Skip to main content

Full text of "The question of northern Epirus at the Peace conference"

See other formats




Cornell University Library 
D 465.C34 

Quest on of northern Epirus at the Peace 

3 1924 027 913 916 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 




Honorary Secretary of the PaD>Epirotic Union of America 





■ ' vr ' 




Uonorary President 

George Christ Zographos 

(Ex-president of the Autonomous 3tate of Epirus a>id former 

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece) 

Honorary Secretary 
Nicholas J. CaBsaveteg 

Vassilios K. Meliones 

Sophocles Hadjiyaunis 

George Gerontakis 

OenerOfl Beoretary 
Michael C. Mihailidis 

Assistant Secretary 
Evangelos Despptes 

CENTRAL OFFICE 7 Water Stteet. Room 410. 






Honorary Secretary of the Pan-Epirotic Union of America 













Though the question of Northern Epirus is not pre- 
eminent among the numerous questions which have arisen 
since the political waters of Europe were set into violent 
motion by the War, its importance can be measured neither 
by the numbers of the people involved, nor by the serious- 
ness of the dangers that may arise from the disagreement 
of the two or three nations concerned in the dispute. 
Northern Epirus is the smallest of the disputed territories 
in Europe, and its population is not more than 300,000. 

The question of Poland involves a population of many 
millions and the imperial aggrandisement of Germany. 
The question of Alsace-Lorraine involves the pride of the 
French nation, the richest iron mines in the world, and the 
everlasting menacing of France by Germany. 

The Epirotic question does not press itself upon the 
attention of the English speaking peoples because of such 
weighty considerations. 

The struggle is not between two nations trying to con- 
quer each other. It is simply on the one hand the un- 
willingness of the Northern Epirotes to accept the Alba- 
nian rule, and on the other the anxiety of the Albanian 
chiefs to have the Northern Epirotes included in the Al- 
bania of tomorrow. 

Possibilities of international difficulties are not expected 
to ensue from the disagreement of the Epirotes with the 
Albanians. If worse comes to worst, there may be a repe- 
tition of the comico-tragedy of 1914, during which the 
Northern Epirotes rose in revolt against the Albanian rule, 
and hastened the downfall of a State which had been 
hastily created, and unwisely allowed to govern itself with- 
out even elementary knowledge of self-government. 

If the English-speaking peoples are invited to take in- 


terest in the Epirotic (Question it is on purely ethical 
grounds. After the war, the English-speaking peoples of 
the earth will have emerged as the arbiters of the destinies 
of mankind. 

The world will be better, or will be worse, after the war, 
in proportion as the English-speaking peoples shall try to 
render justice fairly, and impartially, or shall disregard 
the rights, and prove indifferent to the liberties, of the 
small nationalities. 

The Epirotic question, then, is brought to the attention 
of the English-speaking world, as to a just tribunal, and 
the author of this brief study will feel justified in having 
attempted to put in print certain facts generally familiar 
only to students of Balkan history, if this just tribunal of 
the English-speaking world is thus induced to render jus- 
tice where justice is due. 

The writer of this brochure is an Epirote himself, and it 
may be only fair to the cause of those who differ from 
him on the question of Northern Epirus to warn the reader 
to be on the watch for any partiality which may overcome 
his sincere effort to bring out the facts as honestly and as 
truthfully as he knows how. 

A certain reserve is generally maintained by people to- 
ward writings which refer to persons or things favored by 
the authors. Rarely do people like to hear a man praise 
or even accuse himself. The opinions of others about our- 
selves are more readily accepted. In attempting to pro- 
duce this brochure the author is, therefore, conscious that 
he is prejudicing the cause to which he is attached. If he 
ventures to write on the question of Epirus, it is only be- 
cause in his experience as a Secretary of the Pan-Epirotic 
Union in America, he has discovered that there are no 
authoritative writings of any very recent date on the ques- 
tion of Epirus, and that the journalists and political writ- 
ers whom he has met confessed their complete lack of 
famiharity with the Epirotic problem. 

The purpose of this brochure is not to give an exhaustive 


history of the Albanians nor of the Epirotes. The aim of 
it is to bring out very briefly what the Epirotic question 
is, to give only the essential and outstanding facts of the 
problem, and to allow the readers to form their own con- 
clusions as to whether the Province of Northern Epirus 
should be included in the future Albania, or whether it 
should be reunited with Greece as in 1913. 

It is also the purpose of this booklet to bring to bear, 
here, the testimony of the men who have made partial or 
total studies of the Epirotes, and by quoting from their 
writings, extensively and fairly, to give to the readers as 
varied a testimony as will enable them to sift the facts and 
establish the justice of each of the disputant parties, the 
Epirotes and the Albanians. 

The author will try to prove that Northern Epirus is 
Greek in feeling, in thought, in culture, and in aspirations 
as well as in blood. As an Epirote, he knows the feeling 
of the Epirotes, but he does not demand that his testimony 
be believed except as it is supported by disinterested and 
trustworthy authorities. To that end, he will quote ex- 
tensively from numerous writings on Epirus and Albania 
since 1800 A. d. 

The author wishes to express his indebtedness for the 
valuable assistance offered to him by Mr. Evangelos C. 
Despotes, the present Secretary of the Union, in having 
readily contributed valuable information on the Pan-Epi- 
rotic Union of America, and to thank Professor Carroll 
N. Brown, of the College of the City of New York, for his 
re^nsion of the manuscript and supervision of the publi- 
cation of this little book about Epirus. 

■ The Author, 

Private N. J. Cassaa-iites, 
12th Division, U. S. A. 



America and 

I The Epirotic Problem . . .' . 

II The Albanian Propagandists and Their 


III History or Epirus 

IV Ethnology 
V Culture .... 

VI Geography of Epirus 
VII Population oe Epirus 
VIII Schools .... 
IX Economic Aspects of the 
X Strategic Aspects 
XI Italian Ambitions 
XII Albanian Atrocities . 

XIII The Epirotic Question in 

IN Great Britain . 

XIV The Epirotes in America 
XV Conclusion 

Appendix A . 

Lecture Delivered by Colonel Murray, A.M 
M.V.O., in Morley Hall, January 7, 1913, Entitled 
"Northern Epirus in 1913." 

Appendix B 

Communication of Mr. C. S. Butler to the "Man- 
chester Guardian" on September 30, 1914, on North- 
ern Epirus. 

Appendix C 

Communication to the "Daily Chronicle" of April 7, 
1914, by Mr. Z. D. Ferriman, Author of "Home Life 
in Hellas" and "Turkey and the Turks." 

Appendix D . . ' 

Communication of the Honorable Pember Reeves, 
ex-Governor of New Zealand, to the "Daily Chronicle" 
of April 11, 1914. 

Appendix E 

Communication of the Greek Ambassador at London, 
J. Gennadius, to the London "Times" of April 30, 















In 1912, the Greek and Serbian armies were sweeping 
the Turkish and Albanian forces before them in Epirus 
and Albania, and were occupying Korytza and Durazzo, 
respectively. Austria sent an ultimatum to Serbia, and 
Italy sent one to Greece, with the demands that Serbia 
evacuate Albania, and that Greece arrest her advance on 

Serbia withdrew her forces from Durazzo, and Mr, 
Venizelos immediately checked the advance of the Greek 
troops. Meanwhile, under the auspices of Austria, Ismail 
Kemal Bey, a Turkish Cabinet Minister, declared the in- 
dependence of Albania at Valona, while Essad Pasha, 
under the auspices of Italy, was striving to make himself 
King of part of Albania, at Durazzo. None but a hand- 
ful of Albanians joined Kemal Bey. A handful more 
joined Essad Pasha in opposition to Kemal. 

The great mass of the Albanians did not take part in the 
movement for an Albanian State. They did not under- 
stand; they did not care. They wanted to remain subject 
to Turkey, under whose regime they were. left to them- 
selves, each clan under its own chieftain, free to plunder 
and to rob the Christian Serbs in Macedonia, and the 
Christian Epirots in Epirus. 

Austria was clearly intent upon creating difficulties for 
the Balkan Allies in order to split up the Balkan Feder- 
ation. Serbia was driven from the sea. Greece was 
threatened with the loss of Epirus. The Triple Alliance 


was ready to plunge the world into the Great War. The 
Balkan melee was offering an excellent opportunity. 

Sir Edward Grey and President Poincare perceived 
the danger. They sought to avoid the catastrophe. They 
persuaded Serbia to withdraw from the sea, and prevailed 
upon Mr. Venizelos to renounce the Greek claims on Epi- 
rus. Thus, in 1913, in order to postpone the Great War, 
IS^orthern Epirus was awarded to the Kingdom of Al- 
bania. The Greek army was forced to evacuate all the 
territory occupied in 1913. The Greek soldiers with tears, 
and amid the lamentations of the population, abandoned 
Northern Epirus. The Albanian soldiers were to occupj'^ 
the Province thus evacuated. That was in the Spring of 

Suddenly, the Epirot population rose, and declared its 
intention to die rather than submit to Albania. The Epi- 
rotes declared their country independent and autonomous, 
and completely defeated all the Albanian armies sent 
against them under Austrian, Turkish, and Italian officers. 

The Provisional Government of Northern Epirus, under 
George Zographos, appealed for aid to the Powers, and 
asked that Northern Epirus be allowed to join itself to 
Greece. Mr. Venizelos, fearing European complications, 
denied the Epirot Deputies admission to the Greek Par- 

The Great Powers were forced to recognize the Auton- 
omy of the Epirotes, but the Central Powers insisted that 
autonomous Epirus should be part of the Kingdom of 
Albania. The representatives of the Epirotic govern- 
ment were forced to accept the terms rather than keep 
up an unequal struggle. 

The Conference of the Representatives of the Powers 
:accepted the terms of the Epirotes, which were as follows: 

( 1 ) Northern Epirus is autonomous. 

(2) It recognizes King William of Wied as its legal 

(3) It sends deputies to the Albanian Parliament. 


(4) The official language of North Epirus is Greek. 

(5) The language in the schools is Greek; Albanian is 
only optional. 

(6) The Epirotes have their own militia, under their 
own officers, which cannot be used outside of Northern 

The acceptance of these terms, it is clear, meant com- 
plete independence for the Northern Epirotes. But no 
sooner was the Protocol of Corfu signed than a revolution 
broke out in Valoria. King William of Wied fled. Al- 
bania was in utter disorder. Hordes of irregular Alba- 
nians began to invade Northern Epirus. Massacre, loot- 
ing and rapine ensued. Mr. Venizelos, fearing for the 
fate of the Epirotes, asked the Powers to be allowed to 
reoccupy Northern Epirus for the protection of the Epi- 
rotes from the savagery of wild ISIussulman tribes. 

The Powers consented, and the Greek Army returned 
to Northern Epirus amid the frenzied enthusiasm of the 
population which believed that this reoccupation meant 
permanent union with Greece. Such was the state of af- 
fairs in Northern Epirus in 1914. 

The diplomats of the Central Powers had made up their 
minds that Northern Epirus was too fanatically attached 
to Greece to be separated by force. 

In 1914, the Great War broke out. 

In 1915, Mr. Venizelos was forced to resign and all Al- 
bania was occupied by the Austrians. The attitude of 
King Constantine became very suspicious, and the Allies 
ordered the Greek army demobilized. 

Under the pretext of protecting the Allied flanks, Italy 
occupied Northern Epirus; drove out the Greek civil au- 
thorities; forced the Greek schools to close; initiated a 
violent and unprecedented persecution of the Greek 
clergy; and imprisoned all the inhabitants who refused to 
call themselves either Italians or Albanians. 

The Albanians, encouraged by this anti-Greek policy of 
Italy, have set out upon an extensive campaign of propa- 


ganda in order that Northern Epirus may be represented 
as Albanian. The Albanians, on the one hand, are carry- 
ing on a frightful persecution against the Greek popula- 
tion, slaughtering, expatriating, and intimidating the pop- 
ulation; and on the other hand they are trying to convince 
the American and English peoples that the majority of 
the Northern Epirotes are Albanians. 

The Epirotic question has two aspects, namely, the 
Greek, and the Albanian. In its Greek aspect the ques- 
tion is a demand on the part of the Epirotes to unite them- 
selves to Greece. In its Albanian aspect it is an attempt 
on the part of certain Albanians, Austrians and Italians 
to incorporate Northern Epirus in the future State of 

What are the arguments of the Albanians? 



1. The Albanian Propagandists in America and in 


Before we give the arguments of the Albanian propa- 
gandists, we think it is very necessary to explain who these 
propagandists are. 

In America, the Albanian propaganda for the subjuga- 
tion of Northern Epirus to the future Albanian State is 
carried on by three Albanian organizations: (A) the 
Vatra, (B) The Reverend Dako, (C) and the Skyperia. 


The Vatra, with its seat in Boston, is by far the most 
notorious Albanian organization. It has about 1,600 
members. The President of the Vatra is the Reverend 
Fan Noli, The Representative of the Vatra in London is 
Faik Bey Konitza. 

The Vatra demands that not only Northern Epirus, but 
the entire province of Epirus, namely, Jannina, Preveza, 
and Konitza, be attached to the future Albanian State. 

The Vatra considers Greece, as its great enemy, and its 
polemics are aimed against that country. 

The Vatra is pro- Austrian and anti-Italian in sympa- 
thy. Faik Bey Konitza was formerly consul of Turkey 
at Corfu. 

The Vatra is in favor of the return of William of Wied, 
ex-king of Albania, and at present an officer in the Aus- 
trian Army. 


The Reverend Dako group is bitterly antagonistic to 
the Vatra. This antagonism is due to the fact that the 



Vatra is pro- Austrian, while the Reverend Mr. Dako is in 
favor of an Italian protectorate over Albania. 

The Reverend Dako's views on the future of Albania 
are less imperialistic than those of the Vatra. The Rev- 
erend Dako, while claiming Northern Epirus as Albanian, 
recognizes that in Southern Epirus the majority of the 
people are Greeks. 


The Skyperia Society, with its seat in Worcester, Mass., 
is a very recent organization, a schism of the Vatra. 

The Skj'peria acknowledges as leader not Faik Bey 
Konitza, whom it denounces as a traitor and a grafter, but 
Ismael Kemal Bey, a former Turkish Cabinet Minister, 
and a pronounced friend of Vienna. 

While all three organizations are carrying on their work 
of making friends for Albania, and winning supporters in 
favor of the adjudication of Northern Epirus to Albania, 
the Vatra is by far the most energetic Albanian organiza- 
tion in America and in England. And it is for this rea- 
son that we consider here only the Vatra's arguments on 
the question of Northern Epirus. 

Before we proceed with our arguments it is, perhaps, 
advisable to state here that the Vatra does not represent 
any party in Albania itself. It is an organization of Al- 
banian immigrants here in America and the same is true 
of the Dako organization. The Skyperia has supporters 
in Albania — the partisans of Ismael Kemal Bey — few, in- 
deed, now. 

In Albania, no one single. organization, no one single 
party exists which can be said to represent a majority of 
the Albanian people. 

In Albania, the people are divided into clans, each clan 
supporting its own chieftain against every other clan. 
By far the most powerful chief in Albania today is Essad 
Pasha, the defender of Scutari in 1912, and now fighting: 
on the side of the Allies. 


We come now to the arguments adduced by the Vatra ; 
these arguments, we are sorry to say, have so misled a 
large body of unsuspecting men and women in America 
and England that the Epirotes are forced to protest 
against being taken for Albanians, and to refute these ar- 
guments that there shall be no doubt in the minds of the 
Americans and the English as to the ethnology, and the 
aspirations of the Epirotic people. 

2. The Arguments of the Albanian Propagandists 

Mr. Stavro, the Secretary of the Vatra, in an article 
published in many papers throughout the country, in order 
to arouse antagonism against Greece, wrote: "Greece 
occupies by the sword the Albanian region of Chameria, 
or Southern Epirus, as the Greeks call it, and two years 
ago had invaded and devastated the Albanian region of 
Korytsa, and Argyrocastro, or Northern Epirus, as the 
Greeks call it." 

This quotation is a statement coming from the officials 
of the Vatra, and it shows very clearly what are the aspira- 
tions of this organization. 

"Greece occupies Southern Epirus." The Albanians in 
America are conveying the idea that Greece has occupied 
Southern Epirus against the will of the Southern Epirotes. 
They furthermore accuse Greece of devastation of the 
provinces of Korytsa and Argyrocastro, implying thereby 
that these provinces are Albanian. 

If one should ask the Albanians why they think that 
Epirus is Albanian they will answer : 

"Because historically Epirus has always been Albanian; 
because the Epirotes are Albanians; and because Epirus 
is indispensable to the economic and cultural progress of 

It is a matter of regret that the average American is 
quite unacquainted with the history of the Balkan races,, 
and falls an easy prey to the first propagandist who at- 
tempts to win his attention. 


The Albanians, taking advantage of the absence of his- 
torical knowledge about Epirus, give out the following 
version of the history of Epirus: 

(a) "Epirus is a part of Albania. Epirus has always 
formed a part of ancient Illyria. Pyrrhus was Albanian. 
Under Skender Bey Epirus was Albanian." 

(b) "Ali Pasha, an Albanian, ruled over Epirus." 

(c) "Albanian Beys are in possession of the most fer- 
tile soil of Northern Epirus." 

(d) "The Northern Epirotes speak Albanian." 

(e) "The Northern Epirotes are the only cultured peo- 
ple in Albania. They are needed to become the nucleus 
for the civilization of the wild Albanian tribes." 

To these contentions of the Albanian Propagandists, 
and of the misguided Albanophiles, the Epirotes answer 
with the following facts, dates and numbers, which will 
5peak for themselves. 


, 1. Ancient 

We need not go further back than to Homeric times. 
In the sixteenth book of the Iliad, verse 233, we read: • 

"Zeus, King, Dodonean, Pelasgian, who dwellest afar, 
Ruling Dodona, the wintry, where sit 
Around your altar the Selles, priests 
Who never wash their feet, and sleep on the ground." 

And in the second book of Iliad, verse 749, in the enu- 
meration of the ships of the Greeks against Troy, Homer 

"Him followed the Enienes, and the war-like Perrhebeans, 
Who dwell around the wintry Dodona." 

And in the Odyssey, book 14, verse 327, Homer says: 

^'And ordered him (Odysseus) to go to Dodona where 
He would hear from the divine and tall oak-tree the will of Zeus, 
In order to return to his dear native land 
Secretly or openly." 

And Strabon, book 2, page 50, writes : 

"Theopompus says that the Epirotes are divided into 
fourteen tribes. The most glorious of all are the Chaones ; 
then, the Molossians, for these have once ruled over all 
Epirus: first the Chaones, then the Molossians, who on 
account of the relationships of their kings (Aekidae) 
grew strong, and Dodona became famous because it was 
situated near them," 

Now, the Chaones, according to the Geographer Stra- 
bon, extended up to the Acroceraunian Mountains or 


where Northern Epirus is today, while the Molossians in- 
habited middle Epirus, extending from Macedonia to the 
Adriatic Sea opposite Pheacia or Corfu. 

Herodotus (VII, 129-130) writes that the Perrhebeans 
believed themselves descended from Apollo, 

Livy in book XXXIII, chap. 32, writes: "The Per- 
rhebeans preserved their name and identity until Paulus 
Aemilius subjugated them." 

The famous French scholar Duruy in his History of 
Greece, writes: "A small district of Epirus was orig- 
inally called Hellas. Then the name passed to all Epi- 
rus, Thessaly, Beotia, Peloponnesus and Macedonia." 
(Vol. II, 159.) 

Also "Epirus was the point of contact of the two peo- 
ples—the Illyrians and the Pelasgo-Hellenic." (Vol. II, 

Thucydides, Book I, 5, "The Thresprotians, whose coun- 
try contained Dodona and the valley of Acheron, where 
the dead are evoked, were considered by Herodotus as 

Plato in his Republic calls the Athamanes, an Epi- 
rotic tribe of Northern Epirus, Hellenes." 

Herodotus in Book II, 54, writes: "The oracle of 
Jupiter was established in Epirus by the Pelasgians who 
built him a temple. The Selles were his priests." 

Polybius (VII, 9, 1 sq.) writes: "To the south of the 
Acroceraunian mountains (these are the boundaries 
claimed by the Greek Epirotes today as the just bounda- 
ries between Greece and Albania) begins Greece." 

Eustathius in his Parecbolae (1:321) writes: "Ac- 
cording to Herodotus the extreme boundaries of Greece 
are Thrace and Epirus." 

Rufus Testus in his Descriptio Orhis Terrae writes of 
Epirus as a part of the Hellenic fatherland. 

Scylax (page 22) writes: "The barbarians, Hiero- 
stamices, Thesprotians, Hyllirians, Hylles, are the II- 
lyrian nation. After the Illyrians come the Chaonians, 


the Thesprotians, dwellers of cities, then the Cassiopeans 
and the Molossians, dwellers of cities." 

It is necessary to notice that, in every instance, Epirus 
is distinctly separated from lUyria, and, without excep- 
tion, considered a part of the Hellenic land. It is im- 
portant also to notice that the Thesprotians, the Chaonians 
and the Molossians are not termed barbarians. They are 
said to have dwelt in cities, in contradistinction to the 
Illyrians, who dwelt in the mountains. Now, it is easily 
inferred from this that the Illyrians were uncivilized, while 
the Epirotes were civilized. 

Plutarch in the Life of Pyrrhus writes: "Tharrythas 
the king brought to Epirus the civilization of Athens." 

"The Illyrians invaded Epirus. A terrible fight en- 
sued in which the victory cost the Molossians 15,000 in 
dead," writes Diodorus. ' (XV— 13.^ 

Plutarch tells us that King Admetus in the fifth century 
B. c. was called upon to send help to Athens against the 
Persians. It is well known that the Greeks did not ask 
help from barbarians, but only from the Greeks in that 
great emergency. 

When Themistocles was exiled by the Athenians, he was 
very well received by Admetus, King of Epirus. 

In 429 B. c. Tharymbas, son of Admetus, educated at 
Athens, introduced Athenian civilization. His son Arym- 
bas II, lover of art and literature, promoted learning and 
philosophy. To him the philosopher Xenocrates, of Chal- 
cedon, dedicated the four books on The Art of Good Gov- 

Pyrrhus in his great expedition against the Romans, had 
Greek and Epirot soldiers with him. After having de- 
feated the Romans he said: "See here an ordinance of 
Barbarians (meaning the Romans) which is not at all bar- 

Now, were not Pyrrhus a Greek he would not call the 
Romans barbarians, for only the Greeks called all for- 
eigners barbarians. 


Just before the defeat of Perseus by the Romans a 
council of the Aetohans and Acarnanians took place to 
consult on whether they should accept the terms of the 
Roman ambassadors or should resist Rome in alliance with 
Philip of Macedon. 

Lyssicus, an orator, rose and spoke thus: "Is it worthy 
of us, the descendants of heroes, to ally ourselves to bar- 
barians and to fight against our brothers, the Epirotes, the 
Achaeans, the Boeotians, and the Macedonians?" 

And Agesilaus of Sparta said to the Embassy of Philip, 
which threatened to punish the Greeks, if they did not 
assist him: "Let not Philip of Macedon try to combat 
his brothers, the Aetolians, the Epirotes and the other 
Greeks. Let him watch against the Romans. Let him 
protect all the provinces of Hellas. He will thus unite the 
Greeks and intimidate the strangers by the unification of 
the Hellenic family." (Pausanias, 58.) 

It is very clear that sufficient proofs have been adduced 
to prove that in ancient times Epirus was Greek. The 
words of great historians, the judgments and testimonies 
of reputable authors, the declarations of popular assem- 
blies, defy every attempt to make Epirus lUj'^rian. 

Thus, up to the time of the fall of Macedon, Epirus was 
completely Greek in character. 

This fact is strengthened by the statements about the 
enormous amount of loot which the soldiers of Paulus 
Aemilius carried away from the cities of Epirus to the 
Imperial City. 

Duruy describes the fall of Epirus in graphic terms. 
(Book III, section 2, page 235.) "The Epirotes had 
allied themselves to Perseus. The Roman Senator, to 
make a salutary impression upon the Allies of Rome, pro- 
posed to treat the Epirotes as deserters, who had forfeited 
their lives. The punishment was that the Epirotes be sold 
as slaves. But what severity this was towards a whole 
people! Paulus Aemilius wept, it is said, when he read 


the decree. Cohorts, sent into seventy cities of Epirus, 
received orders to pillage them and destroy their walls on 
the same day, at the same hour. The hooty was so large 
that feach foot-soldier, after having laid aside for the treas- 
ury the gold and silver, received 200 denarii. Each 
trooper received 400 denarii.. One hundred and fifty thou- 
sand Epirotes were sold as slaves. Paulus Aemilius sailed 
to Rome in the galley of Perseus. The triumphal proces- 
sion lasted three days, so vast was the amount of the spoils. 
On the first day, the statues and pictures were carried 
through the streets. On the second day, a long train of 
wagons loaded with weapons, and 3000 men carrying 750 
vases, each of which contained three talents in coined sil- 
ver, and other vases and cups, remarkable for their size or 
their beauty of design, passed through the streets of Rome. 
On the third day, soldiers carried the coined gold in 77 
vases, three talents in each, 400 wreaths sent by the cities 
of Greece and Asia, vases with gold, and gems and an- 
cestral gold cups. Then followed the captives, among 
whom were the children of Perseus and Kotys, the King of 

This passage from Duruy dispels all doubts as to the 
ethnology of the Epirotes. If the Epirotes had been 
Illyrians, they would have been barbarians. They would 
not have had seventy cities, nor the marvellous riches and 
art treasures which Paulus Aemilius carried to Rome. 

But we may add that the coins, and the tablets of that 
period show bej'ond doubt that the Epirotes were Hellenes. 

In Duruy 's History of Greece (III, section 2, page 
237) we read on the votarj'^ tablet of the Athenians pre- 
sented to the God of Dodona after the Athenian victory 
against the Spartans, the words : 

"The Athenians have voted it, having won a naval battle 
against the Spartans." 

The tablet was excavated by Carapanos at Dodona. 
On page 235, book III, section 2, of the same author one 


can see a coin of the Molossians with the inscription in 
Greek, "Molosson," with a shield and a thunderbolt, the 
insignia of Zeus. 

There are scholars who differ from this view as "to the 
ancient Hellenic origin of the Epirotes. The foremost 
among them is the German scholar Heinrich Kiepert, 

In his Manual of Ancient Geography, he writes: 

"The Epirotes were not originally of the Hellenic race. 
They belonged to the family of the lUyrians. After the 
Peloponnesian wars, they began to adopt the Greek lan- 
guage and manners." 

To which the German scholar Fich replies thus : 

"The incorrect interpretation of certain passages of 
Thucydides which call the Epirotes barbarians, on account 
of their cultural inferioritj'^ to the Athenians, has misled 
certain investigators. 

"They have believed that the Epirotes, who were not 
Hellenes at the beginning, were Hellenized later, con- 
founding them with the Illyrians, the modern Alba- 

"These confused notions have been cast away all at 
once, and the cradle of Hellenism has been cleansed of all 
suspicion of barbarism. The inscriptions of Dodona show 
us the Epirotic dialect as one of those idioms of Northern 
Greece which were common to all the Greeks from the 
Acroceraunians to Boeotia, and to Southern Thessaly." 

From the fall of Epirus under Paulus Aemilius to the 
coming of the Turks, Epirus had seen Romans, Goths, 
Serbians, Venetians and Albanians as conquerors. 

This study is not concerned with the occupation of other 
races. It is concerned only with the magnitude and the 
duration of the Albanian invasion of Epirus. 

Twice was Epirus under the domination of the Albanian 
tribes. The first time was in A. d. 1368. The Albanians 
invaded Epirus, and the whole of Northern Greece in that 
year under the chieftain, Peter Leossa. The Albanians 
remained rulers of Epirus and northern Greece until the 


year 1422, when the Sultan Amurad entered Epirus, and 
drove the Albanians beyond Durazzo. 

The second time was in the days of the heroic Albanian 
chief, Skender Bey. 

The Northern Epirotes and especially the Chimariotes, 
allied themselves to Skender to fight the Turks in a, d. 

In a few years Skender died, and Epirus fell into the 
hands of the Turks. 

The life of Epirus under the Turks is very obscure. 
The coming of the Turks not only destroyed the Greco- 
Roman civilization of Epirus, but forced the learned and 
the intelligent Epirotes to seek new homes in Austria, 
Rumania, Russia, Italy, England and France. 

Scholars and other visitors who succeeded in going 
through Epirus before the Greek Revolution of 1821, de- 
scribe the condition of the Epirotes as most tragic and de- 
plorable. There were no free Greeks after the Epirotes 
were made slaves to the Albanian chiefs, who upon the 
death of Skender Bey, accepted the faith of Islam, and 
were compensated therefor with the lands and the services 
of the Epirotes. 

In the year 1804 PouqueviUe visited Epirus, as envoy 
of France to thenotorious Albanian Tyrant, Ali Pasha. 

This period is the period of the renaissance of the Greek 

We shall devote much of our historical study of this 
brochure to this marvellous period, as it is a wonderful 
period of Epirotic action, a period of heroism, of devo- 
tion, and of self-sacrifice of the Epirotes for the resusci- 
tation of Hellenism. 

Among the many writers on Epirus of this early period 
of the 19th Century we shall quote extensively from 
PouqueviUe, an acknowledged scholar, a French Acade- 
mician, and a traveler who went to Epirus to study the 
conditions of the Epirotes and to report to his Govern- 


Another authoritj^ from whom we shall quote is Perrhe^ 
bus, an Epirote, a member of the Greek Revolutionary 
Committee, known as the "Philike Hetaerea." Perrhebus 
took part in all the struggles of the Epirotes against the 
Albanians, served as a captain during the Russian occu- 
pation, the French occupation, and the English occupa- 
tion of the Ionian Islands, and was a member of the first 
Constitutional Assembly of Greece. 

2. Modern History 
A. 1821 

General Perrhebus, whom we have described as one of 
the leaders of the Greek Revolution, writes in the intro- 
duction of his History of Epirus: 

"Conditions were perilous in Epirus, as well as through- 
out the whole of Greece. It was not possible for one to 
write a history of Epirus, especially in the days of that 
abominable tyrant, Ali Pasha. 

"But two things there are which have forced me to be- 
gin to write and to spread "among the Greeks the deeds of 
the Epirote revolutionists, the Suliotes and the Pargiotes. 
The one is the increase in the severity of the tyranny, and 
the other the entreaties of the leaders of the Greek Revo- 

This brief introductory passage shows how crushing was 
the Albanian yoke upon the Epirotes. 

In 1885 appeared in the Fortnightly Review of April 
an article by V. H. Caillard, who accompanied a commis- 
sion sent by Gladstone to determine how far Epirus was 
Greek in sentiment. 

From M. Caillard's observations one can understand 
that Epirus since 1806 (the date of the advent of an Al- 
banian governor) had been subjected to a forced Albani- 
zation. The lands were confiscated; the religion of the 


Greeks was persecuted; the schools and the teachers were 
burned. The well-to-do were plundered. Those who 
dared assert their Greek nationality were subjected to 
most diabolical tortures. 

The Greek population had become slave. In order to 
propitiate the Albanians, many of them became JNIussul- 
mans. The people, losing touch with their schools and 
churches, were forced to learn the Albanian speech and 
to hide their Greek identity in order to mitigate the ruth- 
lessness of the tj-rants. 

Pouqueville gives us a most vivid and gripping account 
of what he saw with his own eyes of the cruelty of the 
Albanians to the Christians : 

"Ali seated on a balcony had the unfortunate French- 
men (200) brought before him one by one and beheaded, 
their heads and bodies being thrown into a ghastly heap. 
The executioner did his work well at first; but presently, 
overcome by the sickening sight, his legs gave way under 
him, and he fell dead to the ground. Ali continued the 
fearful work with his own hands." 

Pouqueville again writes ; 

"Since 1740, the Epirotes had preserved a sort of semi- 
independence. But when in 1788 Ali became the Satrap 
of Jannina, the Epirotes were subjected to a most cruel 
persecution. Ali devastated Epirus. He robbed the 
churches and the ancient temples to make grotesque pal- 
aces and mosques. 

".The province which gave Greek letters to all the 
Greeks under the Turks, the province which had a Greek 
College, built with funds donated by Caplan and Zosimas, 
the province which had produced Meletius, the famous 
geographer, Soedonis, the Greek grammarian and author 
of the first Greek dictionary, and Psalides, the famous 
mathematician, fell into darkness, and her schools were 

"The court of Ali Pasha is open to murderers, crimi- 


nals and perjurers. His guards are assassins, his pages 
are the illegal sons of his depravity, his commissaries are 
mean Vlachs, ready to commit any crime; his public offi- 
cials prisoners who take glory in their crimes. Ministers 
who commit sacrilege against the living god are admitted 
into the innermost dark council rooms in order to disclose 
to Ali Pasha the irmocence of the poor and the secrets of 
the confession of the repentant Christian Greek popula- 
tion. Spies, disguised in all forms, seek the property of 
the orphan, the widow and the weak. Timid virgins, hid- 
ing in the dark recesses of bolted chambers, cannot escape 
his scrutiny. The daughter is snatched from the bosom 
of her mother ; and the son, the only support and hope of 
the family, is taken away by the Albanians ; honor, beauty, 
and chastity (male and female) are sacrificed to the most 
barbarous and shameless passions. Kindness and fa- 
vors never fall to the lot of good men. And yet, despite 
all the orgies of impiety, the Greek population holds on 
tenaciously to virtue and to religious life." 

"The Greeks of Jannina are very charitable. Nothing 
has been able to efface this quality from their souls. They 
never turn away their eyes from a victim disgraced by the 

"All these unfortunates, without distinction, are the ob- 
ject of their solicitude. Thousands of innocent Greeks 
thrown into prison are taken care of by the Christian 

"The clergy, the bishops, the monks, and the priests,. by 
whom the worship of Christ was made to survive the Fall 
of the Greek Empire, comforted the Greeks by teaching 
them that being born Christians they should always think 
of their freedom. 

