore her lost prestige. 

♦ Julius, Count Andrassy (1823-1890) ; exiled from Hungary 1850-1860 ; 
Minister of Foreign Affairs 1871-1879. 



But the Balkans were the very districts upon which the Czar 
had long looked greedily. In September, 1872, the three 
Emperors had a special meeting, and the Czar, who had been 
much alarmed by the advance of Nihilism, agreed to settle 
the Eastern question in conjunction with the other two. ITiey 
forgot, however, that the national movement in Germany and 
Italy had aroused a great Slav nationalistic spirit, and that 
Pan-Slavism had not been checked by the Russian adminis- 
trator, Gortschakofif, and since 1871 had increased very 
rapidly. In the Balkans many Russian agents had been 
preaching the new race gospel, and a vague unrest had been 
aroused. Amongst the Turks there was something little short 
of active panic, and they felt that they had been utterly duped 
by the European Powers. For this reason Midhat Pasha 
brought about the rise of the " Young Turkey " party with 
definite objects. They were to strive to throw off the yoke 
of the Powers and to arouse the fanatical spirit of the 
INlahomedans, and then raise the whole 150 million against 
Christendom. It thus came about, to put the matter in 
a nutshell, that Pan-Slavism was to be opposed by Pan- 

In the autumn of 1875 the peasantry rose in Herzogovina. 
The exactions of the tax-farmers and landlords in a bad 
season were the ostensible cause. Behind it lay the odium 
of the Turkish rule, intolerance towards Christians, differen- 
tiation between them and Mussulman opponents in the 
law courts, and peculation of local funds . By July the Gover- 
nor, Dervish Pasha, at Nevesinie had failed to suppress jt, 
and many volunteers from Montenegro and Servia poured over 
the border to join the rebels. The European chancelleries, 
alarmed at the extent of the insurrection, attempted to bring 
about a satisfactory conclusion by laying before the Sultan the 
very moderate demands of the insurgents. They desired reli- 
gious liberty, the privilege of giving evidence, a fixed scale of 
taxes with absolute regularity of collection, and a local militia. 
On December 12th the Sultan proposed to give all his sub- 
jects religious liberty and to form electoral bodies throughout 
Turkey. The rebels, however, met these specious promises 
with the jeers and mistrust that they deserved, and continued 
their march on Niksitsh. The movement was beginning to 
spread ; Bulgaria began to show signs of unrest, and Milan 


Obrenovitch', Prinoe ofServia, began to have dreams of a 
new Serb Empire. 

The position of Austria during this period was by no means 
enviable. All along her frontier was a people seeth- 
ing with disaffection ; and her own Dual Government and 
possessions were only held and based on a mere compromise 
by which the Slavs were subjected to the Magyars and 
Germans. It was, indeed, this German element that was so 
important at the moment. Bismarck had foreseen that 
Andrassy would have to count upon the strong German 
feeling in resisting Slav hordes ; and the Czar knew that if 
he attacked Austria to gain territory the German element 
would draw Bismarck into an alliance with Andrassy. He 
thought it advisable, therefore, to agree to work in touch with 
Germany and Austria, and together the three powers 
addressed a sharp note to the Porte. After deliberate con- 
sultation, on December 30th, 1875, the Austrian minister 
issued the " Andrassy Note." He laid bare the general causes 
of the perennial Turkish unrest ; he then pointed out, what 
was perhaps obvious, that the rebels were very successfully 
holding their pwn ; the Turkish promises of reform were 
declared to be far too vague for acceptance ; and it was finally 
suggested that the Powers should insist that Turkey should 
carry out a reform that would last. The character of the 
reform was precisely stated : religious liberty and equality ; 
the abolition of the farming of the taxes ; a guarantee that 
the contributions of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be 
applied to local purposes under the control of the elected 
bodies which had been promised by the Irade of December 12th; 
the introduction of peasant proprietorship for the benefit of 
the peasantry. A committee, composed of Christians and 
Mahomedans in equal parts and elected by the districts, 
was to supervise the reforms, on which the Powers insisted, 
as well as those already promised by the Sultan. 

The proposals received the assent of Berlin and St. Peters- 
burg. The English ministry viewed them in a different light. 
Disraeli's influence predominated, and he followed the tradi- 
tional English policy of supporting Turkey against encroach- 
ments. Considerations of empire pointed in the same 
direction. In November he had startled Europe by a 
purchase of shares which gave England a controlling interest 


in the Suez Canal. The promises of the Sultan were con- 
sidered by the English ministry as serious proposals for 
reform ; the Austrian note was received with disapproval, 
and England's assent was given in the most guarded terms. 
On January 31st, 1876, the scheme of reform was presented 
to the Porte. On February i ith it was, with qualifications, 
accepted. But the Sultan did not proceed further. 

The insurrection continued to spread. The Turkish gover- 
nor, Selim Pasha, was driven out of Bosnia ; and in Servia 
King Milan had obtained for his troops the leadership of the 
Russian General Tchernaief. Up to this moment the Monte- 
negrines had only assisted by means of volunteers, but there 
were now preparations to interfere . In May some Bulgarians 
showed which way the wind blew by murdering some 
Mahomedan police ; and about the same time the Albanian 
hillmen broke into revolt. On May 7th the reprisals on both 
sides ended in the murder of the French and German consuls 
at Salonica, as they were supposed to have assisted in the 
rescue of a girl recently converted to Mahomedanism. 

The Czar and his chancellor, Gortschakoff, met Bismarck 
and Andrassy in conference at Berlin. A common policy was 
agreed upon, and this was embodied in the " Berlin Memoran- 
dum " which was issued on May 13th and immediately for- 
warded to the other Powers. Its first stipulation was for 
a two months' armistice. During that time the Turkish troops 
were to be withdrawn from the country-side of Bosnia, the 
fugitives were to be repatriated, and the reforms, for which 
the Powers had already stipulated, were to be carried into 
effect. The sting lay in the warning, for want of which the 
Andrassy note had miscarried, that the signatories would 
secure their objects, 'if necessary, by " efficacious mea- 
sures." France and Italy assented, but the English Govern- 
ment definitely rejected the memorandum. Lord Derby 
objected that the last clause would set a premium, in the 
eyes of the rebels, on continued resistance. The English 
Government, without making counter-proposals, dispatched 
the Mediterranean Fleet to Besika, an encouragement to 
Turkey which greatly diminished the chances of peaceful 

Before the " Berlin Memorandum " could be presented 
Turkey had been convulsed by a revolution. In April the 


State repudiated its debts and the discontent strengthened 
the hands of the " Young Turkey " party. On May nth 
they ejected the Grand Vizier and Sheik-ul Islam in favour 
of their own nominees. On May 30th tine Sultan was deposed 
and succeeded by his nephew, Murad V., who, three months 
later, gave place to his brother, famous as Abdul Hamid II. 
The promises of liberty which inaugurated the new reign 
were lost in the tumult of indignation which had been 
aroused in England by the news of the methods by which an 
insurrection had been crushed in southern Bulgaria during 
May. Disraeli denied the earlier accounts, and took his 
stand on an exclusively Imperial policy. But public opinion, 
violently shocked by Gladstone's campaign, began to realise 
that the responsibility for the " Bulgarian atrocities " rested, 
in part, on the Power which had encouraged Turkey to resist 
the peaceful compulsion of the European Allies. 

In the meantime the relation between the Powers had been 
somewhat complicated by their lack of unanimity. Lord 
Derby had signified England's disapproval of united action, 
and Russia knew well that to make a move entirely 
upon her own initiative would be impossible. Austriia 
realized that a false step would embroil her in a war 
with Russia ; while it was known that Bismarck would be 
on the side of Austria if Russia declared war. The difficulty 
was settled when the Czar came to terms with the Austrian 
Emperor on July 8th at Reichstadt. They there agreed 
that, if possible, they would both maintain the policy of non- 
intervention ; but that, if this proved impossible, and Russia 
found it necessary to enter Bulgaria, then Austria in turn 
should be allowed to enter Bosnia and Herzegovina. By 
autunm intervention seemed inevitable. In the last days of 
Jime, Servia and Montenegro had determined to enter the 
field against the Mussulman troops. Prince Milan of Servia 
had the assistance of a Russian general, Tchernaieff, and 
his army ciontajned many Russian volunteers. But, in spite 
of these reinforcements, the Turkish troops were everywhere 
successful, and in September Servia lay at the mercy of the 
Sultan. On the 14th of the month the Turks offered terms 
that v;ould have deprived Servia of the last remnant of her 
independence. It was at this moment that Great Britain felt 
obliged to interfere, and Lord Derby proposed that the 

N.E. A A 


status quo should be restored in Servia and Montenegro; 
and that local autonomy should be granted in Bulgarip.,' 
Bosnia, and Herzegovina. 

The Powers presented their demands on September ;2 5th. 
The Porte refused to give up the least particle of sovereignty, 
but was not averse to negotiation. Lord Derby proposed that 
there should be an armistice for a month, and that during this 
period a conference should be held at Constantinople, where 
terms should be discussed, and that if po solution could be 
found and the Sultan refused to give way to the demands,, 
the Ambassador of Great Britain should withdraw. The 
Porte, on the other hand, very cleverly proposed that the 
armistice should last for six months, and at the same time sug- 
gested an elaborate scheme of reform which included special 
terms for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The brilliance of this 
piece of duplicity lay in the fact that it saved the Mahomedan 
army the very serious risks of a winter campaign, and that it 
might catch the wavering good-will of the Liberals in Eng- 
land. The Sultan knew perfectly well that the Powers were 
by no means in full accord. He realized that the Cabinet of 
Great Britain was mio,st anxious to find any excuse for 
adhering to their policy of non-intervention. Lord 
Derby had already protested against the action of the Rus- 
sian Government in allowing large numbers of Russian 
volunteers to join the Servians, and the Sultan saw that these 
volunteers had now become so numerous that they might be 
regarded as a national attack from Russia, and he trusted 
that Lord Derby would recognize in it a deliberate endeavour 
on the part of the Czar to bring on a war between the Russians 
and the Turks. 

Alexander H. was well aware of the schemes of the 
Sultan, and determined to meet them by prompt action. On 
October 14th General Gortschakoff pointed out that the pro- 
posed armistice of six months could only prolong the tension, 
and that Russia was anxious to adhere to the original 
proposal of a month's time. On October 31st more definite steps 
were taken, when Russia's mois.t brilliant diplomatist, Ignatieff, 
presented the Russian ultimatum demanding an armistice for 
six weeks. The demand was put in such a form that the 
Sultan clearly understoiod what Ignatieff meant, and agreed ; 
for he knew quite well that Russia had commenced war pre- 


parations on a. huge scale, and that 200,006 men, under the 
command of the Grand Duke Nicholas, were concentrated 
on the south-western frontier. This ultimatum led to a 
conversation between Alexander II. and Lord Augustus 
Loftus, the British ambassador at St. Petersburg. The 
Czar pointed out that his ultimatum was due to the 
defeat of Servia and the fear of fresh atrocities. He 
showed, what was quite true, that the European inter- 
vention had failed to stop the war ; but he thought that 
if England aJid Russia combined something might be 
done. He solemnly swore that he had no intentions on India, 
and that he had no desire to possess Constantinople. As an 
outcome of this conversation. Lord Derby, on November 4th, 
proposed a conference at Constantinople. A fortnight later 
the Czar accepted the proposal . The Powers, therefore, met to 
deliberate, at first without the Turkish officials, so as to settle, 
if possible, their own differences. They then submitted to 
the Porte certain proposals. They decided that several 
small districts should be ceded to Montenegro and Servia ; 
that Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovina must have auto- 
nomy, and that a Christian Governor should be at the head 
of each. The Ottoman troops were to be confined solely 
tq the fortressejs ; while the " Circassians " were to be sent 
back fropi Bulgaria to Asia. These measures were to be 
carried out by an International Commission supported by 
6,000 Belgian and Swiss gendarmes. 

The Sultan determined upon a counterblast, and on 
December i ith proclaimed the Ottoman Constitution, which 
was to consist of a ministry responsible to parliament,, a senate, 
the members of which were to be nominated by the Sultan, and 
an elected lower house. Having done this the Porte felt that 
it could reject the proposals of the Powers. Savfet Pasha 
pointed out that the Sultan had now given a constitution 
which granted to all his people full freedom ; that by the 
settlement of 1856 the Ottoman Empire had been given equal 
rights with other Powers, and that the Sultan's dominions had 
then been guaranteed. This answer was not regarded as 
satisfactory, and the Czar demanded from the Powers some 
evidence of how far they were willing to go to enforce their 
views. Great Britain was most anxious to avert war, and as a 
means of keeping the peace persuaded Turkey to make terms 

A A 2 


with Servia on February i6th, 1877. Meantime the con- 
ference had been moved to London, and on March 31st an 
order was sent to the Porte insisting th3,t the reforms should be 
carried out. In addition to this, as Russian patience had been 
exhausted, the Czar added an ultimatum. 

The Turkish Government proved obstinate, and Russia, 
having secured the neutrality of the other Powers, declared 
war on April 24th. Alexander joined his army, and an- 
nounced that he would wrest from the Sultan ' ' such securities 
for his fellow-Christians on Turkish soil as were absolutely 
necessary for their future welfare." Army corps were imme- 
diately sent across the Pruth into Roumania, which offered 
them a free passage, and Prince Charles, on May 22nd, 
declared his independence of Turkish rule, at the same time 
leading his Roumanian force to join the Czar. This was a 
very great addition to the Russian army ; for although, as was 
proved in the campaign, the Roumanian infantry were inferior 
in tenacity to the Russians, their artillery and cavalry were 
particularly efficient, and of the greatest assistance during 
the war. 

The Russian army effected the crossing of the Danube on 
June 24th from Simnitza to Sistova and from Ibraila to 
Matchin. The soldiers were now jubilant, for they were on 
Turkish territory and imagined that they would carry every- 
thing before them. Kriidener, the commander of the 9th 
Corps, was sent to the right to capture the obsolete fortress of 
Nicopolis, which he succeeded iti doing on July 17th at 
the cost of 1,300 Russian killed and wounded. He was then 
ordered by the Grand Duke Nicholas to occupy Plevna. This 
was not so easy, for Osman Pasha,* whose name was soon to 
ring throiugh Europe, had recognized its strategical impor- 
tance, and on the day of the fall of Nicopolis had occupied it 
with 40,000 men. He immediately started upon its proper 
fortification, and raised entrenchments from the village of 
Bukova to the Grivitza redoubt . The first attack was made by 
Schilder-Schudner on July 19th, and in this he showed a 
farcical inability to make war. On the 20th the main attack 
was made, but the Russians were forced to retreat, leaving a 
loss of about 3,000 upon the field. On July 30th the obsti- 
nate Grand Duke Nicholas ordered Kriidener to make a more 

• Osman Pasha (1837- 1900) ; born at Amasia. 


determined attack' upon what he regarded as a small TurlcisK 
entrenchment. In this case the losses of the Russians were 
more terrible still. Kriidener blamed Schahofskoy, while the 
latter bitterly assailed the former. As a matter of fact, 
Nicholas was to blame in giving orders from a distance to 
accomplish a feat of arms which he ought to have known to 
be an impossibility. The siege of Osman Pasha's heroic force 
was turned into a blockade, and three and a half months had 
to elapse before the garrison was starved into surrender on 
November loth. In Asia the war was being carried on with 
vigour, and on November 17th and i8th the famous fortress 
of Kars, which had been so well defended by Sir William Fen- 
wick Williams twenty years before, again fell to Russian arms. 
The Russians had been encouraged by their victory over 
Moukhtar Pasha at Aladgh Dagh, and hoped to crush Hous- 
sein Pasha with his 24,000 men in Kars. The attackers 
exhibited great bravery, and General Alkhazoff, in particular, 
led his men with heroic vigour. The Russians captured one 
of the strongest fortifications o'f the day, together with 17,000 
prisoners and over 300 guns. 

In the meantime Servia and Montenegro had declared their 
independence, and the Russians, having become masters of 
Bulgaria, prepared to cross the Balkans. They knew that the 
Schipka Pass was held against them, but by another passage 
they took the Turks in the rear and utterly defeated them on 
January loth, 1878. This victory was followed by another 
under General Gourko,* who defeated Sulieman Pasha in ' 
Roumelia, and by January 19th the Grand Duke Nicholas 
entered Adrianople. The Russians agreed to a truce with 
the Turks on January 30th, and on March 3rd the Treaty of 
San Stefano was accepted by the Sultan. Turkey was to 
pay 300 millions of roubles in cash, and the cession 
of Batoum, Erzeroum, and Kars was to be regarded as 
the equivalent of 1,100 millions more. The strip of 
Bessarabia which had been ceded by the Treaty of 
Paris of 1856 was to be restored to Russia, while for 
its loss Roumania was to receive in compensation the 
Dobrudja. It was also agreed that Roumania, together with 
Servia and Montenegro, were to be recognized as independent 
Powers, the two last also receiving small additions of terri- 
* Joseph Vasilyevitch, Count Gourko (1828-1901). 


tory. Bulgaria,- stretching from tKe Black' Sea to the '^geari, 
was to remain a tributary State, but to be autonomous. 

The treaty of San Stefano must be considered rather as" an 
attempt to tie the haJnds of a future Congress than as an 
expression of Russia's determination to settle the Eastern 
question irrespective of European opinion. The approach of 
Russian troops to Constantinople had raised more problems 
than it solved. Early in February Greece made a desperate 
effort to realise the dream of a kingdom extending along 
the shore of the ^gean. Her hopes were rudely crushed 
by the proposed formation of an united Bulgarian State. 
Servia, Russia's ally, complained of the inadequacy of the 
reward ; Roumania had fared equally badly ; the Maho- 
medans of Bulgaria protested against the new Christian 
Government. Further west, Russia had more serious opposi- 
tion to fear. Andrassy obtained a vote of credit as a pro- 
test against the neglect of Austrian claims in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina. In England the Cabinet had long taken a very 
serious view of the situation, and obtained at the end of 
January an additional credit of £6,000,000 on the ground 
that it would strengthen the hands of the Government in 
negotiations. In February the British fleet was ordered to 
enter the Sea of Marmora. By this time a general Congress 
had, in pi'inciple, been agreed to, and negotiations turned 
on the scope of its deliberations . Russia dissented from the 
view that the Treaty of San Stefano should be reconsidered 
in bulk. The English Cabinet called out the reserves, ^nd 
summoned troops from India. Lord Derby's resignation, 
which was announced March 28th, is said to have been due, 
in part, to the proposal to occupy a port on the coast ofl 
Asia Minor, as a base for our operations in the East, wiith 
or without the assent of Turkey. Lord Salisbury, his suc- 
cessor at the Foreign Office, published a formal protest 
against the Russian claims. By this time, however, the 
efforts of the Russian Government to procure a separate 
agreement with Austria had failed, and the Czar was not 
prepared to face Europe in isolation. 

With the help of Coimt Peter SchouvalofI * a com- 
promise was effected, and the points at issue weie referred to 

• Count Peter Andreievitch Schouvaloff (1829-1889) ; head of the secret police 
1866 ; one of the representatives at the Congress of Berlin 1878. 


the Congress of Berlin under the presidency of Bismarck'. 
This celebrated Congress met on June 13th and sat for 
a whole month. The empire of Germany was repre- 
sented by Bismarck ; Count Andrassy came from Austria ; 
Goitschakoff and Schouvaloff were the Russian delegates ; 
and Great Britain sent the Earl of Beaconsfield and the Mar- 
qui.s of Salisbury. Withih a month the Powers announced that 
they had arrived at an agreement to which the lesser States 
of the Balkans had perforce to agree. The Treaty of Berlin 
was signed on July 13th'. Roumania did not altogether 
approve the result, for 'the Prince had served Russia gallantly, 
and the people regarded them'selves as robbed in the 
exchange of the piece of Bessarabia for the Dobrudja. 
The province of Bulgaria was divided into two parts. 
Bulgaria proper, which remained tributary but was to 
be autonomous ; and Eastern Roumelia, which was to 
be ruled by a Christian government and have a certain 
amount of political freedom, but remain subject to Turkey. 
RoUmania, Servia, and Montenegro were deprived of 
part of the territ|or|ial addition given them by the Treaty of 
San Stefano, but their independence was granted. The 
settlement of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with which the Czar 
had not interfered at San Stefano, regarding them as the care 
of Austria, was riow handed over to that country, until the 
Powers should be able to guarantee them a reformed admi- 
nistration. The arrangements concerning the Dardanelles 
and the Bosphorus were left unaltered. Russia was forced to 
resign Erzeroum, which she had hoped to get by the Treaty 
of San Stefano, but she kept Batoum and Kars. 

