Full text of "Memoirs of Thomas Papillon, of London, merchant. (1623-1702)"

See other formats

D/4
k37

CORNELL

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT
FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY

HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE

Cornell University Library
DA 437.P21P21

3 1924 027 986 789

DATE DUE

£^g?^^

iswir

pmm

"ieW&rm

ft^' 7^' ^^ ^P

FUll

aljf^'^^

i^^fi^dwmfs

GAYLORD

PRINTEOINU.S.A.

The original of tiiis book is in
the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.

http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924027986789

MEMOIRS OF THOMAS PAPILLON.

THOMAS PAPILLON,

Of London, Merchant, Sfc,
BORN 6th SEP., 1613, DIED 5th MAY, 1702.

MEMOIRS

THOMAS PAPILLON,

LONDON, MERCHANT.

(1623 — 1702).

A. F. W. PAPILLON,

A LINEAL DESCENDANT.

COMPILED CHIEFLY FROM AUTOGRAPH MANUSCRIPTS,
WITH FAMILY AND OTHER PORTRAITS, ETC.

Joseph J. Beecroft, Printer.
1887.

^xdntt

HE following Memoirs are compiled from
original documents, chiefly autograph MS.S.
of their subject, now in possession of Philip
Oxenden Papillon, of Crowhurst, Battle,
through the kindness of whom, and of his
late Father, the Compiler has had access to their
contents.

The varied virtues and failings of Thomas Papillon, of
London, form a picture worthy of study; his Huguenot
origin, his mercantile position, the times in which he
lived, and his unswerving trust in God, all lend their
colours to the scene.

Integrity, industry, energy, and piety were the leading
points of his character. As a merchant, he was active,
intelligent, and successful ; as a politician, sincere and
loyal ; as a financier, he was not in advance of his day ;
as a theologian, he was sound and earnest.

Though of foreign descent, he was a true Englishman.
Beginning life with small means, he rose to wealth
and eminence.

VI. PREFACE.

Living in an age when Civil Government was unsettled,
and Commerce still in its infancy, he took an active
part in both, though only as circumstances required.

While always ready to espouse the cause of Justice
and Liberty, he was ever loyal to his Sovereign, and
disposed to peace.

Though decided in his views, he was never a slave to
party.

Imbued from youth with strong religious feelings, he
had grace to maintain them through life. He was a
diligent student of God's Word, and wrote several sound
religious essays.

When called to suffer for his- support of Civil and
Civic rights, and finding exile necessary, he patiently
submitted, and rejoiced in his seclusibn, as affording time
for reflection. His most valuable papers are of this
period.

Restored to his native land, and to his place in
Parliament, he resolutely declined Civic honours, but
was persuaded by the King to accept office under
Government ; — still retaining his independence of views.

His dearest earthlj' enjoyment was that of the family
circle, and the records of his worthy consort form an
interesting feature of the Memoirs.

ItrttototrntT.

J EFORE entering on a record of the Life and Times
of Thomas Papillon, it may be well to glance at
his ancestry and their surroundings, as well as his
contemporaries still in France: for his family was
of French Protestant origin j and that involved a
good deal where the descendant followed suit.
The Reformation dawned on France before Luther had posted
his theses on the Church door of Wittenberg, and the truth was
eagerly embraced, especially by the educated classes ; but in no
country was the struggle between light and darkness so protracted
and so severe.

From its first appearance in 1512, the Reformation was
vehemently and virulently decried by the Papal Clergy : the
chief University, the Sorbonne, of Paris, declared against it :
the Courts of Law (Parlements) of Paris and the Provinces were
almost all against it; and Kings, Queens and Councillors of
State, jealous of infringement on their own power — and incited,
bribed, and pampered by Popes — ^joined with the Priests in
"Death to the Heretics!"

Notwithstanding all this, the Reformed increased in numbers
and influence, and violent persecutions ensued ; And on the
Massacre of Vassy, by the Duke de Guise, in 1562, reprisals
were made, and the flame of Civil and Religious War burst
over the land. This was the one fault and crime of the
Reformed, the attempt to support the spiritual by the temporal
sword; it wrought untold evils among them, and at last caused

viii. INTRODUCTION.

their -utter extinction. Before accepting the oflfice of martial
leader, the great and good Coligny would gladly have withheld
his hand and that of others ; but his pious Wife, they say, urged
him to go forward on behalf of his oppressed brethren in the
faith.

In the early days of the Reformation in France, Francis I.
was King; a man able in war, accomplished and liberal in
peace, but greedy of glory and reprobate in morals. His pious
sister. Marguerite d'Angouleme, was able to deter him frequently
from allowing the Reformed to be persecuted, but with a view
in the first instance to conquer the Milanese, and afterwards to
secure immunity from his breach of contract with Charles V.
of Spain, and to recover from him his hostage sons — he sold
himself to the Pope, and more and more abetted most cruel
persecutions of the Reformed.

He reigned thirty-two years, dying in 1547.
His son, Henri II., succeeded him, and married Catherine
de Medici; and at her coronation he caused four Lutherans to
be burnt; one of them had confuted him in controversy; so he
resolved to witness his sufferings at the stake. But from that
place of torment the conquering victim gazed on the King with
such calmness and courage that the latter could bear it no longer,

and vowed he would never again attend such a scene. But

he repented not!

The Reformed increased in numbers, and persecution increased.

In 1559, at the age of forty, and after twelve years' reign, Henri

II. died from the wound of a lance at a tournament; leaving a

son and heir only nine years old.

Then, for forty years, Catherine de Medici and the two brothers

Guise, Duke and Cardinal, ruled France for the Pope with a

rod of iron : and then occurred the Religious Wars, which

lasted thirty-five years, and cost France 2,000,000 of men, and

_;^i 25,000,000 of money, present value.

In 1597 the Edict of Nantes gave rest to the Reformed; but

in i5io its author, Henri IV., was assassinated, and from that

INTRODUCTION. IX

time forward they had an uneasy time of it. For nearly fifty
years the kingdom was ruled by the Ministers Richelieu and
Mazarin; both of them bent on strengthening the power of the
Crown, and of weakening that of the Nobles, and of all others
that might thwart them : and as the Reformed possessed certain
political privileges (as well as some amount of Religious liberty),
to the wall they must go. After a long siege, Richelieu took
their chief stronghold, Rochelle — the English in vain appearing
for its relief.

Persecutions from time to time were not lacking.

Under such circumstances Louis XIV. ascended the throne,
about the time of the Restoration of Charles II. of England.
Both Sovereigns were alike evil in their lives; but Louis was
active, enterprising, politic, and powerful — the absolute king of
a large, warlike, and wealthy people. As regards his treatment
of the Reformed, suffice it to say that he began by forbidding
the assembly of their Synods, and ended in driving them out
of France by fire and sword. As to Charles, he was kind-
hearted and generous, but indolent and easy, and little disposed
to maintain his own rights or those of his Country.

Their mutual relationships will appear in the sequel.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PORTRAIT OF PAPiLLON . . . Frontispiece

PAGE

DAVID PAPILLON AND A. M. PAPILLON HIS

SECOND WIFE {nk CALANDRINl) ... I

PAPILLON HALL 7

SIR JOSIAH CHILD . . . . . -75

ACRISE PLACE, KENT 97

PHOTOGRAPH OF REPORT OF ADVENTURERS . Il8

ALDERMAN CORNISH 250

JANE PAPILLON («^tf BROADNAx) . . . 385

^antmts.

CHAPTER I. pp. 1—32.

LINEAGE — EDUCATION — APPRENTICESHIP AND EARLY LIFE.

David, Father of Thomas Papillon, brought to England in 1588,
when a boy; becomes an Architect and Military Engineer;
Marries, first, Marie Castol; secondly Anne Marie Calan-
drini, grand-daughter of Guilliano Calandrini, refugee from
Lucca, cir. 1560. David Papillon's Father, Thomas, Captain
of the Guard and Valet de Chambre to Henri IV.; his
eldest Son, Avocat au Parlement de Paris, and author of
various legal works. The Father of Thomas Papillon, Valet
de Chambre, a victim of the Massacre in Paris on St.
Bartholomew's day. Almaque Papillon, friend of Clement
Marot, and Valet de Chambre to Frangois I. Antoine
Papillon, friend of Aimet Maigret and Erasmus. Brothers
and Sister of Thomas Papillon, of London.

Early life of Thomas Papillon — Apprenticed to Thomas
Chambrelan, of London, Merchant, and to the Mercers'
Company — Begins business on his own account — Offer of
prospective Partnership with his Master — Troubles between
the Commonwealth Army, the Parliament, and the City —
Joins in an eifort to restore to power Charles I. and is
obliged in consequence to flee to France — Goes thither with
his cousin and friend, Michael Godfrey — Account of their
journey and stay at Rouen and Paris — Papillon returns to
London — His arrest and committal to Newgate — his release
— Anecdotes of Papillon and Michael Godfrey — Mention of

Xll. THOMAS PAPILLON.

Michael Godfrey, Jun., who aided William Paterson in
founding the Bank of England.

David Papillon, of Paris, Son of Thomas, the Avocat— his
imprisonment at Avranches, Normandy — is sent to England
in 1688— joins Thomas Papillon, his first cousin, in Holland
— Returns to England with him in 1689 — His letters to his
uncle David, and his cousin Thomas.

CHAPTER II. pp. 33—47-

MARRIAGE AND FAMILY.

Jane Broadnax — Courtship difficulties — I/etter from Papillon to
his Parents — is wilUng to abide the will of God, and their
consent — Letters from the Mother of Jane Broadnax to
Papillon's Parents, discouraging the match, but expressing
great regard for the suitor — Replies of Papillon's Father —
Marriage — Mutual affection and regard — Character of Jane
Papillon, as drawn by Rev. John Shower in his dedication of
her' Funeral Sermon— Children — Genealogical Table.

CHAPTER III. pp. 48—54.

DISPUTES IN THE FRENCH CHURCH IN LONDON.

M. Stoupe complains of M. Delm^ — the Consistory admonish the
latter — and he replies offensively — the Consistory reprove
him — he appeals to Cromwell to summon a Collogue —
Cromwell does so, and further appoints a Committee to
consider the matter — the Collogue remonstrate against this
invasion of their rights — Thomas Papillon and John Dubois
deputed by the Church to assert them — A Committee of
Ministers appointed by the Seven French Churches in
England — and a satisfactory Settlement effected.

The case of Mr. James Fell, educated at Dieppe, and
elected to a Cure of the Church in London.

CONTENTS. XUl.

CHAPTER IV. pp. 55—59-

DISPUTES WITH THE CUSTOMS AND EXCISE OFFICERS; AND
GENERAL OBJECTIONS TO EXCISE DUTIES ON FOREIGN GOODS

IMPORTED.

In 1653 Papillon prepares a Case opposing demand by Customs
for an Export duty on Lead — Counsel confirms his view —
and the Council of State concurs— In 1668 he disputes the
right of the Customs and Excise Commissioners to charge
duty on Brandy as on "Strong Waters perfectly made" — the
Excise Commissioners order payment of the duty demanded,
though the Customs have seized the goods — the matter is
referred to the Law Courts and opposite judgments obtained
— order of the King in Council for an amicable settlement
by the Judges — result in favour of Papillon and Colleagues
— Sneering remarks of Pepys on Papillon's suit— Arguments
of Papillon against Excise import duties.

CHAPTER V. pp. 60— 74.

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF TRADE ON THE GRIEVANCES OF THE
EASTLAND COMPANY RELATIVE TO THE NORWAY TIMBER TRADE,

ETC. REASONS AGAINST FURTHER SUSPENSION OF THE NAVIGATION

ACT, AND COUNSEL TO PERMIT THE PURCHASE OF SIXTY FOREIGN

TIMBER SHIPS MR. PAPILLON's AND MR. CHILd's EVIDENCE

BEFORE A COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS, RELATIVE TO THE
ALLEGED DECAY OF TRADE.

Reasons adduced by Papillon for not renewing the Suspension of
Navigation Act — probable objections, with replies — On the
Norway Timber Tirade — Papillon and others of the Council
of Trade state their views on the alleged decay of Trade —
Opinion of Mr. Child, and suggestions; a reduction of the
legal rate of interest recommended and adopted.

XIV. THOMAS PAPILLON.

CHAPTER VI. pp. 75—96.

THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.

Sketch of the origin and progress of the Company — Papillon
joins it in 1657 — is. Director for several years, and twice
Deputy-Governor — is excluded from Directorate in 1676,
together with Mr. Child, by desire of the King — In 1681
favours a change in the Constitution of the Company — In
1689 joins the New Company since formed — and prepares
Articles of Constitution for it — Extract from Macaulay
describing the contest of the two Companies — and stoppage
in the Thames, by Admiralty order, of the Ship "£edbridge,"
belonging to Gilbert Heathcote and others — The House
of Commons takes up the case — Papillon Chairman of
Committee of the whole House on it — Renewed conflict of
the two Companies — Establishment by Law of the New
Company — Papillon earnestly desires an accommodation —
his letter on it to Sir Josiah Child — Sir Josiah Child's reply
— very characteristic — Anonymous Letter on Papillon's
connection with the two Companies — In 1665 Papillon
remonstrates with an Alderman's wife on her having traduced
him in relation to her nephew, who had been discharged by
the Company — Papillon attends the Breda Treaty Con-
ference in 1667, as one of a Deputation from the Company.

CHAPTER VII. pp. 97—119.

PURCHASE OF ACRISE PLACE, KENT — BECOMES A CONTRACTOR FOR
VICTUALLING THE ROYAL NAVY — AN AUDITOR OF THE CITY OF
LONDON ACCOUNTS — AND TREASURER TO THE ADVENTURERS FOR
EMPLOYING POOR FRENCH PROTESTANTS IN LINEN MANUFACTURE.

CONTENTS. XV.

Papillon's desire that his Son should take good care of the
property after his decease — In 1682 he holds a small Estate
in Ireland — Legal hindrance to Sale of Estate of the
Marquis of Antrim— Letter from Papillon to Dean Tillotson
on behalf of the Rector of Acrise— Letter to the latter
respecting his absence from public worship — Rev. J. Lewis,
subsequent Rector, relative to Papillon's criticisms of his
doctrine — Papillon's reply — Papillon's care for the suitable
marriage of his Son — Death of his Son's Wife, nk Anne
Jolliffe — Papillon builds a vault in Acrise Church— its
successive occupants, &c. — Acrise Place passes into the
hands of the Mackinnon family — Ancestral tablet in the
Church.

Papillon appointed a Member of the Council of the City
of London — and one of the Auditors— his efforts in favour
of order and economy — Also appointed Treasurer of the
"Adventurers for employing poor French Protestants at
Ipswich in the Manufacture of Linen" — List of the
Adventurers — Report of the first general Meeting, on 26th
March, 1683 — thanks to Papillon for his care as Treasurer,
and request to retain office for another year, when Mr.
Carbonnel consents to relieve him.

Photograph of Report of Meeting, bearing Signatures of
some of the more eminent of the Adventurers.

CHAPTER VIII. pp. 120—175.

ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT, AND CAREER AS MEMBER.

Political condition of Dover, temp. Charles II. — Enforcement
of Conventicle Act — Attempt to suppress due Election
of Mayor — Vacancy in the Representation of Dover in
Parliament — Sir Edward Sprague and Thomas Papillon
Candidates — action of Mayor and Town Council in favour
of Sprague, who is returned by the Mayor — but Papillon
petitions — and the House of Commons decides in his favour
— Death meanwhile of Sir Edward Sprague — Re-election of
Papillon in 1679— Origin of the privileges of the Cinque

XVI. THOMAS PAPILLON.

Ports — attempts to infringe on their popular rights —
Condition of Politics in general on Papillon's Election — He
opposes the Government on a Grant for the Navy, 1679 —
He demands further information as to Treaties, before
voting supplies, 1678 — He opposes the imposition of Passes
from the Admiralty to ensure the protection of Merchant-
men, 1676 — He strongly opposes the renewal of Act pro-
hibiting the importation into England of Cattle and other
Farm produce from Ireland, 1672 — Speech of Papillon on
his re-election— Address to the Electors — Election Expenses.
Conditions of the New Parliament — The Popish Plot —
Charge against Williamson, Secretary of State, for granting
Commissions in the Army to Roman Catholics — Papillon
joins in vote for committing him to the Tower — Petitioners
and Abhorrers — Sir Francis Wythens expelled the House for
promoting an Abhorring Protest in the Grand Jury of
Westminster — Papillon supports the step — He presents a
petition to the Lord Mayor in favour of frequent assembly of
Parliament, &c. — Expulsion from the House of Sir Robert
Peyton — Papillon refuses to support it — Unjust apprehension
of Peter Norris — Papillon inveighs against it — General
remarks on Papillon's conduct in the Parliament of
Charles H.

CHAPTER IX. pp. 176—197.

STRICTURES ON THE CORPORATION OF DOVER — SURRENDER OF ITS
CHARTER — AND GRANT OF A NEW ONE.

Test and Corporation Act of 1661 dormant till 1680 — Orders
then sent to Dover to purge Corporation — resulting in
deposition of two Jurats and twenty-six Common Council-
men — Papillon advises Mayor to cause vacant seats to be
refilled without delay — Mayor requests Papillon's interest
with Secretary of State — Several Jurats object to assertion of
Corporate rights versus the Government — Secretary of State
defers final decision — Papillon again urges on Mayor the
prompt completion of Corporation — many oppose this

CONTENTS. XVll.

counsel — hesitation on part of Mayor — Secretary of State
reports that Lieutenant-Governor of Dover Castle objects to
the Mayor's return as false — and opposes progress — Papillon
demands copy of objections — Partial re-election of Town
Council, with Names of those elected — Course of events in
the general surrender of Charters — Surrender of Dover
Charter — and thanks for a new one — Names of new
Members of Council — their eviction by King James, in 1688
— and restoration of old Members — Sketch of the life of Sir
Lionel Jenkins, Secretary of State during course of above
proceedings.

CHAPTER X. pp. 198—202.

ACQUITTAL OF THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY BY THE GRAND JURY OF
THE CITY OF LONDON.

Circumstances leading to the arrest of Lord Shaftesbury— The
character of the Witnesses against him— The Grand Jury —
The Judge's Charge — Demurs on the part of the Jury—
Finding — Incidental remarks by Papillon on the printed
report of the case — and of his own part in the matter.

CHAPTER XI. pp. 203—250.

ELECTION OF SHERIFFS FOR THE CITY OF LONDON — ARREST OF
THE LORD MAYOR — PROSECUTION OF PAPILLON.

Origin and course of the Conflict between Court and Country
Parties in the City, 1680 to 1682 — Election of a Court Party
Mayor obtained in 1681 — Conversation of Papillon with
Lord Mayor in April, 1682, relative to approaching Election
of Sheriffs — Roger North on the situation — Dudley North's
previous career and character — The Court resolves on the
Election of Dudley North as Sheriff — the Freemen of the
City on that of Papillon and Dubois — The Lord Mayor
nominates North — the Common Hall reject his Nomination

XVlll. THOMAS PAPILLON.

— Legal Opinions on the case — Adjournment of the Hall
ignored by the Sheriffs, who proceed with the Poll — they are
committed to the Tower— The King in Council requires a
new Election — two Polls with opposite results — The Lord
Mayor declares in favour of North and Box as the new
Sheriffs— Box fines off— A new Hall— Attendance and action
of Train Bands in Guildhall— The Lord Mayor's assumed
indignation at conduct of Country Party — Sir John
Lawrence and Sir Robert Clayton deny his charges —
Papillon and Dubois present a declaration claiming to be
sworn in — The Lord Mayor refuses to receive it, or to attend
to the remonstrances of Aldermen — Proceedings at Law —
the Lord Mayor refuses to give an appearance — he is
arrested at the instance of Papillon and Dubois — He
summons Papillon before the Court of Aldermen, to account
for his conduct — Papillon is much abused by some of the
Court — he calmly defends the course taken — Prosecution
and conviction of the two Ex-Sheriffs — real object of their
trial — In consequence of the result, Papillon and Dubois
withdraw their suit against the Lord Mayor — "Quo
Warranto" against the City's Charter — Rye House Plot —
Song on the loss of the Charter — Sir William Pritchard, the
Lord Mayor, sues Papillon for false and malicious arrest,
and obtains a verdict for ;^io,ooo — Papillon retires to
Holland — Efforts of relatives and friends to obtain his
release from the Judgment — he refuses to compromise his
course of action — On change of Politics in Court of James
II., 1688, Sir William Pritchard gladly releases Papillon.

CHAPTER XIL pp. 251—347.

EXILE.

CONTENTS. XIX.

on accession of James II. — He leads a retired life —
Arrangements for his Wife and others to join him — Pious
reflections on his Exile — and on his previous course of life
— Writes a Treatise on the Sanctity of the Sabbath, at the
request of Mr. Paul D'Aranda, of Amsterdam — Striking
instance of his own regard for it — His systematic perusal of
the Bible— Christian Address to his Children at Utrecht,
August, 1686 — Confession of Sins, September, 1688 —
Letters to a fellow Exile, probably Sir Patience Ward, from
July to November, 1688 — their strong religious tone,
mingled with patriotism.

CHAPTER XIII. pp. 348—376.

RETURN FROM EXILE— ATTENDANT ENGAGEMENTS.

Success in England of the Prince of Orange, 1688 — Papillon
presents to the Princess an Address of Congratulation— He
writes to the Mayor and others at Dover, again offering
himself as Member of Parliament for the Borough — His
Election — He warmly supports the Government — He is
pressed by the lyord Mayor and Aldermen of London to
take his seat among them, but he begs to be excused — He is
required by the King to accept the post of Commissioner
for Victualling the Navy — and reluctantly does so —
Disorganized state of the Department — and War with France
— Success of the New Commissioners notwithstanding
•difficulties — Interview of the Commissioners with the King
and the Lords of the Treasury, November, 1694 —
Reflections in Parliament on Victualling of Navy refuted —
Papillon reads before the King a statement of the depressed
•condition of the Department, with proposed remedies,
November, 1696 — Papillon petitions for release from Office,
.September, 1692, and November, 1694; and again in 1697-
•8-9 — Closing reflections on his career — His views on
Political and Religious Parties.

XX. THOMAS PAPILLON.

CHAPTER XIV. pp. 377—383-

ILLNESS DEATH — BURIAL WILL.

Journal of severe illness at Acrise, from 30th January to loth
March, 1701, expressive of his sufferings, feelings, 8ic. —
Death in London on 5th May, 1702 — Burial at Acrise —
Concourse to meet the funeral cortige at Boughton Hill,
near Sittingbourne, and another on Barham Downs — Will —
various bequests — to Christ's Hospital; to the Mercers'
Company; to the Poor of St. Katherine Coleman, Fenchurch
Street ; to the Poor of the French Church in London ; and to
his Servants — Papillon's systematic benevolence — Legacy to
Corporation of Dover for Apprenticing Sons of Freemen — In
1703 the Mercers' Company place a portrait of Papillon in
their Hall — Epitaph by Mr. Justice George Hardinge, cir.
1806.

APPENDIX. pp. 385—421.

SELECTION FROM LETTERS OF JANE PAPILLON — 1667-8.

Selection of Letters of Jane Papillon — with some from her
daughter Elizabeth Papillon, afterwards wife of Edward
Ward, Esq., eventually Chief Baron of the Court of
Exchequer; and one from A. M. Papillon, her Mother-in-law
— Narrative of Pompeo Deodati.

INDEX. pp. 423 — 442,

« " "

h Cai
BORN
DIED

S i?t

^ 2"

I -v, p, K
C < <

S3 Q

CHAPTER I.

LINEAGE— EDUCATION — APPRENTICESHIP AND
EARLY LIFE.

David, father of Thomas Papillon, brought to England in 1588, when a boy;
becomes an Architect and Military Engineer; Marries, first, Marie Castol;
secondly, Anne Marie Calandrini, grand-daughter of Guilliano Calandrini,
refugee from Lucca cir. 1560. David Papillon's father, Thomas, Captain
of the Guard and Valet de Chambre to Henri IV. ; his eldest son, Avocat
au Parlement de Paris, and author of various legal works. The father of
Thomas Papillon, Valet de Chambre, a victim of the Massacre in Paris
on St. Bartholomew's Day. Almaque Papillon, friend of Clement Marot,
and Valet de Chambre to Fran9ois I. Antoine Papillon, friend of Maigret
and Erasmus. Brothers and sister of Thomas Papillon, of London.

Early life of Thomas Papillon —Apprenticed to Thomas Chambrelan,
of London, Merchant, and to the Mercers' Company — Begins business
on his own account — Offer of prospective Partnership with his Master
— Troubles between the Commonwealth Army, the Parliament, and
the City — Joins in an effort to restore to power Charles I , and is obliged
in consequence to flee to France — Goes thither with his cousin and
friend, Michael Godfrey — Account of their journey and stay at Rouen
and Paris — Papillon returns to London — His arrest and Committal to
Newgate — his release — Anecdotes of Papillon and Michael Godfrey-
Mention of Michael Godfrey, jun., who aided William Paterson in
founding the Bank of England.

David Papillon, of Paris, son of Thomas, the Avocat — his imprisonment
at Avranches, Normandy — is sent to England in 1688 — joins Thomas
Papillon, his first cousin, in Holland — Returns to England with him in
1689 — His letters to his uncle David, and his cousin Thomas.

HOMAS PAPILLON was descended from an
old French family, originally of Tours, but
settled at Dijon in 1321.

His father, David Papillon, born on 14th
April, 1 581, was brought to England by his
mother (Jeane Vieue de la Pierre), in 1588,
when only seven years old. The vessel which brought
them was wrecked on the coast of Kent, near Hythe; the
mother was drowned, but the three children whom she

2 THOMAS PAPILLON.

brought — presumably Anne and Esther and himself— were
saved. David became a military engineer and architect,
built houses in the city and suburbs of London, and
became a deacon of the French Church in London. On
the 14th May, 1594, Anne and Esther were married in
London, respectively to David Chambrelan, of Rouen,
and to Abraham Chambrelan. Numerous French refugee
families were then settled in London, as also in South-
ampton, Canterbury, Norwich, and other towns in England ;
and, doubtless, David Papillon and his sisters found a
home among relatives. Their father was still in France,
and a man of considerable means.

Of this family, Anne was born on 28th December,
1573, and Esther on 29th February, 1576; then Thomas,
on 1 2th July, 1578, of whom more presently; and, after,
David, Elizabeth (date of birth not given), married to
Monsieur Breton, of Havre de Grace ; and Peter (date
of birth not given), married to Susanna, daughter of
John Hersent, of Southampton, died childless. He was
brought up by his brother David, and became a French
silk-merchant, whether in France or England does not
appear. He is said to have "dyed for dying crimson
in grain."

David was enthusiastic in his profession of military
engineer, and, in 1646, he fortified Gloucester for the
Parliament. He seems to have been in advance of his
time in the advocacy of detached forts on commanding
positions ; and he clearly had confidence in his views,
as shown by the following extract from a work on
"Fortification," which he had published in 1645, and
which is still extant : —

"The Art of Fortification was invented to preserve men's
habitations, and the suburbs of corporations, and not to burn

THE ART OF FORTIFICATION. 3

or pull them down, as many of our engineers have done in these
days, to their shame and guilt of conscience. For if an engineer,
to comply with those in authority, or with the self-conceited men
of a garrison, assent to pull down suburbs or small hamlets that
are joined to their corporations, except they are suddenly in
danger of a siege, it argues that he is either unskilful in his pro-
fession or void of all Christian charity and natural humanities;
for by the experience of his art, or alteration of his method of
fortification, he may preserve these suburbs or hamlets to the
great advantage of the town, or of another fortification, and so
dispose of his works that he may secure them. And yet the
Corporation shall rather need fewer men to man their works than
it would require when these hamlets are pulled down. This hath
been the case at Leicester; for, had they not rejected a good
counsel, they might assuredly have been preserved by a larger
line of communication than there was by half a mile ; for this
line might have been defended with 300 men less than that they
made, for the which they were enforced to pull down many
honest men's houses, and draw a true imputation of inhumanity
upon themselves. What greater inhumanity could these poor
souls expect from their cruel enemies, than to see their houses
burned or pulled down ? And by this instance you may see how
dangerous it is for Committees and Governors to be led away
by the chat and ridiculous reasons of ignorant and self-conceited
men, that make no conscience what mischief they do to others,
so they secure themselves as they suppose ; for it is often rather a
supposition than a true security or preservation, because it falls
out oftentimes that if these hamlets or suburbs be fortified they
serve as bulwarks for the preservation of their town; and so, by
pulling down of them they advance their own ruin to save some
small charges, nay, they often increase them by pulling them
down. For instance, it is supposed by the judgment of such men
as aforementioned, that Cotton End, a small hamlet adjoining
to the South Ridge of Northampton, is to be pulled down if
threatened of a siege, to make the circumference of their works
the less, and to secure their bridge. But I will maintain that
if Nature itself, and the art of man had plotted together to place
a commodious seat to serve as a bulwark, not only to the South

B 2

4 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Ridge but to the whole town, they could not have found out
a better than that part of Cotton End is. For being fortified
as it ought to be, it will make that side impregnable; and this end
might have been fortified and secured at the first with smaller
charges and a shorter line of circumference than that which they
have made, by which it is exposed to the enemy's mercy; and
yet their works are by it of less validity.

"And although this conceit is backed with the assent of a
learned divine, yet I will judge charitably of his assent, as being
in judgment so possessed, this being out of his element; yet
wisdom should induce him to rely more on the judgment of an
artist than upon his own, and specially when it is bent on the
safest and most charitable course.

"And this counsel I give them, to fortify only the said End,
according to the model inserted in the 23rd Plate. Now they
may do it, and will be worthy of thanks if they embrace it;
but if they do not, if ever they be besieged, it will produce an
after-wish, as those of Leicester did, when it was too late; O
that we had followed such an advice and counsel ! And so much
for the discharge of a good conscience."

He wrote to the Defence Committee of Northampton to
the same effect.

His career was varied. In 161 1, when 30 years old, he
married Marie Castol, native of London, and daughter of
Johan Castol, minister, deceased — doubtless the Pastor
of the French Church in London who replied to the
Archbishop of Canterbury when the latter by direction of
Queen Elizabeth appealed to the foreign Churches in
England to aid her Majesty in sending money to Henri
IV of France, who was fighting on behalf of Protestantism,
saying: —

"Those who are well off have already done all they can to
help the King, and the poor who can bear arms have gone to
join his army, leaving their wives and children to be supported
by the Church; while those who remain in England, exhausted

THE CALANDRINI. 5

as they are by frequent losses, and 'suffering from a war so often
renewed, are scarcely able to maintain a miserable existence." *

By this marriage David Papillon had one son and one
daughter; the former, named Thomas, died in childhood;
the latter, named Mary, married Peter Fontaine, of Caen,
Normandy, and had twelve children, who were all born at
either Greenwich or London, except one, Abraham, who
was born at Caen. Only one son attained his majority,
and he died unmarried.

This Marie Papillon, nie Castol, died on 3rd May, 1614,
and was buried in Blackfriars Church, London.

On the 4th July, 1615, David Papillon again married,
his second wife being Annie Marie Calandrini, of a
distinguished Italian family, whose grandfather, Guilliano
Calandrini, with his brother Benedetto and their friends
and fellow-citizens, Burlamachi, Balbani, Deodati, and
others fled from Lucca between 1557 and 1567, leaving
behind them large estates and high positions; but being
obnoxious to the Papacy from their adoption of the
Reformed faith, they willingly sacrificed all. f

They first repaired to Lyons, where Guilliano Calandrini
had already set up as a merchant. From Lyons they went
to Paris, but the wars of the Catholic League and the
Huguenots again breaking out, they fled with Prince
Cond^ and his army after the battle of St. Denis, and
before long they were hospitably received at the ChS,teau
de Montargis, by Rert^e, Dowager Duchess of Ferrara, a
member of the royal family of France, — a true Protestant,
and a very kind-hearted woman.

A truce being made, they returned to Paris, seven miles
from which, the two— Calandrini and Deodati — occupied
the Chateau de Lurarches, — but the massacre of St.

•J. S. Bum's "History of Foreign Protestant Churches;" 8vo. Longmans, 1846.
1* See original Narrative at the end of the Appendix,

O THOMAS PAPILLON.

Bartholomew's Day occurring, they were thankful to
escape with their lives, and fled with the Duchess of
Bouillon, whom they met on the road, to her husband's
castle and territory of Sedan. Thence they dispersed,
some to Geneva, some to Holland, and some eventually to
London. Guilliano Calandrini died at Sedan; and the two
last known of his family died at Geneva not many years
ago, highly respected to the end.

It is worthy of note, that, at the massacre in Paris, the
three children of Michael Burlamachi were protected for
the time in the house of the Duke of Guise, leader of the
League, and of the massacre. As regards the conversion
of those who fled from Lucca, the eldest and natural son of
Guilliano Calandrini, named Scipione, was brought to a
knowledge of the truth by a domestic tutor, a disciple of
Aonio Paleario, and was afterwards more fully instructed
in it by Peter Martyr Vermiglio at Zurich, and again by
Calvin, Piet, Viret, and Beza at Geneva.

Nicholas Deodati was led to embrace "the Religion" by
the preaching at Lucca of Peter Martyr, while the latter
was still in the Romish Church, and prior of the Monastery
of St. Ferdiano; and his wife, Isabella, n^e Arnolfini, who
afterwards became the second wife of Guilliano Calandrini,
through an Augustine friar, to whom she went for
confession.

Anne Marie Calandrini was a truly pious woman, and
while retaining some of her native fire, she was ever kind
to her dependents and anxious for the spiritual walk and
welfare of her children.

David Papillon and his wife lived at various places — St.
Giles, Islington, Putney (Roehampton House), Northamp-
ton, Finsbury, and at Lubenham, Leicestershire, at which
latter place he acquired a small estate, and built a house of
an octagonal form, and suited for defence ; a description and

IPapillon Pall.

Description of Papillon Hall, taken from Nichols' History of
Leicestershire, Vol. II., page 708; 1798; whenxe also the
above Sketch: —

"It is very singular in its structure, and is thought to have been built
with a view to defence. The shape is an octagon, and formerly it had only
one entrance, and very strong work in the windows.

"The rooms were so curiously planned thai each had a communication
with the next, so that a person could go through them all without returning
by the same door. The slated part of the roof is in the form of a cross,
with leaded spaces in the intervals, whence there is «. pleasant view of the
neighbourhood, as the house stands on high ground. Not long ago it was
surrounded by a Moat. The whole plan of the ground floor was altered
by the late owner, and the windows sashed."

The House and Property are now owned by Charles W. Walker, Esq,

DAVID PAPILLON. f

sketch taken from "Nicholl's History of Leicestershire," is
annexed. It is still called Papillon Hall.

In 1629, by direction of the Earl of Dorchester, Minister
of State, David Papillon went to Holland in company
with Philippo Burlamachi (dealer in precious stones, and
brother-in-law of his wife), to redeem and sell the King's
jewels ; his commission of two per cent, amounted to ;^272.

From 1642 to 1646 he was treasurer of Leicestershire.

In 163 s he had translated into French three works of
the Puritan divine, Bolton; one of them being "Comfort
to the Afflicted " ; and by his will, executed the same year,
he bequeathed ;^SO for their publication, provided they
should be deemed worthy of it by his brother-in-law, Caesar
Calandrini, Minister of the Flemish Church in London,
and by two French ministers at Geneva. Whether they
were ever sent to press, does not appear.

In 164s, as already mentioned, he published his work
on "Fortification," and in 1651 that on "The Vanity of
the Lives and Passions of Men," which is still extant.
It evinces considerable knowledge of history — scriptural,
ancient, and modern, but its style is rather abstruse.

In 1647-8 he prepared, in M.S., a work entitled,
"Several Political and Military Observations." From a
M.S. abstract, we find that it treated of the virtues and
vices, and the various causes of failure, of different forms
of Government; his views being supported by numerous
cases in ancient and modern history, the tendency of his
arguments favouring moderation in any existing form of
Government, rather than a radical change. In Chapter I.,
on " Order and Obedience," he observes that

"No Government can subsist without them, either in Church,
State, or Army; and from the want of them proceed all the
distractions of England now prevailing, every one doing as
seemeth good in his own eyes; the peasant will pay no tithe,

O THOMAS PAPILLON.

the artificer gets into the pulpit, and the soldier turns law-maker.
It's high time that Severus' law should be revived — that no one
should meddle with another's profession."