"Near Lucovo, at the sight of the men of Ali, whom 
the people recognized from afar, the inhabitants had closed 
their gates as at the approach of an enemy. So justly is 
the name of those belonging to the Pasha of Jannina 


hated. While we were passing, the inhabitants hurled 
curses upon us. 

"We came near Oudessovo, which in 1798 was a beauti- 
ful village, and now had only one villa of Ali Pasha. All 
the inhabitants had been murdered because they had been 
Christian Greeks. 

"Then we came upon the town of Hagios Vassilios, the 
inhabitants of which had also been butchered in 1798 by 
the Albanians and the town was nothing but ruins now." 

"We passed by Nivitza Bouba, which had been de- 
stroyed in April, 1798. 

"As we were approaching Delvino, we heard shots. An 
Albanian officer returning announced that All's forces 
were taking Delvino. He advised me that it was not safe 
for me to appear as a Christian. He gave me Albanian 

"We entered Delvino. Flames were rising from the 
"town. The Albanians had pillaged and set it on fire. 

"The officer informed me that he was showing too much 
kindness to a Christian. He said that every Mohamme- 
dan who shows friendship for the Christian is of a dubious 
character and unworthy of the true Faith of the Prophet. 

"We entered Dridgsi. An Albanian crier went out and 
demanded of the Greek people that each family should 
bring two lambs, chickens, milk, cheese, butter, eggs, wine, 
bread, and fodder for the horses. 

"It is impossible to describe how difficult it has proved 
for me to study the Greek people of this Province owing 
to the suspicions of the ruling Albanians. 

"But my observations have persuaded me that their 
large numbers, their courage, their industry, and their ac- 
tivity will some day change the face of Greece." 

Some time later Pouqueville wrote : 

"Hellas sprinkled with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus 
was destined to rise again among the free nations of the 

"The Epirotes, guided by the lights of their ancestors, 


found again civilization. Without freedom, without 
money, abandoned by all the Christian world, inspiring in 
strangers only a barren pity, a disheartening indifference, 
and more often insulting depreciation, they were regener- 
ating their country. They had always looked upon them- 
selves as prisoners of war, never as slaves." 

And Eaton, an English traveller, wrote in his Voyage 
(II, p. 72) : "The Greeks are like generous racers 
champing at their bit, and indignant at the yoke which 
presses them." 

Again Pouqueville writes: 

"The forty villages of Zagori became fiefs to Ali Pasha. 
And for that reason the Zagorites abandoned their homes 
and flocks and fled to other parts of the world." 

General Perrhebus dedicates his History of Epirus to 
Greece and apostrophizes her thus: 

"Mother Hellas, I am too poor to offer you other gifts. 
I offer you this book, that contains the glorious victories,, 
and acts of bravery of thy sons, the Souliotes. 

"The book I dedicate to you is not full of rhetorical fig- 
ures, nor of metaphysical inventions. It contains the 
deeds of your sons. It tells how Photos Tjavellas and 
others like him rushed for glory and for liberty to a glori- 
ous death, as to a happy holiday. 

"It tells how even the Grecian women of Epirus, like 
those daughters of Sparta, rushed with arms in hand 
against the barbarians." 

The Epirotes were brought to a point of desperation. 
Many of them left their fertile lands in the plains and fled 
to the mountains in order to live free. From these moun- 
tain fortresses they harassed the Albanians, whenever the 
latter committed acts of violence against the Greek peas- 
ants in the plains. 

Ali Pasha therefore made up his mind to exterminate 
them. As a consequence a series of wars ensued between 
All Pasha and these mountaineers, which ended in the- 
Greek Revolution. 


After a vain attempt to subdue these warlike Epirotes 
of the mountains Ali Pasha resorted, as was his custom, 
to treachery. The English traveller Eaton in his Voyage, 
as well as Pouqueville, published the text of a letter sent 
by Ali Pasha to the two dauntless Epirot leaders, Botzaris, 
the father of the great hero of the Greek Revolution, and 

The letter reads as follows : 

"My friends, Capitan Botzaris and Capitan Tjavella, I, 
Ali Pasha, send you greetings. I know very well your 
valor and your- manliness. I have great need of you. 
Come then, I pray you, as soon as you receive this mes- 
sage. Get all your valorous men with you, and come that 
we may go and crush my foes. 

"This is the time when I need your friendship. Now 
you can show how much love and friendship you have 
for me. 

"Your pay will be double that which I give the Alba- 
nians, because I know that your bravery is much greater 
than that of the Albanians. 

"I wiU not undertake to make the war without you. I 
shall expect you soon. I greet you. 

"Ali Pasha." 

This letter was deceitful and ruinous to the Souliotes. 
They knew that the professions of friendship on the part 
of Ali were only a snare. But in order to avoid arousing 
his anger, and to supply themselves with food and ammu- 
nition, the Souliotes decided to send only seventy men with 
Capitan Tjavella at their head. 

The Souljotes wrote to Ali that seventy Greeks with 
Tjavella as their leader were sufficient to ensure victory. 

Ali was much Incensed but did not give vent to his 
rage. He ordered the Albanian troops to start their 
march northward against Argyrocastro. But secretly, he 
had given instructions to the Albanian commanders to 


seize the Greeks and march against Souli. Ali believed 
that the Souhotes, confident in the presence of Tjavella 
with him, would be taken by surjjrise. 

As soon as the troops approached the outskirts of Souli, 
Ali ordered the soldiers to have games, in order that the 
Greeks might participate, and in so doing leave their arms 

While the Greeks were engaged in games, Ali ordered 
them seized and bound. 

One of the Souliotes under a rain of shots, escaped and 
gave the alarm to the Greeks, who rose, men, women and 
children, and occupied the strong mountain fastnesses. 

Ali was disappointed. He returned to Jannina and im- 
prisoned Tjavella and his son Photos, with the other sixty- 
nine men. 

After three months of imprisonment, owing to the in- 
creased activities of the Souliotes, who desired to punish 
the treachery of Ali, Tjavella was called by the Satrap. 

"Tjavella," Ali said to him, "it is from your hands 
that I demand Souli today. I promise to give you all the 
gold and every honor you may ask of me. If you refuse 
me, I will have you roasted alive, you and your only son. 
Photos, and all your men that are in my hands." 

"So long as I am imprisoned here," replied Tjavella, 
"never hope to possess Souh. But if you release me, you 
may hope to seize it." 

"And how shall I trust you?" asked Ali. 

"You have my only son in your hands. My son. Photos, 
is the dearest part of my soul." 

This hostage satisfied Ali. Tjavella hastened to Souli 
and wrote the following challenging letter to the Satrap: 

'Ali Pasha, I am glad that I have deceived a treacher- 
ous man like you. I am here to lead my country-men 
against a thief. My son may perish. But I will avenge 
his death with desperation. Some Turks, like you, will 
say that I am a pitiless father in that I am sacrificing my 


only son to save myself. I answer, that if you seize these 
mountains, you will murder my son, my family and all 
my people. And I shall not live to avenge their deaths. 
But if we win, I shall have other sons. My wife is young. 
If my son, young as he is, is not satisfied to die for his 
countrj"-, he is not worthy to live, and to be known as my 
son. Proceed, then, treacherous Albanian. I am impa- 
tient to take vengeance. 
"I, your sworn enemy, 

"Capitan Lambeos Tjavella." 

Eaton writes : 

"The Pasha did not think it fit in his first outburst of 
rage, to put his hostage to death, but sent him to Jannina, 
to his son Veli Bey, who governed in his absence. I was 
present when the boy was brought before him. He re- 
plied to the questions put to him with a courage and a bold- 
ness which surprised everybody. Veli Bey told him that 
he was waiting only for orders from the Pasha to burn 
him alive. 

" 'I am not afraid of you,' replied the boy, 'for my 
father will do the same thing to your father or to your 
brother if he lays hands on them.' " 

Ali Pasha gathered his Albanian forces and decided to^ 
crush the Greeks of Souh. He appeared before his troops 
and spoke to them. 

"My brave soldiers, you know very well how many evils 
the infidel Greeks have brought upon us ; how many towns 
and villages they have taken away from us; how many 
lands they have snatched away from our possession. If 
today we leave them alive, they will gradually dare to seize 
our homes, and capture our wives and children. 

"I, with your valor, have subdued all the other Greeks; 
I have put to flight all my enemies, and now it is a, shame 
that a handful of robber infidels should make us bolt our 
doors for fear of them. Remember how much blood has 
been shed by our brethren the Ottomans for the conquests^ 


of these lands? Now it is time for us to avenge their 
death, and to exterminate these troublesome Greeks. Our 
forces are many and brave. Today we need not much 
ammunition. With swords in hands we will slaughter 
them. Those of you who are valorous, and faithful Mo- 
hammedans, will show it today. I promise to all those 
who enter Souli victorious five hundred piastres each." 

Three thousand select Albahians rushed with unsheathed 
swords and swore by the Prophet not to return until Souli 
was captured. 

The battle raged for hours, without decision. Suddenly 
there was a lull towards the latter part of the afternoon. 
Both sides were exhausted by their fighting all the fore- 
noon under a hot July sun. 

The Greek women of the Souliotes, taking this lull to 
mean that the Greeks had been completely. exterminated, 
came together to decide what they should do. JNIoscho, 
the wife of Captain Tjavella, rose and said to them: 

"Sisters, the war has come to an end. The Albanians, 
it seems, have conquered, and have slaughtered our men 
and our boys — all our citizens. What must we do ? Shall 
we surrender to the Turks ? Shall we become slaves ? Or 
shall we die like our men and our boys?" 

"Death, death," cried out all the women. 

"If you prefer death," cried out Moscho, "take up arms 
and folloAV me. Let the old women and the babies remain 
behind, and let them after our death cast them down these 
rocks, and themselves jump after them." 

Over three hundred Greek women followed Moscho 
with arms. 

When they came near the battle-field and learned that 
there had come a lull to the battle owing to the exhaustion 
of the combatants, they decided that it would be an oppor- 
tune time to attack the exhausted enemy, and they risked 
their lives to save their country. 

Moscho rushed first, crying "to her followers, "At them, 
at them, sisters, why do you look at the dogs?" 


The yells of the women and the onrush of three hundred 
Souliote men to their aid, so disheartened the Albanians 
that they began to flee. 

When Ali learned that his army of three thousand Al- 
banians had been routed by the women of the Epirotes, he 
threw himself to the ground and tearing his cheeks he 
groaned in Albanian, "Bo, bo, Mendet Allah." "Alas, 
^las, pity me, my God." 

Pouqueville writes that in this battle the Albanians were 
10,00,0 and the Souliotes 2,000 strong. 

The Greek popular muse has put into beautiful verse 
the heroic defense made by the women of Souli. 

"Three flags unfurled 'neath Souli, 
The one is of Muctar Pasha, the other o' Selli.ctari, 
The third, and proudest of them all 
Belonged to proudest Metzoboni. 
And Deriio Drakos, loud of voice. 
Cried out from the high Souli : 
Where do you go, you Scotara, 
And you, hound, Sellictari, 
This is not Harmovo the frail. 
Nor craven Lamboviza. 
To make the women widow slaves 
And drag the babes to slaughter. 
This is the Souli, heroes' nest. 
Where women fight for freedom, 
Where Moscho girdles her broad sword 
And cries to women, 'FoUow, 
Follow to slaughter every foe, 
Follow to strike a deadly blow. 
Follow to make our sires' homes free !' " 

In 1797 the French occupied the town of Preveza near 
Parga in the Adriatic Sea. 

Ali treacherously attacked the town with 4,000 Alba- 
nians. The French detachment and the Greek inhabitants 
put up a heroic resistance, but were cut down. 

Soon the city of Nicopolis was surrendered. Two hun- 


dred French soldiers were captured and beheaded at Jan- 
nina. More than four hundred men (Greeks), and one 
thousand women and children were carried into shameful 
captivity. The men were slaughtered. The women were 
sold to the haremliks, and the children Mohammedanized, 

More than ten wars had already been made by Ali 
against the Souliotes and the Pargiotes. He had delivered 
Epirus to destruction through sword, slaughter, and fire. 
He had made the Epirotes slaves to his Albanian mercen- 
aries. He had not, however, been able to subdue the 
SouUotes and the Pargiotes. 

Tired and despairing of defeating the brave defenders of 
Greek freedom, Ali proposed peace. 

The Souliotes were in great need of supplies, and al- 
though they had no faith in All's promises and agreements, 
they decided to conclude a temporary peace. 

Ali was made to swear solemnly that he would respect 
the treaty. Thirty Epirotes were sent to negotiate the 

Ali seized and butchered them. Upon this occasion the 
Epirotes sent the following letter to Ali: 

"Ali Pasha, greetings. 

"Your conduct does nothing more than increase our 
detestation of your character, and inflame our rage to pun- 
ish you for your treachery. 

"Remember that so far you have murdered treacherously 
forty-seven of our citizens. You have added to the sac- 
rifices on the altar of our Fatherland thirty more victims. 
This additional sacrifice makes us more determined that 
our freedom shall never be taken away from us while we 

"All the Souliotes, 
"Young and Old." 

From that time on the Souliotes decided unanimously 
never to accept any more letters from Ali. Accordingly, 


all the letters which came from him were thrown into the 
fire without being opened. 

The war continued, and the Epirotes kept harassing tlie ' 
forces of the Albanian Tyrant. 

Ali, realizing the needy condition of the Epirotes, 
thought that a generous offer of peace would induce them 
to lay down their arms. He offered them the following 
terms : 

1. To pay them 2,000 pounds. 

2. To allow them to move to any other place in Greece 
proper, provided they agreed never to return to 

The Souliotes gave the following reply: 

"Vizier Ali Pasha, we greet you. 

"Our Fatherland is by far sweeter than all your money, 
and all the happy and fertile lands you promise us. You 
labor in vain. We never sell our freedom. You cannot 
buy it with all the treasvu-es of the earth. We are de- 
termined to defend it until the last drop of our blood is 
spilt, until the last Souliote is dead. 

"The Souliotes, 
"Young and Old." 

Then Ali attempted to buy off certain leaders of the 
Epirotes. He sent a proposal to Captain Zervas. He 
proposed to him that if Souli was surrendered to the Al- 
banians, Zervas would receive eight hundred pounds, and 
would be appoipted governor of any province he might 

Captain Zervas replied: "I thank you, my Vizier, for 
the love you have for me. As to the eight hundred pounds, 
I pray you, do not send them to me, because I do not know 
how to count them. Even if I had known how to count 
them, I would not be willing to give you one pebble from 
my native land in exchange. The high honors you prom- 
ise are worthless to me. Wealth and honors are to me my 


rifle and my sword, which defend the freedom of my coun- 
try, and make my name immortal. 

"Souli, May 4, 1801, 
"Jemas Zervas." 

Despite all his failures, either to subdue or to expel 
the Epirotes, who clung to their ancestral traditions and re- 
fused to be Albanicized, Ali was not discouraged. He 
approached Tjavella and promised to recompense him if 
he could persuade the Souliotes to abandon Epirus and 
move away to other lands in Western Europe. 

The Souliotes, surrounded on every side by enemies, 
hungering and needing ammunition, began to think of 
some arrangement with Ali. 

Botzaris, one of the great leaders, was inclined to come 
to an understanding with Ali, beheving that this Satrap 
would refrain from exterminating the Epirotes if they 
showed a disposition to submit to him. But Tjavella 
urged that so long as Ali lived there could be no hope for 
any humane treatment of the Greeks. He insisted upon 
war to the bitter end. Botzaris became tired of the con- 
tinuous wars which were weakening the numerical strength 
of the last defenders of Greek freedom in Epirus. He 
accepted the terms of Ali. One of the terms was that 
Tjavella be expelled from Souli. 

Ali hoped that with the departure of the most formid- 
able enemy of the Albanians, Souli would soon fall victim 
to him. 

Tjavella left his country and went to Parga. His wife 
and children had been given to Ali as hostages. From 
Parga Tjavella wrote to Ali: 

"Most High Vizier : Do not imagine, that you will find 
me timid because you have in your possession my wife and 
my children. The love of my Country makes me forget 
my wife and my children. You are in possession of them, 
do as you will with them. As for me and my people we 


will never surrender to you our arms while we are alive. 

"December 4, 1803, 

Photos Tjavella, 
"And all the Souliotes, 
"Young and Old." 

Tjavella returned from Parga, and tried to persuade 
Botzaris that Ali "would show himself treacherous and 
would ruin the Greeks. He advised that the Epirotes 
denounce the treaty and keep up the war to the last. But 
Botzaris did not follow this sound advice of Tjavella. 
The people of Souli were thus divided into two sections, 
one went with Tjavella at Kounghi, the other under Bot- 
zaris remained in Spuli. 

Ali sent 7,000 Albanians to overtake and slaughter the 
followers of Tjavella before they reached Parga, but 
the prowess of this peerless Greek warrior saved the day 
for the few hundreds of Epirotes. 

Thus the heroic acropolis of Hellenic freedom in Souli 
was surrendered to the cruel invaders. 

Botzaris and his followers went to Voungarelli, while 
Photomaras and Palaskas, two other great leaders with 
numerous followers, encamped near Zalongon awaiting 
the execution of the terms of the treaty whereby Ali was 
expected to give not only money, but also cattle and lands 
to these Epirotes. 

The monk, Samuel, alone remained in Souh, the last 
Greek in that heroic citadel of Hellenic traditions. 

When the Albanians entered the town, Samuel allowed 
many of them to come into the tower and, setting fire to 
the powder stored there, blew the tower up, killing him- 
self and hundreds of the enemy. 

After the departure of Tjavella Ali sent three thou- 
sand Albanians to attack Palaskas and Photomaras at 

When the Albanian chiefs Mouchtari and Benco came 
with their three thousand Albanians, instead of bringing 


food and money, as the treaty provided, they ordered the 
Epirotes to follow them into captivity to Jannina; Pa- 
laskas in a brief council with the three hundred Epirotes 
decided to give battle and to perish rather than be carried 
as slaves to Jannina. 

The battle raged until the next morning. The handful 
of Epirotes, surrounded on every side, were falling rap- 
idly. Then, their wives taking their children made a 
circle. The elder of them singing a chant threw herself 
down the rock of Zalongan. The other women with the 
children in then- arms holding one another by the hand as 
they danced jumped down the precipice, dying free. 

Only Palaskas and a score more of his men survived 
that terrible day. 

Another army was sent by Ali to Voulgareli and 
Reniassa to exterminate the Souliotes under Botzaris. 

The cruel hordes of Ali entered Reniassa. The men 
of the town were in a council meeting with Botzaris at 
Voulgareli. All the women and children of the town 
were defenceless. 

The wife of George Bozzi, a Captain, heard the Alban- 
ians smashing the doors of her home. She called her fam- 
ily of eleven, boys and girls, and asked them: "Which 
do you prefer, my children, the shameful life of slavery, 
or the glorious death of heroes and martyrs?" 

"Death, death!" replied the boys and girls. 

Then the brave mother drew to the middle of the room 
a box full of gun-powder, called her children close to- 
gether in a circle around the box, and taking a lighted 
torch, set fire to the gun-powder. The heroic family of 
George Bozzi met death that it might not be carried away 
to slavery. 

Finally, Ah gave battle for the last time against the 
remnants of the Epirotes of Souli near the Monastery 
ol Sehzo. After a desperate struggle of three months 
the Albanians, 3,000 strong, succeeded in defeating the 
few hundred Souliotes, whose women rushed and threw 


themselves into the river at Sehzo in order to escape dis- 
honor. The tragic and heroic history of Epirus in the 
19th century rivals the heroic struggles of Greece against 
the Persians, 

But our purpose is not to write a history of Epirus. 
We have dwelt so long upon this period because it is the 
period during which Epirus began to be subjected to a 
cruel oppression, to a savage persecution and to a forced 

The history of Parga, its criminal sale by an unen- 
lightened British Government to the Albanian Tyrant, 
and the departure of the entire population of Parga to 
escape the madness of Ali, are familiar to the students of 
the history of the Greek Revolution of 1821. 

From the numerous quotations from Leake, Pouque- 
ville, Eaton and Perrhebus we can readily understand that 
Epirus has since 1800 undergone a most unprecedented 
process of violent Albanification. 

The marvel is that the Province of Epirus has retained 
so strongly its Hellenic sentiment in spite of an oppres- 
sion which would have extinguished the national char- 
acter of any other race less tenaciously attached to its 
ancestral traditions. 

It is only ignorance of history that makes certain well- 
meaning people write that the people of Epirus have 
been Hellenized. The historical truth is that a large 
portion of the Hellenic population of Epirus has suc- 
cumbed to cruel oppression, and has turned Moham- 
medan, and lost its mother-tongue. 

Pouqueville enumerates at least eighty villages which 
he had seen in ruins, after the Greek inhabitants had been 
murdered or driven to other lands by the ferocity of the 
Mohammedans . 

One of the things which make many learned people think 
that Northern Epirus is Albanian, is the geographical term 
generally given to this Province by geographers and his- 
torians of recent decades. 


Mr. Caillard, as we have seen, refers to the time when 
Epirus was completely subjected to Turkey. 

"Epirus was demanded by Turkey as being so near to 
Albania" (not being part of Albania, mind you, but only 

near Albania) . 

In 1800 then, Epirus was included in the Turkish Prov- 
ince of Albania and the geographers and historians, follow- 
ing this arbitrary name, given to Epirus by Turkey, called 
it Southern Albania. 

Now it is no more logical to conclude that because 
Northern Epirus is called technically Southern Albania, 
it is Albanian in character, than to conclude that because 
Macedonia was a Turkish Province its inhabitants are 
Turks, or that because Poland was a Province of Ger- 
many, its inhabitants are Germans. 

Mr. Caillard in the April issue of the Fortnightly Be- 
view of 1885 writes: 

"The country may be divided into three parts, viz.: 
Guegania or N". Albania, Toskania or Central Albania,^ 
and Epirus or South Albania. The latter can be said to 
be Albanian only in ah arbitrary sense. On the coast 
line are the Tschams who are fast becoming Hellenized by 
their close intercourse with the Epirotes, whose fortunes 
they would probably prefer to follow. Their sympathies 
are so little with the Albanians, that when the latter came 
trampling down from the north to demonstrate against the 
Greeks, they threatened, as harvest time was near, to 
oppose them by force of arms, should they encroach upon 
their territories. As for the Epirotes, they may be con- 
sidered as purely Greeks. Their language is Greek, 
their names are Greek, they are thoroughly Greek in 
thought and feeling, habits and religion." 

B. 1821-1912. 

In 1821 the Greek Revolution broke out, in which the 
Epirotes played the most important and the most heroic 


role. It was the indomitable courage of the Epirotes that 
attracted Lord Byron. It was the personahty of Marco 
Botzaris, the romantic warrior of Epirus, that made Lord 
Byron write: 

"And yet how lovely is thine eye of woe, 
Land of lost gods and god-like men art thou, 
Again the Hellenes are free !" 


"Fill high the bowl with Samian wine ! 
On Souli's rock and Parga's shore, 
Exists the remnant of a line 
Such as the Doric mothers Tjore." 

Caraiscakis, who cleared Central Greece from all the- 
Turks and captured Athens, was an Epirote from North- 
ern Epirus. 

Messolonghi has become another Platea by the heroic 
death of Botzaris. The names of the Epirotes, the most 
brilliant of all the heroes of the Greek Revolution, might 
fill up a volume. 

When Greece was proclaimed free and independent,. 
Epirus was left out together with Crete, Macedonia, the 
Islands, Thrace and the coasts of Asia Minor. 

England was afraid that a greater Greece would be a 
tool in Russian hands, and managed to make of Greece the 
smallest and poorest State in Europe. 

But the eyes of the Epirotes were ever turned towards 

The Greek world knew that Epirus was responsible for 
the liberation of a part of the Greek race. The Turks 
took very drastic measures to crush the rebellious and in- 
dependent spirit of the Epirotes who had brought success 
to the sanguinary struggle of the Greek Revolution. 

The Albanians had shown themselves the most cruel 
enemies of the revolted Greeks during the stupendous 
struggle for their independence. 

The Sultans therefore initiated a policy of Albanian 


aggi-andizement at the expense of the Greeli Epirotes. 

From 1830 to 1912 the Greek Epirotes underwent a 
period of relentless oppression on the part of the Alban- 
ians. Only the obstinacy of the Epirotes and their undy- 
ing attachment to their native land have frustrated the 
indefatigable efforts of the Albanians to crush the Greek 
sentiment in Epirus. 

In 1897 the Greek soldiers made their first dash for 
Epirus. I remember the supreme joy of the Epirotes at 
the news that the Greek forces were coming to free us 
and to unite us with our mother country, Hellas. 

I remember the desperation which seized us when we 
learned that those Greek soldiers, our brothers, had been 
driven back by the Albanians under Edem Pasha at 

The sultans knew that the Conference of Berlin had 
decreed that Epirus was to be joined to Greece and they 
did everything to exterminate the Greek feeling in Epirus. 
But the most terrible blow that was given to Epirus was 
under the regime of the Young Turks who appointed an 
Albanian governor at Jannina. The Epirotes had not 
had an Albanian governor since the days of Ali. They 
trembled, recalling the terrible acts of that Satrap. And 
they had every reason to tremble. The Albanian Gov- 
ernor upon his arrival initiated a policy of violent Albani- 
fication. The leading Greek families of Epirus were pro- 
scribed. Our clergy were persecuted. Our schools which 
had been respected by the Sultans from the time of Ali 
Pasha were attacked by the Albanian Governor. He 
was instructed by the Young Turks to strike a deadly blow 
at the Greek element in Epirus. 

Thanks, however, to the extreme severity of the Young 
Turks, and their blind zeal for Turkifying all the races in 
their empire, they succeeded in rousing the anger of the 
Albanians, who rose in revolt in 1908. 

It was in 1908 that the Greek Premier Theotokis wrote 
to Ismael Kemal Bey asking what were the aims* of the 


Albanians as to Epirus should Greece assist the Albanians 
to win their independence. 

Ismael replied that the just boundaries between Albania 
;and Greece should be a line drawn from Valona to Mona- 

Greece was ready to assist the Albanians. But Ismael 
Kemal's idea of independence did not appeal to the 
Albanians. They did not care for independence. They 
were satisfied under the Turkish rule. They objected 
only to taxation and compulsory military service. 

As soon as the Young Turks were forced to yield 
these points to the Albanians, the latter laid down their 
arms, and became again the devoted servants of the Em- 

The danger to the Greeks now became more imminent. 
The Young Turks, having failed in their attempt to Turk- 
ify the Albanians found it next best to Albanicize the 
Greeks, the Serbs and the Vlachs. 

It was the danger which confronted Epirus, that com- 
pelled Mr. Venizelos to hasten the consolidation of the 
Balkan Alliance before the Greek Army had been com- 
pletely organized. 

The Epirotes wei-e sorely pressed. Young Turks, 
Albanians, Austrian propaganda, Italian propaganda 
were desperately resisted by the Epirotes, but the odds 
were too many against them. The war of 1912 came 
just in time to save Epirus from a violent denationaliza- 

C. 1912-1914 

The Balkan Wars of 1912 are fresh in our memories. 
We remember how the Greek Army advanced in Epirus 
and was received with untold enthusiasm by the Epirotes. 

We well remember the atrocities of the Albanians who 
fled before the Greeks. More than 40,00 Epirotes had 
escaped to the Island of Corfu. More than fifty villages 


in Northern Epirus were sacked and burned by the re- 
treating Albanian soldiers under the Young Turks. 

The Albanians knew that they would never again have a 
chance to rob the Christian Greeks and destroyed every- 
thing as they went. 

Thus after 500 years of servitude and of continuous 
struggle for freedom the Epirotes were free. 

Unfortunately, Austria and Italy, who had looked upon 
Epirus and Albania for years as their legitimate prey, 
realizing that so long as the Balkan Alhance existed 
neither of them could hope to seize Albania and Epirus,. 
imder the pretext of championing Albania, demanded that 
Greece should withdraw from lands which had dreamed of 
the Greek flag ever since the 13th century, A. D. 

The events which followed after the withdrawal of the 
Greek troops from Northern Epirus have been narrated in 
the first part of this brochure. 

We have passed cursorily over the entire history of Epi- 
rus. We have allowed authors of recognized repute to tell 
the history of this heroic province. We shall now examine 
its ethnological character. 


1. Definition of Nationality 

Before we begin to give any data or statistics we should 
consider briefly what we mean by ethnology or national- 

In the last decades two opposite theories of nationality 
have been advanced. The one is Prussian, the other 

* Germany believes that Poland is German because it 
is absolutely indispensable to the well-being of Germany; 
Schleswig-Holstein is needed by Germany on account of 
the Kiel Canal, therefore it is German. Alsace-Lorraine 
is German because the language of these Provinces is 

To the contention that Poland, Schleswig-Holstein, and 
Alsace-Lorraine are opposed to union with Germany, the 
Prussians answer, that these Provinces are German and if 
their inhabitants do not submit to Germanization, it is the 
business of the German Government to use any means 
which will achieve such Germanization. 

The Franco-British theory of nationality may be gath- 
ered from the following: 

Lord Cromer in reviewing a splendid book by Mr. 
Toynbee on New Europe in the Spectator of March 
1916, wrote as follows: 

"Every Democratic European will certainly agree that 
the basis of the reconstruction of the map of Europe must 
be sought in the more ample recognition of the principle of 

"Only a few peoples have grown up to nationality in 



the whole course of history. The great majority of living: 
populations are undoubtedly unripe for it. 

"What is a nation? The French scholar Casaubon was 
once taken to the great hall of the Sorbonne, and was told 
by the guide that on that spot discussions had been going 
on for centuries. He asked 'Qu' a-t-on decide?' 

"The same question may be asked today in regard to a 
nation. Centuries of discussions have taken place, and 
the question is 'Qu' a-t-on decide?' " 

But if abstract philosophy has failed, the experience of 
statesmen whose life-time has been spent in governing 
nascent nationalities may assist us to standardize our ideas 
of what "a nation" is. 

Lord Cromer wrote : "Community of race, religion and 
language does not in itself suffice to create a common and 
binding national sentiment. 

"The South American States are almost purely Span- 
ish in blood and in language and Catholic in religion. 
They were united in the achievement of one common ob- 
ject — their severance from the Old World. Nationality 
must involve a will to co-operate. Where that tmll is con- 
spicuous by its absence no nationality can, in the proper 
sense of the word, be said to exist. 

"When a cause invokes historical sentiment on its be- 
half, that cause is bankrupt of arguments reasonably ap- 
plicable to the actual situation." 

Mr. Toynbee in his Future of Europe writes : 

"We do not think of nationality statistically, in terms of 
square miles, or human units, any of which can be balanced 
and if necessary bartered against any other. For us, 
nationality is the spiritual experience and self expression 
of a human society. Our nation's existence is internal 

"A national democracy is a living organism and it can 
no more multiply or decrease the parts of which it is 
composed than a man can add a cubit to his stature, or 
survive decapitation. The less concrete manifestations 


of social life in which nationality finds still greater sus- 
tenance are literature, art, religion. If an Alsatian pre- 
fers to read French poetry, rather than German, then he 
is French. If he likes to read Schiller rather than Guizot,. 
or Heine rather than Lamartine, then he is a German." 

Then Mr. Toynbee analyses the German theory of na- 

He observes that the Germans hold that nationality is 
a "Legal Title." 

"The Treaty of San Stephano gave Bulgaria almost the 
entire Balkan Peninsula. Therefore, Bulgaria is legally 
entitled by agreement to the Balkan Peninsula. 

"A nationality is not determined by the will of the peo- 
ple, but by the mutual relations of the dynasties. 

"The ordeal of battle is a fair test of despotism's title 
to claim a people. 

"The dynast's ambitions constitute the principle of na- 
tional action. 

"Nationality is economic expansion, therefore the peo- 
ple of Alsace-Lorraine are Germans, the Greeks in Thrace 
and the Greeks and Serbs in Macedonia are Bulgars. 
The small nations surrounding Germany are necessary 
complements to the protection and economic development 
of the Fatherland. Therefore, they are German. 

"Nationality is language. Flemings and Alsatians 
must be swept into the net because they speak German, 
despite their devotion to their respective nationalities. 

"Nationality is historical sentiment. The Turks can- 
not leave Adrianople because the tombs of the Sultans are 
there. The Bulgars must have Ochrida because the first 
Exarchate was established there in the Middle Ages. 

"The Germans claim Belgium and Burgundy because 
the mediaeval empire claimed them as its own." 

This historical sentiment is as ridiculous to the Franco- 
British as would be the claim that Normandy is British 
because the Plantagenets claimed it. 

"What a people wins in battle belongs to it." Herr 


Dernburg said to America that Belgium belonged to Ger- 
many because the Germans had shed much blood to con- 
quer it. Why on the same score the Belgians are not en- 
titled to Belgium for having shed more blood in defend- 
ing it, is not at all clear. 

Here we see historical sentiment at its highest. It can 
hypnotize a whole nation into calling evil, good, a deter^ 
mination to hold by brute force and by nothing else. 

The mentality of the Germans and of the Bulgarians is 
very happily explained by Mr. Toynbee in the following 

"The elder nations of Europe have kept their faces in- 
flexibly fixed towards the future; Germany and Bulgaria 
have committed the sin of Lot's wife and have been mas- 
tered by the hypnotism of the past." 

In conclusion the English idea of a nation is : 

"A concrete aggregate of people habitually in touch 
with one another, capable any day of reading the same 
poetry, or the same newspapers, of celebrating the same 
festival, of having the same referendum put to them, or of 
electing the same political representative. 

" Language and culture, tradition and environment, 
the present will to cooperate in a political organization, all 
these together constitute a given nationality." 

IVIr. Clemenceau in his UHomme Libre, some years 
ago was the first to enunciate the principle so lucidly de- 
veloped by Mr. Toynbee. 

"What if I speak German?" wrote Mr. Clemenceau. 
"If I feel French, then I am a Frenchman." 

During a meeting of the members of the Royal Geo- 
graphical Society in January, 1915, Professor Lyde, who 
holds a chair on Economic Geography, lectured on "Types 
of Political Frontiers." Professor Lyde, paying attention 
only to economic matters, included many groups of na- 
tionalities in foreign states. 

Professor Spencer Wilkinson opened the discussion as 
to what "nationality" is, and said. 