Contrary to all appearances, the crisis had been reached 
and passed a whoje month before the Treaty of Berlin was 
signed. On May 30th Lord Salisbury had come to an agree- 
ment with the Russian ambassador in London. Bulgaria was 
to be divided ; Russia was not to insist on retaining the 
Bayazid ; England assented, in spite of " profound regret," 
to the incorporation of Roumanian Bessarabia in the Russian 
empire. In short, the differences which threatened war had 
been composed. The news was kept a secret ; and a some- 
what precise rumour which penetrated to the Globe was 
officially denied. Equal secrecy "was observed with regard 
to another compact, almost simultaneous w'ith the first. On 


June 4th the Sultan had agreed to a secret convention, by 
which, in exchange for the occupation of Cyprus by British 
troops, the Cabinet of St. James's undertook to defend Turkey 
from Russian designs on her Asiatic dominions in the future. 
At the same time the promises of reform made by the Porte 
constituted England, in a special sense, the trustee of the 
Christian population of the Turkish empire. 

Lord Beaconsfield declared that he brought back from 
Berlin " peace with honour." Apart from its domestic 
interest as a side-light on democratic government in England 
after " shooting Niagara," the affair soon appeared in less 
rosy hues than it showed to the plenipotentiaries fresh from 
their diplomatic triumphs. The Powers of Europe, and espe- 
cially England, had become responsible for the fate of their 
co-religionists in the Turkish dominions. Those duties were 
not adequately discharged. Nor was it a complete settlement 
of the Eastern question. Greece, whose claims were not finally 
settled until May 24th, 1881, received Thessaly to the Salam- 
bria on the east and the Arta on the west, together with 
certain districts north of that line. But her national ambition 
was not assuaged, and showed itself in the threat of war in 
1885, and in the disastrous outbreak in 1897. The newly 
created kingdom of Bulgaria was offered to Alexander of 
Battenberg and accepted by him. But the jealousy of the 
royal house of Russia, as well as the patriotic aspirations of 
the Bulgarian race, was destined to, disturb the peace of the 
Near East in the next decade. 

The creation of the new buffer State had at least the effect 
of 'dismissing the danger of Russian advance southward in 
Europe. But, for England, it was only transferred to 
the interior of Asia. In 1863 the Russian territory 
was bounded on the south by a line which started at 
Alexandrovsh, on the east coast of the Caspian Sea, 
crossed the Sea of Aral in a northerly direction, and then 
ran parallel to the river Chu towards the south-east until it 
met the frontier line of China. Since that time Russia has 
made steady advance. In 1867 the whole of Sudaria, and in 
1868 Ferghana, were incorporated, and further advance was 
made in Transcaspia in 1874. No sooner was the Peace of 
Berlin concluded than an expedition was started under General 
Lomakine at exactly the time Great Britain was advancing 


upon! Afghanistan. In September of that year the intrigues 
of Russia with the Amir almost brought about war. It 
had been the policy of the British Government, inaugurated 
by Sir John Lawrence, to refuse to ally with the Afg'han 
dynasty but to support a strong, independent State. Under 
Lord Lytton efforts were made to secure English pre- 
dominance by direct methods. The demand for the admis- 
sion of English representatives alienated Shere Ali, already 
a doubtful friend, and the news of the reception of a Russian 
mission at Cabul strained relations between the two Euro- 
pean Governments, besides precipitating the second Afghan 
war. In 1878 the movement of Russia had been from the 
south-western ports of the Caspian Sea, the main start- 
ing-point being Tchis Klishliar, north of the mouth of 
the Atrek river. From tMs point the Russians had 
conquered the Turcomans, particularly at Geok Tepe in 
1881. The brilliant leader Skobeleff * did not livelong 
enough to continue his advances into Central Asia, but 
others built on the foundations which he had laid, and 
from 1882 to 1884 Russia continued to creep further 
and further south of the Amu Daria or Oxus. The Czar then 
occupied Merv in 1884. By this time Russia was very 
close to Afghan territory, and in 1885 she advanced to 
Sarakhs, which undoubtedly belonged to the Amir. This 
once again nearly led to war, but a peaceful solution was 
arrived at. Sir Peter Lumsden was despatched to arrange 
with General Zelenoy the boundaries, but when he arrived he 
found a Cossack picket at Pul-i-Katun, forty miles south of 
Sarakhs. The terminus of the Russian railway has been 
pushed forward and is now at Kuskh, which is strongly forti- 
fied and only fifty miles from Herat, " the gate of India." For 
the time being, however, the Russian advance has been turned 
on one side, and in 1900 Manchuria was occupied, and the 
question of the Far East opened wider possibilities and even 
more extreme difficulties than any which had arisen in 
Europe . 

Simultaneously with the entanglement of the Powers in the 
affairs of the Turkish empire in Europe a development of the 

* Michael Dmitrievitch Skobeleff (1843-1882) ; fought against the Poles 1863 ; 
took part in the conquest of Khiva and Khokand 1871-1875 ; fought at Plevna, 
the Schipka Pass, and Adrianople 1877-1878. 


Ea'sterh question in Egypt began to occupy the attention of 
England and France and, indirectly, of other governments. 
Its origin was financial. The fluctuation of the cotton in- 
dustry, which had been stimulated by the shortage of cotton 
during the American Civil War, plunged the country from 
unusual prosperity into ruin. The wasteful expenditure of 
Ismail Pasha * had accumulated a burden of national debt . 
Year after year his administration became more despotic and 
more tmsatisfactory. Under his government the " fellah " 
became more impoverished, and his life was one of continual 
and heart-breaking wretchedness. To raise money Ismail 
hit upon the scheme of selling all his Suez Canal shares, 
and Disraeli purchased these for the small sum of £4,080,000 
in i875.f Powerful financial interests in England ^nd 
France were involved. The Cave Mission was sent out ; then 
the Goschen Mission; and in 1876 Evelyn Baring, after- 
wards Lord Cromer, became the Commissioner of the Public 
Debt. Two years later Ismail was obliged to comply with the 
demands of the Powers, and a constitutional ministry was 
formed by Nubar Pasha, with Sir Rivers Wilson and M. de 
Bliguieres as foreign members. Wjthin seven months the old 
Adam broke out again, and Ismail, having intrigued against 
Nubar, launched once more on his career of despotisni. 
Evelyn Baring resigned in 1879, when the Commission 
reported the country to be bankrupt. But the English and 
French Governments demanded from Ismail that he should 
restore their officials. The Sultan now determined to play 
into the hands of the two nations, and deposed Ismail by 
means of a curt telegram informing him that Tewfik his son 
had been made Khedive in his stead. 

Following the deposition of Ismail the Dual Control of 
France and England was instituted. For two years these 
Powers governed Egypt and remained loyal to their engage- 
ments, neither side endeavouring to get the better of the other. 
But for all this cordiality theiir principles were different, and 
Gambetta fiercely opposed any re -establishment of Turkish' 
authority. That this method, however, was unpleasing to the 
;governed was evidenced by thte " insurrection of the 

* Ismail Pasha (1830-1895) ; grandson of Mehemet Ali ; assumed the heredi- 
tary title 1867 ; annexed Dar-Fur in 1874 ; deposed 1879 ; died at Constantinople. 
I In 1906 they were valued at ;f3i,o8o,ooo. 


Colonels" under Arabi Pasha in 1881. To many he 
appeared to be playing a patriotic part, and leading 
a great national movement. The army argued that both' 
Turkey and Europe were too grasping and that their tyranny 
was overbearing. They complained that preference was given 
to the Turkish officers, and that the native Egyptians were 
excluded from their national rights. Finally they urged that 
their religion was the only true faith, and preached a crusade 
against all Christians. Negotiations at Constantinople pro- 
duced no eiifect. The Sultan had reason to view the opera- 
tions of Arabi, anti-Turk though they were in origin, with' 
some approval. France, where the ministry of Gambetta had 
fallen, could not ^resolve on a resolute policy. Elsewhere 
the difficulties of English diplomacy gave satisfaction to 
those whom recent aggressive tactics had offended. In May, 
1882, a combined fleet appeared off Alexandria, but 
the French ships presently withdrew. Massacres and 
renewed fortification led the British fleet to bombard the 
town, and it was occupied by our troops. Arabi, how- 
ever, was not yet subdued, and an army was sent out 
under Sir Garnet Wolseley. Sir Edward Hamley was 
left to keep order at Alexandria, while Wolseley and 
Major-General Graham proceeded to Ismailia. On August 
24th the enemy were routed at Tel-el-Mahuta, arid on 
September 9th' two terrific engagements were fought at 
Kassassin. The enemy were driven back to Tel-el-Kebir, and 
here a complete victory was won over Ar^bi on Septembel: 
13th. Cairo surrendered to a small force of cavalry. The 
Sultan lost no time in changing front, and Arabi was de- 
graded and exiled to Ceylon. 

The news of the success of our troops elicited a very 
general feeling of bitterness on the Continent, and especially 
in France. Criticism fastened especially on two points : our 
neglect to obtain any mandate for action in a matter which 
had been the subject of gener'al deliberation, and the use 
made ;Of the Suez Canal in the operations on land. It was 
replied that the criticism was not candid. Intervention was 
ineviitable ; the French Government had shown itself irre- 
solute and our action had been impeded by the veiled 
hostility of other Powers ; not our methods but our success 
was the real ground of complaint. The dispute, which had 


its analogies iri thte cam'paigTi of recriminatiiori and justifi- 
cation wliicli has usually followed any aggressive movement 
of recent years, was merged in criticism of the occupation 
of Egypt by English' troops. Mr. Gladstone had pledged 
his Government to evacuation, and was especially anxious to 
remove all causes of offence to France. But his hands were 
tied by circumstances. In the existing state of disorganiza- 
tion the presence of an English army and the prestige of 
recent success gave the British advisers of the Khedive, 
aimong them Sir Evelyn Baring, who had returned in the 
capacity of Consul-General, extraordinary authority, and 
bound them with a corresponding obligation. The finances 
were regularised ; thte reform of the army and of the judicial 
system was taken in hland. For the present evacuation re- 
mained an aspiration. 

Another, and a sufficient, reason for the occupation 
was to be fourid in the Soudan, where, in 1881, Mohammed 
Ahmed had proclaimed himself the promised Mahdi and 
raised a revolt which threatened to overwhelm Egyptian rule 
in that province. From 1877 to 1879 " Chinese Gordon " 
had been Go veriior- General. He has been described as 
the Bayard of the nineteenth century, the knight with- 
out fear and without reproach. But it is worth remem- 
bering that Lord Cromer knew him well and said of 
him, " He was hot-headed, impulsive, and swayed by 
his emotions. It is a true saying that he who would govern 
others must first be master of himself. One of the leading 
features of Gordon's strange character was his total absence 
of self-control." After Gordon's withdrawal the old vices 
and weaknesses reappeared and the Mahdi's cause prospered. 
Hicks Pasha was defeated at Kashgil in 1883 ; and Baker 
Pasha was equally unfortunate in his attempted relief of Tokar 
in 1884. 

Early in that year General Gordon had returned to the 
Soudan. His official instructions were to report on the mea- 
sures to be adopted for the security of the European popula- 
tion of Khartum and the garrisons of the Soudan. But he 
was also reappointed Governor-General of the Soudan, and, 
as such, was under the instructions of the Egyptian Govern- 
ment. On taking up his duties he formed the opinion that 
the Soudan should not be entirely abandoned as was the 


intention of the Governtnen't at home. Lord Granville, the 
Foreign Secretary, was unwilling to complicate the temporary 
occupation of Egypt by yielding to Gordon's recommendation 
" to smash the Mahdi." Hostile forces began to gather round 
Khartum in the month of March, and Gordon considered it a 
point of honour not to desert his subordinates in the city. 
In August Lord Wolseley was appointed to command a re- 
lieving force, but its progress was gravely delayed. It reached 
Korte in December, but the exhaustion of the troops ;wasl 
very great. To hasten the rescue Colonel Sir Herbert Stewart 
was sent with a desert column, and fought the battle of 
Abu Klea on January 1 7th, 1 8 8 5, in which the gallant Colonel 
Burnaby was killed, after making an heroic fight against 
great odds. Pushing forward, the column sighted Khartum 
on January 28th, but it had arrived too late, for two 
days previously Gordon had sacrificed his life. General 
BuUer advocated the withdrawal of the force, but before 
doing so the Mahdi was again defeated at Haslim. 

Soon after the Mahdi, who had posed as the Messiah pi 
the people, was poisoned, and was succeeded by the Khalifa 
Abdullah el Taaishi. By 1896 this man had made the 
Soudan untenable,, and it was found necessary to send put 
the Dongola Expedition, and that fertile province was won 
back by Kitchener and Hunter. At the beginning of the next 
year the Khalifa again made trouble, and part of his force 
was defeated on July 29th at Abu Hamed. But the great 
fight was reserved for the year 1898. Skirmishing began on 
the Atbara on March 20th, and only ended in a terrible battle 
on April 8th, when forty chiefs and 3,000 Arabs were slain. 
For a few months there was a lull, but on September 2nd 
the great battle of Omdurman took place. Khartum was 
entered on September 4th. On January 19th, 1900, Osman 
Digna, the uphoilder of the lost cause of the Mahdi, was 
captured . 

The problems raised by the intervention of Europe in 
North Africa have thus received a temporary solution. That 
it is only temporary is recognized by those who are mos't 
competent to judge. Lord Cromer holds the view that to 
withdraw would imperil all that has been achieved. But he 
has also said that, " Our aim is not to rule the Egyptians, 
but tQ teach the Egyptians to rule themselves." 





Duke of Argyll 

Cambridge Modern 

Cameron . 


*Lord Cromer 

Lord Curzon 

De Martens 


Driault . 

Gambetta . 

Holland . 

Klaczko . 

Laveleye . 






Rambaud . 

-J. H. Rose 




La mer noire et Us detroiis de Constantinople. 

The Eastern Question. 
History, Vol. xi. 

Egypt in the Nineteenth Century. 

The Making of Modern Egypt. 

The History of the Ottoman Turks. 

Modern Egypt, 1908. 

Russia in Central Asia. 

Recueil des traites, etc. 

M. Thiers, 1871-1873. 

La Question d'Orient. 


The European Concert in the Eastern Question. 

The Two Chancellors. 

The Balkan Peninsula. 

La France, la Russie et VEurope. 

A lexander III. 

England in Egypt. 

The History of Russia, 1673-1899. 

Mehemet A li. 

Histoire de la Russie. 

History of Servia and the Servian Revolution. 

The Development of European Nations, 1905. 

Geschichte der Turkei. 

The Expansion of Russia. ' 

Le Gouvernement de M. Thiers. 






The Judicature Act passed. 

Mr. Gladstone resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Disraeli. 

The Land Transfer Act passed. 

The Queen became Empress of India. 

Disraeli was created Earl of Beaconsfield. 

Mr. Gladstone stirs the country concerning the Bulgarian atrocities. 

The Transvaal was annexed. 

A Bill for the Confederation of South African Colonies. 


Contemporary Events in the History of Great Britain — continued 

1878. Lord Salisbury became Foreign Secretary. 

Lord Salisbury accompanied Lord Beaconsfield to the Congress at 

1879. The Afghan and Zulu wars. 
Formation of the Irish Land League. 
Severe distress throughout the British Isles. 

1880. Lord Beaconsfield resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Gladstone. 
Great agitation in Ireland. 

1881. Death of Lord Beaconsfield. 
The Irish Land Bill passed. 

1883. Murder of Lord F. Cavendish in Phoenix Park. 

1883. Bills concerning Corrupt Practices, Agricultural Holdings, and 

Bankruptcy passed. 

1884. The Franchise Bill. 

1885. Mr. Gladstone resigned, and was succeeded by Lord Salisbury. 

1886. Lord Salisbury resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Gladstone. 
Introduction of the Home Rule Bill for Ireland. 

Mr. Gladstone resigned, and was succeeded by Lord Salisbury. 

1887. Queen Victoria's Jubilee. 

Imperial Conference at the Foreign Office. 

1888. " Parnellism and Crime " Bill. 

1889. County Councils met for the first time. 


1718. A large part of Servia transferred to Austria by the Treaty of 

1739. Servian territory lost by Austria in the Treaty of Belgrade. 
1817. The patriot Kara George murdered by Milosh Obrenovitch, who 

was proclaimed prince. 
1833-36. The concordat regulated the relations between the Greek Church 

in Servia and the patriarch at Constantinople. 
1839. Milosh Obrenovitch compelled to abdicate, and was succeeded in 

turn by his sons Milan and Michael. 
1842. Michael abdicated, and Alexander Karageorgevich was appointed. 
1859. Alexander resigned, and the aged Milosh was restored. 
i860. Milosh was succeeded by Michael. 

1868. Michael was assassinated, and was succeeded by his cousin Milan. 
1878. By the Treaty of Berlin Servia received large additions of territory. 
1885. War between Servia and Bulgaria. The Servians were defeated at 

1889. Milan abdicated in favour of Alexander, and died 1901. 
1903. Alexander and his queen were assassinated. Peter Karageorgevich 

chosen king. 













Lord Elgin appointed Viceroy. 

Sir John Lawrence appointed 

Lord Mayo appointed Viceroy. 

Lord Northbrooli appointed 

Lord Lytton appointed Vice- 

Queen Victoria proclaimed 
Empress of India. 

The second Afghan War. 

The Marquis of Ripon 
appointed Viceroy. 


The War of North and South. 

Battle of Bull Run. 
Battles of Shiloh, New Orleans, 

Antietam, Fredericksburg, and 

Battles of Chancellorsville, Gettys- 
burg, Vicksburg, Chickamauga 

and Chattanooga. 
Battles of the Wilderness, Atlanta 

Nashville, Savannah. 
The war ended. Andrew Johnson 

elected President. 
General Grant elected President. 


I [ French 

I j German 

I Independent 

JE^pta An^lo-^yptian Sudan 
[ " " "[ Congo Free State 
\~ Portuguese 

I I Spanish 

I ~] Turkish 

Bewtholome.Wj £dinr 

The Rising of Mehemet Ali. 

War with Turkey. 

Ill-success of 
Sultan's troops. 


Russian fear lest 

Turkey should be 

regenerated . 

Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, July, 1833. 

Rivalry ol England 
and Russia. 

Russia, Prussia, 

and Austria draw 

together at Miinchengratz, 

September, 1833. 

France supported 
Mehemet Ali. 

Treaty of London, 1840, 

between Russia, Prussia, 

Austria, and England. 


Anger of French. 


Preparations for 


Mehemet question 

Temporary alliance 

between England 

and Russia. 

The Dardanelles closed. 

Delusive calm, 1842. 
The storm burst. 

Nicholas disliked 
Palmerston, 1848. 

Russia hated by France. 

of Napoleon III. 

The question of 
the Holy Places. 

Russia still had 
designs on Turkey. 

Nicholas proposed 

the dissolution 

of Turkey. 


occupied the 

The Ultimatum 




The English and French Fleets entered the Black Sea. 

The Crimean War. 

The defeat of Russia. 

The Peace of Paris, 1856. 

Tremendous loss of life. 

The Black Sea closed. 
Ruptured by Russia, 1870. 