In Chapter VI., on "Just and absolute Monarchy," he
remarks that this is the best of the three simple forms —
(Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy), and most like
the Divine and paternal, but God is perfection itself,
and the ambition of a Father and a prince differ. The
best was the Roman, yet all had their failings ; and a
well-composed Monarchy, with the three estates of France,
or the Parliament of England, is to be preferred.

In Chapter XII., on the "Monarchy of England," he
remarks that it is one of the best Governments in
Christendom : —

"Though some of its Sovereigns, in imitation of the French
kings, would have reduced it to an absolute Monarchy, but for
the courage and resolution of Parliament.

In Chapter XXXVI., which is the last, he considers that

"The settling of the worship of God should have the pre-
cedence of all other matters. All foundations except that will
prove sandy."

The father of David Papillon was Thomas, Captain of
the Guard and Valet de Chambre to Henri IV. of France,
whom he tried in vain to deter from joining the Church
of Rome. He died in Paris in 1608. His eldest son
also named Thomas, elder brother of David, who was
born in 1578, and died about 1637, was a famous juris-
consult and Avocat au Parlement de Paris. He wrote
several treatises on Roman law — " De Jure accrescendi
Ltbellusl' "De Directis Hceredum Substiiutionibus," and
"Commentarii" published at Paris in 1613, 1616, and
1624 respectively.

ST. BARTHOLOMEW.

The father of Thomas, Captain of the Guard, was a
victim of the massacre in Paris on 24th August, 1572, that
memorable anniversary of St. Bartholomew's Day. It
does not appear that he was attached to the Court of
Henri IV. ; but as the gathering of Reformers at Paris on
the occasion was chieiiy in honour of the King's marriage,
it seems probable that he was in his suite.

His grandson, David, owned a picture representing him
and other gentlemen on the occasion, attacked by men
armed with swords, themselves using the chairs of the
room for defence. This agrees well with the account given
by Le Tigre in "Le Tocsain contre les Auteurs du Massacre
de France^' to be found in "Les Archives Curienses" by L.
Cimber et F. Danjou: Paris, 1832-40; telling how the
favourite attendants of Henri were first inveigled into his
hotel, there seized by soldiers of the Royal Guard, and
then led forth to slaughter.

Beyond this victim of the Massacre, the trace of lineage
is defective; but family tradition carries it back to
Almaque Papillon, of Dijon, with whom Philibert Papillon,
in his "Histoire des Auteurs de Bourgoynel' Dijon, 1742,
connects the famous jurisconsult, Thomas Papillon, already
mentioned, whose portrait is still in the family.

Almaque Papillon was born in 1487, and died in 1559;
he was an intimate friend of the poet, Clement Marot,
who, with Beza, composed the metrical version of the
Psalms, which was set to music by Claude Goudinel, and
had much influence in promoting the Reformation in
France.*

At Papillon's request, Marot sought and obtained for
him the post of Valet de Chambre to Francis I., which he

* See Baird's "History of the Rise of the Huguenots," 2 vols., 8vo., London
and New York; 1880 — a work of much erudition and interest.

lO THOMAS PAPILLON.

himself already held; and he thus describes the course
of the suit. Writing to Francis, he says : —

"Que Papillon tenoit en main la plume,
Et de tes fails faisoit un beau volume,
Quand maladie extrSme lui a fait
Son ceuvre exprfes demeurer imparfait."

And again: —

"Et lui offrant tout ce que Dieu ha mis
En mon pouvoir pour aider mes amis,
Dont il est I'un, tant pour I'amour du style,
Et du sgavoir de sa muse gentile.
Que pour autant que sa muse en Sant^
A ta louange a toujours chants."

Then, addressing Papillon, he writes: —

"Si oncques Muse k I'autre fait plaisir,
Certfes la tienne est du Roi ^coutee."

And again, addressing Francis: —

"Dois je penser que ton coeur humain, •

Trouve mauvais si je prSte la main,
A un ami, le mSme que nous sommes,
Et lui et moi du nombre de tes hommes.''

And elsewhere Marot wrote of Papillon: —

"Voilk les pleurs et regrets que je fais
Pour mon ami, le parfait des parfaits."

Both Marot and Papillon were with Francis at the
battle of Pavia (1525), and were taken prisoners with
him.

In a letter of Corneille Agrlppa, dated 31st December,
1527, he says: —

" Eruditissimus Papillio salutem ad me ex tuo nomine scripsit,"

EARLY DAYS. TI

Family tradition also claims connection with Antoine
Papillon, joint Almoner with Michel d'Arande to Mar-
guerite d'Angoul^me, the pious sister of Francis I., under
whose protection he and others did much to promote the
Reformation in Lyonnais and Dauphind, and at whose
instance her brother appointed him Maitre de Requites to
the Dauphin. But on the captivity of Francis, Marguerite
soon lost all influence. Antoine Papillon was exiled, and
not long after found dead, as was supposed from poison.
At the suggestion of his friend the Dominican friar, Aimet
Maigret, he had translated into French Luther's work on
"Monastic Vows." * He was also a friend of Erasmus.

Antoine Papillon's position at Court seems to favour
this tradition, but it is not supported by a letter from
David Papillon, only son of Thomas, the famous lawyer,
who speaks of the victim of the Massacre as the first of
the family who embraced "the true religion."

Thomas Papillon, the subject of these Memoirs, was
born at Roehampton House, Putney, on 6th September,
1623. He was the fifth child of his father's second
family, and the seventh of the two families combined.
As a boy, he was sent with his two elder brothers, Philip
and George, to a school of good repute at Drayton,
Northamptonshire ; and, by his father's will, executed
in 163S, ;^5o a year was bequeathed for the education of
the three sons — ;^20 each for the two elder — who were
designed for a University career and the ministry — and
;£'io for Thomas ; and, on the latter being apprenticed
to a merchant, for which purpose and for his general
use, ;^SOo was bequeathed, the whole £^0 a year was

* "Italy and France in the Olden Time." by J. C. Colquhoun: London,
1858. A charming book. — Also, "Histoire de la France Protestante," par
les frferes Haag: Paris, i860,

12 THOMAS PAPILLON,

to be applied to his brothers, "and no more, FOR THAT
IS SUFFICIENT."

Philip Papillon was born on ist January, 1620. While
at school he showed much aptitude in Latin prose and
verse, and several M.SS. of such remain in the family.
In September, 1634, he entered Exeter College, Oxford,
whence he graduated B.A. in April, 1638, and M.A. in

1640. On the latter occasion he made a gift to the
College of two gilt bowls for the use of the Commoners;
and in the same year he published a Tragedy, composed
by a fellow-collegian, Samuel Harding. During Philip's
University career, he abridged several works of Contro-
versial Divinity; explained many texts of Scripture; and
prepared about fifty sermons. He died at Lubenham in

1 64 1, and his remains were buried in the Parish Church
there.

His brother George eventually became a London
merchant. He lived till 6th July, 1684. In 1653 he
married Mary Nicholson, of Cambridge, and they had
ten children, chiefly daughters; of whom Phoebe became
the wife of Benjamin Smith, a Norwich factor; Mary,
of John Ball, a Hamburg merchant; and Ann, of
Thomas Hayward, ironmonger, Southwark ; their only
surviving son, Samuel, was married in October, 1697,
to Fiducia Steer, of Wootton, Surrey, and they had
two sons. The eldest, George, "born at their house in
Cornhill, at the sign of the King's Head, died young."
Their other son, John, died unmarried on 20th August,
1763, aged 58. He owned property at Great Bentley,
Essex, as recorded in Morant's History of the
County, which also states that he lived at Englefield,
Berks, at which place his servant, George Cocking, was
buried on 24th August, 1761, as recorded in the Parish
Register.

APPRENTICESHIP. 13

The remaining children of David and Anne Marie
Papillon, who reached adult age, were —

1. Anne, born in London on 19th January, 1626; died
27th February, 1684. She was married in December,
1653, to William Brudenell, of Glaston, Rutlandshire, by
whom she had one son, William, born at Glaston, on 19th
September, 1654, who died without issue on 2nd October,
1734. She was again married in April, 1655, to Everard
Fawkner, of Bulwich, Northamptonshire, by whom she
had three sons — Anthony, Everard, and John — and one
daughter, Elizabeth, who was married at Utrecht, where
she was living with her uncle, Thomas Papillon, of
London, then an exile there, to Rev. John Shower,
Minister of the English Church at Rotterdam. Before and
after his stay in Holland, he was a Congregational Minister
in London: before, as Assistant Lecturer in Exchange
Alley, and after, as co-Minister with the famous John How,
D.D. His wife died in London on 24th August, 1691,
leaving one daughter, Ann, her eldest child, who was
eventually happily married to Mr. J. Warner.

2. Abraham, born on 6th May, 1630, at Bosworth,
Leicestershire; married to Katherine Billingsley, great-
granddaughter of his maternal grandfather, Jean Desmais-
tres. He died childless.

In T637, at the age of 14, Thomas Papillon was
apprenticed to Thomas Chambrelan (afterwards Sir
Thomas Chambrelan), merchant, of London, who had
married his (maternal) first cousin, Anne Marie Burlama-
chi, and who was probably related to his uncles, David
and Abraham Chambrelan, the husbands of his aunts,
Anne and Esther. In 1638, he was admitted into the
Worshipful the Mercers' Company, as an apprentice, and
in 1646 he became a freeman. He served his master with
much devotion and intelligence.

14 THOMAS PAPILLON.

In 164s, he began trade on his own account, though still
in apprenticeship; and in November, 1646, in order to
secure his services more permanently, his master offered to
take him into partnership in 1648, when he would be free
to do so. This offer Papillon did not accept, but he
remained with Thomas Chambrelan as agent up to 1650.
Meanwhile, the latter agreed to be bound with him for
;^20o to his Aunt Chambrelan in a loan of ;£'i50 of the
children's money; and by the joint security of Papillon's
father, himself, and his brother and partner, Abraham
Chambrelan, he borrowed for his use, of the Mercers'
Company, the sum of ;^200, being a portion of ;^i,ooo
bequeathed in 1625 by Richard Fishbourne, to be lent to
five young men free of the Company, by ;^200 each, for
five years, gratis.* Singular to say, no loan has been
made since 1646, probably about the time of that to
Papillon.

As regards Papillon's moral condition when young, a
short extract from a M.S. "Confession of Sins," written by
him when in exile in 1688, at the age of 65, will throw
some little light, and will show how he then regarded it.
The original document is given in full in Chapter XII.
He says: —

"The sins and vanities of Youth ! Oh, how numberless
are they, both omissions of duty and commissions of evil,
mis-spending of time, ensnarements of evil company, and
though God was very gracious to me to keep me that I was
not carried to destruction of body and soul by those ways of
sin, evil examples and seducements — for which I desire to bless
His Name, — yet I have great cause to cry out with the Psalmist
(Psalm XXV., 7), 'Remember not the sins of my youth nor my
transgressions ; according to Thy mercy remember Thou me

* " City of London Livery Companies Commission Report and Appendix,"
Vol. ii., p. 21, &c.

BUSINESS CAREER. IS

for good, O Lord." I call to mind that once at Lubenham
House my brother and I entertained young Mr. Cooper, and
with wine we had sent from London, made him drunk, and we
took pleasure in it. The Lord hath made me sensible of this
sin, and often to reflect upon it with brokenness of heart, in
that by his righteous judgment my son was made drunk by one

Mr. N and Mr. J . I hope the Lord has

forgiven me, and my son also; and I pray the Lord to forgive
them. And I write this and mention it with tears. Oh ! let
all and every one take warning of sin, particularly of drawing
others into sin, lest the Lord in just judgment suffer it to be
retaliated in kind on them or their's, and they be brought
to say as I do— (Judges i., 7.) — 'As I have done, so the
Lord hath requited me,' 'Righteous art Thou, O Lord, and
upright are Thy judgments.' We may forget our sins, but
God will not forget them unless we repent, and by faith apply
to God in Christ for pardon, which I desire to do for all
my sins."

No doubt this self-judgment was just ; but it is only-
just to his memory to refer also to the moral and religious
conduct of himself and his friend, Michael Godfrey, while
visiting France together in the autumn of 1647, which will
soon appear; and again, to his high sense of filial duty
and Godly confidence concerning his desired engagement
for marriage in 1648.

As specimens of his early doings and sufferings, we
may quote some short notes, showing how fully his heart
was in business, and in the welfare of the City, while
submitting all to God : —

"18 April, 1646. — In many places running goods."
" His skill and diligence led the Guinea Company to seek his
aid in making up their books, and the creditors of Edward
Abbott in their audit of his; and thus from first to last he won
the confidence of his employers."

r6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"27 May, 1647. — To Oliver Cromwell for business; and am
well assurred that T.C. will be as well pleased with it as if it
were for himself; having always done me the honour to love
and serve me in my affairs."

"21 June, 1647. — Little trade, because of. some differences
between Sir Tho. Fairfax's army and the Parliament." "Web-
berly broke."

"24 June, 1647. — Exchange high — 60 to France. The City
use all their efforts to reconcile Parliament and the army.
Thomas Chambrelan sent with other Commissioners to treat
with the army."

"29 July, 1647. — The City is put in a position of war, for
fear Sir T. Fairfax's army should come and give the law to
them, which they are resolved to hinder; but we hope all
things will be composed peaceably."

"3rd August, 1647. — At present I do no business because
of the troubles; Sir T. Fairfax's army have demanded of the
Parliament to have the government of the City put into their
hands, which the City opposes; and many believe that the army
will come here and force it, which makes the City defend itself.
Yet I hope God will send a good issue to His glory."

About this time

"His active mind would not confine itself to private affairs,
especially when the London apprentices endeavoured to oblige
the Parliament to restore the King. And upon this he valued
himself upon the Restoration and to the last, as appears by his
private letters and observations. I have seen a foul draft of the
manifesto of the 'Associated Counties' (a treasonable libel then
well-known) writ all in his own hand, with many obliterations and
alterations to make it as now printed."

This forced him to go abroad ; and he did so in August,
in company with his friend and fellow-apprentice, Michael
Godfrey,* who, it is probable, was involved in the same

* Note. — Michael Godfrey was also his cousin, Fapillon being grandson,
and Godfrey great-grandson of Jean Calandrini. He married Anna Maria,

FLIGHT TO FRANCE. If

affair ; for on their parting in Paris, late in October,
Papillon recommended him to a friend in another part of
France, stating that he had been with Mr. Chambrelan
four years, and had " come abroad in consequence of the
troubles in England!'

Michael Godfrey was a worthy companion, and had
many of the qualities requisite for an upright and success-
ful merchant, as he afterwards proved himself. Economy,
attention, stedfastness, hopefulness, and courtesy. During
their absence from home, they wrote frequently to Mr.
Thos. Chambrelan in a joint letter, and separately to various
friends in England. They shared the same room, visited
and lionized together ; worshipped together ; kept regular
hours ; and carefully attended each other when ill, as they
each were, for a week or more at a time — Godfrey with
fever and ague, Papillon with dysentery.

They kept a joint diary, and from that are gathered the
following details of their journey and stay abroad, which
seem worthy of note as a picture of the time, and an index
of their own character.

They left London separately ; Papillon on Saturday, the
30th August, being escorted as far as Greenwich by his
brother George and his friends Lawrence, Martel, and
S. Vernon ; and by Martel to Tunbridge, where they slept
at the "Rose and Crown." On Sunday, the 31st, Martel
returned to London, and Papillon proceeded to Biddenden,
to the house of N. S., and slept there. On Monday, ist

daughter of (Sir) Thos. Chambrelan, their common master, and great-grand-
daughter of J. Calandrini. Michael Godfrey was brother of Sir Edmund
Berry Godfrey, the magistrate of Westminster, who was murdered (as supposed)
in 1678, soon after taking depositions from Titus Gates, in re " The Popish
Plot." The Godfrey family had long flourished in Kent, and, according to
tradition they were descended from Godfrey le Falconer, son of William
Fitz-Balderic, to whom Henry II. granted the manor of Hurst, Kent. Some
members of the family still reside at Lydd, Kent, and some at Woodford,
Essex. See monuments in churches at both places ; also at St. Swithin's
Church, London, and in Westminster Abbey.

1 8 THOMAS PAPiLLO^f.

September, in company with N. S., he went on to West-
brook*, near Lydd, where he met Godfrey ; and they pro-
ceeded together to Rye, purposing to take boat to Dieppe
as soon as practicable ; but there being few passengers,
the boatmen demanded four times the usual fare, so they
resolved to -wait for a reduction, and forthwith wrote to
Mr. Chambrelan, and their respective friends — Papillon to
his brother George and Mr. Waad, of Dover, and Godfrey
to Mr. Edwd. Harrison and to Peter Godfrey, of Westbrook.

On this day occurred, at Rye, the " Beggar's Hill Fair,"
for the sale of the North Sea take of fish. One penny
farthing per lb. was the price realized.

On the following day an order came froni London to stop
all passengers for France, with a view to secure Mr. Anthony
Nicols, one of eleven excluded M.P.'s, and this order being
shewn privately to Papillon and Godfrey, they at once
engaged passage, and shipped on board the " Thomas
Oak."

At one a.m. the next day, 3rd September, they were
becalmed, and anchored about six leagues from Rye.
They reached Dieppe Roads on the evening of Friday,
the Sth, and landed on the morning of the 6th September.

On Sunday, the 7th, after successful demurs about high
charges, they hired horses to take them to Rouen, and
arrived there that evening. Though moderate in their
habits, at the various stages, and when visiting friends,
they partook of the customary " chopin of wine."

They had letters of introduction to various persons at
Dieppe, Rouen, and Paris— especially at Rouen, of which
place Papillon's paternal uncle by marriage, David Cham-
brelan, was a native ; and all of these entertained and aided
them, more or less, in a friendly way.

* The seat of Captain Peter Godfrey, himself a staunch Royalist.

STAY AT ROUEN. ig

They took with them ten yards of cloth, to make into
clothes ; and in connection with the landing of this at
Dieppe, they mention a custom of the place — that if any
tradesman should make a good purchase of foreign goods,
others of the town might share it with him.

On Saturday, the 13th September, just a week after they
had landed in France, Godfrey was seized with fever and
ague, .and was ill for eight days.

On Sunday, the 21st September, they went by boat
to Cheville near Rouen, and there attended Divine worship
at the Huguenot Church, which they describe as a round
building, in shape like a pigeon-house, having inside a
double gallery; and being capable of holding a large
congregation ; and outside an enclosed court, which was
strewn with sand, and contained some fine trees. They
attended morning and afternoon service, dining between
services with M. Budoc, a Rouen friend, whom they had
met at church, and another French gentleman ; and they
all four returned together to Rouen in the public boat,
paying half-penny each. There were many cabarets in
the neighbourhood of the church, for the refreshment of
worshippers both before and after service ; and the more
wealthy attendants kept rooms in private houses for the
same purpose.

On Sunday night, and all Monday, Papillon was much
indisposed ; very probably from a feast of fruit which some
friends had" given them on Saturday evening. Notwith-
standing this, having already engaged seats, he and
Godfrey mounted the coach for Paris early on Tuesday,
the 24th September; slept at Magny, where they were
" basely lodged ; " started again at three a.m. the next
day ; reached Paris at night, and put up at the " Croix
de Fer," Rue St. Denis, — " a good large inn, but a very
dear house."

26 THOMAS FAPILLON.

Poor Papillon became worse rather than better, and
continued so for some days ; and the landlord complained ;
so on Saturday, the 27th September, Godfrey sought for
lodgings elsewhere, and engaged a room in the Rue de
Bons Conseils, into which they removed early on Sunday
morning.

After dinner, Papillon being anxious to enjoy some
fresh air, their new landlord's son took them to the
Tuilleries Gardens, which they much admired ; and on
Monday they started sight-seeing, beginning with Notre
Dsime Cathedral, being escorted by their kind friend, M.
Boyer. But on Wednesday and Thursday, the 2nd and
3rd October, both Godfrey and Papillon were again
unwell.

On Sunday, the 6th October, they missed the Passage
Boat for Charenton, where they had purposed attending
the Huguenot Church Service ; " So M. Boyer," they say
in their journal, "lent us two Bibles, and we came home
and stirred not out all day."

On Monday, the 7th October, after presenting a letter
of recommendation to M. Gio Ludovici, who received
them courteously, they visited Papillon's Aunt, Madame
(Thomas) Papillon — veuve — in Rue St. Jean de Beauvais,
by whom they were kindly received.

On the afternoon of the next day, David Papillon, son
of Madame Papillon, visited them, and escorted them to
the Louvre, the Tapestry Works, the Mint, and the King's
Printing-house.

"On Wednesday, the 9th," says the journal, "we dined at
T.P. his Aunt's, where we had extra cheer; after dinner, Mr.
Papillon went with us to the Luxemborg, and on the way we
went to see the College of the Sorbonne," &c. "We went to
M. Boyer to sup, and came home about ten o'clock, conducted
by M. Boyer and three other gentlemen : we found the streets
as quiet as London."

STAY AT PARIS. 21

On Thursday, the loth, they were escorted by David
Papillon to the Faubourg St. Germain, where they visited
his cousin, Madame Gerbrandt, — and to various sights,
Palais Richelieu, &c. ; and on Saturday the I2th he called
for them in a coach, and in company with his mother
and sister, his mother's sister and her daughter, and
Madame Gerbrandt, they went to Rowel, about two
leagues from Paris, — the handiwork of Richelieu ; — the
gardens were very fine, orange and lemon-trees in full
bearing; and in one part, at top of a mount, "the
portraiture of a city supposed to be Jerusalem, and after
that a mount where is the picture of Christ upon the
cross,'' &c. (Oh ! vain shadows of our reigning Lord ! )

They returned home by the Bois de Boulogne, passing
the ChSiteau de Madrid, a house built by Francis I. in
imitation of that where he was kept a prisoner in
Spain.

On Sunday, the 13th October, they rose at five a.m.,
and went with M. Boyer to Divine worship at the
Huguenot Church at Charenton, which they describe as
a very handsome stone building, having two large galleries
quite round it : —

"We went and came back by water;" — "When we came
home, we passed the time in reading till supper."

Here the journal ends, as regards the copy of it in
the Editor's hands ; but in M.S. notes, apparently taken
from Thomas Papillon's letters or memoranda, it is
said, —

"On 23rd October" (which in old style, according to that
of the journal, would have been the isth October) "Wrote
from Paris as follows to Mr. Thomas Chambrelan :— I will in two
or three days set forward from hence, and if the news which you

22 THOMAS PAPILLON.

mention continues, I will make what haste I can; desiring
nothing more earnestly than to be at London, to perform what
I have undertaken.''

On the 26th (or i8th) October he wrote to his friends
L. Martel and Vernon : —

" I am obliged for your news as well as for your good advice,
but I am resolved, if the news is confirmed, to return directly.
I see by your's that the doctrine of John Lilbourne begins to
take place in the Army, which in a little time may divide them,
and break their designs : —I pray God to end all without
butcheries."

He left Rouen for Dieppe and London on the 25th
October ; and on the 3rd November he wrote to Michael
Godfrey, who was still in France, and to another friend,
telling them they need no longer address his letters under
false names, as he was going about publicly.

His confidence in immunity was however misplaced ;
for in February he was arrested and sent to Newgate ;
and with difficulty did he obtain release, as shewn by
the following autograph certificate, given by Thomas
Chambrelan in 1662.

"These are to certifie any whom it may concern y»- I have
knowne Thomas Papillon about 25 yeares, thirteen yeares therof
or therabouts he lived with me as an Apprentice and Agent,
and y'- the said Thomas Papillon hath constantly upon all
occasions manifested a Cordiall and Loyall affection to King
Charles the First, and Martir, of ever blessed memory, and y'-
for his endeavour to have restored his most sacred Majesty he
was by order of the then pretended House of Commons
committed to Newgate in about the month of February, 1647"
(1648) "and no bayle whatever would be taken for him; but
after some time w* much difficulty, after he had been once

PAPILLON AND GODFREY. 23

examined, myselfe and Mr. Pompeo Calandrini* entering into a
Bond of very great somme for his appearance, he was dismissed."
"In testimony whereof I have heerunto sett my hand this
9th day of December, 1662.

"THO. CHAMBRELAN.
"Signed in the presence of us who
know the contents to be true.

"Charles Chambrelan,
"Jordan Fairfax."
Before Papillon and Godfrey parted company in France
they signed an agreement to enter into a partnership in
trade ; but differing upon some of the articles when drawn
up, Papillon resigned contract, but agreed to maintain
his friendship in a separate trade ; both to promote each
other's benefit next to his own. This was no doubt
better than a settled partnership ; each party being too
active and independent for such a tie.

A former agreement between them may be mentioned,
as shewing Godfrey's youthful hopefulness, and Papillon's
confidence in him. It occurred in 1643, when Papillon
had been apprentice six years, and Godfrey two-and-a-half;
Godfrey for certain considerations and money in hand
sealed a bond to Papillon, to give the latter or his heirs
the Sword-bearer's place, or its value, and ;£'200 besides,
when he should become Lord Mayor.

Godfrey's eldest son also named Michael, became an
alderman, and as Fox Bourne says, " One of the richest
and most honest city men of his time."-J- Towards the
close of his career he was specially famous as the chief
mercantile promoter of William Paterson's scheme for
the foundation of the Bank of England, which was finally
effected in 1694.

* Papillon's maternal uncle,
t See Fox Boijme'g "English Merchants,'' 2 vols., 8vo., Bentley, i856.

24 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Prior to that event, bankers and traders had been the
only money-lenders, as well as care-takers ; and their
limited means often caused their own ruin and that of
others, notwithstanding the very high interest which they
charged on loans. Many of them naturally viewed with
hostility the establishment of a National Bank, as likely
to interfere with their business ; but Paterson met their
objections in sound and telling tracts, and Godfrey with
cogent reasoning; and at last they prevailed.

The Government also opposed the scheme for some
time, being unwilling to surrender their privilege of issuing
State Lotteries, and of regulating, the Coinage which they
sometimes debased, both of which practices Paterson
vigorously denounced. As regards this opposition, Charles
Montague, Chancellor of the Exchequer, came forward as
Paterson's constant and successful champion.*

On the establishment of the Bank, Godfrey became
Deputy Governor, and zealously promoted Paterson's
measures for working it; for the latter was only a
Director.

In the following year — 1695 — " Business took Godfrey
to the camp of William III. in the Netherlands, and
curiosity led him to be present at the siege of Namur.
' Mr. Godfrey,' said the King, when he caught sight of
him among the officers of his staff, 'Mr. Godfrey, you
ought not to run these hazards : you are not a soldier ;
you can be of no use to us here.' ' Sir,' answered the
Merchant, 'I run no more hazard than your Majesty.'
' Not so,' replied the King, ' I am where it is my duty
to be, and I may without presumption commit my life

to God's keeping : But you ' Godfrey never heard

the sentence finished. At that instant a cannon ball
struck him, and he fell dead at King William's feet.*

* Se? Fo^i Bourne's "English Merchant's," 2 vols., 8vo., Bentley, 1866,

FRENCH RELATIONS. 2S

Nearly two years before he visited France, Thomas
Papillon wrote to his cousin David in Paris, desiring to
correspond with him ; but it does not appear that this
desire came to pass to any extent ; press of business
on the part of Thomas, and politico-religious troubles
on that of David, may have hindered it ; as also the
greater age of David. And we have seen how much the
acquaintance of Thomas with his Aunt and Cousins in
Paris had been checked, — first by his illnesses, and then
by his sudden recall to London, "where his presence was
much needed in Mr. Chambrelan's counting-house." (A
revived intimacy with unreformed France seems to have
been providentially averted.) He was very sensible,
however, of the attentions which his aunt and cousins
had shewn him ; and soon after he returned home he
wrote to David in terms of deep regard. A few words
relative to the Paris family may well find place here : —

Both David Papillon of Paris and his father Thomas
Papillon were Avocats au Parlement de Paris, and Elders
of the Church at Charenton ; as recorded above, page
8. Thomas was famous in his profession, and published
in Latin several books on Roman Law, which may be
found in "Otto's Thesaurus" (1733), and in that of
" Gerardus Meerman" (i/Si) ; the works themselves
having been published at Paris in 161 3, 1616, and 1624
respectively. He died in, or about the early part of
1637, in his fifty-eighth year. He was Scribe of the
Synod of Aries in 1620. His son David never married,
but lived in Paris with his mother, and his surviving
sister, Marie. On the revocation of the Edict of Nantes,
he was imprisoned in the Castle of Avranches in
Normandy ; and after three years' incarceration he was
sent to England, whence he joined his cousin Thomas
Papillon in Holland, returned to London with him early

26 THOMAS PAPILLON.

in 1689 ; and remained with him till his death, which
occurred on 22nd April, 1693. His remains were buried
in the Church of St. Catherine Coleman, Fenchurch
Street, under the passage between the chancel and the
vestry.

His sister had died in Paris on the 3rd June, 1692. On
her death-bed she refused to listen to the Cur^, who in
consequence refused to bury her ; and that last office was
performed by M. Trenchepain and another.

The following extracts from David Papillon's letters
shew on the one' hand the regard in which he held both
his cousin Thomas, and his uncle David, of Lubenham ;
and on the other the distressed condition of French
Protestants throughout his life.

On 17th August, 1652, he thus wrote to his uncle : —

[translation.]
" Highly esteemed Uncle,

"In the midst of the public miseries with which it has
pleased God to visit this realm, and especially in the City of
Paris, where for the last four years the usual exercise of our

Religion has been * it has been to me an extreme

consolation to learn through the letter of my cousin, your son,
of the continuance of your good health; that news having
reached me this morning, the day following that on which, in
obedience to the Ordinance of our Church, we kept a Fast, each
one in his own house.

" I have noticed in myself the compatibility of two passions
very opposite to each other; viz., the joy of knowing a thing I
ardently desire, and the sadness of seeing that our crimes have
merited from God's justice such visitations as it pleases Him
to inflict on this kingdom.

" I was equally rejoiced to hear of the satisfaction which you
doubtless experience in the birth of the son which God has
given to my cousin Thomas, your son. You see in that birth

* Verb omitted, probably "forbidden,"

LETTERS FROM FRENCH COUSIN. 2^

the double posterity which the Prophet foretells for those who
readily fulfil the commands of the Omnipotent; and that,
coupled with the promises he makes elsewhere, that the Divine
blessing will rest on the children of those that fear him, easily
persuades me that God, in His goodness, has not commenced
His work, to leave it incomplete; but, continuing to pour out
His mercies upon father and son, will soon grant the former
further offspring ; and making his son to grow in all good qualities
of body and mind, will cause him to bear in future days fruits
worthy of the tree from which he sprang; and will moreover
bestow upon him all spiritual and temporal blessings.

" I have felt considerably overcome by the honour which my
cousin has been pleased to confer on my mother, my sister,
and myself, in inviting us to his house during the wars of our
country; and begging me personally to stand as sponsor at the
baptismal vows, and to give the name to the first-fruit of his
marriage, — is a proof of uncommon affection, which deserves
thanks equally uncommon. Many things would induce us to
undertake the journey; and among other considerations the hope
of seeing you again would not be the least ; I can assure you that
for my part, I should see your face with greater satisfaction than
the nations under the poles see that of the sun, when after a
night of six months' duration, they are said to. ascend to the
top of the mountains, in order to perceive his first rays ; but the
state of mind and bodily strength of my mother will not permit
her to undertake so long a journey; and my duty to her not
permitting me to leave her in a time and place, which her
confidence and affection towards me make her consider my
presence the more necessary, — we can only regard the proposed
journey as an opportunity of declaring how extremely obliged
we feel to him, who so ' generously offers us a refuge in his
house.

"As to the baptism of the child, I should have to apply to
somebody to take my place, and be present at the vows, and
at the blessing which is conferred by that Sacrament, if the
custom of your country require more than one person in it :
but seeing in the Directory which was printed a few years ago,
that one single friend in the father's 9,bsence, is as good as

28 THOMAS PAPILLON.

ten, I will not apply, if you please, to any other than yourself:
you will, therefore oblige me by doing this for yourself and me
at the same time. Since I transfer the whole honour of it to
you, and as God's blessing is to be implored on the child, I
follow in this case the example of that Ambassador, who being
unwilling on the one hand to decline a dignity, which was
honourable to him — and fearing on the other that the just anger
of the Prince to whom he was sent, might injure the success
of the negotiation entrusted to him — caused all the steps to be
taken, and all the proposals to be made by the person who
had been given him as a colleague, to share with him the
glory of the undertaking, which at last succeeded according
to the wishes of his master.

" Moreover, I beg you will continue to favour me with your
affectionate remembrance.

" I remain, highly esteemed Uncle,

"Your very humble and obedient Servant,

" Papillon.''
"Paris, 17th August, 1652."

Another letter : —

[translation.]
"Much honoured Uncle,

"The letter you were so good as to send me more than six
months ago, dated 17 th September last, having been delivered
to me only to-day, together with the splendid and valuable
presents, with which my cousin George has been kind enough
to honour me, I trust you will excuse the apparent neglect which
such a long delay in my reply may have justly caused you to
impute to me. I never receive your letters without experiencing
extraordinary joy for several months, and the last always seems
to be better than those preceding; but I must say, that just
received has given me peculiar delight, for it contains so many
wise admonitions, so much prudent advice, and so many proofs
of your affection, and also tells me of the happy condition of
your family circle.

" Praised be God, who has so well guided my cousins, your
sons, giving them like-minded help-mates — wise and virtuous

LtTTERS FROk FRENCH COUSIN. 2$

wives — who so well comforts the widowhood of Mademoiselle,*
my cousin Fontaine, in giving her sons-in-law acceptable to her,
and wealth according to the number of her children ; and who
in short causes your life to overflow with blessings, such as He
promises to him, who — to use the expression in the Psalm,
according to our metrical version —

"Doth serve his God with all his will,
And ne'er forsake His paths."

I pray Him with all the powers of my soul, that He may
continue His gracious favours to you all ; to you first, and then
to Mademoiselle my aunt, directing my cousins Abraham and
Anne according to their respective wishes, granting to Madem-
oiselle my aunt desirable marriages for her other children, and
that He would bless my cousins' sons and daughters, who may
at a future period revive the Church, and renew in themselves
and their posterity the piety of their grandfather.

" Many thanks for the good advice you so kindly give me ;
I cannot thank you in proportion to its excellence, nor to the
obligation under which it places me; I can only assure you
that I will try to profit by it on every occasion that may present
itself.

" I entreat you still to confer on me, now and then, the same
benefit, both of your welcome counsel, and of your fervent
prayers: I hold them in such esteem as ever to consider them
an infallible mark of the highest blessing.

" I most humbly kiss your hands, as well as those of
Mademoiselle my aunt ; my mother and sister do so likewise.
I beg you to favour me with your commands ; and I pray God
that He may be pleased to preserve you in health and prosperity ;
and I remain,

"Much respected Uncle,

"Your very humble and very obedient Servant,

" Papillon."

* Before the Revolution, the title of "Mademoiselle''' was retained alter
marriage by ladies of good birth.

30 THOMAS PAPlLLO^f.

From this period we have no particular record of David
Papillon of Paris till the year 1681, when he replied, as
in the following extract, to his cousin Thomas Papillon
of London, who evidently retained his former solicitude
for him, and renewed that of his father, David Papillon
of Lubenham ; and it is interesting to notice the sense of
duty and affection with which David of Paris regarded
the mutual family ties : —

David Papillon of Paris, to his cousin Thomas Papillon
of London, dated 8th February, 1681 :

" Nous vous remergions aussi des tesmoignages qu'il vous plait
nous donner de votre affection singulifere, particuliferement de
la forte et sainte exhortation que vous nous faites de demeurer
fermes en la foy et en la profession de la vraye religion. Cast
une chose que nous ne pouvons espferer de nos propres forces,
mais que nous devrons demander, et devrons attendre de Celuy,
en qui et par qui nous pouvons tous choses.