"There can be no one single criterion. We cannot lay 
down that merely community of speech makes a nation. 
There must be something more. I think, broadly speak- 
ing we all understand what nationality is, and I think 
that we should wish that if there are to be new borders 
in Europe, they should be so drawn as to bring into one 
fold, under one government, those people whose whole 
desire and wish is to form a single nation together. 

"When travehng through Macedonia a few years ago, 
I had the pleasure of travelling with a Greek lady with 
whom I discussed for a long time the question of the 
proper place of Macedonia. She asserted that a very 
large part of Macedonia, a much larger part than I could 
believe, was Greek, and that their country ought to belong 
to Greece. She referred to the peasants on her father's 
estates as being Greeks who talked Bulgarian, and I said, 
'Surely, people who talk Bulgarian are Bulgars.' 

" 'Not a bit," she replied. 'The test of nationality is 
not their speech, but their will, "la volonte de chacun." ' 

"I am bound to say I could not answer her. 

"Has it not been a cause of very great trouble to Europe 
that for forty years a piece of territory, which no doubt 
was to a large extent German-speaking, Alsace-Lorraine, 
has been included in the boundaries of Germany, and the 
Germans could not assimilate its population?" {Royal 
Geographic Magazine, February, 1915.) 

Taking then, the Franco-British, and not the Germanic 
definition of nationality let us examine how far it can be 
proved that the Epirotes and the Albanians have the 
requisites for forming one nation. 

2. The Albanians as a Nation 

In the first place we shall examine the "will to co- 
operate" of the Albanians and the Epirotes. Have the 
Albanians a will to co-operate among themselves? 

In Blackwood's Magazine of April, 1903, Mr. Reginald 


Wyon, who visited Albania and studied the people, wrote 
as follows: — 

"As to the people themselves, spoken of collectively as 
Albanians or sometimes as Arnauts, the idea gained 
thereby is erroneous. They must first be divided into 
three parts according to the three religions, namely, Mo- 
hammedans, Greek Orthodox Christians, and Roman 
Catholic Christians. These three religious factions consti- 
tute three entirely different peoples each animated by 
fanatical hatred of the others, and they are subdivided into 
clans and factions ad lib. As each clan can .be reckoned 
as a miniature autocratic kingdom, ready at any moment 
to go to wa,r with its next door neighbor, the anarchy 
existing all over Albania can be faintly imagined." 

And again he writes: "The numerous clans live ab- 
solutely independent of each other, some in blood-feud, 
where they shoot each other at sight whenever they meet; 
several of these disputes occur annually amongst them- 
selves. Sometimes, the slaughter is great, at others they 
are content with half a dozen killed on each side." 

Dr. E. J. Dillon wrote in the Contemporary Review 
of April, 1903 : 

"Each tribe hates the other with religious rancour." 

"A war-like nation like the Albanians would have long 
since won absolute independence and founded a powerful 
Balkan state, had it not been for the utter absence of any 
national striving for ideals. 

"Dm-ing all the centuries of their chequered existence 
they have never advanced beyond the tribal stage, not even 
when the Albanian League was founded at Turkey's in- 
stigation (1878) in order to work for the restitution of 
Goosinye and Plava to Albania." 

In the Spectator of November 3, 1913, in an editorial, 
"The Future of Albania," we read, 

"The Mohammendans and the Christians carry on civil 
war. The Tosks and the Guegs (Ghegs) never agree. 
The internal weakness of the country is increasing." 


And in the same publication of February 21, 1914, we 

"Our sincere wishes for the success of Prince WiUiam 
of Wied, who is about to enter the new Kingdom of 
Albania. A more picturesque, a more sporting, a more 
hazardous, or a more speculative enterprise for a ruler 
to undertake can hardly be imagined. The Albanians 
have never lent themselves to discipline and a demand for 
taxes will seem to many of them a kind of official 
brigandage — so long have they been able to avoid paying 

"Prince William of Wied will find the people split into 
more groups than ever; the main divisions of Guegs and 
Tosks, of Moslems, Roman Catholics and members of the 
Orthodox Church, are complicated by the allegiance to 
various chieftains who see new opportunities for personal 
ambition, and by an appreciable sentimental attachment 
to Turkey that lingers on in certain districts." 

And in the Spectator of May 23, 1914, "Essad Pasha's 
idea of reconciliation, of having Prince William as a Mpret 
(Bret), was not real. He had enjoyed, as Minister of 
War, more power than was good for him, and at last, the 
Mpret, who had been kept informed of his ambitious 
doings, challenged his intentions by requiring him to re- 
duce his body-guard. Essad Pasha declined and barri- 
caded himself in his house. He refused to surrender to 
the gendarmerie and fired on them when they surrounded 
the house." 

In the Spectator of May 23, 1914, we read: 

"Essad is gone, but the spirit of Essad will live on. 
The trouble is the same as it was under Abdul Hamid; 
the Albanians object to paying taxes and to giving com- 
pulsory personal service to a settled government. Various 
factions have also their various grievances; questions of 
language, religion and so on. But the instinct of the best 
fighting men among them is to place personal loyalty, how- 
ever arduous, to a feudal Chieftain before tame and con- 


ventional submission to a central power. Any one who 
has a large enough number of troops at his disposal is 
'King of the Road' in Albania." 

The Ex-Envoy of the United States to Athens, Mr. 
George Fred Williams, so notorious for his Albanophilism, 
wrote in Harper's Weekly of April 24, 1915 : 

"Within a few weeks of his advent, Prince Wied had 
Mohammedans killing Greeks in Christian Epirus, and 
Catholics slaughtering Mohammedans within view of his 

"Wied was installed on February 21st and on May 24th 
he fled from his palace with his family and took refuge in 
the Italian cruiser Misurata. 

"On the 15th of June the Commander, Colonel Thomp- 
son, was killed and hundreds of men were slaughtered in 
the marshes. 

"I was surprised at the hurly-burly which I found at 
Durazzo. Everyone was at sword's point with everybody 

"Three months after this the Prince, his family, his 
Court, his Cabinet, the Commissioners, Foreign Ministers, 
gendarmes, soldiers and warships had fled from Durazzo 
and Albania was left as she is now without a govern- 

In The Near East of April 5, 1918, we read the follow- 

"Miss Garnett's contribution to our knowledge of Al- 
bania is valuable. Here is a classic instance of a house 
divided against itself. Apart from the fact that the Mos- 
lems constitute more than one half of the population, the 
prevailing tendency of the Highlanders is to become Mos- 
lems and of the Greek Christians to emigrate to Greece. 
In the course of time the countiy will become Mussulman." 

Innumerable testimonies of travellers, historians and 
statesmen might be adduced to prove that the Albanians 
have no national consciousness, and are altggether want- 


ing in "the will to co-operate" which is the essential of a 

This truth is very unintelligible to Western peoples. 
Mr. H. W. Brailsford, a veteran writer on Eastern Ques- 
tions, gives us the key to Balkan nationalism in a valu- 
able study in the Contemporary Review of April, 1918: 

"The Arabs may have been bad subjects of the Turks, 
in the sense that they disliked taxation, conscription and 
any rule whatever other than that of their tribal chiefs ; but 
they resisted our occupation and have no aspirations for a 
more elaborate civilisation. The Arabs of the Hedjaz 
undoubtedly wish to be left alone, as nomads always do. 
It would be a grave mistake, however, to suppose that these 
primitive Ai-abs are nationalists as the Greeks and the 
Armenians are. 

"We shall go astray if we talk of liberating non-Turkish 
Moslems from Turkish rule. The people who most need 
protection are the Christians." 

Dr. E. J. Dillon makes a similar remark in the Contem- 
porary Review of April, 1903: 

"In Turkey, Islam is the faith of conquerors ; Christian- 
ity the creed of slaves. Islam has not modified its char- 
acter any more than the leopard has changed his spots. 

"Between Moslems and Christians there can be no equal- 
ity. How can there be justice and equity? 

"We are told that Hilmi Pasha is an honorable man. 
So was Shakir Pasha an honorable man, who went to 
Armenia to introduce reforms. Shakir Pasha remained 
the honorable man that he had been, but the Armenians, 
whose lot he had come to better, were sent to the next 
world in thousands, and the word reform was blotted out 
of the vocabulary of the people of those parts." 

Miss M. E. Durham, the foremost champion of a super- 
lative Albania, at the expense of the Greek Epirotes and 
the Serbians, is candid enough to make the following re- 
markable statement in the Spectator of July 22, 1911: 


"Europe has a strange idea that the nature of the 
Turk has undergone a complete and magical transforma- 

Now, these remarks of Dr. Dillon, Mr. Brailsford, and 
Miss Durham, are of no inconsiderable interest. 

Two-thirds of Albania is Mohammedan, of the most 
fanatical type. The Mohammedan Albanians for five 
hundred years have been considering the Christian Greeks 
and Serbs about them as slaves, "rayas." They have op- 
pressed, persecuted, robbed, and maltreated the Christians, 
as inferiors. 

By what accident is it that those same ignorant Moham- 
medans have altered their old ideas about the status of 
their Christian neighbors? 

If the Christians are put under one and the same govern- 
ment with a vast majority of these ignorant and fanatic 
Moslems, will it not be natural for them to deal with the 
Christians in the standard Moslem method — as "inferiors," 
as "slaves," as "rayas"? 

But aside from the difficulty of the inequality, and the 
resulting hatred between the Moslem and Christian, the 
Albanians are divided hopelessly Moslem against Moslem, 
in an infinity of tribes and clans. 

We have seen from the testimonies of eminent writers , 
that the Albanian people as a whole does not aspire to be- 
come a united nation. The Albanians as a whole do not 
demand that Epii-us be included in Albania. They ob- 
ject to a united, and a constituted government of Albania. 

Now we shall next consider the Epirotes, their desire 
for union, their will to co-operate with Greece, and their 
hatred and abhorrence of Albania: 

3. National Sentiment of the Epirotes 

Mr. Toynbee in his Greek Policies Since 1883 (p. 26 
and following) writes: 

"Greek nationalism is not an artificial conception of 
theorists, but a real force which impels all fragments of 


'Greek-speaking populations to make sustained efforts to- 
wards political union within the national state; the most 
striking example of this attractive power is afforded 
by the problem of Epirus (Himara, Argyrocastro, 

"The Epirotes turned to the Greeks with whom they 
were linked in religion and politics by subjection to the 
government at Jannina, which employed Greek as its offi- 
cial language. They had appealed to the right quarter, 
for Greek culture! under the Turkish yoke had accumulated 
a store of latent energy which converted itself into a vigor- 
ous national revival. 

"The case of Epirus is a good example of what Greek 
nationalism has meant during the last century. The 
Hellenism of today, although it is not the same as that of 
Ancient Hellas, yet has a genuine vitality of its own. It 
displays a power of assimilating alien elements to an ac- 
tive participation in its ideals, and its allegiance supplants 
all others in the hearts of those exposed to its charm. 

" 'We are Greeks like every one else, but we happen to 
speak Albanian, some of us,' said the Northern Epirotes 
io me. 

"The influence of Greek culture and its latent powers 
found expression in Epirus in a universal enthusiasm for 
education which has opened to individual Greeks commer- 
cial and professional careers of the greatest brilliance and 
often led them to spend the fortunes so acquired in endow- 
ing the nation with further educational facilities. 

"Public spirit is a Greek virtue; there are few villages 
which do not possess monuments of their successful sons, 
and a school is an even commoner gift than a church, while 
the State in Epirus has done nothing to help the Greeks. 

"The school house, in fact, is the most prominent and 
substantial building in an Epirotic village, and the gains 
which their alliance with the Greek nation has brought to 
the Greek Epirotes are symbolised generously throughout 
their country. For the Epirote the school is the door to 


fortune and to his future. The language he learns there 
makes him a member of a nation, and opens to him a world 
wide enough to employ all the talent and energy he may 
possess if he seeks his future at Patras or Peiraeus, or in 
the great Greek communities of Alexandria and Constan- 
tinople. While if he stays at home it still affords him a 
link with the life of civilized Europe through the medium 
of the ubiquitous Greek newspaper. The Epirote then has 
become Greek in soul; he has reached the conception of a 
national life more hberal than the isolated existence of his 
native village through the avenue of Greek culture, so 
that 'Hellenism' and nationality have become for him iden- 
tical ideas, and when at last the hour of deliverance struck, 
he welcomed the Greek Armies that marched into his 
Country from the South and from the East after the fall 
of Jannina in the Spring of 1913, with the same enthusiasm 
with which all the other enslaved fragments of the Greek 
nation greeted the consummation of a century's hopes." 

But we may go a little further back. Pouqueville who 
spent ten years in Epirus has known the heart of the 
Epirotes. In connection with the ethnology of the 
Epirotes he writes in Book I, Chap. 1, p. 3, of his History 
of Greece: 

"Ali Tepelen was born about 1740. The unfortu- 
nate descendants of Hellen counted then 300 years of 
slavery and twenty-five centuries of historical traditions, 
conserved among them, to remind them of their origin. 
They were like those Gods banished from Olympus. 
They escaped the wreck because they had cast their anchor 
of faith in the bosom of a religion to which the Most High 
has promised duration for all time. But not so with their 

It is very clear that the Epirotes are not the same as the 
Albanians. The former are united among themselves and 
their will is expressed for co-operation with Greece. 

Dr. Dillon in the Contemporary Review of April, 1903, 
writes : 


"The Albanians have withstood the efforts of the 
Greeks, Romans, Slavs and Turks to assimilate them." 

But the Epirotes at least are assimilated by the Greeks. 
This shows that there is a difference of sentiment and na- 
tional aspirations between the Epirotes and the Albanians. 

When in 1914, Austria and Italy forced Greece to aban- 
don Epirus the inhabitants of Northern Epirus took up 
arms and repelled the Albanians. The Epirotes asked 
union with Greece. But the insistence of Italy forced 
them to be satisfied with the declaration of an Independent 
State. The Spectator of April 11, 1914, said: 

"The rising which is now embarrassing Prince William 
and is causing him to contemplate taking the field at the 
head of an Albanian Army was only to be expected. 

"It is a wretched beginning to the reign of Prince Wil- 
liam, and he has only himself to thank and not the per- 
versity or wickedness of the Epirote fire-brands, who are 
only behaving in the manner that could confidently have 
been predicted. 

"It is true that men of Greek race and speech in North- 
ern Epirus are cut off from their natural affinities. 

"Northern Epirus has been spoken of as the Ulster of 
Greece. When the Powers decided to include Northern 
Epirus within the boundaries of Albania, they did so 
because they could not agree on any other solution, and 
merely accepted the plan that divided them least. 

"It cannot be denied that as Northern Epirus is in very 
large part Greek, the people clamor for union with 

And the Literary Digest of April 18, 1914, under 
"Greek Revolt in Albania" wrote: 

"The 250,000 Greeks who were included in the new 
Albania by the Powers are reported in revolt, and Prince 
William of Wied, the Lohengrin of the German Court, 
thus finds opportunity to show his mettle at the outset of 
his reign. The Greeks of Epirus expected to be united 
with their fatherland under the treaty parcelling out the 


Balkan territory, and were disappointed, so they propose 
fighting to bring Epirus under the Greek flag. Reports 
in the European press say that they hold the important 
"town of Korytza." 

Mr. George Fred Williams wrote in Harper's Weekly 
of April 24, 1915: 

"Meanwhile the Epirotes declared their independence. 

"The native Mohammedans opposed Wied by force. 
Wied purchased troops from the Roman Catholic moun- 
taineers of the North to defend Durazzo. He had also 
native Mohammedan adherents in Valona, south of Du- 
razzo, where he raised troops to attack the Orthodox 
Christian Epirotes and the Mohammedan insurgents of 
Middle Albania within a few weeks of his advent." 

In the Delineator of July, 1915, we read: 

"Albania (as delimited by Italj^ and Austria), includes 
the land of Epirus, one of the adored daughters of Greece, 
which like Thrace and Macedonia, is ever looking to the 
Mother to free her from the foreign yoke." 

Bursian in his Geograpliie von Griechenland (I Para- 
graph 9), when he describes the modern inhabitants of 
Epirus, writes: 

"Pogoniani (a district in Northern Epirus with more 
than forty-five toAvns and villages) is thoroughly Greek." 

Mr. Rene Puaux was the Temps correspondent in 
Epirus in 1913-1914. Mr. Valley and Mr. Jessen were 
the correspondents of French and German papers re- 

The three correspondents wrote what they saw passing 
under their eyes in Epirus, when the Powers were pre- 
paring to surrender Northern Epirus to Albania. 

Mr. Rene Puaux writes in his book, La Malheureuse 

"Mr. Valley and Mr. Jessen as well as I wired from 
Epirus what we saw with our own eyes. 

"If I succeed in persuading the French People to 
sympathize with the Epirotes and with their wonderful 


love for Hellas, their Mother, and if I be able to offer my 
poor services for the struggle of the Epirotes, one of the 
most beautiful struggles, I shall feel the most sacred 
joy. Whatever may happen, the things I witnessed, the 
recollections, and the holy patriotism of the Epirotes move 
me. And when I think of them I am moved to tears." 

In his correspondence to the Temps of May 1, from 
Corfu he wrote : 

"Ten thousand Epirotes, refugees, have arrived here. 
The Albaiiians have burnt their homes. 

"But after the fall of Jannina hope has filled their hearts. 
In the future, the Greek Province of Epirus will be free. 
Under the protection of the White-and-Blue they will re- 
turn to Parga, Senitsa, Nivitsa, Corytsa. 

"Twenty-five villages opposite Corfu have been sacked 
and burned down by the Albanian hordes. 

"But now, a new life seems to animate the afflicted 
Epirotes — a new idea, the great idea of Hellenism. The 
Epirotes will now realize their dreams of centuries, their 
union with their Mother, Greece. 

"To surrender to an artificial Albania a people which 
differs from the Albanians in language, in civilization, in 
religion and in aspirations, is a crime. 

"All Epirus from Cape St. Basil to Cape St. John 
is absolutely Greek; the friends and relatives of these 
Epirotes constitute the intellectual and plutocratic aris- 
tocracy of Athens, and Patras." 

May 2, Corfu. 19U 

"It is not a question what Greece wants. It is a ques- 
tion what the Epirotes want. And should Greece be 
forced to refuse the Epirotes, they, none the less, are de- 
termined to secure their union with Greece. 

"If Epirus was a 'no-man's-land,' that is a land with- 
out national sentiment, it would have been very easy for 
Italy and Austria to swallow it. But North Epirus, 
which Italy pretends that she wants to give to Albania, 


is the hearth of Neo-Hellenism. The Epirotes are more 
Greek than the other Greeks. 

"In Epirus there are six great centers of Hellenism, 
Jannina, the Zagoria (48 villages), Argyrocastro, Met- 
sovo, Chimara, and Corytsa. 

"From each one of these nests there have come out men 
whose first care after they have acquired wealth in foreign 
lands has been to spend their vast fortunes for the reahza- 
tion of that beautiful dream of Hellenism, — the libera- 
tion and the unification of all the enslaved parts of the 
Hellenic Fatherland, and especially the union of Epirus 
with Greece, 

"Arsakis left his vast fortune for the education of 
Greek girls. With his wealth four Greek Colleges for 
women were endowed, one at Athens, one at Constan- 
tinople, one at Larissa, one at Jannina. 

"At the Arsakeion of Athens over 2000 Greek girls 
receive a College education and this is due to an Epirote 
from Chotachova, near' Argyrocastro, which the Alban- 
ians are trying to include in Albania. 

"Zappas, the founder of many Greek schools in Greece 
and in Turkey, the founder of the Museum of Art at 
Athens, Avas from Lambovo, near Argyrocastro. 

"Zographos, the founder of the Zographeon College, and 
the Zographeon Hospital at Constantinople, came from 
Kestonati, near Tepeleni. His son George Zographos 
has been Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece, and be- 
came the President of the Autonomous State of Northern 
Epirus in 1914!. 

"Of the two wealthy Greeks George Averoff, and 
Stournaras of Metsovo, the former built the Stadium at 
Athens, gave to Greece the cruiser Aver of which defeated 
the Turkish fleet in 1912, and established schools in Epirus, 
in Greece, and in Egypt, while the latter founded and en- 
dowed the splendid Polytechnic Institute at Athens. 

"The Zossimas established the first Greek College at 
Jannina long before the Independence of Greece, the 


Caplanes, and the Tositsas of Jannina bestowed all their 
fortunes for educational and patriotic works. 

"The millionaire Bancas of Corytsa gave all his wealth 
for Greek schools and hospitals both in Corytsa, and in 

"Anagnostopoulos, of Zagori, a famous and much hon- 
ored citizen of Boston, late Principal of the Perkins In- 
stitute for the Blind, left all his fortune for a Greek 
College for girls in Northern Epirus. 

"The list of Epirote patriots who have made fabulous 
fortunes abroad and have bestowed them for the education, 
and the liberation of every unredeemed Greek land, would 
fill volumes. 

"Their only thought was union with Greece, and for- 
tunes are even today left in the National Bank of Greece 
with the express terms in the wills 'to be used only for the 
liberation of Epirus, and her union with Greece.' " 


1. The Culture of the Albanians 

The will to co-operate is a prime requisite in the forma- 
tion of a nation, but a "common culture" is also an im- 
portant and necessary element. 

It will be enlightening to consider first the culture of the 
Albanians, and then that of the Epirotes, and to observe 
the community or difference in culture of the two peoples. 

Doctor E. J. Dillon wrote in the Contemporary Review 
of April, 1903: 

"The wave of civilization has not even sprinkled with its 
foam the life of the people of the interior, whose besetting 
passion is a love of arms and booty. 'Fire, water and gov- 
ernments know no mercy,' is the common saying of the Al- 
banians. So they have freed themselves even from the 
government of their own people. 

"To the average Albanian the tribe is the state. 

"In their love of blood-shed and horror of humdrum and 
laborious living they resemble the Kurds, and feel like them 
that they have a better right to exist and thrive than the 
inferior races who are on earth merely for their sakes. 

"Neither the Mohammedans nor the Christians are chary 
of blood-shedding. 

"It has been calculated that about 25 per cent, of the 
entire population die violent deaths. 

"At times large tracts of land are given up to sanguinary 
vendettas. Not only do feuds to the death rage for gen- 
erations between two tribes but also between two families 
of the same tribe, and hundreds of persons are sacrificed 



at sight to propitiate the blood-thirsty shades of parents 
or forbears. 

"That fierce lawless tribes should let themselves be tamed 
by a few gendarmes ; should uncomplainingly give up cus- 
toms more sacred to thern than are the dictates of religion 
to Christians ; should work hard for their livelihood, instead 
of robbing mere Giaours, and should treat the latter as 
equals and worthy of respect, is a set of propositions which 
no man can seriously entertain who has realized their mean- 
ing. The thing is simply inconceivable ; it would indeed be 
easier far to force Englishmen to let themselves be gov- 
erned by the Baboos of Bengal, than to get the Albanians 
to give up the customs of their ancestors and their wild 
love of freedom for the sake of races which, loathing, they 
cannot even hate." 

Mr. Reginald Wyon wrote in Blackwood's Magazine of 
April, 1903: 

"No amount of impassioned preaching can drive into 
these men's minds that it is wrong to take another's life. 

"Sunday morning is an extraordinary spectacle amongst 
the Roman Catholic Clans. As the sun nears its zenith the 
clan has gathered together, rifles are piled in long rows 
against the church walls, and, revolver in girdle, bandolier 
round their waists, they enter the sacred edifice. 

"It once happened, during my visit, that while a congre- 
gation was deep in devotions, shots were heard outside — 
rapid firing such as portended fighting. As one man the 
worshippers rose, and before the priest had concluded the 
prayer, they were streaming at a swift double quick to- 
wards the fray, shooting as they swung along, to signify 
that help was coming. Before the priest had divested him- 
self of his robes, and followed his erring sheep, they were 
in the thick of the battle with a neighboring clan. A few 
hours later, the dead were laid out in the deserted church. 

"A curious watchfulness pervades every man — a quick 
scan of every rock and bush on walking abroad, and ever- 
loaded weapons. 


"An Albanian never parts with his rifle — even tiUing 
the patch of ground before his home, he will have his rifle 
slung from his shoulder; if he is hoeing it is lying ready to 
hand in the next furrow. At church . his rifle stands 
against the wall. The shepherd singing love songs to 
while away the long hours, has his rifle across his knees, 
and will lift it from time to time, to aim at some object to 
keep his eye in practice. 

"With a sublime indifference to law they go armed to 
their teeth. 

"It is by no means a rare occurrence for the visitor to see 
a man shot in the street. 

"A man's hfe in Albania is worth one penny, as an edu- 
cated Albanian once told me, — that being roughly the price 
of a cartridge ! 

"The Albanian, while he is peacefully sleeping in his 
hut, may awake, — if he awakes at all — to find a board in 
the roof removed and a rifle or a revolver barrel pointing 
at him. 

"Should a traveller be observed taking notes, taking 
photographs, or measurements, then his life would be en- 

"He should remember nev«r to be seen writing or sketch- 
ing, and should always behave as a pious Roman Catholic 
in Northern Albania, and as a pious Mohammedan in 
Middle and Southern Albania and should be constantly at- 
tentive never to betray himself by the omission of any 
little ceremonial. 

"I was present when an Albanian shot a Turkish soldier 
deliberately. He was caught and about to be tried. 
Within twenty-four hours the Turkish governor was hon- 
ored by a visit from a deputation of the murderer's clan. 
These men demanded their comrade's release, and when 
they were promptly refused, on the ground that the pris- 
oner must stand his trial for murder the deputation left 
with the warning that if he was not in their midst within 
forty-eight hours, the clan would descend and burn the 


town. The Governor had but a handful of Turkish sol- 
diers. Needless to say, the man was released well within 
Ihe time limit. 

"Professor Baldacci described them to me as 'Rough 
men, uncivilised in every respect, murderous, ruffians, bar- 
barous savages.' 

"After all they are great children who play with life as 
we play with games." 

The Spectator of November 8, 1913, wrote: 

"Albanian history has never instructed Europe in the 
terrors of trying to control mountainous and savage people 
like the Ghegs, whose normal life is fighting, and who 
would be surprised at being told that they were to die in 
iheir beds." 

And in the issue of February 21, 1914: 

"Even the palace of Durazzo, which is waiting to re- 
ceive the new King, is said to be the home of rats and 

In the Open Court of February, 1913, we read: 

"The inhabitants of Albania do not possess the usual 
customs of civilized countries. Most of the people are rob- 
bers, and brigands, and murder is not considered a crime. 
The stranger has no right to protection unless he is received 
at the hearth, according to the usage of primitive savages. 
He is an outlaw if he is found on the road, and may be shot 
down from an ambush without rousing the authorities to 
investigate the case. 

"Their supreme rule is not to recognize any authority 
above themselves. Every man takes the law in his own 
hands and deems it his privilege to rob and pillage wherever 
he can do so with impunity ; every one is inseparable from 
his weapons, and no man ventures on a journey or even in 
the public high-road without his gun. 

"They would not give up their arms; would object to 
paying taxes; would tolerate no censors; would brook no 
police; would not suffer their properties to be entered at 
recorders' ofiices ; were even opposed to sending their chil- 


dren to school or to submitting their quarrels to courts. 
The old system of taking the law into their own hands, of 
stealing the cattle of others, of slaying the wayfarer is con- 
sidered part of the inalienable right of the country. It 
has been estimated that from 25 per cent, to 40 per cent, 
of the entire male population is exterminated by assassina- 
tion, and no authority has so far succeeded in stopping this 

Mr. George Fred Williams writes in Harper's Weekly 
of April, 1915: 

" 'Where the sword is, there is the faith,' is the belief 
of the Albanians. They are raised in superstition and 

Mr. Reginald Wyon again writes: 

"More deaths occur annually from vendetta than from 
any other cause. The avenger is never wounded in the ful- 
filment of revenge. The avenger is not heroic; he waits 
for his victim, and only shoots when he knows he will kill, 
from behind a stone, beside the path the victim must tra- 
verse. The bullet comes at a few yards distance, usually 
from behind." 

Mr. H. J. O'Kie wrote in the Popular Science Monthly 
of August, 1889: 

"The Albanians are accustomed to train ganders for 
fighting, for which purpose they feed them with such herbs 
as contribute to the development of a pugnacious disposi- 
tion. When one thinks his goose's courage has been suffi- 
ciently developed, he sends a herald through the village 
uttering a challenge to any townsman having a gander 
which he is ready to pit in a combat to bring him to the 
ring for a match. 

"Such a challenge was sounded in the village of Lower 
Rogoza on the last day of August of last year. It was 
answered by a wealthy Albanian, who at once betook him- 
self with his goose to the place where such spectacles were 
exhibited. His antagonist was already in waiting, with 
about one hundred onlookers. 


"The match had gone on for about two hours, when one 
of the champions began to fail. His owner wanted to help 
him, but the proprietor of the conquering goose would not 
permit it. Irritated by this, the losing owner raised his 
gun and shot the other down on the spot." 

As to education, Mr. Reginald Wyon writes : 

■'The country is unique in Europe; for while even little 
Montenegro has its schools, its law-courts, and its news- 
papers, Albania knows of none of these things. Their 
language consists of about six hundred words." 

And Dr. E. J. Dillon: 

" 'He who has often avenged is wiser than he who has 
been taught much,' is the opinion of the Albanian about 
education, which can hardly be said to exist in Albania." 

We think that more quotations would add but little to 
the evidence of these eminent travellers and writers whom 
we have quoted. 

It is simply shocking to think that a civilised, a cultured, 
a peaceful, and a progressive people like the Epirotes 
should have ever been even asked, not to say forced, to live 
and be governed by people who are wanting in the most 
elementary requisites of self-governing peoples. 

Mr. Charles Dilke cleverly said of the diplomats of 
Europe : 

"What is Europe anyway? A number of wicked old 
gentlemen with decorations assembled around a green 

Signor San Giuliano, Herr Berchtold, and Sir Edward 
Grey belonged to the old school, which taught that "might 
is right," which did not care for the fate of small peoples, 
which bargained, bought and sold freely, remorselessly, 
the liberties, the lives, and the souls of unfortunate peoples 
which were fighting for the liberty and the civilization of 

What cared San Giuliano if the brave Epirotes, as cul- 
tured as the covmtrymen of Cavour, with wives as dear, 
and daughters as well brought up as those of the citizens 


of Rome, were to be exposed to the brutality of those un- 
fortunate savages of Albania? 

But why should we wonder at the callousness of the old 
European diplomats in the case of Epirus, when we know 
that all the Christian peoples of Turkey have groaned 
under the inhuman tyranny of the Moslems, and the great 
Powers have time and again discouraged and hindered the 
Christian slaves from overthrowing their oppressor? 

2. Culture of the Epirotes 

Let us, now, examine the cultural condition of the 

We have already quoted authorities, who testify that the 
Epirotes are a highly cultured people, and that they not 
only have absorbed Greek Culture but also have so de- 
veloped it as to make the culture of Epirus the most Hel- 
lenic of any. 

Pouqueville in Book I, Chap. I, page 2, of his Histoire 
de la Grece, writes : 

"The Turks founded and maintained their empire upon 
violence, characterised by injustice to the vanquished, and 
drawing its force from unrighteousness and from terror. 
They could, therefore, only follow the course of epidemics, 
which grow weaker as they grow older. Thus was it with 
Nineveh, Suza, Ecbatana, and Babylon. But it could not 
be so with a people which, although enslaved, preserved its 
language and its customs. 

"While yet under slavery, the Greeks in Epirus and 
throughout the Turkish Empire showed the traits of the 
Hellenes, and it was enough to encounter the indomitable 
mountaineers, in order to be convinced that some day the 
destinies of Greece would change. 

"Jannina long ago established endowments for the sup- 
port of the Greek teachers there. Chios has founded an 
academy. What voices of resurrection could be heard 
from Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia and those sons of Tubal 
Cain who work the mines of Pangason (Macedonia) ?" 


Ami Boue, who in the middle of the 19th century tra- 
versed Epirus and Macedonia, writes in La Turquie d'Eu- 
rope,Yo\. Ill, P. 447: 

"The monasteries are most numerous in Epirus and 
Macedonia," and in Vol. Ill, p. 521 : 

"Instruction begins to receive more serious attention in 
Epirus where live the Greeks and the Vlachs. 

"The best Greek educational establishments are at Jan- 
nina, Larissa, Salonica, and Serres." 

Mr. C. S. Butler, the correspondent for the Manchester 
Guardian, wrote on September 30, 1914: 

"In May of last year I was at Korytsa, and witnessed a 
parade of 2,125 Greek school children of both sexes, from 
five years up to sixteen, who beamed with joy and pride as 
they filed past the Crown Prince of Greece, waving their 
little Greek flags. 

"Korytza has been the bone of contention between Epi- 
rotes and Albanians. This city has 25,000 inhabitants. 
It may readily be seen that the city is completely Greek, 
for 2,125 school children between the ages of five and 
sixteen would represent practically every family in the 

"The written and commercial language of the Albano- 
phone Epirotes is, and has always been Greek, even under 
Turkish rule. Even the most fanatical Albanians keep 
their accounts in Greek. 

"At Argyrocastro, I was much surprised to see that the 
notables of Libochovo, a fanatical Moslem stronghold 
across the valley, sign their names habitually in Greek. 
All the extant letters, decrees, and orders of Ah Pasha, 
who certainly could not be accused of favoring the Greeks, 
are in Greek ; which clearly proves two things : That Greek 
was the only written language used in Epirus in his day, 
and that it must have been generally understood and 
spoken by the people of Epirus. 

"It is not the language, therefore, but the sentiment of 
a people which determines its national character. And N. 