Turkey guaranteed. 

Turks thought 

they had been 


Rise of " Young 
Turkey" Party. 


Turned Russia towards 
aggrandizement in the Balkans. 

Pan-Slavism openly preached. 

A rising in Herzegovina. 


Rising in Bulgaria 
and Servia. 

Dreams of a 
Serb Empire. 

The meeting 

of the Three Emperors 

to settle the Eastern 

Question, 1872. 

Europe demands 
reforms, 1875. 

A mutual fear 
of war. 

Increase of Turkish power. 

Continuance of 

The Andrassy Note, 
December, 1875. 

Acceptance by Turkey, 
but continued revolt. 

Activity of " Young Turkey " Party. 
-^ 1 

Murder oi the French 
and German Consuls. 

The Meeting of the Three 
Emperors, May, 1876. 

The Berlin Memorandum. 

Refused by England. 

Failure of Memorandum. 

Revulsion of feeling 
in England. 

Derby offered terms. 


Russia sent 
an Ultimatum. 
October, 1876. 

Russia not satisfied. 

Dreams of a 
Serb Empire. 

Europe demands 
reforms, 1875. 

Increase of Turkish power. 

Continuance of 

Activity of " Young Turkey " Party. 

Belief in 
Pan-Islamism increased. 

Bulgarian atrocities 

Deposition of Abdul Aziz. 

Enthronement of 
Abdul Hamid. 


(i) Status quo 

in Servia and Montenegro. 

(2) Autonomy 

in Bulgaria, Bosnia, 

and Herzegovina. 

Turkey refused the 

demands, but 

claimed six months' 



The Sultan's Counterblast, 
" The Ottoman Constitution," 
December, 1876. 


The subject Christian 

Races declare war. 


Servia and Montenegro 

work badly together. 

Defeat of the Rebels 

Intervention thought necessary. 

Conversation between 

Lord A. Loftus and 


Conference at Constantinople. 


Conference in London 

Turkey made terms 
with Servia. 

A mutual fear 
of war. 


The Andrassy Note, 
December, 1875. 

Acceptance by Turkey, 
but continued revolt. 

Murder oi the French 
and German Consuls. 

The Meeting of the Three 
Emperors, May, 1876. 

The Berlin Memorandum. 

Refused by England. 

Failure of Memorandum. 

among the Powers. 

Alliance of Russia, 
Prussia, and Austria, 

through mutual 
distrust at Reichstadt. 


A second Ultimatum. 
The Russo-Turkish War. 

Defeat of Turkey. 
The Treaty of San Stefano. 

Displeasing to England. 

Servia and Montenegro declared 
their independence. 


Conference of the Powers. 
The Congress at Berlin, 187! 

[P. 3OSA. 

-■ J«. 



Some Previous Important Dates in Colonial History 

1779. Firsi Kaffir war with Dutch settlers. 

1783. The Treaty of Versailles, and loss of American colonies. 

1787. Convict settlements in Australia. 

1790. Quarrel between England and Spain over the affair of Nootka Sound. 

1792. Constitutional Act for Canada. 

1793-^. Capture of the French West Indian Islands. 

1795. Capture of the Cape of Good Hope. 

1796. Capture of the Dutch colonies of Ceylon, Essequibo, and Demerara. 

1797. Capture of Trinidad. 
1800. Capture of Malta. 
1803. Capture of Guiana. 

1814. Purchase of the Cape of Good Hope. 

1817. Incorporation of the Bank of New South Wales. 

i8ig-2i. Settlement of 5,000 British in South Africa. 

1826. Settlement of British in West and North Australia. 

1830-33. Settlement of French in Algeria. 

1832-42. Settlement of 70,000 British in New South Wales. 

1833. Abolition of slavery in British Colonies. 

1834-35- The Sixth Kaffir war. 

1836. Colonization of South Australia, and foundation of Adelaide. 

1836-40. The Great Trek : 10,000 Boers move out of British territory. 

1837-38. The Papineau rebellion in Canada. 

1838. Lord Durham appointed Govern or- General of Canada. 

1839. Occupation of Aden. 

1840. The Act of Union for Canada. 
1843. Natal annexed by the British. 

1843. The Treaty of Waitangi, and annexation of New Zealand. 

1845. Purchase of Danish colonies in the East Indies by the British. 

1846-49. Repeal of the Navigation Acts. 

1848. Acknowledgment of British suzerainty by the Boers of the Orange Free State. 

1850. Constitutional Act for Australia. 

1852. The Sand River Convention recognized the Independence of the Transvaal. 

1852. Constitutional Act for New Zealand. 

1853. Abandonment of transportation of convicts to Australia. 

1854. The Bloemfontein Convention recognized the Independence of the Orange Free State. 
1854-55. The gold-rush to Australia. 

1863-72. The Maori Wars. 

1 867. British North America Act- 

i86g. Suez Canal opened. 

1869-70. Riel's Red River rebellion in Canada. 

1871. Basutoland annexed to Cape Colony. 

1872. Responsible Government granted to Cape Colony. 

Two new features present themselves to the student after 
the conclusion of the Treaty of Berlin, The first is a very 

N.E. B B 


remarkable revolution in the ambitions of the Great Powers. 
The eyes of all European statesmen are no longer turned 
towards the interests and dangers of the northern Con- 
tinent, but great issues are now at stake in the vast territories 
of Asia and Africa. Up to the epoch-making Treaty of 
1878, the chief ministers of France, Russia, Austria, and the 
German Empire looked only to the foreign politics of their 
neighbours. The statesmen of Great Britain throughout the 
nineteenth century had not done so, they had ever had a 
wider field of vision ; the horizon of their imaginations had 
been far more distant, so that during the Victorian era the 
British Empire had grown and expanded, while the colonial 
ambitions of other nations had either lain dormant or had 
never existed. 

The second remarkable feature of recent European history 
is " the armed peace." Lord Beaconsfield returned from the 
conference in the German capital, bringing with him " peace 
with honour." Had he been able to foresee what such a 
peace meant he milght not have been so self-congratulatory. 
For thirty years there have been no European disturbances, 
except upon the very outer friinge of the Continent ; but this 
peace, the legacy of Bismarck and Moltke, h'as been pur- 
chased at a heavy price. Every Power has expended annu- 
ally vast sums upon their armies and navies ; and, at the 
present time, the burden is more apparent than ever before. 
National rivalries to-day are of the bitterest, and the strain 
upon the resources of the people of all nations is brought 
almost to snapping poinj:. Peace there has been, but it is 
peace founded upon fear. The animosities of the great 
nations have not been assuaged. But their force has spent 
itself in diplomatic encounters, in moves and counter-moves, 
in forming and breaking asunder combinations of allies. 
Europe has been like a battlefield during a truce ; there has 
been no war, but the thought of war and its near approach 
has rarely been absent from the minds of statesmen. 

The beginning of this extraordinary change lies in the 
struggle between France and Prussia in 1870 — 71 ; and in 
the augmentation of the unrest and unrestricted ambitions 
of certain Powers owing to the disturbances in the Near East 
between 1875 ^^'^ 1878. The Treaty of Berlin, which 
was to give peace, was the beginning of another period 


of unrest and intrigue. From that moment the "Holy 
Alliance " of the three Emperors was fundamentally 
shaken and began to collapse. The German chancellor 
at once realized the situation and courted the good-will 
of Austria. This, even before it was fully understood, 
led to attacks on German policy in the Russian Press, 
and these diatribes were answered with' equivalent bitterness 
from Berlin. The fact was, that since the Treaty of San 
Stefano Russia had aroused general suspicion, and after the 
Treaty of Berlin the Czar found himself defeated and isolated 
in the Courts of Europe. It was then suggested that Russia 
should make an alliance with the French Republic. Long 
years before Napoleon had allied with' Alexander at Tilsit, 
and it was thought that a similar spirit of friendliness might 
be renewed . Certainly for seventy years such a sentiment had 
not been felt in either country ; but this was only natural, 
for Alexander I., after 18 15, had been obliged to adhere 
to his self -created Holy Alliance ; while his successor, 
Nicholas I., was always regarded as an ardent opponent of 
reform, and the Russians knew that the French people had 
exhibited much sympathy for the Poles in 1863. But after 
1878 the desire for alliance was expressed with emphasis on 
both sides. Prince Gortschakoff strongly approved of it be- 
cause he saw in such a union a very heavy blow to the 
schemes of the German chancellor. 

Prince Bismarck had, in September, 1879, made a defensive 
alliance at Gastein with Count Andrassy. The Hungarian 
statesman was about to retire, and endeavoured to make the 
way as easy as possible for his successor. Baron Haymerle. 
The treaty was kept secret for some time, but when published 
the Marquis of Salisbury described it as " glad tidings of 
great joy." This sentiment, however, was not felt in Russia, 
France, or Italy ; and feeling ran so high that in the spring 
of 1880 there was a fear of war between Russia and Germany. 
But three things tended to prevent this. Russian ministers 
found they had quite enough to struggle with at home in the 
mysterious Nihilism, " the most determined and ruthless em- 
bodiment of the revolutionary spirit." General Melikoff, with 
dictatorial power, did his best to suppress the movement, 
but without any great success. The proposed increase of 
the German army was another very serious, item for the con- 

B B 2 


sideratiori of Russian statesmen, and tHere is little doubt that 
this military expansion was " intended to make an impression 
on the European imagination." The only possible ally for 
Russia was, at the moment, France, and that country had am- 
bitions of her own that would have embarrassed the schemtes 
of the northern Power. After 1878 France again displayed 
colonial activities ; and, on May 2nd, 1881, by the Treaty 
of Bardo, the French declared Tunis to be under their pro- 
tection. This caused immense ferment amongst the Italians, 
who had both pretensions and interests in northern Africa ; 
they felt that they had been tri'cked and despoiled. Riots 
at once broke out in Southern France, and conflicts of a com- 
paratively severe nature took place between French and Italian 
workmen. At Rome the Cairoli Cabinet fell, and the 
" Ministry of Affairs," formed by Signor Depretis, broke off 
diplomatic relations with France. Peace, however, was pre- 
served, but there was a final and complete rupture between 
the Italian and French peoples. The Tunisian campaign 
also illustrated very clearly the imperfection of the French 
military system, so that neither Russia nor Italy could depend 
upon so uncertain an ally. 

The Italian Government turned almost immediately to Ger- 
many ; but even here there were difificulties in the way of 
creating a really firm union. The Italian patriots still re- 
garded Austria as their natural enemy, and still clamoured 
for the inclusion of the Italian Tyrol and Trieste within the 
limits of their kingdom . Bismarck himself was not so anxious 
for the alliance, for he personally disliked and distrusted 
the Radical Italian ministers, and he- was no longer as ardently 
anti -Papal as he had been. He had learnt that Roman Catho- 
licism might prove very useful against the increasing power 
of the social democrats in Germany ; and there is every 
reason for saying that at this time he was deliberately pre- 
paring to come to terms with his old arch-enemy. He had 
been partially led to this course by Papal action, for the Pope 
had written to the Archbishop of Cologne very strongly 
lamenting the progress of socialism, and making a sympa- 
thetic reference to Bismarck's anti-socialistic campaign. The 
alliance, however, was bound to come. In October, 188 1, 
the King and Queen of Italy visited Vienna with the obvious 
intention of throwing " Italian influence openly into the scale 


with the Imperial allies." The Triple Alliance between 
Austria, Germany, and Italy was actually accomplished in 
1883, and received the benediction of Mr. Gladstone, 
who had succeeded Lord Beaconsfield some three year^ 
bef oir<e . r 1 : 1 ' ! ' i 

Bismarck was not as anxious to break with Russia as 
Gortschakofi had been to break with Germany. The great 
German statesman desired to preserve, if possible, perfectly 
friendly relations, but he found it no easy task. If 
he had placed any hopes in Alexander II., the Emanci- 
pator of the Serfs, they were dashed to the ground by 
the news of the Czar's murder. On March 13th, 188 1, 
Alexander II. met his death after signing a ukase which 
might have ultimately led to constitutional government 
in Russia. Alexander III. succeeded his father without 
any clearly-marked signs of popular restlessness; but the 
Nihilists had to be combated, and this was done, by repression 
rather than by concession, under the leadership pi General 
Ignatieff, who was placed at the head of the internal govern- 
ment. The new Czar was regarded as strongly anti -German 
and the champion of Pan -Slavism ; but behind this he was 
a great believer in peace, and he did his utmost to remove 
all occasions and apprehensions of war. It was this attitude 
and his clearly-expressed desire to enter cordially into the 
concert of Europe that caused the continuance of good feeling 
between the northern empire and Germany. All distrust 
gradually disappeared, largely owing to the visits of M. de 
Giers,* the successor of Gortschakofi, to Berlin, Vienna, and 
Rome, in the early months of 1883. 

France, however, was not included in this good-fellowship. 
Up to 1882 the French nation had retained cordial relations 
with Great Britain, for it was Mr. Gladstone's purpose to 
avoid Continental entanglements . But after that date affairs 
in Egypt had tended to strain the entente cordiale between the 
two nations. By 1883 France found herself isolated in 
Europe. The Parisians had foolishly insulted the King of 
Spain, which drove the Spaniards into an alliance wth Ger- 
many. At the same time the jealousy of Portugal had been 
aroused over the question of the territories adjoining the 
Niger and the Congo. And even the pacific Switzerland 
• Nicholas Carlovichde Giers (1820-1 895); appointed Foreign Minister in 1882. 


had been angered by an ill-timed military demonstration in 

The general success of the policy of Germany or of the 
German chancellor seemed to reach its climax in September, 
1884, when the three Emperors met at Czernovitz, the capital 
of Bulsovina, on the Pruth. Here Czar Alexander III. and 
William I., Emperor of Germany, signed a secret treaty 
guaranteeing " benevolent neutrality " if either were attacked. 
The good feeling between the two nations was also increased 
by Bismarck's tacit encouragement of Russian ambitions in 
Asia. There was, however, very little likelihood of main- 
taining the Dreikaiserbund, for almost immediately trouble 
arose in the Balkans . Prince Alexander of Battenberg * had 
been elected Prince of Bulgaria on April 29th, 1879, and 
at that time had been under the influence of the Czar. But 
gradually there had been a revulsion against this Russian 
influence ; and, on September i8th, 1885, a bloodless revo- 
lution in Philippopolis had overthrown the Government pf 
Gavril Pasha . Eastern Roumelia ^vas then joined to Bulgaria, 
and Alexander was proclaimed " Prince of the Two Bul- 
garias." The Powers protested, but nothing more. But 
Servia, under King Milan, preferred to risk the arbitrament 
of war. The Servian army was utterly defeated on Novem- 
ber 19th at Slivnitza, and was forced to retreat through 
the Dragoman Pass. Prince Alexander then pressed on, and 
having crossed the Servian frontier, captured Pirot, and King 
Milan submitted after a fortnight's campaign. In August, 
1886, however, the Russophiles of Bulgaria turned against 
their ruler, overpowered him in his palace ^t Sofia, forced 
him to resign, and carried him a prisoner to Reni beyond the 
Russian frontier. He regained his throne, but was finally 
induced to abdicate ,at the end of September, and was sue 
ceeded by Prince Ferdinand of Coburg, who was eventually 
reconciled to the Russian royal house. Greece, meanwhile, 
was with difficulty prevented from using force to support her 
claim to Thessaly. When, in 1897, a conflict occurred, the 
Turkish tro,ops proved greatly superior, and Greece had to 
renounce her hopes of annexing the island of Crete, which 
was placed by the Powers under an autonomous government. 

* Prince Alexander of Battenberg (1857-1893) ; second son of Prince Alexander 
of Hesse by a morganatic spouse, the Countess Hauke (1825-1895). 


In the German Empire changes had followed one another 
with startling rapidity. In March, 1888, William I. died, and 
was succeeded by the Crown Prince Frederick. His death 
on June i 5th, and the succession of the present Emperor, 
William II., was followed two years later by the retirement 
of Bismarck, who had endeavoured to insist on controlling 
the relations of other ministers with the Crown. He was 
succeeded by General Caprivi,* and the secret Treaty of 
ICzernovitz was allowed to lapse. 

Important as are the internal events of this period, the chief 
questions at stake are, in truth, extra-European, and lie in 
" the scramble for Africa." Great Britain had been interested 
in the southern continent since the capture of the Cape of 
Good Hope, on behalf of the Stadtholder, in 1795, ^.nd its 
purchase i'n 1 8 1 4 . From that tim.e there had been everlasting 
difficulties ; British statesmen seemed always to take the 
wrong turn " in the maze of African politics " ; and their 
difficulties were undoubtedly accentuated by the ever -recur- 
ring outbreaks of Zulu and Kaffir wars. The Sand River 
Convention of 1852, and the recognition of the Orange Free 
State, are two of the landmarks of South African history. 
In 1877 the Transvaal, then at its very lowest ebb through 
misrule and native perils, was annexed by Sir Theophilus 
Shepstone. This important step was nullified by the unpopu- 
larity of the British Governor, Sir William Lanyon — an 
unpopularity which ultimately led to the first Boer war. Mr. 
Gladstone and his Cabinet would not continue the struggle, 
and the Transvaal was returned to the Boers in 1881. Con- 
siderable alterations in the relations between the British and 
the Boers were made ih 1884, and for some years the Trans- 
vaal was under despotic rule. Between October, 1899, and 
June, 1902, the second Boer war was waged with deter- 
mination and spirit on both sides. The outcome of the con- 
test was the annexation by Great Britain of the Transvaal and 
Orange Free State, both of which have been finally merged 
into a federated South Africa. 

Meantime Germany had launched upon a colonial policy in 
Africa, in June, 1883, when the territory Angra Pequena, or 

* Georg Leo, Graf von Caprivi (1831-1899) ; entered the army 1849 ; fought 
in the campaigns of 1864, 1866, and 1870 ; head of the Admiralty 1883-1888 ; 
made a Commercial Treaty with Russia 1894 ; dismissed in the following October. 


Liideritz Land, was annexed! The British Government, after 
taking the opinion of the Cape Government, acquiesced, but 
became much' alarmed when, on July 5th, 1884, the same fate 
befell both Togoland, with its chief port, Lome, and, on July 
1 4th the Cameroons . British fears were still further increased 
by the French advance towards the Niger, and the Government 
of the United Kingdom hastened to recognize the treaties made 
with the chiefs of the district by the British United African 
Company. About the same time the question of the owner- 
ship of the territory bordering upon the Congo River aroused 
the attention of European statesmen. Great Britain had, in 
February, 1884, recognized the claims of Portugal, which 
raised a general outcry from the rest of the Powers. A con- 
ference was, therefore, called at Berlin, which sat from 
November 15th to January 30th, 1885, and settled the great 
question which had originally been brought before the world 
by Henry Stanley as far back as 1877.* The conference 
recognized the Congo Free State, and secured freedom of 
navigation and trade for all nations ;, the slave trade was to 
be suppressed, and the natives were to, be well treated. In 
view |Of the complications involved in the race for colonies, 
it was agreed that only effective occupation should give a 
valid title to armexations ; and the terminology of dip- 
lomacy was enriched by the distinction, drawn at this 
time, between acquisitions of territory and " spheres of 

The introduction of the new definition was only one 
of many things which marked the conference at Berlin 
as particularly important. All the European Powers 
except Switzerland sent represental^ives, and for the first 
time in history the Unit,ed States entered the concert 
of Europe. This was, indeed, a very remarkable step, and it 
may well be coxmted as the entrance of the Americans into a 
wider field of politics. From this moment Germany made 
rapid strides in colonial advance. The German people 
adopted their new policy with the greatest avidity. In April, 
1885, they seized the Continental possessions of the Sultan of 
Zanzibar. Four years later German East Africa, as it now 

* Sir Henry Morton Stanley (1841-1904) ; by birth an American ; sent to "find 
Livingstone " 1871 ; traced the course of the Congo 1876 ; sent to relieve Emin 
Fasha 1886 ; naturalized as a British subject 1892, 


came to be called, was placed under an Imperial Com- 

To Great Britain all these movements were of considerable 
interest. The country, as a whole, felt, on occasions, the very- 
greatest ill-will, but the Government always remained firm, 
and ever showed the most conciliatory attitude towards the 
rule and policy of Emperor William II. With France, too, 
there were difficulties, which have been overcome by the 
patience and wisdom of statesmen on either side. An amic- 
able agreement was made in August, 1889, by which the 
relationship between France and Great Britain was regulated 
on the Gambia and in Sierra Leone. In 1890 a further 
scheme was evolved by which the " spheres of influence " in 
Central Africa were satisfactorily defined. At the same time 
the French protectorate in Madagascar was recognized ; and 
the French Government was allowed to assume complete con- 
trol over the Sahara from the southern confines of Algeria to 
the Upper Niger and Lake Tchad. In the same year, on 
July 1st, another treaty was made by which Germany recog- 
nized the British protectorate over Zanzibar and Pemba and 
abandoned her claims in Uganda ; in return. Great Britain 
bestowed upon Germany the little island of Heligoland. 