" II a conserve ce precieux don en la personne de notre
pbre Thomas et de notre aieul commun Thomas et de notre
bisaieul — , sur lequel II a primiferement fait relever la clarity
de son face et de son ^vangile, et luy a mesme fait I'honneur
d'estre du nombre' de ceux qui luy pr^senterent leur vie et
leur sang en ceste journde celfebre de I'ann^e, 1572, marchant
par ceste voie douloureuse sur les pas de son Sauveur et
marquant a ses descendants par son example que " ni mort, ni
vie, ni principaut6, ni haulteur, ni profondeur, ni chose pr^sente,
ni chose k venir ne doit les sdparer de TaiTection que Dieu
leur a temoignfe en son Fils."

" Vous scavez cela aussi bien que moy, mais il me semble que
ces examples domestiques ne doivent point estre oubliezj or
comme il est important de les imiter, il est trfes utile de les
repasser souvent en sa mdmoire et en sa pensSe.

" Comme je ne prends point de part dans I'administration des
choses publiques, et ne m'en mesle que par les priferes que
Dieu me commande de faire pour la paix de I'estat et de
I'dglise, je vous avoue que je voie bien que le dessin des ennemis

LETTERS FROM FRENCH COUSIN. ^t

de notre religion est de I'exterpir, ainsi que vous m'avez marqufe
par votre lettre ; mais je n'ai assez de veux pour pdnetrer dans
les dvenements; je scay que la reformation de la religion est
un ceuvre de Dieu ; peut-estre ne voudra-t il pas la detruire ;
sa colfere n'est pas a toujours, et ses misfericordes sont ^ternelles.
Quoiqu'il soit, nous ne pouvons mieux faire que de Luy prier
les uns pour les autres, et Luy demander qu'il ait pitid de son
heritage ; qu'il ne I'abandonne point, et nous fait aussi la grace
de I'empecher que nous sortions de sa maison, ni de son
service."

[translation.]

" We thank you also for the proof you give us of your sincere
affection, especially in your earnest and solemn appeal that we
stand firm in the faith and confession of the true Religion. That
we cannot hope to do in our own strength, but we ought to seek
and expect it from Him in whom and by whom we can do all
things.

" God maintained this precious gift in our father Thomas,
in our common grandfather Thomas, and our great grandfather
on whom He first caused to shine the light of His countenance,
and of His gospel, and to whom He even granted the honour
to be of the number of those who laid down for Him their
lives, and shed their blood on that memorable day of the year
1572 — treading that thorny path in the steps of his Saviour, and
thus testifying to his descendants that neither death nor life,
nor principalities, nor height, nor depth, nor things present, nor
things to come, should separate them from the love that God
hath shewn them in His Son.

"You know all this as well as myself, but it seems to me
that these family examples should not be forgotten; for since
it is important to imitate them, it is expedient to recal them
frequently to our mind and thoughts.

" While I take no part in the administration of public affairs,
and enter into them only in the prayers which God commands
me to offer for the peace of the State and of the Church, I
confess to you I see clearly that the design of the enemies of
our Religion is to extirpate it, as you say in your letter; but
I have not sufficient foresight to dive into the future : I know

32 THOMAS iPAPtLLON.

that the Reformation is a work of God ; perhaps He willeth not
its destruction; His anger endureth not for ever, and His
compassions are eternal. However it may be, we cannot do
better than pray to Him for one another, and beseech Him to
have pity on His heritage, to abandon it not ; and that He will
give to each of us grace to be faithful in His worship and
service."

To us, survivors of the English branch of the family
these are the last recorded words of the last member of
the French branch. May we receive them with the
thankfulness they merit ; and in the various temptations
and trials we may severally encounter, may we find grace
to follow the godly counsel they contain.

Note. — With reference to the slight information given in
page 2 relative to Peter Papillon, younger paternal uncle of
Thomas Papillon, — it is worthy of mention that in 1670 a
namesake resided at Boston, United States, who was ancestor
of a family of good position now in New England named
Pumpelly, to a member of which the author is indebted for the
fact. The corruption of the name began (in England) in early
days, being found in the Harleian M.SS. as "Pampelion" and
"Pompelion."

CHAPTER II.

MARRIAGE AND FAMILY.

Jane Broadnax — Courtship difficulties — Letter from Papillon to his Parents —
is willing to abide the will of God, and their consent — Letters from the
Mother of Jane Broadnax to Papillon's parents, discouraging the match,
but expressing great regard for the suitor — Replies of Papillon's father —
Marriage — Mutual affection and regard — Character of Jane Papillon, as
drawn by Rev. John Shower in his dedication of her Funeral Sermon —
Children.

^E have seen Thomas Papillon's steadiness
and industry as an Apprentice, his ardour
as a Merchant, his faithfulness as an Agent,
and his zeal for Royalty ; and though the
last brought pains and penalties, he lived
to see the triumph of the cause he had
espoused. Let us now glance at him as a Lover — with
strong affections under due control. " Faint heart ne'er
won fair lady," and he faltered not. A M.S. note among
the family papers thus records the course of events : —

"When he found by his settlement in trade that his small stock
was likely to improve regularly, he fixed his thoughts on his
cousin Jane Broadnax for a wife; which on the first application

she approved, though ; this was in 1648 ; it

was renewed; difficulties often arose on one side or the other;
yet his constancy and discretion at last prevailed, for his soul was
truly in it."

34 THOMAS PAPILLON,

The following* was the mutual relationship of the lovers
as cousins ; and we will include that of Papillon's friend
and colleague, Michael Godfrey, of whom we wrote in the
last chapter. We may here mention that Jane Broadnax's
father was of a county family of two hundred years
standing, and owners of the fine domain of Godmersham,
Kent, between Ashford and Canterbury ; this may account
for his opposition to the proposed match ; while that of
Papillon's parents may have arisen from surprise and
faithless fears. On their part, however, all misgivings
soon vanished, and they warmly espoused their son's
cause, as the following letters will shew.

Solomon said by the Spirit, "Whoso findeth a wife
findeth a good thing, and obtaineth favour of the Lord,"
(Proverbs xviii., 22); and again, "Houses and riches are
the inheritance of fathers, and a prudent wife is from the
Lord," (xix., 14) ; and Amos (iii., 3) on a still more
important subject, " How can two walk together except
they be agreed?" But in this case the lovers were truly
" agreed," especially in religion ; Jane Broadnax was
indeed "a prudent wife;" and their whole married life
showed that their unions was owned and blessed of God,
notwithstanding mutual trials and bereavements.-|-

* See page 47.

1* As regards the property at Godmersham, Kent, an anecdote is told, viz. : —
That Thomas Knight, the last direct descendant of the male line of the
Broadnax family, being engaged to act as sponsor at the baptism of William
Papillon, the great-great-grandson of Jane Papillon {nee Broadnax), proposed
to his father to give him the name of Knight, and probably the charge of him
in youth, but William Papillon's father declined. And Thomas Knight,
finding himself childless, adopted Edward Austen, the great-great-grandson of
his own great-great-uncle, John Austin, and bequeathed to him his estates.

William Papillon however was not without means, and was truly rich in
good works. At the age of 27 he married, but early became a widower,
without children. He was for many years Rector of Wymondham, Norfolk,
which he endowed with a Sunday Evening Lectureship; and he bequeathed
money to endow local almshouses. He died in 1836, aged 75.

LETTER ON HIS ENGAGEMENT. 3S

Letter from Thomas Papillon to his parents, written
in 1648: —

"I have received two letters, one from either of you; my
duty and respect to you, which I shall continue, whatever your
thoughts are, forbid me to make other replication than only
for your satisfaction to acquaint you with my resolution there-
upon, — which is that since you apprehend and absolutely conclude,
as in my mother's letter, that the settling of this land upon me
(without which no possibility of the marriage in hand) is to take
the bread out of the mouth of my aged parents, to wring the
flesh from my father's arm, and to bring my mother with sorrow
to the grave (expressions of that nature that I tremble at the
rehearsal) — I shall forbear any further prosecution till such time
as it shall please the Lord either to manifest to you the contrary
of what you seem now to apprehend, — or by some other way
to open a way for the accomplishment thereof; and that you
may with joy and rejoicing lend your assistance for perfecting
the same, as being by me, and formerly as I conceive by yourselves,
looked upon as one of the greatest blessings your son in this
world could expect, — a virtuous' wife being in the wise man's
apprehension a jewel of great price.

" In the meantime I shall choose rather to bear God's afflicting
rod, than to be that rod for the affliction of my mother. The
Lord enable me with a patient, submissive, spirit to undergo
what He is pleased to lay upon me, — to resign up myself wholly
to His will, and to draw me nearer and nearer to Himself by
all His dispensations towards me; while I shall not desist
constantly to pray for your health and prosperity, and in and
on all occasions to approve myself," &c., &c.

We now pass to the objections of the lady's parents,
and to the trite rejoinder they met from Thomas Papillon's
father.

Letter from Jane Broadnax, mother of the bride elect,
to the mother of Thomas Papillon : —

36 THOMAS PAPlLLON.

" My dear Cousin,

" I received thy kind letter with much Christian advice ; truly
I hope it may be advantageous to me ; especially if, as I believe,
you do second it with your prayers.

, "Since my coming home I have not been well, but I bless
God am now in a likely way of recovery; the Lord make me
walk suitable to mercies, that I may give Him the glory of all.

" I wish my habitation were not so remote from you, for I
confess you have been an instrument of much good to me, and
indeed you may believe me it afflicts my spirit that you should
desire any thing of me that I should not condescend to you
in. But truly, cousin, I know no city match that at present
we could comply withal ; and therefore I pray you to entreat
your son to draw off his thoughts from us — seeing, as far as I
can discern, there is no probability of it; for although without
such intentions as I conceive he hath of prosecuting the design
of further manifesting his affections to my daughter, there is no
kinsman in the world that would be more welcome unto me,
yet I apprehend in this case it would be a further injury to him
if I should allow him the opportunity he desires.

" I propose, God willing, to go to Ightham before I go to
Canterbury, and then according to your husband's will I shall
acquaint my mother with what he desired. In the meantime
I pray present my dear affections to your husband and son, and
believe that I am,

"Your truly affectionate Cousin,

"Jane Broadnax."

The same to the same : —

" 26th March, 1650.
"Dear Cousin,

" I received your last and former letter, and according to your
desire have acquainted my husband therewith, but can find in
him no inclination to give way thereunto, and intreat it may
be no prejudice to my cousin's preferment in marriage to any
other.

"We desire to return you many thanks for your love expressed
in your motion, as also for your good advice in warning us of

LETTERS FROM JANE BROADNAX, SENIOR. 3/

the dangers we may run into, by reason of ambition. Truly,
I confess we desire to bestow her as well as we can, and account
nothing worth the having unless the fear of God be joined with
it. If ambition had only been her aim, we could, I think, ere
this have bestowed her to great advance ; but truly we apprehend
the danger both of city and country matches at present to be
so great, that I think we are the most like not to haste the
bestowing of her, but rather wait till we may be enabled more
clearly to discern what may be more safe than we can in these
uncertain days.

"Dear Cousin, it is very pleasing to me that you say this
occasion shall in no way hinder our ancient love and respects
to each other ; and I beseech you believe it is neither for want
of a due esteem of my Cousin's worth, nor of your family, that
we proceed not in this matter; for I really profess you are all
more than ordinarily accounted of by us, and so I hope shall
ever be, and with our affectionate respects, shall endeavour to
approve ourselves, dear Cousin,

" Yours in all endeared affection,

"Jane Broadnax.''
"Canterbury, 1650, March the 26th.''

From Jane Broadnax as above to David, father of
Thomas Papillon : —

"Dear Cousin,

" I desire not to come short in such endeared affections as
I confess to have received long and ample testimony of both
from yourself and dear wife ; amongst which I must confess this
last not to be the least, although I know not how to requite
according to merit; for believe me there is that esteem in my
heart of you and yours that I know not any of my relations
to whom my heart does so freely enlarge itself, and particularly
to that branch in whom I believe much desert, although I
cannot find how to accomplish my loving desires; my husband
apprehending the city to be in a very tottering condition at
present, and trading more hazardous than ever, I must confess
does rather desire to dispose of his daughter into the country;

38 THOMAS PAPILLON.

but that her affections are no otherwise fixed, that I hope and
believe not, she ever having had more privilege in the particular
of manifesting her desires than is ordinarily given to daughters.

" Truly, Cousin, I must confess we all esteem ourselves obliged
to you in this motion, and without dissimulation have a better
and more worthy esteem of my Cousin than of any man in his
condition, yet cannot resolve to proceed according to your desire,
but shall heartily wish, if God guide you to another choice, it
may be a blessing to your family, and joy of heart unto you
all. Farther, dear Cousin, let me beg this favour, that this,
according to the ordinary custom of the world, may not beget
any strangeness or alienation in our true love and respects to
each other; for truly it is an addition and new bond to tie me
more fast unto you all, and shall be an engagement to my spirit
for my performance of whatever at any time shall be in my
power.

" I shall conclude with this request and my endeared affections
unto you all, and remain for ever,

" Your most respective Cousin to serve you,

"Jane Broadnax.''
" My husband together with us presents

his due respects to you and yours."

From David Papillon to Jane Broadnax, in reply : —

"Dear Cousin,

" The disparity between parties in their circumstances, viz.,
in their inclination, in their descent, in their age, in their religion,
in their means, in their gifts of nature and of mind, doth ever
cause such marriages to be fatal to the parents, and destructive
to the children : contrarily, the parity between parties in the like
circumstances doth ever cause the marriages to be comfortable to
• the parents and prosperous to the children.

" I wonder that my Cousin major should seek after these rocks
of disparity, and shun the streams of parity.

" There is such parity between my cousin and the bearer
hereof in all these fore-cited circumstances, that two parallel lines
in geometry are not more like one another ; and yet he refuseth
his assent upon these weak arguments — imitating, it seems, the
common proverb, 'A bad excuse is better than none at all.'

REPLY FROM DAVID PAPILLON. 39

"Excuse me, dear Cousin, the laws of true friendship will
not permit me to let that argument pass without reply, out of
fear that my silent approbation of them might be prejudicial to
the future comfort you expect to receive of the marriage of my
cousin Jane.

"His arguments contained in your answer to my letter were
these ; ist — That the miseries of these times ; 2nd— The
apprehensions of the decay of trade; 3rd— The fears of the
ruin of the city; 4th — The advantage of single life in these
days, addicted to mutations and changes — made him conceive
it more wisdom to marry his daughter to a great landed man
than to a merchant.

" I answer, — That the miseries of the times should not move
a prudent gentleman, as he is, to resolve upon anything that
is not grounded upon reason. For the 2nd — Trade must be
supported by the State, or the State cannot subsist ; for trade
is the pillar of a State ; and no trade, no vent of commodities —
How will the great landed men receive their rents? They will
certainly fall into greater streights than the merchants. For
industrious merchants can live gallantly in all parts of Christen-
dom ; so cannot great landed men if they are deprived of their
rents. For the 3rd — The fears of the ruin of the city are mere
chimeras ; for the ruin of the city will draw after it the desolation
of the whole nation : neither can the Parliament, nor the Army
subsist after the destruction of it; and can there be any probability
that they will ruin that which supports them? But it may be
objected, That foreigners will come in, and destroy it. If it
comes to that, what will become of the great landed men ?
Certainly they will be in the like case ; as the great landed
men are the King's party at present — viz. — most miserable.
4th — As for the advantages of a single life in the days of
affliction, it is mere paradox, and a popular error — for Solomon
saith — 'Woe to him that is alone, because he hath none to
comfort him ; ' and the histories are full of instances of the
comforts that meti may receive in the days of affliction of their
wives, and women of their loving husbands. And as for the
result of his arguments, I deny the consequences : for the
condition of the man that hath some land and some industry,

40 THOMAS PAPILLON.

is far safer than the condition of a great landed man who hath
ho industry. Peter de Medicis, Duke of Florence, was expelled
from his dukedom by mutation of State ; and had been enforced
to beg his bread, if he had not in his youth been brought up
in the trade of merchandize ; but by his industry he maintained
himself and his family very gaily during his abode at Venice.

"I acquaint you of these things, dear Cousin, that you may
endeavour to clear my Cousin major of these conceits ; and th^t
aiming to promote his daughter over highly he may not make
her for ever miserable." *

Either this letter or a condensed copy of it, which is
extant, David Papillon sent to Mrs. Broadnax by the
hand of his son Thomas ; the followring shewrs the light
in vi^hich the latter regarded his errand : —

"Most respected Father,

"You might very well suppose me indiscreet, if I should neglect
to follow your direction in a business which I have undertaken
at your request, and in obedience to your commands ; and
therefore I have chosen to be wholly guided by you in the
managing thereof, being desirous to perform my duty in relation
to yourself, as being the greatest obligation I have in the world;
and if things succeed not according to expectations, it shall
sufficiently satisfy me that thereby I have manifested my obedience
to your commands, and my willingness in all things to comply
with your desires — though possibly in some things contrary to
my own judgment — which, as I have hitherto done, I shall
always submit to yours. Upon which consideration, on my late
being in the country, I delivered your letter, with the part of
your book upon the Passions, into my cousin Broadnax the
Elder her own hands; your letter now sent me shall be sent
on Monday according to your desire; the issue I leave to the
heavenly Providence.

■ « Note. — In furtherance, however, of the marriage, David Papillon adduced
something more tangible than arguments, viz., the settlement on the happy
couple of eighty-four acres of meadow land of his estate at Lubenham,
subject to a charge on behalf of his two younger children, equal in amount
to two-thirds of the bride's marriage portion: such was the marriage settlement.

MARRIAGE. 4 1

" As to your desire that my brother and myself should go
down at Easter, I shall entreat you not to lay an injunction
upon us, the rather because I calculate it will be impossible for
me to do it at that time without prejudice to myself, which I
know you do not desire; but I assure you it shall be as soon
as our affairs will permit, &c., &c.

" I remain, your dutiful Son,

"Tho. Papillon,"
"His most respected father,
"Mr. David Papillon, these, &c.,
at Lubenham."

Patience and perseverance, duly pursued, at last met
their sure reward ; and the marriage of the happy couple
was celebrated " in the great Church in Canterbury" on
Thursday, the 30th October, 165 1.

Their mutual affection and regard through life is
testified by their letters, extracts of which will appear in
various parts of these Memoirs, and by the letters in
the Appendix. Meanwhile we may quote the following
letter written by Jane Papillon to her husband in 1667,
soon after he had gone to Breda, in Holland, as one of
a Deputation from the East India Company, to watch
the progress of a Treaty of Peace between Holland and
England, in which the Company was interested. It was
written from Thomas Papillon's house in Fenchurch
Street, London : —

"May 3rd, 1667.
"My Dearest,

"With whoni I can truly say I have lived in personal distance;
I must say I have found it no easy thing complacently to submit
to the will of God in this separating providence. Many repining
and perplexing fears have slept and waked with me, but God
has concluded them in enlarging my heart and mouth in desires
of blessings on thee, and in belief that He has qualified thee
for the receiving of them. Our God has enlarged me in desires

42 THOMAS PAPILLON.

and prayers that the fulness of His blessing and spirit might
accompany thee, and that in thy voyage and affairs He would
make thee sensible of the advantage of His presence, that He
would make thee upright before Him, and be thy Buckler, that
thou mayst never decline from the words of His mouth, that
our God will increase every grace in thee, and ability to service —
and yet keep thee humble, and not suffer thee to lean to thine
own understanding ; that in the affair thou art gone about, the
preparation of thy heart and the words of thy mouth may both
be from the Lord; that when thou goest thy steps may not
be straitened, and when thou runnest thou mayest not stumble,
but that thou mayest walk at liberty and without offence; and
that however any may incline to hard thoughts of thee, and
be unsatisfied with the produce of this Treaty — yet God may
vindicate thy uprightness, even before men, and that I nor
nothing in me may impede thy blessing — for I have been and
am sensible that in justice these blessings, which with my soul
I have desired for thee, might for my sake be denied unto
thee ; but that God, that has ever made it my request that I
might do thee good all the days of thy life, and not evil — will,
I trust, say that thou shalt never suffer on account of my
foolishness.

"This morning I endeavoured to meet thee at the throne of
grace, persuading myself that ere this time thou hadst refreshed
thyself after thy weary voyage, and it was to me as if the Lord
had said. Thou art a son that dost desire : yea, thou hast and
wilt receive His words, and hide His commandments with thee,
thou hast inclined thine ear to wisdom and applied thy heart
to understanding, thou seekest for wisdom as silver, and searchest
for her as for hid treasure; and thou hast and shalt understand
the fear of the Lord, and find the knowledge of the Most
High; and thou shalt understand righteousness and judgment
and equity : yea, and every good path ; the Lord hath laid up
sound wisdom for thee, and will be a Buckler to thee : nay, my
God hath given thee wisdom, and He will keep thee in the
way of judgment and preserve thy way ; wisdom hath entered
into thy heart, and knowledge has been pleasant to thy soul,
and discretion shall preserve thee, and understanding shall keep
thee.

LETTER FROM JANE PAPILLON. 43

" Now what remains but that I should live praise to this God
of love and bounty, to whom I have committed thee as unto
a faithful Creator? And oh, that I and all within me, yea,
and all without me, may give glory to God ! Oh, beg wisdom
for me, and faithfulness for the discharge of every duty God
hath appointed me unto : I have too, too long been as a fool
entrusted with a prize, and not known how to use it ; now help
me with your prayers, that I may know my work and duty in
its season, and improve present opportunities and advantages
for service.

"Thy son and daughter Betty are both my bedfellows. My
soul desires to be instrumental for good to them according to
their capacities; and oh that our God that has given them to
us would make me instrumental in prevailing with Him, that
He, would own them from their tender years, and so render them
blessings to thee and me. It grieves me that I have not as
much ability as desire to approve myself to thy interest; but
this I can say is the language of my heart. What I know not,
Lord teach me; and what I am not. Lord make me— for the
advancement of the honour of thy great Name, and the comfort
of him that of men thou hast made dearest unto me.

"Anne Marie went to nurse last Saturday; the rest are in
health, and intreat me to desire your blessing for them, although
they cannot come daily to ask it of you.

" Our dear mother ventured out it being sacrament day, and
I hope is not the worse for it. I need not tell thee thou art
dear to her. ' Praise to God for the womb that bare thee, and
the paps that gave thee suck.'

" Mr. Church hath hitherto constantly afforded us his company,
and Mr. Harrison sometimes ; Mr. Mokett also this morning
offered himself to join with us in prayer for thee. Blessed be
God for thy interest in the prayers of the faithful ; and let them
prosper that love thee.

" Our relations in Kent, and particularly our dear mother,
are much in desire of blessing for thee; and it is the joy of
my heart that any in relation to me have that spiritual skill
whereby they may contribute to thy good.

"Our brother Papillon is the only person that has given us

44 THOMAS PAPILLON.

a visit on the account of my solitariness — unless I may say brother
Turner. I hear my brother Broadnax intends a visit this week ;
but I fear my mother is not well enough to accompany him.

"Mr. Harrison assures me he has given thee a full account
of all thy affairs, which I would have been witness to, could
the post have stayed my reading of it. I hope business is not
neglected; they seem very diligent; the rest are as you left
them.

" My conclusion must not be without some blame to myself
for too long detaining thee, either from your improvement of
better company, or the entertainment of thy own thoughts, which
I am sure always suggest something of more worth than is subject
to the expression of her, whose blessing it is in the strictest
tie of affection to be thine,"

"Jane Papillon.''

This worthy lady lived to the age of seventy-two,
retaining her health and faculties nearly up to the time
of her death. On that occasion, in July, 1698, her husband
requested the Rev. John Shower, Independent Minister in
London, who, as above-mentioned, had married his niece,
Elizabeth Fawkner — to preach a Funeral Sermon ; and
the following dedication shews the high esteem in which
he held the memory of the departed : —

"To THE MUCH HONOURED ThOMAS PaPILLON, EsQ., &C.

" The following sermon was preached, and is now published,
at your desire; your near relation to the extraordinary person
deceased, and that which I have the honour to bear to you, doth
manifestly determine my choice to whom to address it.

"You will not expect, sir, in this epistle, that I should give
the world an account of your eminent qualities, after the manner
of modern dedications ; the aversion I ought to have for flattery,
and that which you have for any thing that looks like being
flattered, besides the censoriousness of this nice age (which will
not hear the praises of those who very well deserve them) make

CHARACTER OF JANE PAPlLLON. 4S

this point so tender to be touched, that I dare not adventure
to draw your character. However, if your children and grand-
children, following the worthy example of their parents, in great
part are, and the rest like to be, excellent examples unto others —
that, sir, is a living panegyric upon you, which you cannot
escape.

"Upon the like reason I have said so very little of the
deceased, your positive prohibition not suffering me to do her
that justice which the audience expected. I should otherwise
have mentioned her exemplary piety and devotion, the great
moderation of her principles and temper; her concern at heart
for the division among Protestants ; her strict observance of the
Lord's day in public and family worship ; her extraordinary care
to take a frequent account of the state of her soul, and of
her progress towards perfection; her love to all good men, of
whatsoever denomination; her prudent administrations at home,
and her diffusive charity abroad (a charity not confined to a
party, but measured only by the merit and necessity of the
object.)

"And to her honour I should have taken notice of the wise
and successful education of her children, and the regard she
had to the regular behaviour of her servants, on whom she
endeavoured to leave some lasting impressions of religion.

"In short, I should have declared that she discharged the
duties of every relation as a wife, mother, mistress, neighbour,
&c., in the manner as perhaps there have been few such examples
of piety and prudence in our age.

" In not doing this I observed your order, which I ought to
mention as a just excuse for that defect in my sermon.

" Dear Sir, may all the blessings of a holy and honourable old
age, which I have named, be long yours !

"May it please God to satisfy you with long life, and afterwards
shew you His salvation !

" This is the hearty prayer of, Sir,

" Your affectionate obliged Nephew and humble Servant,

"John Shower."

" London, November 3rd, 1698."

46 THOMAS PAPILLON.

The children of this marriage were : —

David, born 29th July, 1652 ; died 6th August, 1652 ;
buried in Parish Church of St. Katherine Coleman,
Fenchurch Street.

Thomas, born 25th October, 1653; died 22nd August,
1654 ; buried in the Church of St. Katherine Coleman.

Jane, born 12th December, 1654; died i6th September,
1657 ; buried in the Church of St. Katherine Coleman.

Anne, born 23rd January, 1656; died at Canterbury on
5th May, 1659 ; buried in the Cathedral.

Elizabeth, born 27th July, 1658; married on 30th March,
1676, to Edward Ward, Barrister of the Inner Temple,
and afterwards Attorney General and L. C. Baron of
the Exchequer : Jane, their first child, married THOMAS
Hunt, of Boreatton, Salop ; and thence the family of
Ward-Hunt.

Philip, born 26th November, 1660 ; married loth
September, 1689, to Anne, daughter of William
Jolliffe, Esq.j of Caverswall Castle, Staffordshire : hence
the PapiUon family of Kent, Essex, and Sussex.

Sarah, born loth February, 1664; married 14th August,
1683, to Samuel Rawston, Esq., of Bucklersbury, who
died at Lexden, near Colchester (where he had purchased
a property), on 17th February, 1720.

Anne Marie, born 13th November, 1665 ; married, 27th
August, 1689, to William Turner, Esq., Barrister of
Gray's Inn : their son William married Elizabeth,
co-heiress of Thomas Scott, Esq., of Longage, parish
of Lyminge, Kent, who was descended from the house
of Robert Bruce. Their grand-daughter, Bridget
Turner married David Papillon, grandson of Philip
the brother of Anne Marie.

R
O
O

<
X
U

P
izi
<

o
>-)

En
O

iz;
o

I-)

P!i
Q

H
en

Pi
Z

n
o

_U —

B
E-
H

I— I

-►J-

o
n
z

O
I— >

z
o

o
«
H

Z
■s

I-!

a
n

<;
w
u

<1
IS

Z
o

"- h-t -
Pi
<

Id
tn

H-
Z
P<i

H
O

J J

<
z

Q
■»!
O

><
a
tA

n
o
O
>j

Cd
«!
W

A
N

<!
W

w ~

Z
Z
<
Z

H
II
!«!

<i
Z
Q

<!
W
rJ

z
z

z
o

W
H

o-d s .
^ a C in

< «; cS .S 5

CHAPTER III.
DISPUTES IN THE FRENCH CHURCH IN LONDON.

M. StDupe complains of M. Delme — the Consistory admonish the latter — and
he replies offensively — the Consistory reprove him — he appeals to
Cromwell to summon a Collogue — Cromwell does so, and further appoints
a Committee to consider the matter — the Collogue remonstrate against
this invasion of their rights — Thomas Papillon and John Dubois deputed
by the Church to assert them — ^A Committee of Ministers appointed by
. the Seven French Churches in England — and a satisfactory Settlement
effected.

The case of Mr. James Fell, educated at Dieppe, and elected to a Cure
of the Church in London.

N 1657 we find Thomas Papillon engaged with
his friend John Dubois on behalf of the French
Church in London, of which they were Deacons,
in claiming from the Government their legal
and prescriptive right of self-government by
consistory, coetus, collogue, and synod.
The matter arose thus: — In December, 1654, a complaint
was made to the Consistory by M. Stoupe, one of the
Pastors, that another Pastor, M. Delm^ had inveighed from
the pulpit against his preaching, as being too legal. The
Consistory admonished M. Delmd, and on his replying in
offensive language, they adjudged him guilty of a breach
of discipline, but still only desired a promise from the two
parties that they would refrain from mutual recrimination,
and from publishing the proceeds of the Consistory. To
this M. Delmd partially assented, but maintained his right

DISPUTES IN FRENCH CHURCH. 49

to oppose " all manner of errors and vices without respect
of persons," and defended his past conduct " in opposing
Holy days." He also complained of another Pastor for
having written against him to the Church at Norwich.

The Consistory then ordered all the three Pastors
mutually to ask pardon ; and on M. Delm^ refusing, they
adjudged him guilty of rebellion against Ecclesiastical
Order, and suspended him. They also called a Coetus
or Assembly of the Ministers and Elders of the French
and Dutch Churches in London, to confirm or modify
their sentence ; and M. Delm^ consented to submit to the
decision, "if according to God and reason.''

The decision of the Coetus was very moderate and
conciliatory ; still, M. Delm^ would not agree to it, but
with various fathers of families, who took his part, he
appealed to the Protector, Oliver Cromwell, to summon
a Collogue or Assembly of the Ministers and Elders of
the several French Churches in England, viz., those at
London, Canterbury, Southampton, Norwich, Dover,
Santoff in the Isle of Axholme, and Torre Abbey.

On the partial assembly of the Collogue, and on
objections being made by some of the members who
presented themselves, M. Delm^ and his friends again
appealed to the Protector, requesting that the proceedings
might be submitted to a body of English Divines — a
proposal already made by the Protector, but rejected by
the Collogue.

The Protector, however, carried his point, and appointed
a Committee of the Privy Council, consisting of Lord
Strickland, Lord Mulgrave, General Desborow, Major-Gen.
Skippon, to receive the Report of the Divines, and to treat
with the parties at issue.

At this stage, the French Church in London deputed
Thomas Papillon and John Dubois to remonstrate with

so THOMAS PAPILLON.

the Committee against the infringement of the State on
their right of Self-Government by the Church according as
by Law and Custom estabUshed. Whether this proceeding
had immediate effect does not appear; for either before
or after its occurrence, both parties pleaded several times
before the Committee ; but at last, by means of the Dutch
Ministers, and of a Mr. David Stuart, a Minister from
the Low Countries, a project was accepted and signed by
both parties, in pursuance of which Pastors of all the seven
French Churches in England, together with four assistants,
viz., Caesar Calandrini and Theodore Diodati on the part
of the Consistory of London, and Mr. David Stuart
and M. Muoy on the part of M. Delmd and his
adherents, met in Collogue and decided — " that there have
been great breaches of charity, which have occasioned
irregularities and factions that threaten the Church : they
order therefore that they humble themselves before God,
ask mutual pardon, embrace each other, and efface all
books and memorials relating to the case. That M. Delm^
should confess himself by his words or actions to have
offended the Consistory, so that the latter should think
he was too much attached to his own sentiments ; and
then be restored. The adherents who were suspended, to
ask pardon and be restored."

All acquiesced in this arrangement except four, whose
names have not appeared in the above narration.

Letter from Thomas Papillon and John Dubois to the
Committee of the Privy Council : —

"Right Honourables,

" We, with several others, have been divers times to wait upon
your Honour, being thereto deputed by the French Congregation
of London, to give your Honour information of the state of our

FRENCH CHURCH IN ENGLAND. Si

matters, and that we are, as we always have been, ready in a
disciplinary way (notwithstanding the indication of our proceedings
in the Coetus and Collogue) to allow M. Delmd the liberty of an
appeal to a Synod, for the determination of all differences, that
being, according to our discipline, the only proper and supreme
judge now left.

"It was before the Right Honourable the Committee appointed
to hear this business on our parts demonstrated at the last
hearing, before your Honour came in, that we had not been
heard by the Rev. the English Divines as to the matters in
difference, but only to the point of the Collogue, and that only
by papers, being never called before them (as we expected) to
know wherein they were unsatisfied, and that the allegations
before them as to matters of fact being without proof, were
no more than 'yea and nay.' Being charged by the other party
with having protested against his Highness's authority, we
declared that we did own his Highness as Supreme Magistrate
in this Nation, and as such should always submit to his
commands, actively or passively, but that the matters in question
were touching suspension and excommunication, the judgment
whereof by unquestionable right from Jesus Christ belongeth to
the Church, to be exercised within, and not by any extrinsical
power.

"That besides that right, we had legal right, by Patent, by
long practice, and by Law ; and that for above one hundred
years never any King or Magistrate in this Nation have taken
upon them to judge our Ecclesiastical matters, but have always
left us to our own government — all which was then insisted upon,
but now too tedious to trouble your Honour withal.

" Upon your Honour coming, they finding the former charge
invalid, and not to stick, object that we did consent to refer
the matters in question to his Highness, or such as he had
appointed — which, how inconsistent it is with their former
charge, several times repeated against his Highness's authority —
is obvious to any common capacity.

" By the paper enclosed, being a narrative of the transactions
before his Highness (the truth whereof the other gentlemen will
acknowledge) your Honour will perceive that we neither did nor

52 THOMAS PAPILLON.

could consent to refer any thing out of a disciplinary way, unto
which we are strictly bound.

"If before that time by any private person any thing was
said touching to any other effect, the Consistory cannot be
therein concerned, as being contrary to their Order, and not in
their power; and having since (before any thing done) declared
the contrary.

" Enclosed your Honour will find a Certificate of the nature
and constitution of the Ccetus, and of their proceedings touching
these differences, by which your Honour will see who indeed
are those who do endeavour peace, and who they are that
obstruct it: also a copy of an Order of Parliament of the 21st
January, 1642, establishing the privileges of our Churches; and
also a copy of an Order for the Committee for Plundered
Ministers, of the 27th August, anno 1647, leaving the
determination of a business of a very like nature, touching the
Suspension of a Minister, ' to a Synod, as the proper judge
thereof; and the Parliament, who understood the rights of our
Churches, and the evil consequences that might ensue to
Protestants in foreign parts, under Popish Magistrates, if those
rights of exercising our discipline amongst ourselves were taken
from us — did make it a charge of High Treason against the
Archbishop of Canterbury for endeavouring to deprive us of the
same, as in the 7 th Article of his Impeachment is laid down.

"All which we humbly pray your Honour to take into your
serious consideration ; and that it is not any private or particular
quarrel that we have against any person or persons, but the
upholding of that Church which from Christ is derived to us;
and the maintenance of those rights which, by the favour of
his Highness's predecessors, and laws of this land, have been
hitherto enjoyed by our Churches.

"That some of the Dissenters are good men (as we hope)
argues not that their matters are right, or that they do well in
rejecting the judgment of the CcEtus, Collogue, and Synod, the
proper Ecclesiastical jurisdiction according to our discipline and
practice for many years, as aforesaid : the best men are subject
to failings, whereof (with sorrow we may say it) we could give
sufficient demonstration, if to recriminate were to the question,

t-bEl^CH CHURCH IN ENGLAND. S^

or would tend to that end which we aim at, viz. : Union in
our Churches in the continuance of our ancient liberties for
deciding of all Ecclesiastical matters among ourselves by
Consistory, Coetus, Collogue, and Synod, and doubt not but the
Right Honourable Committee and your Honour in particular,
(whose public negotiations abroad have given your Honour the
knowledge of the government of the Protestant Churches in
foreign parts, to which ours is conformable), will take such care
that the same may be continued to us as heretofore.