Epirus has for many generations expressed its national 
sentiment with no uncertain sound. To pass over the 
flourishing Greek institutions of learning of Jannina in the 
17th and 18th centuries, which kept alive Greek letters and 
Greek aspirations in those dark days and which were sup- 
ported entirely by the voluntary contributions of Epirotes, 
and to come down to the present age^ Athens is full of 
splendid public buildings, gifts of ISortliern Epirotes. 
The magnificant Academy of Fine Arts and the Astro- 
nomical Observatory were given by Sinas of Moschopolis 
(near Korytsa). Bangas, of Korytsa, left a building 
worth £20,000 as a bequest to the Greek Navy Fund. 
The Zappa brothers, who endowed Athens with her ex- 
position grounds and Constantinople with her biggest 
Greek High School for Girls, were natives of Lambovo, 
north of Argyrocastro. Zographos (the father of the 
President of the Chamber of Deputies), founder of a 
large Greek school at Constantinople, and founder of the 
Prize Fund for the encouragement of Greek studies at 
Paris, was a native of Duriani, near Argyrocastro. 
Averoff, the donor of the Greek battleship bearing his 
name and of the splendid Panathenaic Stadium, and 
Tositsa, and Stournara, who endowed Athens with its fine 
Pol}i:echnic School, were natives of Metsovo. I pass 
over a long list of generous gifts and endowments by 
Epirotes to Greece for patriotic Greek aims." 

Colonel Murray in a lecture given in Morley Hall in 
London, January 7, 1914, before an audience of Oxford 
professors and other scholars and statesmen, said : 

"Education has opened the minds of the men and women. 
The school master is abroad in Epirus as elsewhere." 

Mr. Z. D. Ferriman, author of Home Life in Hellas and 
Turkey and the Turks, wrote to the Daily Chronicle on 
April 7th, 1914: 

"The Zographion is one of the many benefactions of 
Zographos to Hellenism. Not a few Greeks who have 
risen to distinction owe their studies in Europe to his gen- 


erosity. I did not know that Zographos was an Epirote ; 
but the fact explained to me why his son, a former Minister 
of Foreign Affairs of Greece, was heading now the revolu- 
tion against the Albanians. 

"The Metropolitan of Argyrocastro, Vassilios, was born 
at Labano, a mountain village north of Argyrocastro. He 
studied at the famous Theological College of the Isle of 
Halki, near Constantinople, was professor at the Gym- 
nasium of Serres, later taught at Adrianople, then became 
successively Metropolitan of Paramythia, Avlona, and 
Argyrocastro, in N. Epirus. 

"When Athens was in darkness, the appanage of a 
eunuch in the Seraglio at Stamboul, Jannina was a focus 
of Greek learning, and the travellers in the early 19th 
century tell us of scholars like Athanasius Psalida. Byron 
met one of his pupils at Athens, in 1801, and wrote of 
him that he was 'better educated than the fellow com- 
moners of most colleges.' I had heard of Lucas Via, of 
John Valeras, and other natives of Jannina, who brought 
to it the culture of the West, of the schools of Psalida and 
the Zossimas, of Sakellarios and Coletti, and Metra, but 
Dr. Georgitsis told me of more, and among others of the 
famous school founded by the brothers Philanthropinos 
in 1650, which flourished for more than a century. 

"This does not sound extraordinary as it is put down on 
paper, but if we try to realize the barbarous environment 
amid which these things were accomplished and the savage 
tyranny which essayed to thwart them, the achievement is 
little short of marvellous. It is a matter of wonder that 
Epirus has had to wait so long for her emancipation while 
other regions which desen'ed it less have long enjoyed it. 
But not all Epirus is free. Districts as Greek and as cul- 
tured as Jannina, Argyrocastro, Moschopohs. (Kory- 
tsa), where a printing-press was established nearly 200 
years ago, are excluded, because a company of gentlemen 
seated round a green table in London have drawn a line on 
a map and decreed otherwise. 


"I am writing this at the house of Dr. Georgitsis. His 
fourteen-year-old son, Sophocles, is seated" opposite to me 
doing his lessons. He is at the Gymnasium, (the High 
School) which has existed for well nigh a century amid 
incredible difficulties. His school fellows of the senior 
class are not here. They have gone to j oin the Hierolochi- 
tae, the sacred band, to fight if need be for unredeemed 
Epirus. So has the doctor's nephew, who was residing 
lately at West Norwood. So has the best young blood of 
the country. 

"I shall meet some of them, for I leave today in order to 
try and give some account of the land which has been 
handed over to a fictitious state created to satisfy the 
covetous aspirations of two European Powers." 

We may add a few more remarks on the culture of 

Rizarhios Scholi at Athens is the Theological Seminary 
of Greece. It was founded by Rhizos of Epirus, and 
more than fifty per cent, of the professors and of the 
students are Epirotes. 

Paul Melas, the famous Greek officer who went to Mace- 
donia in 1902, and drove out the Bulgarian comitadjis, was 
an Epirote. To him Hellenism owes the rescue of Mace- 
donia from the brutality of the Bulgars. 

When Mr. Venizelos left Athens in 1916, and founded 
his Provisional Government at Salonica, in order to com- 
bat the Germanophile King Constantine and lead the 
Greek people to the assistance of the cause of the Allies, 
the two men who with him formed the famous triimivirate, 
which finally drove out Constantine, and defeated Bul- 
garia, were Epirotes, from Northern Epirus ! 

General Danglis, the Minister of War under the Provi- 
sional Government at Salonica, and the present ISIinister 
of War of Greece is from Argyrocastron. 

The other prominent figure in the Triumvirate, Admiral 
Countoriotes, the present Admiral of Greece, and the vie- 


tor of the Dardanelles in 1912, when he was the admiral of 
the Greek Fleet, comes from North Epirus. 

The most classic poet of Modern Greece, Crystallis, 
comes from Epirus. 

In brief, Epirus is for Modern Greece what Massachu- 
setts or New England is for the United States. Epirus 
was the principal factor for the preservation of Greek 
culture, together with Constantinople for over 500 years. 

Epirus, through Souli, and Parga, through Tjavellas, 
Bozzaris, Diakos, Catsantones, Tjovaras, Androutsos and 
Caraiscakis, initiated and carried to a successful end the 
Greek Revolution of 1821-1829. 

Epirus has contributed more than any other Greek 
Province to the regeneration of Modern Greece with 
moneys, schools, and other princely gifts; and the Greek 
race looks upon Epirus, as the Americans look upon New 
England, with pride and affection. 

But the culture of the Epirotes is not only academic, for 
in the art of self-government the Epirotes have achieved 
success which makes the chasm between them and the law- 
less tribes of the Albanians even greater. 

The historian Dumont in his excellent work La Turquie 
d'Europe, published in 1875, writes about the culture of 
Epirus : 

"To judge the Turks one should see the provinces ; lodge 
in their houses ; live their lives as an unknown among them. 
In the same way to become acquainted with the Greeks, 
the Bulgarians or the Armenians one should not be content 
with visiting only the capitals of these nations. One must 
go to the country. I have travelled throughout the coun- 
try of the Epirotes. 

"In the districts the most remote and mountainous, the 
newspapers of Jannina or Athens arrive daily. 

"The Epirotes, like the rest of the Greeks, are excellent 
in the practice of their communal liberties. They have all 
the qualities requisite for the art of municipal government. 


"Political life is very active and eloquence is much 

" 'In Epirus, as throughout Turkey, a Greek village 
without a teacher,' says a proverb, 'is as rare as a valley 
without the corresponding hills.' 

"In villages where I could not count more than one hun- 
•dred houses, the teachers showed me their libraries. I 
^ould see there the classical collections of Tauchnitz. 

"Instruction is not compulsory, but none would consent 
to deprive his children of an education. 

"The expense of instruction is borne by the parents in 
each village. 

"Each village has its own treasury, and the moneys in 
them come from (a) bequests, (b) contributions by the 
Orthodox churches, (c) gifts of wealthy Epirotes abroad. 

"The budget is arranged according to the calculated ex- 
penses for the year. 

"In proportion to the resources of the community, 
churches are decorated, or new ones are erected ; a hospital 
is endowed; or a first-class teacher is imported from 
Athens ; a young man is sent to the University of Athens, 
or for studies abroad ; a road long neglected by the Otto- 
man Government is repaired. 

"It is a most rare case when two Greek parties appear 
before a Turkish Tribunal to adjust differences. Noth- 
ing does so much honor to the Greeks as the good sense with 
which, without a written law, without constitution, they 
know how to regulate their municipal affairs 

"The broadest democracy is the law of these communi- 
ties. Educational equality is almost perfect. Large for- 
tunes do not create great differences among them. 

"The poor are rare among them. Even the laborer who 
lives on his wages is never subjected to those hardships so 
frequent in our Western life. The vivacity of their 
spirit never changes. At the agora, at the church, at the 
theatre, the merchant, the worker, and the rich landowner, 
are always equals. 


. "No people erect so many churches and chapels as the 
Epirotes. It was so with their ancient ancestors before 
Christianity. Hence this great number of edifices in honor 
of their heroes, or of the saints. 

"Pausanias, in his description of Greece proper, cites at 
every step monuments and altars. And I am sure there 
were many more which he has left out. 

"The Epirotes' taste for chapels is inherited from the 
Ancient Greeks. 

"Everywhere the warmest reception is given to 

"Activity is very great, and fortunes are not rare. A 
Westerner will find a comfortable home; the rooms vast, 
well ventilated, opening almost always to the east, are 
elegant, and simple. 

"The people emigrate to foreign lands but never forget 
to return to their homes. Never is a Greek afraid of a 
voyage. Motion delights him; and novelty enchants him. 
And he needs so little to make himself happy anyway. 
And making a living for a Greek is not a matter which 
worries him much. He is so ingenious. An Epirote who 
has only seen his own town or village is very rare. 

"If you are a stranger, in the evening they give you the 
best entertainment they can, and speak to you of Hellas, 
of the tyranny of the Turks and the Albanians, of the 
'Megale Idea' or Great National Ideal, the union of all the 
Hellenes with Greece. 

"Thus one passes his days among these interesting peo- 
ple. Indeed, in order to be able to understand the Ancient 
Greeks, one should go and live among the descendants of 
Pericles and Thucydides. 

"For one cannot long live among them without recogniz- 
ing ancient traditions. Their language differs very little 
from the ancient Greek. The Romaic or Neo-Hellenic 
language is but a dialect, an idiom which was spoken but 
was not written, by the Ancient Greeks. Here one sees 
customs in daily life as old as Homer." 


We have dealt with the cultural status of each of the two 
peoples— the Albanians and the Epirotes— because after 
all it is culture which is an unsurmountable barrier between 
the two peoples. 

The Epirote is peaceful, industrious, educated. The 
Albanian war-like, savage, untutored, idle, poor, and un- 

The persistence of the Epirotes in preserving their char- 
acter is one of the things which strikes a Westerner when 
he visits the near East. Like the Jews, the Greeks are 
immortal. Neither the Turks, nor the Slavs, nor the Al- 
banians, nor the Normans, nor the Francs, have been able 
to alter their national characteristics. Many towns and 
villages have been overthrown and burnt down. But each 
day they spring up anew from their ruins. 

It is a crime to force a people like the Alsatians to live 
under the rule of the nomads of Arabia, or of the savage 
tribes of Transcaucasia. 

And yet, this was the crime perpetrated by the Great 
Powers in 1913, when they decreed that more than one half 
of Greek Epirus should be driven by force of arms to live 
in the anarchy of Pan- Albanian brigandage. 

Having thus seen that the will of the Epirotes of North- 
ern Epirus to work together is definite and clean-cut and 
that it is outspokenly for union with Greece; having also 
seen that the cultural ties of the Epirotes and of the Greeks 
are too strong to be shattered by the unjust "decisions of 
politicians sitting round green tables," we pass to other 
considerations of secondary importance. 

Are there any Albanians in Northern Epirus, and what 
are the numerical proportions of the Greeks and Al- 

And before we enter the discussion of numbers it is nec- 
essary to give our attention to a brief study of the geog- 
raphy, and the boundaries of the land of Northern Epirus. 


Havixg thus explained the Epirotic problem, it is now 
necessary to give the reader a general idea of the Province 
of Epirus and to point out what parts of it are coveted by 
the* Albanians, and refused to them by the Epirotes them- 

The Province of Epirus includes what was known under 
the Ottoman Empire as the Vilayet of Jannina and the 
Sanjak of Korytsa. More specifically, Epirus begins to 
the north at the Acroceraunian Mountains on the Adriatic 
coast slightly south of Valona, and eastward to the Lake 
of Ochrida. To the east Epirus is bounded by Macedonia, 
to the west by the Adriatic Sea, and to the south by the 
Gulf of Preveza and the Greek frontiers of 1912, 

The total area of the Province is about 5000 geographi- 
cal miles. The population is nearly 500,000. 

The frontier proposed by the Epirotes would leave''to 
them the Vilayet of Jannina, with the Sanjaks of Jannina, 
Preveza, Goumenitza, in full; the larger part of the Sanjak 
of Ai-gyrocastro, and in the Sanjak of Korytsa, the 
Kazas of Korytsa, and Colonia in full and half of the Kaza 
of Stazovo. 

These boundaries are far to the south of the original 
boundaries of Epirus in earher days. But owing to the 
Islamisation of the inhabitants north of the Acroceraunian 
Mountains, the Epirotes consider the Moslems completely 
irreconcilable to the Christians and therefore have no desire 
to include in Epirus any lands north of these mountains. 

That Epirus extends at least to the Acroceraunian 
Mountains is not a vain invention of the Epirotes. 

At the beginning of our treatise we have quoted Ancient 
writers of Greece and Rome, and have seen that in the days 



of Athens and Rome Epirus extended as far north as 

Phihp Sea pubhshed a map in 1690-1701, "A New Map 
of The World," in which he puts the boundaries of Epirus 
above Valona, and includes Epirus in Greece. 

F. de Wit in 1680 pubhshed a map, "Turcicum Im- 
perium," according to which Epirus begins at Durazzo, 
and forms a part of Greece. 

Dancherus, in 1650, pubhshed his map, "Turcius Im- 
perius," in which Epirus begins north of Valona, and is 
part of Greece. 

B. Randolph, in 1650, pubhshed his map, "Graecia," in 
which Epirus, a province of Greece, begins to the north of 

G. Blau, in 1650, in his map, "Imperium Turcicum," 
describes Epirus as a Province of Greece, beginning to 
the north of Valona. 

Saurembergios' Map, "Macedonia Alexandri M.," de- 
fines Epirus as a province of Greece which begins to the 
north of Valona. 

Pouqueville in 1804 produced his famous Histoire de La 
Crfece, in which he gives a very illuminating table of the 
districts included in Epirus in ancient times as well as in 
1804, under Turkish domination. 

We reproduce the table : 



Modern Cantons 





J Jannina 



\ Pogonion 















( Conitsa 
\ Sesanathes 








Doumerca and 


Part of Radovitch 


Paravia or 






Ancient Modern Cantons 

















Aidonia or 

Paramytiiia and i 








Spianza and Lamari 35 

Rogous 43 

Arta 85 

Total number of villages of Epirus 


Pouqiieville states that Epirus is a province of Greece^ 
and begins north of Valona. 

We are indebted to Pouqueville for information on the 
ecclesiastical division of Epirus, 

It is well known that the Greek Church, like the Roman 
Catholic Church, in its ecclesiastical government, fol- 
lowed the imperial division into districts, episcopates and 
so on. 

We give herewith Pouqueville's table of the ecclesiasti- 
cal division of Epirus: 


1. Nicopolis 



Metropolitan seat 

3. Phoenice (Delvino) 



3. Rogous 




4. Vonitza (Vonitsa) 



5. Actis (Arta) 


6. Dodona 


7. Cassiopia (Jannina) 

. IX 


8. Buthrotum 


9. Drynopolis 


10. Photice or Velas 



12. Aidonia 


13. Anchiasmus (St. Quaranta) 



Kiepert, the most exact and scientific geographer of 
modern times, sets the boundaries of Epirus to the north 
of Valona, and includes Epirus in the lands called Greek/ 

Epirus has five great centres of culture and commerce : 
Jannina, Konitza, Santi Quaranta, Argyrocastron, and 

The first two cities are in Southern Epirus, the last three 
in Northern Epirus. 

Although Korytsa and Konitza have each a college for 
boys and schools for girls, the collegiate studies of all the 
Epirotes are done by preference at the College Zossimaea 
at Jannina. 

Commercially, Jannina is the centre. The highways 
connecting Jannina, Santi Quaranta, Argyrocastron, 
Korytsa, are the only outlets of Epirus both to the Adriatic 
Sea, and to Monastir, arid Salonica, 

High mountains completely isolate Korytsa and Argy- 
rocastron from Valona and the rest of Albania. There are 
no trade routes from Epirus to Albania. 

Northern Epirus has always looked upon Jannina as its 
educational and commercial metropolis. 

The Ottoman Empire found it politically practicable to 
govern the whole province through the Vali of Jannina. 

The Greek Patriarchate, following the ancient line of the 
political boundaries of Epirus, had all the churches of 
Epirus under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan Bishop 
of Jannina. 


The total population of Epirus is nearly 500,000. 

The statistical table on p. 77 gives the numbers of the 
various races inhabiting Epirus. 

In connection with the table it is well to remark that the 
total Greek-speaking population is greater than the total 
Mussulman population, or 193,925 and 116,815, respec- 

The tables are compilations from the Turkish census of 
1908. The Turkish government considered all the Mus- 
sulmans as Turks. In reahty, however, with the excep- 
tion of 50,000 Turks, all the Mussulman population may 
be considered as Albanians. 

All the Greek-speaking, as well as the Albanophone, 
and Vlachophone Christian population was classed by the 
Turkish government under "Greeks." 

Taking away from the total Mussulman population the 
50,000 Tiu-ks, who far from being Albanians entertain a 
deep-rooted hatred for the Albanians, as we shall show, 
we notice that the Greek-speaking population of Epirus 
alone is in the majority over any one element, and by far 
more numerous than the Moslem Albanians, or 193,925 
Greeks against 116,815. 

The next important point to be considered is the na- 
tionality of the Vlachs. 

There are almost 16,623 Vlachs in Epirus. From time 
immemorial they are attached to the cause of Hellenism. 
They speak a broken jargon known as "Koutzo-Vlach" 
but they speak Greek better and read and write only 
Greek. The schools and the churches of the Vlachs are 



Rumania made a desperate effort, and has spent millions 
of francs in an attempt to persuade the Vlachs that they 
.were not Greeks but Rumanians. 

The result of 25 years of effort on the part of Rumania 
has proven the futility of all attempts to detach the Epi- 
rotes from their allegiance to Hellenism. The table of 
schools (p. 78) shows that in a population of 16,623 Vlachs, 
in 25 years the Rumanians have succeeded in showing only 
103 pupils. 

Stournara and Averoff, two of the most eminent bene- 
factors of Greece, were Vlachs. 

The most ardent lovers of the Hellenic ideals are the 

The writer of this booklet is of Vlach parentage, and 
can testif}' to the ardor of this race for Greek culture, and 
Greek nationality. 

So far as we know, the only writer who has expressed 
himself in favor of the Vlachs joining the Albanians, is Mr. 
Brailsford. But Mr. Brailsford stands alone on this point. 
His attitude is due to the fact that he has never visited 
Epirus, and has never seen the Vlachs there. All the 
writers who have been in this province and have known 
the Vlachs are of unanimous accord that the Vlachs are 
perfect Greeks in every respect. 

Finally, there are 91,386 Greeks who speak Albanian in 
their families, but who also speak Greek and read and write 
only Greek. 

The Albanians clamor that these people who use a 
broken Albanian dialect in their homes are Albanian. 

The Albanophones are Greeks in sentiment; they desire 
union with Greece; they despise and hate the Albanians, 
and in 1914 were the first to rise against the Albanian state, 
demanding union with Greece. 

Looking at the statistical table of population, and cast- 
ing an eye on the map we shall notice that the larger num- 
ber of Albanophones are in Korytsa, Margariti, Argyro- 
castron, Tepeleni and Premeti. 


These districts represent the richest districts of Epirus. 
The Albanians, invited by Ah Pasha in 1803, settled 
in the choice districts of Xorthern Epirus. The educated 
Epirotes of these occupied districts fled the country for 
fear of the wild Albanian Beys. The peasants became 
slaves, and were bound to the soil. 

These Greek slaves were forced by the necessity of pro- 
pitiating the savagery of their feudal lords to hide as much 
as possible their Greek sentiments. They adopted the 
dress and the language of their oppressors ; but they clung 
to the Christian Orthodox Church, the liturgy of which was 
in Greek. These peasants in less than a century have lost 
their original language, just as in less than 40 years Ger- 
man pressure has altered the linguistic character of Alsace- 
Lorraine ; but the traditions, the aspirations, and the ideals 
of these unfortunate Epirotes remained unchanged, thor- 
oughly Greek. 

The Greeks of the interior of Asia Minor speak only 
Turkish. But none will deny that they are as good Greeks 
as those born in Athens. 

The Spanish American republics speak Spanish, but 
they are not parts of Spain. In deciding upon the na- 
tionality of the Albanophones we should not take as a 
criterion the language, which today may be Albanian and 
tomorrow Greek. We should apply the measure de- 
scribed by Lord Cromer, Mr. Toynbee, and Mr. Clemen- 
ceau — the will of the Albanophones themselves. 

And the will of the Albanophones was unmistakably 
made evident by their successful revolt against Albania in 

That the Albanophones are Greeks in sentiment and 
that they demand union with Greece we shall see later, 
from the testimonies of eminent writers who have been eye- 
witnesses during the struggle of 1914 in N. Epirus. 

Upon analysis of the proportions as given in the table, 
it is seen that in the most important districts the majority 
of the Greek element is indisputable. 


That the Albanian dialect spoken by the Epirotes in 
certain districts of Northern Epirus does not prove that 
those Epirotes are Albanians historically is clearly demon- 
strated by authors who have made special studies on 

Dr. Dillon writes in the Contemporary Review of April, 


"For the past ten years or more the Albanians have been 
slowly extending their territory, and without serious oppo- 
sition. Their Christian neighbors who occupied the land 
were either killed off or driven away in large numbers. 

"Thus 'the chivalrous brigands' have succeeded in be- 
coming predominant even where they are in the minority, 
seeing that they carry weapons openly and know how to 
use them, while the Christians are by law unarmed. 

"Many tribes live almost exclusively by the proceeds of 
organized depredations on the Christians who try to live 
and work in their neighborhood." 

The numerous quotations we have already cited from 
General Perrhaebus, the works of Pouqueville,. Hob- 
house, and Leake are full of instances of forced Albanifi- 

The following story, narrated to the author of this book- 
let by H. Bolo, a citizen of Boston, and a distinguished 
leader in the Epirotic Revolution of 1914, is perhaps the 
most potent evidence of the soundness of the contention 
that that portion of Northern Epirus which speaks Al- 
banian, besides Greek, was forced to alter its national lan- 
guage, in order to propitiate the furious savagery of the 
■Albanian invaders. 

Mr. Bolo told the author one day in his youth he was 
sent by his parents to carry sheep from Argyrocastron to 
Jannina. "It was very necessary," he said, "that I learn 
Albanian, because, if I did not know Albanian, the Al- 
banians would have recognized me as a Christian and as a 
Greek, and would have stolen my sheep, and even killed 



me and my attendants. But I had to do even more than 
that. I had to wear the head-gear of the Albanians," 

There are over 30,000 Epirotes in America. Most of 
them are simple, and untutored laborers. Everyone of 
them, I am sure, will tell a similar tale to that of Mr. Bolo. 


The statistical table that follows is taken from the fa- 
mous work of Amadori Virgili, published in 1908. 







. phones 









































" 4,584 





















Argj'rocastron . . . 
























We now come to the schools of Epirus : 


Number of Teachers Number of Pupils Number of Schools 














Jan NiXA : 

City of Jannina. . (8) 
Jannina (incl. City 
of Jannina) .. .258 

Metsovo 8 

Konitza 31 

Leskoviko 34 

Filiatai 34 

Paramythia 32 

Total in the 

Sanjaks 397 

Abgykocastho : 

Argyrocastro .... 50 

Delvino 24 

Premeti 35 

Tepelen 18 

Himara 8 

Pogoni 42 

Total in the 

Sanjaks 177 


Preveza 33 

Louves 36 

Margariti 30 

Total 98 


Berat 18 

Scraperi 1 

Lousina 25 

Valona 10 

Total 54 

Total in the Vilayet. .726 


(80) (2) 












.. 459 


. . 14,140 




, , 








J , 





.. 224 




, , 






.. 107 






, , 



, , 


2 16 

6 435 










School and church maps and statistics by Amadori Virgili, 1908. 



Taking the table and analyzing it very briefly we are 
induced to notice that : 

1. The Greek schools are evenly distributed throughout 
the entire Province. 

2. There are no Albanian schools at all. 

3. The Province presents a very high school attendance. 
In a Greek population of 301,934, nearly 27,000 children 
of both sexes attend Greek schools, that is, nearly 10 per 
cent, of the entire Greek population of Epirus. 

The schools are, in our opinion, a very convincing ex- 
pression of the will of the Epirotes to stay Greeks. Will 
an American send his child of from 5 to 16 years of age 
to a Mexican school when he can easily send him to an 
American? Does not the enormous number of schools, 
teachers, and pupils, show beyond any doubt that the par- 
ents, who prefer to send their children to a Greek school to 
learn the Greek language first before they learn any other 
language, to learn Greek History first, to express their 
thoughts in Greek, to say their prayers in Greek, to write 
to their parents in Greek, to learn their arithmetic and their 
plays in Greek, that those parents are Greeks and intend 
that their childi'en shall be Greeks also? 

But the Albanophiles object to our school evidence. 
They claim that the Epirotes established Greek schools for 
three reasons : 

1. They were not allowed by the Turkish Government to 
have Albanian schools. 

2. The Greek language attracted them by its culture. 

3. The Greek language is a commercial language in the 
Near East. 

That the Turkish Government discouraged Albanian 
learning is true. But it is no less true that the same Gov- 
ernment discouraged and hindered Greek, Bulgar, Serb, 
and Rumanian learning. Nevertheless, the Greeks, the 
Bulgars, the Serbs, and the Rumanians imposed their will 
upon the Turks and forced the latter to allow the teaching 
of their respective languages. Had the Albanians been 


animated by a nationalist spirit, they could easily have 
forced the Turks to permit the teaching of the Albanian 
language. We know the fierceness of the Albanians too 
well to beheve that they would have brooked Turkish inter- 
ference in Albanian affairs. If the Turks failed for 500 
years to penetrate Albania, and impose taxes, and con- 
script the Albanians, how naive it is to contend that the 
Albanians were deprived of culture because of Turkish in- 
terference? The truth is that the Albanians hate educa- 
tion; and that the Epirotes have never shared with the 
Albanians any common aims or common ideals. 

To the contention that the Epirotes were attracted by 
Greek culture we will reply that the Epirotes in the last 
30 years have been solicitously offered'other cultures — ^the 
Italian and the Austrian — and yet the Epirotes have re- 
fused both of these cultures with resentment. 

Italy and Austria have opened schools throughout 
Epirus with the intention of teaching the Albanian lan- 
guage together with Italian, the German and French lan- 
guages. The Italians were so anxious that the Epirotes 
should cease to attend the Greek schools and learn Al- 
banian and Italian that the Italian Government not only 
subsidized Italian and Albanian schools and teachers, but 
also offered to pay every Epirote's child that attended 
their schools. Yet, the Epirotes have not patronized these 
foreign schools because they saw in them institutions which 
aimed at the denationalization of Epirus, 

The third contention that this language is a commercial 
language cannot stand. The Greek language is not as 
necessary in the commercial transactions of the orient as 
the German, the French, the English and the Italian lan- 

The Austrian and Italian teachers promised the young 
Epirotes a much brighter career than that offered by a 
Greek education. The Italians offered the Epirotes not 
only a successful career in Italy or other countries of 
Europe, but also protection from the cruelty of the Turks. 


Every inducement was offered to di:aw the Epirotes {rorn 
the Greek schools. The results of the prodigious efforts 
of the Austrians and Italians are seen in this paper. 

The Epirotes were not constrained to learn Greek.. 
The case of Alsace-Lorraine and the forced attendance of 
the French children in the German schools cannot be ad- 
duced as a parallel to the attendance of the Epirote chil- 
dren in the Greek schools. The schools of the Epirotes 
are their own, built, managed and endowed by themselves, 
without Greek interference and without any assistance 
from Greece. In fact the Epirotes not only have not re- 
ceived assistance and inspiration from Greece, but are even 
responsible for most of the educational institutions of 
Greece herself. 

To form a slight idea of the vast cultural efforts of the 
Epirotes — efforts altogether spontaneous and unsubsidized 
— it is well to mention here that in a population of 300,000 
Greeks in Epirus, there are 2,000 churches. Serbia with a 
population of 5,000,000, has not more than 2,000 churches. 

These contentions may be "also met by the following 
considerations : 

( 1 ) Albania is as old as Greece. If the Albanians had 
ever had a national consciousness, that national conscious- 
ness would have found expression in national culture, pop- 
ular songs and literature. 

The Greeks had been under Turkey for nearly five hun- 
dred years ; so have the Rumanians, the Serbs and the Bul- 
gars. During the period of their servitude these four na- 
tionalities gave evidence of national consciousness through 
their poets, their writers, their popular songs and their 
histories. Only Albania has remained to our day without 
a pan- Albanian language, without national popular songs,, 
without poets and without a single work of literature. 

(2) If the Northern Epirotes had had an Albanian na- 
tional consciousness, they would have done what the Bul- 
gars and the Rumanians did, at the beginning of the 19th 
century. They would have driven away the Greek priest 


and the Greek teacher, and would have either established 
Albanian schools, or would have chosen the culture of an- 
other Christian nation, such as England, France, Italy or 

(3) The Turks brought to bear the same, or even more 
violent oppression upon Greek culture than they did upon 
the Albanian schools. It was only the force of the national 
consciousness of the Greeks, the Bulgars, the Serbs, and 
Rumanians which imposed upon the Turks the recognition 
of the rights of these subject nationalities to develop their 
national cultures under the Ottoman dominion. Had the 
Northern Epirotes been animated by an Albanian national 
feeling they would have succeeded as well as the Greeks in 
making Turkey recognize their right to have schools and 
churches for the education of their children in Albania. 

(4) In the last twenty years a unique opportunity was 
presented to the Northern Epirotes to emancipate them- 
selves from the "hated" Greek schools and churches, and 
to develop their own Albanian culture. 

Austria and Italy were \'ying for the occupation of the 
■eastern shores of the Adriatic. In order that some day 
these nations might have a justifiable claim on Albania, 
they initiated a feverish work of Austrianization and Itali- 
anization of Albania and Epirus. 

Austria sent numberless Catholic priests to Northern 
Albania, who established churches and catechised the 
northern Albanians in the interest of allegiance to Austria. 
Italy did the same thing in Southern Albania, and in 
Epirus. Italy, however, attempted to create a pro-Itahan 
sentiment through schools. In all the important centres 
of Southern Albania and Epirus Italian schools began to 
spring up. 

The Italian schools were better equipped than the local 
Greek schools. They offered advantages to the Epirotes 
which could not be obtained from the Greek schools. 

If the Epirotes would attend Italian rather than Greek 
schools they were offered the following advantages: 


(a) Protection against oppression by Turks and by Al- 

(b) Free education. 

( c) Financial assistance to the parents of those Epirotes 
who sent their children to Italian schools. 

( d ) Instruction in Italian and in Albanian. 

(e) Guarantee that the graduates from the Italian 
.schools would be sent to Italian firms for profitable posi- 

( 5 ) The Italian language is certainly better understood 
and more used in the commercial circles of the Near East 
than the Greek. 

It is evident that the Northern Epirotes had many op- 
portunities to learn Albanian, and to develop an Albanian 
culture in the Italian and Austrian schools, with very great 
advantages besides, but they preferred the schools of their 
own race. 


We have mentioned that one of the arguments brought 
forward by the advocates of "Greater Albania" is the eco- 
nomic advantage to Albania of the annexation of North- 
ern Epirus. 

It is maintained that Albania without Northern Epirus 
is economically a bankrupt state. 

We could answer that no matter how much Albania 
needs Northern Epirus economically, if the Northern Epi- 
rotes object to their union with Albania, no justice can be 
done to the Epirotes by condemning them to die nationally 
and economically in order to save the future Albanian 

But leaving the will of the Epirotes out of the question, 
it is well to consider first whether Northern Epirus consti- 
tutes in reality a question of economic life or death for 
Albania ; and secondly, whether that part of Epirus which 
is left to Greece can subsist economically with Northern 
Epirus in the hands of a foreign state. 

We have already touched upon the economic unity of 
Northern and Southern Epirus in our chapter on the geog- 
raphy of Epirus. We have shown that nature has sepa- 
rated Northern Epirus from Albania by rugged moun- 
tains; that there are no roads connecting Valona with 
Northern Epirus; that from time immemorial the cities 
of Korytsa, Argyrocastron, Delvino, Santi Quaranta had 
Jannina as their commercial, industrial and intellectual 

Albania in antiquity extended northward from Valona. 

I 84 


The Albanian race, more numerous once than today, has 
heen able to subsist within the limits described by the Arco- 
ceraunian Moimtains and the Black Mountains in Monte- 
negro. Under the Turkish Empire the Albanians have 
been able to live within their mountainous barriers without 
industries, without commerce. During the five hundred 
years of their subjugation to Turkey, Northern Epirus has 
never been commercially connected with Albania. No 
merchants from Northern Epirus buy from or sell to the 
Albanians to the north of Valona. All the commercial 
relations of A.lbania with other lands were established 
through Valona, Durazzo, or San Juan Di ISIedua. 

Now, the argument that Albania cannot live economi- 
■cally without Northern Epirus is unintelligible, in view of 
the fact that by the union of Northern Epirus with Greece 
no old established commercial or industrial or intellectual 
relations are suddenly broken off. 

On the other hand, the inclusion of Northern Epirus in 
"the future Albanian State will carry with it the economic 
death of the entire Province of Epirus, for one unit, one 
economic integer is thus broken up into two. Jannina, the 
economic heart of the whole province of Epirus, is cut off 
from three important arteries, Korytsa, Argyrocastron, 
Santi Quaranta, and is thus doomed to a complete and sud- 
den extinction as a first class city. Korytsa, a flourishing 
•city, is connected with Argji-rocastron-Jannina-Santi 
■Quaranta on the one hand, and with Monastir-Salonica 
on the other. If Northern Epirus is included in Albania, 
Korytsa will be completely isolated from her two main 
markets, Jannina and Monastir-Salonica. 