The newly-formed kingdom of Italy was not to be left 
behind in this colonial race. By 1880 Italy had become a 
Continental Power, and followed the example of other Powers 
in attempting to gain a foothold in Africa. In 1882 the Italian 
Government annexed Assaib on the Red Sea. Three years 
later Massowa vs^as seized ; and in 1888 the whole of the coast 
from Cape Kasar to Obok was acquired. In the following 
year the Italians took over a part of the Somali coast, by 
which they came in contact with Great Britain. Any jealousy 
that might have ensued was dissipated by the agreement of 
March, 1891. 

France during the period had laid claim to great parts of 
Africa, but had shown equal interest in colonial expansion 
elsewhere. Owing to the energy of the Cabinet of M. Ferry,* 
in July, 1883, a French protectorate was established over 
Annam and Tonkin, where the hero Riviere and Admiral 
Courbet had some hard fighting. This extension of the French 
dominions was recognized by China two years later. Thus 

* Jules Franjois Camille Ferry (1832-1893) ; Mayor of Paris 1870-1871. 


the French' approached, but did not reach, the British boun- 
daries in the East. In 1885 Great Britain was forced to 
take action, and seized the territory of King Theebaw of 
Burma. The British ministers in doing this had counted 
upon the kingdom of Siam continuing to act as a buffer State 
between the Eastern possessions of the two European nations. 
But this position was not to last for long, as France took the 
opportunity of quarrelling with the King of Siam. The 
blockade of the Siamese capital by French gunboats led 
to a period of tension between the Governments of France 
and England. But, after negotiations extending over a 
period of three years, a satisfactory agreement was reached 
in 1896. 

By these numerous colonial agreements the much -dreaded 
European war, which has hung like a black thunder-cloud 
over the northern Continent since 1878, has been averted. 
The cloud has not yet burst. The awful disastier has been 
at least postponed, and the most terrible page in the history 
of modern man has not yet been written. The ideal of an 
international scheme of arbitration has not been realized. 
Peace conferences remind Europe of her duty, but they serve 
also to reveal the antagonisms of national ambition. Yet, 
though the last thirty years have presented innumerable occa- 
sions for war, the peace of Europe has remained almost 
unbroken. It is customary to attribute the blessings of peace 
to the preparations for war ; and it is certain that the vast 
armaments of to-day need no other justification, if it be true 
that thus, and thus only, can the world be ransomed. But 
the armed peace, while it has preserved Europe from war, 
yet keeps her in perpetual jeopardy. The cost of national 
services towers higher year by year ; improvements in the 
arts of destruction are invented and adopted, to grow obso- 
lete ^most in the process, and humanity shudders when it 
foresees the hideous possibility. But diplomacy burrows put 
of sight in tortuous labyrinths, and the nations, deprived of 
authentic knowledge of their neighbours' temper or ambi- 
tions, wake from oblivion into panics of alarm or are goaded 
into the racial furies which are the relic of their evolution 
from barbarism. War remains no longer the business, but 
still the preoccupation of Europe. Pacific, industrious popu- 
lations lie at the mercy of the statesman or publicist who 


forgets humanity in the mirage of the ecstatic moment which 
crowns the victories of diplomacy and war. 

If there is hope for the future, it rests on the growth of 
those forces which obliterate rather than accentuate our 
divisions. The commercial and financial interests of Euro- 
pean nations are to-day so closely interwoven that war might 
prove the ruin alike of victor and vanquished. This danger 
and the growing urgency of social reforms and domestic 
needs may yet bring the nations to share the conviction that 
the common enemy, barring all the roads of progress, is war, 
and the blackmail which the terror of war wrings from us 
year by year. 






Fraser . 

Maurice . 
-J. H. Rose 
Stanley . 
Stepniak . 
Stepniak . 

Wauters . 

Dk Volkswerthshaftliche Eniwickdung Bulgariens 

von 1879. 
The New South Africa. 
Ftirst Bismark und seine Zeit. 
England and Russia in Central Asia. 
The Congo State, 
he Congo Historique. 
General Boulanger. 
Bismarck and State Socialism. 
The Peasant State, 

The History of the War in South Africa. 
Disraeli and his Day. 
Senegal et Soudan. 
Das Furstenthum Bulgarien. 
A History of the Colonization of Africa. 
Donau Bulgarien u. der Balkan. 
The Memoirs of Paul Kruger, told by Himself. 
La Bulgarie dans le Passe et le Prisent. 
Timbuktu, Reise durch Morokko. 
A lexander III. 
Prince Bismarck. 

A Historical Geography of the British Colonies. 
King Leopold II. : his Rule in Belgium and the 

History of the War in South Africa [Official). 
Life of William Ewart Gladstone. 
The Development of European Nations, 1905. 
History of Contemporary Europe. (Translation.) 
Life of Lord Beaconsfield. 
The Congo and Founding of the Free State. 
In Darkest Africa. 
Underground Russia. 
Nihilism as it is. 
History of South Africa. 
Public Opinion and Lord Beaconsfield. 
General Boulanger et la Conspiration Monar- 

UEtat IndSpendant du Congo. 


Aarau, 53 

Abbott, Mr., 150 

Abdallah Pasha, 236 

Abdul Hamid I., 152 

Abdul Hamid II., 353 — 353, 362, 363 

AbduUah-el-Taaishi, the Khalifa, 365 

Abd-ul-Medjid, Sultan, 239 

Abensburg, battle of, 127 

Abercrombie, Sir Ralph, 60, 73 

Aberdeen, fourth Earl of, 138 

Aberdeen, fifth Earl of, 221, 245 — 247, 

288, 289, 301 
Aboukir Bay, battle of, 52, 127 »., 198 
Abrial, Andr^, Comte, 53 
Abu Hamed, battle at, 365 
Abu Klea, battle of, 365 
Abyssinia, expedition to, 322 
Achmet Pasha, 239 
Acre, battle of, 53, 82, 198 

„ attack on (1832), 236 

„ capture of (1840), 240 
" Acte AdditionelU" 145 
Adams, John, 39 

„ President, 217 
Adana, district of, 237 
Addington, Lord Sidmouth, 42, 61, 86, 

Aden, 369 

Adige, the river, 282 
Adrianople, Archbishop of, 200 
,, attack on, 357 

,, capitulation of, 210 

,, Treaty of, 1829. ..211, 212, 

" Affaire Pritchard," 225, 243 
Afghanistan, 217, 288, 361, 367, 368 
"Aide toi et le del t'aidera," 218 
Aix, election at, 13 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress at, 1748... 
158 ». 
„ Conference at, 

1818...182, 186, 187 
Akkerman, Treaty of, 208, 209 
Aladgh Dagh, battle at, 337 
Alambagh, 286 

Alba de Tormes, battle of, ir3 
Albania, ig8 
Alberche, the river, 112 
Albert, Prince Consort of England, 

245, 268, 322 

Albert, Archduke, 281 
„ Martin, 250, 250 «. 

Albrecht, Archduke, 329 

Albuera, battle of, 115, 121 

Albuquerque, General, 114 

Aleppo, Pasha of, 236 

Alessandria, armistice at, 58 

Alexander I., 60, 65, 84, 92, 94, 95, 99, 
100, loi, 107, 124, 126, 130 — 133, 
133 »■, 136, 137, 141. 167, 168, 171, 
i74i 178—184, 187, 191, 192, 200—202, 
2o5, 207, 228, 229 »., 371 

Alexander II., 298, 299, 302, 317, 319, 
324, 328, 349—352, 354—356, 371. 373 

Alexander III., 324, 373, 374 

Alexander, King of Servia, 367 

Alexander, Prince of Battenberg, 360, 
374> 374 »■ 

Alexander, Prince of Hesse, 374 n. 

Alexandra, Queen of Edward VII., 322 

Alexandria, battle of, 60 
,, blockade of, 82 

threatened, 1840. ..240 
,, bombardment of, 363 

Alexandrovsh, 360 

Alfieri, Count, 49, 49 n. 

Alfonso XII., 234 «., 324 

Alfonso XIII., 324 

Algarve, province of, 233 

Algeria, 143 «., 218, 219, 223, 246, 272 n. , 
273 «., 277 «., 292, 293 n., 299 H., 
335 »•. 336 »., 338 «., 339 «■ 

Alhandra, 113 

Ali Pasha, 198, 198 «., 202, 204 

Ali Pasha of Drama, 204 

Alkhazofif, General, 337 

Allocution, the, 239, 272 

Alma, battle of the, 292, 293 

Almeida, 112, 113, 121 

Almerez, 117 

Almonacid, 113 

Alsace, 43, 332, 334, 341 

Alsen, island of, 306 

Altenkirchen, battle of, 60 n. 

Alvinzi, Baron, 51, 51 n. 

Amacoas, victory in, 234 

Amadeo I., 324 

Amadeus III., 44, 49, 94 

Amherst, Lord, 217 

Amiens, Treaty of, 61, 82, 86, 8g, 90, 166 
,, capture of, 339, 346 



Amu Daria, the river, 361 

Amurath V. , Sultan, 350, 352 

Anapa, gain of, 211 

Ancona, 51, 252, 279 

Andalusia, 117, iig 

Andrassy, Count, 349, 349 «., 351, 352 

" Andrassy Note," the, 351 

Angra Pequena, 375, 376 

Anna, Grand Duchess, 131 

Annam, French Protectorate, 377 

Ansbach, 95, 156, 159 

Antietam, battle of, 368 

Anti-Eugeniani, the, 231 

Antwerp, 39, 47, 128 

Arabi Pasha, 362 

Arago, Emanuel, 250, 250 n. 

Aragon, 119, 190 

Aranda, Don Pedro, 42 

Arcis-sur-Aube, battle of, 142 

Areola, battle of, 51 

Areizaga, General, 113 

Argau, 231 

Argonne, country of, 44 

Argos, 203 «., 204 

" Armed neutrality," the, 59 — 5o 

Armellini, triumvir of Rome, 252 n. 

Armero, Spanish minister, 302 

Arrah, 286 

Arras, Robespierre at, 30 

Arta, Gulf of, 212 

Aschaffenburg, 175 

Ashburton Treaty, 217 

Ashford v. Thornton, case of, 196 

Ashley, Lord, 242 

Asis, Francisco de, 247 

Aspern, battle of, no «., 113 «., 127 

Aspromonte, 252 «., 273 »., 280 

Assab, annexation of, 377 

Assam, 217 

Assignats, the, 13, 33 

Astorga, 121 

Asturias, the, 190 

Atbara, fighting on the, 365 

Athens, 206 

Atlanta, battle of, 368 

Auerstadt, battle of, 98, 106, 125 »., 

127 n. 
Auerstadt, Duke of, 127 ». 
Augereau, Pierre, 34,34»., 50, 89, 144 
Augustenburg, house of, 303, 312, 323 
Austerhtz, battle of, 85, 95, 96, 97, 106, 

no n., 127 n., 133 n., 142 »., 227 n. 
Australia, 369 
Austria, passim. 
Avignon, 43, 51, I75 
Azof, 152 


Babeuf, Fran9ois, 34, 34 «. 
Bacciocchi, brother-in-law of Napoleon 

I., 94 

Baccon, battle near, 346 
Bach, Minister of Justice, 262 
Badajoz, fort of, 115, 116, 122 

,, treaty of, 105 
Baden, 94, 189, 245, 257, 265, 326 
Bagration, Prince, 133, 133 n. 
Bailly, Jean S., 8, 8 n. 
Baireuth, 156 
Baker Pasha, 364 
Balaclava, harbour of, 294 

,, battle of, 295, 296 
Balbo, Count, 275, 275 n. 
Balkan States, 300, 350—359, 374 
Baltic, expedition to, 1S54...291 
Bapaume, battle of, 339, 347 
Barb^s, Colonel, 224, 224 n. 
Barcelona, 79 

Barclay de Tolly, Prince, 133, 133 n. 
Bardo, Treaty of, 372 
Barere de Vieuzac, Bertrand, 26, 26 n. 
Baring, Evelyn (Lord Cromer), 362, 

364, 365 
Barnave, Antoine, 27, 27 n. 
Barossa, battle of, 115 
Barras, Paul, 33, 33 »., 34 
Bartenstein, Treaty of, 100 
Barth^lemy, Franijois, 34, 34 n. 
Basle, Treaty of, 48, 105, 165 

,, revolution in, 248 
Bastille, capitulation of the, 8 
Basutoland, 369 
Batavian Republic, 93, 97 
Batoum, 357, 359 
Battenberg, Prince Alexander of, 360, 

374. 374 «• 
Batthyany, Count, 255, 255 «., 260 
Battin, battle of, 132, 198 
Bautzen, battle of, 137, 139 n. 
Bavaria, 174, 176, 189, 245, 257, 265, 
266, 326, 328 
,, royal house of, 215 
Bayazid, the, 359 

Baylen, capitulation at, 108, 121, 126 
Bayonne, 107, 118, 121 
Bazaine, Marshal, 273 «., 332, 335, 

335 «•. 337. 338. 345 
Beaconsfield, Earl of. See Disraeli, 
Beauharnais, Alexandre, 96 ». 
Beauharnais, Eugene, 93, 96 «., 127, 

134. 137 
Beauharnais, Hortense, 96, -96 n. 
Beauharnais, house of, 330 
Beaulieu, Baron de, 49, 49 «. 
Beaumont, battle of, 345 
Beaune-la-RoIande, battle of, 338, 346 
Beauvais, capture of, 345 
Beccaria, Marchese de, 49, 49 n. 
Bedeau, Marie A., 274, 274 n. 
Beilan, battle of, 236 
Belfort, battles at, 340, 347 
Belgrade, Treaty of, 367 
Belliard, General, 60 



Belgium, 46, 47, 225—228, 326, 327, 

Bellingham, John, 150 
Bern, Joseph, 263 
Benedek, Marshal, 254, 254 n., 277, 

277 n., 316 
Benedetti, Comte, 313, 313 »., 318, 331, 

Bengal, revenue of, 39 
Bennigsen, Count, 100, 100 n. 
Bentinck, Lord W., 217 
Berchtesgaden , 128 
Beresford, General, 112, 115, 118, 121 
Beresina, crossing of, 134 
Berg, 140, 174 
Berlin, Voltaire at, 5 n. 

,, flight of Frederick William 
from, 136 

,, attack on, 140 

„ Treaty of, 1792... 156, 159 

„ University of, 244 

„ Diet summoned to, 244 

,, revolution in, 256, 257 

„ Conference at, 1864, 307 

,, visit of Giers to, 373 

„ Treaty of, 1878. ..358)1., 359,36o, 
" Berlin Decrees," 98,106 
" Berlin Memorandum," 352, 353 
Bernadotte, J. B., 35, 35 «., 89,94, 132, 

138, 139, 180 
Bernard (socialist), 224 
Berne, treasury at, 53 

„ privileges of, 231 

„ revolution in, 248 
Berry, Duke of, 185, 191 

,, Duchess of, 223 
Berryer (the orator), 224 
Berthier, Alexandre, 55, 55 »., 57, 89, 

Besan9on, battle of, 337, 346 
Besika Bay, 352 
Bessarabia, 357, 359 
Bessieres, J. B., 89, 108, 121 
Beust, Count von, 328, 328)!., 333, 340, 


Beyrout, 240 

Bidassoa, 118 

Biegeleben, yon, 306 

Bilbao, no 

Billaud-Varennes, Jean N., 22, 22 «., 
26, 32 

Bismarck-Schonhausen, Otto Edward 
Leopold, Prince von, 267, 281, 299, 
305—320, 326—3331 336—337. 340— 
342, 349—352, 359, 370—375 

Bittenfeld, General von, 315 

Blake, General, 108, no, 121 

Blanc, Louis, 246, 250, 250 «. 

Blanquet, Admiral, 69 

Blanqui (communist), 338 

Bliguieres, M. de, 362 

Bloemfontein Convention, 369 

Blois, occupation of, 347 

Blucher, G. L., Piince von, 98, 98 ?i. 

108, 137—139, 141— 146, 316 
Bluhme (Danish minister), 306 
Blum, Robert, 262, 262 «. 
Boer War, 375 
Bohemia, 59, 253, 312 
Bologna, 50, 231, 232, 278, 282 
Bonaparte, Jerome, 96, 100, 127, 140 
„ Joseph, 102, 107, 108, 112, 

„ Louis, 96, 130, 232 

,, Lucien, 35, 146 

Bonaparte, Napoleon I. 

and the revolution Vend^miaire, 33 

in Italy, 34 

and the Treaty of Campo Formic 

as Consul, 36, 55 
greed of, 37 
at Toulon, 46 

first Italian campaign of, 49 — 52 
Egyptian expedition of, 52 — 53, 80 


government of, 56 

desertion of Egyptian army, 57, 60 

crossed the Alps, 58 
second Italian campaign of, 58 
Eastern schemes of, 61, 82 
opinion of the Treaty of Amiens, 

dragooned the countries of Europe, 

opinion of in Italy, 64 
interference of in Germany, 65 
friendly with Alexander I., 65 
aggression of, 70 
coalitions against, 78 
at Toulon in 1798... 79 
power of, 79 
schemes of invasion, 83 
naval failures of, 84 
interference in Switzerland of, 89 
ruptured the Treaty of Amiens, 90 
his Code, 91 
proclaimed Emperor, 92 
attacked Hanover, 93 
interference in Holland, 93 
interference in Italy, 93 
headlong conquest of, 95 
at Austerlitz, 95 
chimerical schemes of, 96 
rewards his marshals, 96 
Continental system of, 98, 99 
at Eylau and Friedland, 100 
made Treaty of Tilsit, 100, 371 
tyranny of, 105 
in Spain, 113 — 120 
entered Madrid, 121 
demands of, 124 



Bonaparte, Napoleon I. — continued. 
oppression of Prussia by, 125 
at Erfurt, 126 

and the campaign of 1809. ..127 
treaty with the Emperor, 128 
relations with the Pope, 129 
relations with the Powers, 131 
changed his ministers, 131 
married Marie Louise, 131 
relations with Alexander I., 131 
the Moscow campaign of, 132 — 

and the campaign of 1813...137 — 


and the battle of Leipzig, 140 

strategical skill in 1814...141 

apparent end of his despotism, 

banished to Elba, 143 

return from Elba of, 144 

and the Hundred Days, 144 — 145 

at Ligny, 145 

at Waterloo, 146 

banishment and death of, 147 

mistakes made by, 147 

legacy of, 147 — 148 

character of, 148 — 149 

relations with Poland, 167 

abdication of, 171 

opinion on England's diplomacy, 

deserted by Bourraont, 218 

his son, 223 

compared with Napoleon III., 274 

schemes of, 325 
Bonaparte, Louis Napoleon, Napo- 
leon III., 220K., 224, 225, 232, 250K., 
251, 260 «., 271 — 280, 283, 288 — 289, 
299, 302, 305, 310—314, 316—319, 324 

Bonapartes, pedigree of, 88 
Bonin, General von, 304 
Bonn, 47 
Bordeaux, 46, 118 
Borghetto, battle at, 50 
Borodino, battle of, 100 «., 133, 166 n. 
Bosnia, 351—353. 358—359 
Botzen, battle near, 59 
BouilM, Marquis de, 12, 12 n. 
Boulogne, army at, 84, 92, 99 

„ rebellion at, 225 

Bourbaki, Charles D., 339, 339 "-i 340. 