"We did intend to have delivered this (with some enlargements)
verbally to your honour; but wanting an opportunity, we have
thought good to present the same to your Honour in writing,
humbly begging your Honours' favourable excuse, and to give
us the privilege to subscribe ourselves,
" Right Honourables,

" Your Honours' most devoted Servants,
"Tho. Papillon,
"John Dubois,

" In the name of ourselves and the
rest deputed from the French
Consistory, London."
"8th September, 1657."

The interest taken by Thomas Papillon in the
independence of the French Church in England is also
shewn by the following abridged (autograph) account of
another dispute, in which the invasion of their rights was
threatened by the Synod of Normandy.

Mr. James Fell, who was educated by the French
Church at Dieppe in order to be their Minister, came
to London, and was desired by the French Church there
to remain with them. He wrote to the Church at Dieppe
to acquaint them of it, and to request that as he had
finished his University studies, they should either at
once call him to their Church, or permit him to accept
this advantageous offer : the Church at Dieppe, in full

S4 THOMAS PAPlLLON.

Consistory, allow him to accept it; but some among
them, without declaring at the time, apply to the Synod
of Normandy to call him, which the Synod order; but
in the meantime the Church of London elect him, and
in a Ccetus offer to ordain him, together with Mr. Primrose,
likewise chosen to be a Minister. But at Mr. Rosseau's
desire they defer action till they procure his formal
discharge from Dieppe ; and they of Dieppe excuse
themselves, their Synod having otherwise ordered. On
this the London Church resolve to retain him: i — Because
he was regularly discharged from Dieppe. 2 — There was
no appeal to the Synod. 3 — Our Churches are not liable
to the orders of a French Synod. 4 — The Church in
London universally insist on it and only a few in France
oppose it. Thomas Papillon drew up the reasons.

CHAPTER IV.

DISPUTES WITH THE CUSTOMS AND EXCISE OFFICERS ;

AND GENERAL OBJECTIONS TO EXCISE DUTIES ON

FOREIGN GOODS IMPORTED.

In 1653 Papillon prepares a Case opposing demand by Customs for an Export
duty on Lead — Counsel confirms his view — and the Council of State
concurs — In 1668 he disputes the right of the Customs and Excise
Commissioners to charge duty on Brandy as on " Strong Waters perfectly
made " — the Excise Commissioners order payment of the duty demanded,
though the Customs have seized the goods — the matter is referred to the
I^aw Courts and opposite judgments obtained — order of the King in
Council for an amicable settlement by the Judges — result in favour of
Papillon and Colleagues — Sneering remarks of Pepys on Papillon's
suit — Arguments of Papillon against Excise import duties.

HE foregoing remonstrance in relation to Church
discipHne was not Thomas Papillon's first
contest on behalf of supposed right; although
he had been willing to submit to parental
authority, and was ever ready to respect legal
demands, he could not brook the unjust claims
of those in office. Gallic combativeness, and inherent love
of justice impelled him no doubt in the latter direction,
while moral and religious feelings induced the former.

In 1653, when under thirty years of age, we find him
successfully disputing a Customs' claim on the exportation
of lead to foreign parts, though such was due only from
aliens. The claim was made under an Act of 1642, which
based its demands on one of 27th Edward III. limiting
the charge to aliens, while the Customs claimed the duty
as a new impost on English subjects.

$6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Thomas Papillon drew up a case for Counsel (which
is among his autograph M.SS.) and submitted it to Mr.
Wyndham, who gave an opinion decidedly favourable to
his view; and he was at once joined by nineteen other
merchants in a Petition to the Council of State, by which
the matter was " adjourned in their favour."

About fourteen years later, he resisted an illegal claim
of double duty on brandy, made by the Customs and
Excise farmers, and supported by their Commissioners,
as though it were " Strong Waters perfectly made."

Two Acts had been passed in 1660, each directing "For
every gallon of spirits made of any kind of wine or cider
imported, 2d. ; for every gallon of strong waters perfectly
made, imported from beyond the seas, 4.6."

For about six years from the time of these enactments,
the Commissioners of Customs and excise, and the farmers
both past and present, levied only 2d. a gallon on spirits,
including brandy; but the importation of this article much
increased, and the farmers insisted that the duty of only
2d. applied to "Wine and cider imported," and that brandy
must be regarded as " Strong Waters perfectly made,"
(which it is not ; though it was apprehended that the
farmers intended to sue Parliament to declare it such in
a new Act.)

The brandy merchants, led by Thomas Papillon,
promptly entered a suit in the Court of Exchequer
against this novel and unjust construction of the Acts,
and obtained a verdict in their favour ; but the Com-
missioners obtained an opposite verdict in the Court of
King's Bench : and the farmers iinding they could not
seize the goods while protected by the Court of Exchequer,
nor sue the importers who entered them under false names,
proposed to the merchants that suits should be entered

Customs and excise. S?

afresh in the Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and
Exchequer, and that the verdict should rest with the
majority of judgments given. To this, however, the
merchants would not agree, being already secure in the
Exchequer. The farmers therefore appealed for protection
to the King in Council, who referred the case to all the
Judges "To consider of the matter in difference between
the merchants and the petitioners concerning the said
duty on brandy, and in case they do not agree in their
opinions (all the parties concerned seeming willing to
submit to their determination) that the said Judges
present to his Majesty in Council such expedients as
they shall judge proper for putting an end to the said
differences by trial, with equality both to the petitioners
and the said merchants, and also for preventing the
entering of goods in the names of unknown persons (not
the rightful proprietors) by means whereof his Majesty
may be defrauded of the duties due and accruing according
to law."

This Order in Council was made on 31st March, 1669,
and was finally favourable to the merchants; but on 21st
August following it appears from Pepys' Diary that, as
he says, " Here also [in the Council Chamber] I heard
Mr. Papillon make his defence against some complaints
of the farmers of Excise ; but it was so weak, and done
only by his own seeking, that it was to his injury more
than profit, being ill-managed, and in a cause against
the King." Pepys was a thorough-going supporter of the
Government, and thus sneered at Papillon's proceedings,
but surely "there was a cause."

The case was several years in progress, and in the
petition to the King in Council above-mentioned, the
Excise farmers refer to it as "the great contest between
the merchants and themselves."

58 tHOMAS PAPtLLON.

On i8th March, 1669, the Excise Commissioners held
a Court, in which Thomas Papillon was sued for
;^88o 1 6s. lod. value of brandy on which the duty on
strong waters had not been paid ; and although the
Customs had seized the goods, the Excise Commissioners
demanded their value.

The fact is that the system of farming the revenue
constantly proved an incentive to fraud and oppression,
and led to collusion between the Commissioners and
the farmers. (See Gray's Parliamentary Debates, vol. I.
pp. 237, &c.)

Moreover, the frequent imposition of new duties for
specific purposes much complicated fiscal proceedings,
and rendered extortion the easier.

In February, 1 671, Papillon drew up a paper headed
" Some brief Reasons against the Excise of foreign
Commodities,'' &c., of which the following is an abstract:

" ' ist^That the additional duty already charged at the
Customs House was declared to be in lieu of Excise, and
therefore to set up another Excise on the same commodities, is
a double charge, and seems contrary to the former declaration.'

" 2nd — These additional duties will much injure the trade of
the country : —

" (i) — By inducing other countries to retaliate, to the reduction
of English exports ; such a step is already mooted in Brittany,
where our drapery has been hitherto admitted duty free.
" (2) — By impeding the importation of goods with a view to
their exportation ; the King of France is so sensible of the
benefit accruing to trade from this practice, that he affords
it every facility; but if he be hampered by the vexations
attending English Excise, merchants will not undertake it :
and by these vexations even home trade will be discouraged.

CUSTOMS AND EXCISE. ^9

" (3rd) — Excessive duties are sure to involve their illicit evasion,
to the injury of the honest trader, and of trade at large.

" (4th) — The retrospective character of these duties will place
both merchants and shopkeepers in a most unfair and
invidious position ; no one will be secure, nor aware how
he stands.

" Lastly — ' The method of collecting, recovering, and securing
the Excise by penalties, forfeitures, and oaths, and the
erection of an ofifice (court) whereby traders are liable to be
undone every day on the oath of a single person, swearing in
part for his own profit,' liable also 'to have their houses broken
open on any ground of jealousy or malicious pretence, to
have their goods, and other men's goods in their custody,
carried away at any officer's pleasure, whether the owner
be present or no, and the said goods confiscated and sold
if the true owner come not to claim them by a certain day,
whether he have notice of it or no, or be in a capacity
to attend,' — these, and various attendant circumstances are
indeed intolerable.'"

Extortions by the Customs Officers were clearly of old
date ; for in the records of the House of Lords of 1624
(see Historical M.SS. Commission — Report HI. page 33)
we find mention : " May 20th " of a " Draft of an Act to
avoid the extortions and exactions of customers, controllers,
surveyors, collectors, searchers, waiters, clerks, and other
officers or persons employed in and about the Customs
and subsidies of our Sovereign Lord the King."

How necessary was it for such fiscal evils to again be
held up to reprobation.

CHAPTER V.

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF TRADE ON THE GRIEVANCES
OF THE EASTLAND COMPANY RELATIVE TO THE NORWAY
TIMBER TRADE, ETC. — REASONS AGAINST FURTHER
SUSPENSION OF THE NAVIGATION ACT, AND COUNSEL
TO PERMIT THE PURCHASE OF SIXTY FOREIGN TIMBER
SHIPS — MR. PAPILLON'S AND MR. CHILD'S EVIDENCE
BEFORE A COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS,
RELATIVE TO THE DECAY OF TRADE.

Reasons adduced by Papillon for not renewing the Suspension of Navigation
Act — probable objections, with replies — On the Norway Timber Trade —
Papillon and others of the Council of Trade state their views on the
alleged decay of Trade — Opinion of Mr. Child, and suggestions; a
reduction of the legal rate of interest recommended and adopted.

^N the beginning of 1669, Thomas Papillon appears
to have been an active member of the Council
of Trade, which was a body of statesmen and
merchants recently formed, to advise the Govern-
ment on mercantile affairs ; and various M.SS.,
some autograph, some otherwise, relative to its
proceedings, are among his papers.

I. — The first matter was a petition of the Eastland
(Baltic) Company, praying for the restoration of their
exclusive privileges, and for redress against the Danish
Government, which had of late much oppressed them in
their trade ; the petition being accompanied by a statement

THE EASTLAND COMPANY. 6l

of their success in the trade, to the national benefit, from
the date of their charter in 2 1st Elizabeth to the time
of the Civil War.

The statement of the Company is an interesting document,
shewing the purpose and effect of ancient trading charters,
and seems worthy of record in extenso ; while the report
of the Council of Trade on their petition will disclose
the tenour of the latter, and the mercantile views of the
day. It disregards, however, their prayer for restoration
of exclusive privileges.

" Further Reasons, humbly offered to the Right
Honourable the Council for Trade, for support
OF THE Company of Eastland Merchants.

"The trade of the Baltic Seas, was above 300 years past,
discovered by our predecessors at great charge and hazard ; in
which notwithstanding the English had no great interest until
it pleased Queen Elizabeth (21° Regni) to incorporate them by
a charter ; which was granted, not only for their encouragement,
but also to enable them under a well ordered government to
rescue the trade from the hands of other nations, who then
almost wholly enjoyed it; and to advance it in the hands of
skilful and native merchants ; to protect it abroad from foreign
injuries and oppression. And with what success of honour
and benefit to this kingdom the same hath been pursued, the
precedents of former times do clearly testify, and may appear by
the following instances, which have fallen within the compass
of our own memory and experience.

" I. — We have in former years exported annually 14,000 broad
cloths, fully manufactured, besides kerseys, perpetuanes, northern
dozens, and other commodities of wool to the like value. Not-
withstanding which great quantities exported by us, our constant
care was, not to debase the commodity, by selling the same at
mean rates; but rather, in the case of too full a market, to
preserve it in magazines abroad till an opportunity of better
sale ; by which means the credit^ of our English manufactures

62 THOMAS PAPILLON.

hath been so upheld in foreign parts, that our main profit hath
been raised upon the same, out of the purse of the stranger;
and not Upon our returns here sold to the English, as now it is.

" 2— Having made this advantage by our English commodities
abroad, we were thereby enabled to make plentiful returns in
hemp, flax, pitch, tar, potash, tallow, masts, oars, deals, copper,
iron, steel, corn, and other commodities, being of absolute
necessity for the strength and service of this land, and for
employment of the poor : with all which this kingdom was
furnished at reasonable rates (sometimes cheaper than the cost)
besides an overplus in gold and silver, which we have frequently
imported in great quantities, to the increase of the general stock
of the nation : and of these foreign commodities we also kept
a magazine in England ; not only for a constant supply of the
markets here, but sufficient to furnish other foreign places, and
that at easier rates than since the time our Government hath
desisted.

"3.- — In this large trade, out and home, we have employed
about 200 English ships yearly, all of good burthen and fit for
defence and service; by which means this Company proved a
singular nursery of seamen; having by computation disbursed in
way of freight ;^6o,ooo per annum; it being also their constant
endeavour and care, to use English ships only (if such were
to be had) and no other; thereby performing the intent of the
Act of Navigation before it was m being; and that with more
advantage to the public interest of that trade, than is now
produced by the Act.

"4. — Being looked upon abroad as an united society, we
have been understood as able to make or divert a trade; and
consequently to oblige cities to procure justice, and to serve
and honour his Majesty and his kingdoms, on several occasions ;
having obtained such immunities in foreign parts as have
equalled, if not exceeded, those of the natives; as particularly,
a freedom from taxes, and several burthens which the natives
themselves bore; a liberty to buy and sell, not only with the
citizens where we traded, but with strangers also; a power to
preserve the estate of any Englishman dying in Poland, which
by the laws of that country is confiscated to the Prince ; a

THE EASTLAND COMPANY. 63

power to end differences of the English amongst themselves,
without being exposed to the snares and rigour of foreign laws ;
and if any injury were done by strangers to any particular factor,
the same was resented as done against the whole body, and
reparation gained by them with more facility and less charge :
which services, with many others, were not to be effected by
single persons, who are not so able to resist injuries, nor can
expect that respect abroad, which an united society may enjoy.

"And that these advantages are to be accounted to a well
regulated Association may further appear by considering what
contrary and sad effects have been produced since the govern-
ment of this Company hath been intermitted for these many
years past, viz., since the beginning of the late unhappy troubles,
for,

"(i.) — Our native commodities are incredibly debased in the
foreign places of our trade; which hath happened by the confused
and uncontrolled trading of interlopers and unskilful persons of
late years, and the continued trading of strangers now; By
whose practices we being disabled to make profit of our English
manufactures abroad, are necessitated to advance the same upon
the foreign commodities imported ; which we confess must prove
a great diminution to the stock of this kingdom.

" (2).^As an effect of this irregular trading and debasing the
English manufactures abroad, our cloth and other commodities
vented in the East parts, is contracted to a small proportion
of the former quantities there sold by us : and of 200 English

ships formerly employed in this trade, scarce are now used

in a year.

"(3.) — The discredit of our manufactures abroad, and the
lessening of that trade occasion the exportation of gold and
silver, which is the customary practice of the stranger, as these
late times have abundantly testified : and the permission and
enlargement of the trade of strangers will much more occasion
that evil.

"(4.) — Great hath been the industry of strangers in Poland
and Prussia of late years, to advance their manufactures of cloth,
by procuring English workmen and stealing fullers' earth into
those parts ; and as great hath been the care of our Company

S4 THOMAS PAPILLON.

to prevent such conveyances ; whereas an open trade will much
more help and confirm them in those designs, to the destruction
of our native commodities : and we dare boldly affirm, that
nothing hath more promoted foreign clothing than the want of
encouragement to Corporations of Merchants in these late
times.

"(5.) — It is evident that through the want of government
here we are already in great measure, and shall in a short time
be totally deprived of what foreign privileges we have formerly
had, and might still enjoy; and instead thereof be exposed to
unusual burthens, when we shall be wholly unable to expel them.

" By all which may easily be discerned the benefits of govern-
ment, and the ill consequences attending the want thereof: most
of which mischiefs we humbly conceive will not be effectually
remedied otherwise than by encouraging the traders with such
privileges and power as they formerly had, and in particular
with a continuance of the Proclamation first granted by King
James, and afterwards by his late Majesty, and since ordered
to be renewed by his now Majesty. The sole question in this
case seeming to be, Whether the carrying on of this trade (so
considerable in many respects) should be in the hands of his
Majesty's subjects, or of Strangers.

"All which is humbly submitted."

The follovi^ing is from an autograph paper by Thomas
Papillon, docketed, " Copy of Report to the Council of
Trade from the Committee touching the Norway trade ;
made the nth February, 1668."

Thomas Papillon was a member of the Committee of
the Council appointed to report upon the Eastland
Company's Petition, and from the additions and erasures
in this paper it seems probable that he prepared it
himself.

"The Committee in pursuance of the order of the Council
of Trade of the 14th January last, have heard the Eastland

THE NORWAY TIMBER TRADE. 65

merchants, and other owners of ships, and mariners, touching
the grievances and obstructions of the English trade in Norway
and Denmark, and through the Sound, and humbly report to
the Board as followeth : —

"That by the Treaty made in anno 1660, between his Majesty
and the King of Denmark, provision was made in the 13th and
24th Articles, That the English should enjoy the same privileges
and pay no greater or other tolls and impositions than the Dutch
or any other nation except the Swede.

" Yet since the late war, the Treaty made at Breda not having,
as we find, particularly confirmed the same, the officers of the
King of Denmark on pretence that the English are strangers,
and without the tractate, as they call it, do very much abuse
the English.

" In measuring their ships at their pleasure without any fixed
known rule, and generally one-third part at least more than
formerly — in exacting greater tolls and impositions of the English
than of the Dutch and French, about one-third more than was
paid since the foresaid Treaty of 1660 — as also a certain duty
of eight rix dollars on every ship above 50 last, for liberty of
trade, called ' Ingoen de toll.'

" For particular instance of which they have caused two
Tollsedles of one and the same ship to be translated and
hereunto annexed, whereby it appears that the same ship which
in April, 1664, was measured but at 120 last, and paid but 96
rix dollars, was in June last measured 160 last, and paid 240
rix dollars.

" Further, by the said Treaty in anno 1660, it was provided
in the iSth Article, That firs, masts, or other timber laden on
board English ships should not be visited after laden, nor the
English any way troubled for the same, on pretence that any
part was prohibited.

" Yet now the English are daily in danger of the confiscation
of their ships and goods in case they lade any large masts or
great timber.

"Also the English in several parts of Norway are debarred
the free liberty of selling their goods, even to burghers of these
towns, but at certain times and seasons, viz., at Dennten they

66 THOMAS PAPILLON.

are limited to sell only in the months of March and September ;
at Christiana and Bergen they are not permitted to sell their
goods unless the same be done within 14 days' time of the
ship's arrival, and in case any be not sold in that time the
officers at Christiana take the remaining goods out of the
possession of the English, and carry them to the Tolboth or
Customs House, where they remain till another ship comes in,
and then they have liberty again for 14 days for sale of them
together with the new goods brought, and so from time to time.

"Also the English passing the Sound have had more toll
taken from them than ought to be by any public placard or
book of rates, the ofScers pretending private books that none
ought to have but themselves : and though upon complaint some
part hath sometimes been restored, yet not all, as appears by
a letter from John Paul, H.M.'s Consul at Elsinore, bearing
date the 10th March last.

" By reason of which extraordinary impositions and exactions
English ships cannot be employed but at great disadvantage,
and thereby the Dane increaseth much in shipping, and enhanceth
his freights, and the English decrease, and in a little time that
trade, unless some speedy remedy be applied, will wholly fall
into the hands of Strangers, and be managed only in foreign
ships, to the discouragement of the English navigation and
seamen, and the obstruction of the vent of English manufactures.

" For remedy whereof, and to oblige the Dane to allow the
English the same privileges as formerly, and also for the supply
of the present occasions of the City [of London] some have
proposed, —

"That the liberty his Majesty was pleased in great wisdom
to grant the last year to the English to import Norway timber
and deals in any foreign ships whatsoever, might continue for
a longer time; yet, forasmuch as H.M. intended the same
only for the present exigency [viz., the rebuilding of London
after the great Fire], — it is to be remarked, — That the state of
affairs is much altered since that time, and that it is much
opposed by owners and builders of ships, and seamen, as being
contrary to the Act of Navigation, as also that on several
other considerations such liberty may not now be advantageous

THE DENMARK AND NORWAY TRADE. 6/

to H.M.'s kingdom in general. The Committee cannot be of
opinion at present that H.M. be advised to continue the said
permission any longer than the 2Sth March next, to which
time H.M. hath limited the same,

"But do in all humility report their opinion that this Board
would present it as their humble opinion and advice to his
Majesty,

"That H.M. would be graciously pleased by some Treaty
with the King of Denmark, to procure the same privileges for
the English as they had by the Treaty of 1660, and that the
English may have the like free liberty to sell their goods at
any time in any of the cities or other places of Denmark and
Norway as the subjects of the King of Denmark have in
England.

"As also that having paid their due customs, they may not
be put out of the possession of their goods ; and also such other
privileges as H.M. shall think good, which they humbly conceive
the Dane ought in all equity to admit, for that they have and
do enjoy the same privileges in England now, as they did
immediately after the Treaty of 1660, and are as favourably
treated by H.M.'s officers as are the English themselves.

"But in case the Dane on treaty will not give reciprocal
privileges to the English, — Then that some imposition may be
laid on his ships, to answer in proportion what he exacts of the
English, that so the English ships may be put in a capacity of
trading on equal terms.

" And to the end there may not be a want of English ships
for carrying on this trade, at this time more especially so
necessary, — It is humbly proposed :

"That his Majesty may please to grant, That the ships taken
by virtue of H.M.'s Commission in the late wars by the Scots,
and that shall have been, or hereafter be, bought by the English,
may be allowed for free English ships, to be employed in the
Norway trade, or the Baltic Seas, or for Salt from any place,
they sailing with an English Master, and three-fourths of the
mariners English :

"As also, — That permission may be given to the English to
buy some foreign built ships not exceeding the number of 60

68 THOMAS PAPILLON.

in all; which said ships so bought to enjoy the freedom of
English ships to be employed in trades, and under the
limitations before mentioned.

"All which is humbly submitted," &c.

Having disposed of the subject of the Norway timber
trade as regards the Danish and English Governments
respectively, the Council of Trade soon considered it in
its more domestic aspect, especially in regard to the
prolonged suspension of the Navigation Act, which some
people proposed. The views of the Council, as drawn
up by a Committee, again appears in an autograph
paper by Papillon, of which the following is an abstract :
the paper is docketed April, 1669, and bears this heading:

" Some of the Reasons and grounds that induced the
Committee and afterwards the Council of Trade to advise
his Majesty not to continue the Suspension of the Act
of Navigation, but to give liberty for buying of 60 foreign
built ships to be appropriated to that trade and for Salt."

[Abstract of Reasons, &c.J

" I. — It is very necessary that timber should be imported from
Norway, sufiScient for the rebuilding of London.

" 2. — But it is very undesirable to prolong the Suspension of
the Navigation Act, as it will materially affect Ship-building
and Seamanship, which are most requisite industries, both
for trade and defence — and will throw all the profits attending
them into the hands of foreigners, thus reducing the stock
of the nation : The cost of carrying goods is equal in amount
to half the value of the goods imported; so that if ;^2oo,ooo
worth of timber be imported annually, ;£ioo,ooo goes to the
ship-builder, merchant, and seamen; and if foreign ships
bring it, so much is lost to the nation : Moreover, if the

THE TIJIBER TRADE. 69

trade be discouraged it will pass permanently into foreign
hands, the Danes and the Dutch — and it is easier to lose
a trade than to regain it.
' 3. — But the English neither have, nor ever have had, ships
suitable for the timber trade — those hitherto used having
been chiefly foreign prizes — it is therefore very desirable
that the purchase of, say 60, foreign timber ships be
permitted: i — To maintain the necessary supply of timber;
2 — To serve as the nucleus for a national stock of such
ships.

' If it be objected that, ' The buying of these ships will
take away as much stock of the nation as the Suspension
of the Act of Navigation,'

"'Answer i. — No; the buying of 60 ships, if we
account _;^i,ooo a ship, will cost but ;^6o,ooo ; the stock
of the nation will lose by the other in one year above

;^I00,000.'

"'Answer 2. — For the laying out of this ;^6o,ooo, you
do accrue a suitable addition of riches to the nation ; for
shipping is equivalent to the money in value ; ' Whereas
the other is gone, and nothing left.' '

"'Answer 3. — The disbursement of this ;^6o,ooo is
but like seed; it will bring in more; whereas the other
is a seed sown on an enemy's ground, who will reap the
crop.'

'"Answer 4.— When we have ships of our own. The

provisions of the nation go for victualling, and manufactures

for clothing, and all trades are set to work: whereas if

Strangers be our Carriers, they carry away our Money,

but expend little or none of our commodities.'

'4- — It is worthy of consideration whether a similar step should

not be adopted with respect to the Eastland trade, from

which the Dutch now reap a large profit in the importation

of salt, wine, brandy, &c.

"The purchase of foreign ships was opposed, i — As
unnecessary; 2 — As throwing money into the hands of the
foreigner. But these objections had already been met by
the facts adduced."

70 THOMAS PAPILLON.

In the' autumn of 1669 a Committee of the House of
Lords sat " to consider of the causes and grounds of the
fall of rents and decay of trade within these kingdoms."
Several of the Council of Trade were summoned to give
evidence, and among them Thomas Papillon ; and a
summary of his evidence, as of other members, appears
in the Records of the House of Lords, quoted by the
Historical M.SS. Commission, Report VHI. ; but the
following more accurate and fuller statement is among
his own autograph M.SS. : —

" The substance of what I said at the Committee of the House
of Lords for enquiring the reasons of the decay of trade, the
4th November, 1669 :

" Mr. Josias Child having been very long in insisting on the
means the Dutch had taken to advance their trade, on several
defects in our laws, &c., I was desired not to speak again to
what had been spoken, so I was prohibited in what I might
have said, —

" I told their Lordships that the consideration of trade and all
the circumstances and necessary dependencies thereupon, was of
so large an extent, as they might perceive by the many particulars
before instanced, that it would require not only a day, but many
days' study of the most able and judicious persons,^

" That I conceived there were three essentials of trade, without
the concurrence of which trade could not be carried on and
increased, to wit,
" 'Stock,
People,
And the improvement of both.'

"By Stock, I meant not only Money but all Commodities;
by People, not only Merchants, but all sorts, handicraftsmen,
artificers, &c.

" As to Stock, the late fire had without question been a great
impairing of the same, specially considering how much was now
employed in building, which would otherwise have been employed
in trade.

ALLEGED DECAY OF TRADE. 7 1

"As to People, the late Plague had consumed some hundred
thousands, and so deprived us of so many hands to improve our
commodities by manufacture, and so many mouths' to have
consumed our corn and provisions ; and this could not but
occasion a decay in trade.

"As to the improvement of both Stock and People,
"ist. — I told them we did not improve our commodities by
manufacture ; but great quantities of wool were exported
from Ireland and England, which was very prejudicial to
the nation; one lb. of wool sold raw yielded but lod., which
manufactured would yield 2s. 6d. to 3s. and 4s., which was
so much addition to the stock of the nation, being only the
labour and industry of the People.
" 2ndly — That by trivial and vexatious law suits, both at
Common Law and Civil Law, much of the stock and many
of the people were diverted from trade; and the money
and time expended in that way, if employed in trade, would
be a great advantage to the nation.
"Srdly — That the unsettledness of men's minds in reference
to Religion was a great diversion, and impediment to trade :
For people being always under fears of being debarred of
their liberty that way, would not freely engage in trade,
that they might on that account have no hindrance to
remove, —many choosing rather to go to other countries
where they might have liberty, than to stay here in case
they should be denied the same.

"And whereas it had been proposed in order to the
advance of trade that a general liberty of foreigners to
settle here would be advantageous, I did agree therein
with this caution, that they be such Foreigners as might
and would incorporate into the nation, and become English ;
for that otherwise, I conceived they would suck the riches
and treasure of the nation, and in the end carry it away
to other countries : I instanced the Jews that never would
incorporate with us, but that the French and Walloons and
other Protestants would marry here, and become one with
us.

" I gave them an account of some French Weavers that

f2 ' THOMAS PAPILLON.

were now imprisoned by the Weavers' Company for working
here, which practice was to drive away trade, and not the
way to increase it.

"As to the general,

" I did conceive that trade was not so decayed as people did
imagine — For there was as much trade now as ever, but the profits
on trade were less ; And so, the improvements of land were as
much and more than formerly, both in regard of the Fens and
other waste lands, but the profits were less, both depending on
one another.

" I said that what had been told them as to the loss of the
Irish trade was true, that now that trade was wholly drove by
foreigners, and though I would not assign the reason of it, yet it
was a great loss to the nation.

"That the reason, as I conceived. Why the profits in trade
decreased, was because other countries did more than ever addict
themselves to the encouragement and advance of trade; and in
particular the French King, who gave all encouragement to his
own people and manufactures, and discouragement to Foreigners
by high impositions, as on drapery, &c.

"And therefore their Lordships might see what great reason
there was to make trade easy, and remove all burdens on trade ;
for that if we could not trade on as easy terms, and furnish
commodities as cheap, as other nations, we should not only in
a little time cause our trade to decay, but lose our trade itself,
and be beaten out of all trade.

" And here I took occasion to acknowledge his Majesty's great
care, and of those Ministers he employs of late in reference to
foreign treaties, to send to the merchants to advise how such
treaties might be made, as might be for the good of trade, as
in the French and Norway treaties now on foot.

"And so we concluded that we had cause to bless God for
his Majesty, and for those employed by him, and also for their
Lordships, that God had put it into their hearts to mind and
consider the trade of the nation, wherein so much of the good
and welfare of the nation depended, and desired God to bless
their consultations therein."

MR. CHILD ON THE STATE OF TRADE. 73

Both historically and relatively we will here record the
views of Mr. Child (afterwards Sir Josiah Child) on the
subject, as closely corresponding with those of Thomas
Papillon, though within a few years they were to differ,
even to opposition, in relation to the conduct of the East
India Company.

The following account is taken from Report VIII. of
the Historical M.SS. Commission, pp. 133-4: —

"House of Lords — 1669, Oct. 28. Decay of Trade, &c.
" Minutes of proceedings of the Committee appointed to consider

of the causes and grounds of the fall of rents and decay of

trade within these kingdoms.

" Dr. Worsley, Mr. Child, and other members

of the Council of Trade gave evidence before it.

" Mr. Child attributed the prosperity of the trade of the
Dutch to their fidelity in their seal, encouragement of Inventors
(whom they reward, and make their inventions public, instead
of granting a Patent as here), thrift, small ships, low duties,
poor laws, mercantile law, easy admission of burghers, inland
navigation, low interest, fisheries, colonies, religious Uberty,
education.

" English trade had increased in gross. Persecutions abroad
had brought us several trades, such as Milan and jean fustians ;
comfit-makers brought in by one that escaped the Inquisition ;
Maidstone thread is carried all over the world.

"The drawbacks to English trade, are dishonest aulnage,
dishonest packing of fish, Bankruptcy Statute, Taxes on home
manufactures. Statutory obligation to serve Apprentice, export of
coin, trade bye-laws, bad poor laws, scarcity of labour, the Fire
and the Plague, and the heavy land-taxes which preceded them,
usual plenty of corn, racking up of rents 51 and 52, high
bank rates, anticipation of revenue; improvement of Ireland,
which exports to the Colonies in Dutch ships : — The Irish Cattle
Act ineffectual. The Eastland, Russia, Norway, Greenland,
and Scotch trades much impaired by the exclusiveness of the
Companies' high duties, or free trade without reciprocity.

74 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" The way to promote trade is by increasing the capital of the
nation, and by the use of bills of exchange and registers. Perfect
free trade is an advantage. Increase the stock of labour and
capital."

On receiving the first Report, the House proceeded to
consider the question of reducing the rate of interest; and on
the I St December several persons were examined before a
Committee of the whole House.

Against the reduction were Captain Titus and Mr. Clayton,
while in favour of it were Mr. Child, Mr. Gold, Mr. Papillon, Sir
Henry Blunt, Mr. Buckworth, and Mr. Hobland" (Houblon),
&c., &c.

Qj \JoJtc7ji C/ula: J3ar.

f>u.$l,:yAeJ a, tAc A.'l..-/^r.WsJ/.'-'./^.'^ ■■'■'■ {v W;?:-.4.^n/^^r Ci^tl^J :-^l^i-'^'- -'? '

CHAPTER VI.

THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.

§ketch of the origin and progress of the Company— Papillon joins it in 1657 —
is Director for several years, and twice Deputy-Governor — is excluded
from Directorate in 1676, together with Mr. Child, by desire of the King
— In 1681 favours a change in the Constitution of the Company — In 1689
joins the New Company smce formed — and prepares Articles of Constitution
for it — Extract, from Macaulay describing the contest of the two Companies
— and stoppage in the Thames, by Admiralty order, of the Ship Redbridge^
belonging to Sir Gill)ert Heathcote and others — The House of Commons
takes up the case — Papillon Chairman of Committee of the whole House
on it — Renewed conflict of the two Companies — Establishment by Law
of the New Company — Papillon earnestly desires an accommodation —
his letter on it to Sir Josiah Child — Sir Josiah Child's reply — very
characteristic — Anonymous Letter on Papillon's connection with the two
Companies — In 1665 Papillon remonstrates with an Alderman's Wife
on her having traduced him in relation to her Nephew, who had been
discharged by the Company — Papillon attends the Breda Treaty Conference
in 1667, as one of a Deputation from the Company.

OWARDS the end of the sixteenth century the
foreign trade of England was still young ; and
as children look to their parents for support,
so did merchants to their Sovereign. Hence
arose the Royal Charters for trading to various
parts — as those of the Turkey Company, the
Eastland Company, the Guinea Company — and lastly, on
31st December, 1600, that granted by Queen Elizabeth to
the East India Company.

The Sovereign was glad to promote- trade, and the
merchants were glad of the protection afforded ; but tb<>
charters were limited in their benefits to the members
the particular companies, or to parties licensed by them ;
and thus individual enterprise, the soul of commerce, was
checked, and nepotism fostered,

76 THOMAS PAPILLON.

On the other hand, trade in distant parts was often
insecure — sometimes from the armed ships of hostile
European nations ; and sometimes from the caprice of
native princes ; for in those days the Royal Navy seldom
visited remote shores, and consuls were unknown. Hence,
the privileged union of certain traders was beneficial, so
far as " Union is strength."

When Queen Elizabeth granted her Charter to the East
India Company, the Portuguese, with whom England was
at war, claimed the exclusive right of trading eastward
of the Cape of Good Hope, in virtue of their discovery
of that route to the East Indies ; but the Dutch, then a
rising Republic, had successfully disputed the right, and
had established themselves at various places in the Indian
seas ; and thus, when the English went there, they had
both nations as rivals and enemies ; nevertheless, they
gradually founded Settlements, and made treaties with
Native Princes.

Though many merchants gladly subscribed to the
Charter of Elizabeth, few paid up their calls ; and for
twelve years or more the trade of the Company was
carried on by individual members, who combined, from
time to time, to fit out and despatch ships, and divided
the profits inter se.

In 1612, however, the Directors of the Company, whose
office had as yet been a sinecure, induced the members
to declare for nothing but joint-stock trading; and thus
they themselves acquired considerable power and influence.

The joint-stock system was pursued without much
precision, and with very varying results, during the
remainder of the reign of James I., and that of Charles
I., each of which Monarchs renewed the Charter of
Elizabeth,

PROGRESS OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. yy

In 163s, private merchants began to trade to the East
Indies in spite of the Charter.