Korytsa will be forced to carry on a meagre trade with 
Valona over most difficult mountains, and be cut off from 
Monastir (a Serbian city) and from Salonica, a Greek 
■city, as well as from Jannina (a Greek city) . 

Business relations established from time immemorial be- 
tween Jannina and Korytsa-Monastir-Salonica will sud- 
denly be broken off. Natural markets will be abandoned. 


and new markets sought over mountains nowhere less than 
1000 feet high. 

The division of Epirus into a Northern and a Southern 
Epirus, the one under Albania, the other under Greece, 
will render both parts of the countiy completely valueless 
for many years to come, until Albania becomes civilized 
enough and strong enough financially to build railways, 
make tunnels, and establish commercial communications 
between Korytsa and Valona, and until Greece opens new 
roads, and new commercial connections between Jannina 
and other Greek provinces. 

But what the Albanians regard as the panacea for the 
economic weakness of the Albanian State of tomorrow will 
not only fail to be such but will mean the economic death of 
both Northern and Southern Epirus- as well as the de- 
cadence of Monastir, the capital of Serbian Macedonia. 

Moreover, the Albanians cannot claim that Northern 
Epirus is so rich in mines or other natural wealth that it 
will be the source of wealth very sorely needed by the new 
State of Albania. 

So far we have viewed the economic aspect of the in- 
clusion of Northern Epirus in Albania only from an Al- 
banian standpoint. 

If the Albanians are entitled to the liberty of demanding 
a Greek province on the ground that Albania needs it for 
economic reasons, why are not the Epirotes themselves, and 
the Greek people as a whole, entitled to the same liberty of 
demanding that Northern Epirus remain united to the rest 
of Epirus, and joined to Greece for economic, as well as for 
ethnic reasons? 

If Northern Epirus is needed by Albania, because 
Northern Epirus is rich, is not the same province needed 
by Greece for the same reasons? Is Greece so populous, 
so rich, so powerful that it can afford to slice off portions 
of her national possessions and offer them to her neighbors 
who tomorrow will turn against her and demand more? 


But aside from the economic ruin that will visit Epirus 
through being thus cut in halves, we must consider the 
question under its strategical aspects. 

The boundaries as delineated by the Powers in 1913, 
consist of a mere line hastily drawn by Sir Edward Grey 
on the Epirotic map. 

Those memorable days of 1913 were the old days. They 
were the days of the old diplomacy. They were days when 
the rights of small nations were not troubling the con- 
sciences of the diplomats of the great Chi-istian States of 

Italy and Austria clamored for a great Albanian state. 
A war with the Triple Alhance had to be avoided. What 
matter if 200,000 Epirotes were surrendered to a savage 
people? What did it concern the Foreign Secretary of 
Great Britain if the line which he scratched on the map of 
Epirus left Greece exposed on the north to the mercy of 
an enemy with much superior forces to her own? On this 
subject, however, we simply touch at this point. In the 
succeeding pages we shall quote from a scholar^ lecture of 
Colonel Murray of England, who as a soldier is very com- 
petent to tell us of the strategic disadvantages which will 
fall to the lot of Greece if Northern Epirus is separated 
from her. 

We are content here to mention that Albania and Epirus 
are separated by most excellent natural barriers, the Acro- 
ceraunian Mountains, which have been, and should be, the 
boundaries between Greece and Albania. 



"Very soon," wrote Mr. Rene Puaux, the correspondent 
of the Paris Temps, from Epu-us in 1914, "the fate 
of Epirus will be decided. The Great Powers, yielding 
to the pressure from Italy, will surrender to the suppositi- 
tious Albanian State lands inhabited by patriotic Greeks, 
delivering them to the tyranny of the Albanian Beys. 
Italy has written brilliant pages in world history, but now, 
she is writing a few detestable ones, all the more detest- 
able as she abjures all those principles which permitted 
her to become a free nation, in orderto realize her imperial- 
istic dreams. 

"In seeking to create an Albanian state, as large as pos- 
sible, in the hope of dividing it up with Austria later, she 
thinks that Austria will allow her to occupy Valona. I 
do not pretend to be a prophet, but I am certain that 
sooner or later Serbia and IMontenegro will be united, and 
will demand an outlet on the Adriatic through Albania, 
when Greece will again occupy the lands which are now 
wrested from her. Italy will have won nothing from her 
obstinacy and injustice, except the alienation of the 
sympathies of the Greek people. Mr. Di San Giuliano, 
in building castles in the air, and in applying a policy of 
malicious injustice will serve his country very poorly. 

"If Epirus is detached from Greece, Europe will have 
created another Alsace-Lorraine. Greece can never find 
rest until the entire Province of most Hellenic Epirus be- 
comes a part of the Greek State." 

Mr. Arnold Toynbee in his Greek Policies Since 1882, 
page 28, writes : 



"The Greek troops arrived just in time, for the Hellen- 
ism of the Epirotes has heen very terribly proved by 
murderous attacks from their Moslem neighbors on the 
north. These last, owing to their JMoslem faith, have 
always been with the Turks, the ruling class. They are 
superior to the Christians by the possession of arms, which 
under the Ottoman regime, were the monopoly of the 
Moslem. Now, however, the oppression seems to be over- 
past, and the Greek occupation to be a harbhiger of 
security for the future." 

Unluckily, Epirus was of interest to others besides its 
own inhabitants; it occupies an important geographical 
position facing the extreme heel of Italy jiist below the 
narrowest point in the neck of the Adriatic, and the Italian 
Government insisted that the country should be included 
in the new Autonomous Albanian Principality, which the 
Powers had reserved the right to delimit by a provi- 
sion in the Treaty of London. Italy gave two reasons for 
her demand. 

First, she declared it incompatible with her own vital 
interests that both shores of the strait between Corfu and 
the mainland should pass into the hands of the same power, 
because the combination of both coasts and the channel 
between them offered a site for a naval base that could 
dominate the mouth of the Adriatic. 

Secondly, she maintained that the native Albanian 
speech of the Epirotes proved their Albanian nationality, 
and that it was unjust to the new Albanian nation to de- 
prive it of its most prosperous and civilised section. 

Neither argument, however, is cogent; the first' could 
be met by the neutralization of the Corfu straits, under 
such a guarantee as we have proposed for Mitylene and 
Chios ; it is also considerably weakened by the fact that the 
really commanding position on the eastern side of the 
Adriatic's mouth is not the Corfu Channel outside the 
Narrows, but the magnificent harbor of Avlona, just 
within them, a port of Moslem population to which the 


Epirotes have never laid claim and which would therefore, 
in any case fall within the Albanian frontier. 

The second argument is almost ludicrous: the destiny 
of Epirus is not primarily the concern of the Albanians, 
or for that matter, of the Greeks, but of the Epirotes them- 
selves and it is hard to see how nationality can be defined 
except in terms of their own conscious and expressed de- 
sire, for a nation is simply a group of men desirous of 
organizing themselves for cei-tain purposes, and can be 
brought into existence not by any specific external factors, 
but solelj' by the inward will of its members. 

It was a travesty of justice to put the Epirotes at the 
mercy of the Moslem majority, which had been massacring 
them the year before, on the ground that they happened 
to speak the same language. 

Mr. Andre Cheradame in his Douze Ans de Propagande 
en Faveur des Pays Balkaniques, writes : 

"In Epirus Greece is confronted by Italy. The diflPer- 
ences are great between the Governments of Athens and 
Rome. The Greeks, consequently, are very much stirred 
up by the project of Italian intervention in the south of 
Albania' and even in the region to which they lay claim. 

"And they are very much in the right, and declare that 
they have liberated Epirus with much blood, and that 
they mean to stay there, and that if Italy should decide 
to chase them out of Epirus, they would resist. 'More- 
over,' they declare, 'the part of Epirus to which we lay 
claim is inhabited by a very large majority of Greeks. 
Let there be a plebiscite, and it will be seen.' 

"The numerous schools, churches, monasteries that the 
Greeks have in Epirus is sufficient to prove that the Greeks 
run no risk in proposing a consultation of the population,, 
and on this point the Italian sophisms are unjustifiable." 

And in pages 228 and following of the same work of 
Mr. Andre Cheradame, we read : 

"What are the frontiers of Albania? It is difficult to 


tell, for the expression 'Albania' designates the most vague 
country in Europe. 

"In reality, Albania consists of frontier regions so in- 
definite, and inhabited by races so varied (Albanians, 
Serbs, Greeks) that neither Albanians, Serbs nor Greeks 
are in any way of one accord as to the exact limits of 

"Thus the Albanians pretend that Uskub is Albanian, 
an assertion which is without the slightest foundation. 
As to the plain of Kossovo, which was inhabited in the 
Middle Ages by Serbians, and was the centre of the 
Serbian Empire, the Albanians have established themselves 
by force, persecuting and exterminating the Serbian 
population, which up to the first Balkan war lived under 
the terror of the Albanian oppression. 

"Austria-Hungary, having been frustrated by the 
Balkan Alliance in her plans to descend upon Salonica, 
and wishing to punish Serbia for her unwillingness to be 
subjugated by Austria, raised the problem of a Magna 
Albania to extend from Scutari to Jannina, and from the 
Adriatic to Uskub. 

"If this solution is adopted, which is the solution the 
most favorable to the Austro-Germans, the following re- 
sults would ensue: 

"Serbia would be forever shut from access to the 
Adriatic. The Albanians would be allowed to profit by 
their wholesale murders and persecutions and, by the dis- 
location of the Serbians and the Greeks under the Turkish 
rule, Serbia and Greece would be despoiled of lands be- 
longing to them by right of nationality and of untold 
sacrifices in blood in 1912. 

"A large Albania established on the Serbian and Greek 
territories is not only against the principles of nationality 
but also against the interests of the Allies both in this war 
and in the future. 

"The Albanians, under the Turkish regime, as corre- 


ligionists of the latter, enjoyed under the Sultans the 
privilege of oppressing, of persecuting, and dislodging the 
Serbians from Uskub and Kossovo and the Greeks from 
N. Epirus. Out of 1,000,000 Albanians only 200,000 are 
Christians, 800,000 are Mussuhnans, and in sympathy 
with Turkey and her allies. The Albanians who were" 
forced out of Uskub and Kossovo by the liberating armies 
of Prince Alexander, and from Korytsa by the former 
Greek Crown Prince Constantine, have looked up to 
Bulgaria and to Austria. Should a large Albania be 
created at the expense of Serbia and Greece, we should 
not entertain any doubts as to the attitude of new Albania 
towards our Balkan Alhes, Serbia and Greece. Albania 
instigated by Austria-Germany will connive with Bulgaria 
and Turkey to attack Serbia and Greece. With a strong 
Albania in the back of Serbia and of Greece, with a Ger- 
manized Bulgaria and Turkey, Prussia's road to the east 
will be always open and unimpeded. 

"The principle of nationality demands that N. Epirus 
be allowed to join itself to Greece. In 1914 when the con- 
gress of London decided to include in Albania a large por- 
tion of N. Epirus, the entire population of N. Epirus rose 
up and fought bravely against their subjection to the 
barbarous and savage Albanian domination. 

"Humanity also dictates that no civilized population 
should be forced to live under the ruthless hand of a savage 
people. The Greek people of N. Epirus, who have con- 
tributed more than any other portion of the Greek father- 
land to the regeneration of Greece, who have given to 
Greece its greatest generals, benefactors, and educators, 
N. Epirus, which is the home of Greek schools and Greek 
churches, cannot be subjected to the savage rule of the 
tribes of Ghegs and Tores, who for 500 years have done 
nothing else but oppress, persecute and despoil the peace- 
ful and progressive Greek population of N. Epirus." 

Having cited the facts about the tragedy of Northern 
Epirus as those facts are put by eminent writers, we can 


now understand why the Epirotic question is so difficult 
and why we invoke the justice of the English speaking 
nations, America and Great Britain, to give us freedom, 
and to allow us to pursue the dictates of our conscience. 

We have reached a point where we understand that the 
Epirotes have in reality no quarrel with the Albanians as 
to the Epirotic question but with the Great Power of the 
Adriatic, Italy. 

Italy and Austria, as Mr. Rene Puaux explains, decided 
to make a greater Albania in the hope of dividing it be- 
tween them later. In the Literary Digest of May 6, 1915, 
we read the following quotation from L'ltalie, published 
in Rome. In this quotation Peter Kekaviqui, Secretary 
of the Marshalship at the Court of Wied, is said to have 
written: "Albania, in fact, being the creation of the 
Triple Alliance it is on the fate of the Austro-Hungarian 
and German Armies that its future political existence de- 
pends. Not only the head of the State, but every 
Albanian citizen, without distinction of religion, should 
feel compelled to fight on their side, in recognition of the 
liberators of Albania." 

Mr. Reginald Wyon wrote in the Blackwood's Magazine 
of April, 1903: 

"It is to be remembered that a ceaseless agitation is in 
progress, chiefly on the part of Austria, (through the 
priests) and of Italy (by means of the schools) to gain in- 

"The time will come when at least two of the great 
Powers will have to seriously consider the Albanian prob- 
lem, who are both interested in its solution." 

The Literary Digest of February 21, 1914, said: 

"Austria-Hungary and Italy may regard the new King- 
dom as a chess-board for playing their game of rivalry in 
the Adriatic." 

In the Spectator of May 23, 1914, we read: 

"Perhaps, the chief obstacle to a working arrangement 
on the Epirote lines is that Italy does not approve of it. 


and so we come back to the fact that Italy's presence in 
Albania is a very significant thing. It is useless to 
prophesy. There is a mess; Austria and Italy may try to 
use that mess to their own profit." 

What was prophesied by the Spectator and by Mr. 
Reginald Wyon came true. Italy which had been lib- 
erated by France in 1856 ; Italy which was still suffering 
at the hands of Austrian despotism in the irredentist 
Italian lands, the Italy of Cavour, Mazzini and Garibaldi, 
had lost her beautiful traditions during her unnatural 
association with the Germanic Empires. Italy the liberal, 
and pacific, had grown to be Italy the ultra-imperialistic, 
the ultra-despotic. 

Greece had, since its independence, looked upon Italy 
with compassion, while Austria ruled the plains of the 
Piave. Greek Epirotes by the thousands rushed across 
the Adriatic in 1856, to fight and to shed their blood that 
Italy might become free. But in 1911, the whole Greek 
race was shocked at the discovery that Italy the beautiful, 
the Italy of Garibaldi, had already become a nation of the 

In 1911, Italy occupied the twelve Greek Islands known 
as the Dodecanese. The Greek population received the 
Italians with enthusiasm. General D'Amegho promised 
the people freedom. And when the Greeks asked that 
they be allowed to be united to Greece now that Italy had 
driven the Turks from their homes, General D'Ameglio 
became infuriated. The Dodecanese ever since has been 
subjected to a tyranny the like of which the Greek race 
has never witnessed even in the blackest day of Moham- 
medan domination. The Greek schools have been closed, 
the Greek clergy have been under trying persecutions ; the 
spiritual leaders of the people are either in prison or in 
exile, for the crime of refusing to embrace Italian nation- 
ality and for desiring union with Greece. 

When in 1912, the Greek world learned of the decision 
of Italy to mix up in the Balkan affairs, a pained outcry 


arose. They knew that Italy, not satisfied with the Greek 
Islands in the Aegean, was coveting the Greek province 
of Northern Epirus, that she might continually have a 
chance for further interference and expansion in the 

And the Greek fears came true. Immediately after the 
fall of Jannina, Italy made it evident that she would not 
permit Greece to occupy permanently the Greek Province 
of Northern Epirus. 

Mr. Venizelos would have risked a war with Italy had 
not the Balkan Alliance been undermined by the associated 
intrigues of Germany, Austria and Italy; with Bulgaria 
threatening war, with Austria mobilized, and with Turkey 
preparing to attack her victors, Mr. Venizelos reluctantly 
yielded to the cruel demands of the Italian government. 

We have told the story of the treaty of London, accord- 
ing to which nearly two-thirds of Epirus was given up 
to Albania. We have related the revolt of the Northern 
Epirotes and their successful repulse of the Albanian 
forces. We have touched upon the Conference of 
Corfu' wherebj' the Northern Epirotes were recognized 
by all the Powers, including Italy, as Greek-Epirotes, and 
their country as Epirus. We have seen that the Protocol 
of Corfu made N. Epirus autonomous, with Greek as the 
official language of the Autonomous State. We have also 
seen that immediately after the Conference of Corfu, 
Wied was driven out, that anarchy and civil wars broke 
out throughout Albania, and that the ISIoslem Albanian 
tribes, indifferent to the arguments of Italy about the 
brotherhood of Epirotes and Albanians, rushed into 
Northern Epirus, and began to plunder, burn and 
massacre the Christian Epirotes. 

We have mentioned how the Powers, including Italy, 
recognized the danger to the Epirotes from the wild 
JNIohammedan tribes, and permitted the Greek forces to 
reoccupy Epirus, and we have related how after Mr. 
Venizelos left Greece in 1916, Italy occupied Epirus. 


The occupation of Northern Epirus by Italy in 1916 
was a repetition of the occupation of the Dodecanese in 
1911. The only remarkable difference was the more in- 
tense spirit of hatred towards the Greek element, and the 
more systematic persecution' and extinction of the Greek 
element of Northern Epirus. 

We are aware that these statements seem so incredible 
to American and British readers that the risk is incurred 
of being considered either a maniac or an irresponsible 
lunatic. For no American or Britisher can ever imagine 
that Italy, which is today struggling for the liberation of 
her oppressed children, has launched out upon a tyrannical 
policj' of suppressing the sentiment of the Northern 
Epirotes and of forcing them by violence to abjure their 
allegiance to their mother-country, Greece. Unfortun- 
ately for the Northern Epirotes and for the fair name of 
the cause of our Allies, Italy, even at this hour, has not 
lifted the cross from the backs of the Northern Epirotes. 

The Greek schools in Epirus which as we have seen 
had been the first Greek schools instituted after the regen- 
eration of Greece, the Greek Church which has kept the 
fire of Hellenism burning in Northern Epirus, have been 
subjected to a most barbarous persecution. 

Under the eyes, and by the approval of the Italian 
authorities, Albanian brigands have seized the leaders of 
the Northern Epirotes and have either killed them, or 
thrown them in prisons. The Greek teachers have been 
supplanted by Italians and Albanians. No Epirote can 
visit Greek Epirus. 

The Northern Epirotes asked to be allowed to join the 
Greeks in fighting the Austro-Bu'lgars in ISIacedonia, and 
they were flatly refused. 

The documents we cite here below are only a few among 
the hundreds which reach us daily, relating to the harrow- 
ing cruelties committed by the Albanians under the 
auspices of Italy. And we make them public not with 
any intention of casting aspersion on one of our Allies, 


but in order to arouse the pity, and the sense of fair-play 
of America and England that they may take prompt steps 
and request Italy to put an end to a policy which as Mr. 
Rene Puaux writes will result in nothing else but in 
compromising the fair name of Italy and the noble 
struggle for which the democracies of the world are today 
shedding the blood of their youths. 


The following lists of atrocities and oppressiorxS we 
have compiled from the daily Greek papers, in which rela- 
tives of the sufferers publish letters arriving from Epirus. 

^ Norwich, Conn. April 14, 1918. 

Mr. Soteriades' letter: 
My dear Stephanos: 

I wish to announce to you that my cousin, Gregorios 
Soteriades (brother of the representative) was thrown into 
jail, in Argyrocastron, by the Italian Government, and 
died from maltreatment. Elias Soteriades. 


From a letter sent to Mr. Savas Papadopoulos by his 
people living in Northern Epirus : 

In Trikoupi, they killed Mr. Take Ntete. 

In the district of Argyrocastron the Albanians are rob- 
bing and killing the Greek population. 

In upper Lambovon, they killed four Greeks. 

In Vlacho-Gorantzi, they killed six Greeks. 

In the district of Zagori, they killed ten Greeks, and 
many others in other villages. 

There are only Italian and Albanian schools in these 
districts and no Greek schools or Greek priests are allowed. 


Mr. Panagiotis Ditsianis' letter reads in part as follows: 

Mr. Cassavetes: Southbridge, Mass. 

. . . From a letter from Worcester, Mass., we learn 
the killing of five persons in Lower-Gorantzi (district of 


Argyrocastron) in the most distressing way. The Alban- 
ians put out the eyes of their victims, then they cut their 
hands, legs and noses and left them half -dead. When this 
terrible fact was referred to the Italian Government, the 
officials said to the peasants: "As long as you like to be 
united with Greece' it is only suffering that you have to 
expect." A letter relating the above fact is in the posses- 
sion of Mr. Elias Liolios, Worcester, Mass. 


A letter from Mr. IST. Contes reads in part as follows: 

. . . The Italian officials, besides the fact that they allow 
the Turco-Albanians to commit all kinds of atrocities 
among the Greek population even under their very eyes, 
have dismissed all the Greek teachers from the town 
Sopiki (district of Pogoni) and put Italian teachers in 
their places. . . . 

. N. Contes. 

A letter from Mr. Eustathios Gegas reads as follows : 

Worcester, Mass., April 21, 1918. 
To the President of the Pan-Epirotic Union, etc. 

All the letters that come from our distressed Northern 
Epirus depict the situation in the darkest colors. 

The officials of the Italian Government seized many 
leaders in the community of Premeti, all honest men and 
with dependents. We do not know what their fate has 
been so far. Among them there are two merchants, two 
real estate men, one physician, one professor, one priest, 
and many others. . . . 

Eustathios Gegas. 

A letter from Mr. Spyridon Batsaris reads as follows: 

Waterville, Me., Aug. 7, 1918. 
My dear President of the Pan-Epirotic Union: 

. . , All letters that are received here from our beloved 


country are cut down by the Italian censor. Our people 
cannot write anything, not even about the lack of food, on 
account of the Italian fear. It is too bad that we enjoyed 
liberty only for a little while. Italian slavery is worse than 
Turkish ever was. . . . 

Spyridon Batsakis. 


From a letter of Mr. Athanasios Gegas : 

Worcester, Mass., June 10, 1918. 
My dear Secretary of the Pan-Epirotic Union : 

I have just received a letter from my people of the 
village "Glina" (district of Argyrocastron) and they in- 
formed me that Albanians have seized six Greeks from the- 
village Upper-Gorantzi, and killed them. These Greeks 
were returning home from their farms. When this fact 
was reported to the Italian officials, they got the follow- 
ing answer: "As long as you want to be united with. 
Greece, you are to suffer from the Albanians. . . ." 

Athanasios Gegas.. 

Extract from Mr. Pantos' letter: 

In a letter that I have received from my town I found 
a slip of printed paper put in by the Italian censor advis- 
ing me to write on the envelope, Droviani, Albania, instead 
of Droviani, Epirus. I cannot see the justice of the 
Italian government when she wants to liberate the Italians 
of Trieste on the one hand, and on the other hand enslaves, 
the Epirotes, etc. 

K. Pantos. 

From a letter of Messrs. Vasilios Vallevos & Constantine 
Vassos : 

My dear Mr. Cassavetes: 

A large Albanian band seized the following peasants; 
from the village of Vlacho-Gorantzi : 


1. John Bitsios, 70 years old and lame; 
■2. Basil Bitsios, 5 ; 

3. Charalambos K. Bessios; 

4. Evangelos Kentros ; 

5. Constantino Papanastassios ; 

6. Demeter Telios. . 

All of them suffered terribly at the hands of the Alban- 
ian brigands and finally died, etc. . . . 

Vasilios Vallevos. 



A letter from Mr. K. A. Pantos reads in part as fol- 

My dear Mr. Cassavetes: 

... A friend of mine and member of our association 
has adopted a Mohammedan girl and brought her up in the 
Christian religion. Now "Vatra" the Albanian associa- 
tion, whose president is a Christian priest, wants to take 
her away from him and give her back to the Mohammedan- 
Albanians. The girl is unwilling to go. . . , 

K. A. Pantos. 


A letter from Mr. S.tephan Gionis is in part as follows : 

Milwaukee, Wis. Mar. 9, 1918. 
Dear Friend: 

. . . On account of the murder of Mr. Papastathis ^ the 
officials seized seven persons (the list of names follows), 
and sent them in irons to Argyrocastron and Valona. . . . 

Stephen Gionis. 


From a letter from Santi Quaranta the following para- 

1 This Papastathis came to Worcester from Austria and remained there 
as a priest of the Albanians. He left Worcester a few years ago threatening 
•to kill all Greeks that he could in Northern Epirus. He was killed by the 
Albanians of the opposite party. 


graph becomes interesting, in as much as the Italian censor 
erased four lines. 

Santi Quaranta April 12, 1918. 
Dear brother Sotiii: 

... On the 26th of the past month Natsios . . . (here 
the Italian censor interrupted the narration) and he lived 
up to the 9th of this month and then died. . . . 


Note — It is obvious that the Italian censor would not 
allow any information as to what this man suffered before 
he died, to leak out. 


Extract from a letter of D. Lavares: 

Dear Sir: 

I consider it my duty to let you know that our country- 
men are suffering in North Epirus from the Albanians 
and the local authorities as well. 

Letters that we have received from Sopiki (Pogoni) 
and from Vostina report that an Albanian band took 
prisoners three men, Char. Matsoulras, Thomas Kogionas 
and Char. Volios and after having whipped them burned 
them with boiling oil. Their fate is unknown. 

Also an Italian detachment arrested Mr. P. Mauro- 
mates and seven women and put them in dungeons in 
Argyrocastro. Nothing is known as to the cause of this 
action on the part of the Italian officials. Etc., etc. 

(Signed) D. Lavakes. 


Extract from a letter of Mr. Vasilios Styliaras: 

Faviana, Italy, Feb. 11, 1918. 
My dear Friends, Pauteli Tsini and Theodore Notti : 

I have been here, as an exile, eight months. I was in 
prison in Valona for five months and now I am here an 


exile on an island with no friends, and no countrymen 

I beg you to send me some money because I am in a. 
great need, — etc. 

(Signed) Vasilios Styliaeas. 



Extract from a letter of Mr. Vasilios K. Lenas : 

Dear Sir: 

A little distance away from the village of Upper Lam- 
bovon (district of Argyrocastro) Albanian brigands car- 
ried away the shepherds, Spyridon JSIemos, and his son 
Constantine and after receiving four thousand francs as 
ransom, set them free. This happened in July, 1917. In 
Xovember of the same year another band of Albanian 
brigands killed Michael Gravos while he was working on 
his farm. In February 1918, Albanian brigands carried 
away Michael Louzes, a twelve year old boy and after re- 
ceiving 8,000 'francs as ransom set the boy free. These 
Albanian brigands carried away many other people and. 
after receiving heavy ransoms they left them free. 

(Signed) V- K. Lenas. 


Jannina, May 25, 1918, 
My dear Nicholas : 

The Greek authorities have gone as far as Delirnakion 
since last October, and even as far as Kossovitza and Vos- 
tina. From there north all the places are occupied by the 

Now, you can imagine how we get along in our villages. 
The Abanians are supported by the Italians and do as they 
please. They are now wreaking their vengeance on the 
Christians. The Moslem Albanians have grown great 
and powerful. Bazes has again returned to our village, 
and has begun his old game — burning our poor huts. 

We are obliged to suffer everything, and to wait for the- 


arrival of the Greek army. I tell you now the Christians 
with joy and hope wait for the arrival of the Greek troops, 
indeed with more joy than in 1913, when they were to be 
freed from the Turks. So much have they been op- 

In vain do we wait daily for the Greek forces to march 
into Northern Epirus. They are ordered to go to 

In all of North Epirus the Greek teachers have been 
dismissed by the Italians, and the Fratelh work as if they 
never intended to leave the place. 

Italian and Albanian teachers were sent to replace the 
Greeks. But the Albanian teachers have everywhere been 
driven out of the villages, and no parent will send his child 
to learn Albanian. 



A report sent by Basil, the Metropolitan Bishop of Dry- 
inopolis and Argyrocastron, to Mr. B. Venizelos. 

July 18, 1917. 

I have the honor to submit to your Excellency the fol- 
lowing : 

During the ministry of your Excellency's predecessors . 
I submitted again and again reports with accurate details 
concerning violations, murders, arsop, and expatriation on 
the part of the Albanians, assisted in a very large measure 
by the local Italian military authorities both in North and 
South Epirus. 

But the former ministry of Greece informed me that 
it could not then approach the Italian Embassy at Athens 
owing to the attitude of the Allies toward the Government 
of King Constantine. 

Thus nothing was done by your predecessor's ministry 
to secure tolerable conditions of life for the innocent victims 
of Epirus. As a matter of fact, these unfortunate Greek 


people have been deprived even of their spiritual leader- 
ship, by my violent expulsion on the 22nd of September, 
1916, from Argyrocastron, escorted by an Italian guard 
of fifteen soldiers with baj'onets fixed, as if I were a 
criminal. In fact, I was told that I was pernicious to 
public safety because I protested against the occupation 
of our towns by Italian troops who came to promote the 
Albanification of North Epirus. 

I do merely repeat now what in previous reports I have 
communicated to your Excellency's predecessors. The 
atrocities committed by the Albanians have been protested 
against by the Deputies from North Epirus, and by the 
numerous Epirotic Societies in the Kingdom of Greece. 

In May 1917, the Italian Government, in order to please 
a small minority of Albanians, declared Albania independ- 
ent and under her protection. 

I beg your Excellency to take drastic measures for the 
security of the lives and properties of the suffering 
Epirotes, and for the return of those who have been vio- 
lently expatriated to various imhealthy places, and more 
especially to a deserted island near Cyrenica, on the ground 
that they refused to raise the Albanian flag when Italy, 
having driven away the Greek authorities, established an 
arbitrary Albanophile regime. 

Hoping that your Excellency will be so good as to take 
salutary measures in behalf of the steadily perishing Greek 
population of North Epirus, I pray incessantly for your 
Excellency's health and happiness. 

Bishop of Dryinopolis and Aegyeocastron. 

Athens, July 18, 1917. 

September, 1916. 

a) The Bishop of Dryinopolis and the trustee of the 
Metropolis Porphyrios Bumbos were violently expelled. 

b) The Monastery of Melana was forcibly occupied by 
Italian troops and surrendered to ISIoslem Albanians who 
transformed it into a take or Turkish Mosque. 


October, 1916. 

c) Ninety leaders of the Greek community in the town 
of Drymades, of Himara were expelled and transported t» 
a little desert island near Tripoli, in Africa, and there 
are strictly secluded. Other victims have been thrown inta 
the dungeons of ArgjTOcastron, accused of having refused 
to raise the Albanian flag. Such are the brothers Stavros- 
and Anastasios Tsakas and others. . . . 

November, 1916. 

d) In the villages Trivouki, Kato Lamboven, and Hou- 
doukouki the Albanians have killed twelve Greeks. 

e) Three Moslem Albanians of Linbehovo with four 
Carabinieri attacked the Greek teacher Stephanos Katza- 
lides in the village Vrahosorourtzi, after having forced the 
door of the Greek school. 

December, 1916. 

f ) Thirty-two Christians from Drorsani, for the lack of 
postal service, sent letters to the Epirotic city of Jannina 
by messengers, and were immediately cast into dungeons. 

g) Near Kato Lamboven Christ Kentron Totes was 

h) At Palaeocastron the priest Gregory was assassi- 

i) In Tsagioupi an elderly Greek mother and her son 
were murdered. 

j) Near the village Lecles two yoimg men of Greek 
parentage were murdered. 

k) In the district of Delirno, of Liountza, of Zagoria, on 
pretext of disarming the Greek population, very many 
innocent Greeks were cast into dungeons, others were 
beaten to death, some were expatriated, and the entire 
Greek population was terrorized. 

1) Over 2,000 Moslem Albanians enlisted as volunteers, 
and under Italian uniform were sent to different parts of 
North Epirus to terrorize the Greek population to become 


January, 1917. 

m) Italian Carabinieri desecrated the Holy of Holies of 
the Greek Orthodox Churches in the villages of Houmen- 
itza and Palaeocastron. 

February, 1917. 

n) In all the Greek villages, Italian schools were first 
opened, and now Moslem priests (Hodjas) are imposed 
upon the Christian Greeks, to teach the children the 
Albanian language. Very numerous JNIoslem Albanian 
families take the place of the persecuted Greek families, 
in order that the world may be confronted by an accom- 
plished fact when peace is concluded and North Epirus 
may be assigned to Albania on the ground that it is in- 
habited by Albanians. 

o) In the village of Senitza of the district of Delirno a 
certain Mohammedan Albanian, Messia Ghiontas, with a 
band of thirty robbers stole away 360 head of cattle, and 
killed Michael Petrou, and carried away with them to the 
prisons of Delirno a certain Christian Greek, D. Anas- 
tasopoulos where he died of exposure. 

March and April, 1917. 

p) In the village of Costari the Moslem Albanians Ve- 
hip Gotris and Tzape with eleven Albanian • bandits de- 
stroyed the house of N. Cotes and seized Lambis Tsizis 
whom they bound to a tree, and killed by mutilating his 

q) In a town in Filiates, eighteen community leaders of 
Greek race were seized, and sent in irons to the dungeon of 
Argyrocastron, and their fates are unknown. 

r) The Greek priest Papagiannes of Depalitia was 
seized and sent in chains to the dungeon of Valona, under 
the accusation of having incited rebellion. 

s) Vassil Styliares, of Ostemnitsa, of the District of 
Premeti was shot, because he had taken part in the rebellion 
of 1914 against the Albanian rule in North Epirus. On a 


similar accusation the Albano-Italians hanged Gregory 
Kaliantzes of Ostemnitsa. 

t) In the town of Tsagouzi the Albanians demanded the 
surrender of a Greek Epirote, Nasios Kotos. Kotos did 
not appear. The Albanians seized Kotos' young wife, and 
demanded 5,000 drachmas, pretending that Kotos owed 
that sum to them. Upon her refusing to give up the 
money, they bound her to a tree, and murdered her by 
pouring over her body boiling oil. 

u) Seventeen villagers of the village of Lecles were 
butchered in the fields while they were working there, on 
the ground that they too had risen in rebellion against the 
Albanian state. 

v) During Passion week, the immemorial custom of 
ringing the bells was abolished. 

w) The communications between the portion of Epirus 
occupied by Italy, and that now belonging to Greece have 
been totally stopped. 

x) The Italians drove away the Greek officials, and col- 
lected the taxes which belong to the Greek government. 

y) All the civil and judicial clerks that occupied their 
positions under the autonomy of North Epirus have been 
dismissed, then imprisoned, and their properties confis- 
cated, and the amount of taxes paid by the Mussulmans to 
the Greek government was returned to the Mohammedan 

z) Despite the assurances of Italy that her occupation 
of North Epirus would be but temporary, and that such 
occupation was dictated by military necessities, the Italian 
commander in North Epirus, General Prussi, has raised 
with great ceremonies the Albanian flag, and announced 
officially the termination of the jurisdiction of Greece over 
North Epirus. 

z') On Easter day April 2, by permission of the Italian 
authorities a certain Papapanos from Roumania, came 
from Valona to Argyrocastron and was appointed priest 
by the Italian local authorities. Papapanos read mass in 


Albanian. Whereupon the Christians rushed out. This 
disapproval of the Albanian language by the Christians of 
Northern Epirus annoyed the Italian authorities, who im- 
mediately afterwards ordered the arrest of forty wealthy 
Greeks of Argyrocastron. 