347 ,. , 

Bourbons, pedigree of, 41 

Bourges, army of, 337—338 
Bourmont, Comte de, 218, 218 «. 
Bouvet, Admiral, 69 
Bowyer, Admiral, 6g 
Brand, Mr., 150 
Brandenburg, Count, 257 
Branicki, Francis, 157 
Brazil, 106, 190, 232 

Br^a, General, 251 

Bregenz, league formed at, 266 

Brescia, battle of, 50 

Breslau, 156 

Brest, 74, 75, 83 

Breteuil, occupation of, 345 

Bretoncelles, battle at, 346 

Bridport, Lord, 76 

Brie, capture of, 338, 347 

Brienne, 141 

,, Leomenie de, 3 
Bright, John, 289 
Brissot, Jean, 18, 18 »., 23, 27 
Broclaw, 157 

Broglie, Due de, 222, 222 »., 223, 224 
Broussa, 236 

Bruce, Major-General, 72 
Bruck (Minister of Commerce), 262 
Brueys, Admiral, 69 
Bruix, Admiral, 82 
Brune, G. M., 89 
Brunnow, Baron, 238, 238 »., 239 
Brunswick, 140, 244 
Brunswick, Duke of, 21, 43, 43 »., 44, 

46, 98, 127 
Brunswick, Charles, Duke of, 230 
Brunswick, William, Duke of, 230 
Brussels, 145, 146, 226 
Brzesc, 165 

Bucharest, Treaty of, 132, 200 
Buchholz (Prussian ambassador), 160 
Buckner, Admiral, 76 
Buenos Ayres, 100, 105, 193 
Buenza, 118 
Bug, the river, 165, 166 
Bukova, village of, 356 
Bulgaria, 353—360, 367, 374 
BuUer, General Redvers, 365 
Bull Run, battle of, 368 
Billow, General von, 139, 141, 141 »., 

Bulsovina, 374 

Burdett, Sir Francis, 150, 196 
Burgos, 107, 117, 118, 122 
Burhampur, 286 
Burke, Edmund, 14, 38, 45, 63 
Burma, 217 

Burmese Wars, 286, 378 
Burnaby, Colonel, 365 
Burnes, Captain, murder of, 217 
Burrard, Sir H., 109 
Busaco, battle of, 114, 121 
Busancy, battle of, 345 
Buyukdere, 237 
Bydgoszcz, 167 
Byron, Lord, 206 

Cabrera, Raymond, 234, 234 ». 

Cabul, 361 

Cadiz, 114, 115, 194, 330 



Cadiz, Duke of, 247 
Cadoudal, Georges, 91, 91 »., 92 
Caen, submission of, 46 
Cairo, capture of, 60 

,, surrender of, 363 
Cairoli, cabinet of, 372 
Calabria, 280 
Calder, Sir Robert, 83, 86 
Caldwell, Vice-Admiral, 69, 73 
Calendar, change of, 23 
California, gold discovered in, 217 
Calonne, Charles Alexandre, 3 
Calpie, 286 

Cambaceres, Jean, 36, 36 «., 92, 144 
Cambon, Joseph, 31 
Cambriels, General, 337, 346 
Camou, General, 276, 277 
Campbell, Sir Colin, 286, 293, 295 
Camperdown, battle of, 39, 77 
Campo Formio, Treaty of, 35, 52, 57, 

Cannes, 144 
Canning, Lord, 286 
Canning, George, 100, 130, 150, 181, 

193—195, 197, 206—209, 214, 232 
Canrobert, Marshal, 293, 293 «., 294, 

Canzani Lambro, 198 
Cape of Good Hope, 61, 75, 143, 178, 

359, 375 
Cape Kasar, 377 

Cape Nicholas Mole, capture of, 72 
Cape St. Vincent, battle of, 1797. ..39, 

69. 75> 77. 105 
,, battle of, 1833. ..233 

Cape Tiburon, capture of, 73 
Capodistrias, Joannes, 199, 202, 211, 

Caprera, island of, 279 
Caprivi, Count, 375, 375 n. 
Capua, advance to, 53 
Carbonari, the, 191, 231, 252 «., 271, 272, 

Cardigan, Lord, 296 
Carignano, battle of, 51 
Carinthia, 51, 260 
Car less. Major, 72 
Carlos I., 324 
Carlos VII., 330 
Carlsbad decrees, 188, 244 
Carlsruhe, 333 
Carlyle, Thomas, 16, 21, 26 
Carniola, 51, 260 
Carnot, Lazare, 26, 26 n,, 32, 34, 47, 55, 

144, 146 
Carnot, President, 324 
Caroline of Brunswick, 196 
Carrier, Jean, 32, 32 ». 
Cassel, 244 

Castanos, General, 121 
Castiglione, battle of, 34 »., 50 
Castile, 119 


Castlereagh, Lord, 112, 113, 128, 138, 
150, 172, 174, 181, 186, 192, 193, 197, 

201, 202 

Catalonia, 119, 190 
Cathelineau, Jacques, 25, 25 n. 
Catherine II., i, 2, 46, 53, 152, 155, 156, 

Cato Street conspiracy, 196 
Caucasus, pacification of, 302 
Caulaincourt, Armande, loS, 108 »., 141 

141 n. 
Cavaignac, Louis S., 220, 220 n. 
Cavaignac, General, 251, 274 
Cave Mission, the, 362 
Cavendish, Lord F., 367 
Cavour, Count, 260, 260 n., 275, 276, 278 

Cawnpur, 286 
Celorico, 114 
Centri, the, 231 
Cephalonia, seizure of, 51 
Ceylon, 61, 75, 124, 178, 363, 369 
Chalcidice, 202 
Chalons, 332, 334, 335, 345 
Chambonas, 42 
Chambord, Comte de, 348 
Champ de Mars, meeting in, 17 
Champigny, heights of, 339, 347 
Championnet, General, 53 
Champagny, J. de, 131, 131 ». 
Chancellorsville, battle of, 368 
Chandernagore, victory at, 80 
Changarnier, General, 273, 273 n., 274 
Chanzy, General, 339, 339 n., 347 
Charette, General, 338 
Charleroi, 145, 146 
Charles II. of England, 76 
Charles III. of Spain, 105 
Charles IV. of Spain, i, 45, 58, 105 — 

107, 121 
Charles X. of France, 171, 183, 207, 

217 — 220, 224 
Charles XIII. of Sweden, 171 
Charles XIV. of Sweden, 171 
Charles Albert, Prince, 193, 232, 252, 

256, 258, 259, 260, 270, 272 
Charles, Archduke, 50, 51, 54, 59, 93, 

126, 128, 281 
Charles Emanuel, King, 53 
Charles Felix, Prince, 193, 232, 270 
Charles Louis, Prince, 175 
Charles, Prince of Roumania, 356 
Charlotte of Denmark, 303 
Charlotte, Princess, 196 
" Charter of the Constitution," 143, 

144, 145, 182 
Chartres, occupation of, 345 
Chateau d'Eu, 245 
Chateaudun, battle near, 346 
Chatham, second Earl of, 128 
Chatillon-de-Duc, battle of, 346 
Chatillon-sur-Seine, 141, 142 

C C 



Chattanooga, battle of, 368 

Chaumette, Pierre G., 22, 22 »., 28 

Chaumont, Treaty of, 180, 186, 221 

Chauvelin, F. B., 45, 45 n. 

Cherasco, armistice at, 49 

Chasms, battle of, 152 

Chickamanga, battle of, 368 

Chiese, the river, 277 

Chili, war with, 302 

China, 377 

Chinsurah, victory at, 80 

Chios, isle of, 203 

Chlopicki, Joseph, 229, 229 n. 

Cholet, storming of, 25 ». 

Christian VIII., 303 

Christian IX., 305 

Christian, Admiral, 73 

Christina, Queen of Spain, 247 

Chu, the river, 360 

Church, Sir Richard, 206 

Cialdini, Enrico, 279, 279 »., 280 

Cintra, convention of, no, 121 

Cisalpine Republic, 52, 54, 64, 8g 

Cisneros, Admiral, 69 

Cispadane Republic, 51, 52 

Ciudad Rodrigo, 113, 114, 116, 121, 

Clarke, General, 75 
Clausel, Bertrand, 117, 117 «,., 118 
Clerfait, C. de, 45, 45 n., 47, 48 
Clermont, occupation of, 345 
Clichy, Club de, 34 
Clive, Lord, 80 
Clontarf, meeting at, 269 
Clootz, Baron, 28, 28 n. 
Cobden, Richard, 289, 301 
Cobenzl, Louis, 42, 93, 93 n. 
Cobenzl, Philip, 42, 160, 160 »., 166 
Coblenz, 20, 44, 47, 141 
Coburg, Prince of, 46, 47 
Code Napolion, 36 «., 91, 130, 147 
Codrington, Admiral, 208, 211 
Codrington, General, 293 
Coimbra, 112, 114 
Colberg, defence of, 135 ». 
Cole, General, 116 
Coleridge, Samuel, 63 
Colli, Baron de, 49, 49 n. 
Collin, General, 245 
Collingwood, Admiral, 69, 75 
Colloredo, 42 

CoUot d'Herbois, Jean, 26, 26 k., 32 
Colmar, battle near, 346 
Cologne, 47 

Cologne, Archbishop, 372 
Colombi6res, battle at, 335 
Columbia, 195 

" Compact of the Interim," 263 
Condorcet, Marquis de, 24 
Congo, the river, 373, 376 

„ Free State, 376 
Constant, Benjamin, 144, 144 n. 

Constantino, battle of, 277 n. 

„ Grand Duke, 168, 228 

Constantinople, 79, 131, 152, 210, 236, 

287, 289, 290, 354, 355 
" Continental System," 84, 98, 147 
" Convention of the Straits," 240 
Coote, Colonel Eyre, 72 

„ Sir Eyre, 72, 80 
Copenhagen, battle of, 59 

„ expedition to, 86 

Corday d'Armans, Charlotte, 17 »., 26, 

26 «. 
Cordeliers, Club of, ig 
Cordova, 114 

„ Admiral, 69 
Corfu, 51, 81, 199 
Cornwallis, Admiral, 83 

„ Lord, 39 

Corsica, 39, 79 
Corunna, battle of, in 
Coulmiers, battle of, 338, 346 
Courbet, Admiral, 377 
Courcelles, battle of, 344 
Couthon, Georges, 26, 26 »., 29, 30, 31 
Cracow, 128, 165, 167, 229, 229 n., 254 
Cradock, General, in 
Crawfurd, General, 116 
Crfemieux, Isaac Adolphe, 250, 250 n. 
Crfemieux, Gaston, 337 
Crete, 205, 213, 374 
Crimean War, 260 »., 273 »., 275, 277 n. 

286—300, 335 »., 336, 338, 338 n. 
Cromer, Lord. See Baring, Evelyn. 
Cucchiari, General, 282 
Cuesta, Garcia de la, 108, 112 
Curtatone, battle of, 258 
Cussey, battle of, 345 
Custine, Comte de, 45, 45 M., 46 
Custozza, battle of, 1848... 256 «., 259, 
261, 272 
„ battle of, 1866... 282 

Ciistrin, fortress, 98, 140 
Cyprus, 359 

Czartoryski, Prince A,, IS4»., 168 
Czartoryski, Prince Adam George, 

154 «., 229 
Czech Gazette, 253 
Czernovitz, congress at, 207 
„ meeting at, 374 


Dahlmann, Friedrich Christoph, 303 
Dalberg, Archbishop of Ratisbon, 96 
D'Alembert, Jean, 6, 6 n. 
Dalhousie, Lord, 217 
Dalmatia, 175 
Dalmatia, Duke of , iio». 
Dalrymple, Sir H., log, no 
Damascus, pashalik of, 236 
D'Anglas, Boissy, 34 



Dannewerke, lines of, 305 

Danton, Georges J., 15, 15 n., 19 — 23, 

26—30, 45 
Dantzig, 108, 140, 153, 154, 159 
Danube, the river, 127, 211, 298, 356 
Danubian Principalities, 290, 291, 297 
D'Artois, Comte, 20, 92, 144 
Daru, Pierre Antoine, Count, 131 
Daujoutin, battle of, 347 
Daumesnil, Baron, 222, 222 n. 
Davidowich, General, 51 
Davout, Louis Nicolas, 89, 127, 127 »., 

133 »., 146 
D'Azeglio, Marchese, 270, 275 
Debreczen, flight of Diet to, 262, 263 
Decazes, Due de, 185, i8s «• 
Declaration of the Rights of Man, 9— 1 1 
Decr^s, Denis, Due, 55, 69 
Deforgues, 42 
Dego, battle of, 49 n. 
Delacroix, Jacques Vincent, 42 
De Launay, B. R. Jourdan, 8 
Delhi, 286 

Delia Rocca, General, 282 
Del Parque, Duke, 113 
Dembinski, H., 262, 263, 263 n. 
Demerara, 143, 178, 369 
D'Enghien, I3uc, 92 
Denmark, 302, 309 
Dennewitz, battle of, 139, 139 n. 
Depretis, Signer, 372 
Derby, Lord, 301, 322, 353—355, 358 
Dervish Pasha, 350 
Desaix de Veygoux, L. C, 58, 58 n. 
Desfeze, Raymond, 24 
Desmoulins, Camille, 7, 7«., 15, 17, 19, 

23, 27, 28 
Despard, Colonel, conspiracy of, 86 
Dessolles, Jean, 185 
Devernaki, defiles of, 204 
Diderot, Denis, 6, 6 ». 
Diebitsch, Count, 210, 210 »., 229 
Dieppe, occupation of, 339, 347 
Dijon, capture of, 346, 347 
Dijon-le-Mans, battle of, 347 
Directory, the, 33 — 35 
Disraeli, B., Earl of Beaconsfield, 322, 

35I1 353> 359> 360, 362, 366, 367, 370, 

Dnieper, the river, 134, 152, 153 
Dobrudja, 357, 359 
Dole, occupation of, 346 
Dom Claret, 330 
Dominique, 73 
Dom Miguel, 190, 232, 233 
Don Carlos, 233, 234 
Dongola expedition, 365 
Donhoff, Countess, 257 
Don John, of Portugal, 105 
Donna Maria, 232 
Donoughmore, Lord, 60 
Dornberg (Westphalian officer), 127 

Douay, General, 332, 334 

Douro, the river, in, 112 

Douzy, battle of, 345 

Dragoman Pass, 374 

Drancy, battle of, 345 

Drav, the river, 261 

Dreikmigsbund, 265 

Dresden, in «., 137, 139, 140, 142 «., 

Dreux, battle near, 346 
Drouyn de Lhuys, Edouard, 319, 319 «. 
Drummond, Lieut.-Col., 73 
Du Barry, Madame, 27, 27 «. 
Dubienka, battle of, 158 
Dubois de Cranfe, 131, 131 n. 
Ducos, Roger, 36, 36 n. 
Ducrot, General, 139, 139 »., 147 
Dudley, Lord, 209 
Dufour, Colonel, 249, 249 «. 
Dumanoir-le-Pelley, Admiral, 69 
Dumouriez, Charles F., 21, 21 »., 22, 42, 

44, 45. 46, 159 
Dun, battle at, 345 
Duncan, Admiral, 77 
Dundas, Admiral, 290 
Dunkirk, 46 

Dupetit-Thouars, Admiral, 245 
Duphot, General, 53 
Dupin, A. M., 222, 222 n. 
Dupleix, Marquis, 81, 81 n. 
Dupont, Comte P., 107, 107 «., 108, 121 
Duppel redoubts, 303 
Dupre, General, 345 
Durandi, General, 282 
Durham, Lord, 268, 369 

East Friesland, 174 

Eastern Roumelia, 359, 374 

Ebro, the river, no, in, 117, 118 

Echmiihl, battle of, 113 «., 127, 127 n. 

Ecouis, escape from, 345 

Edinburgh, 17 «. 

Edward VII., as Prince of Wales, 322 

„ as King, 324 

Egypt, 300, 362—365, 373 
Egyptian expedition, 35 
Elba, isle of, 80, 143 
Elbe, the river, 91, 130, 139, 140, 174, 

Elgin, Lord, 368 
Elizabeth, Princess, 29 
Ellenborough, Lord, 217 
Elliott, Sir G., 79, 79 n. 
Elphinstone, Admiral, 75 
Elvas, 116 

Emancipating Edict, the, 125 
Emin Pasha, relief of, 376 n. 
Emmet's rebellion, 86 

C C 2 



Encyclopsedists, the, 6 
Epernon, occupation of, 345 
Epinal, occupation of, 345 
Epirus, 213 
Erfurt, fortress of, 98 

„ meeting at, 126, 131 

„ Parliament summoned to, 266 
Erlon, Comte d', 145, 145 n. 
Erzeroum, 357, 359 
Escano, Admiral, 69 
Espartero, Baldomero, 234, 234 «., 302 
Espinasse, E. C, General, 276, 276 11. 
Espinosa, battle of, no, in 
Essequibo, 143, 369 
Essling, battle of, 127 
Este, house of, 175 
Estremadura, 115, 117 
Etruria, 106 
Eugene, Prince, 210 
Eugenie, Empress, 274, 325, 332, 337 
Eupatoria, Bay of, 292 
Evans, Sir de Lacy, 234, 296 
Evoramente, Treaty of, 233 
Evreux, battle of, 346, 347 
Eylau, battle, 34 »., 77 »., 100, 100 «,, 
lion., 125 »., 133 "-7 139 »• 

Fabvier, Colonel, 206 

Faidherbe, General, 339, 339 K,, 347 

Failly, General de, 332, 345 

Farini (Italian minister), 281 

Faure, President, 324 

Favre, Jules, 336, 336 «., 337. 34°! 34i 

Ferdinand I., Emperor of Austria, 244, 

257, 258, 261, 262 
Ferdinand II. (Bomba), 232, 252, 259, 

270, 272 
Ferdinand IV. of Naples, 53, 54, 96, 

175, 191, 192, 270 
Ferdinand VII. of Spain, 107, 171, 194, 

233, 271 
Ferdinand of Tuscany, 53, 175 
Ferdinand, Archduke, the, 127 
Ferdinand, Prince of Coburg, 374 
Ferghana, 360 
Ferrara, 50, 51, 175, 252, 282 
Ferrol, battle off, 83, 86 
Ferry, Jules, 377, 377 n. 
Fersen, A., 164 
Feuillants, Club of the, 18 
Fidon, brigand chief, 73 
Fielden, Mr., 269 
Fieschi, Joseph, 223, 223 n. 
Fillmore, President, 217 
" Final Act," the, 244 
Finland, 132 
Fitzwilliam, Lord, 39 
Flocon, Ferdinand, 250, 250 n. 

Florence, 259, 281 

Florida Blanca, Don Jos6, 42 

Flushing, 128 

Fochshani, battle of, 152 

Foligno, armistice at, 50 

Fontainebleau, alliance at, 106 

„ abdication of Napoleon 

at, 171 

„ Treaty of, 121, 138 «. 