During the Civil War, the Company's trade waxed very-
low ; and they had a new rival in Sir William Courtney
and Company, to whom Charles I. had granted a Charter
for trading to places contiguous to those occupied by the
East India Company ; and though, at the instance of the
Company,- he had revoked this Charter in 1638, Courtney
and Company still traded under it up to 1650 ; then the
East India Company appealed to the Council of State,
and Parliament united the two parties.

Again in 1654, various of the original members of the
Company sent out ships on their own account ; and in
1655, Cromwell gave them leave to 'despatch four more;
but in 1657, by advice of the Council of State, he renewed
the exclusive Charter of Charles I., taking care, however,
to unite with the Company the original members — or,
" Merchant Adventurers " — whom he had previously
recognized as independent traders.*

In 1661, Charles II. renewed the Charter of the
Company, and in addition to the right of Civil Jurisdic-
tion in their Settlements, which they had already enjoyed,
he authorized the Company to make war or peace with
non-Christian princes, and to seize and send home any
unlicensed traders frequenting their coasts. These arbitrary
powers resulted in much oppression, both to Natives and
Englishmen.

The trade of the Company increased rapidly, and
became very profitable during the reign of Charles II. :
private traders increased also ; and conflicts frequently
occurred ; so that at home and abroad two hostile camps

Vide Mill's History of British India.

78 THOMAS PAPILLON.

existed. The Company often established new settlements,
but the private traders and the Dutch were constant
rivals.

Thomas Papillon became a member of the Company
on its revival in 1657, and took an active part in its
proceedings for twenty-five years ; being a Director from
1663 to 1670 inclusive, again in 1675, and from 1677 to
1682 inclusive, and Deputy-Governor in 1680 and 1681 ;
his exclusion from the Directorate in 1676 was owing to
a Cabal, in which some of his colleagues induced the King
to write a letter enjoining that neither he nor Mr. Child
should be elected — as appears from the following note in
the Appendix to Report VII. of the Historical M.SS.
Commission, p. 467 : —

"1676. April 26. John Verney to Sir H. Verney.

" Disturbances among the East India Company, who were to
bring in their votes for a new Government, &c., on Monday last,
which was done. But some of them procured a letter from his
Majesty forbidding the choice of Mr. Child or Mr. Papillon into
that Committee. So the votes were sealed up, and some of them
have been at the Council Board."

This interference was brought before the House of
Commons as a grievance by Sir John Mallett, without
the cognizance of Papillon ; and the latter replied in
dignified and loyal terms : —

" Mallett's mentioning him as above was a great surprise to
him. He will not now open that matter, unless called on. It
was a great trouble to him to have the King's displeasure ; but
if the matter be examined it will appear he has not merited it." *

Gray's Parliamentary Debates, Vol. iv., pp. 138-9.

CHILD AND PAPILLON EXCLUDED. yg

It appears from the records of the Company, access to
which has been kindly granted at the India Office, that
on the eve of the election, the Secretary of State, Sir
Joseph Williamson, wrote to the Chairman of the old
Committee, stating that his Majesty having understood
it was proposed to elect Mr. Child and Mr. Papillon as
Governor and Deputy-Governor for the ensuing year,
and being persons who had not behaved well to his
Majesty, his Majesty would take it very ill from the
Company if they should thus elect them.

The next day the annual meeting of the Company
took place, and the Chairman read the Secretary's letter
to the assembled shareholders. Debate at once ensued ;
and some regarded the interference as illegal, suggesting
that counsel's opinion should be- obtained, whereon the
meeting was adjourned for three days. Meanwhile, the
King sent for the Governor, and told him that he had
always been kind to the Company, as the Company had
been to himself, and that he had always respected their
privileges, and was ready to do so still ; but he hoped
they would not elect as Governor, Deputy-Governor, or
Committee-men, those who had behaved very ill to
himself. And on the morning of the adjourned meeting
of the shareholders. Secretary Williamson wrote again to
the Governor, expressing his Majesty's sentiments as
above.

The Governor supported the King's desire and proposed
a resolution expressing the deep gratitude of the Company
to his Majesty, " under the beams of whose sun they had
prospered, and without which they would wither and
decay;" and suggesting that no steps should be taken
for a new election. This resolution was adopted ; and on
the Governor producing the list of elected Committee-men
neither Child nor Papillon was found on it.

8o THOMAS PAPILLON.

What may have raised a dispute in the matter among
the old Committee-men — or Directors — does not appear ;
nor what gave the King a pretext for objection to Child
and Papillon. But the resolution of both Directors and
Shareholders to secure his Majesty's favour, is very
apparent. Possibly this view of the matter may have
influenced Mr. Child in his subsequent course, as recorded
further on. Both Child and Papillon were at this time
Whigs; and in 1672-3 they had been associated together
as contractors for victualling the Navy. Papillon was in
Parliament, and had supported the opposition.

In 1680, when interlopers were becoming numerous,
and when many desired that the trade should be thrown
open, Papillon published a pamphlet strenuously maintain-
ing that it could be pursued far better by an exclusive
Joint-stock Company, i — On account of treaties with
Native Princes in India, without whose consent trade
could not be prosecuted. 2 — On account of the necessary
establishment and maintenance of Factories and Forts.
3 — On account of the greater profits to be obtained by
a single company than by competing Traders.*

He always maintained the necessity of a privileged
company ; but being very averse to unjust or oppressive
treatment of others, and desirous only of safe and
profitable trading, he lent an ear to the loud complaints
of interlopers and their friends, respecting the harsh and
arbitrary treatment they had received in the East at the
hands of the Company, and was ready to promote the
formation of a new Company, which should comprise the
old one, and be subject to popular guidance : the majority

A copy of this pamphlet is in the British Musevun Library.

EAST INDIA COMPANY. 8 1

of the Directors, however, would brook no interference ;
and as to India itself, they aimed at becoming Rulers as
well as Traders.

(Which of these was the sounder view has long been a
contested point. For 150 years complaints against the
Company were so rife that Parliament often interfered
to restrict their powers ; and the Company was often in
debt. Let us be thankful, however, for the good results
hitherto attained, and hope and strive for more.)

This difference of views appears in the footnotes of
the following M.S. draft by Papillon of a Petition of the
Company, prepared in November, 1681, when Mr. Child
(afterwards Sir Josiah) who led the majority, was Governor,
and Papillon Deputy-Governor. The climax is graphically
described by Macaulay in his History of England.*

"When the Oxford Parliament had been dissolved, when
many signs indicated that a strong reaction in favour of the
prerogative was at hand, and when all the Corporations which
had incurred the royal displeasure were beginning to tremble for
their franchises, a rapid and complete revolution took place at
the India House.

"Child, who was then Governor, separated himself from his
old friends, excluded them from the Direction, and negotiated
a treaty of peace and close alliance with the Court.

" Papillon, Barnardiston, and other Whig

Shareholders sold their stock; their places in the Committee were
supplied by persons devoted to Child; and he was thenceforth
the Autocrat of the Company. The treasures of the Company

were at his absolute disposal A present of

10,000 guineas was graciously received from him by Charles :
10,000 more were accepted by James, who readily consented
to become a holder of stock. All who would help or hurt at
Court, Ministers, Mistresses, Priests, were kept in good humour

* Macaulay's "History of England," chap, xviii.

82 THOMAS PAPILLON.

by presents of shawls, silks, birds' nests, and atar of roses, balses
of diamonds, and bags of guineas. Of what the Dictator expended
no account was asked by his colleagues ; and in truth he seems
to have deserved the confidence reposed in him. His bribes,
distributed with judicious prodigality, speedily produced a large
return. Just when the Court became all-powerful in the
State, he became all-powerful at Court. Jeffreys pronounced a
decision in favour of the monopoly, and of the strongest acts
which had been done in defence of the monopoly. James
ordered his seal to be put to a new Charter, which confirmed
and extended all the privileges bestowed on the Company by
his predecessors."

"nth November, 1681. Copy of the East India Company's

Petition to the King for a Proclamation.
" Sheweth,

"That the trade to and from the East Indies is most conducing
to render a Nation rich and opulent. The strenuous endeavours
of so many European Nations to make themselves masters of the
same doth undeniably demonstrate, as also doth their practice,
That it can no way be so advantageously managed to those ends
as by a Company in a Joint Stock.

" That your Petitioners, though with great charge, and after
very considerable losses sustained for some years at first, yet
by your Majesty's gracious favour and encouragement, as well
by their own endeavours (through God's blessing), ,on the
management, have now brought the said trade as renders it
most beneficial to your Majesty, and your kingdoms, as well as
profitable in some measure to themselves, —insomuch that it is
the admiration and envy of the neighbour Nations.

" But so it is, may it please your Majesty, That some persons
for their own private lucre and gain, without your Majesty's
leave, and in contempt of your Majesty's Royal Charter, have
of late taken upon them, in an irregular and clandestine way,
to send ships, and to trade into those countries, and to hold
correspondence with those heathen Princes and Governors.

"And your Petitioners further humbly shew unto your Majesty,
That unless such Interloping and irregular trading be restrained,

PETITION OF EAST INDIA COMPANY. 83

it will be impossible for your Petitioners to hold out and maintain

the said trade, your Petitioners being at extraordinary charge to

entertain Treaties and procure privileges from the Kings and

Governors, as also to maintain Islands, Forts, and Factories, —

Whereas these Interlopers by sinister v^ays partake of the

privileges by them procured at vast expence without contributing

anything to the charge ; Besides, your Petitioners' estates in those

countries be exposed to answer for any injury or damage that

these heathen Kings, Princes, or Governors may at any time

pretend such Interlopers have done, which may in an instant

bring a total ruin on your Petitioners and the whole trade, —

Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray. That your Majesty will

graciously take the premises unto your princely consideration,

and by your Royal Proclamation or otherwise, as in your Majesty's

great wisdom shall be found most convenient, provide a remedy

to prevent the loss of so beneiicial a trade to the kingdom.

This not " And your Petitioners do in all humility declare

in fair their willingness after three years from the loth April

copy, next, if your Majesty shall please so to direct, to put

a conclusion to the present Joint Stock, and in the

meantime to lay open a book of Subscription for all

that will adventure in a new Joint Stock, to commence

at the expiration of the said term, on such conditions as

your Majesty shall think indifferent.

" And your Petitioners shall ever pray.

" The last part left

out on debate.

'■'■The Governor "The Governor in this debate said that
saith he was to meet 'Sir Jo. Ashe upon the former application
the Lords to perfect said the King would not do it' : There is
the Report upon the no record of this answer.
Petitions. "The Governor said, 'This clause

brought in to do us a mischief : Upon
which the Deputy vindicated himself."
"nth November, 1681."

On reference to the Minutes of the Court of Adventurers
of the East India Company, preserved at the India Office

84 THOMAS PAPILLON.

— kindly granted by the authorities there — it appears that
on this occasion Mr. (afterwards Sir Josiah) Child was the
Governor, and Thomas Papillon the Deputy-Governor;
and thus it is evident that even then they much differed
in opinion as to the enlargement and reconstruction of
the Company.

Child's success at Court increased the popular clamour
against himself and the Company; and so many Interlopers
— chiefly Whigs — engaged in the trade that they became
a powerful and compact body, bent on resistance to the
claims of the Monopoly. It does not appear that Papillon
took part, at first, in this hostility; for soon after the
beginning of his exile in 1685, we find him on several
occasions enquiring of his wife, who was still in London,
after the progress of the Company ; but on his return from
exile in 1689, when he found the rival or New Company
in actual existence, it would seem that he soon joined it,
and warmly espoused its cause.

Before long the new Company demanded union with
the old. Proposals to this effect were made to Parliament
in February, 1691, and were well received ; but the old
Company, with Child as leader, would listen to nothing
of the sort, and the strife became more and more
embittered. To remedy this state of things, the King,
in 1693, granted a modified Charter to the old Company,
but so far from pacifying it towards the new, it rendered
it more autocratic than ever, as described by Macaulay,
Chapter XX., History of England.

Among Papillon's autograph papers is a draft of

" Rules for the management of th6 trade to the East

Indies to prevent the abuses and irregularities formerly

observed therein."

The paper bears no date, but its tenor would indicate

STOPPAGE OF THE " REDBRIDGE." 85

1 690- 1, being similar in most respects to the proposals
made to Parliament in February, 1691 — the common
object being that of preventing the trade falling into the
management of one person, ^

The immediate sequel to these rivalries is thus eloquently-
described by Macaulay, Chapter XX., History of England.

"Soon after the Parliament met [in 1693] the attention of the
Commons was again called to the state of the trade with India,
and the Charter which had just been granted to the old Company
was laid before them. They would probably have been disposed
to sanction the new arrangement, which in truth differed little
from that which they had themselves suggested not many months
before, if the Directors had acted with prudence.

" But the Directors, from the day on which they had obtained
their new Charter, had persecuted the Interlopers without mercy,
and had quite forgotten that it was one thing to persecute
Interlopers in the Eastern Seas, and another to persecute them
in the port of London. Hitherto, the war of the monopolists
against the private trade had been carried on at the distance
of 15,000 miles from England. If harsh things were done, the
English public did not see them done, and did not hear of them
till long after they had been done ; nor was it by any means
easy to ascertain at Westminster who had been right and who
had been wrong in a dispute which had arisen three or four
years before, at Moorshedabad or Canton. With incredible
rashness the Directors determined at the very moment when the
fate of their Company was in the balance, to give the people of
this country a near view of the most odious features of the
monopoly.

"Some wealthy merchants of London had equipped a fine
ship, the Redbridge. Her crew was numerous, her cargo of
immense value. Her papers had been made out for Alicante;
but there was some reason to suspect that she was really bound
for the countries lying beyond the Cape of Good Hope. She
was stopped by the Admiralty, in obedience to an order which
the Company obtained from the Privy Council, doubtless by

85 THOMAS PAPILLON.

the help of the Lord President. Every day that she lay in the
Thames caused a heavy expense to the owners. The indignation
in the City was great and general. The Company maintained
that from the legality of the monopoly the legality of the detention
necessarily followed. The public turned the argument round,
and being firmly convinced that the detention was illegal, drew
the inference that the monopoly must be illegal too. The dispute
was at its height when the Parliament met. Petitions on both
sides were speedily laid on the table of the Commons ; and it was
resolved that these Petitions should be taken into consideration
by a Committee of the whole House. The first question on
which the conflicting parties tried their strength was the choice
of a chairman. The enemies of the old Company proposed
Papillon, once the closest ally, and subsequently the keenest
opponent of Child,* and carried their point by 138 votes to
136. The Committee proceeded to enquire by what authority
the Redbridge had been stopped. One of her owners, Gilbert
Heathcote, a rich merchant, and a staunch Whig, appeared at
the Bar as a Witness. He was asked whether he would venture
to deny that the ship had been really fitted for the India trade.
' It is no sin that I know of,' he answered, ' to trade with India,
and I shall trade with India till I am restrained by Act of
Parliament.' Papillon reported that in the opinion of the-
Committee the detention of the Redbridge was illegal. The
question was then put that the House would agree with the
Committee. The friends of the old Company ventured on a
second division, and were defeated by 171 votes to 125.

" The blow was quickly followed up. A few days later it was
moved that all subjects of England had equal right to trade
to the East Indies unless prohibited by Act of Parliament ; and

* For this change of conduct towards the old Company, Macaulay charges
Papillon with inconsistency ; but regarding the growing divergence of views
between himself and Child, above recorded, and the conduct of the latter, as
described by Macaulay himself, Papillon's action is sufficiently justified.

Concerning the oppression of Interlopers in the Indies, it was no rare thing
for the old Company's officers and ships to take possession vi et armis of the
Interlopers' craft, and to cast into prison the leaders, detaining them there
so long that on some occasions the climate and circumstances induced thw
death.

OLD AND NEW EAST INDIA COMPANIES. 87

the supporters of the old Company sensible that they were in a
minority, suffered the motion to pass without a division.

"This memorable vote settled the most important of those
Constitutional questions which had been left unsettled by the
Bill of Rights. It has ever since been held to be sound doctrine,
that no power but that of the whole Legislature can give to any
person, or to any society, an exclusive privilege of trading to any
part of the world."

This decision gave a great stimulus to the new
Company ; and the old Company, as usual, redoubled
its exclusive efforts ; and thus matters proceeded ; but in
1698, Charles Montague, the able and adroit Chancellor
of the Exchequer, being much in want of money, proposed
a Bill in Parliament, and eventually carried it, establishing
a new Company — or " General Society for trading to the
East Indies '' — which was first to raise iJ^2,ooo,ooo as a
loan to the Government at eight per cent., and then to
have power to trade to the East Indies to the same
extent.

The old Company at once subscribed .£'315,000 to the
fund, and resolved still to oppose the new Company in
in every way it could.

Papillon much regretted this antagonism, and hence
his letter as follows, to Sir Josiah Child, and similar
applications, written and personal, to both old .and new
Companies. As heretofore the former would make no
compromise ; and Papillon did not live to see the two
Companies united ; but within four months of his death
(1702) it was effected, at the earnest recommendation of
William III., and within seven years the Companies were
amalgamated.

Letter from Thomas Papillon to Sir Josiah Child : —

88 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Sir Josiah Child,

"Honourable Sir,
"I omitted to acquaint you yesterday that I spake to the
Lords on Wednesday last to appoint a time for the settling our
Victualling Account. Their Lordships promised that the next
time I came to their Board they would fix a time for it ; I pray
you therefore to direct Mr. Thorogood to be ready, and to
attend it, that if possible it may be adjusted before we die.

"As to the other matter we discoursed of, I pray you to
consider of such moderate and equal methods of composing
matters, that we as Christians and Englishmen may prevent
inconveniences that may befall one or the other Company if
there be not an agreement, and that Ambassadors be sent at
this juncture; the consequences of which, I apprehend, may
be prejudicial to both, and to the nation in general. This will
redound much to your honour, and if I can contribute any
thing thereto, I shall be very happy to serve the Company, and
assure you that I am in all sincerity, &c.,

"Tho. Papillon."
"22nd October, 1698."

[Reply.]

" Honoured Sir,

"In answer to yours of the 22nd I have reason to hope that
you, that have known me from a youth, will believe me when
I tell you that in point of my own interest, now when I am
going out of the world, I am neither concerned for the Old
Company nor the New one; the first has been under the saw
of persecution ever since we were rid of our fears of Popery and
French Government; and I, being in the case of Mephibosheth,
since the Nation is safe and the King, have no anxious care for
the increase of my own Estate, or my family's.

"I cannot say no member of the Company ever committed
any fault, but I protest, and must do it to my death, that I do
not yet know any one fault or mistake in their conduct that the
Company committed during the late reigns.

"The worst that ever I knew them do, was lately in the sending
of that roughling, immoral man, Mr. to India last year,

LETTER FROM SIR JOSIAH CHILD. 89

which everybody knows I was always against; and the Adventurers
resented it to such a degree as to turn out eighteen of that
Committee, whereas I never before knew above eight removed.

"But to return to the business, if I can serve his Majesty or
his Ministers for the good of my Country, I shall most gladly do
it to the utmost of my poor ability; but I think our masters,
the King's Ministers, Lords and Commons, are at the wrong
end of their business. The first consideration, in my poor
opinion, ought to be abstractively what powers a National East
India Company ought to have for the public good, to hold up
against the Dutch and other foreign Nations in India; and I
say, and will maintain it against all mankind, by reason and
experience, that it ought to be not less than absolute sovereign
power in India : All other nations have the same, though variously
expressed; which you may take notice of in the Dutch Rowktroy,
the Scotch Act, or the last Charter of King James; any thing
less than is contained in each of them is but daubing with
untempered mortar, or building upon the sand ; but to apprehend
this notion fully will require more than one very serious debate.

" Next, as to conjoining the two Companies, if their bottom
be good, I am so far from limiting, that I think all mankind,
not only the Old and New Company, but Turks, Jews, and
Infidels should be admitted, that will bring in their money, as
they are admitted in Holland by the wiser Dutch.

"Touching the Forts, Cities, Towns, Castles and Ordnance
mounted, which I presume are above 900, if not 1,000 by this
time, and the Revenues and all Military Stores belonging to
land, — soldiers, or garrisons, which verily I believe have cost the
Company above ^^ 1,000,000 sterling, and are worth a great
deal more to England ; — their standing Revenue and Rents at
this day I have reason to believe are not so little as ;^s 0,000
sterling per annum, and are and will be increasing every year.
These I think the Company that is to be, should pay for in
some reasonable manner, and that for the further increase of
their stock, old and new Adventurers and Strangers ought to
bring in ready-money.

" The Old Company to enjoy and bring home all their quick
stock by the three years' end, and make the best they can of

90 THOMAS PAPILLON.

it, and of what cannot be brought over in that time, and divide
among the Adventurers by the Trustees as it comes home.

" By what I have said already you will see I think the present
Act of Parliament no good foundation to erect a lasting East
India Company upon, that can withstand the craft and force of
the Dutch or French in India; neither do I think the gentlemen
entrusted with the New Company's affairs sufificient for such an
undertaking, but you are a better judge of that than
" Honoured Sir,

"Your most humble Servant,
" Wanstead, " Josiah Child."

"22nd October, 1698."

In 1696, the pamphlet on the advantage of an exclusive
Company M^hich Thomas Papillon had issued in 1680, as
mentioned in page 80, was reprinted anonymously "for
the better satisfaction of himself and others," and the
following curious letter was written by the editor to some
friend, to whom he sent a copy : —

"To

" Sir, I present you with this edition of the following discourse,
because I know the high esteem you have always expressed for

Mr. that worthy citizen, who from the beginning of the

East India Company under Oliver to the year 1683 had a very
considerable influence in it, when he was drove from this country
for his great judgment and abilities in supporting the liberties
of the nation.

"The Papists, under the avowed protection of the Duke of York
having first used all their endeavours in the too usual manner
to bribe, or blind his understanding,^ — ^And after the Revolution,
when he returned, however personally he himself was ill-used,
he still continued his endeavours to model a New East India
Company. But the same means which prevailed against him
in the reign of Charles II., equally succeeded in that of King
William, and his best schemes were in a great measure defeated,
though with sufficient credit to himself, he being twice chosen
Member for the City on that interest, in favour of which this
discourse was written ; It contains many of his sentiments, which

PAPILLON RESENTS UNFOUNDED CHARGE. 9 1

I hope you will not think inferior to many others, though the
length of time has since produced a great number, &c., &c.
" I am,

"Your humble Servant,

"The Editor."

Recurring to Papillon's earlier days in connection with
the Directorate of the East India Company, the following
letters will shew how single was his aim, what a horror
he entertained of mean conduct, how little he sought
prominence in the guidance of affairs ; and how constantly
present to his mind were the maxims of Holy writ.

Letter from Thomas Papillon to Mrs. Wife of

an Alderman, who had defamed him : —

" Madam,

"Though you are little known to me, and I think myself as
little known to you, yet for the vindication of myself, and in
compliance to that Scripture in the 19th Leviticus verse 17, I am
necessitated to the following lines.

" Madam, I do plainly understand that you have been pleased,
publicly speaking of your son-in-law Mr. A.'s business, to say that
all this hath been because he would not comply with Mr. Papillon;
and that if he would have complied with me I would have
brought him off for ;^2,ooo, or words to that effect. What your
meaning was you best know ; those that heard you do conclude
your words implied, That I would have taken some bribe from
Mr. A. to have betrayed the Company's interest; God, who
searcheth the hearts, knows my integrity, to whom I can freely
appeal from such suggestions : Indeed, I have often said to Mr.
A. and to others that the work wherein I was engaged was not
a work I delighted in, and that I should be glad to be freed
from the employment ; upon which account, among others, I did
resolv£ to have waived being of the Committee this present
year ; not. Madam, that I thought the Company did any wrong
to Mr. A., for that I do and cannot do otherwise than think
(I may say know) and that from my own conscience, the contrary,
and that the wrong was by him ; whether intentionally or through

92 THOMAS PAPII>LON.

mistake or inadvertency, God and his conscience best knows :
I intend not herein to go about to excuse myself for prosecuting
Mr. A. ; what I have done therein I am fully satisfied needs it
not ; but if I should have been willing or desirous, or ever have
made overtures to Mr. A. or any other for private advantage,
to have brought him off for _;^2,ooo, yea or for some hundreds
more than the Arbitrators have awarded, I should have therein
been unjust and have acted contrary to my conscience, and this I
confess had been an iniquity to be punished by the Judges, as Job
speaks xxxi. 7 — 11. Madam, you have publicly charged me as
guilty of such a crime; I beg no favour of you, or any in the world,
in this matter; either make out your charge, or vindicate my repute:
The first I am sure you cannot; the second I demand from
you in justice, as you will answer it before God another day.
It is not a slight thing in Scripture account, to take away another's
good name, being an express breach of the Commandment. I
am told you are one that make an eminent profession of Piety ;
let me prevail with you in your secret retirements between God
and your own heart, to take a serious review of that Scripture
in the ist James 26, 'If any man among you seem to be religious
and bridleth not his tongue, but deceiveth his own heart, that
man's religion is vain;' and of that in the 15th Psalm verse 3,
where he that shall abide in God's tabernacle, and dwell in his holy
hill, is described to be one 'that backbiteth not with his tongue,
nor doth evil to his neighbour, nor taketh up a reproach against
his neighbour.' I do not know that I have ever spoke to you
in my life, so that either your scandalous words of me, have
been the imaginations and conjectures of your own heart, or
have arisen from others' reports. If the first, can you without
guilt assume God's throne, and pass sentence on another without
better grounds than that it must be, because you think so? If
the latter, is it not a taking up a reproach against, and your
publishing it behind my back, a backbiting your neighbour?
In like cases. Divines agree that there is no remission without
restitution; which you may consider, and do as becoming a
woman professing godliness.

" I rest,

" Your Friend and Servant,
"Sent 17th July, 1665." "T. Papillon."

TREATY OF BREDA — 1667. 93

Letter of Thomas Papillon to Alderman

"To Alderman

" Sir,

"Enclosed I send you a letter for your Lady, occasioned
from her public defaming of me : such an answer I shall expect
by your means, as is just and Christianlike; so I rest, &c.,

"T. Papillon.''

Letter from Thomas Papillon to Mr. A

"Mr. A

"Sir,

" I understand that you are at present visited with sickness ;
I heartily wish your recovery.

" Both you and I must ere long (and we know not how soon,
especially in these sickly times*) by death be called to God's
tribunal, to render an account of all our actiqns ; Your mother-
in-law, Mrs. , hath been pleased publicly to asperse

me, as if I -would have been bribed by you, and for private
advantage, if you would have complied with me, I would have
undertaken to have brought you off for ;^2,ooo ; and that because
you refused to comply with me, therefore I have prosecuted so
much against you : God, and my own conscience, and you also
know this to be abominably false : As you will answer for it
before God, I require you to declare the truth in this thing.
" I am,

"Your Friend and Servant,

"Tho. Papillon."

In conclusion, we may mention that during the progress
of the Treaty of Breda, in 1667, Thomas Papillon was
sent as one of a Deputation from the East India Company,
to watch the course of proceedings. But his letters thence
represent their presence as having proved of little use.

The period of the Plague in London.

94 THOMAS PAPILLON.

The English Plenipotentiaries were bent on peace, and
the Dutch were stiff in their terms. The island of Polerone,
off Java, was not ceded, as the Company desired.

During the latter part of his absence, his Wife wrote to
him as follows : —

" I have a promise from the Committee (Directors) that their
letters shall be for your dismission, if the Ambassador will consent,
which they say is as much as they can do; they all judge it reason.
The Lord Bartlett came out to me, and bade me assure you
he had not been wanting wherein he could serve you; they all
think your desire reasonable, I am sure thou wilt be more
welcome at home than ever thou hast been in Holland. But
must ''the Ambassadors of peace return weeping V

" My suffering is augmented in thy absence, because the

Company can be no gainers by it I hear

that you are well spoken of, for your carriage in order to peace.

The following prayers, compiled for the use of the
Directors, Traders, Agents, Officers, and Seamen of the
New East India Company, are interesting relics ; they
are taken from a printed copy in the British Museum
Library.,

"A Prayer for the Honourable English Company trading to the
East Indies. — To be used on board their Ships.

" O Almighty and most merciful Lord God, Thou art the Sovereign
Protector of all that trust in Thee, and the author of all spiritual
and temporal blessings. Let Thy grace, we most humbly beseech
Thee, be always present with the servants of the English Company
trading to the East Indies. Compass them with thy favour as
with a shield. Prosper them in all their public undertakings,
and make them successful in all their affairs both by sea and
land. Grant that they may prove a common blessing, by the
increase of Honour, Wealth, and Power, to our Country, and
to all mankind, by promoting the Holy Religion of our Lord

PRAYERS FOR USE OF NEW EAST INDIA COMPANY. 95

Jesus Christ. Be more especially at this time favourable to us
who are separated from all the world, and have our sole
dependence upon Thee here in the great waters. Thou shewest
thy wonders in the deep by commanding the winds and the
seas as Thou pleasest, ^nd Thou alone canst bring us into the
haven where we would be. To thy mercy and power we
therefore fly for refuge and protection from all the dangers of
this long and perilous voyage. Guard us continually by thy
good providence in every place.

"Preserve our relations and friends whom we have left, and
at length bring us home to them in safety, and with the desired
success. Grant that every one of us, being always mindful of
thy fatherly goodness and tender compassion towards us, may
glorify thy Name by a constant profession of the Christian
Faith, and by a sober, just, and pious conversation through the
remaining part of our lives. All this we beg for the sake of
our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with Thee and the Blessed
Spirit be ascribed all Honour, Praise, and Dominion both now
and for evermore. Amen.

" December 2nd, 169 1. We do conceive that this Prayer may
be very proper to be used for the purpose expressed in the Title
of it.

"Tho. Cantuar,
"H. London."

" A Prayer for the Honourable English Company trading to the
East Indies. — To be used in the Factories abroad.
" O Almighty and most merciful Lord God, Thou art the Sovereign
Preserver of all that trust in Thee," &c., &c., "to our Native
Country. Give to us and all thy servants whom thy providence
has placed in these remote parts of the world grace to discharge
our several duties with piety towards Thee our God, loyalty towards
our King, fidelity and diligence towards them by whom we are
employed, kindness and love towards one another, and sincere
charity towards all men : That we adorning the Gospel of our
Lord and Saviour in all things, these Indian Nations among
whom we dwell, beholding our good works, may be w.on over

9^ THOMAS PAPILLON.

thereby to the love ^f our most Holy Religion, and glorify
Thee our Father which art in Heaven. All this we beg for the
sake of our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with Thee and the
ever blessed Spirit be ascribed all Honour, Praise and Dominion
both now and evermore. Amen.

"December 2nd, i6g8.

(As the former Prayer.)

"Tho. Cantaur,
" H. London."

"A Prayer for the English Company,'' &c. — "To be used at
Home."

" O Almighty and most merciful Lord God," &c., &c. [as the
first Prayer to 'as with a shield.'] Direct their consultations and
designs to the advancement of thy glory by a prudent and careful
management of all their affairs, by a strict observance of justice
and equity in their traffic, and a constant encouragement of Piely
and all Christian virtues : That so, by thy blessing on their honest
endeavours and public undertakings they may be successful both
by sea and land to the Promoting of the Christian Religion, and
the increase of the Honour, Wealth, and Power of this Nation.
This we beg for the sake of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,
to whom with Thee and the blessed Spirit be ascribed all Honour,
Praise, and Dominion both now and for evermore. Amen.

'December 2nd, 1698. &c., &c.

"Tho. Cantaur,
" H. London."

CHAPTER VII.

PURCHASE OF ACRISE PLACE, KENT — BECOMES A CON-
TRACTOR FOR VICTUALLING THE ROYAL NAVY — AN
AUDITOR OF THE CITY OF LONDON ACCOUNTS — AND
TREASURER TO THE ADVENTURERS FOR EMPLOYING
POOR FRENCH PROTESTANTS IN LINEN MANUFACTURE.

Papillon's probable motives in purchasing Acrise Place — its successive
occupation by his descendants — Jane Papillon passes the summer there
in 1668 — her diligence, judgment, and economy in the repair and
furnishing of her new house, and in attention to the farms, &c. — her
general character — Papillon's desire that his Son should take good care
of the property after his decease — In 1682 he holds a small Estate in
Ireland — Legal hindrance to Sale of Estate of the Marquis of Antrim
— Letter from Papillon to Dean Tillotson on behalf of the Rector of
Acrise — Letter to the latter respecting his absence from public worship
— Rev. J. Lewis, subsequent Rector, relative to Papillon's criticisms of
his doctrine — Papillon's reply — Papillon's care for the suitable marriage
of his Son — Death of his Son's Wife, nee Anne Jolliffe — Papillon builds
a vault in Acrise Church — its successive occupants, &c. —Acrise Place
passes into the hands of the Mackinnon family — Ancestral tablet in the
Church.

Papillon appointed a Member of the Council of the City of London —
and one of the Auditors — his efforts in favour of order and economy
— Also appointed Treasurer of the "Adventurers for employing poor
French Protestants at Ipswich in the Manufacture of Linen" — List of
the Adventurers — Report of the first general meeting, on 26th March,
1683 — thanks to Papillon for his care as Treasurer, and request to retain
office for another year, when Mr. Carbonnel consents to relieve him.

(Photograph of Report of Meeting, bearing Signatures of some of the
more eminent of the Adventurers.)

I^N t666, while busily engaged in mercantile affairs,
Thomas Papillon purchased Acrise Place, Kent ;
and in a letter written soon after, his Wife alludes
to it as his " good bargain." A year or two later
he valued it at ;^ 5,000. He bought it of Mr.
Robert Lewkenor, a relative, we presume, of Sir
Lewis Lewkenor, who in 161 3 was envoy to the Prince

98 THOMAS PAPILLON.

of Modena, and of Edward Lewkenor, Esq., who on his
death-bed in 1556 sent a message to Queen Mary, imploring
forgiveness and grace for his Wife and Children*

Thomas Papillon may probably have been attracted to
the spot by its neighbourhood to Godmersham, the seat of
his brother-in-law — to Canterbury, the residence of his
Wife's sister and her husband, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas
Turner — and to Dene House, near Wingham, the seat of
his friend Sir Henry Oxenden, Bart., whose brother Sir
George was Governor of Bombay. And it may have been
agreeable to himself and his Wife to acquire the comfort
of a country seat, a rural retreat for themselves and their
children, though business, mercantile or political, seldom
allowed him to enjoy it in person.

And here we may trace its occupation by subsequent
generations of his family. His son and heir, Philip, who
outlived him thirty-four years, appears to have dwelt
chiefly in the paternal home in Fenchurch Street, a house
with a large gateway near Billiter Street. His grandson
David lived at Acrise from his marriage in 17 17 to the
time of his purchase of a house and grounds at Lee, Kent,
about 1742, when he had been appointed a Commissioner
of Excise at the instance of the great Lord Hardwicke,
to whom in his youth his father had shown kindness.
His great-grandson David, who by Lord Hardwicke's
renewed efforts succeeded his father in office in 1754
and held it for thirty-six years, appears to have lived
chiefly at Lee ; and on the marriage of his eldest son
Thomas, Captain and afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel
•of the East Kent Militia, in 1791, he gave up to him
the place and property ati Acrise, and remained at Lee
till his death in 1809, paying an annual visit to his

* See Appendix to Report III. of Historical M.SS. Commission, pp. 239, 264.

ACRISE PLACE. 99

son and family in the ancestral hall ; travelling down
and back in his chariot drawn by four black horses.
Thomas lived there, with a short interval, till his death
in 1838; and himself and his dear Wife and Children
became much attached to the place. Each generation
had been buried in the Parish Church, which is very
near the house.

As a rural retreat, the site of Acrise is very complete;
being ten miles from Dover, twelve from Canterbury,
which was found most convenient for a post-town, seven
from Hythe, and five from Folkestone, then only a
small fishing town. The country about the place is
very pretty, consisting of small ridges, well wooded,
running generally N.E. and S.W. with occasional plateaux,
the whole being on an undulating slope northward from
the hills overlooking Folkstone and Shorncliffe ; the
views from Paddlesworth, Arpinge, and the hills just
eastward of Ashley Wood and Beachborough, looking
S.W. across Romney Marsh to Fairlight Downs, near
Hastings, are indeed beautiful.