That Italy has followed, not the Italian traditions but 
German methods in the treatment of the Epirotes, is 
shown in the desperate appeal made by the Greek Deputies 
from Northern Epirus who were refused admission to the 
Greek Parliament by Mr. Venizelos, like the Cretan 
deputies in 1910, in order to avoid European complica- 

The Deputies from Northern Epirus protest agaiiTst the 
barbarous attempt of the military authorities of Italy to 
exterminate the Greek element of Northern Epirus. 

Protest of the Deputies 

The deputies of Northern Epirus have submitted to the 
Greek Parliament a declaration affirming thereby the 
Hellenic character of their country, and its attachment to 
the mother country, Greece, and protesting against the vio- 
lation of its rights. They demanded admission to the 
Parliament to represent North Epirus. Premier Ven- 
izelos answered: 

"The touching appeal of the deputies from North 
Epirus finds a profound echo not only in the hearts of those 
who constitute the Parliament, but also in the soul of the 
entire nation. Unfortunately, the criminal policy of the 
Cabinet which succeeded the Cabinet of the Liberals re- 
sulted for North Epirus in the discontinuation of the 
Hellenic occupation effected by the Ministry of the Lib- 
erals with the consent or rather with the tolerance of all 
the Great Powers. Today, we are deprived of an inter- 
national title to North Epirus, although we are not de- 
prived of our just right to it. We do not abandon our 
just claims to North Epirus, but at this time we do not 
wish to create international difficulties. For this reason 


we cannot accept here the deputies from North Epirus. 
Yet, we cannot forget that we are bound to this region 
by ties which it is true are not written down by any treaty, 
but which are more powerful than any human decisions, 
or any convention of nations. To this section of Hellas, 
the nation is bound not only by a common history of many 
thousands of years, but also by its ethnography, and 
by the resolute decision of the inhabitants who can never 
cease to be Hellenes, and can never agree to submit them- 
selves to a foreign domination. Even if the action of 
the ancient regime gave grounds for fear that those natural 
and undissoluble bonds would not suffice to make our title 
good in North Epirus, there cannot exist any such fear 
today, when Greece has entered the path which was im- 
posed upon her by her history, by her traditions, by her 
treaty obhgations, by her vital interests. There can exist 
no such a fear today when Greece is making painful sacri- 
fices for the common struggle. She cannot fear the judg- 
ment of the Peace Table after the war, for she will be 
adequately represented there. It is impossible to imagine 
that Greece's just rights in Epirus will be disregarded, be- 
cause these rights are in perfect agreement with the noble 
ends for which the Allies are battling." 

The words of the Premier were received with great ap- 
probation even by his bitter opponents. 

In a very able editorial in the Christian Science Monitor, 
the painful situation of the Greeks in Northern Epirus 
and in the Dodecanese is pictured in a very frank and 
open manner. The editorial bears the title, "Italy and 
Greek Nationalism," and reads as follows: 

"M. Venizelos, the 'Grand Old Man of Greece,' has 
often had to defend himself from his enemies, but lately 
he has had the far more formidable task of defending him- 
self against the suspicions of his friends. Rumors have 
been circulated of intrigues in which Greece is accused of 
a hostile feeling toward Italy and Italy of jealousy toward 
Greece. Now, the tug of war between the Greek and 


the Italian has been over the iEgean Islands and Epirus, 
and the upshot of the tussle is bringing Italy face to face 
with two very awkward factors which may roughly 
be termed geographical justice and Hellenism. The 
^gean Islands, though they appeared to be a kind of 
Tom Tiddler's ground when the Tripolitan Quarrel was on 
with Turkey, are in reality so many duodecimo Cretes in 
their feeling for Greek nationalism. Italy very properly 
wrested some of them from the Turk, only to find that she 
had raised the troublesome hornet's nest of 'Union with 
Greece,' about her ears." 

The ruthless hand of the Roman Sulla once wiped out 
Greek nationality as represented by the Athenian state, 
and Rome became the heir of the ages and unconsciously 
linked Greece with our own days; but nothing has ever 
served to wipe out Greek tradition or race fi'om the 
^geans. The islands are uniformly Greek in population, 
though the names of the great families of Rome or Naples 
may be writ upon some of them. But now that Italy has 
made the idea of national self expression her own, she will 
doubtless be morally bound, not only to Greece but to 
civilization generally, so far to satisfy national aspirations 
as to consent to the union of the occupied islands with 
Greece, if they so demand. Her retention of them is not 
altogether a matter of Greek complacency, Greek unity 
and nationalism are not merely the concepts of theorists, 
but real forces, which are spreading throughout the Mgean 
and have manifested themselves in Epirus. This little 
territory on the Adriatic, its demand for political union 
w^ith the national state, is one of the most striking examples 
of this protective power in Hellenism. The Epirotes may 
speak an Albanian dialect, but their rapprochement with 
the Greeks is concretely symbolized by the Greek schools 
established in generous numbers among them. The hour 
of their deliverance from ISIoslem oppression struck with 
the entrance of the Greek armies in 1913, But un- 
fortunately Epirus was of interest to others besides its 


Hellenized inhabitants. It occupied an important geo- 
graphical position facing the extreme heel of Italy, at the 
entrance to the Adriatic, and Italy managed to have it in- 
cluded in the newly created principality of Albania, on the 
ground that both shores ought to be in the hands of the 
same power. The scheme for Albanian union proved 
abortive, as might naturally have been expected. 

The disposal of the Epirotes, it is now recognized, was 
a matter concerning the Epirotes themselves. No longer 
can a nation or people be brought into existence, or snuffed 
out, except by the inward, subjective leanings of its con- 
stituents. The award of the powers roused great indigna- 
tion in Greece, but not less so in Epirus. The inhabitants 
clamored for, and obtained, home rule and the recogni- 
tion of Greek as the official language of the administra- 
tion. The reoccupation by Greek troops became a neces- 
sity of the anarchy which followed the breakup of the 
artificial Albanian state, and Italy found a satisfactory 
material guarantee by the occupation of the strategical 
port of Avlona, to the north. She is, therefore, unlikely 
to demand Greek evacuation to the south. 

But that is not to say that the former rivals are settling 
down to the condition of good neighbors. The problem of 
Epirus can by no means be considered as permanently 
closed. But in the meantime it will be interesting to see 
what effect the "new mind of Europe," with regard to the 
rights of submerged territories or nationalities, will have 
upon Italy's claim to spheres of influence in the Greek 



Great Britain, as the foremost European nation, has 
taken a very lively interest in the Epirotic Question. 
Apa;rt from Mr. Dillon, Mr. Wyon, and M. Caillard, who 
wrote at a time when Albania did not exist as a State, 
many writers of Great Britain have taken intense interest 
in the struggle between Epirus and Albania. 

In America only one gentleman has written and spoken 
in favor of the subjugation of Epirus, not only Northern 
Epirus, but the Southern also, that is, Jannina, Preveza 
and so on, to Albania — Reverend James Barton, the Gen- 
eral Secretary of A. B. C. F. M. Foreign Missions. 

We reproduce from the Boston Evening Transcript both 
an extract of a lecture by Dr. Barton and the reply of the 

Dr. Barton's Speech at the Evangelical Alliance of 
Greater Boston in the Park Street Church 

"The newspapers of Boston and of America in general 
have applauded Montenegro for her attempt to rob Al- 
bania of one of her chief cities. Montenegro has no more 
right to Scutari than Greece to Korytsa, Jannina, all 
Albanian cities, never belonging to their captors. The un- 
friendly attitude of Greece toward all religious and edu- 
cational advance is so conspicuous, that to allow Albania 
to remain under her jurisdiction is but to condemn the 
Albanians of that area to rehgious and mental stagna- 

On May 21st, 1913, appeared in the Transcript the fol- 
lowing in answer to Dr. Barton : 


"According to Turkish official reports there are in 
Korytsa 2200 Greek families and 500 Mohammedan Al- 
banians, four hundred of the latter having declared in 
favor of union with Greece. 

"In 1825 there were Greek schools in Korytsa, but not 
one Albanian. In the 18th century Korytsa had a Greek 
printing press. There are in Korytsa today, 1 Greek 
college for boys, 2 Greek high schools for boys and 2 for 
girls. There are 7 kindergartens with 2000 pupils. In 
the Korytsa district there are 114 Greek churches, 57 
Greek schools, 260 teachers, and 1 Albanian school with 
60 pupils. 

" Jannina is the Athens of Epirus in point of view of the 
number and quality of the Greek schools. 

"The Greek Government asked the Powers to allow the 
people of Epirus to decide by plebiscite their national senti- 
ments. Austria and Italy refused to accept such a solu- 
tion. They felt sure that the people as a whole would de- 
cide in favor of union with Greece." 

It is needless to say that Dr. Barton has never visited 
Epirus, and has, perhaps, never read any works on Epirus. 
Like the good Christian that he is, he believes that all his 
fellowmen are truthful like himself. And this faith in the 
veracity of Rev. Dako, a notorious organ of Italy's inter- 
ests in Albania, Protestant in religion, has misled Dr. 
Barton to make a statement which the Transcript has re- 
futed with much irony and with numbers which speak for 

In Great Britain the two warm advocates of a greater 
Albania are Sir Aubrey Herbert and Miss Durham. 

Miss Durham has visited Albania for two weeks; she 
has become infatuated with what she calls "chivalrous brig- 
ands." She admits that she has spent only a few passing 
hours at Korytsa, and tells how she believes that the whole 
of Epirus is Albanian. Sir Aubrey has never seen Epirus. 
Relying on the reports of Albanians, he has accused the 


Greeks of having committed atrocious deeds against the 
Albanian population. 

Perhaps we can best confute what Miss Durham and 
Sir Aubrey Herbert say against the Epirotes by refer- 
ring the reader to the excellent lecture delivered by Col- 
onel ^lurray in Morley Hall on the 7th of January, 1913, 
on "Xorthem Epirus in 1913," which is reproduced in full 
in Appendix A (p. 135) . 


There are in America nearly 30,000 Epirotes from 
Northern Epirus. With very few exceptions most of 
them have their famihes in Northern Epirus. They have 
come to America fleeing the cruelties of the Albanians and 
the Young Turks. 

In 1914, many thousands of these Epirotes went back 
to help their brothers to beat off the Albanians' invasion 
of their liberated homes. After the conference of Corfu, 
whereby the Northern Epirotic Autonomy was recognized, 
the American Epirotes returned to America. But when 
Italy occupied Northern Epirus and the persecution of 
the Greek element began in that Province, the Epirotes in 
America, like those in Egj'.pt, in Greece, in London, in 
Paris and in South Africa, became alarmed and organized 
themselves into what are known as the Pan-Epirotic 

The Pan-Epirotic Unions have been organized in order 
to bring the case of Epirus before the civilized world, and 
to demand justice from those who are to decide upon the 
destinies of the small nationalities at the great Conference 
of Peace. 

The Pan-Epirotic Union in America is one of the largest 
Epirotic Societies, including practically every Epirote in 

We take from the Constitution of the Pan-Epirotic 
Union in America the following passages which give the 
purposes and the aims of the Epirotes : 

Whereas : Northern Epirus, after its liberation by the 
victorious Grecian armies in 1913, has been forced anew 



by certain Great European Powers to subjugation to the 
yoke of a savage and barbarous people: 

Whereas: the Northern Epirotes rose unanimously 
against assassination of their rights, and filed their pro- 
tests before the entire civilized world against their forced 
subjugation to the Albanian rule: 

Whereas : certain Great Powers have refused to recog- 
nize that Northern Epirus, liberated by the Greek army, 
is very Greek ethnologically and historically: 

Whereas: these great Powers and the Albanians em- 
ploy every legitimate and illegitimate means in order that 
they may color Northern Epirus as Albanian, and to the 
€nd that they may mislead the very liberal and disin- 
terested opinion of the Great Republic of the United 
States : 

Therefore, We, the representatives of the Epirotic 
Associations in this hospitable land, having assembled our- 
selves in congress and deliberated, this day, Saturday, the 
^th of March, in the year of our Lord 1918, in the Hall 
of the Knights of Columbus, in the City of Worcester, 
in the State of Massachusetts, do decide to found in 
America, a Pan-Epirotic Union. 

The purpose of the Union is the pursuance of the union 
of the entire Northern Epirus with the mother land, 

(a) By the enlightenment of the official and public 
opinions of America on the Hellenic character of the en- 
tire Province of North Epirus. 

(b) By their unalterable determination to protest most 
vigorously against any attempt to separate any portion of 
Northern Epirus from the mother-country, Greece. 

The following are the branches of the Pan-Epirotic 
Union in America: 


1. Henosis, 812 W. 63rd St., Chicago, 111. 

2. Pyrrhus, 7^ Oliver St., New York. 

3. Pavlos Melas, P. O. Box 230, Southbridge, Mass. 

4. Marcos Bozzaris, 153 Mechanic St., Worcester, 

5. North Epirotic Amyna, 6 W. Market St., Akron, O. 

6. Zalongon, 312 P. O. Box, Ambridge, Pa. 

7. Brockton Society, 352 Main St., Brockton, Mass. 

8. E. Zappas, P. O. Box 307, Clinton, Mass. 

9. Eleutheria, 65 Appleton St., Boston, Mass. 

10. Ch. Zographos, 154 Main St., Biddeford, Maine. 

11. Agonizomene Epiros, 428 Erie Bldg., Cleveland, O. 

12. Tjavellas, 962 Main St., Fitchburg, Mass. 

13. Lord Byron, Woonsocket, R. I., P. O. Box 508. 

14. D, Douhs, 34a Walnut St., Peabody, Mass. 

15. National Epirotic Society, Milwaukee, Wis. 

16. George Averof, Franklin, N. H. 

17. Ethnicos Pothos, Waterville, Maine. 

18. Ethnike Amyna, 258% E. Boardman St., Youngs- 
town, O. 

19. Arsakis, P. O. Box 10, Yantic, Conn. 

20. Agonizomene Himara, P. O. Box 324, Elyria, O. 

21. Omonia Society, 135 Lincoln St., Lewiston, Maine, 

22. Lowell Society, 11 Associate Bldg., Lowell, Mass, 

23. George Stavros, 597 Post St., San Francisco, Cal. 

24. Panagiotis Danglis, 919 Fourth St., Sioux City, la, 

25. Kyanoleukos Simaia, P.O.Boxl66, So.Omaha, Neb, 

26. Spyromehos, c/o Cr. Soteriades, 43 Pleasant St., 
Lynn, Mass. 

The Epirotes in the United States, grieved by the il- 
liberal policies of Italy, to whom they have always looked 
as to a free and democratic Christian country for help, 
protested very vigorously against the atrocious persecu- 
tions of their relatives in Northern Epirus, who resisted 
eyery oppressive measure applied against them to force 


them to abjure their allegiance to Greek culture and to 
submit to the Albanian Beys. 

We give here in full the protests, etc., of the Pan- 
Epirotic Union in America handed to the embassies of 
France and Great Britain in Washington, to the embassy 
of the United States in Athens ; — and to the congress of 
the JSIid-European Union, which was held in Independ- 
ence Hall in Philadelphia, Pa. 

Legation Britannique, 

Washington, D. C. 
Your Excellency: — 

In addressing ourselves to the high representative of 
the Royal and Imperial Government of Great Britain, 
we feel that, however confident we may be in the justice 
of our cause, it becomes us, as subjects of an allied nation, 
in recommending a subject which may expose the Royal 
and Imperial Government of your Excellencj' to the 
hazard of the displeasure of another allied nation, while 
we explain the grounds for our recommendation, to ac- 
company oiu" explanations with expressions of regret. 

We can assure your Excellency that there is not among 
all the subjects of the allied nations any group of men 
more deeply convinced than they who have the honor to 
address themselves to your Excellency, of the vital im- 
portance of making as few complaints, and of creating 
as few difficulties for the Allied Governments at this very 
crucial period of the war, as are humanly possible. 

So strongly are we impressed with this opinion that we 
would gladly compromise, pass over, or adjourn the re- 
dress of any personal injury rather than call upon the 
Government of your Excellency, at this moment, to take 
any measures which might have the tendency to involve 
it in misunderstandings with one of our Allies. Yet, 
we feel that not our own private injuries, not our own per- 
sonal disappointments, but the interests of the cause of the 


Allies, — that cause which absorbs the anxious concern of 
every lover of liberty, — impel us to submit our case to 
your Excellency's notice, and to invite upon it your Ex- 
cellency's gracious attention. 

In order that we may be brief, we beg leave to state 
our case correctly and in the clearest manner in which we 
are able. 

From across the ocean, from that long-tried corner in 
which we were brought into the world, the Province of 
North Epirus, mournful lamentations are daily streaming 
to us protesting against an illiberal policy of oppression 
on the part of officials of the Royal Government of our 
noble Ally, — Italy. 

Under the auspices and under the encouragement of 
the Italian officials, the Albanians are repeating these acts 
of cruelty which had brought our fathers and us to the 
verge of despair and expatriation. 

Our patience, our endurance, our national fortitude 
were ebbing away, and our love for our mother, Hellas, 
was being stifled year after year by the uncouth tyranny 
of the Albanian Beys. But the day finally arrived,^ 
that sacred day, for which fifteen generations of Epi- 
rotes had waited, and the flag of Hellas waved over our 
bleeding native land radiating from its folds liberty, 
security, and national restoration. But, unfortunately, 
free Epirus, with its strategic position on the Adriatic, 
offended the interests of Italy, the third member of the 
Triple Alliance. Supported by Germany and Austria, 
Italy wrung from the unwilling Governments of Great 
Britain and France the consent to include our native land 
in the Albanian State in order that the Adriatic might 
remain a sea accessible only to the Triple Alliance. We 
demonstrated that we preferred to die rather than be 
separated from Hellenism. 

Since 1915 the world was happy to behold the noble 
people of Italy abandon the unnatural alliance with the 
autocratic government and people of central Europe. 


And we, the Epirotes, were relieved from the terrible 
nightmare of a renewed subjugation at the command of 
the country of Mazzini, Cavour, and Garibaldi. Thank 
God, Italy is no longer afraid of the navies of England 
and France. Italy fears no longer that Greece, the 
protegee of England and France, will make North 
Epirus a naval base against the Triple Alliance. 

The fortunes of the Great War have necessitated the 
occupation of our dear native land, North Epirus, by the 
valiant soldiers of France and Italy. And France, faith- 
ful to her immortal traditions of justice and friendship 
for the peoples that strive for liberty, has won the undying 
love and the solemn loyalty of our fathers and brothers in 
the district of Korytsa. We rejoiced at the arrival of 
these brothers-in-arms,— the sons of free Italy. We ac- 
claimed them as liberators. But, we were soon to rue 
their arrival on account of their unsuspected enmity to our 
Hellenic convictions. Today, our schools are closed. 
Our teachers and our priests are under persecution. The 
sacred rights not denied to our fathers and to us by the 
cruel All Pasha and Sultan Hamid, are denied by our 

The exasperating news of such an unprecedented in- 
tolerance, spreading itself hke wild fire among our 
brothers in Greece and in America, sows doubt in the 
hearts of the Hellenes as to the ultimate justice to the 
small and the weak, and prepares the ground for the 
ubiquitous and poisonous German propaganda. 

Will not your Excellency, a British Ambassador, rep- 
resenting the mightiest and freest Empire under the sun, 
acquaint your Excellency's Government with the de- 
plorable condition of our brothers and fathers in North 
Epirus and employ your good offices so that our Ally, 
Italy, whose people is endeared to us through countless 
evidences of friendship in the past, may order the termina- 
tion of the unworthy task of exterminating Hellenism in 
North Epirus? Will not the Government of Great 


Britain mediate to the end that our schools where we 
learned to love freedom, and our Churches where we 
learned to love Christ, be restored to us and that the lives 
of our fathers and brothers be not jeopardized by their 
love for their mother country, — Greece? 

This, your Excellency, is the subject of or humble peti- 
tion. We would bear much and would forbear long, had 
it concerned only our own parents, our relatives, or our 
own freedom. Such is our anxiety that no trouble, no 
diversions should be caused to the Governments of our 
Allies from the main object of winning the war. If we 
have taken the liberty of addressing this petition to your 
Excellency, we were actuated for the greater part by a 
concern for the general cause of the Allies and for its good 
repute among the Greek people, who are already mingling 
their blood with that of their brethren from England, 
France, America, and Italy, in the great field of honor. 

Trusting in the British Justice of your Excellency for 
the relief of our brothers and for the vindication of the 
good name of the Allies, we are, 

Your Obedient Servants, 
President, Councillors 

De. J. Gatsopoulos. V. Meliones, 

Vice-presidents, M. Mitchell, 

S. Hatzigcanna, L. Kalyvas, 

N. C. Vaedakas. E. John^ 

Secretary, K. Gatsopoulos. 

N. Cassavettes. 

Legation Fran^aise, 

Washington, D. C. 
Your Excellency: — 

In addressing ourselves to the high representative of the 
Republic of France, we feel that we are turning to a 
familiar friend. The name of France, we have learned 
since our childhood in the mountain villages of North 


Epirus to revere and to love with as passionate a love 
as that with which we love Hellas, — our motherland. 

To divert your Excellency's overtasked attention from 
the present affairs which, we know, are exacting every 
minute of your Excellency's hour, we realize is not only 
uncivil and ungracious, but also unpatriotic at these 
critical times. We can assure your Excellency, how- 
ever, that no private interests, no selfish motives, no per- 
sonal injuries, however serious they might be, would have 
induced us to break in upon your pressing time. Only 
the conviction for which the admirable sons of immortal 
France are shedding their blood in profusion, has pre- 
vailed upon us to bring it to your Excellency's cognizance. 

From across the ocean, from that long-tried corner in 
which we were brought into the world, the Province of 
North Epirus, mournful lamentations are daily streaming 
to us protesting against the illiberal policy of oppression 
on the part of the officials of the Royal Government of 
our noble Ally, — Italy. Under the auspices, and through 
the encouragement of the Italian officials, the Albanians 
are repeating those revolting acts of cruelty which had 
brought our fathers and us to the verge of despair and 

Our patience, our endurance, our national fortitude 
were ebbing away, and our love for our mother Hellas 
was being stifled by the uncouth tyranny of the Albanian 
Beys. But the day finally dawned, — that sacred day, for 
which fifteen generations of Epirotes had waited, and the 
flag of Hellenism waved over our bleeding native land, 
radiating from its white and blue folds liberty, security, 
and national restoration. 

But free Epirus was coveted by powerful nations. 
Italy, supported by Germany and Austria, insisted upon 
the separation of Epirus from Greece, for fear Greece 
should allow the straits to become the naval base for 
France and England against the Triple Alliance. 

We revolted, although Mr. Venizelos was forced with 


heavy heart to abandon us to our own powers. We have 
demonstrated to the world that unless we are permitted 
to live united to our motherland, Greece, we will not 
shrink from death to the last of us. 

Since 1915, the world is happy to behold the whole 
people of Italy on the side of the champions of liberty and 
justice. We, too, the Epirotes, welcomed the entrance of 
Italy into the war with exultation, for we imagined Italy 
would no longer fear that Greece would allow the French 
and English fleets in the straits. We welcomed the 
valiant sons of France in the district of Korytsa, and those 
of Italy at Argyrocastro. And France, faithful to her 
immortal traditions of friendship for and justice to all 
peoples that struggle for their liberties has won the undy- 
ing love of our fathers and brothers for the chivalrous 
way the officials of France deported themselves toward 
them. On the contrary, Italy, in the words of a great 
French Philhellene, Mr. Rene Puaux, "n'a gagne a cette 
obstination dans I'injustice qu'a s'aliener pour toujours 
I'amitie du peuple Grec." Today our schools where we 
learned to love Greece, to love France, to love Liberty, 
are shut down ; the Churches, where we learned to worship 
our God, who will give France her victory, are no longer 
accessible to our parents and to our relatives. Our teach- 
ers and our venerable priests are dying in dungeons be- 
cause they are Hellenes, and wish to be united to Hellas. 

The exasperating news of such an unprecedented in- 
tolerance, spreading itself like a wild fire among our 
brothers in Greece and in America, instills in their hearts 
ugly doubts as to the ultimate justice to the small and 
the weak, preparing the ground for the ubiquitous and 
poisonous German Propaganda. 

Will not your Excellency, the Ambassador of France, 
representing the freest Republic in the World, acquaint 
your Excellency's Government with the deplorable con- 
ditions of our fathers and brothers in North Epirus and 
employ your good offices to the end that our Ally, Italy, 


whose people had so endeared itself to us in the past 
through her noble sons Cavour, Mazzini, and Garibaldi, 
may put an end to the unworthy task of exterminating 
Hellenism from. North Epirus? Will not the Govern- 
ment of our beloved France mediate that our schools be 
restored to us and be reopened, our Churches returned and 
our relatives allowed to adhere to their national convic- 

This, your Excellency, is the subject of our humble 
petition. We would bear much, and would foi-bear long, 
had it concerned only our parents, our relatives, and our 
freedom. Such is our anxiety that no diversion should 
be caused to the cares of the Governments of our Allies 
from the main object of winning the war. If we have 
taken the liberty to address this petition to your Ex- 
cellency, we were actuated, for the greater part, by a con- 
cern for the general cause of the Allies, and for their good 
repute among'the Greek people, who are already mingling 
their streams of blood with those of the sons of France, 
America, England, and Italy, in the field of honor. 

Trusting in the love France cherishes for Hellas, for 
the relief of our fathers in Epirus, and for the vindication 
of the good name of our Allies, we are. 

Your obedient servants. 
The President, The Councillors 

Dh. J. Gatsopoulos. (Signatures) 

May 15, 1918. 
Legation des £tats Unis, 

Athenes, Grece. 
Your Excellency: 

The Epirotes dwelling in the Great Republic which 
your Excellency so nobly represents, in the Capital of 
Hellenism, enjoying the blessings of Liberty, Justice and 
Equality in a degree embarrassing for its generosity, have 
the Jionor to address themselves to your Excellency to ex- 


press their admiration of, and their gratitude to America, 
and to ask your Excellency's mediation in behalf of our 
unfortunate brothers and parents in N. Epirus. 

We receive furtive news apprising us of their frightful 
sufferings at the hands of the Albanians under the 
auspices of our Ally, Italy. In Korytsa, where the noble 
French Army has been established, both we and the 
Albanians enjoy freedom. Our schools and our churches 
are open, and our parents are not under persecution. On 
the contrary, in the district occupied by Italian soldiers, 
our schools have been closed, our Churches taken away 
from us, and any one daring to call himself a Hellene, is 
cast into dungeon. 

When this unfortunate news reaches us, and, no doubt, 
it trickles back to Greece, it chills the ardor of the 
Hellenes for the cause of the Alhes. The Hellenes 
believe that the Allies are too weak to be able to render 
justice, for while the Allies disapprove of all modes of 
oppression and are fighting to stamp it out, they do not 
insist that Italy show a liberal policy in N. Epirus. It 
is not only for the recovery of our Churches and the salva- 
tion of our parents from persecution that we appeal to 
your Excellency. We appeal much more for the cessa- 
tion of a policy which has very prejudicial effects upon the 
Greek people in Greece and in America, in respect to the 
great cause of the Allied World. 

We believe in America, in France and in England. 
We believe that they will do justice to all peoples and 
races. We are not asking justice for our own selves. 
We desire freedom and justice for all oppressed peoples. 

Will not your Excellency use his good offices to the 
end that our Ally, Italy, may order the cessation of the 
extermination of Hellenism in N. Epirus for the sake 
of the good reputation of our great cause? 

The Epirotes in America serving in the United States 
Army will be forever indebted to the great country your 


Excellency represents in Greece and will repay you by 
laying down their lives generously for the glory of 

Your Obedient Servants: 
The President, The Councillors 

Dr. J. Gatsopoulos. (Signatures) 

Appeal, to the Congress of the Unredeemed 

e/o Mr. Vasilakaki, Greek Deputy, 
Independence Hall, Phila., Pa. 

Being advised that the Albanians have claimed North- 
ern Epirus as Albanian, we the Pan-Epirotic Union in 
America representing over 50,000 Epirotes, living in this 
great Republic and coming mostly from Northern Epirus, 
protest with all our might against such statements which 
present anything but the truth. 

We claim that Epirus has always been Greek in all 
ethnological and historical aspects and, that, although 
Northern Epirus was included in Albania in 1913 on the 
insistence of Austria-Hungary, it has nevertheless been 
recognized as Greek in Corfu. This statement of the 
Albanians is misrepresenting the truth, as was proven in 
1914 at Corfu, when the European Powers recognized 
their mistake of adding Northern Epirus to Albania on 
the insistence of Austria-Hungary and Italy, by sign- 
ing the Protocol of Corfu, which protocol recognizes 
Northern Epirus as an Independent State with all the 
rights of self-government. This took place after the 
complete success of the Northern-Epirotic Revolution, 
which lasted for eight months and proved beyond doubt 
the Greek character of the Northern Epirotes from an 
ethnological point of view as any writer of history will 

We were born Greek and our rights to church and 
schools were recognized by the Government of the Otto- 
man Empire. We are going to remain Greeks and in 


case of need we will prove it once more by repeating the 
history of 1914, 

We believe that your Congress, which will present to 
the Peace Council the rights of the unredeemed national- 
ities, will not forget to set forth the rights of the North 
Epirotes who demand their union with Mother Greece in 
the most categorical manner on the basis of facts which 
have been proven true in all the ethnological and histori- 
cal past of the Epirotes. 


Had not the Great War brought forth new ideals ; had 
not the Great War brought forth a Lloyd George, a 
Wilson and a Clemenceau upon the arena of world 
politics, we should not have attempted to write this book- 
let. Rather should we have issued an appeal to the 
Northern Epirotes to take up arms and defend their 
homes and their sacred liberties against any tyrant. 

Fortunately for the Epirotes and for all the oppressed 
nationalities, the days of bargaining away the freedom 
and the lives of small nationalities has passed. 

Today the conscience of the world will not tolerate that 
the freedom of a nationality, however obscure and small 
it may be, shall be sacrified for the selfish advantages of 
the stronger imperialistic nations, and we are confident 
that the Epirotes have demonstrated that they are fully 
worthy of their liberty, by having sacrificed tens of 
thousands of lives struggling for five hiindred years, not 
only to save their national conscience but also to preserve 
their Christian religion. 

Pouqueville bears witness to the superhuman struggles 
of the Epirotes to win freedom not only for themselves 
but also for the entire Greek race. 

In his Histoire de La Grece, Book I, page 2, he writes : 

"I shall show how the Greeks" (and he speaks of the Epirotes 
also) "fallen from their splendor, subjugated by the Romans,, 
whom they tamed, degraded under the Theologian Emperors, con- 
quered by the Turks, whom they have failed to civilize, chafing un- 
ceasingly at their chains, ensnaring despotism in its own snares, 
came back to their heritage, and rose again to be a nation." 

The Northern Epirotes are Greeks in every respect. 
The numerous testimonies of men who have visited Epirus 



can leave no candid and just person unconvinced as to the 
real wishes of the large majority of the people of North- 
ern Epirus. 

We have not put forth arguments and theories, but 
facts which have been sustained by the writings of eminent 
and well recognized writers, of all the civilized and dis- 
interested European peoples, as well as of America. 

It remains with the peoples of America, France and 
England to render justice to the Epirotes or to condemn 
them to the yoke of the JSIoslem state, of a semi-barbar- 
ous people. 

"It is a travesty of justice," writes Mr. Toynbee in 
his Greek Policies Since 1882, "that a civilized and cul- 
tured people should be surrendered to the mercy of a 
primitive and wild people." 

We are confident that the facts which have been 
gathered from numerous writers, and enumerated in this 
booklet will persuade the freedom-loving and justice-lov- 
ing peoples of France, England, America, and Italy to 
grant the much desired freedom to the sorely tried people 
of Northern Epirus, by allowing it to unite with its 
motherland — Greece. 

But should the Northern Epirotes be again deprived of 
their freedom, and made a sacrifice to the selfish interests 
of a great Power, they are determined to resist to the last 
of them. 

What they did in 1914, they can repeat now. The 
Greek people can never rest until Epirus, from Preveza 
to the Acroceraunian Mountains, is included in Greece. 
The Powers may decide what they will. The Epirotes 
will demonstrate, if need be, once more that they value 
their liberties more than their lives. 

That the Northern Epirotes are not Albanians ; that the 
Albanians are not brothers to the Christian Epirotes; that 
the Epirotes hate the Albanians as their oppressors for 
five hundred years, that the Northern Epirotes cannot be 
secure under an Albanian domination, is very clearly seen 


from the following quotation from the work of Mr. 
Toynbee : 

"Then (1914) the Moslem Albanians rushed against the Chris- 
tians and committed untold atrocities. 

"The reoccupation of Epirus by Greek troops had become a 
matter of life and death for the Epirotes, and in October, 1914, 
Venizelos took the inevitable step, after serving due notice upon all 
the signatory Powers to the Treaty of London. 

"No opposition or protest came against this action of Venizelos. 

"The Reclamation of Epirus is the most honorable achievement 
of the Greek national revival." 