Forbach, battle at, 344 
Forfait, P. A., 55, 55 n. 
Formbio, battle of, 49 
Formerie, battle of, 346 
Fouche, Joseph, 55, 55 »., 130, 144 
"Four Ordinances," the, 219 
Fourier (^socialist), 246, 246 n. 
Fox, Charles James, 14, 38, 63, 102 
France, passim. 
Francis II. the Emperor, i, 43, 58, 61, 

92, 93, 156, 159, 160, 167, 171, 172, 
175, 221, 230, 344, 370 

Francis I. of Naples, 270 
Francis II. of Naples, 278, 280 
Francis IV. of Modena, 175 
Francis VI. of Modena, 232 
Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria 
262, 263, 277, 281, 307, 317, 324, 329, 

349, 374 
Franco-Prussian War, 283, 293 »., 299, 

Frankfort, capture of, 45 

„ capital of the Confederation 

of the Rhine, 96 
„ terms offered to Napoleon 

at, 141 
„ joined the Zollverein, 245 
„ Parliament at, 257, 264, 265 
„ Diet at 1865. ..314 
„ occupation of, 319 
„ Treaty of, 342, 343 
Frederick II. of Prussia (the Great), 

2, 44. 95, 97> 108, 137. 178, 316 
Frederick III. of Prussia, as Crown 
Prince, 307, 324, 333, 
334, 344 
„ as Emperor, 375 

Frederick I. of Wurtemberg, 172 
Frederick II. of Wiirtemberg, 189 
Frederick VI. of Denmark, 171, 172, 

Frederick VII. of Denmark, 303 — 305 
Frederick of Augustenburg, 305 — 307 
Frederick Augustus of Saxony, 173, 174 
Frederick Charles, Prince, 305, 306, 

315, 333. 338, 339, 345. 346, 347 
Frederick William II. of Prussia, i.,20, 

43, 47, 48, 156—166, 257 
Frederick William III. of Prussia, i, 91, 

93. 95. 100. 112, 126, 134, 136, 171, 
186 — 189, 221, 244 

Frederick William IV. of Prussia, 244, 
245, 264—267, 303, 304, 308 



Fredericksburg, battle of, 368 
Frederickshama, treaty of, 132 
Fridericia, seizure of, 303, 304 
Friedland, battle of, 77 «., 100, no «., 

Ill «., 133 «., 139 «., 142 n. 
Friedrickstadt, battle at, 304 
Frossard, General, 332, 334, 344 
Fuentes d'Onoro, 115, 121 
Fulda, skirmish near, 266 
Futteypur, 286 

Gablenz, General von, 305, 311 
Gaeta, flight of Pius IX. lo, 259 

„ flight of the King of Naples to, 
278, 280 

,, Duke of, 55 «., 279 n. 
Gaj, Ljudevit, 253, 253 n. 
Galicia, 119, 153, 165, 166 «., 167, 174, 

190, 254, 277 n. 
Gallipoli, 292 

Gambetta, L^on, 336 — 341, 362 
Gambia, the, 377 
Ganteaume, Comte, 69, 83, 83 «. 
Gardner, Admiral, 69 
Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 252 »., 260 m., 272, 

272 «., 277—283, 325, 337, 346 
Gasteln, alliance at, 1879. ..371 

„ Treaty of, 307—309, 312, 315 
Gaudin, M. M. 55, 55 n. 
Gavril Pasha, 374 
Gegenfeld, General von, 345 
Geneva, 3 »., 5 »., 45, 48, 176, 202, 248 
Genoa, 52, 64, 79, 175, 180 
Geok Tepe, battle of, 361 
George II., 116 
George III., i, 38, 60, 70, 73, 86, 150, 

171, 196, 247 
George IV., as Prince of Wales, 70 

„ as King, 171, 214 

Gerard, Comte, 227, 227 n. 
Gerlach, 267 
German Confederation, 313, 317, 319, 

320, 326, 327 
Gersberg, 344 
Gettysburg, battle of, 368 
Ghent, Treaty of, 124, 150 
Gibraltar, 61, 78, 79 
Giers, Nicholas, 373, 373 n. 
Gioberti, Vincenzo, 259, 259 «., 270, 

Gislikon, battle of, 249 
Gladstone, W. E., 301, 322, 353, 364, 

366, 367, 373 
" Glorious battle of the first of June," 

39> 69 
Gliicksburg, house of, 304, 323 
Gneisenau, General von, 135, 135 »., 


Goben, General von, 339, 344, 347 
Goderich, Lord, 208, 209, 214 
GodoUo, battle of, 258 «., 263 
Godoy, Manuel de, 45, 45 «., 48, 105 — ■ 

Goito, battle of, 258 
Goltz, General von der, 335 
Gomez, Carlist general, 235 «. 
Gordon, General, 364 
Gordon, Colonel, 206 
Gorgei, General, 261, 262, 263 
Gortschakoff, Alexander (1764 — 1825), 

137, -137 «. 
Gortschakoff, Prince Alexander, 342, 

350. 352, 354, 359, 371, 373 
Gorz, 260 

Gottorp, house of, 304, 323 
Gotz, General, 263 
Gourko, General, 357, 357 «. 
Govone, General, 312 
Graham, General, 115, it8, 141 
Graham, Major-General, 363 
Grammont, Due de, 318, 318 «., 329, 

Grampound disfranchised, 196 
Grant, General, 368 
Granville, Lord, 301, 322, 331, 334, 

Grattan, Henry, 150, 196 
Gravelotte, battle of, 333 m., 335, 343 
Graves, Admiral, 69 
Gravina, Admiral, 69 
Great Britain, passim. 
Greece, 198 — 216, 360, 374 
Grfegoire, Ernest, 185 
Gregory, XVI., 232, 270, 271 
Grenada, 73 
Grenoble, 144 
Grenville, Lord, 42, 100 
Gregorios IV., murder of, 200 
Grevy, M., 324 
Grey, Lord. 64, 225, 242, 243 
Grey, Sir Charles, 72 
Grivitza redoubt, 356 
Groben, General von, 265, 266 
Grodno, Diet at, 152, 160, 161 
Gross-Bieren, battle of, 138 
Grossgorschen, battle of, 125 «., 137 
Grouchy, Marquis de, 77, 77 »., 89, 

Guadarrama, the river, 112 
Guadeloupe, 73, 177 
Guadiana, the river, 112 
Guiana, 177 
Guimaraens, 112 
Guizot, Franfois, 219, 219 «., 220, 223 

—225, 240, 246—250, 259 ». 
Gurka War, 124 
Gustavus III., I, 152, 155, 161 
Gustavus I V. , I 
Gwalior, 286 
Gyulai, Franz, 276, 276 «. 




Habeas Corpus Act, suspension of, 64 

Hafiz Pasha, 239 

Hague, Convention of, 47, 162 

Haidarabad, 286 

Halle, fortress of, 98 

Ham, prison of, 218 

„ occupation of, 346 
Hamburg, 140, 150 
Hamley, Sir Edward, 363 
Hanau, Bavarians defeated at, 140 
Hanke, Countess, 374 n. 
Hanover, 174, 230, 244, 265, 315 
Hardenburg, Prince von, 94, 94»., 124 

125, 132, 135, 172 
Harrison, President, 217 
Hartwell (Buckinghamshire), 143 
Haslim, battle of, 365 

Hastings, Marquis of, 124 

Hastings, Warren, 39 

Haugwitz, Count, 42, 47, 47 >!., 91 

Haunecken, General, 265 

Havelock, Sir Henry, 286 

Havlicek, Carl, 253 

Hawkesbury, Lord, 42 

Haymerle, Baron, 371 

Haynau, General, 263 

Heavy Brigade, charge of, 295 

Hubert, Jacques, 22, 22 «., 28, 30 

Helder, expedition to the, 67 

Heligoland, 178, 377 

Heliopolis, battle of, 60 n. 

Helvetic Republic, 53 

Henley-on-Thames, 21 n. 

Henriot, Francois, 25, 25 »i., 31 

Herat, the Gatfe of India, 361 

Herrasti, General, 114 

Hertzberg, E. F. von, 42, 154, 156, 
156 n. 

Herzgovina, 350, 351, 354, 355, 358, 

Hesse, 315 

Hesse, Elector of, 266 
Hesse, Prince Alexander of, 374 n. 
Hesse Cassel, constitution granted to, 

Hesse-Darmstadt, Grand Duke of, 175 
Hetairia Philihe, 199 
Hicks Pasha, 364 

Hildersheim, 174 

Hill, General, 117, 118 

Hill, Rowland, 268 

Hirschfield, General von, 265 

Hoche, Lazare, 35, 33 n., 46, 51, 52 

Hochstett, battle of, 59 

Hofer, Andreas, 127, 128 

Hohenlinden, battle of, 77 n. 

Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen, Prince, 98 

Holland, 45, 47, 97, 130, 131. 225—228, 

Holstein. See Schleswig-Holstein. 

Hondschoote, battle of, 39 

Hood, Viscount, 46, 46 n., 69, 71, 78 

Houchard, General, 46 

Houssein Pasha, 357 

Howe, Lord, 69, 70, 71, 74, 76 

Hugo, Victor, 274, 274 n. 

Hugues, Victor, 72, 73 

Human, 157 

Humbert I., 270, 324, 372 

Humbert, J. J., 67, 77, 77 n. 

Humboldt, Count W. von, 172 

Humernigen, fortress of, 50 

Hungary, 244, 253—255, 260—264, 318, 

Hunter, General, 365 
Huskisson, William, 197, 242 
Hussein Pasha, 236 
Hydra, island of, 202, 205 
Hyeres, British fleet off, 78 


Ibrahim (son of Mehemet All), 205 — 

209, 211, 236 — 241 
Ibraila, 210, 356 
Idstedt, battle of, 304 
Ignatieff, Nicolaus, 342, 342 «., 354 
Illyria, 132, 138, 175, 253 
Illynan National Gazette, 253 
" lUyrism," 253 
Ingelstrom, General, 161, 162 
Inkerman, battle of, 296, 297 
Inn, district of the, 128, 174 
Innsbriick, 127, 257 
Ionian Isles, 61 
Irish Rebellion, 67 

,, Union, 67 
Isabella, Queen of Spain, 233—235, 247, 

248, 330 
Isly, victory at, 246 
Ismail, capture of, 152 
Ismail Pasha, 362, 362 «. 
Ismailia, 363 
Istria, 260 
Italian Republic, 93 
Italy, 313-316, 372. 377 

,, union of, 270 — 273, 329 


Jackson, President, 217 
Jacobin Club, 15, 19, 31, 32 
Jacobins, rise of, 15 
Jagellon, house of, 229 

Janina, 198, 202 
ansenists, 13 
Jaroslevetz, 133 
Jassy, Treaty of, 156, 198, 200 
Jeflerson, Thomas, 124 



Jellachich, Baron, 260, 260 n.,261 — 263 

Jemmappes, battle of, 45, 159 

Jena, battle of, 34 «., 98, 106, no n., 

135 "•! 139 "■■< 142 «., 227 K. 
Jena, University of, 187 
Jervis, Admiral (Lord St. Vincent), 

69— 75> 80, 82 
Jhansi, Ranee of, 286 
John VI. of Portugal, 190, 232 
John, Archduke, 94, 127 
John, Archduke and Regent, 264 
Johnson, President, 368 
Joseph II., the Emperor, i, 2 
Joseph, Archduke, 59 
Josephine, Empress, 131 
Joubert, B. C, 34, 34 »., 35, 51 
Jourdan, Comte, 46, 46 w., 47, 50, 54, 

89, 118 
Julich, 174 

Jumi^ges, battle near, 347 
Junot, Andoche, io5, no, 121 
Jutland, 303 


Kaffir wars, 369, 375 

Kalisch, Treaty of, 136, 167, 173 
,, department of, 174 

Kaliz, 167 

Kaltesti, Senate of, 203 

Kanaris, Admiral, 203, 203 »., 

Kara Ali, 203 

Kara, George (1817), ig8, 367 

Kars, surrender of, 1855. ..299 
,, surrender of, 1877.. .337 
,, annexed by Russia, 359 

Kashgil, battle of, 364 

Katzbach, battle of, 138 

Kaunitz, W. A., 42, 158, 158 n, 

Kehl, fortress of, 50, 58 n. 

Keith, Admiral, 60, 82 

Kellerman, FranQois, 44, 44 «., 89 

Kentucky, creation of, 39 

Keppel, Admiral, 71 

Kerraty, Count, 337 

Khartum, 235, 364, 365 

Khiva, conquest of, 361 «. 

Khokand, conquest of, 361 «. 

Khosrew, Admiral, 205, 235 

Kiel, Treaty of, 140 

Kildare, rebellion in, 67 

Kinburn, 152 

Kisiakoflf, General, 293 

Kitchener, Lord, 365 

Kiutayeh, Convention of, 237 

Klagenfurt, prison of, 262 n. 

Klapka, General, 262, 262 «. 

Kl^ber, General, 60, 60 n. 

Knights of St. John, 81 

Kolettes, 204, 205 

KoUataj, 154 

Kolokotrones, 203, 204, 205 

Komorn, relief of, 262 »., 263 

Konduriottes, 204, 205 

Konieh, battle of, 236 

Koniggratz, battle of, 277 «.,283, 316 — 

Konisberg, capture of, 100 

,, Diet of, 136 

Korais Adeimuntus, igg 
Kordofan, conquest of, 235 
Korhapur, 286 
Korner, Karl T., 135, 135 n. 
Korniloff, Admiral, 294 
Korsakof, General, 54 
Korte, troops at, 365 
Kosciuskso, Thaddeus, 48, 48 »., 157, 

157 «., 158, 162 — 166 
Kossuth, Louis, 253, 253 «., 255, 260 — 

Kotchoubey (Russian minister), 42 
Kotzebue, August, 187, 187 n. 
Krasnoi, battle of, 134 
Krauss (Minister of Finance), 262 
Kray, General, 57, 59 
Kreuz Zdtung, the, 267 
Krudener, General, 356, 357 
Krukoviechi, General, 229 
Kulewtscha, battle of, 210 
Kulm, battle of, 139 
Kunch, 286 
Kurshid Pasha, 202 
Kuskh, Russians at, 361 
Kutchuk-Kainardji, Treaty of, 152, 199 
Kutusoff, General, 94, 133, 133 »., 134, 

135. 137 

La Favorita, battle of, 51 

La Fere, battle of, 346 

La Fert6, occupation of, 345 

La Harpe, J. F. de, 179 

La Mancha, 117 

La Pena, General, 115 

La RevelliSre de LSpeaux, 33, 33«., 34 

La Rochejaquelein, Comte de, 25, 25 «. 

La Rothiire, battle of, 141 

La Vendue, 24, 26, 27, 32, 56 

Laborde, General, 109, 121 

Labourdonnais, Bertrand, 81, 81 «. 

Lacourbe, General, 58 

Lafayette, Marquis de, 8, 8 «., 10, 16, 

18, 62, 218, 220, 222 
Laffitte, Jaques, 220, 220 «., 222 
Laforey, Sir John, 72 
Laibach, capture of, 54 ». 

„ congress at, 192, 193, 201, 
Lake, General, 77 
Lally, Comte de, 80 
Lamarque, Comte, 223, 223 n. 



Lamartine, Alphonse, 250, 250 n. 
Lamberg, Marshal von, 261 
Lamoriciere, C. L. de, 274, 274 »., 278, 

Lamoterouge, General, 277 
Landau, 175, 177, 333 
Landshut, 113 n. 
Langres, plateau of, 141 
Lannes, Marshal J., 8g, no, no A., 

121, 127 
Lanyon, Sir W., 375 
Laon, 142, 146, 345 
Larissa, 204 
Lasanzky, Count, 271 
Latour, General, 261 
Lauenburg, Duchy of, 174, 303, 304, 

Lavigho Grande, the, 277 
" Law of the Maximum," the, 26 
Lawrence, Sir H., 286 
Lawrence, Sir John, 361, 368 
" Laws of September," the, 226 
Le Bourget, recapture of, 346 
Le Mans, army of, 337 
„ battle at, 347 

Leboeuf, Marshal, 332 
Lebrun, Charles, 36, 36 n., 92 
Lebrun, French ambassador, 329 
Lebrun Tondu, P. M. H., 42 
Ledru-RoUin, A., 273, 273 n. 
Leeds, Duke of, 42 
Lefebvre, F. J., 89, 121 
Leghorn, 79 
Legnano, seizure of, 50 
Lehmann, Orla, 303 
Lehrbach, 42 
Leipzig, battle of, 34 n., 77«., icon., 

Ill ffl., 118, 119, 135 »., 139 «., 140, 

141, 166 n., 262 «., 316 
Leo XII., Pope, 171 
Leo XIII., Pope, 270, 324, 372 
Leoben, 51 

Leopold II., I, 20, 42, 43, 155, 156, 244 
Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, 

Prince, 330 — 332 
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, Prince, 196, 

212, 227, 228, 247 
Les Saisons, Society of, 224 
Lessart, de, 42 

Letourneur, C. L. F. H., 33, 34 
Liberation, War of, 137 — 143 
Lichtenburg, capitulation of, 344. 
Liebnitz, 84 

Light Brigade, charge of, 296 
Ligny, battle of, 145, 146, 227 n. 
Ligurian Republic, 52, 64 
Lille, army of, 337 
Limburg, 174, 227 
Liprandi, General, 295, 296 
Lisbon, 106, 109 
Lissa, battle of, 282 
Lithuania, 157, 159, 162 

Liverpool, Lord, 168, 208 

Livonia, 153 

Loano, battle of, 49 

Lobau, island of, 127 

Locke, John, 63 

Lodi, battle of, 34 «., 49, 50, io5 

Loftus, Lord Augustus, 355 

Loire, the river, 338 

Loison, General, 109, 112 

Lomakine, General, 360 

Lombard, ambassador, gi 

Lombardy, 175, 258, 259, 270, 278 

Lome, port of, 376 

Lonato, battle of, 50 

London, commercial panic in, 322 
,, conference of 1839 in, 227 
,, conference of 1840 in, 240 
„ conference of 1864 in, 306 
,, conference of 1877 in, 356 
,, death of BouilU in, 12 n. 
,, Dumouriez exiled in, 46 
„ Protocol of, 1828...211 
,, Treaty of, 1827. ..208 
,, Treaty of, 1839. ..228 «. 
„ Treaty of, 1840. ..287 
„ Treaty of, 1867. ..328 

Longwy, investment of, 44 

Lonza (Poland), 167 

Lorraine, 341 

Loubet, President, 324 

Louis XIV., I, 4, 6, 44, 70, 84, 247 

Louis XV., 27 n. 