In 1668, Jane Papillon, with her Mother-in-law and
Children, spent the whole summer at Acrise, reaching it
on 23rd April, and not leaving it to return to London till
late in October. Her husband often hoped to join them ;
at first he named a day in June, then in July, and then in
August ; but business of one sort or other always hindered,
so that he paid only a few days' visit in September.

In August he had become a Contractor, in conjunction
with Mr. Child of the East India Company, for Victualling
the Royal Navy ; and doubtless this post detained him in
London.

His Wife's remarks on this engagement are worthy of
record: on first hearing of it, she wrote on 31st August,
as follows : —

100 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"I see thou hast resolved to undertake the Navy business; the
Lord Almighty bless thee in it. It is no small comfort to me
that by prayer I may approve myself a help to thee, when I
can be so in nothing else. Now my God furnish thee with
wisdom to govern thine affairs with discretion, deliver thee from
the evil of any snare or temptation that may be in it, and neither
in this nor in any other employment whatever suffer thee to
wound conscience, or become the scorn of fools. My heart is
with thee in our personal distance ; and were I not conscious
of my own incapacity to be any addition to thy delight or comfort
by my company, I would a thousand times regret at my absence
from thee," &c.

On the 8th September she wrote : —

"As to the Navy business, truly I judge it may be well not
to cast it off, since Providence does so eminently fasten it on
thee; but since thy last, conversing with our good Mother [Ms
Mother] she says to me, ' What would he do if the Navy were
employed against the Church of God?' This I thought to
acquaint thee with; I am not fit to advise thee, but I earnestly
beg the counsel of the all-wise God for thee. Our Mother told
me my father and my uncle Burlamachi were employed in such
an affair against Rochelle; and the Shipmaster Confrences not
giving them leave, they left their ships and returned empty."

Truly his Mother's fears came to pass, for in June, 1672,
when the nation had been unwittingly led into a naval
war against the Protestant Dutch, and into close alliance
with the rapacious and Popish King of France, Papillon
was personally engaged in revictualling the fleet at the
Nore, after one of its hard-fought engagements. Happily,
he was soon enabled, in his place in Parliament, to join
the majority in opposition to so base a policy.

During her six months' stay at Acrise, Jane Papillon
found plenty to do in attending to the repair of the house
and the supply of common household furniture, in putting

JANE PAPILLON AT ACRISE. lOI

the gardens and court into order, in gathering in the hay
and corn harvests, in looking after a defaulting tenant,
and in various other concerns attendant on a country-
place. She had no fixed steward, but was much aided
by Mr. Gibbons, Mayor of Dover, who frequently visited
her; and in return, she earnestly begged her husband to
obtain for him a post in London. From a brother residing
at one of the Judge's Chambers in Serjeants' Inn, he had
heard of a Waitership in the Customs, which he might
possibly obtain for three years through some lady, on
payment of ;^So ; should this fail, Jane Papillon begged
her husband to seek some other berth for him. She was
also advised by a neighboui-, Mr. Forrester, concerning the
farms.

She frequently reported to her husband the condition
of affairs, and the steps she had taken to remedy the
general disorder, assuring him at times that she was doing
her very best to act as a faithful steward, and to spend
no more than was absolutely requisite. She complained
of the inactivity and indifference of the country workmen.
She demanded few things from London ; the first was
a clock ; and the next a good sounding bell, to call
together the family. She conducted household worship
morning and evening ; and during harvest, when the
reapers took their meals in the house, she lamented that
she could never induce them to attend morning prayers,
though they willingly came in the evening.

It is difficult, however, to describe her assiduity, her
discretion, and her pious zeal. To understand them properly,
the reader must refer to her numerous letters of this period
in the Appendix ; he will there see how the lady, the
mother, the kind and sociable neighbour, the pious matron,
and the careful housewife were all combined in her; and
that the character drawn of her by the Rev. John Shower

I02 THOMAS PAPILLON.

in his dedication of her Funeral Sermon, recorded in
Chapter II., was not without due warrant.

In 1677, Thomas Papillon proposed to build a new
house at Acrise, and obtained plans from an architect,
but abandoned the idea as too expensive. Writing to his
Wife from London, on 2nd July, he says : —

"I have received one from thee this day, which was very
welcome, being the first I have had from thee since my coming
hither; for I know not how to call it home in thy absence. Truly,
my dear, methinks as Dr. Horton said on that text (' The winter
is past, the rain is over and gone,') when we have so much
freedom from hurrying employs, we should be more spiritual
and improve our time. But alas ! my dead and carnal heart
and vain mind shew me that the excuse for want of time is
vain, and the fault Ues within. The Lord humble me and enable
me to put forth acts of faith upon the Lord Jesus, to derive a
spirit of life from Him, that I may more and more savour
divine things. The passage of the Apostle in the 8th Romans,
which he experienced, I desire and beg that I and all mine may
really and experimentally feel made good in us, to wit, that the
spirit of life in Christ Jesus may free me from the law of sin
and death. The carnal mind is enmity to God, and yet this
is the frame that too much takes hold on me ; the Lord subdue
it, and make me more heavenly, &c.

" Mrs. Jenny Floate went away on Saturday ; she had with
her a box of sugar, which I hope she will take care to convey
to you. Yesternight, my son and cousin John supped with us
on a cold breast of mutton and a salad ; and this day Mr. Mayor
and some Dover men dined with me. They had the ascendant
of Serjeant Hardres at the trial ; he came off very bluely, and
in his own cause he hath not shewn himself so good a lawyer
as the world thought him.* Mr. Woodstock hath made me a
draft of the house; which is handsome, but I fear it will come

* Serjeant H. laid claim to the office of Steward — or permanent Counsel— to
the Corporation of Dover, on the ground of long service and tacit agreement ;
but the Corporation resisted the claim, denying the existence of such an office,
or such appointment of him. (See No, 2,120, Egertou M.SS., British Museum.)

PAPILLON'S CARE OF ACRISE. IO3

to too much money; I think it were not amiss if you sent for
Nevett, and discoursed with him to know what he would take
to repair it, putting in new timbers, and make it up just as it
now is, and then putting tiles on the outside to secure it from
the weather, which may serve our time very well; I suppose
it may be done for ;^So, or not much more, &c. Sir James
Oxenden is gone down this day.

"Thine, T. P."

Whether Thomas Papillon made any addition to the
Acrise Estate does not appear from his M.SS., probably not
much, for in 1684 he estimated the value at ^6,000, an increase
of only ;£'i, 000 after eighteen years' occupation ; howrever,
soon after his purchase of the place there was a prospect
of the neighbouring manor of " Mount's Court " being for
sale. In 1667, one year after he had bought Acrise, he
took of his brother-in-law, Sir William Broadnax, seventy
acres of land, with a farm-house on it, in Romney Marsh,
and he afterwards bought some more of Sir William's
son ; he also bought some of Sir Bazil Dixwell, Bart, of
Broome Park, Kent. In making his final Will in 1701,
he left the whole of his real estate to his only son Philip,
the properties in Kent and Leicestershire in remainder
to his grandson, David Papillon, and his heirs ; and his
house in Fenchurch Street, absolutely. As regarded the
Acrise property, he thus expressed himself: —

" And I do recommend to my said son Philip Papillon while
he lives to keep the houses at Acrise in good repair, and to
preserve the household stuff and utensils thereto belonging, that
after his death the same may go to my grandson David Papillon
if he be then living : And if it shall please God to bless my son
Philip with any increase of his estate, I desire him to make
addition to what is settled on and given by me after his death
to my said grandson David, that the same may be not less, but
rather more, than to any of his other children, he being the
eldest.

I04 THOMAS PAPILLON.

It appears that in 1 68 1-4, Thomas Papillon held a small
Estate in Ireland; and even in 1663, we find the copy of
a letter from a lawyer there, but to whom addressed, or
by whom copied, does not appear ; setting forth the failure
at law to establish a claim to the Estate of the Marquis
of Antrim. It is in these words : —

"Ireland, August 22nd, 1663.
"Ever Honoured Sir,

" Last Thursday we came to trial with my Lord Marquis of
Antrim, but according to my fears (which you always surmised
to be in vain) he was by the King's extraordinary and peremptory
letter of favour restored to his estate as an Innocent Papist.

"We proved eight qualifications in the Act of Settlement
against him, the least of which made him incapable of being
restored as Innocent. We proved, —

" I. — That he was to have a hand in surprising the Castle

of Dublin in the year 1641.
"2. — That he was of the Rebels' party before the isth
September, 1643, which we made appear by his hourly
and frequent intercourse with Renny O'Moore and many
others ; being himself the most notorious of the said Rebels.
" 3. —That he entered into the Rtoman Catholic confederacy

before the peace in 1643.
"4- — That he constantly adhered to the Nuncio's party, in

opposition to His Majesty's authority.
" 5. — That he sat from time to time in the Supreme Council of

Kilkenny.
" 6. — That he signed that execrable oath of Association.
" 7. — That he was commissioned and acted as Lieutenant

General from the said Assembly of Kilkenny.

" 8. — That he declared (by several letters of his own penning)

himself in conjunction with Owen Ro O'Neale, and a

constant opposer to the several peaces made by the Lord

Lieutenant with the Irish.

" We were seven hours by the clock in proving our evidence

against him ; but at last, the King's letter being opened and read

MARQUIS OF ANTRIM'S ESTATE. 105

in Court, Rainsford, one of the Commissioners, told us, That
the King's letter on his behalf was evidence without exception,
and thereupon declared him to be an Innocent Papist.

"This cause, Sir, hath (though many reflections have passed
upon the Commissioners before) more startled the judgment of
all men than all the trials since the beginning of their sitting;
and it is very strange and wonderful to all of the Long Robe
that the King should give such a letter, having divested himself
of that authority, and reposed the trust in the Commissioners for
that purpose : And likewise it is admired that the Commissioners
having taken solemn oaths to execute nothing but according to
and in pursuance of the Acts of Settlement, should barely upon
His Majesty's letter have declared the Marquis Innocent.

" To be short, there never was so great a Rebel had so much
favour from so good a King; and it is very evident to me, though
young and scarce yet brought on the stage, that the consequence
of these things will be very bad ; and if God of his extraordinary
grace do not prevent it, war and (if possible) greater judgments
cannot be far from us, — where vice is patronized, and Antrim,
a Rebel upon record, and so lately proved one, should have no
other colour for his actions but the King's own letter, which
takes all imputations from Antrim and lays them totally upon
his own father.

"Sir, I shall by the next, if possible, send you over one of
our Briefs against my Lord by some friend; it is too large for
a packet, being no less in bulk than a Book of Martyrs. I have
no more at present, but refer you to the King's letter hereto
annexed."

"The Royal letter was dated from 'Our Court at Whitehall,
July loth, in the isth year of our reign, 1663,' and was addressed,
' To our Right Trusty and right entirely well beloved Cousin and
Councillor James Duke of Ormond, our Lieutenant General and
General Governor of our Kingdom of Ireland, and to the Lords
of our Council of that Kingdom. "

As regards the estate which Thomas Papillon held in
Ireland in 168 1-4, we find an autograph rough draft of
Instructions to an Agent proceeding to it from England,

I06 THOMAS PAPILLON.

by which it appears that the property was mainly in charge
of Major Toogood, but the Agent was directed on landing
at Dublin to find Mr. Joseph Fish, and also to consult
with Mr. Thomas Cook. Thomas Papillon seems to have
been very deficient of information respecting the property.
Whether he had acquired it as a bad debt, or how, does
not appear; and the draft of instructions bears no date.
But in May, 1684, he received a letter, written from Dublin
by Mr. William Hodson, enclosing a Bill on a Russian
Merchant in London — Mr. Francis Pargiter — for;^27 i8s.,
equal to ;^30, less cost of exchange, for the two years'
rent due in May, 1683. Mr. Hodson wrote thus : —

" Dublin, the 3rd May, 1684.
"Sir,

" My last was in answer to yours of the 8th January past ; I
have not heard from you since. The times are very sad with
us here ; half the cattle of the country are dead ; starved with
cold and want of fodder. Such a winter was never in the
memory of man. Though the tenants are much put to it, yet
I have made shift to remit you the two years' rent due last
May, 1683," &c.

We 'find no further mention of the property; so no
doubt Thomas Papillon parted with it.

While Thomas Papillon was careful for the due
maintenance of his property at Acrise, he did not neglect
the higher interests of its residents, and the credit of the
Rector of the parish ; soon after, however, justly acting
as his censor; and as regarded a subsequent Incumbent,
questioning the soundness of his doctrine. His letters on
these points speak for themselves.

25th May, 16 — . Copy of letter from Thomas Papillon
to Dean Tillotson ; —

CHURCH SERVICES AT ACRISE. lO/

"Reverend Sir,

" By a letter received last night from Acrise, in Kent, where
my house is, I am informed that some complaint hath been made
to the Lord Bishop of Peterborough (who, I am told, hath visited
on behalf of his Grace the Lord Archbishop) that the cure of
our parish hath been very much neglected, which is but too.
true, occasioned by some bodily indisposition of our Minister,

Mr. . They now acquaint that Mr. hath provided

for the place to the full content and satisfaction of the Parishioners,
and that they have Divine Service twice a day, and also preaching.
The same is confirmed to me by my Wife, with a desire that I
would signify so much by some means to his Grace the Lord
Archbishop ; lest upon the complaint made by the Bishop of
Peterborough, any other way of supply should be thought of,
which would now be unnecessary, the place being well provided
for," &c.

Letter from Thomas Papillon to the Incumbent of
Acrise, dated 23rd November, 16 — : —

'Mr.

"The Apostle in the loth of Hebrews having shewn the
weakness and insufficiency of the legal sacrifices to remove and
take away the guilt of sin, and the fulness and all-sufficiency of
the sacrifice of the Lord Jesus, who by one offering hath for ever
perfected them that are sanctified, whereof the Holy Ghost bears
witness in that new and better Covenant — as it is said the Covenant
of Grace in that God promiseth to write His law in our hearts, and
to remember our sins no more — proceeds in the 19th verse to
improve the privilege purchased by Christ and to draw near with
a true heart in full assurance of faith, &c., which drawing near
•seems to me by the following words to be a drawing nigh to
God in the public administrations of Gospel ordinances, and
public owning of the faith we profess thereby, as in verses 23-4-5 ;
and he requires not only every particular person to this duty,
but lays an injunction that we should consider one another to
provoke unto love and to good works, not forsaking the assembling
of ourselves (as the manner of some is) but exhorting one another,
and so much the rather, or the more, as ye see the day approach-

I08 THOMAS PAPILLON.

ing. What that day is, which the Apostle means in this place,
I will not positively determine. Whether the day of general
judgment, or of every one's particular death and judgment, or the
day of persecution and taking away the liberty of Christians in
the free enjoyment of Gospel ordinances by the Heathen
Emperors, or by the Man of Sin that was to be revealed, —
however it be, there are dreadful judgments denounced in the
following part of the chapter against such as slight or neglect
the Grace of God tendered in the .Covenant in Christ. From
the consideration hereof I am induced to write you these few
lines; and as the Apostle II. Cor. v. ii.,— knowing the terror
of the Lord, to persuade you, —

"I was to have seen you yesterday, and to have discoursed
you, but did not meet you at home; therefore to supply that,
I send you these few lines, which I hope you will consider ; and
I humbly beg that God by His Spirit would rnake them profitable
to you.

" You have preached the truths of Christ to others ; you have
told us that it was our duty to attend upon God in the administra-
tion of Gospel ordinances, both Word, prayer, and Sacraments, —
and how is it that when the door of God's house is open and
His ordinances duly administered you are engaged in walking
the fields or lying in bed. Is not this a forsaking your own
mercies ? an undervaluing the institutions of Jesus Christ, as
if they were useless and unnecessary? May it not be an
occasion for others to slight coming to Church, and attending
on the Word and Sacraments, when they see you a Minister
thus to do? What can you say? What will you plead when
God shall call you to an account? It is a fearful thing to fall
into the hands of the living God; oh, therefore call to remembrance
the former. Do not give place to the Devil. Are you well
enough to walk in the fields, and are you not well enough to
walk to God's house? You are not well enough to exercise
the function of a Minister as formerly ; but are you not to worship,
serve, and glorify God as you are able ? Are you so proud that
because you are not in a capacity at present to be a teacher
of Christian truths, that therefore you will not be a hearer and
learner ? Are you under trouble for sins past ? Where can you

Neglect of public worship. 109

expect to meet with ease, but by applying to God in Christ in
His own institutions ? I will hear, saith David, what the Lord
will speak, for He will speak peace, &c. Are you under temporal
trouble and affliction ? Where can you find comfort but in God's
sanctuary? David experienced that one day in God's courts
was better than a thousand elsewhere. Will you give David the
lie, and say he was mistaken, — 'It is better to walk in the fields
or lie abed ? '

" Oh Sir, pardon me if I am free with you ; it is out of love
and compassion for your soul : I desire you seriously to read
and ponder the loth Chapter of Hebrews, in which there is
mercy and judgment; mercy for the full remission of all our
sins, and obtaining grace through the sacrifice of our Lord Jesus
Christ assured to the believing soul by the Covenant of God,
who cannot lie ; judgment against all that slight and neglect this
grace, for ' Vengeance is mine' saith the Lord, ' I will repay : '
I hope I may say, as the Apostle in another place, 'I am
persuaded better things of you, and things that accompany
salvation, though I thus speak.'

" The next Lord's day the Sacrament of the Lord's - Supper is
to be administered. You have been long wandering from God's
ways ; oh, why should you not come to renew your Covenant
with God, to obtain a sense of God's love in Christ, to overcorhe
your temptations — to enable you to do your duty? Can you
overcome the evil one by your own power? No, surely; Be not
deceived; if Christ don't strengthen you, the Devil will be too hard
for you. Can you expect strength from Christ if you will not come
to Him for it in the way that He hath appointed — the way of
His ordinances ? Oh, come Sir ; God invites you, hath prepared
a feast for you. Make no vain and idle excuses ; come, and the
Lord will fill you with joy and peace in believing.

" Sir, as I have invited you to God's house, so give me leave
to invite you to my own, where you shall be kindly welcome
at any time. I am returning to London after the next Lord's
day, and therefore should be glad to see you before that time.
The Lord be with you. Amen.

"Your loving Friend,

"Tho. Papillon."

tlO THOMAS PAPILLON.

Letter from Rev. J. Lewis, Incumbent of Acrise, to
Thomas Papillon : —

"Honoured Sir,

"Your question, occasioned I presume by a passage in my
sermon. Whether Christ put us only in a capacity of Salvation ;
I've often thought of since, and am afraid I did not answer it
distinctly enough.

" By it I only meant that by Christ salvation was not so purchased
as to be absolutely conferred on us without any condition on
our parts to be fulfilled. For that Christ is styled the Mediator
and Surety of a Covenant made betwixt God and us, which
implies conditions on our part to do, as well as favours on God's
part to bestow ; though, at the same time, as a Christian I own
that as I am unable of myself to perform any of these established
conditions of Salvation, as Faith, Repentance, and new obedience, so
I ought to depend and pray for the supernatural power, whereby
we are first excited to goodness, and afterwards assisted in it.

" I crave leave to return my humble thanks for the many
civilities I received from you when in Town. I hope you will
pardon this trouble from,

" Honoured Sir,

" Your most obliged and humble Servant,
"Acryse. "J. Lewis."

[Reply to above by Thomas Papillon.]

"Reverend Sir,

"I received your letter without date, which I suppose was
about the beginning of this month, March, if§^. You therein
exercise the grace of humiUty in endeavouring to satisfy me
touching the question I proposed to you, for which I return
you thanks, and take it as an evidence of the grace of God
in you, which I pray God to increase. You did rightly presume
that my question was occasioned by a passage in your sermon,
and I am glad that you have often since thought on't, and desire
you to think more and more thereon, and earnestly to beg of
God His Spirit clearly and savingly to enlighten you in the
knowledge of His truth.

CRITICISRt OF DOCTRINE. Ill

" I shall not take upon me the nice distinctions that possibly
are used by Divines concerning conditions and qualifications.
But I firmly believe that the Lord Jesus Christ hath purchased
and merited Salvation for all the elect, and that whatever any
of God's children may be enabled to do in a way of duty, cannot
merit any thing; and I think it would be sinful for any to join
their own work with Christ's. He only ought to have the glory
of our redemption and Salvation, which you, as a Minister of
Christ, are bound to publish and set forth. And I doubt not
but you will endeavour to do your utmost therein, that you may
receive the reward at last of, 'Well done, good and faithful
servant,' &c.

"Your very affectionate Friend and Servant,

"Tho. Papillon."
"nth March, i||^."

Mention has been made of the care which Thomas
Papillon evinced in his Will for the due descent of his
Acrise property. He had previously taken much pains
for the suitable marriage of his son, promoting his suit
as far as possible.

His son's wife — Anne JoUiffe — died alas, within three-
and-half years of their marriage, on the birth of her third
child ; and her father-in-law then constructed a large vault
in Acrise Church, whither he caused her remains, and
those of her infant, who died on the same day, to be
removed from London.

In this vault no less than six young children of Thomas
Papillon's youngest daughter, Anne Marie [Turner] of
Canterbury, were buried. Also his wife, himself, and their
descendants to the fourth generation. Thomas Papillon,
the inheritor of Acrise of the fifth generation, built a new
vault, in which were buried several of his children, himself,
and his dear wife, Ann [Pelham] ; and finally in 1856,
his daughter Frances, of pious memory, aged sixty; her

112 THOMAS PAPILLON.

remains occupying the last niche. And in less than five
years afterwards the property passed away from the family.*

(The Author rejoices to know that the present owner,
William Alexander Mackinnon, Esq., and his family take
much interest in the place.)

The Author may be further excused, he hopes, for
mentioning a marble tablet, still in the Parish Church,
which was placed there by Thomas Papillon's grandson
David, bearing the following inscription : —

"H. J.,

Ex gente Papillonum,
Ab avis, atavisque longfe,

Clara Pietate,
In Deum, Patriam, et sues,
Assidui, forti, pura,
jiEmulentur Posteri.
(Sic vovet David Papillon nepos.)"

[translation.]

"Sons of Papillon race beneath do lie,
A race renowned for famous ancestry;
In love to God, to Country, and to Kin,
For ever constant, brave, averse to sin :
May children yet unborn these virtues share :
David Papillon thus records his prayer."

Papillon's acquisition of Acrise, and subsequently of a
seat in Parliament, tended not to damp his ardour in
promoting the public interests with which he was
connected ; he sought not yet the " otium cum dignitate,"
but was bent on exerting himself commercially, civically.

* The advantages and disadvantages of country-seats, in a moral, social, and
educational poinl of view, is a subject worthy of consideration.

AUDITOR OF CITY ACCOUNTS. II3

or politically as occasion required ; industry and rectitude
were vital traits in his character, and they brought their
sure reward. Albeit he suffered at times, meanwhile.
Thus in a family memorandum it is said : —

"In 1672, 3, 5, 6, 7, 80, 81, he was of Common Council
[of London] and Auditor of the City Accounts, and himself drew
all their Reports, as to the Chamber, Bridge-house, and Gresham
College, vide the part of his Accounts too of the Waters and
Aqueducts — the disputes of the proportion of the taxes, and
whether the Commissioners of Customs should be taxed — were
of his management."

Autograph M.SS. remain on two of these subjects, viz.,
the Bridge-house Service, and the General State of the
Finances of the City.

On the first of these subjects is a Table shewing
precisely the respective duties and emoluments of the
various Officers, Bridgemasters, the Clerk Comptroller,
the Master Mason, the Master Tide Carpenter, the
Shootsman, the Purveyor, and the Porter; and in con-
nection with this table is a series of suggestions, drawn
up 'Hn order of perfecting the Table" the main object of
which was evidently to suppress all indefinite perquisites
and to replace them by specific awards.

No date is afSxed to this Table and list of suggestions,
but it is presumed they were prepared soon after he took
office as Auditor ; it being probable that he would first
master the details of the accounts.

A Report on the General State of the City Accounts
under date 12th June, 1674, appears in the following
autograph M.S. : —

"At the Audit of the Chamber Accounts for the City of London,
at Guildhall, the 12th June, 1674,

1 14 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"The Auditors do humbly offer to the consideration of the

Right Honourable The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common

Council,

"That in regard of the present state of the City, all possible
care may be taken, that may consist with the honour of the City,
both to increase their revenue and diminish their expences and
to avoid all unnecessary ones.

"That in regard it hath not been an Ancient Custom of the
City to provide a Sermon for the Lord Mayor in the afternoon,
but that his Lordship hath usually given countenance by his
presence to the Minister of the parish where he resides. That
his Lordship may be desired to do so in future, and that the
allowance for an afternoon Sermon to Dr. Hitchcoat, set on
foot by reason of the necessity brought on by the Fire for want
of Churches, may not be continued, the necessity being now
through God's mercy removed; and that the said Doctor may
have notice thereof, that he may expect no more from the City,
but apply to the parish for his maintenance.

"That a Committee may be appointed to examine the Tolls
above and below Bridge wherein Dr. Carpenter is concerned.
That the City's right may be preserved, and the charge supplied
without an annual allowance from the Chamber.

"That consideration may be had of the Aqueducts, to find
out how the charge accruing thereon may be maintained, and
the City's rights preserved.

" That whereas we find several sums paid out of the Chamber
for work and other matters, which ought to be borne and paid
out of the Coal Account, Mr. Chamberlain be required to
examine all that hath been so paid, and to charge the same
on the Coal Account with the interest that the City hath paid
thereon.*

"That whereas James Cole, Clerk of the Commissioners of
Sewers, hath received ;^ioo per annum out of the Chamber,
The same may be inspected into, and if it be a due to him.

* No doubt an account relating to the rebuilding and improvement of the
City of London after the Great Fire, in support of which a duty on Coals was
first levied.

REPORT OF AUDITORS. IIS

that it may be paid to him by the said Commissioners, and not
be laid as a perpetual charge on the Chamber.

" We find that the Marshalls receive a great sum of money
for to look after the Vagrants and Beggars, and yet there is a
great complaint of their neglect in their duty, which we offer
to your Honours' consideration to take care in.

" We find that far greater sums have been of late disbursed
for charge of keeping the Courts of Conservancy than the ;^3oo
your Honours have appointed, which we could not pass, but
make exception thereof on signing the Account ; wherefore we
offer it to your consideration that such sum may be settled for
the same thing as may consist with the honour of the City, and
that it be not exceeded.

"We find ;£'4,642 los. od. owing by several for fines of
Aldermen and Sheriffs, some of which may be desperate, and
others, if due care be taken to prosecute, may be recovered.
Whereof we offer it to consideration that an inspection may be
made thereof, and such as be desperate may by order of this
Court be discharged, and the others prosecuted to effect. As
also that a Committee be appointed to inspect all the other
debts owing to the City, to the end that such may be discharged,
and the others effectually prosecuted.

"The Auditor having made a motion to us. That he might
have the same allowance of ;£s° 1?^^ annum as he had in times
past, in regard his business is greater than formerly. We humbly
offer the same to our humble opinion that he may deserve your
favour therein during the pleasure of the Court.

"This paper was signed by Sir Thomas Allen, Sir George
Waterman, Sir Robert Handson, Sir Joseph Sheldon, Sir Robert
Jeffries, Squire Lane, and Thomas Papillon, and left in the hands
of Sir Thomas Allen, the 12th June, 1674."

How far the proposals of Thomas Papillon and his
colleagues were adopted does not appear, but from the
two following statements in Papillon's handwriting, it is
clear that the general expenditure was continually exceed-
ing the income : —

I 2

Il6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" The General State of the City Accounts at Michaelmas,
1676.

The City Owes There is Owing to the City

;^ s. d. £ s. d.

To Orphans...: 428,404 18 loj Arrears by outstand-

Money at Interest ... 126,207 '7 S ing persons 144,861 i 6J

TotheBridgeAccount 14,384 3 4 In Cash 32.053 3 ^4

Balance 392,082 14 6J

;^S68,996 19 7i ;f568,996 19 7J

"By the Account above it appears that the City is indebted
;^392,o82 14s. 6;|d. more than what is owing to them, and if
it be considered that a great part if not most of the ;^i44,86i
IS. 6jd. above-mentioned is desperate and never to be recovered,
it will be found that the debt of the City beyond what they may
recover of the arrears owing to them will be upwards of 500
Thousand pounds.

"Note that in anno 1672 the City's debt on the balance of
the General Account was but ;^28i,iii 6s. 3|d. ; now in anno
1676, it is ;^392,o82 14s. 6Jd. ; whence it appears that in four
years' time the City's debt is increased on them ^110,971 8s. 2fd.
which is upwards of 27,000 every year, one year with another.
The last year, 1676, the debt was augmented above what it was
the year before, ;^28,ss3; and if it should continue to go on
thus, it is evident that the consequence would be ruinous and
destructive.

"Anno ;^ s. d. ;^ s. d.

1672 BalanceofCity'sdebt 281,111 6 3J

1673 Ditto 302,702 7 si Increase in 1 year 21,591 i ij
1675 Ditto 365,928 6 loj Ditto 2 years 63,255 19 5
1676- Ditto 392,082 14 6i Ditto i year 26,154 7 8

The City's debt is increased in four years ;£'iio,97i 8 2|

The above paper is docketed thus : —

"31st May, 1677. The General State of the City's Accounts
presented lo the Lord Mayor, Sir Thomas Davis,"

AUDIT OF CITY ACCOUNTS. II 7

The remaining document on the subject is docketed
thus : —

"31st May, 1677. Copy of the Auditors' Representation to
Lord and Aldermen of the City of London."

" The Auditors of the City humbly Represent,
"That notwithstanding of late years several Representations
have been made by their Predecessors yet they still find the
City on every Audit to go more and more behind hand, a true
state whereof they shall at any time be ready to impart to such
Committee as your Honours shall appoint; and in discharge
of their duty to the City, and to your Honours the fathers
thereof, they crave leave in all humility to declare unto you
their fears and apprehensions, That (unless some effectual course
be speedily taken and put in practice to lessen the charge, and
to find out some other means and methods for raising money
to defray the same) the charge every year so much surpassing
the receipt will in a Uttle time augment the City debit to that
proportion that it may be unretrievable ; what the consequences
may be thereupon they cannot say, but that it may not be at
their doors (and they hope it never shall at your Honours')
They earnestly beseech your Honours without delay to consider
thereof, and to apply such suitable remedies to prevent them,
and to uphold the honour and credit of the City, as in your
wisdom shall be found most proper.

"Tho. Papillon,
"Tho. Pilkington,
" Tho. Heatley,
"31st May, 1667. "John du Bois."

Some years later, another instance of willing service on
Papillon's part was the treasurership of the ^'■Adventurers
in the stock raised for setting poor French Protestants to
work at Ipswich in the Linen Manufacture''

It appears that the undertaking was begun early in
168 1, and was supported by nearly seventy Adventurers,

Il8 THOMAS PAPILLON.

who subscribed for amounts varying from £$ to ;^8o ;
some of them spreading their subscriptions over a period
of three or four years.

At a General Meeting held on 26th March, 1683, the
amount of subscriptions still due — being rather more than
half — was ;£'i,i48 iSs.; and while the purpose in hand had
been accomplished, of usefully employing the Refugees;
the business was still unremunerative, in the common
acceptation of the term.

The detailed balance sheet presented by the Treasurer
on the occasion, gives the following list of Adventurers,
from whom part of their respective subscriptions was still
due. And the annexed photograph of the Report of the
General Meeting gives the autograph signatures of some
of the more eminent among them. The first part is
in the handwriting -of Thomas Papillon; the latter part,
containing the verdict of the meeting on his balance sheet,
he left to others to transcribe.

List of Adventurers owing one-half or more of their
respective subscriptions on the 28th February, 1683 : —

Sir John Moore (late Lord Mayor) Thomas Papillon
Henry, Lord Bishop of London George Earl of Berkeley
Sir Josiah Child Sir Henry Johnson

Sir Joseph Ashe Peter Barr

Sir John Lawrance Peter Heringhooke

Sir Robert Clayton Peter Kesterman

John Morden Isaac de Vinck

Edward Stillingfleet (Dean of Sir John Fredrick
St. Paul's) Sir Robert Viner

Joseph Heme William Carbonnel

Sir James Edwards Alderman Henry Cornish

Sir Patience Ward John Drign^

^^Ln.a,f\x^g^4jttVi£U a4-c-

^IxcdL-iM^lt

.a^^^c ^je^

fj^LV^en c^ tALm«M^*^^»>^

QAJrwna %

aS tW t^j!r ni»; flfln 8 ^'Wom MSJLL,tl.i^ ?^L

Up.

U^iLlLaJtuUi^a

'^n^l^aj^ eokfi'rnai^ a^e^ar^tn* iro hQ-Kol%~at~Ki^ki~vnliv^

ttcXG^J4Brtj.V ^''-^ma^'lttaa aJ-WJpJroitA ^ (h -VVAi^ trajfTi'^ 0,ru)

Ilc^ kiCi t<il£a.n t« /A(V ajfair, /uc ion,/' P«v't7'c3 /<j t^miinue IKc (fiayftr

(U>^"^^ w^ nolo afre£i, xOr^e/S Ja ^ r'^t£wU^Aa-0 fa t/1 /P; 0t^c'
On'? Jo c^^UA. ou< iflic- ^me^.n^v, Co-vryin^ on o-/ f/iit t/erutcx- ^wa.t^t

my ih^e/i^

PiPJWSM*"-"'

."^s-

^^S^m .* JT^K^rtM

ADVENTURERS IN LINEN MANUFACTURE.

119

Abraham Stibert
James de New
John Willaw
Daniel du Prie
Peter Hashaw
David Primrose
Benjamin de Jeune
Christopher le Thuillier
Moses Coulon
Peter Renew
David Coquard
Peter Delm^

Isaac and Jacob de Lillers
Samuel de Thuillier
Herman Olmius
John Tavernier
John Blondel
Gerard Vanhuythussen
Francis Tyssen
James Williamson
Nathanael Letten
John PoUexfen
Dr. John Tillotson (Dean of
Canterbury)

Sir William Turner

George Dashwood

William Sedgwick

Roger Lock

John Houblon

Charles Thorold

Abraham Dolius

John and Thomas Lane

Jacob Lucy

Sir William Pritchard

Mayor)
Thomas Sheppeard
Isaac Jurin
Humphrey Edwin
John Gray
Peter Houblon
James Houblon
Nathanael Tench
John Cudworth
Edward Rudge
John Paige
Sir James Oxenden

(Lord

»^

CHAPTER VIII.

ELECTION TO PARLIAMENT, AND CAREER AS MEMBER.

Political condition of Dover, temp. Charles II. — Enforcement of Conventicle
Act — Attempt to suppress due Election of Mayor — Vacancy in the
representation of Dover in Parliament — Sir Edward Sprague and Thomas
Papillon Candidates -action of Mayor and Town Council in favour of
Sprague, who is returned by the Mayor — but Papillon petitions — and the
House of Commons decides in his favour — Death meanwhile of Sir
Edward Sprague^ — Re-election of Papillon in i679^0rigin of the
privileges of the Cinque Ports — attempt to infringe on their popular
rights — Condition of Politics in general on Papillon's Election — He
opposes the Government on a Grant for the Navy, 1679 — He demands
further information as to Treaties, before voting supplies, 1678 — He
opposes the imposition of Passes from the Admiralty to ensure the
protection of Merchantmen, 1676 — He strongly opposes the renewal of
Act prohibiting the importation into England of Cattle and other Farm
produce from Ireland, 1672 — Speech of Papillon on his re-election —
address to the Electors — Election Expenses.

Conditions of the new Parliament — The Popish Plot — Charge against
Williamson, Secretary of State, for granting Commissions in the Army
to Roman Catholics — Papillon joins in vote for committing him to the
Tower — Petitioners and Abhorrers — Sir Francis Wytliens expelled the
House for promoting an Abhorring Protest in the Grand Jury of
Westminster — Papillon supports the step — He presents a Petition to the
Lord Mayor in favour of frequent assembly of Parliament, &c. — Expulsion
from the House of Sir Robert Peyton- — Papillon refuses to support it-
Unjust apprehension of Peter Norris — Papillon inveighs against it —
General remarks on Papillon's conduct in the Parliament of Charles II.