We entrust ovu" freedom, our lives and our homes to 
the justice of the peoples of America, England, France 
and Italy, and hope that a free Albania wiU not mean a 
subjugated Northern Epirus. 

In any case, the Northern Epirotes organized into one 
Pan-Epirotic Union representing all the Epirotes in 
Epirus, in Greece, in Egypt and in America, will battle 
to the last to win their freedom, or perish, if the justice 
of the Allies suffers itself to be imposed upon by the un- 
holy demands of the selfish and imperialistic interests of 
Great Powers. 

"Indeed," writes Mr. Rene Puaux, "the Epirotes are 
more Greek than the Greeks themselves." 

And Mr. Caillard, "The Epirotes from Valona to 
Preveza are Greeks in sentiment, culture, language and 
aspirations, — it is hoped that they will soon be Greeks 
also in name and be joined to their motherland, — Greece." 


1. Iliad 

2. Herodotus 

3. Aristotle — Meteorological 

4. Plutarch — Life of Paulus Aemilius 

5. Pouqueville — Histoire de la Grece 

6. Leake — Travels in Greece 

7. Ami Boue, Turquie d'Europe 
8'. Wordsworth — Greece 

9. Stuart — Royal Geographic Society, London, Vol. 39, 18695 

10. Isambert — Memoirs Inedits de L'Epire 

11. Kiepert — ^General Karte der Central Europa 

12. iimile Legrand, Albania 1841-1903 

13. Colquhoun — Albania 

14. Brown, H. A. — A Winter in Albania 

15. A. Legrand — Souvenirs de La Haute Albanie 

16. Andre Duboscq — Syrie, Tripolitaine, Albanie 

17. Fred Gibert — Les Pays d' Albanie et leur Histoire (1914^ 

18. Sir J. Hobhouse— A Journey through Albania 1786-1869' 

19. Th. S. Hughes— Travels in Greece and Albania (1830) 

20. E. E. Knight— Albania (1880) 

21. J, W. Peacock — Albania the Foundling State of Europe: 


22. Paul Siebertz — Albania und die Albanesen (1910) 

23. W. M. Leake— Researches in Greece— 1777-1860 

24. L. Benloen — La Grece avant Les Grecs (1879) 

25. Albania and the Albanians, Fortnightly Review, April, 1885- 

26. Blood — Vengeance — Popular Science Monthly 

27. Albania Contemporary — Temple Bar 

28. Roman Catholic Albania — Blackwood's Magazine, April,. 


29. The Albanian Question — Edinburgh Review 

30. The Albanian Macedonian Committee — Spectator, June 1,, 




!31. Boston Evening Transcript, May 21, 1913 

3%. The ^gean and the Albanian Problems, Spectator, Feb. 21, 

33. Albania, the Adriatic and the Balkans, Spectator, Apr. 11, 

34-. Troubles of Albania, Spectator, May 23, 1914 
35. Albania — Open Court, February, 1913 
SQ. Albanian Rising — Spectator, April 30, 1910, and April IS, 


37. The Wild Alhama.— Delineator, July, 1915 

38. The Skypetars — Harper's Weekly, April 11, and May 11, 

S9. Italy and Albania — Contemporary Review, March, 1915. 

40. The Comic Opera Kingdom — Literary Digest, March 6, 


41. Albania and Italy, Living Age, March 11, 1916 

42. Albania's Plight — Outlook, January 19, 1916 

43. Albania, Austria, Italy and the Adriatic — Contemporary 

Review, August, 1917 

44. The Albanian Question, The Quarterly Review, July, 1917 

■ 45. The Albanian Question — Contemporary Review, October, 

46. Independent Albania — Living Age, August 11, 1917 

47. Italy and Albania — Outlook, Aug. 8, 1917 

48. The New Republic of Korytsa — Current History Magazine, 

N. Y. Times, July, 1917 

49. Reestablishing Albania — Current History Magazine, N. Y. 

Times, August, 1917 

50. Roman Albania — Century, March, 1917 

51. Two Offers of Autonomy for Albania — Current History 

Magazine, N. Y. Times, July, 1917 
62. A Home Rule Cry in the Balkans — Literary Digest, May 

9, 1914 
S3, My Albanian Winter — Blackwood's Magazine, January, 

^4. La Lutte Pour L' Adriatic — Review des Deux Mondes, Sept. 

15, 1916 

55. The Mastery of the Adriatic — Spectator, January 22, 1916 

56. Northern Epirus in 1913 — By Colonel Murray, A.M., C.B., 



57. Albania and Epirus — Hon. W. Pember Reeves 

58. Artificial Frontiers in the Balkans — F. de Jessen (Anglo- 

Hellenic League) 

59. Greece and the Epirus Rising — Anglo-Hellenic League 

60. The Northern Epirotes — C. S. Butler, Manchester Guardian, 

September 30, 1914. 

61. A Plea for a Civilized Epirus — Hon. W. P, Reeves (Anglo- 

Hellenic League) 

62. Affairs in Albania — Morning Post, January 7, 1914 

63. The Situation in Southern Albania — Westminster Gazette, 

Jan. 8, 1918 

64. HeUas and the Balkan Wars — D. J. Cassavetti 

65. Boston Evening Transcript, April 12, 1912 

66. New Europe — Arnold Toynbee 

67. La MaUieureuse Epire — Rene Puaux 

68. Douze Ans de Propagande en Faveur des Pays Balkaniques 

— Andre Cheradame 


Lecture Delivered by Colonel Murray, A.M., C.B.„ 
M.V.O., IN MoRLEY Hall, January 7, 1913, En- 
titled "Northern Epirus in 1913" 

Colonel Murray said : — "Mr. Pember Reeves, ladies and 
gentlemen, — My claim to the honorable task of addressing 
you on the subject chosen for this lecture is based on noth- 
ing more than a ten week's tour through Epirus, extending, 
as you will see from this map, from Korytsa on the north to 
Himara on the coast of the Adriatic Sea. But, ladies and 
gentlemen, if you will bear with me for a short time, I think 
I can, at any rate, promise to tell you the truth about 
Epirus, and this will come not from a mere student, but 
from an eye-witness of what is going on in a district of 
Europe which is a terra incognita to most English people, 
and even to many Greeks ; and possibly, for this reason, my 
few remarks, however crude, dull and tamely expressed, 
may have some small use, for a great deal has been lately 
talked and written about Epirus which is the reverse of 
truthful, and which, on this account, has done incalculable 
harm in misdirecting the public mind, by holding up to view 
a false and misleading picture of facts as they actually exist 
and as I hope to describe them this evening. 

"Romance and fiction, ladies and gentlemen, when 
rightly made use of, have a high and honorable place in 
the world of letters for they help to stimulate the imagina- 
tion and inspire healthy thoughts in the minds of the young. 
But they are out of place, and have only a degrading influ- 
ence when used, as they lately have been, by those who 
ought to know better, sometimes ignorantly to deceive the 
public and prejudice a brave and virtuous people by the 
dissemination of mendacious calumnies which, if they were 
as true as they are false, would dishonor the Greek Govern- 



ment, the Greek nation and the Greek army in the eyes of 
Europe. I am referring to those charges lately made by 
an English member of Parliament through the medium of 
an English newspaper, charges which I declare to you are 
absolutely false, and which, though ignorantly brought 
forward, are so serious that I feel sure all right-thinking 
people will agree with me in saying that they should not 
liave been made without previous verification. I don't 
propose to take up your time by going into these charges 
in detail, but I may say that when I was at Argyrocastro 
and Tepeleni a few weeks ago, I talked and dined with 
some of the so-called Mussulman notables alleged to have 
been put to death or imprisoned, or maltreated while the 
names of other murdered and tortured persons could not be 
traced at all. You may take my word for it that the whole 
of the charges brought against the Greek Government and 
the Greek Army are fictitious from beginning to end. 
During the course of my tour I made it an object to inquire 
of the Mussulman population of Epirus if they had any 
complaints against the Greek authorities, and I only heard 
one. A peasant at the village of Gustovitza said he had 
lost a dog which he was certain a Greek soldier had stolen, 
but he had no evidence to support his charge. As to Mus- 
sulmans being cut to pieces, tortured, and so on, the charges 
are as ridiculous as they are groundless. I hope we shall 
hear no more of them, but if we do I think we shall do right 
to treat them with the contempt, scorn and ridicule with 
which they have been treated by every man in the street in 
every village in Epirus — which they certainly deserve. 

"The party of foreign Press representatives with whom 
I was associated during the tour in Epirus consisted of 
M. Franz de Jessen, correspondent of the Temps, M. Bles- 
sas, of the Figaro, Herr Tschentcher, of the Berlin Central 
Press, and myself. We were occasionally joined by gen- 
tlemen representing Greek newspapers, and for a short 
time by Captain Trapman, War Correspondent of The 
Daily Telegraph; but the four I have named remained to- 


gether throughout the tour, seeing always eye to eye, and 
working with the common purpose of finding out the truth. 
We made it an object to follow the International Commis- 
sioners, keeping them always in sight, and accompanying 
them when they paid visits to the villages. But as you are 
pi-obably aware, these visits soon came to an end on account 
■of divisions among the Commissioners, and for several 
weeks the Commission was marking time at Hersega and 
Liascovitch, while the Powers were considering what in- 
structions to send them. Whilst they were waiting we 
were not idle, but went over by ourselves ground which, 
at one time, we hoped to traverse in company with the 
Commissioners, but which, under superior orders, was 
eventually dropped out of their programme. 

"Now, perhaps, you would like me to say a few intro- 
ductory words about the Commissioners who were ap- 
pointed to delimit the frontier. England was represented 
by Lieutenant-Colonel Doughty-Wylie, dST.G., lately 
Consul at Adana, and now holding the same position at 
Addis Ababa. He was assisted by Captain King, R. E., 
for topographical work. Lieutenant-Colonel Lallemand, 
of the French Artillery, and M. Krayer, Vice Consul at 
Volo, were the French delegates. Colonel Gouten, Rus- 
sian military attache at Athens, represented the Russian 
Government. The German delegate was Lieutenant- 
Colonel Tierry, of the General Staff, Austria-Hungary 
being represented by Herr Bilinski, and Herr Buchberger, 
who held the posts respectively of Consul-General and 
Vice Consul at Jannina until the capture of that place by 
His Majesty King Constantine. Signor Labia, late 
Italian Consul at Jannina, was the Italian representative, 
and was assisted by Captain Castoldi, who had formerly 
beefi in the Turkish service as a gendarme officer, or some- 
thing of the kind. 

"There is not a great deal to be said about these gentle- 
men or their work, and if there were it would be only wast- 
ing your time to talk about it. For they began to disagree 


among themselves almost from the first day they met to- 
gether at Monastir, and when they referred their differ- 
ences to their Governments the reference led to so much 
discussion that Sir Edward Grey determined to end mat- 
ters by proposing a frontier of his own, which runs in a 
northeasterly direction from Cape Styles, to where it meets 
the Servian frontier at Lake Ochrida, This frontier, as 
proposed by England, has been accepted by the Powers, 
and has now been delimited in detail by the Commissioners, 
who completed their work on the 18th December last, and 
have presumably returned to their respective countries. 
Ladies and gentlemen, I have no desire to hold up the 
Commissioners to ridicule, for it was not their fault, but 
the fault of the great Powers of Europe, that they were 
put into a ridiculous position, which only came to an end 
when Sir Edward Grey took matters out of their hands 
into his own. Their instructions were to go over the coun- 
try lying between the frontier claimed by Greece, and the 
frontier proposed by Italy (which is very nearly identical 
with that now approved by the Powers) and find out 
whether the inhabitants were Greeks or Albanians. But 
they were forbidden to receive any addresses or deputa- 
tions, or make any inquiries, except about the language 
spoken by the people. And, as everyone knows what lan- 
guage the Epirotes speak — an Albanian patois at home, 
and the Greek language outside home — the Commissioners' 
inquiries were useless, and had no determining effect one 
way or the other in regard to the nationality of the people. 
TVhat added to the absurdity of the position was that only 
two members of the Commission could speak either Greek 
or Albanian, and one of these, Herr Bilinski, was too ill to 
leave his house, while the other. Captain Castoldi, made so 
many mistakes in translating answers that the Commis- 
sioners lost all faith in him as interpreter, and decided to 
ask for further instructions from their Governments, with 
the result I have already mentioned. 

"Having introduced you to the dramatis personas of the 


drama which is now beginning to be enacted in Epirus, 
let us come closer with the subject of this lecture. Who 
are the Epirotes? When I was in Epirus I consulted no 
book, but just went and asked the people straight out who 
they were. Over and over again I put this question to 
them: Who are you? Are you Greek or Albanian? 
And whether it came from men, women, boys or girls, the 
answer was always the same, 'We are Greek, and we in- 
tend to remain Greek.' When I questioned ladies about 
their nationality there was no mistake about the spontane- 
ous sincerity of their opinions, which they expressed in 
militant language quite as forcible as that used by English 
suffragettes when they are on the warpath in search of the 
franchise. Nor were the two venerable archbishops, whose 
portraits I show on the screen, less decided in their opinion. 
'Other people,' I quote the words of one of the Arch- 
bishops, 'may call us what they like, but surely we ought 
to know ourselves who we are better than Mr. Aubrey Her- 
bert, or Mr. Bourchier, or Mr. Brailsford, or Faik Bey. 
It is no good calling us by a name which doesn't belong to 
us, and which we don't want to bear. Make no mistake, 
please, we are not going to be Albanians at any price, and 
if the Powers try to change our nationality by handing us 
over to Albania, I know that our people will resist with 
all the force at their disposal, and the Greek Government 
will be powerless to restrain them.' This is typical of 
every answer I got to my questions, and there never was 
the slightest hesitation about the nature of the reply. Nor 
was this view of nationality confined to the Christian popu- 
lation of Epirus, for I found the same feehng prevalent 
among all the JSIussulmans whom I consulted — and I pur- 
posely consulted many, because I was anxious to ascertain 
their opinion and wishes about their future. I was sur- 
prised with the result of my inquiries. At all interviews 
I made a point of taking notes of the conversation, and 
here are some of the answers which I received. I find the 
Mayor of Koritza, Ahmed Effendi, who is a Mussulman, 


spoke as follows : 'We Mussulmans of Koritza come from 
the same original stock as our Christian townsmen, and 
we intend to stand alongside of them now at this crisis. I 
am quite sincere, and speak from my heart, when I say 
that all the Mussulmans of this district are pei-fectly con- 
tent with Greek rule, and wish to see it permanently estab- 
lished here.' Then I paid a surprise visit to the Mufti, 
who was not an Epirote but a Turk from Thrace, and he 
said much the same as the mayor. 'We are all very happy 
now under Greek rule, our religion is respected, and our 
rights observed. We want to be Greek citizens, for the 
Greek Government has treated us with all possible con- 
sideration, and I have not the same confidence in any gov- 
ernment which may be set up in Albania.' Leaving the 
town of Koritza I rode out into some of the Mussulman 
villages in the neighboi'hood and found the same desire for 
union with Greece. This is what the three head men of 
the INIussulman village of Gratza said when I asked them 
if they wanted the Turks back again : 'No, we are Greeks 
now, and shall fight for our Greek brothers to keep our 
independence.' Going on to Cipani, another Mussulman 
village, the Mukhta, Suliman Bey, was still more emphatic. 
This is what he said: 'King Constantine is now our Sul- 
tan, and under his rule we are happier than we have ever 
been before. We want to be left alone.' At Hersoga, the 
capital of Colonia, a Mussulman deputation presented an 
address to the Commissioners, the following being a trans- 
lation of the document : 'The undersigned representatives 
of the Mussulman community of the Caza of Colonia take 
the opportunity of the presence of the International Com- 
mission in their district to convey to the Commissioners 
their recognition of the freedom which they enjoy under 
the new regime in all that concerns their religion and their 
customs, as well as the absolute security which they now 
have for life and property. They have the honor to de- 
clare that they are now in possession of full liberty, that 
the Greek Army behaves towards the population in a 


brotherly manner, and that their interests are firmly bound 
up with Greece, with which country they desire to be 
united.' This petition was signed by forty head men of 
twenty-five ISIussulman villages of Colonia. 

"To verify what was said in this address I paid a visit to 
Dalian Bey, the leading Mussulman Bey and largest land- 
owner in Golonia, who lives at Kief Zazi, about four hours 
from Hersega, and he corroborated every word of the ad- 
dress, Dahan Bey is an old man of eighty years of age, 
and he assured me that for the first time in his long life he 
knew what it was to live in peace and security. 'The 
brigands,' he said, 'who infested this country have all dis- 
appeared and gone back to their homes in Albania. We 
are now happy and contented under Greek rule. All we 
want is to be left to ourselves.' 

"Let me- show you the portrait of Haidar Bey Russi, 
the ISIussulman Mayor of Liascovitch, wearing the Greek 
colors. He performs his duties as mayor for no remunera- 
tion. Colonel Doughty-Wylie was his guest while at 
Liascovitch, and found him an intelligent and hospitable 
host. These are his words when I talked with him. 'The 
Mussulmans and Christians of Liascovitch live like 
brothers together, and we are all quite happy now under 
Greek rule. I am on the town committee of defence, and, 
if necessary, I and my sons will fight along with our Chris- 
tian townsmen for union with Greece. I know our town 
is behindhand in progress, but we have never had a chance 
of progressing under the Turkish Government, and now 
we must go ahead and develop on modern lines.' Tefik 
Bey, another Liascovitch landowner, and a verj' wealthy 
man, went even further than this in his professions of at- 
tachment to the Greek Government. 'The ]Mussulmans 
even more than the Christians are thankful for the disap- 
pearance of Turkish rule and recognize all that the Greek 
Government is doing for them. Land is going up in value, 
and for the first time in my hfe I can visit my property 
without having to take an armed escort with me. I am a 


Greek by descent, my ancestors having been converted to 
the Moslem faith by force when the Turks first came to 
Epirus. We are all Bekhtashis here, and the Sultan is 
nothing to us. We want political union with Greece; the 
Greeks understand us Mussulmans whereas the Slavs do 
not. The best thing for Epirus is to be joined to Greece. 
It is a natural result of the disappearance of the Turks, 
and any other arrangements will only be artificial, tem- 
porary and disturbing. Under the Turks we had to 
fortify our houses to protect them from brigands. Now 
we can pull down the walls.' 

"From Liascovitch I went to Konica, and was greeted 
there by a deputation of jNIussulman townsmen, who asked 
me to carry back their address to the Commissioners, beg- 
ging for union with Greece. Passing now on to Jannina 
I there saw the INIussulman mayot of the town, and the 
]Mufti, Fouat Effendi, and they both expressed themselves 
as being perfectly content with Greek rule. So also did 
Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Delvino, who called upon me while 
at Jannina, and with whom I had a long and interesting 
conversation. The Pasha is a Turk by descent, not an 
Epirote, but he has lived so long in Epirus that he has 
become more Epirote than the Epirotes. His is an inter- 
esting personality, for he is a Turk of the old school, and 
as such has a supreme contempt for the young Chauvinist 
Turks who have seized the reins of government in Con- 
stantinople. He was formerly an officer in the Turkish 
Army, and as A.D.C. to Sultan Abdul Aziz, came to Eng- 
land with him when he visited Queen Victoria in the early 
seventies. Afterwards he acquired property in Delvino, 
and has lived on it ever since his retirement from the public 
service. He told me what all other Mussulmans had said, 
that Greek government had brought peace and tranquillity 
to the country, and he hoped it had come to stay. As to 
Albania, his desire as a loyal Mussulman was to see a 
strong State created, but it should be confined to Albania, 
arid no attempt should be made to encroach on Greek pre- 


serves. I was much impressed with the Pasha's good sense 
and wide vision, and I hope when the Epirotes form their 
provisional government on the 18th January next that 
JNIehemet Ali Pasha will be one of its members. 

"If there were time I could tell you the same tale in 
every town and village I visited. At Argyrocastro, at 
Tepeleni, at Klissura, at Premeti, and in all the villages 
round these towns I found the same spirit of contentment, 
and the same desire for Greek union. One village in par- 
ticular I must mention, that of Hormoven in the Drinos 
valley, about three hours out of Tepeleni. It used to be a 
Christian village till the time of Ali Pasha, who, applying 
the principles of the Koran in their literal sense, compelled 
the villagers to choose between Islamism or death. Hear- 
ing that a foreign traveller was passing through their vil- 
lage the whole of the men turned out, and the head man 
made an impromptu speech, saying the villagers were 
Oreeks, not Albanians, and they wished to be united with 
their motherland. The visit was quite a surprise one; the 
speech was quite spontaneous, and no Greek officials were 

"Ladies and gentlemen, I hope this and other evidence 
which I have brought before you this evening, and which, 
were there time, I could multiply ten-fold from data in 
my possession, will convince you, as it has convinced me, 
that the Epirotes are Greeks, not Albanians, and that 
ivhen Mr. Bourchier and Mr. Aubrey Herbert call Epirus 
'southern Albania,' they are calling it by a name which 
does not belong to it, and which the Epirotes disown as a 
libel on their nationality. I beg you will not misunder- 
stand me. We Philhellenes have no quarrel with the Al- 
banians, so long as the Albanians don't quarrel with us. 
We wish well to Albania, and we will do all we can to help 
its people to build up a free, progressive and civilized State 
if it is possible to do so, standing on its own feet, and inde- 
pendent of outside support. The new State shall have 
fair play. We will do as Mr. Aubrey Herbert wishes us 


to do, and hold out the right hand of friendship. But 
there must be no poaching on Greek preserves, and Epirus 
is one of those preserves and intends to remain so. The 
Skumbi River is Albanian, but the Voyussa River is 
Greek. Ali Pasha of Tepeleni never went north of 
Valona, nor did Scander Bey ever come south of it. The 
Skumbi River is the natural ethnological boundary be- 
tween Ghegs and Tosks, who in classic days were known 
as lUyrians and Pelasgi, and in modern days as Albanians 
and Greeks. Left to themselves the Albanians and 
Greeks would soon settle matters on an ethnological basis, 
but the question is unfortunately complicated by the of- 
ficious interference of foreign propagandists and Albanian 
committees who, cuckoo-like, are encouraging the Al- 
banians to lay claim to land which doesn't want them, and 
which doesn't belong to them. It is bad enough to break 
the tenth Commandment, but Mr. Aubrey Herbert breaks 
the ninth also when he bears false witness against the 
Greeks by accusing them of a 'policy of greed,' because,, 
forsooth, they lay claim to property which always belonged 
to them till the Turks robbed them of it by force. If the 
Albanians listen to these law-breaking counsels then there 
is nothing left for the Epirotes but to cry 'hands off.' 

"Now let us see what the great Powers of Europe, who 
have taken upon themselves the gi*atuitous duty of settling 
matters between the Greeks and Albanians, propose. The 
dotted line on the map is the answer to this question, and 
you will see that it splits Epirus into two unequal halves, 
the greater half going to Albania, the lesser half to Greece. 
Strategically this boundary line leaves Jannina en Vair^ 
cutting it off from communication with the Adriatic Sea 
at Santi Quaranta, and with the ^gean Sea at Salonica. 
The great trunk road from Santi Quaranta to Korytza, 
running parallel to the new frontier is, with a small gap 
between INIissoverfera and Delvaki, which can easily be 
filled with a new road, given to Albania. So is Tepeleni^ 
the ancient gateway into Epirus, which dominates the ap- 


proaches to the Jannina plain down the Voyussa River on 
the east, and the Drinos River on the west. With the 
. central approaches from the northwest in the hands of the 
Albanians, and flanks also secured to them, a Greek army 
based on Jannina would be placed at an enormous strategi- 
cal disadvantage at the opening of a campaign, so enor- 
mous that its offensive action would be hopelessly paralysed 
from the start. We have been told that Sir Edward Grey 
proposed this frontier as a compromise between a big Al- 
bania and a big Epirus, and that topographical considera- 
tions were alone taken into account in drawing the 
boundary line. This does not seem to be exactly the way 
to secure a scientific frontier. But, however that may be,, 
the new boundary line places Jannina at the mercy of any 
foreign or Albanian force which would be concentrated be- 
fore the declaration of war on the Upper Voyussa and 
Drinos Rivers, within easy striking distance of the Epirus 
capital. If Greece had been forced down on her knees 
after fighting an unsuccessful war, she could not have had 
harder terms offered for her acceptance. Under pressure 
from Europe the Greek Government may have, for the 
moment, to accept these terms officially, but government 
humiliation and national humiliation are not always synony- 
mous terms. There is a force behind all governnients 
which, in great national crises, can be relied on to assert 
its power in open defiance of constituted authority. That 
force is the Will of the people. We Englishmen have some- 
times taught our Government the strength of that force, 
and, if I mistake not, the Epirotes intend to teach the same 
lesson to Europe. If Governments propose, it is the peo- 
ple who dispose. 

"Where the London Ambassadors' Conference made its 
initial blunder was in deciding last August to give Korytza 
to Albania, and make Cape Stylos the Adriatic starting 
point of the new frontier. This decision begged the whole 
question which the International Commission was ap- 
pointed to investigate and prevented a boundary line being- 


drawn in accordance with local ethnological conditions. 
What has now been done is to continue the line from Mount 
Grammos, where the Ambassadors' Conference left it, and 
the quickest and nearest way of doing this was that pro- 
posed by a stroke of Sir Edward Grey's pen, and now ac- 
•cepted bj^ the Powers. The frontier as agreed meets Ital- 
ian objections to the Greeks having command of the 
Straits of Corfu, and Austrian objections to Albania being 
•cut off from direct access to Macedonia through Koiytza. 
But it ignores the principle of nationality, and sets at de- 
fiance the wishes of the people. Ladies and gentlemen, the 
days for artificial fi-ontiers have passed away. Racial in- 
stinct is stronger than strategical necessity. Education 
has opened the minds of men and women to possibilities 
which never occurred to them as such before they learned 
to think and were taught to organize. The schoolmaster 
is abroad in Epirus as elsewhere. It is impossible to live 
^mong the Epirotes as I have done for ten weeks without 
realizing the strength of their will and the courage of their 
hearts. What impressed me more than anything else in 
the tour was the spirit shown by the Epirote women, who 
are more determined even than the men, if that were pos- 
sible, to keep their Greek nationality. This is one of the 
healthiest and most optimistic factors of the situation, for 
when women are brave men will be brave too. There is 
nothing a man prizes higher than the applause of a good 
woman, or fears more than her blame. When he has no 
other motive he will fight for her sake, and die rather than 
return to her beaten and disgraced in her eye. Look at 
this picture of two young ladies of the upper class of Epi- 
rote society, smiling, happy, joyful, because they know 
ihat in front of them are standing men with whom their 
honor is in safe keeping, and who will fight to the death 
sooner than allow them to become national apostates. 
Here is a picture of three peasant women of Himara, 
strong, determined, unyielding, loving life, but not fearing 
-death which, in their eyes, is preferable to dishonor. And 


for an Epirote woman, loss of nationality means loss of 
honor, so deep and firmly is the ancient Hellenic spirit 
rooted in their hearts. 

"I know nothing more touching than to see these village 
people of Epirus revelling in the freedom which has come 
to them at last, after five centuries of slavery and oppres- 
sion. They simply cannot leave off dancing and singing 
for joy, which is all so hearty, simple and spontaneous, 
that the stranger catches 'up their spirit of thankfulness, 
and instinctively thanks Almighty God in his heart that the 
awful, desolating, abominable curse of Turkish rule has 
disappeared from the land. I shall never forget standing 
at Korytza, side by side with one of the International Com- 
missioners, who shall be nameless, and who was watching 
the scene passing in the street below us. A procession was 
going by the house in the midst of which were the girls of 
the school, waving their flags and singing national songs 
of liberty, when one girl stopped before the house and held 
up a scroll on which she had embroidered with great labor 
in letters of gold the words, 'Enosis e Thanatos,' Union 
or Death. She just held up the scroll for us to see, and 
I never can forget the sweet, gentle, upturned face, majes- 
tic in its childishness, and beautiful in its innocence, and 
yet expressive of her brave determination to suffer, if re- 
quired to do so, for hearth and home and nationality and 
faith. I could see the tears stand in the diplomatist's eyes 
as he turned away with the words, 'I can stand this no 
longer. If I look any more I shall break down and be 
accused of being a Philhellene.' Even diplomacy has its 
human side. 

"I think you will gather from what I said this evening 
that the Epirotes won't consent, on any consideration, to 
become Albanians, and if the Powers try to coerce them 
they will resist. What chances have they of success? 
From what I have seen of the men and of their country, 
I- am inchned to be very optimistic. In every town and 
village throughout Epirus a branch of the Epirote volun- 


teer force, known as the Sacred Legion, has been formed, 
numbers varying locally according to the population. I 
do not exactly know the total strength of this force, but I 
should put it down as over 40,000 men at this moment, Avith 
numbers daily increasing. The Sacred Legion of Xorth 
Epirus is a levee en masse of the whole countryside. I 
have seen boys of fourteen and fifteen standing in the 
ranks with men of fifty and sixty. The priest of the vil- 
lage is always present whenever there is a parade of the 
volunteers. The Greek Orthodox Church is a church mih- 
tant, and its priests are as good fighters as any of the lay 
members of the Sacred Legion. The Premeti and Argy- 
rocastro battalions are composed of as fine a body of fight- 
ing men as there are in Europe. 

"As previously pointed out, the Tepeleni-Klissura posi- 
tion in the center section of the frontier is one of great 
strategical importance and tactical strength, and if Colonel 
Joanno, who now commands at Argyrocastro, and was 
chief of staff to General Sapundzaki in the advance on 
Jannina, resigns his commission in the Greek Army and 
takes command of the Epirote forces at this point, I don't 
think any force which the Albanian Government could put 
into the field, even with the help of better officers, would 
break through the hne of defence. The position could be 
held with a comparatively small force, while the bulk of 
the men in the Drinos Valley could be sent to Himara to 
give a hand to Spirimilos. The northern section of the 
frontier is the most secure on account of its distance from 
the sea, its propinquity to the Servian frontier, and its 
inaccessibility from the west. There are five thousand 
well-trained men of the Sacred Legion in the Korytza dis- 
trict alone, and even if they get no help from other parts 
of Epirus, they are numerous and strong enough^ with 
their local knowledge of the country, to hold their own 
against any Albanian force which could reach them from 
Berat. A foreign force, if it came in great strength, might 
succeed in reaching the district, but not till after the inter- 


vening country between it and the sea had been subju- 
gated, and when this force reached Korytza it would only 
be to find its houses burned to the ground and the whole 
land laid waste by the inhabitants. We may depend upon 
it that if the Epirotes are forced to fight they will fight to 
a finish. iColonel Contoulis is the Greek Governor of 
Korytza, and a man of great administrative ability as well 
as a brave soldier. I asked him what he would do if the 
Greek Government withdrew from Korytza and the Al- 
banians attacked it. He said as long as he was a Greek 
■officer he could not answer my question, but I might take 
it from him that as he had been a fighting man all his life, 
he was not likely to be far away if Korytza was threatened 
by any foreign enemy. 

"Are these facts known to the great Powers of Europe, 
or, knowing them, do they intend to force their decision 
in defiance of the will of the people? If they do, then what 
"will become of the principle of nationality which was the 
raison d'etre for ordering the Montenegrins out of Scutari, 
and the Servians out of Durazzo? 'The principle of na- 
tionality,' said the Marquis de San Giuliano, the other day, 
'is the glory and strength of Italy.' So it is. But how 
can Italy justify and logically deny to others what is a 
glory and strength to herself ? Unless wiser counsels pre- 
vail, this is the rock on which the Concert of Europe will 
split, and this is why I think we can be optimists in regard 
to Epirus. The Epirotes have their future in their own 
hands, because they know their duty and intend to do it. 
They are confident because they are strong, and they are 
sti'ong because they are right. That England, the Eng- 
land of Canning, of Byron, and of Gladstone should either 
by her own action, or by giving a mandate to others, help 
to shoot down people 'rightly struggling to be free' is 
unthinkable. England is strong enough to carry France 
and Russia with her if, indeed, any persuasion were nec- 
essary. Will Austria authorise Italy to act alone? I 
think not. Will Italy act without a mandate either from 


Europe or her allies? I think not. For if she were to 
break away from the Concert of Europe and play for her 
own hand, she would stand on perilous ground and provoke 
a resistance which it might not be possible to localise in 
Epirus. In any case, the Epirotes' course is clear, to keep 
the flag flying, no matter who tries to haul it down, rely- 
ing always on the justice of their cause, on the moral 
sympathy of all right thinking people, and, above all, on 
the strength of their own arms. Beati possidentes." 


Communication of Mr. C. S. Butler to the "Man- 
chester Guardian" on September 30th, 1914, 
on Northern Epirus 

"I have read in the Guardian of July 22nd of shocking 
atrocities alleged to have been committed against Al- 
banians by Epirotes. Having served as a British war- 
correspondent both in Macedonia and Epirus in 1912 and 
1913, I feel constrained in the interests of truth to rebut 
these charges, which are either wholly untrue, or grossly 
exaggerated. Mr. Aubrey Herbert is a brave and honor- 
able man, and I quite believe that he and that plucky Eng- 
lish lady, Miss Edith Durham, spread these tales in per- 
fect good faith, on the strength of the testimony of Al- 
banian refugees and residents at Valona and Durazzo. 
But they make a very great mistake in launching these 
horrors in the British press without having verified them by 
a visit to the locality itself. I happen to know that INIr. 
Herbert has repeatedly been invited to visit the Epirote 
borderland, in which these atrocities are alleged to have 
been committed, but he has not gone. Miss Durham has 
apparently only made one hurried visit to Korytza since the 
journey which forms the subject of her well-known little 
book, and on which, to judge from that same book, she 
succeeded in traveling the northern fringe of Epirus with- 
out coming in contact with a single Greek inhabitant ! Is 
it fair, then, to condemn the Epirotes unheard, when noth- 
ing would have been easier than to verify the truth of the 
astounding tales related in the Manchester Guardian and 
brought up in the House of Lords on July 28th? 