Louis XVI., 7, 10, 12 «., 13, 16, 17, 18, 
20, 21, 24, 26 «., 42, 43, 44, 45, 6g, 

155. 158 
Louis XVII., 21 
Louis XVIII., 55 n., in «., 139 »., 143, 

144, 171, 182, 183, 185, 217 
Louis Philippe, 55 «., 220 — 227, 227 «., 

230, 232, 240, 245, 250 
Louis Ferdinand, Prince, 97, 98 
Louis, Baron, 144 
Louisa of Mecklenburg, Queen of 

Prussia, 97 
Louisiana, 58, 8g, g4, 99, 124 
Louvain, 46 

L'Ouverture, Toussaint, gg, 99 n. 
Liibeck, 98, 125 n. 
Lublin, 165, 167 
Lucan, Lord, 2g5, 2g6 
Lucas, Dutch admiral, 73 
Lucca, 175 

Lucerne, 231, 248, 24g 
Lucknow, treaty of, 124 

„ siege of, 286 

Luddite Riots, 150 
Liideritz Land, 376 
Liiders, General, 263 
Luis I., 324 

Luisa, Princess of Spain, 247 
Lumsden, Sir Peter, 361 
Lun6ville, Treaty of, 59, 61, i65 



Lusatia, 315 
Lusitanian States, 106 
Lutzen, battle of, 137, 139 n. 
Luxemburg, 174, 175, 177,227, 327, 328, 

Lyons, 15, 25, 337 
Lytton, Lord, 361, 368 


Maasen, Karl, 189 

Macaulay, Lord, 85 

Macdonald, Etienne, 54, 54 «. , 58, 89, 

138 • 
Maciejowice, battle of, 157 «., 164 
Mack, Karl von, 46, 46 »., 53, 93, 94 
Macmahon, Marshal, 277, 277 »., 324, 

332, 334, 335, 344, 345, 348 
Macnaghten, murder of, 217 
Madagascar, 89, 377 
Madalinski, brigade of, 162 
Madison, President, 124 
Madrid, 107, 108, ii2, 117, 118, 121, 

122, 194, 234, 248 
Maestricht, 46, 60 «. 
Magdeburg, 98, 140 
Magenta, battle of, 277, 293 n. 
Magenta, Duke of, 277 n. 
■ Magnan, Marshal, 273 
Magnano, battle of, 54 
Magon, Admiral, 69 
Mahmoud II., 203 — 210, 235—241 
Main, the river, 318 
Maina, the district of, 203 
Mainz, 45, 46, 140, 175, 177, 319, 334 
Maison, General, 211, 2H n. 
Malachovski, General, 229 
Malakoff, the, 298, 299 
Malakoff, Duke of, 299 ». 
Malesherbes, Chretien, 24, 24 n., 29 
Malmaison, battle of, 345 
Malmesbury, Lord, 47, 50, 162 
Malmoe, Convention of, 303 
Malta, 58, 61, 81, 90, 178 
Manchuria, 361 
Mandat, Marquis de, 21 
Manin, Daniele, 256 
Mann, Admiral, 80 
Mannheim, 48 
Mantes, occupation of, 345 
Manteuffel, General, 257 n., 319, 340, 

346, 347 
Manteuffel, Otto von, 257 
Mantua, 49—51, 128, 231 
Manzoni, Alessandro, 270 
Marat, Jean Paul, 17, 17 «., 23, 24, 26 
Maratha Wars, 124, 217 
" March Laws," 255 
Marchenoir, battle of, 346 
Marengo, battle of, 44 «., 58, 59, no «• 
Maret, H. B., 131, 144, 144 »• 

Maria Christina, Queen of Spain, 

233—235, 324 
Maria Louise, the Infanta, 175 
Marie, Alexandre, 250, 250 ». 
Marie Antoinette, Queen of Louis XVI., 

10, 14, 16, 18, 20, 21, 26, 42, 43, 155 
Marie Louise, Empress, 113, 131, 175, 

Marmont, A. F., 89, 115 — 117, 140, 142 
Marmora, Marquis de, 282, 282 n, 
Marrast, Armande, 250, 250 n. 
Marsala, 272 n. , 278 
Marseilles, 15, 25, 79, 337 
Mars-la-Tour, battle of, 335, 345 
Martignac, Vicomte de, 218, 218 n. 
Martinique, 72, 73, 177 
Mass^na, Andr6, 34, 34 «,, 47, 51, 53, 54, 

57, 89, 94. 113, 113 «■, 114, "5, 121, 

127, 144 
Massoneria, the, 231 
Massovjra, seizure of, 377 
Mastai-Ferretti, Cardinal. See Pius IX., 

252, 272 
Matchia, 356 

Maulbronn, University of, 248 «. 
Maupeou, Nicholas de, 36, 36 «. 
Mavrocordato, Prince, 203, 204 
Mavromichales, family of, 212 
Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, 302, 

Maximilian Joseph, of Bavaria, 172 
Mayo, Lord, 368 
Mazarin, Cardinal, i 
Mazzini, Giuseppe, 252, 252 «., 271, 

279, 315 
Mecklenburg, Duke of, 315, 338, 346, 

Mediation, Act of, 8g, 90 
Meerut, mutiny at, 286 
Mehemet All, 198, 205, 211, 219, 224, 

225, 235—241, 263 n., 287 
Melas, General, 54, 57, 58 
Melbourne, Lord, 238, 243, 268 
Melikoff, General, 371 
Mellinet, General, 277 
Melville, Lord, 86 
Menou, Baron, 32, 32 »., 60 
Menschikoff, Alexander, 289, 289 n., 

290, 292, 294, 295, 298 
Mensdorf, Count, 306, 311 
Mentana, battle of, 273 »., 283, 325 
Merida, 112, 115 
Merlin de Douai, P. A., 32, 32 n. 
Merv, occupation of, 361 
Messenhausser, 262 
Meszaros, General, 262 
Methuen, Treaty, 1704... 106 
Metternich, Prince, 126, 128, 137, 138, 

138 «., 139, 141, 172 — 178, 181, 186 — 

188, 191 — 193, 200, 202, 207, 208, 221, 

227, 230, 231, 240, 244, 251, 252, 254 




Metz, 273 M., 332, 335, 337, 338, 341, 

345. 346 
Meuse, the river, 227, 335 
Mexican War, 195, 217, 302, 310, 325, 

335 »• 
Meza, General de, 305 
Mezieres, battle at, 346, 347 
Miaoalis, Admiral, 206 
Michael Obrenovitch, 367 
Midhat Pasha, 350 
Mieroslawski, General, 265 
Milan, submission of, 49 

„ secret societies in, 231 

,, revolution in, 252, 255 

„ victory at, 258 

„ arsenal of, 278 
Milan Obrenovitch, (1839), 367 
Milan Obrenovitch, Prince, 350, 351, 

353. 367. 374 
Milosh Obrenovitch, 367 
Mincio, the river, 277 
Minghetti, Marco, 281, 281 n. 
Minorca, capture of, 82 
Miollis, General, 107, 129 
Mirabeau, Comte de, 7, 9, 10, 15, 16, 

17, 27 
Mirabete, 112 
Miranda (Spain), 118 
Miranda, General, 46 
Missolonghi, 205, 206, 212 
Missouri Compromise, the, 217 
Modena, 51, 175, 232, 259, 278 
Modlin, fortress of, 230 
Modon, disembarkation at, 205 
Moga, General, 261 
Mogador, bombardment of, 246 
Mohammed Ahmed, 364 
Moldavia, 126, 132, 152 
Mold, Comte, 222, 222 »., 224, 249 
Moleville, Bertrand de, 72 
MoUendorf, Count von, 47, 47 n. 
Moltke, Count von, 239, 239 «. , 307, 311, 

313. 315. 333. 335. 338, 370 
Moncey, A. J., 89 
Mondego Bay, 109, 114. 121 
Monnaie, battle of, 347 
Monroe, President, 194, 217 
Montague, Admiral, 69, 74 
Montauban, 15 

Mont Avron, battle of, 339, 347 
Montbdliard, 340, 346 
Montdidier, attack on, 345 
Montebello, battle of, no n. 
Montebello, Duke of, no «. 
Montenegro, 350, 352—355. 357.359 
Montenotte, battle of, 49 «. 
Montereau, battle near, 346 
Monte Rotond6, battle of, 283 
Montesquieu, Baron, i, 5, 5 »., 6, 63 
Montesquiou, General, 44 
Montlucon, Treaty of, 56 
Montmddy, surrender of, 347 

Montmorin, 42 

Montoire, battle of, 347 

Montpensier, Due de, 247 

Moore, Sir John,73, 108, 111,113, 120,121 

Moravia, 127 

Morea, the, 200, 202, 205, 211, 212, 299 «. 

Moreau. Jean Victor, 47, 47 »., 48, 50, 

52, 54. 57. 59. 62, 92 
Morella, Count of, 234 n. 
Morelli, Michel, 191 
Morelly, i 

Morny, Due de, 273, 273 »., 288 
Morocco, 302 

Mortier, A. E., 89, 90, 113, 223 n. 
Moscow Campaign, 77 ■«., 117, 133— 

135, 142 «., 145, 147, 227 «., 263 »., 

Moselle, the river, 335 
Mossorin, battle of, 263 
Moukhtar Pasha, 357 
Mounier, Jean, 15 
Mount Tabor, battle of, 60 «, 
Mourad, the Eider Dane, 306 
Mouravieff, General, 299, 328 
Mouzon, battle near, 345 
Miinchengratz, conference at, 238, 244 
Munychia, 206 
Murad V., Sultan, 353 
Murat, Joachim, 47, 47 »., 30, 89, 94, 

107, 121, 145, 175. 191 
Murat, house of, 330 
Muravieff, Count, 236 
Murgreesboro, battle of, 368 
MustaphalV., Sultan, 198 
Mysore War, 39, 124 


Nagy Sarlo, battle of, 263 
Nana Sahib, 286 
Nancy, mutiny at, 12 

„ occupation of, 344 
Nantes, 8 «., 21 »., 32 
Napier, Sir Charles, 233, 240, 291 
Napier, Sir William Patrick, 116, 117 
Naples, 175, 191, 192, 200, 231, 232, 

252, 256, 259, 271, 279 
Napoleon I. See Bonaparte, Napoleon 

Napoleon III. See Bonaparte, Louis 

Narew, the river, 166 
Narvaez, Ramon M., 235, 235 «., 302 
Nashville, battle of, 368 
Nassau, joined the ZoUverein, 245 
Natal, 369 

Nauplia, 204 — 206, 212 
Navarino, battle of, 208—210 

„ capture of, 205 
Navarre, 190 

Necker, Jacques, i, 2, 2 «., 4, 7, 10, 13, 16 
Neerwinden, battle of, 46 



Nelson, Horatio, S2— 54, 59, 6o, 69, 70, 

75, 80—84 
Nemours, Due de, 224, 225, 227 
Nesselrode, Count, 172, 221 
Neu Breisach, capitulation of, 346 
Neufchateau, Francois de, 34, 34 n. 
Neufchatel, 176 
Nevesinie, 350 
New Orleans, 124, 150, 368 
Newport, riots at, 268 
New Zealand, 369 
Ney, Michel, 89, 133, 133 «., 134, 139, 

139 «., 140, 144, 145 
Nice, 49, 79, 141, 278 
Nicholas I., 171, 207, 211, 227—230, 

237—239, 244, 245, 254, 289, 290, 298, 

300, 304, 324, 371 
Nicholas, Grand D., 355 — 357 
Nicholson, John, 286 
Nicopolis, siege of, 356 
Niederbronn, skirmish at, 344 
Nielly, Admiral, 69 
Niemen, the river, 130, 133, 134 
Niger, the river, 373, 376, 377 
Nightingale, Miss Florence, 297 
Nikitsh, march on, 350 
Nikolsburg, conference at, 283,318 
Nile, battle of the, 52, 67, 6g, 82, 83 n. 
Ntmes, 15, 25 
Nive, battle of, 122 
Nivelle, battle of, 118, 122 
Nolan, Captain, 296 
Nbotka Sound, question of, 38, 369 
Nore, mutiny at, 76 
Northbrook, Lord, 368 
Northesk, Earl of, 69 
NouaillS, battle of, 25 n. 
Novara, battle of, 256 n., 260, 275 

,, entry of, 276 
Nubar, Pasha, 362 
Nubia, conquest of, 235 
Nuits, occupation of, 347 
Niiremberg, retreat to, 50 


Obok, acquisition of, 377 

Ocjana, 113 

Ochsenbein, Colonel, 248, 248 n. 

O'Connell, Daniel, 214, 243, 269 

Odilon Barrot, C. H., 224, 224 «., 250 

O'Donnell, Ixopold, General, 234 «., 

Oldenburg, Duchy of, 131, 140 
Olivenija, 177 

OUivier, O. E., 331, 331 n., 332, 334 
Olmiitz, flight of Emperor to, 261 

„ Treaty of, 308 
Omdurman, battle at, 365 
Omer Vrioni, 204, 210 
Oporto, III, 112, 121, 260 «. 

Orange Free State, 375 

Orange, house of, 243 

" Orders in Council, the, " 84, 99, 102 

Orense, 112 

Orleans, battles at, 338, 339, 345, 347 

Orleans, Due d' (Philippe Egalit^), 8, 

16, 27 
Orleans, Due d' (killed 1842), 225 
Orsini, Felice, 276, 276 »., 302 
Orthez, battle of, 118 
Osman Digna, 365 
Osman Pasha, 356, 356 «., 357 
Ostermann, Count, 42, 166, 166 ». 
Ostrolenka, battle of, 142 n. 
Otranto, Duke of, 55 n. 
Otto, Prince of Bavaria, 213 
Oudinot, C. N., 89, 138, 139, 142, 142 «., 

272, 272 ». 
Oxford, 144 n., 322 
Ozora, battle of, 262 ». 

Paine, Tom, 63 

Pakenham, General, 117 

Palachy, student of Czech history, 253 

Paladines, Aurelle des, 338, 338 «., 339, 

341, 346, 347 
Palafox, Jos^, no, no »., in 
Palatinate, the, 244 
Palencia, 117 
Palikao, Comte de, 335 
Pallavicini, General, 280 
Palli, Count L., 223 
Palmerston, Lord, 234, 237 — 240, 246 

— 249, 280, 286, 288, 290, 298, 299, 

301, 317, 322 
Pampeluna, 122, 190 
Panine (Russian minister), 42 
Papal States, the, 131, 145, 175, 232, 

252, 259, 270, 325 
Papineau (Canadian rebel), 369 
Paris, first revolution in, 7 — 37, 55 
.. 134 


,, first treaty of, 143, 144, 172 

• • ■• >> 1. 146 


,, second treaty of, 177, 180 

,, revolution in 1848, 249 — 251 

,, death of Gioberti at, 259 n. 

„ Treaty of, 1856. ..275, 299, 300, 
301, 329 

,, siege of, 336—340, 345> 347 

,, Commune in, 341, 342 
Parker, Admiral, 59, 60, 69 
Parker, William (mutineer), 76 
Parma, 93, 232, 259 
Parma, Duke of, 58, 59 
Parthenopean Republic, 53 
Paskievitsch, General, 230, 291 



Pasley, Admiral, 69 

Pasques, battle near, 346 

Pasquier, Due de, 131, 131 n. 

Passarowitz, Treaty of, 367 

Passeyer valley, 127 

Pau, 118, 330 

Paul I., I, 53, 54, 56, 58—60, 67, 157 «., 

Pedro I., 232, 233 
Pedro II., 233 
Peel, Sir Robert, 197, 238, 243, 246, 268, 

P^lissier, General, 299, 299 n. 
Peinba, island of, 377 
Pennefather, General, 296 
Pepe, General, 256 
Perceval, Spencer, 114, 150 
Perczel, General, 261 — 263 
Pered, battle of, 263 
Perier, Casimir, 222, 222 «., 223, 232 
Perier, Casimir, President, 324 
P6rignon, de, 89 
P^ronne, capitulation of, 347 
Persano, Count, 282 
Peru, war with, 302 
Peschiera, 50, 258 
Pesth, 255, 260, 262 
Pesti Hirlap, reform journal, 253 
Peter the Great, 179, 286, 287 
Peter Karageorgevich (King of Servia), 

Peterloo, massacre of, 196 
Potion de Villeneuve, J^r&me, 23, 23 n. 
Petrocuno, the nun, 330 
Petros, Bey of the Maina, 203, 212 
Peucker, General von, 265 
Philadelphian Convention, 39 
Philippeville, 146 
Philippopolis, 374 
Piacenza, annexation of, 93 
Piacenza, Duke of, 36 n. 
Pianelli, General, 282 
Pichegru, Charles, 34, 46, 47, 47 «., 48, 

91, 92 
Picton, General, 116 
Piedmont, 193, 252, 260 «., 275—278 
Pierrefitte, battle of, 345 
Pilica, 165 

Pilnitz, Declaration of, 20 
Pindari War, 217 
Pirot, 374 
Pitt, William, 2, 39, 42, 45, 53, 60, 63, 

64, 67, 69, 70, 86, 92, 94, 95, 100, 102 
Pius VI., Pope, 53 
Pius VII., Pope, 129, 171, 175, 270 
Pius VIII., Pope, 270 
Pius IX., 252, 259, 270, 272, 278, 279, 

281, 283, 324 
Plasencia, 112 
Plassey, victory at, 80 
Plaswitz, armistice of, 137 
Plevna, siege of, 295 «„ 356, 357, 361 n. 

Plock, 167 

Plombi^res, compact of, 276 

Plymouth, 147 

Poland, fassim. 

Poll, acquisition of, 211 

Polignac, Prince de, 218, 218 n., 219, 222 

Polk, President, 217 

Pomare, Queen of Tahiti, 245 

Pommereul, General, 131, 131 n. 

Poniatowski, Joseph, Prince, 8g, 166, 

166 n. 
Poniatowski, Stanislas, King of Poland, 

152, 154—160 
Ponsonby, Lord, 237 
Pont a Noyelles, battle of, 347 
Pontarlier, retreat to, 340, 347 
Pontifical Zouaves, 338 
Popham, General, 100 
Portalis, J. M., 131, 131 n. 
Portland, Duke of, 100, 150 
Port Mabon, capture of, 82 
Porto di Turbigo, 276 
Portugal, passim. 
Portugal, royal house of, 269 
Posen, 159, 167, 174 
Potochi, Ignatius, 154, 154 «., 
Potochi, Felix, 157, 158 
Potsdam, Treaty of, 95 
Prague, conference at, 138 
,, Slav majority in, 261 
„ Treaty of, i856,..3i9 
Presburg, Treaty of, 94, 95 

„ Diet of, 1832. ..253 n. 
„ revolution in, 255 
Price, Dr., 63 
Prim, General, 302, 330 
Prince Imperial, the, 334 
Pritchard, consul of Tahiti, 223, 245 
Prittwitz, General von, 256 
Provence, 15 
Provera, General, 51 
Prussia, passim. 

Pruth, the river, 200, 209, 356, 374 
Psara, island of, 202, 203, 205 
Pul-i-Katun, 361 
Pulszky, General, 262 
Pultusk, battle of, 100 n. 
Punjaub, annexation of, 217 
Pyrenees, battles of, 118, 122 


Quasdanowich, General, 50 
Quatre Bras, battle of, 145 
Quesnay, Francjois, i 
Quiberon, expedition to, 39 
Quiroga, Colonel, igo 


Radetzky, General, 256, 256 n., 258, 259 
Radzivil, A. H., 229, 229 m. 



Raggi, the, 231 
Raglan, Lord, 291 — 293 
Raslawice, battle of, 162 
Rastadt, meeting at, 52 
Ratazzi, Urbano, 280, 280 »., 281, 283 
Rathgarh, 286 
Ratisbon, 65, 127 
Rawka, battle of, 164 
Rechberg, Count von, 305, 306, 306 n. 
Reding, General, 121 
" Reform Banquets," 249 
Reform Bill, 1832. ..225, 242 
Regency Bill, 150 
Reggio, Duke of, 272 n. 
Regnier, C. A., 55, 55 n. 
Reichenbaeh, Treaty of, 138 
,, alliance at, 173 

Reichstadt, meeting at, 353 
Reichstadt, Duke of, 223 
Reinhardt, 42 

Reshid Pasha, 203, 205 n., 235 
Retzow, 267 

Rewbell, J. F., 33, 33 «., 34 
Reyan, General, 345 
Rhetz, General Voights, 346 
Rhine, the river, 20, 22, 44, 48, 57, 140, 

141. i74i 319, 327. 329, 333 

Rhine, Confederation of the, 96 — 99, 
139, 140, 240 

Riccardi, Baron, 280 

Richelieu, Cardinal, i, 4, 278 

Richelieu, Due de, 184, 184 «., 185, 186 

Ried, Treaty of, 139 

Riego, R. del, 190 

Riel, rebellion of, 369 

Rimnick, battle of, 152 

Rio Seco, battle of, 108, 121 

Ripon, Marquis of, 368 

Rivifere (French hero), 377 

Rivoli, battle of, 51 

Rivoli, Duke of, 113 n. 

Robespierre, Maximilian M., 15, 15 n. 
17, 19, 22—27, 29—31, 72 

Rochambeau, General, 72 

Rochefort, 147 

Rocroy, occupation of, 347 

Rodil, General, 233 

Rodney, Admiral, 71 

Roebuck, John, 297 

Roederer, Comte de, 97, 97 ». 