HOMAS Papillon's first election to Parliament
occurred not quite thirteen years after the
Restoration. The Civil War and the era of
the Commonwealth had created strong political
feelings throughout the land. Many who had
heartily welcomed the return of Charles II.
strongly reprobated the corruption of the Court and
Government, but others as warmly supported them.

Dover supplied its quota on either side ; and local
feelings added fuel to the flame.

BOROUGH OF DOVER — 167O. 121

For many years Patrician and Plebeian had contended
for Municipal honours and privileges ; and latterly,
" Church " and " Dissent " had increased the divisions
and animosities.

Two instances of such contentions occurred in 1670.

The first is the subject of the following letter from
James, Duke of York, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports,
to his Deputy, the Lieut. Governor of Dover Castle : —

" His Majesty having been informed in Council of divers
Conventicles and unlawful meetings frequently kept and held
in the town of Dover, and the remissness of the Magistrates in
suppressing the same, and punishing the oflFenders according to
the Act of Parliament, to the contempt of his Majesty's laws,
and encouragement to others to offend in the like case, did
think fit (for redress thereof) in Council to order that Richard
Matson, late Mayor of Dover, Edward Dell, Samuel Taverner,
Nathaniel Borrey, Symon Yorke, and Anthony Street should
appear at the Council Board, to answer the Premises; who
accordingly appearing, and being severally heard, and reproved
for their misdemeanours, his Majesty was pleased by his Order,
sitting in Council, dated 13th instant, to authorise me to give
speedy and effectual Orders to shut up (in the said town of
Dover) all such houses as lately have, are, or shall, be made
use of, for the meeting of persons disaffected to the Government
by Law established, under pretence of religious worship, so as
no assembly be from henceforth kept therein, as also to give
directions for the pulling down all Pulpits, Couches, and other
seats as shall be found placed in such houses for the conveniency
of Conventiclers, and particularly the Pulpits and seats in the
house of the above-named Samuel Taverner, or any other; as
also to cause the Laws made against unlawful meetings, as well
as the Act made at Oxford, as the Act lately made against
Conventicles, to be put in full and due execution against all
persons who have or shall hereafter offend in any matter
contained in the said Acts or either of them :

" I do therefore desire that you will immediately give strict
and effectual orders to the Magistrates of Dover to cause all

122 THOMAS PAPILLON.

the particulars of his Majesty's said Order in Council of the
13th of this instant January to be punctually observed, performed,
and duly executed according to the terms of the said Order.

" I am, your loving Friend,
" Whitehall, « James."

"21st January, 1670,

" To Colonel John Strode,
Lieutenant of Dover Castle."

Rev. John Lyon, Vicar of St. Mary's, Dover, in his
History of Dover, published in 1813, refers with much
regret to the persecution of Samuel Taverner, whom he
mentions as having been a truly pious man, and formerly
Captain of a Troop of Horse.

The second instance occurred at the Annual Election
of Mayor, and the case is set forth in an Order of the
King in Council dated 20th September, 1670, giving
judgment on an appeal against the conduct of the election
to the office of Mayor, and these are the facts adduced.

In 1578, at the instance of the Lords and others of Her
Majesty's Privy Council, an Order was made by the
Common Council of Dover that the Annual Election of
Mayor should take place on the 8th September, when
between eight and ten a.m., the Mayor and Jurats should
meet in the Guildhall, and select the old Mayor and four
Jurats as candidates for the new Mayoralty, and that at
two p.m., the five names should be submitted by the
Town Clerk to the Freemen, so that the latter might
elect. This practice was maintained till 1644, when the
Common Council threw open the nomination of Jurats
as candidates to the Freemen at large ; in 1664 the
Common Council by another Decree reverted to the
Order of 1578; and in 1667 they again reverted to that
of 1644:

ELECTION OF MAYOR— DOVER— 1 670. 1 23

But in 1670, as the Order of the King in Council sets
forth :—

" The Mayor, calling a Common Council, did (as it is alleged)
to prevent differences which might arise about the Election, two
persons contending for the same, on the said 8th September,
in the morning make void to the said last Decree for a General
Election, and confirmed again the former practice pursuant to
the first Decree of the year 1578, and according to the Mayor
and four Jurats made choice of the said John Carlile to be
Mayor, who had 39 voices for him, and was one of the four
named with the old Mayor.

" On the contrary, the Counsel on behalf of the said Richard
Barly [who was nominated by the Freemen] alleged that the
disannulling of the former Order of the year 1667, and ever
since practised, was irregularly done, and by surprise and design
the very morning of the day of Election, and that there were
not a full number to make up a Common Council, inferring from
thence that the Freemen had legally proceeded and made choice
of the said Richard Barly to be Mayor, who had 113 voices,
whereas the said John Carlile had but 39.

" Both parties having been duly heard, and We (well approving
of the rule prescribed by the Decree of the 20th Queen Elizabeth
as tending to the peace and quiet of that place in the Election
of Mayor) have thought good with the advice of Our Privy
Council, hereby to declare Our Pleasure, and accordingly Our
Will and Pleasure is. That the last Decree of Common Council
touching the manner and right of Electing a Mayor yearly for
that Corporation shall stand and be established so far as the
same agrees with the Decree of Council of the 20th year of
Queen Elizabeth, which we do hereby appoint to be observed
as a constant Rule in the Election of all the Mayors there in
the future ; and to the end that no complaint may remain upon
any pretence of surprise in the late proceedings. Our farther
Will and Pleasure is. That the said late Election of the said
John CarUle by you, as likewise of the said Richard Barly by
the Freemen, to be Mayor of the said town of Dover, shall
both be null and void, and that you, John Matson (the Mayor
as yet) and the Jurats are required speedily to meet and appoint

124 THOMAS PAPILLON.

a day for the Election of a New Mayor in such manner and
form as is prescribed by the late Decree of Council pursuant
to that of the year 1578, and to nominate the said Richard Early
(being already a Jurat) to be one of the four Jurats who together
with the said John Matson are to be presented in order to the
Election of a New Mayor for the succeeding year.

" Whereof you may not fail, for which these Letters shall be
your Warrant, and so We bid you farewell.

"Given at Our Court at Whitehall, the 20th September, 1670,
" By his Majesty's command,
"To * " Arlington.''

"Our trusty and well-beloved

John Matson the Mayor as yet of

Our town of Dover, and the Jurats

and Commorl Council there."

(The result was the election of Richard Early in 1670
and 1 67 1.)

Such was the Borough which called Thomas Papillon
to a seat in Parliament. Before inviting him to become
a candidate, the Liberal electors had doubtless heard of
his successful efforts to resist unjust demands from the
Customs and Excise ; of the active part he had taken
as a Director of the East India Company ; and of his
general prosperity in business, and therefore deemed him
well suited to promote their cause ; his recent purchase
of Acrise Place probably also had some influence in their
choice.

He was elected in February, 1673; the vacancy occurred
through the succession to the Peerage, as Earl of Sandwich,
of the former member. Lord Hinchinbrook.

Parliament was not sitting at the time, having been
prorogued in 1671, and not re-opened for business till 4th
February, 1673.

Writs had meanwhile been issued by the Lord Chancellor

ELECTION OF M.P. — DOVER — 1 67 3. 135

for many vacant seats ; the Government, it was supposed,
hoping to profit by the step. But on the re-assembly of
Parliament the House of Commons at once resented this
invasion of their rights, declared the seats to be still vacant,
and ordered the issue of new writs ; this occurred on the
6th February : on the i ith, however, a return was made
from Dover, declaring Sir Edward Sprague, and not
Thomas Papillon, to have been elected.

The course of the election is well described in the
following letter from Thomas Papillon to his Wife,
written on its eve ; and in the " case " for petition after-
wards submitted to the House : —

"My Dear,

" Since my last I have little to inform you of but the strange
and undue manner of carriage here, sending from person to
person, and threatening them if they will not give their vote

for Sir E S *; and yesterday the Mayor sent for

all the Pilots, and told them what a man Sir E. S. was, and
that they should vote for him : Two of them were, it seems,
resolved for me ; one that went declared that he could not
vote for Sir S. E., and the other did not come, for whom they
immediately sent a Warrant to take and carry aboard a ship in
the Roads, that he might be absent at the Election.

"This day they have appointed a Common Council on design
to make new Freemen, to serve their purpose; and as I am
informed they intend the Election to-morrow. The Lord direct
all for His glory, and give me wisdom and courage, that I may
carry it like a Christian, and not be afraid of man.

"Sir Henry Oxenden and Bro. Turner are pleased to bear
me company.

"I desire to be affected with the goodness of God in preserving
thee and our family in the time of the late Fire, and to be
abased under God's mighty hand, Who is yet pleased to contend

* Admiral Sir Edward Sprague, the "Court Party" candidate, and thus the
rival of Thomas Papillon, the •' Country Party " candidate.

126 THOMAS PAPILLON.

with us by fire ; His anger is not turned away, but His wrath
is stretched out still: Oh, that we could see His hand and return
to Him, that judgment may be prevented.

" I have nothing to write to Mr. Harrison,* but pray remember
me kindly to him ; and present my duty to my Mother, and tell
her I need her prayers for God's presence and assistance in this
affair. My love to all my little ones, and present my respects to
Sir James Oxenden and to all my friends.

"Thine in all endeared affections,

"Tho. Papillon."
" Dover, this 31st January, f|."

According to ^^The Case of Thomas Papillon, relating
to his Election at Dover, it appears : —

" I. — That the Election lay with the Freemen of the Borough ;
and such only were : i — Those who had served seven years'
apprenticeship, and were enrolled. 2 — The sons and sons-in-law
of Freemen. 3 — Freeholders of ;^5 a year. 4 — Those who
purchased their Freedom by payment of ;^io.

"II.— That the Mayor by threats endeavoured to secure votes
for Sprague, but finding that Papillon would have the majority
he hastily summoned a Town Council, forcibly excluding some
members, and in order to make new Freemen who would vote
for Sprague, he proposed the immediate repeal of the ;^io
purchase Bye-law; and although some of the Jurats present
objected, and desired to be heard on the matter, he would not
allow it; the proposal was adopted; fifty-two men, pledged to
vote for Sir Edward Sprague were admitted as Freemen, and
others who applied, and brought the ;^io purchase-money were
rejected. And the Mayor appointed the following morning, ist
February, 1673, for the Poll. In such haste were things done,
that the need of Repeal of a prior Bye-law requiring only ;^s
purchase-money, was quite forgotten.

"III. — The day of Election on the second Writ was the nth
February, 1673. Papillon protested against the illegal admission

* His head clerk.

PAPILLON PETITIONS PARLIAMENT. 1 2/

of the quasi New Freemen, but the Mayor replied that he would
justify them as Freemen, and take that upon himself

" The old and legal Freemen were then called over, and voted :
For Papillon, 137 ; for Sprague, 106.- Whereupon the Mayor
was requested to declare the Election, but he refused to do so,
and proceeded to call over the new-made Freemen.

"The first of them being called, the people called out, 'No
faggots, no faggots, Mr. Papillon is fairly chosen.' Upon this,
soldiers were threatened to be serit for, if the Mayor would not
go on; and the Mayor was obliged to call over the fifty-two
persons, of whom forty-seven appeared and unanimously voted
for Sir Edward Sprague.

"This made his votes 153, whereupon the Mayor declared
him Burgess, and made his Return, refusing to return Papillon
though in truth he had thirty-one votes of the legal Freemen
more than Sprague.

" Finally, ;^3oo was promised to the town by Sir E. Sprague,
or some one on his behalf, provided he were elected."

Before Papillon's petition could be presented, poor
Sprague had fallen in the hard-fought action off the Texel
on the nth August, 1673. As usual, his antagonist was
the able and gallant Van Tromp ; and after guiding his
squadron, first from the " Royal Prince," and w^hen she
was disabled, from the " St. George ; " he was again
shifting his flag for renewed efforts, when a shot sunk
this boat, and he was drowned ! *

Parliament met on 20th October, and a motion was at
once made that the Speaker should issue writs for the
election of members for places of which the former members
were dead, except for any where Petitions were depending.
The motion was renewed on the 27th October, and on
each occasion, —

* Hume's England, Chapter LXV.

128 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"It was moved by the Governor of Dover Castle, or some
other, That Dover might not be included in the exception,
but the House rejected the latter motion, and would not allow
of any new Writ till the merits of the cause on the former
Election were determined." [Autograph M.S. of Thomas
Papillon.]

Papillon was declared by the House to be duly elected.

This Parliament, which dated its existence from May,
1 66 1, though often out of session, was not dissolved till
24th January, 1679, when a new one was soon summoned ;
and Thomas Papillon was again a candidate for one of
the two seats allotted to Dover.

His fellow-candidates were Colonel John Strode, the
Lieutenant Governor of Dover Castle ; Captain William
Stokes, Mayor of Dover; and Mr. Tiddeman.

The first and last were supporters of Government ;

Stokes and Papillon were in opposition.

The votes polled were: — For Papillon, 201; Stokes,
193; Tiddeman, 121; Lieutenant-Governor, 113.

The following letter from Papillon to his Wife, on the
eve of the election is in strong contrast with that written
prior to his election in 1673 ; and it is also worthy of
notice for his loyal attention in visiting the Lieutenant-
Governor soon after his arrival in Dover: —

"My Dear,

"I wrote you from Sittingbourne on Wednesday night, and
also from Canterbury on Thursday ; that night I came here, and
have been received with great kindness. Yesterday, being Friday,
was spent at Dover, where I was treated at Mr. Mayor's ; and I
find generally all the people of the town express themselves freely
for me ; and I think it will be as clear for Mr. Mayor ; and at
Sandwich for Sir James Oxenden,

ELECTION AT DOVER — 1 679. tzg

''At Canterbury, Mr. Hales and Dr. Jacob are chosen. The
time of election is not yet fixed at either place, but I think it will
be at the end of next week.

" I did yesterday, when I came to Dover, give a visit to the
Governor at the Castle ; he was very civil, like a gentleman ; and
I doubt not but there will be a very clear and peaceable election.

"Thou art much upon my heart, and I hope thou art also
dear to the Lord, and that He will preserve thee and our family
in safety, and give us a happy meeting again to His glory and
our comfort. I am in haste, the messenger staying; so cannot
enlarge.

"I am, Thine in all the endeared bonds of conjugal and
Christian love.

"Tho. Papillon."

*Deane, the 8th February, i67|-."

Though the desired end w^as thus easily attained by
Papillon, not so by his colleague. Captain William Stokes.

The writ had been addressed, as usual, to the Lord
Warden of the Cinque Ports, whose resident Deputy, the
Lieutenant Governor of Dover Castle, was one of the
candidates. The latter endorsed the writ as locum tenens
of the Lord Warden, and annexed to it a precept to the
Mayor, Jurats, and Commonalty, to choose two Barons.

The writ was returned to Parliament with the precept
and two other documents annexed. One was indenture
between the Lieutenant-Governor on the one part, and
the Mayor, Jurats, and Commonalty on the other, whereby
the latter chose William Stokes and Thomas Papillon as
their Barons in Parliament, in witness whereof they sealed
it with their common seal. The other document was a
writing, purporting to be an indenture, but made between
nobody, witnessing —

* The seat of Sir James Oxenden, Bart., near Wingham, Kent,

I30 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" That we the Mayor, Jurats, and Barons of the town and Port
of Dover, in a full hundred there, that is to say, George West,

Deputy Mayor, J. W and A W , Jurats, five

of the Common Council, and ten others styled Barons of the
said Port, have chosen Thomas Papillon, Gent., and John Strode
[the Lieutenant Governor] our Combarons, in witness whereof,"
they severally signed and sealed.

Soon after the meeting of Parliament, a petition was
presented from the Lieutenant-Governor, claiming his ow^n
election in place of that of Stokes ; but the House regarded
the Mayor's return as genuine, and declared Stokes to be
duly elected.

It appears from subsequent decisions of the House, and
from an address by the Corporation to James H. on his
accession to the throne, that the Lord Warden claimed
a right to name one member for election by the borough ;
in 1684, on tamely resigning its Charter (see chap, ix.)
the Corporation accepted the claim; and in 1689, the Lord
Warden, acting on it as regarded Hastings, "by threats
and menaces," it was said, caused himself to be elected
by the " select body " of the Corporation, which then held
rule there. The pretended power, however, of such "select
body" was set aside by the House, though the claimant
was allowed to retain his seat. The right to name either
of the members for Dover was declared void by a special
Act of Parliament passed in 1690.

On reference to the history of the Cinque Ports, and
of boroughs at large, three points are clear respecting
these controversies : —

I. — That they owed their origin, as self-governing and
elective bodies, to convenience on the one hand, and on
the other to special services which they rendered. Thus,
the Cinque Ports were required to furnish the Sovereign,
on demand, with so many ships fully armed and manned;

ORIGIN OF BOROUGH PRIVILEGES, ETC. 13I

Dover's quota was fifty-seven. And each borough was
responsible for its own internal law and order.

2. — As regards the return of members to Parliament,
the original call to do so was made for party purposes ;
and on boroughs becoming troublesome to the Government
of the day, a counterpoise was established by the revival
of "Decayed Boroughs," such as from poverty had long
declined to send members, owing to the expense of
supporting them while in session, or by the creation of
new boroughs, in both cases by charter.

These practices obtained during the reigns of Henry
VIII., Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, James I., Charles
I. and Charles II.; and Cromwell created one new borough
— Swansea.

3. — During all these reigns the liberty of the subject
was gaining ground, and was often at variance with the
governing body of the State ; hence mutual jealousies and
schemes by successive Governments, and their supporters
in the boroughs, to control and restrict the rights of
electors. A notable instance occurred in 1526. Riots
having often taken place at the elections of Mayors for
the several Cinque Ports, it was decreed

"At a Court of Brotherhood (or Guestling) held at Romney
by the Mayors, Jurats, and other persons there assembled, that
in all the Towns and Ports within their jurisdiction, 37 persons
named by themselves in each of their Ports, and 24 persons in
each of their Towns, should assume the sole right of electing
their respective Mayors, Jurats, &c. But this bold attempt on
the privileges of the Barons [Freemen] of Dover met with
considerable opposition from time to time; and the self-elected
Magistrates, iinding they could not maintain their authority,
seemed inclined to resign it. In the 4th Edward IV. they
proposed a meeting with the Barons, and the contending parties
agreed that if the 37 men appointed by the Act of Brotherhood

132 THOMAS PAPILLON.

had not full power and lawful authority to elect the Magistrates
and Officers, the latter should be chosen according to the
immemorial practice recorded in the Customal of the Port."*

Again, on 26th September, 165 1, at a Common Assembly
at Dover of the Mayor, Jurats, Common Councilmen,
and Commonalty, eighty-two being present, assisted "by
their Counsel learned in the law, and supported by a letter
from one of the Queen's Ministers, stating that such a
course would be pleasing to her Majesty, it was decreed
'that thirty-seven of the discreetest Commons' should be
chosen by the Mayor and Jurats, for the purpose of electing
burgesses for Parliament, and all other officers belonging
to the Town and Port, which had before been elected
by the Commons ; and this mode of proceeding prevailed
till 1623. The Freemen then petitioned the House of
Commons against such election of Sir Edward Cecil
and Sir Richard Younge, as being " contrary to their
own just rights and ancient privileges." The House
supported the complaint, and quashed the election. How-
ever, the same two candidates were afterwards returned
by the Freemen.-f-

From a remote period the Warden of the Cinque Ports,
who had also been Governor of Dover Castle, was charged
among others, with two duties : —

I. — To aid the Mayor and Corporation in maintaining
law and order.

2. — To take care that nothing should be done by them
to the prejudice of the King.

In 1679, the Lieutenant-Governor naturally sided with
the Court ; and his desire to supplant Stokes probably

* Lyon's Dover. t Glanville's Reports.

STATE OF POLITICS — 1 674. 133

arose from his strong desire to support the Royal cause :
so keen were the feelings of the period.

The epoch of Papillon's entrance into Parliament was
an important one. During the long recess above-mentioned,
the King had entered into close alliance with France, and
had joined with her in war against Holland, though he
had previously secured funds from Parliament for the
very opposite course; and for the remainder of his reign,
"France, Popery, and Arbitrary Government," were the
alarm cry of the Country Party.

The King had also suspended the Penal Statutes against
Roman Catholics and Dissenters, and the Navigation Act ;
and in order to carry on the war without recourse to
Parliament, at the suggestion of Clifford, as is now
believed, he had closed the Exchequer, and appropriated
its contents, consisting of bankers' and merchants' balances.

These arbitrary proceedings, so contrary to the bent
of the nation, provoked much opposition, and the more
so since Louis XIV. made rapid progress in Holland,
and the French fleet ill supported the English in every
engagement, so that the Dutch were able to hold their
own at sea.

By collusion with the leaders of the Opposition money
was obtained to prolong the war, but general aversion
to it increased, and on 28th February, 1674, less than two
yeaKs after its declaration, Charles H. made peace with
Holland.

Thomas Papillon remained a silent member till Novem-
ber, 1675 ; then the Report of a Committee of the whole
House was brought up, recommending a grant of ;^300,ooo
"for the building, rigging, and towards the furnishing of
twenty ships." Ministers had demanded a larger sum,
but the Country Party considered that sufficient for a

134 THOMAS PAPILLON.

time of peace, having doubts as to the use that might
be made of a fully equipped fleet. Papillon voted with
the Country Party, and spoke to this effect: —

"A man is perfectly clothed though he has not three coats
or three shirts; a ship is fitted though she has not three suits
of sails. 'Tis truly said that in war we must have more, but
we are not at war ; and doing more will be anticipating money.
If the King engages in a war he will consult you for four times
as many cables and anchors. The question, it seems, is, Whether
we shall provide now as in war. Many of these provisions are
wasting and decaying, as sails and cables, and as for the Navy,
would have that he : — Therefore would agree " [to the Report
of the Committee.] *

Again in February, 1676, he advised caution and economy
on a similar occasion, saying : —

"There may very well be spared ;^5o,ooo for stores out of this
sum, as by former calculations." f

In February, 1678, the question came forward of support-
ing the King in alliances he had made with a view to the
benefit of Holland, Spain, and Germany, against France.
The Protestant States of Europe, and England herself, had
long desired the King to interfere between the contending
parties, but himself and his Ministers were in the pay of
France, and therefore turned a deaf ear to all entreaties.
At last, however, they were obliged to yield, and even
Louis XIV. was glad to treat, as his funds were running
short.

The King told the House he had engaged in treaties
for the preservation of Flanders and Holland, but they
must supply him with money to maintain the army he had
raised, or he could not ensure the result. The Commons

\Gray's Parliamtary Debates, f Ibid.

FOREIGN ALLIANCES— 1678. 1 35

desired to know the particulars of the treaties, and expressed
doubts of their sufficiency; the King refused to inform
them precisely, as infringing on his prerogative. Some
members declared the army at home (25,000 men) to be
a nuisance, and dangerous to liberty. One said, "We
have raised an army to make war against France, and
it has made peace with her." Another, " Most armies are
a terror to their enemies, this one to its friends." The
Ministers were very urgent in their demands for a liberal
supply. Papillon sided with the Opposition, and took a
mercantile as well as a political view of the question, as
on several other occasions. He said : —

"The- question is. Whether we shall give the King supply,
without naming Alliances. If the Prince of Orange take the
power of Holland upon him — I suppose it only — shall we be
obliged to maintain that Alliance? So that the doubt lies,
whether we shall grant a supply to maintain these Alliances ;
and some would know the Alliances better. We have had a
peace hitherto, to aggrandise the King of France, rather than
to lessen him. France gains upon us ;^8oo,ooo in trade every
year. The King has been the greatest friend to Trade that
ever was, but his Ministers have not done their part, and France
has made war with our money. And now of a sudden, we must
have a war with France, and no stop to that inundation of money
thither. I would know whether by this peace we here talk of,
that will be stopped. If there be nothing in this Alliance to
prevent this, or the greatness of France — if I am left thus in
the dark, I cannot give my vote in this case. I move therefore
to address the King to know ' Whether these Alliances have
been made pursuant to our Address.' " *

On the 2nd May, the treaties were laid before the House,
and it appeared that, while ostensibly engaging England
in a league offensive and defensive with Holland and her

* Gray's Parliamentary Debates.

136 THOMAS PAPILLON.

allies, they would really impose on them a peace favourable
to France; and Holland was unwilling to ratify; preferring
to make peace for herself, for she distrusted England.

Under all the circumstances, the House condemned the
treaties by 166 to 150, as "not pursuant to the Addresses
of this House, nor consistent with the good and safety
of the Kingdom. Papillon spoke thus on the occasion : —

" I would not hold the Dutch in this Jreaty one hour longer.
You are told that the French have refused it; so the King is
disengaged as to them, and likewise to the Dutch. It is for
the King's honour now to take new measures, and he is ready
for your advice. Therefore since the House does not like this
Treaty, now is your time to do it : and I would without an hour's
delay." *

(It is remarkable how few members spoke in this long
Parliament, except those of the Country Party.)

The concern for the liberty of trade, which Papillon had
shewn many years before, as recorded in Chapters IV. and
v., soon displayed itself in Parliament.

In March, 1676, in a Committee of the whole House
on " Grievances," the subject came up of " Passes," which
the Government required English ships to take out under
bond at the Custom-House, and to refer to the Admiralty
and the Secretary of State, under pain of forfeiting the
King's protection against hostile powers; and various
members denounced them as a "Grievance." But Mr.
Pepys, Secretary of the Admiralty, avowed that they
had been established deliberately, after discussion with
King at the Council table, with the Admiralty, the
Customs House, and the merchants, and he believed them
to be necessary.

* Gray's Parliamentary Debates.

PASSES FOR MERCHANTMEN. 137

In reply to this, Papillon said : —

"He never heard of any considerable Merchant advised with
in these Passes. In his own case, Passes were evermore a
destructive thing. The King sincerely intended the benefit of
the Merchants by them, though they that informed him have
not taken their measures right. Formerly an English ship and
EngUshmen was Security, but now a Pass must be shown. Had
the property of the goods only been the Pass, trade had been
good ; but now the Dutch get these Passes, and hinder our trade.
He has been told that the King would not own him in trade,
if his ship had no Pass; if so, then he must submit to whatever
is imposed, or sit down and not trade at all. This imposing
money for these Passes and Bonds, is contrary to Law in all
its steps. In his own case, in the Spanish articles. Passes were
to be had from the Commissioners of the Custom House, but
they refused him Passes till they had advised above. A ship
went for France ; they told the Master he must go for a new
Pass ; he went to the Commissioners of the Navy ; they told him
they would not give it unless the Owner was bound, who told
them none would do it for an action another was to do. He
desired the Commissioners to take the Master's Bond, but none
would do but one of the Owner's Bonds. He alleged that it
was against Law, but was free. They told him he must not be
under the King's protection, unless he did submit to this Order.
The Master took his oath before the Lord Mayor, and had a
Pass from him ; and the Lord Mayor was chid by the Lords
of the Council, and was forbid to give these Passes. They
may impose ;£20 or 20s. at this rate, or else the Merchant
must lose his trade. This is a particular matter, for the profit
of particular men, and I hope you will take care to provide
against it."

Sir John Knight, Mr. Love, Sir Samuel Barnardiston,
Sir Eliab Harvey, Sir Thomas Lee, and Mr. Poole also
condemned these passes ; Secretaries Coventry and Wil-
liamson, Mr. Pepys, Mr. Garroway, and the Speaker
supported them, but the two latter objected to fees being

138 THOMAS PAPILLON.

levied on them. Ultimately, at the suggestion of Mr.
Pepys himself, who received the chief fees, and who
indignantly repudiated any desire for private gain, and
had reduced the charge of 30J., made by his predecessor,
to 25J. per pass, the matter was referred to a Committee.

In May, 1679, a Continuance Act for "Prohibiting the
Importation into England of Irish Cattle" &c., gave
occasion to Papillon to enter very fully into the question ;
for though much interested in domestic and foreign policy
at large, the interests of trade lay near his heart, and he
was well conversant with them.

A short extract from Hume's History of England (Vol.
Vn. page 447, edition 1788) may be a good prelude to
the case. Writing of the year 1666, Hume says : —

"Ireland began to attain a state of some composure when it
was disturbed by a violent Act, passed by the English Parliament,
which prohibited the importation into England of Irish Cattle.
The Duke of Ormond (Lord Lieutenant) remonstrated strongly
against this law. He said that the present trade, carried on
between England and Ireland, was extremely to the advantage
of the former kingdom, which received only provisions or rude
materials in return for every species of manufacture. That if
the catde of Ireland were prohibited, the inhabitants of that
Island had no other commodity, by which they could pay England
for their importations, and must have recourse to other nations
for a supply. That the industrious inhabitants of England, if
deprived of Irish provisions, which made living cheap, would
be obliged to augment the price of labour, and thereby render
their manufactures too dear to be exported to foreign markets.
That the indolent inhabitants of Ireland, finding provisions fall
almost to nothing would never be induced to labour, but would
perpetuate to all generations their native sloth and barbarism.
That by cutting off almost entirely the trade between the

EXCLUSION OF IRISH CATTLE, ETC. 139

Kingdoms, all the natural bonds of union were dissolved, and
nothing remained to keep the Irish in their duty but force and
violence; and that by reducing that Kingdom to extreme poverty,
it would even be rendered incapable of maintaining that military
power, by which, during its well grounded discontents, it must
necessarily be retained in subjection.

"The King was so much convinced of the justice of these
reasons, that he used all his interest to oppose the Bill; and
he openly declared, that he could not give his assent to it with
a safe conscience. But the Commons were resolute in their
purpose. Some of the rents of England had fallen of late years,
which had been ascribed entirely to the importation of Irish
Cattle. Several intrigues had contributed to inflame that
prejudice, particularly those of Buckingham and Ashley, who
were desirous of giving Ormond disturbance in his Government :
and the spirit of tyranny, of which nations are as susceptible
as individuals, had extremely animated the English to exert
their superiority over their dependent State. No affair could
be conducted with greater violence than this was by the
Commons. They even went so far in the preamble of the Bill,
as to declare the importation of Irish Cattle to be a nuisance.
By this expression they gave scope to their passion, and at the
same time barred the King's prerogative, by which he might
think himself entitled to dispense with a law so full of injustice
and bad policy. The Lords expunged the word : but as the
King was sensible that no supply would be given by the
Commons, unless they were gratified in their prejudices, he
was obliged both to employ his interest with the Peers to pass
the Bill, and to give the royal assent to it. He could not,
however, forbear expressing his displeasure at the jealousy
entertained against him, and at the intention which the
Commons discovered of retrenching his prerogative.

"This law brought great distress for some time upon the
Irish : but it has occasioned their applying with greater industry
to manufactures, and has proved in the issue beneficial to that
kingdom."

The part taken by Thomas Papillon was as follows : —

140 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Tuesday, 6th of May, 1679.

" 'npHE Bill for continuing and enforcing the Act for prohibiting
JL the Importing of Irish Cattle, was read the first time and
ordered a second Reading.

" 184 Yeas for Commitment.

" 133 Noes.

"Tuesday, the 13TH of May, 1679.

"'T^HE Bill for continuing the Act for prohibiting of Irish
X Cattle, read the second Time and committed.
" 183 Yeas for Commitment.
" IS I Noes.
" On a Question, Whether all that came should have Voices at
the said Committee.

" 149 Yeas.
"172 Noes.

"A Breviate of two Arguments made use of against the

CONTINUING THE BiLL FOR PROHIBITION OF IrISH CaTTLE,

by Thomas Papillon, Esq.

'"T'^HE first Argument was made the 6th May, 1679, on

X the first reading of the Bill, and was taken from the
Consideration of England and Ireland as they stand in relation
to the other.

" Ireland is an Acquest belonging to England, which hath been
acquired and maintained, at great Expence of English Blood and
Treasure.

"The State of the Question is. What the true Interest of
England is in Reference to Ireland, which certainly is, to make
Ireland serviceable and advantageous to England, and not to
set up Ireland in Competition with England.

"It is a Consideration worthy of an English Parliament to
make Ireland profitable to England.

"This cannot be done by excluding them from a Trade to
England, that's to make them' independent of England, and to
force them to a Trade with foreign Countries, and so to a
Familiarity and Correspondence with thera.

EXCLUSION OF IRISH CATTLE, ETC. 141

The Way for England to make Ireland advantageous, is, that
England should be Master of all the Commodities of Ireland,
and no Commodities whatsoever to be transported out of Ireland
to any other Part but to England, and so from England handed
to all other Parts of the World.

"Is it not a great Advantage to any Country to have the Staple
of Trade, and to be the Magazine of Commodities ?

" Why do Persons engross Commodities, but that when they
are the sole Masters of such or such a Commodity, and have
it all in their own Hands to make an Advantage by raising the
Price ?

"The French and Dutch Armies and Garrisons were, during
the last Wars, supplied and upheld by Irish Provisions, Corn,
Beef, Butter, &c. ; if these must have been handed to them thro'
England, besides that it would have been in the Power of England
to have distressed one side by with-holding, and accommodated
another by furnishing them according as its Interest lay, would
not much Advantage have accrued to the Enghsh in the Employ-
ment of People and Ships for carrying the said Provisions, and
also Profit thereon, which must all have been paid for by the
Foreigners ?

"If all the Commodities of Ireland must pass thro' England,
then all foreign Commodities that Ireland wants would be supplied
by the §ame Way, which would be of great Advantage to England.

" How have the Dutch arrived to that Wealth and Greatness
they have attained to ? Not by forbidding the bringing in of
Commodities from other Countries ; but by encouraging the
Importation, by engrossing the Commodities of other Countries,
and making Holland the Staple, and from thence handing them
to the rest of the World.

"God hath given Ireland to England, all its Riches, all its
Commodities are ours, and what, shall we reject them, and say
we won't have them, let France have them, let Holland have
them, we will not suffer them to come into England ?

"And what's the Reason? If Irish Cattle come in, it will make
English Cattle fall in Price, and thereby the Rents of our Breeding
Lands will fall.

" Pray consider. How came the Lands in England to the Value

142 THOMAS PAPILLON.

they are now at ? That which in ancient Time was worth but
40s. a Year is now worth 20/. a Year. Whence came this Advance
of I>ands ? Certainly from Trade, from foreign Trade ; it is that
which hath raised our Lands to what they are.

" Those Gentlemen that would by a Law keep out Irish Cattle
to advance the Rents of the Land, will find they mistake their
own Interest. There is a present Good and a future Good. It
may possibly fall out that for the present they may make some
Advantage till the Trade comes to find another Course. Trade
will not be forced, but will have its Course; If it meets with
a Stop in one Place, it will find a Vent another Way. Cheapness
of Provisions, in a natural way is a great Blessing, and so is
Dearness of Provisions by the increase pf Trade and People.

" But to make Things dear by Force, in keeping out Supplies,
is a despising of God's Blessing, and will bring a Cheapness, by
a Decay of People and Trade. For consider,

"What will be the Consequences to England, of prohibiting
the Irish a Trade to England ?

"Ireland is seated for the Trade of the World, more advan-
tageously than England ; hath abundance of good Harbours, lies
open to the Sea, and hath a People gone out from England, and
planted there, that are acquainted with Trade, &c.

"You will not let their Cattle come into England.

"This puts them on breeding Sheep, for which Purpose Quantities
have been sent out of England thither since this Act was first made.

"They will set up the Trade of making Cloth and Stuffs, which
by Reason of the Cheapness of their Provisions, they may afford
40/. per Cent, cheaper than those made in England.

"Hereupon our Clothiers and Manufacturers will be forced to
go and settle in Ireland; what gain will there be to keep out
three-score thousand Beasts, and send away 100,000 Men, for
so it will be in Time.

"And because from Ireland they cannot send their Cattle alive
to any other Place so well as to England, they will take care
to feed them, and furnish all the World with their Flesh, Tallow
and Hides.

"The Commodities which the French and Dutch have from
Ireland, sets them up, and enables them to out-do the English

EXCLUSION OF IRISH PRODUCE. I43

in Trade.— Thereby they are enabled to victual their Ships
cheaper, having Irish Beef at 6s. or 7^. per Cwt., when we pay
22s. to 24.S. per Cwt.

"They are supplied with Irish Wool for their Manufactures,
which is one Reason ours are slighted, and though there be
Laws against the transporting of Wool but to England, yet they
are easily evaded when the Course of their Trade lies with
Foreigners, and is denied in a great measure to England.