"To take up the various allegations seriatim: It is 
wholly and absolutely untrue to say that 'Greece is carry- 



ing out her deliberate plan of destroying and evicting the 
Albanian population (of N. Epirus) with a view to an- 
nexing the land,' and that 'the Greek army' has invaded 
the land of the refugees now crowded in Avlona. In the 
first place, Greece is at present completely outside of N. 
Epirus, which she evacuated last February; she has neither 
troops nor officials in that district, now or at any time since 
the date of that evacuation. The author therefore of these 
statements can only mean to say that Greek troops and 
officials are working along the lines he indicates in a secret 
and unofficial manner. That the Greek army, officers and 
jsoldiers, are to a man in keen sympathy with the Epirotes 
is a well known fact. It is also well known that a small 
number of Greek officers (not exceeding 30) , most of them 
natives of N. Epirus, have deserted to the Epirote camp 
with perhaps a couple of hundred of the rank and file. 
In one case a half-battery of machine guns, commanded 
by a lieutenant of Epirote origin, when the evacuation of 
Liaskoviki was ordered by the Greek Government, bolted 
into the nearest mountains and joined the Epirote in- 
surgents. It is also true that Cretan volunteers, to a total 
of about 300, found their way to Northern Epinis, mostly 
in small sailing vessels. A small band of Greek 'Gari- 
baldians' was also equipped by the late Count Roma and 
took part in the fighting on the Argja'ocastro fi'ontier. 
That is the sum total of outside help that the Epirotes have 
received from any part of Greece, and that in direct de- 
fiance of the orders and well defined policy of the Greek 
government, whicTi proceeded to extremes that no Greek 
Government has ever yet dai'ed to apply in opposing what 
was unmistakably the popular will. To begin with, the 
Greek troops, in evacuating N. Epirus, were careful to 
take with them all the army stores, guns, ammunition, etc. 
Even the Turkish guns captured at Korytsa and Argyro- 
castro during the Balkan War, wliich could easily have 
been 'overlooked' were carried away; and at Georgoutsates, 
the junction of the Argyrocastro-Delvino-Jannina 


routes, the Greek troops actually fired upon a party of 
Epirotes who attempted to prevent the transfer of the 
military stores thence, and killed seven and wounded 
thirty, including two women. That does not look much 
like connivance; and yet the firing party were distinctly 
in sympathy with the Epirotes and only obeyed orders. 
The Greek officers and privates who deserted to the Epi- 
rotes have been proclaimed deserters and stricken from the 
roster; a company of Evzones, who with their captain and 
non-coms, broke away and started to join the Epirotes, 
were rounded up and sentenced to six months' imprison- 

"More than this, Mr, Venizelos, with his characteristic 
vehemence, did all he could to discourage and browbeat the 
Epirote insurrection against Europe's fiat; and in the 
Greek Chamber publicly predicted disaster for their un- 
dertaking — a prediction which has proved utterly mis- 
taken. He even went so far as to lay hands upon and turn 
to the use of the Greek Government a donation of £10,000 
sent by a rich Epirote of America for the insurgent cause 
— a thing that, strictly speaking, the Greek Premier had 
no right to do — and the writer, in the Greek Foreign 
Office, was an unwitting auditor of a violent altercation 
between Mr. Venizelos and Mr. Zographos, in which the 
latter was told in so many words that official Greece con- 
sidered him well nigh a traitor to the interests of Greece 
because he had placed himself at the head of the Epirote 
insurrection. Again, only the other day a cadet of the 
Military School at Athens, named Zoupas, a native of 
Chimara, who six months ago deserted to go and fight 
for his native land against the Albanians, was there 
severely wounded and is now just out of hospital, has 
been refused readmittance to the school and thus has for- 
feited his military career. 

"I could mention other similar cases; but the foregoing 
suffice to show how absurd it is to say that official Greece 
has in any way abetted the Epirote insurrection. On the 


contrary, Mr. Venizelos has sacrificed no small portion of 
his popularity in his attempts to forestall that movement 
and after its outbreak to cut it off from all material aid. 
If he has not succeeded, it is certainly not his fault. 

"The armed forces, which the Epirotes have disposed 
of in this insurrection, are, with the exceptions enumerated 
above, entirely native — Hierolochits, or local militia, 
organized originally by the Greek Government to serve as 
a local gendarmerie, before there was any question of 
giving up N. Epirus. This militia adopted a khaki imi- 
f orm very similar to that of the Greek inf antiy ; hence the 
tale, which recently went forth, that Korytsa was retaken 
by Greek regulars. 

"The non-Epirote bands have now been disbanded by 
Mr. Zographos, because they were elements of danger 
rather than of strength to the Autonomous administration 
and, it must be admitted, often got out of hand. But why 
should Greeks and Cretans have any less right to go to the 
aid of their kinsmen of Epirus than the Italian, Austrian, 
Turkish, Rumanian and even Bulgarian volunteers (I 
do not wish to say adventurers) who joined the Albanian 
Tanks by the hundreds? We have seen no sarcasms in the 
British press against the participation of these latter ele- 
ments in a quarrel which did not in the least concern them. 
Europe looked on complacently enough while dozens of 
Turkish officers (not Albanians) enlisted openly in the 
Albanian forces against the Epirotes. By a strange irony 
of fate, it is these same Turks that have led the Albanian 
Mussulman insurgents to victory against Prince Wied 
and the various authorities set up by Europe in Albania, 
and are now threatening to re-establish the blighting Mos- 
lem rule in a country from whence it had been swept by 
the Balkan War. 

"Then as to the 'atrocities.' That dozens of villages in 
N. Epirus are today in ashes is a melancholy fact. That 
much blood has been shed, solely because Europe (or rather 
let us say, Austria and Italy) insisted upon forcibly an- 


nexing the Epirotes to Albania, is no less indisputable. 
But all foreign correspondents who have personally visited 
Epirus within the past months, know nothing of these 
wholesale massacres of women and childi'en which Avlona 
has been so busily reporting to foreign lands. There has 
been much cruelty in the fighting between Epirotes and 
Albanians. All wars are cruel and Balkan wars excep- 
tionally so, owing to the long standing racial hatreds and 
the demoralizing influence of centuries of Turkish rule, 
which has never been anything but the most fiendish 
cruelty the world has perhaps known. 

"But cei'tain facts must be borne in mind and insisted 
upon: First, that the villages destroyed have been de- 
stroyed in battle — some of them taken and re-taken in the 
fiercest fighting, when the wildest human passions are un- 
chained. Secondly, that a tabulation of these destroyed 
villages shows a larger proportion of Christian than of 
Mussulman losses. And in making this statement, I do 
not include the many Christian villages of the Zagori dis- 
trict, which were wantonly destroyed by the ISIussulman 
Albanians during the Balkan War, long before the fall of 
Jannina. In fact, village burning and looting has been a 
favorite occupation of the Albanians (the INIussulmans, of 
course, since the Christians were then little better than 
slaves) in Epirus since before Ali Pasha's days; a note- 
worthy example is the sack of Moschopolis in 1770 and 
Argyrocastro in 1771, when the population of these Chris- 
tian towns was driven out en masse. And thus a heritage 
of hate has been handed down from generation to genera- 
tion, of which tourists like Miss Durham and Mr. Aubrey 
Herbert know nothing. Thirdly, that the Epirotes of 
Xorthern Epirus have been on the defensive and the Al- 
banians on the offensive, ever since Europe issued her final 
decision that N. Epirus was to go to Albania. The Al- 
banians began massing on the borderline long before the 
Greek evacuation, in order to 'rush' the ceded territory; 
and from the moment of that evacuation they have kept 


up an unceasing succession of onslaughts upon the Epirote 
positions, in many places forcing the Epirotes back step 
bj^ step, until it seemed their defence would be completely 
broken down. Kodra and Humelitsa, where it is alleged 
that the Epiyotes 'crucified' some ISIussulmans (though no 
one in Epirus or in Greece ever heard of crucifixion be- 
fore as a means of revenge, especially as applied by Chris- 
tians to INIoslems, while there have been many such cases, 
as applied by Moslems to Christians, during the Greek 
War of Independence), are two villages on the Argyro- 
castro border, which were taken and re-taken at the bay- 
onet's point four times by Albanians and Epirotes. Is it 
surprising that such villages should be today a heap of 
ashes, and that some acts of savagery should have been 
committed by either side? And if the Moslem villages of 
the Kolonia and Frasseri districts suffered heavily in the 
fighting, the Christian villages of the Delvino district, al- 
most down to Santi Quaranta, can tell an equally distress- 
ing tale of the sudden inroad of the Albanians in April 
last, while the Christian villages of the upper Devol valley 
(east of Korytsa) were nearly wiped out by the Albanian 
regulars, whom their Dutch officers found themselves 
powerless to restrain. 

"The British public are harrowed by pictures of the 
distress of the Albanian refugees crowded together in 
Avlona ; and no doubt that distress is very real and worthy 
of every effort at alleviation. But nothing is said of the 
20,000 refugees from the Delvino district, who were until 
quite recently huddled together at Corfu, nor of the 32,000 
refugees who crowded into the Greek lines within three 
days from the Argyrocastro and Premeti districts upon the 
big Albanian onslaught in April last, nor, yet of the 12,000 
refugees from the Korytsa district at Biglista, Pisoderi 
and Castoria. Who will undertake to say that the misery 
and destitution of these Christian refugees is a whit less 
distressing than that of the Moslems at Avlona? 

"The friends and 'protectors' of Albania have been 


busily sowing the wind, and now make loud outcry upon 
finding that they, or rather the unhappy land itself, is 
reaping the whirlwind. The attempt to coerce the Epi- 
rotes into subjection and annexation to Albania was the 
first and fundamental wrong, which has brought all these 
sufferings upon Epirotes and Albanians. For, in spite of 
INIr. Aubrey Herbert and Miss Durham, in defiance of the 
brute force brought to bear upon N. Epirus and upon 
Greece by Europe, Epirus is not Albanian but Greek, and 
every succeeding month only brings this fact out more 

"I have been over the whole country from Monastir to 
Santi Quaranta and from Argyrocastro to Jannina, with 
an eye to this question in particular. And if some allow- 
ance must be made for the unwillingness of the Moslem 
minority to speak out its true thoughts in the presence of 
the Epirote authorities, still the schools, if nothing else, 
are enough to convince any fair minded observer that the 
Epirotes are Greeks, even if their women speak Albanian 
in their homes. At Korytsa where my visit coincided with 
that of the Greek Crown Prince in May of last year, I 
witnessed a parade of 2,125 Greek school children of both 
sexes, from five years up to sixteen, who beamed with joy 
and pride as they filed past the Prince cheering and waving 
their little Greek flags. The same day I witnessed an 
enthusiastic parade of the women of the town, foremost 
among whom I noticed my own hostess, who habitually 
speaks Albanian in her own home. I find it hard to believe 
that these 1900 women, all of whom were respectable mid- 
dle-class matrons, were secretly pining for the delights of 
Albanian rule and were driven to this demonstration at the 
point of the Greek bayonet. Indeed, I can testify to the 
fact that it almost required the bayonet to persuade them 
to disperse after the celebration ! And yet we have been 
assured for years, by Miss Durham and other Albanian 
sympathisers, that Korytsa is the intellectual and educa- 
tional center of the Albanian race ! The only traces of an 


Albanian educational movement I was able to discover 
there were a small Albanian printing press, established 
under foreign encouragement some years ago and now no 
longer in operation, and an Albanian school for girls, 
founded and carried on by American missionaries, with 
some 60 pupils, recruited from the whole province of 

"I am not a Greek and am certainly not unfriendly with 
the Albanians and their legitimate aspirations. But I 
have more than once, in my conversations with Albanians 
even before the Balkan War, been impressed with their 
boundless nationalistic ambitions. They would, if they 
could, have claimed not only N. Macedonia, where they are 
really strong, but also N. and S. Epirus down to the Am- 
bracian Gulf, Monastir, Castoria, Verria and some even 
Salonica! It is a well known fact that in 1880 Jannina 
and Korytsa were lopped off from the territory awarded 
to Greece by the Berlin Treaty, chiefly through the effoi-ts 
of the Albanian League in Italy. So today their sympa- 
thizers claim Korytsa and N. Epirus for Albania on the 
ground that the women speak Albanian (it is not disputed 
that the men and children speak also Greek), Yet it is 
not difficult to show that the language test is an absurd 
one. Amongst the most fanatical Greek-haters are the 
^Mussulmans of Crete and of Margariti (in S. Epirus) ; 
yet their only language is Greek and they are undoubtedly 
Greek in origin. But to classify them as Greeks would 
be unfair and would arouse their vehement resentment. 
Again, the hundreds of thousands of Greeks of Cappa- 
docia and Cilicia, who speak nothing but Turkish, cannot 
be classified as Turks, nor the Pomaks of Thrace, whose 
language is Bulgarian, as Bulgars. And on the other 
hand it must not be overlooked that, if in N. Epirus the 
home language is largely Albanian, the Avritten and com- 
mercial language is, and always has been, Greek, even 
under Turkish rule. Even the most fanatical Albanian 
traders keep their accounts in Greek. At Argyrocastro 


I was much impressed to see that the notables of Libo- 
chovo, a fanatical Moslem stronghold across the valley, 
sign their names habitually in Greek. All the extant let- 
ters, decrees and orders of Ali Pasha, who certainly could 
not be accused of favoring the Greeks, are in Greek ; which 
clearly prove two things : That Greek was the only writ- 
ten language used in Epirus in his day, and that it must 
have been generally understood and spoken by the people 
of EpiruS. 

"It is not the language, therefore, but the sentiment of 
a people that determines its national character. And N. 
Epirus has for many generations expressed its national 
sentiment with no uncertain sound. To pass over the 
flourishing Greek institutions of learning at Jannina in the 
17th and 18th centuries, which kept alive Greek letters 
and Greek aspirations in those dark days and which were 
supported entirely by the voluntary contributions of Epi- 
rotes, and coming down to the present age, Athens is full 
of splendid public buildings, gifts of Northern Epirotes. 
The magnificent Academy of Fine Arts and Astronomical 
Observatory were given by Sinas of Moschopolis (near 
Korytsa) . Bangas, of Korytsa, left a building worth 
£20,000 as a bequest to the Greek Xavy Fund. The 
Zappa brothers who endowed Athens with her Exposition 
grounds and Constantinople with her biggest Greek High 
School for Girls, hailed from Lambovo, north of Argyro- 
castro. Zographos, the father of the President of the Epi- 
rote Government, founder of a large Greek school at Con- 
stantinople and of the Prize Fund for the Encouragement 
of Greek Studies at Paris, was a natiA^e of Droviani. 
Averoff, the donor of the Greek battleship bearing his 
name and of the splendid Panathenaic Stadium, and 
Tositsa and Stournara, who endowed Athens with its fine 
Polytechnic School, were natives of Metsovo. I pass over 
a long list of lesser patriotic gifts and endowments by Epi- 
rotes to Greece or for patriotic Greek aims. 

"That the Epirotes are not Albanians but Greeks is now 


admitted, not only by all who visit their land, but by the 
very same Great Powers that tore them from their natural 
mother a year ago. The very fact that the International 
Control Commission of Albania proposed and carried on 
the recent negotiations with the Epirote Revolutionary 
Government, which resulted in the Protocol of Corfu in 
May last, is practically an admission on the part of Europe 
that the Epirotes are not Albanians and that the decision 
to annex them to Albania was purely and simply an act of 
injustice and temerity which had to be revised. The subse- 
quent act of the Great Powers, in officially notifying the 
Greek Government that they had accepted and ratified the 
Corfu Protocol, was a distinct recognition of the special 
interest of Greece in N. Epirus; it is also noteworthy that 
in that notification the Powers style the population of the 
debated land 'Epirotes' and not as heretofore 'Southern 

"This tardy recognition of the true situation in N. 
Epirus is due solely to the self-sacrifice and devotion of 
the Epirotes themselves to their national aspirations — to 
the gallant and bloody resistance they offered in defence 
of their right to shape their own political destinies. That 
much suffering resulted to both sides in the course of this 
resistance was but natural. That excesses were committed 
by both sides in the heat of the conflict is a sad fact, but a 
fact that only dreamers and ignorant Utopians could be 
surprised at — a fact, in fine, whose counterpart is to be 
found in the history of every people and of every age. 
And I cannot but consider it as smacking of hypocrisy to 
raise an outcrj' against the Epirotes on this score, while 
ignoring the corresponding wrongs on the part of their 
enemies, the flagrant provocation in the shameless violation 
of their divine right to decide their own destinies, and last, 
but not least, the centuries of inherited passions which the 
blight of Turkish rule engendered and grafted upon the 
two kindred races which meet on the borders of Albania 
and Epirus. 


"Again I say, that the tales of Epirote 'atrocities' 
palmed off by Avlona refugees upon unsuspecting Eng- 
lishmen and Englishwomen must be heavily discounted, 
and that whatever residuum of truth may be found at the 
bottom of these reports (which are as yet unconfirmed by 
any reliable and impartial eye-witnesses) is due to the heat 
of conflict, to the memories of long-standing wrongs and 
to the just wrath of the Epirotes at being bartered like 
cattle. If anyone is to blame, it is chiefly and foremost the 
Great Powers of Europe, that deliberately sacrificed the 
rights of the Epirotes to their own selfish interests and 
jealousies, and to their fear of international complications. 
And it is, perhaps, a piece of Divine- retribution that those 
very complications have not been long in overtaking them." 


Communication to the "Daily Cheonicle" of April. 

7, 1914, BY Mr. Z. D. Ferriman, Author of "Home 

Life in Hellas" and "Turkey and the Turks" 

"Argyrocastro, March 27. 

" 'I am Secretary to the Minister of War/ said a young 
man in uniform. Another referred to M. Zographos as 
the Prime Minister. When I saw M. Karapanos, who has 
been designated as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, he said, 
'Call us an Executive Committee acting as a Provisional 
Government. We do not pretend to hold portfolios or 
aspire to Cabinet rank. I am deputed to take charge of 
our relations with the world outside because I have been 
15 years in the Diplomatic Service and am familiar with 
the work. No, I was not brought up in England; but it 
is the first tongue I learned to speak.' This, in replj' to a 
question prompted by his perfect command of English: 
'I am an Epirote born, and Deputy in the Greek Chamber 
for a division in Southern Epirus, which has long been 

"I remembered having lived in Constantinople close to 
a large high school called the Zographion, and I asked M, 
Zographos if the name had any relation to his family. 
'My father founded it,' he said. 'He was born in that 
village yonder,' and he pointed to a speck, twinkling 'like 
a grain of salt' high on the slope of the mountain which 
walls in the Drinos Valley eastward. Then I knew I was 
speaking to the son of Christaki Effendi Zographos, whose 
name is a household word in Constantinople. The Zogra- 
phion is one of many benefactions. Not a few men who 



have risen to distinction owe their studies in Europe to his 
generosity. I did not know before that he was an Epirote • 
but the fact explained to me why his son had taken up the 

The "Cabinet" of Epirus 

"Colonel Douhs, who has charge of the Military Depart- 
ment and commands the forces, was born at Nivitza, in the 
Chimara district. He went through both the J^Iacedonian 
and Epirus campaigns, was wounded at Bizani, and dis- 
tinguished himself by his bravery. The Metropolitan of 
Ai-gyrocastro, Vasilios, was born at Labano, a mountain 
.village a few miles north of this. He studied at the famous 
Theological College on the Isle of Halki, near Constan- 
tinople, was Professor at the Gymnasium of Serres, then 
at Adrianople, then Bishop of Daphnorissia, and success- 
ively Metropohtan of Paramythia, Avlona, and Argyro- 
castro, whither he came in 1909. He has charge of the 
Department of Religion and Justice. 

"The Metropolitan of Konitza, who has an intimate 
knowledge of the country and its inhabitants, has been 
appointed to the direction of Home Affairs. This is the 
composition of what the inhabitants of Argyrocastro de- 
light to consider the "Cabinet" of Epirus and a Govern- 
ment it undoubtedly is, for no other authority exists. 

We are nominally in the new principality of Albania, 
which extends to the Greek frontier, the nearest point of 
which is at Yorgotsatis, some 12 miles south. But, as a 
matter of fact, we are an autonomous State, bounded on 
the south by the Greek frontier, and on the north by an 
indeterminate limit extending as far as the mihtary zone, 
which includes posts at Leskoviko and Premeti. It runs 
down to the sea at Santi-Quaranta, where we are blockaded 
by the Greek fleet, and follows the coast as far north as 
Chimara. In an unpretentious house, with a shingle roof, 
reminding one of the Cotswolds, lives M. Zographos, and 
here what may be teimed Cabinet Councils are held. 


A little lower down the steep, narrow street is the resi- 
dence of the Metropolitan, and these together form the 
seat of Government. A youthful soldier mounts guard 
at the door. He is one of the boys from the senior class 
of the Gymnasium of Jannina. There are 80 of these 
youths here from various schools. They are distinguished 
by a gold band around the black skull cap which is the 
national Epirote headgear. There is little formality in 
the proceedings. The Council Chamber serves as a dining 

The Man of the Hour 

The man of the hour, M. Zographos, has a keen, kindly, 
countenance, and years have not dimmed the light in his 
dark eyes. Extremely simple in manner, he talks well 
and to the point. He speaks French like a Parisian, for 
he not only made his studies in Paris, but lived there many 
years. He was Minister for Foreign Affairs during the 
Ministry of M. Ralli, and Governor-General of Epirus 
after the war, but he does not profess to be a keen poli- 
tician. He is more interested in agrarian questions, in 
which he is deeply versed. The name of M. Karapanos 
was familiar to me through his father's excavations on 
the site of Dodona. The spoils from them were formerly 
housed in a private museum attached to M. Karapanos's 
residence at Athens, but he has since presented them to 
the National Museum. 

The English of M. Karapanos is as good as the French 
of M. Zographos. He has followed the diplomatic career, 
and we discovered we had lodged in the same house at 
Pera. Colonel Doulis, a plain, matter-of-fact soldier, I 
only saw for a few moments. He was off on a tour of in- 
spection. In Colonel Botsaris I discovered one of my 
fellow-passengers from Prevesa — he was in mufti then. 
He has retired from the Greek army, but has taken service 
for Epirus. A man of courteous, pleasant manners, he 
very kindly posted me up in the topography of the country. 


Another fellow-traveler I found in Count Romas, of 
Zante, who set me right as to a mistake I had made in the 
site of Chiarenza. Count Romas, although Paris was his 
university, also speaks English and has English family 
connections. Of stalwart build and impressive presence, 
his companions introduced him as Hercules. "A Hercu- 
les in weight," laughed the count. He went through both 
the Macedonian and Epirus campaigns. In the latter he 
commanded the Greek red- jackets, was at the taking of 
Rizani, and was wounded at Drisco. He is not a member 
of the Provisional Government, but he is engaged in rais- 
ing a regiment of franc-tireurs. He is a Deputy in the 
Greek Chamber, and has been its President several times. 

Not a Pleasant Picnic 

It is Lent, and the Metropolitan did not dine with us; 
but I saw him at his residence, a fine figure of a Greek 
ecclesiastic, with flowing beard, full of energy. He was 
pleased to know I had been at Serres, which he made his 
diaconate, and told how he had once buried an Englishman 
who died at Avlona, funeral rites having been refused by 
the Roman priest there, and how the family in England 
had sent him all sorts of presents ever since. We talked at 
table of various things — of the game in the neighborhood 
— bear, wild boar and deer — scarcely at all of the object 
which had brought us to this queer little town among the 

It is not a pleasant picnic for these cultured men of the 
world, all of them used to other surroundings. There is 
no doubt about their being in earnest. They have sacri- 
ficed time, money, and comfort, some of them a career. I 
spoke of the boys from the Jannina Gymnasium just now. 
I ought to have given place aux dames. About 30 girls 
of well-to-do families of Jannina formed a league, and the 
married ladies followed suit. They are making clothing 
for the soldiers and collecting funds. Miss Iphigenia 
Georgitsis, a very charming girl, whom I met at Jannina, 


is one of the leading spirits. They have made an appeal 
to the Epirote ladies settled at Athens with splendid re- 
sults. The Athenian Epirotes have already collected 
£4,000 besides much in kind. A hospital is being organ- 
ized here in a large private house. 

Two English ladies came here yesterday to superintend 
the nursing. The Chief of the Cominissariat tells me that 
finances are in a sound condition. The private donations 
are handsome, and the taxes are being regularly collected. 
Nobody can tell what is going to happen. The burning 
question of the moment is whether the Greek troops will 
evacuate the territoiy in three days' time, as they are sup- 
posed to do; and if they evacuate, will the Albanians 

The Present Situation 

Whilst I was talking today with M. Parmenides, who 
acts as chief of the Commissariat, news came that 47 new 
men had come to join the forces. M. Parmenides, who 
was formerly Greek Consul at Boston, Mass., and speaks 
English perfectly, distinguished himself during the war 
by his humane efforts to lighten the sufferings of the sol- 
diers exposed to the rigours of winter on those desolate 
heights. He is not an Epirote born, but knows the coun- 
try well. His home is in Corfu, but he knows England 
well, and his wife is English. He is temperate in express- 
ing his opinions, and they are worth listening to. I asked 
him what he thought would be the upshot of the present 
situation. He said that if the Greek Government with- 
drew its troops as it threatened to do "we should have to 
clear out the Mohammedans about here." There are some 
12,000 of them, and they have not been disarmed. We 
should give them fair warning, but they would have to go 
south into Greek territory. Certainly not north to join 
the Albanian hordes which might attack us from that 
direction. But it is my personal opinion that we shall 
most likely come to terms with Albania. 


"The academic friendship of England and France — 
Tvhat has it been worth? Look at that frontier line on the 
map. It turns suddenly southward at Yorgotsatis and 
joins the sea at Cape Pagalia, excluding a great district in- 
iabited by Greek-speaking people, including Delvino and 

"Is it not^ monstrous?" someone present interposed. 
"The Albanians have been granted for political ends a 
freedom which is theirs by no effort of their own. It is 
-doubtful whether they wanted it even; they only under- 
stand clanship. For the same nefarious ends they have 
been given jurisdiction over a people superior in civiliza- 
tion to themselves. Better to have remained under the 
Turks as we were for 400 years than this. Under them 
we had at least our schools and privileges." 

I asked ISI. Zographos, President of the Autonomous 
Northern Epil^ls in 1914, to give me his candid opinion 
of the settlement arrived at by the European powers. He 
replied at once, "Iniquitous! What was the use of a Com- 
mission whose decisions were guided by the claims of two 
of its members? I cannot understand what prompted 
Sir Edward Grey to propose that frontier. Was it merely 
to pacify Italy? Or did he think that Greece had more 
than enough territory? That would be all very well if it 
were in an African desert. But this is not a question of 
more or less land, but of nationality, of securing a decent 
existence to a people. 

"I am inclined to think that an ideal State would have 
the right to withdraw from the individual land which he 
neglected to cultivate, and the principle applies with 
greater force to a collection of individuals, call it a tribe or 
a nation. I maintain that the Albanian clans have not 
arrived at a degree of social evolution permitting them to 
form even a conception of a Constitutional State. They 
■ do not possess the qualities needful for creating and ad- 
ministering one, and I assert that the Greeks of Epirus do 
possess such qualities." 


Communication of the Honorable Pember Reeves, 

ex-Governor of New Zealand, to the "Daily 

Chronicle" of April 11, 1914 

"Sir, — The letters from your correspondent in Epirus 
should be extremely valuable, because in the vi^riter we have 
one who knows the history and nation and speaks the 
language of the country about which he writes. The 
peaceful, almost idyllic, picture of Southern Epirus which 
he sketches shows what life may be in a part of the Balkan 
peninsula where the Great Powers cease from troubling. 

"On the other hand, abundant testimony from many 
sources of the. state of affairs in Northern Epirus and in 
Albania proper shows into what plight the same Great 
Powers bring provinces of whose fate they make them- 
selves the arbiters, and where the agents of some of them 
are ever busy. In Northern Epirus the Provisional Gov- 
ernment set up by the inhabitants holds most of the West 
and the Center. The Northeast is mainly in the hands 
of Albanians, some supporting Prince WiUiam, some 
hoisting Turkish colors. Certain posts are still held by 
Greek troops, which Mr. Venizelos hesitates to withdraw. 
Their presence there hinders the Epirotes from expelling 
the Albanians from the Kaza of Korytsa, a contingency 
which the Greek Government, for diplomatic reasons, 
seems anxious to avoid. The telegraph to Korytza was cut 
a fortnight ago so all news from that quarter must be ac- 
cepted with reserve. There has been a certain amount of 
fighting, notably at Odritzani, where the Albanians, after 
trying a night attack on the Epirotes, were beaten with 
loss and left two machine. guns in the hands of the victors, 



There is no question of the ability of the Greek Epirotes 
to defend themselves against Albania. They are well 
armed and outnumber the drilled Albanian gendarmerie 
many times. 

"They are not asking for justice; that of course would 
be union with Greece. They ask for the guarantee of a 
tolerable existence. 

"The Great Powers are supposed to be deciding what 
they will do. Already certain European papers are 
clamoring that international forces be used in Epirus — 
in other words, that the Greek Epirotes should be shot 

"Before the 'Shoot 'em down!' policy is considered, much 
less adopted by the Great Powers, I would appeal to you 
and to your readers to scan these terms put forward by 
the unfortunate Epirotes. I would ask them to consider 
whether the demands are excessivCj coming as they do, from 
an educated, civilized. Christian people who, to please 
Italy, and Austria, and for no other reason, are being 
forced under the rule of Moslem savages, whose chief in- 
dustry is professional brigandage. It is usual to compare 
the case of the Epirotes with that of the Ulster Protestants, 
but the analog}', though by no means fanciful, is anything 
but exact. Nobody proposes, at the dictation of Austria 
and Italy — to expel the Ulster Protestants from the 
British Empire, or to put them under a foreign flag. 
Ulster has not been proclaimed a part of some savage 
countiy, say Morocco. No one has suggested that her 
people should call themselves Arabs or Abyssinians, that 
they should lose the protection of the British Army, or 
fleet, or be regarded as aliens by the British Parliament. 
They are not to be ruled by a German Prince or deprived 
of votes and Parliamentary institutions. The Irish Na- 
tionalists may have their faults, but they are civiHzed 
Christians. The roughest of them are not brutal bandits, 
whose hands during the past 18 months have been red with 
the blood of Ulster peasants. Mr. John Redmond has 


many critics, but his bitterest enemies have never likened 
him to Essad Pasha. I would invite you and any fair 
minded reader of yours interested in the matter to in- 
quire into Essad Pasha's record. When they have ascer- 
tained it they will, I am convinced, agree that in refusing 
to place themselves, their wives, children and property, 
under the despotic rule of such a person, the Epirotes are 
only striving for the primary rights of man. For Essad 
Pasha is just now the virtual ruler of Albania, in so far 
as Albania has a ruler at all. 

"W. P. Reeves." 


Communication of the Greek Ambassador at London, 

J. Gennadius, to the London "Times" of 

April 20, 1914 

The Greek Ambassador at London in a letter to the 
London Times, April 20th, 1914, wrote: 
"To the Editor of the Times: 

"Sir, — In your issue of the 14th inst., you published 
under the heading of 'Greek Responsibility for Epirus 
Rising,' a telegram received by the Hon. Aubrey Herbert, 
M.P., from an anonymous 'Protestant Albanian Mission- 
ary,' at Korytsa, containing the most sweeping allegations 
against the Greek Government and the Greek authorities. 
Similar allegations, equally reckless and unauthenticated, 
appeared in subsequent issues of The Times. 

"I am instructed by my Government to give a formal 
and unqualified contradiction to the suggestion that the 
Hellenic Government has in any way encouraged or as- 
sisted the revolutionary movement in Epirus. It has 
already been stated officially in the British Parliament that 
the Greek Government has carried out loyally the 
promises made by His Excellency M. Venizelos to the 
Powers; and this fact is admitted and freely recognized 
by the diplomatic representatives of the Powers in Athens. 
Not only this, but the Greek Government have taken steps, 
in respect to the Epirote rising much more severe than 
those promises entailed. As a consequence of these excep- 
tional and, in some instances, unprecedented measures, the 
relations between the Greek Government and M. Zo- 
graphos have been strained to the breaking point, to say 
nothing of the feeling aroused in Greece itself. 



"Moreover, His Majesty King Constantine, as Supreme 
Chief of the Army, has given the most stringent orders 
with a vievi^ to preventing desertions to the revolutionary 
forces; and although there have been individual cases of 
disobedience to these orders, their number is insignificant ; 
while the repeated attempts made by the revolutionists 
to seize guns and ammunition have been frustrated by the 
vigilance of the Greek authorities. 

"As regards the alleged massacres, the Greek Govern- 
ment has received no reliable information so far. It must, 
however, be kept in mind that a state of civil war exists 
in the territories in question, and that the excesses re- 
ported correspond exactly to the terrible sufferings which 
the Christians of Epirus endured for many generations at 
the hands of the Albanian Mussulmans. 

"Finally, the Greek Government deem it necessary to 
point out that the lamentable conditions which undoubtedly 
prevail in Southern Albania, and which thei-e is every rea- 
son to fear will rapidly grow worse, would have been 
obviated had the Powers entertained the suggestions made 
in the Greek Note of February 21 for the protection of 
the legitimate rights, interests and lives of the Christian 

"Relying on the traditional fairness and courtesy of The 
Times, I request you, Sir, to give to the entire text of this 
official and responsible communication the same prominent 
publicity which you accorded to the unverified, mostly 
anonymous and unfair statements, which we are con- 
strained to notice since they have appeared in your 

"I am. Sir, your obedient servant, 

"J. Gennadius. 

"14 De Vere Gardens, April 19th." 

Sea level 328 to 984 to 1640 to 3381 to 4921 ft. 

to 328 ft, 984 ft. 1640 ft. 3281 ft. 4921 ft. and over 

lUmiumd'a i x \l kUp ot luPlun Btmtn 

OopjTTghL 1016. by C B U»iDir>oiid k Co., N T. |j|^ ^ 


m was organized for the general 

enlightening iLoaerican public opinion on the 

spii'ations of the people of Northern Epirus to 

'united with tlseir mother country, Greece; and for 

particulai' purpose of encouraging and assistuag its 
Imbers to adapt themselves to the new social and 
political conditions in the midst of vf'ikh they irrt-.