Roland, Jean Marie, 19 »., 21 

Roland, Madame, 19, 19 »., 27 

Roli9a, battle of, 109, 121 

Romagna, 51, 232, 271, 278 

Romanov, house of, 170, 323 

Rome, desire of good rule m, 65 
„ and Congress of Vienna, 175 
,, declared a Republic, 259 
„ republic of, 272 n. 
„ defence of, 276 ». 
„ capital of Italy, 283 
,, occupied by French, 325 

Rome, capture of, 342 n. 

„ Russian visit to, 373 
Roon, General von, 309, 309 »., 316 
Rosa, Martinez de la, 233 
Rose, Sir Hugh, 286, 289 
Rossi, Pellegriuo, 259, 259 n. 
Rostopchin, Count, 133, 133 n. 
Rouen, battles at, 339, 345, 346 
Roumania, 210, 356, 357 
Rousseau, Jean J., i, 5, 6, 6 «., 63 
Roussin, ]3aron, 236, 236 n. 
Roveredo, battle of, 34 n. 
Roy, General, 347 
Royer-CoUard, Deputy, 219 
Rudiger, Fedor, 229, 229 «. , 263 
Ruffo, Cardinal, 54, 54 «. 
Rumili, 198 «. 
Russell, Lord John, 197, 242, 269, 297, 

298, 301, 304, 322 
Russia, passim. 
Rzewuski, Severin, 157 

Saalfeld, battle of, 135 ». 

Saar, the river, 333, 334 

Saarbruck, battle of, 334, 344 

Saargemiind, 333 

Saarlouis, 333 

Saavedra (Spanish minister), 42 

Sacile, battle of, 127 

Sacker, 142 

Sadowa, battle of, 316 

Saffi, triumvir of Rome, 252 n. 

Safvet Pasha, 355 

Sagar, 286 

Sagunto, 121 

Sahara, the French in the, 377 

Saint Arnauld, General, 273, 273 n. 

288, 292, 294 
St. Avoid, occupation of, 344 
Saint Cloud, councils at, 35 
Ste. Croix, Bigot de, 42 
Saint Cyr, L., 89 
St. Dizier, battle of, 14 

„ occupation of, 345 
St. Gallen, 231 
St. Helena, 147 
Saint-Just, Louis, 26, 26 re., 28, 29— 


St. Lucia, 73, 143 

St. Olalla, 112 

St. Petersburg, 124 re., 152, 166, 192, 
,, conference at, 207 

,, Protocol of, 208 

„ rising in, 228 

St. Quentin, battles of, 339, 345, 346 

St. R6my, battle of, 345 

St. Simon, 246, 246 n. 

St. Vincent, battle of Cape, 73 



Salamanca, 113, 117, 122 

Salambria, 360 

Salisbury, Marquis of, 358, 359, 367, 

Salis-Soglio, Colonel, 249 
Salonica, 200, 352 
Salvati, Giuseppe, 191 
Salzburg, 128, 174, 329 
Sand, Karl, 187, 187 ». 
San Domingo, 48, 67, 99, 302 
Sandomir, 165, 167 
Sand River Convention, 369, 375 
San Ildefonzo, Treaty of, 105 
San Martino, battle at, 277 
San Sebastian, 118, 122 
San Stefano, Treaty of, 342 «., 357 — 

Santa Cruz, attack on, 75 
Santa Lucia, battle of, 258 
Santarem, 114 
Saragossa, battle at, no, no »., in, 

Sardinia, 175, 260 ». 
Sarner Bund, the, 231 
Savannah, battle of, 368 
Savary, General, 130, 130 n. 
Savoy, surrendered 1796... 49 

,, boundary of, 141 

„ invasion of, 252 n. 

„ cession of, 278 

„ demonstration in, 374 
Sayn, Prince of, 210 n. 
Saxe-Coburg, house of, 197 
Saxe-Teschen, Duke of, 45 
Saxony, 140, 174, 176, 230, 244, 245, 

257, 265 
Saxony, Elector of, 154, 157 
Scarborough, Fort, 72 
Scarlett, General, 295 
Schafarick (student), 253 
Schahofskoy, General, 357 
Scharnhorst, David von, 125, 125 »., 

I3Z> i35> i37i 308 
Schassburg, battle of, 263 
Scheldt, [he river, 23, 45, 127, 128 
Schelestadt, occupation of, 346 
Sch^rer, B. L. J., 48, 48 »., 54 
Schill (Prussian officer), 127 
Schimmelpenninck, 93 
Schipka Pass, battle at, 361 ». 
Schleswig. See Schleswig-Holstein. 
Schleswig-Holstein, 257 «., 266, 302 — 

309, 314, 317 
Schlich, Count, 262 
Schmerling (Austrian minister), 306 
Schonbrunn, Treaty of, 95 
Schouvaloff, Count, 358, 358 »., 359 
Schulemburg, 42 
Schwarzenburg, von, 139, 139 »., 141, 

Schwarzenburg, Prince Felix, 262, 263 

—267, 304, 308 

Schwytz, 248 

Scutari, 236 

Sebastiani, Colonel, 90, 113 

Sebastopol, siege of, 291 — 300 

Sedan, battle of, 277 »., 335, 336, 345 

Sedition Act, 64 

Segauli, Treaty of, 124 

Segesvar, battle of, 263 

Selim III., 152 

Senegal, governor of, 339 n. 

Seringapatam, siege of, 67, 122 

Serrano, General, 247, 247 n. 

Serre, Count de, 185 

S^rurier, J. M., 8g 

Servia, 350, 353— 359> 367, 374 

Shenstone, Sir Theophilus, 375 

Shere Ali, Amir, 361 

Shiloh, battle of, 368 

Shumla, siege of, 210 

Siam, 378 

" Siccardi Laws," 275 

Sicily, 278, 279 

"Siebener Concordat," 231 

Sierra Leone, 377 

Sierra Morena, 113 

Sievers (Russian plenipotentiary), 160, 

Sieyes, Comte de, 19, 19 n., 35, 36, 

Sikh War, 217 
Silesia, 138 
Silistria, 210, 291 
Simnitza, 356 
Simpson, General, 298 
Sind War, 217 
Sindhia of Gwalior, 286 
Sistova, 198, 356 
Skobeleff, General, 361, 361 ». 
Slivnitza, 374 
Slobosia, Treaty of, 198 
Smith, Sir Sidney, 82 
Smolensk, 133 «., 134, 166 n. 
Smolensk, Prince of, 133 n. 
Sobieski, John, 162 
Sobral, 114 
Sofia, 374 

Soissons, surrender of, 343 
Solamo, 116 

Solferino, battle of, 277, 293 ». 
Solothurn, 231 
Somali coast, 377 
Somerset, Lord Fitzroy, 291 
Sonderbund, the, 248, 249 
Sorauren, 118 
Souham, General, 117 
Soult, Nicholas, 89, no, no »., in — 

118, 120, 122, 143, 144, 223, 240 
Southey, Robert, 63 
Spa Fields, riots in, 196 
Spain, passim. 
Spandau, fortress of, 98 
Spanish Bourbons, pedigree of, 122 



Spencer, Lord, 76 

Spencer, Major-General, 109 

Spezia, island of, 202 

Sphacteria, 205 

Spicheren, heights of, 334 

Spielmann, Baron, 160 

Spiers, capture of, 45 

Spithead, mutiny at, 39, 76 

Stadion, Count, 112, 112 «., 126, 128 

Stadion, Count Francis, 254, 262 

Stael, Madame de, 144 n. 

Stang, battle of, 53 

Stanley, Henry, 376, 376 n. 

Stein, Baron von, 124, 124 «., 125, 136, 

138, 139, 141, 176 
Steinmetz, General von, 333, 333 n., 

344. 345 
Stenay, battle near, 345 
Stettin, 98, 140 
Stewart, Lord, 192 
Stewart, Sir Herbert, 365 
Steyer, armistice at, 59 
Stockach, battle of, 54 
Stourdza, Alexander, 187, 187 «. 
Strachan, Sir R., 128 
Strasburg, 332, 338, 341, 344, 345 
Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, 289, 290 
Strathnairn, Lord, 289 
Strauss, David, 248, 248 n. 
Strogonofi (Russian ambassador), 201 
Stuttgart, German Parliament at, 264 

„ meeting at, 302 
Styria, 260 

Suchet, L. G., 89, 121 
Sudaria, 360 
Sue, Eugene, 274, 274 n. 
Suez Canal, shares of, 351, 352, 362 
Suleiman Pasha, 357 
Suli, relief of, 204 
Suvorof, General, 54, 54 »»., 152, 164, 

Sweden, royal house of, 197 
Swiss Guard, the, 21 
Switzerland, 175, 176, 224, 231, 248, 

252 «., 326, 340, 347, 373, 374, 375 
Syria, 236, 240 

Szechenyl, Count, 253, 253 n. 
Szoreg, battle of, 263 

Taganrog, 207 

Tagliamento, battle of, 51 

Tagus, the river, 112 

Tahiti, 225, 245 

Talavera, battle of, 112, 121 

Talleyrand de Perigord, C. M., 42, 55, 

55 »■> 59i 92, 95. 130. 142, 144. 176. 

182, 220 
Tamames, 113 
Tangier, bombardment of, 246 

Tann, General von der, 338, 338 «., 

345. 346 
Tantia Topi, 286 
Tapio Bacze, battle of, 263 
Tarbes, 118 

Targowice, Confederation of, 157 — 159 
Tarnopol, 167 

Tashkeiit, annexation of, 302 
Tauenzien (Prussian minister), 166 
Taurus mountains, 236, 237 
Taylor, President, 217 
Tchad, Lake, 377 
Tchernaief, General, 352, 353 
Tchis Klishliar, 361 
Teano, meeting at, 279 
Tegetthoff, Admiral, 282, 282 «., 283 
Tel-el-Kebir, battle of, 363 
Tel-el-Mahuta, battle of, 363 
Temple, the, 21 
Teneriffe, Nelson at, 75 
Tennessee, creation of, 39 
Teplitz. See Ttiplitz. 
Terneuse, 128 
Texel, the, 47 
Theebaw, King, 378 
Therapia, 237 
Thessaly, 213, 360, 374 
Thiers, Louis A., 219, 2ig »., 223, 224, 

234, 240, 250, 324, 336, 340, 341, 

Thionville, fighting at, 332, 345, 346 
Thorn, 153, 154, 159, 174 
Thoury, battle of, 345 
Thugut, F. M., 42, 47, 47 »., 48, 52, 58, 

59, 162, 165 
Thun, Count, 258 
Thurgau, 231 

Thuringian States, 245, 315 
Thurlow, Lord, 39 
Ticino, the river, 276 
Tilsit, meeting at, 100, loi, 124, 131, 147 
Tirlemont, battle of, 227 
Tirnovo, 200 
Tobago, 72, 143 

Todleben, Colonel von, 294, 295, 295 n. 
Tokar, relief of, 364 
Toledo, 113 
Tolentino, peace of, 51 
Tonkin, French Protectorate of, 377 
Toplitz, Treaty of, 139 
,, conference at, 188 
„ meeting at, 244 
Torgau, 140 
Toro, 118 

Torre, Duke de la, 247 n. 
Torrejos, battle of, 112 
Torres, Vedras, lines of, 113, 114 
Toul, repulse at, 345 
Toulon, 25, 39, 46, 78, 80, 81, 83 
Toulouse, 109, 118, 122, 143, 337 
Tours, 337, 347 
Trachenburg, Compact of, 136 



Trafalgar, battle of, 69, 83, 84, 86, 98, 

105, 106, 146 
Traitorous Correspondence Bill, 39, 64 
Transvaal, annexation of, 366, 375 
Trebbia, victory on the, 54 
Treilhard, J. B., 32, 32 n. 
Treskow, General von, 346 
Trevise, Due de, 223 n. 
Trier, 174 

Trieste, 51 234, 372 
Trikala, Pasha of, 198 «. 
Trinidad, capture of, 61, 105 
Tripolitza, 203, 205 
Trochu, General, 336, 336 »., 338, 347 
Trogoff, Admiral, 78 
Troppau, congress at, 192 
Troubridge, Captain, 75, 82 
Trouchet, Francjois, 24 
Troyes, 3 

Tiibingen, Strauss at, 248 n. 
Tudela, battle of, in, 121 
Tugendbund, the, 126 
Tuileries, the, 21, 25 
Tunis, 372 

Turcoing, battle at, 47 
Turgot, A. R. J., 2 
Turkey, passim. 
Turin, march on, 275, 276 

,, capital of United Italy, 279 

,, Treaty of, 302 
Tuscany, 175, 278 
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, 259 
Tyler, President, 217 
Tyrol, 127, 174, 320 


Ulm, 57, 94 

Umbria, 232, 279 

Umbria, General, 277 

United Irishmen, Society of, 38 

United States enters European foreign 

affairs, 376 
Unkiar-Skelessi, Treaty of, 237, 239, 

Unterwalden, canton of, 248 
Uri, canton of, 248 
Urquijo (Spanish minister), 42 
Usedom, Baron von, 311 
Utrecht, Treaty of, 1713...233, 247 

Vadier, M. G., 31, 31 n. 

Valais, 176, 248 

Valence, Comte de, 46, 46 n. 

Valencia, 117 — 119 

Valencia, Duke of, 235 ti. 

Valladolid, 116 

Valmy, cannonade at, 44 

Valmy, Duke of, 44 n. 

Van Buren, President, 217 

Vandamme, Dominic, 139, 139 n. 

Van Winter, J. W., 77, 77 ?!. 

Varennes, flight to, 23 

Varna, 210, 292 

Vaubois, General, 82 

Veldencze, battle near, 261 

Venaissin, 43 

Vend6me, battle at, 339 

Venegas, 113 

Venetia, 175, 281, 283, 310 — 314, 318 

Venice, 51, 52, 65, 127, 256, 259, 270, 

276 «., 279 «. 
Verdun, fall of, 22, 44 

,, battles at, 335, 346 
Verela, Treaty of, 152 
Vergniaud, Pierre, 18, 18 n., 23, 24, 27 
Vermont, creation of, 39 
Verona, seizure of, 50, 51 

„ congress at, 195, 198, 244 
„ retreat to, 256 
„ march from, 282 
Versailles, 4, 10, 340, 341 
„ treaty of, 369 

Verviers, 226 
Vicenza, fall of, 259 
Vicenza, Duke of, 108 n. 
Vicksburg, battle of, 368 
Victor, Claude, 89, 112, 114, 115, 121 
Victoria, Queen, 196, 245, 268, 324, 

Victor Emanuel I., 260, 260 «., 270 
Victor Emanuel II., 276 — 283, 302, 310, 


Victor Emanuel III., 324 

Vielopolski, Alexander, 254 

Vienna, 51, 127, 144, 277, 372, 373 
, , Congress of, 94 »., 138 »., 142 «., 
167, 168, 171 — 182, 186, 195, 
201, 223, 248, 271, 327, 328 
,, conference at, 1818...188 , 
,, conference at, 1833. ..230 
,, conference at, 1855. ..298 
„ revolution in, 255 — 262 
,, Treaty of, 1809.. .128 
,, Treaty of, 1864... 306 
„ Treaty of, 1866. ..283 

Vigevano, armistice of, 259, 260, 272 

Vilagos, battle of, 263 

Villafranca, armistice at, 278 
,, plain of, 282 

„ Treaty of, 260 n. 

Villarais, battle near, 347 

Villa Real, 233 

Villaret-Joyeuse, Admiral, 69, 74 

Villarey, General, 282 

Villejuif, battle of, 345 

Villele, Comte de, 186, 186 «., 217, 218 

Villeneuve, Admiral, 69, 83, 83 «., 86 

Villersexel, battle of, 340 

Villiers, capture of, 338 

Vilma, library at, 143 



Virniero, battle of, log, no, 121 

Vincennes, 92 

Vinegar Hill, battle of, 77 

Vinoy, General, 345 

Vionville, battle at, 335 

Viseu, 114 

Vistula, the river, 165, i66, 254 

Vitebsk, 153 

Vittoria, battle of, 118 

Vittoria, Duke of, 234 n. 

Volhynia, 159 

Volo, Gulf of, 212 

Voltaire, Frangois, i, 5, 5 «., 6, 63 

Vouray, battle of, 346 

Vouziers, battle near, 345 


Wagram, battle of, 54 «., 77 «., 127, 

227 n. 
Wahlstadt, Prince of, 98 n. 
Waitangi, Treaty of, 369 
Waitzen, battle of, 263 
Walcheren expedition, 128 
Waldegrave, Admiral, 69 
Wallachia, 126, 132, 199 
Walloon-Luxemburg, 227 
Walpole, Sir R., policy of, 69 
Walpole, Sir Spencer, 300 
Wandewash, victory at, 80 
Warsaw, 108, 127, 154, 162, 164, 167, 229 
Warsaw, Grand Duchy of, 128, 131, 

166 «., 167, 173 
Wartburg, festival at, 187 
Wartensleben, General, 50, 50 «. 
Washington, George, 39 
Washington, capture of, 124, 150 
Waterloo, battle of, 98 «., iiok., 135)1., 

146, 218, 316 
Wattignies, battle of, 46 
Wavre, Bliicher at, 145, 227 k. 
Wawrzechi, General, 164 
Weyrother, General, 95 
Weissemberg, battle of, 1793... 46 

„ battle of, 1870. ..344 

Welden, General, 263 
Wellesley, Marquis of, 124, 197 
Wellington, Duke of, 70, 108—122, 

143—146, 172, 186, 206—209, 214, 

233, 238, 242, 291, 301 
Wensleydale Peerage, case of, 301 
Warder, General von, 338, 338 n., 339, 

340, 346, 347 
Weser, the river, 130, 174 
Wesselenyi, Baron, 253, 253 n. 
Westphalia, Kingdom of, 98, 100. 140, 

174.244 „. . ^ 
Wexford, rebellion m, 67 
Whitelock, General, 100 
Whitworth, Lord, 90 
Wiazma, 133 
Wieliczka, salt mines of, 167 


Wilderness, battle of the, 368 
William I. (German Emperor), 280. 

307—309, 316—319, 324, 326,327, 330, 

331, 334. 336, 341. 374. 375 
William II. (German Emperor), 375, 377 
William III. of England, 70 
William IV. of England, 232, 238, 242, 

William of Bavaria, 55 n. 
William I. of Wiirtemberg, 189 
William I. of the Netherlands, 175, 

226, 227, 228 
William III. of Holland, 328 
Williams, Sir W. Fenwicice, 299, 357 
Willisen, General von, 304 
Wilna, 162, 164, 167 
Wilson, Sir Rivers, 362 
Wimpfen, General, 46 
Windischgratz, Prince, 258, 258 m., 262, 

Winzingerode, General, 142, 142 n. 
Wittgenstein, Prince, 136, 137, 210, 

210 11. 
Wittich, General, 345 
Wladimeresco, Theodor, 199, 200 
Wohlgemuth, General, 263 
Wolseley, Sir Garnet, 363, 363 
Wordsworth, William, 63 
Worms, capture of, 45 
Worth, battle of, 1793. ..46 

„ battle of, 1870... 334, 344 
Wrangel, General, 257, 257 «., 303, 303 
Wiirmser, D. S., 46, 46 ?^., 48, 50 
Wiirtemberg, 196, 210, 243, 257, 265. 

266, 326 
Wiirtemberg, elector of, 94, 93, 96 
Wiirzberg, 174 
Wyndham, General, 286 

Yea, Lacy, 293 

Yorck, General, 136, 136 «., 142 

York, Duke of, 46, 47, 130, 214 

Young, Arthur, 9, 14 

Ypres, battle at, 47 

Ypsilanti, Alexander, 199, 199 n., 200, 

Ypsilanti, Demetrius, 203, 203 «., 204, 


Zajaczek, General, 165, 165 «., i58 
Zamose, fortress of, 230 
Zanzibar, occupation of, 377 
Zielence, battle of, 138 
Zollverein, German, 244, 243 
Zulu Wars, 367, 375 
Zumalacarrequi, Tomas, 234, 234 n. 
Zurich, 34, 113 »., 231, 248, 278 
Zwittau, 317 


D D 


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