"So that the Consequence of excluding the Trade of Cattle
from Ireland, will set up Ireland in Competition with England
for Trade. And Ireland having the Advantage, must needs
diminish. England; and as Trade declines in England, the
Rents of Lands will fall, and they that now so passionately
press for this Act will repent it, but not be able to retrieve it.

"Whereas, if all the Commodities of Ireland were only to be
from thence brought into England, it would very much increase
the Trade of England, prevent the setting up the Trade of
Woollen Manufactures in Ireland, the Linen Manufacture being
most proper, to which they might be encouraged, and by the
Increase and Continuance of the Trade in England Rents of
Lands would augment and hold in Succession.

"It was objected. Are not the Irish so settled already in their
foreign Trades and Correspondences, that though this Act be
laid aside, and the Trade of England open again, yet the Irish
would go on in their Trade to foreign Countries, and thereby
England would be deprived of any Advantage or Benefit ?

" To this it was answered,

" That as it was this Act at first, that put the Irish on foreign
Trade, and took them off from their trading to England, so it
might be hoped that if this Act ceased, they would alter their
Course again in a great Measure at least, they not being fully
fixed, the Nature of their Land being more proper for Breed of
great Cattle, and their Inclinations not yet totally alienated from
England.

" However, it was good to try this Experiment, as being the
most moderate Way, and if this did not do, other Expedients
must be thought on.

" So concluded to reject the Bill.

144 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"THE Other Argument was made the 13th of May, 1679, on
the second reading the Bill, and was taken from the Consideration
of England in itself.

"An English Parliament did represent all the People of
England, and therefore ought not to be carried by any particular
Interest, but to mind the general Concern of the Kingdom.

"Eight Parts in ten of the People of England had neither
breeding Land nor feeding Land, and it was the Interest of all
of them to have Provisions cheap.

"If it be said, that it is the Lands of England that bear the
Charge and Burden of the Government, and therefore that is
principally to be considered.

" It is answered,

"I. That though it be true, that the Lands bear the extra-
ordinary Taxes and Charge, yet the constant and standing
Revenue of the Kingdom is borne by the People in Customs,
Excise, &c. So that on that Account the People ought to be
considered in the first Place.

" II. That of those two-tenth Parts that were Owners of
Land, the Owners of the feeding Lands did bear at least the
two third Parts of all the extraordinary taxes.

"All the thirteen Counties in Wales paid but about 1,200/. per
month to the Tax, and the County df Suffolk alone paid above
1600/.

"The County of Cornwall paid but about 700/. per month, and
had forty-four Members in Parliament, the City of London paid
2100/. per Month, and had but four Members of Parliament

"So that it was demonstratively the Interest of nine Parts in
ten of all the People of England to have a free Importation of
Irish Cattle, and to have Provisions as cheap as may be.
" Therefore moved to reject the Bill.

"BUT if notwithstanding all that can be said, the House
should be of Opinion to commit and pass the Bill,

" Then he did move by way of Addition or Amendment to the
Bill, and therein did appeal to the Justice of the House,

"Thai as live Cattle were prohibited for the Benefit of the
breeding Land, so that Butter, Hides, Tallow and Corn might

EXCLUSION OP IRISH CATTLE, ETC. 14S

be prohibited for the Advantage of the feeding Lands, there
being the same Reason for one as the other. He said he might
also move for the Prohibition of Irish Wool into England on
the same Ground, but that he knew it so destructive, that he
forbore, though the same Justice might challenge it.

" Further he moved, That if the Act must pass, it might be
made perpetual, that so the Owners of rich Lands might not
neglect to apply themselves to breeding Cattle, on Hopes, that at
the Expiration of this Act the Trade would be open again.

" Lastly, as to the declaring the Importation of Irish Cattle a
common Nuisance, he could not understand it.

"A common Nuisance must be that which is detrimental and
prejudicial to the Generality of the People : That which is only
detrimental to a particular Person or to a few in Comparison of
the whole Nation, cannot be a common Nuisance.

"Now he takes it, that the Prohibition (and not the Importation)
of Irish Cattle is detrimental to the whole, but take it at the best,
there is but one Part in ten that have Benefit by it, and the other
nine Parts have Loss by it ; so that it is impossible it should be a
common Nuisance when but one of ten suffer by the Importation :
Much more Reason there is to say, that the Prohibition is a
common Nuisance, because nine Parts of ten are Sufferers thereby,
and but one Part Gainers. It was alledged formerly, that though
the Thing itself was not a common Nuisance, yet the not yielding
Obedience to an Act of Parliament was a common Nuisance ;
but this though true (it being a great Evil that Laws should be
eluded) is no Reason why it should be inserted in this Act, more
than in any other : For if the not doing every Thing enjoyned by
a Law, and the doing every Thing, or any Thing forbidden by a
Law must be a common Nuisance, then this Clause ought as well
to be inserted in every Act of Parliament as well as this.

"Further he said, he hoped the Justice of the House, and
even of those Gentlemen that were so earnest for this Act, would
be mindful, that if this Law passed, Care should be taken when
any Taxes came to be charged on Lands, that those Counties
that received Benefit by this Act, should be raised considerably
in their Proportions and the others abated. Some Gentlemen
had said, if this Act did not pass, they should lose some looo,

146 THOMAS PAPirxON.

some 200, 300, or 400/. a Year. If their Advance in Rents was
so great by this Act, it was but Justice that their Proportion of
the Taxes should be raised accordingly."

Though slightly retrogressive it may be well to record
here the speech made by Papillon to the electors of Dover
on his re-election by them in February, 1679 ; it sets forth
the principles which guided him in his political career up
to the period of his exile in 1685; and how far his conduct
was valued by the electors is shown by their address to
himself and his colleague on their joint re-election for the
third time in February, 1681 :

Papillon's speech in February, 1679, was as follows : —

" Gentlemen, — You have been pleased by this second choice
of me to represent you in Parliament, to give a testimony of the
continuance of your affection to me, and an evidence of your
acceptance of my former endeavours, and thereby I am not only
encouraged cheerfully to accept the service, but also engage to
return you my hearty thanks.

"And, Gentlemen, I do return you all my most hearty thanks
for the honour you have done me herein, and I do assure you
I will endeavour to the uttermost of my ability to discharge the
service so as to approve myself a sincere Protestant, a loyal
subject, a true Englishman, and a Freeman of Dover, being
engaged under the sacred tie of an oath, and under the strictest
obligation of repeated kindness to endeavour the welfare of this
Corporation and of every member thereof.

"Now God Almighty, Who ruleth over all, of His infinite
mercy so guide and direct all the consultations of this Parliament
as may most conduce to the honour of the King, the safety and
preservation of his Royal Person and Authority, to the security
and maintaining the true Protestant Religion, and the Laws,
Liberties, and ancient Government of this Kingdom, and to the
further discovery and dissipating of all the pernicious designs,
plots, and conspiracies of Papists, both at home and abroad,
against his Majesty's sacred Person, our Religion, and Government,
and let every true Englishman, and loyal subject say. Amen."

ADDRESS BY ELECTORS OF DOVER.

147

Address of the electors of Dover in February, 1680 : —
"To Thomas Papillon and William Stokes, Esquires, the

LATE AND NEW-ELECTED MEMBERS TO SERVE IN PARLIAMENT

FOR THE Town and Port of Dover, in the County of

Kent, —

" We, the Mayor, Jurats, and Commonalty of the said Town
of Dover having duly considered the good abilities and great
faithfulness of you who have been our Representatives in the
two preceding Parliaments, and have therein given demonstration
of your loyalty to his Majesty, and for the security of his Majesty's
kingdoms, do with all gratefulness return you our hearty thanks,
and do pray that in pursuance of the trust we have now again
reposed in you, you will with the same candour and faithfulness
endeavour the security of his Majesty's Person, the Protestant
Religion, and his Majesty's Protestant subjects by your utmost
endeavours for the perfecting of those good Bills that were before
you in the last ParUament, in prosecution of which we will stand
by you with our Lives and Fortunes."

(Ere long, alas, they were unwilling even to stand up
for their own Corporate rights. "Tempora mutantur," &c.)

Descending from great to small, the following bill for
entertainment may interest some : —

"Charge at the Election the 14TH of October, 1679.

£ .. d.

Paid for Flesh at several prices — Beef, Pork, Veal, and Mutton i6

Paid for Goose, Turkey, and other Fowls I

For two hogsheads of White Wine and half hogshead of Claret 17
To Mr. Pepper for a butt of Marsh Beer, and a barrel besides 3
For Cook, Scullions, Attendants, and Servants ... ... ... 8

For Wood and Coals in all o

For Bread and Pastry 2

For Salt, white and brown ... ... ... ... ... ... o

For Tobacco — I3lbs. and Pipes I

For Butter and Cheese o

For one dozen Candles ... ... ... ... ... ... o

Paid Captain •Tavenor's Bill ... I

Paid Carpenters, to set up and take down the Tables and Forms i

For Nails 096

For Plates, Bottles, Pots, &c., lost i 15 6

/CS9 19 4

9
6
o
o
o
o
o
6
o
6
6

10 I
10 6

148 • THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Also, — Tiddeman's Note.

"Laid out at several times at my house in Drink and some
Victuals for several of the poorest Freemen, who came to me
at several times that I would not put them off for fear of our
loss in the business, and disbursed by me .. 4 '4

" (Signed) Henry Tiddeman."

The sea on which the new Parliament embarked was
indeed a stormy one. The old fears of Popery, France,
and Arbitrary Power had been increased by the so-called
Popish Plot, which was related to the King in September,
1678, and was made known by him to Parliament in the
following month. It was the production of Dr. Titus
Oates, who was afterwards convicted of perjury. He
asserted that a deep conspiracy was in progress, under
the direction of Jesuits, for the murder of the King, the
subversion of the Government, and the re-establishment of
Popery ; and that commissions had been already prepared
for various Civil and Military Officers among the supposed
insurgents.

On the first examination of Oates by the King in
Council, the King detected him in a positive untruth ;
but the false evidence of Oates harmonized well with the
just fears of the people ; and poor Charles felt constrained
to yield to the popular fury, to permit Oates to propagate
his base tales, which both Houses of Parliament greedily
swallowed, to lodge him at their desire at Whitehall with
a guard and a pension of ;^i,200 a year, and to sanction
the unjust trial and execution of many innocent victims,
ending with that of the venerable Earl of Stafford, who
had faithfully clung to the cause of his father, Charles I.

Two circumstances gave credence to the plot in the
days of its infancy ; first, the mysterious murder of Sir
Edmondbury Godfrey, a famous Westminster magistrate,

THE POPISH PLOT, ETC. 1 49

to whom Oates had made a deposition of his tale ; and
secondly, the seized letters of Coleman, a Jesuit, and late
secretary to the Duchess of York ; the letters disclosed
a correspondence with the French King's Confessor, carried
on with the knowledge of the Duke, and aiming at a
supply of money from Louis XIV., wherewith to suborn
men in office towards the interest of the policy of France,
and of the furtherance of Popery in England.

About the same time, Montague, the English Ambassador
at Paris, returned home without leave, and laid before the
House of Commons, of which he was a member, a letter
from Earl Danby, the Lord Treasurer, countersigned by
the King, in which the latter stipulated with Louis XIV.,
during the negociations for the Treaty of Nimeguen, that
if the latter should be brought to a successful issue he
should grant him ^£'300,000 a year for three years, as the
English Parliament would be sure to restrict their grants.

On the meeting of Parliament in October, 1678, being
informed by the King of this " Popish Plot," as above
related, both Houses at once applied to his Majesty for
the proclamation of a Fast-day ; and in replying to his
Majesty's speech, the Commons requested him to cause
the removal of all Popish rescusants to the distance of
ten miles from his various places of residence ; and that
the Duke of York might be removed from his presence
and Councils.

Parliament also passed an Act, precluding all Papists,
except the Duke of York from sitting as members ; and
both Houses evinced much zeal in prosecuting those
implicated in the plot according to the evidence of Oates,
and of his new associate, Bedlow.

In these heated proceedings it does not appear how far
Thomas Papillon took part; but on a charge being brought
against Secretary Williamson for having issued Military

1 50 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Commissions to Papists, contrary to law, he did not remain
silent.

On the 1 8th November, 1678, the matter was brought
forward, and Williamson admitted the fact, but pleaded
extenuating circumstances, and the course of official
routine. After a short debate it was moved and carried
that he should be sent to the Tower; and Thomas
Papillon spoke as follows : —

" I have been pondering this matter of the Commissions in
my heart, and I am in great apprehensions that Williamson
should have signed he knows not what. It might have been
to destroy my life and fortune. I have heard mention made
of the Act of the Militia, wherein the Lord Lieutenants and
Deputies are obliged to swear not to oppose persons commisioned
by the King in pursuance of such Military Commissions.

" Therefore great care should be taken of these Commissions,
how they are granted out, that must not be disobeyed. Therefore
you must shew your displeasure against this Minister, who signs
he knows not what. Formerly we had no standing Army ; only
the King's Gentlemen attended him ; and what may become of
us, now we have a standing Army and a Plot, if such Commissions
be granted out ?

" At this rate, Williamson might have commissioned the Pope's
Army, and these Commissions were granted out in October, in
the height of the Plot.

" If you will not do something in this, the people will believe
that you apprehend no danger of Popery : This is in your power
to furnish, and you may do it, though you could not remove
ill Ministers.

"Therefore I move, that Secretary Williamson be made an
example.''

The resolution was carried, —

"That Sir Joseph Wiliamson, Secretary of State, be immediately
sent to the Tower, for signing Warrants for Popish Officers to be
mustered and receive pay according to Law."

RELEASE OF SECRETARY WILLIAMSON. 151

The next day the King ordered the attendance of the
House, and expressed surprise at the arrest of his
Secretary; his Majesty also explained the circumstances
of the case, shewing how the officers who had been in
the French Service, would have otherwise suffered.

The House again debated the question on the ground
of Popery and France, and finally addressed the King,
courteously supporting the step they had taken, and humbly
desiring his Majesty to recall all Commissions granted
to Papists, or reputed Papists at home or abroad.

In this debate Thomas Papillon spoke thus : —

" I will not speak to point of Law m this matter. I am
convinced that it is your best way to represent to the King
your reasons for what you did.

"What can endanger the King's life, but the Papists? It
has been said, 'To secure the King's life, it is the best way
to put it in no man's power to change the Government, should
he die.' It is a Popish Army and Officers that put the King's
life in danger, though the Magistrates be Protestants. I would
neither dispute the King's power, nor question our own in this
matter. For I take not the King's speech to be so bitter as
some do ; I would address the King not to release Williamson,
and shew our reasons why we committed him."

However, the King at once released him, courteously
promising to revoke all Commissions to Papists.

In the session from May to July, 1678, it soon became
clear to the House of Commons that the King would
not make war against France, as they had desired ; and
they passed a resolution for the payment and disbanding
of the Army, though the King expressly desired its
maintenance till a general peace might be settled.

On assembling in October, the House found that the
Army had been paid, but nof disbanded, the King
repeating his former reasons for its maintenance, and

152 THOMAS PAPILLON.

specially for that of the troops in Flanders, lest the
Spanish interests there should suffer. But the House
feared evil designs, and determined to adhere to their
former resolution.

Thus one member (Colonel Titus) said : —

"A strange circumstance attends this Army. It was raised
for an actual War with France, and it has made an actual
Peace. Other armies are a terror to their Enemies, this to their
Friends. There is an end of an army when disbanded ; but this

is continued after disbanding It is true, the

Plot was more ancient than the Army; — and though the Army
was younger than the Plot, pray God it be not part of the Plot !
In Peace, there is nothing for an Army to subdue but Magna
Charta. Justices of the Peace and Constables are more requisite
now than Captains and Colonels, at present not necessary. But
before we enquire why this Army was not disbanded, according
to Law, I would first disband them. Enquire how we got the
disease; but get a remedy for it first. I move you, therefore,
first to vote ' That this Army be disbanded.^ "

Thomas Papillon said : —

"There are not above 5,000 of these men in Flanders; the
rest of the 30,000 are in England — for what intent I know
not. Those in Flanders, that went over for the honour of the
Nation, are unpaid; and those here are paid, and in no want.
Those in England are a grievance, all agree; and that never
looked towards Flanders. My meaning is, that by this the
Flanders Forces could not longer be paid."

It was resolved, nem. con. : —

"That it is necessary for the safety of his Majesty's person,
and the peace of the Government, that all the Forces which
have been raised since September 29th, 1677, and all others
(that since that time have been brought over from beyond the
seas from foreign service) be forthwith disbanded."

Resolved : —

DISBANDING THE ARMY. I S3

"That it is the humble opinion and desire of this House,
that the Forces which are now in Flanders, may be immediately
called over, in order to their disbanding."

Notwithstanding this, the Army was still kept up, and
in the next session the House declared its maintenance
to be "Illegal," and made strict provision for its disband-
ment.

In that session, which lasted only from 6th March to
27th May, 1679, the Habeas Corpus Act was passed, and
the prosecution of supposed accomplices in the Popish
Plot was carried on ; and last, not least, the House of
Commons passed a Bill for the exclusion of the Duke
of York from succession to the Throne, on account of his
being a Papist. The House was also very ardent in the
impeachment of the Earl of Danby, late Lord Treasurer,
for the part he had taken in negociating with Louis XIV.
for a secret pension to Charles II.

These various measures of Parliament, so restrictive of
what the King considered his rights, and so contrary to
his desires, led him to prorogue Parliament on 27th May,
1679, and to dissolve it on loth July; and although a
new Parliament was elected in October, it was not called
together for business for a year, viz., on 21st October,
1680.

But the popular fury would brook no delay; the country
was urgent for the further discovery and arrest of the
authors of the Popish Plot, and they felt that that would
be carried out, only by Parliament. Accordingly, numerous
petitions poured in, praying the King for its re-assembly,
with a view to "the protection of his Majesty's person,
and of the Protestant Religion,, and to the prosecution
of those concerned in the Popish Plot."

The King issued a proclamation condemning such

1 54 THOMAS PAPILLON.

petitions as unlawful, and an interference with his pre-
rogative in the prorogation or re-assembly of Parliament ;
and the Court Party made counter petitions, expressing
their abhorrence of such proceedings. Hence the two
parties were styled "Petitioners" and "Abhorrers."

(The fear of the Plot was at this time so great, that
a city celebrity was reported to have said, "That unless
people were active in its extinction, they might all awake
some morning with their throats cut !)

The House of Commons upon their assembling did not
long delay to declare boldly in favour of the Petitioners.
On the 27th October, it was resolved, nem. con. : —

" That it is (and ever hath been) the undoubted Right of the
Subjects of England to petition the King for the calling and
sitting of Parliaments, and redressing Grievances."

Also, it was resolved, nem. con.: —

" That to traduce such Petitioning as a violation of duty, and
to represent it to his Majesty as tumultuous and seditious, is
to betray the liberty of the subject, and contributes to the design
of subverting the ancient legal Constitution of this Kingdom,
and introducing arbitrary Power."

No sooner were these resolutions passed than Colonel
Titus rose and said: —

"You are right in this vote: Then those who have done
against it are m the wrong. He that poisons me, or hinders
me from an antidote, contributes to destroy me. Are we so
great sinners that they will hinder us to pray? But for those
that should assert your liberties, to betray you ! If there be
any amongst us that are loth we should sit, we may be loth
too that they should sit amongst us. Let every such member
be heard in his place, and then of right he may be heard at
the Bar. If Sir Francis Wythens be not in the House, pray
send for him, that he may be heard in his place."

CHARGE AGAINST SIR FRANCIS WYTHENS. 155

Sir Francis Wythens was Member of Parliament for
Westminster, and Deputy Steward of the Westminster
Sessions. He attended in his place on the following day,
and spoke as follows : —

"I account it the greatest misfortune in the world that I
am fallen into the displeasure of this illustrious Assembly. I
am satisfied in my own conscience that I intended no ill. I
am a stranger to four parts in five of this House, and am fallen
into the displeasure of them that know no good of me; and
likewise it is the first time I ever appeared as a delinquent to
excuse what I have done amiss. I do acknowledge it a great
offence in delivering the Address to the King from the Grand
Jury of Westminster, and I humbly confess I do not think fit
to baffle here. I was Chairman at the Sessions, and the Justices
made an Order, and agreed to it, and desired me to present
it to the Jury. At the Justices' request I did it, not as any

voluntary act of mine, but as theirs I am

for the legal Government, and have been a Justice of the Peace
these three years, and have with great earnestness prosecuted the
persons who would have destroyed the King and the Protestant

Religion I humbly submit myself to you.

Where so great prudence is, there will be clemency."

The Justices, on being called, did not support Sir Francis
Wythen's statement. Papillon spoke thus : —

" It seems, by the evidence, that the Clerk of the Peace moved
the Justices to sign the Petition; and that Mr. (Justice) Robinson
and the rest decUned it. Wythens' was a promoter and a setter
on of it, and he moved the Justices after dinner to sign it ; and
knowing it to be against the Law, and the Subjects' birthright,
and he, a man of Law, not to inform them, but to move the
Justices to sign it ! I know not what more can be said."

Sir Thomas Clarges said : —

" I would be careful, in what concerns a Member, not to
proceed hastily or arbitrarily. You have heard Wythens' speak
in his place, and you are not ripe upon a general informadon

I S6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

to give an opinion, which no court can give judgment upon.
I would refer it to a Committee, that they may go upon it, to
examine the matter, and have it reported, that we may have
something on our books to justify what we shall do."

Mr. Harford spoke thus : —

"Next to Popery, this matter of Petitioning is the greatest
point. How will you come to have Parliament sit, when, it
may be, those about the King, of bigger bulk than this gentleman,
behind the curtain persuade the King, that these Petitions are
tumultuous and seditious ? " &c.

Several members spoke pro, and con. Papillon spake
again : —

" What is this gentleman's crime ? It is betraying the Liberties
of the Subjects of England, by petitioning to subvert the Rights
of the Subjects. He has confessed it, and can bring no witnesses.
The thing is plain before you for judgment. The main crime
he has confessed, of hindering these Petitions, &c., contrary to
the liberty of the subject, and their common natural right. Will
you give him time to prove any thing against his own confession?"

Eventually, he was expelled the House ; the Speaker,
in delivering judgment, saying: —

"This is a great crime, committed by you, a Member of
Parliament, against the Parliament, a crime against known
Law!" &c.

Thomas Papillon's judgment of Sir Francis Wythens
was a natural sequence to the part he had himself taken
on the 29th July previous (1680) in presenting a petition
to the Lord Mayor, vindicating the conduct of the Whig
Party in the City, in their recent election of Bethel and
Cornish as Sheriffs, against the aspersions of the Court
Party, who would have magnified the excitement of the
occasion into a "Riot," and urging the King to cause the
re-assembly of Parliament, And by a paper in Thomas

PETITION TO THE KING BY THE CITY. 1 57

Papillon's handwriting it would seem that he had prepared
another form of petition more strongly expressing his sense
of the emergency.

The two petitions were as follows : —

Petition actually presented by Thomas Papillon : —

" To THE Right Honourable Sir Robert Clayton, Knight,

Lord Mayor of the City of London,

"We the Commons of this City now in Common Hall assembled,
cannot but take notice how our last meeting on this occasion
hath by some of this City been misrepresented to his Majesty
as tumultuous and disorderly; and though we did not observe
any thing of that kind, but what might commonly happen in
such great assemblies on like occasions, yet not knowing how
far the indiscretion of the informers may have carried that
scandal in prejudice of us, we hold ourselves bound in duty
to declare (as hereby we do) That the heat that then appeared
among us, was no other than the effect of emulation for his
Majesty's service, and the preservation of our own just rights;
and therefore we do utterly detest any thought of violating our
allegiance to our Sovereign, or of doing the least thing that may
bear the interpretation of an affront to his Majesty's Government,
or a disaffection to his Royal Person.

" We pray your Lordship to represent us as such to the King,
that he may no longer be deceived in this matter, nor his gracious
intentions towards us in any way diverted; and withal humbly
to assure his Majesty that we will with one heart and one hand,
to the uttermost peril of all that is dear to us, join in the defence
of his Royal Person and the Protestant Religion, against all
attempts and plots to the contrary, though ever so often repeated
upon us,

"And being deeply sensible that it hath been the design of
the Popish Party for many years and still is, for to destroy him
and it. And that there is under God no way so effectual, to
prevent these their cruel and bloody purposes, as by his Majesty's
authority in Parliament.

" We therefore further pray your Lordship, humbly to beseech
his Majesty in our names, That for the preservation of his Royal

IS8 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion to us and
our posterity, he would graciously please to order that this
Parliament, his great Council, may assemble and sit, that the
most speedy and effectual course may be taken to search into
and prevent those grievous cruelties, desolations, and destructions
which the Councils of Rome have determined and are still
endeavouring to execute on this Kingdom. And as by that
means we have hopes we shall be secured against all our
fears, so we shall have cause to thank your Lordship for thus
representing us to his Majesty, and humbly to pray for his long
life and happy reign over us, as becomes us who profess ourselves
to be his Majesty's Obedient, Loyal, and Dutiful Subjects."

("Copy of Petition designed to have presented to the Lord
Mayor by the Common Hall, but now waived and another
presented in lieu thereof.")

"To THE Right Honourable Sir Robert Clayton, Knight,

Lord Mayor of the City of London,

" The Commons of the said City in Common Hall assembled,
being sensible That it hath been the design of the Popish and
Jesuitical Party, for many years to subvert and destroy the
Protestant Religion and the established Government of this
Kingdom.

■" That in order thereto not only the burning of the City, and
many attempts since of that kind, but also that late devilish and
horrid Plot and conspiracy, was continued for the assassinating
his Majesty's Royal Person, they well knowing that while he
lives they can never accomplish their end; and

"That notwithstanding Divine Providence hath hitherto in
a wonderful manner prevented it, yet they are unwearied and
restless in their endeavours, and are still by various methods
carrying on the same design.

"That it is only by his Majesty's authority in Parliament
(as the said Commons with humble submission suggest) that
suitable provision can be made for the safety and preservation
of his Majesty's Royal Person, for securing the Protestant
Religion to posterity, for the uniting and begetting a mutual
confidence between all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, and

PROPOSED PETITION TO THE KING. 1 59

for the bringing to punishment the authors of the pernicious
conspiracies,

"That whilst the sitting of the Parliament is deferred, the
Popish and Jesuitical Party not only take encouragement to
themselves in hopes of his Majesty's death (which God prevent)
before such provision can be made, but also by their Agents
and emissaries, who disperse themselves among all sorts,
endeavour to gain advantage by secret whispering insinuations
and private misrepresentations, to take off the belief of the
Plot, To raise jealousies of, and amongst his Majesty's
Protestant Subjects, and to asperse his most Loyal Subjects,
and particularly the Commons of the City, as disaffected to his
Majesty,

"The said Commons do therefore upon serious consideration
of the premises, make it their earnest request to your Lordship,

"That your Lordship would please to make a true representation
to his Majesty of their unfeigned loyalty and sincere affection to
his Majesty's Person and Government, — And humbly to intercede
with his Majesty, That in the most speedy and proper way that
his Majesty shall think best, the Parliament may sit so as to
bring to effect what shall be found necessary for the honour and
safety of his Royal Person, and for the security of the Protestant
Religion to posterity, and humbly to beseech his Majesty, That
no private representation to their prejudice may make any
impression on his Royal breast, for that they are and always
will continue his Majesty's most dutiful and Loyal Subjects,
and constantly adhere to his Royal Person and the Protestant
Religion, and readily hazard their lives and fortunes in the
defence thereof."

Although we may smile at the credulity of our ancestors
as regards the Popish Plot, and must deeply deplore the
fate of its innocent victims, we must admit that the
proceedings of the Court Party, both at home and abroad,
favoured the general belief in it.

The aspect on the Continent also was most alarming;
Louis XIV. of France, the constant friend and ally of
Charles IL, was crushing the small remnants of religious

l6o THOMAS PAPILLON.

liberty in his own country, and was using his utmost
efforts to conquer Holland, almost the only asylum on
the Continent for refugee Protestants.

The Duke of York also was a devoted Papist, and a
man of much decision of character (though happily of
no finesse) ; and the House of Lords refused to pass the
Exclusion Bill.

Is it surprising, under all these circumstances, that our
Protestant forefathers should have been somewhat rash
and hasty in the defence of these precious rights, to
obtain which their fathers had bled and suffered ?

And had they been milder in their course of action,
can we feel sure that the Revolution of 1688 would have
crowned our national independence?

The following address, copied from the State Paper
Office, . is a sign of the feeling of the Country at that
time : —

"The Address of the Freeholders or the County of
Sussex to the Knights of their Shire, Sir John Fagge
AND Sir William Thomas, Baronets, at their choice
AT Lewes, March the 3RD, (16)80/1.

"Gentlemen,

"Had we not heard well of your fidelity and ability in
discharging former Public Trusts we had not this day called
you to the same employ, for they that betray or neglect our
service shall never receive our trusts again; and though we
have no intention to limit or circumscribe the power we have
laid in you, yet we must desire and that with earnestness, as
becometh those that beg for no less than the Ufe of their King,
Government, Religion, Laws, Liberties, and Properties, yea, the
very lives and being of all the Protestants in the world, that you
would please as our Representatives to have an essential regard
for these particulars following : —

THE CASE OF SIR ROBERT PEYTON. l6l

"i. — That you would effectually secure his Majesty's Royal
life, and the lives of all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects
by a firm and legal association.

"2. — That you would repeat the endeavours of the two former
worthy Parliaments in barring the door against all Popish
successors to the Crown, and in particular against James
Duke of York, and against Arbitrary Government.

"3. — That you would be incessant in your endeavours for
uniting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects.

"4. — That you would further search to the bottom those
damnable and hellish Plots of the Papists that have been
laid against his Majesty's life, the Protestant Religion, and
the Government ; and bring these horrid criminals to justice.

"5. — That you would not forget those execrable villains that
by receiving pensions betrayed their trusts and our liberties
in the late Long Parliament, but do serve exemplary justice
on them, that all others for the future may fear, and do
no more so wickedly.

"And in doing these things, and all other that you may judge
necessary for the peace, safety, and prosperity of the Nation,
we shall not only stand by you as thankful acknowledgers of
your service, but reckon it our duty, if any hazard threaten you,
to defend you as worthy Patriots with our lives and fortunes."

In December, 1680, another case of expulsion from the
House occurred in that of Sir Robert Peyton, Member
of Parliament for Middlesex; but Papillon wrould not
join in the verdict.

Sir Robert had been a vehement opponent of the Court
Party; so much so that he was deposed, with others,
from the Commission of the Peace; was mentioned in
the fictitious "Meal Tub Plot" and was committed to
the Tower. In an evil hour he had become acquainted
with one Gadbery, a man of low repute, a pretended
astrologer, and an informant of the Court Party.

The times seemed critical, some apprehending a return
to Parliamentary Government, others to Monarchical.

l62 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Sir Robert Peyton shewed signs of relenting in his
opposition to the Court; Gadbery improved the occasion,
as did some of the King's Ministers, and arrangements
were made for him^ to come to terms with the Duke of
York, and so with the King.

But no sooner had he taken his seat again in Parliament,
than Gadbery appeared against him, on account of the
visit to the Duke of York which he had himself promoted ;
further alleging various damaging statements.

He was thereon called to explain to the House, and did
so thus : —

" I am a little surprised to hear their report. I did not hear
this language at the Committee. Gadbery moved my meeting
Lord Peterborough at his house, to me, not I to him. I did
say to the Duke, 'That I was for the Bill of Exclusion; not
for any pique against him, but for the good of the Nation.' I
never saw Mrs. Cellier, nor heard of her, till after I was with
my Lord of Peterborough, who repeated the actions the Duke
took ill of me. Mrs. Cellier asked for Gadbery, and came into
the tavern where we were, and discoursed of Chancery suits]
But of '20,000 men' that I could command, I know nothing.
What passed was a mixed discourse, after having drunk a good
deal of wine. Gadbery in his examination did accuse Cellier
and Lord Castlemaine, and at his trial did renounce alL You
may see by this what manner of man Gadbery is; a man of
uncertain reputation, and I hope you will give him no credit.

" In waiting upon the Duke, I aimed at no more than a
personal reconciliation to the Duke; who said, 'He was sorry
i should have any marks of the King's displeasure, and that
he would put me in Commission again ; ' which I said I would
not be, unless those gentlemen came in again, who were turned

out with me The Duke said further to me,

'You have appeared against the King and me, the last Parliament,
and was of the Green Ribbon Club.'* I parted with the Duke

* A Club of Exclusionists.

THE CASE OF SIR ROBERT PEYTON. 1 63

and he was not well pleased with me, that I would not engage
in some things, but would follow my conscience; and I never
saw the Duke since.

"There was treason sworn against me upon forgery, and I
was committed to the Tower, and I might have been immediately
tried upon it. I afifirm upon my honour, I did not know how
soon times might turn, andl lie in jail; and so I made a personal
reconciliation with the Duke, and I did only see him — in which,
if I have offended, I humbly beg pardon of the House, and
submit myself to your determination," &c.*

Sir Thomas Player, who had been on intimate terms
with Sir Robert Peyton, declared against him, saying :—

"I will be content to let the matter go as Peyton says, 'That
Gadbery courted him, and not he Gadbery.' Whether I will
be knave by inclination or solicitation of another, surely is no
extenuation of the crime. It may be the House will do a great
\service to the Kingdom of England, to declare your resentment
against them that court so cursed an interest as that of the Duke
of York. He has confessed that he has been with Gadbery, who

is a predicting fellow, and pretends to prophecy," &c

"And must be introduced by Lord Peterborough! Not one
person Peyton corresponds with, that you can make a good
construction of. And I hope in time you will think of Lord
Peterborough. Had I a mind to reconcile myself to the Duke,
all the world should see that my going to him was out of an
honest interest; but to go by night, like a rogue, makes it a
work of darkness, not a Compliment only to the Duke. But
I know the Duke so well, that the Popish designs are not to
converse with people in a compliment : He designs greater
matters. I think him not fit in this House that holds
correspondence with the Duke. Pray clear the House of him,"
&c.

Serjeant Maynard said he could not exculpate Peyton's
recent conduct after his previous violence, on the opposite
side, but concluded his remarks by saying : —

* Gray's Parliamentary Debates.

164 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"I know not how to acquit him; but if upon Gadbery's
information only, I think he is not guilty."

Thomas Papillon said : —

" I have no acquaintance with Peyton. I have as ill thoughts
of such actions as he is charged with, as any man ; but I must
crave pardon if I am not of the opinion of some gentlemen. It
may be the concern of any gentleman here. You are going to
expel him the House. What was his crime? He was twice
with the Duke. You are told what kind of person Gadbery
is. I cannot believe what Gadbery says. I take it that he
denies all things but his being with the Duke. If it were our
case, any of us might have gone to the Duke. I am afraid this
gentleman had too great an inclination to make some compliance
with the Duke. Members in the Long Parliament that have
had elections depending, it may be a month or six weeks, when
the contest has been over, and the matter at an end, or they
thought they could get any advantage by it, have spoken a
different language in the House to what they had done before.
But Peyton would not come up to do the Duke's business, and
then he was prosecuted with all the maUce that could be, — ' That
he was in the Presbyterian Plot (Meal Tub) with Cellier and
Gadbery.' And this is the bottom of it. I think he was inclinable
to some compliance ; but I cannot think this a crime for which
he ought to be expelled the House."

Eventually, the House passed the following resolutions
on the unfortunate Member : —

" It appearing to this House by the report made at the Bar,
and the confession of Sir Robert Peyton in his place, that Sir
Robert Peyton had secret negotiations with the Duke of York,
by means of the Duke of Peterborough, Mrs. Cellier and Mr.
Gadbery, at such time as they were turning the Popish Plot
upon the Protestants.

"Ordered, That Sir Robert Peyton be expelled this House;
(and that he be brought to the Bar, and do receive the censure
of the House upon his knees from the Speaker.) "

THE CASE OF SIR ROBERT PEYTON. 16$

On the following day, the Speaker thus delivered
judgment on him :: —

"Sir Robert Peyton, It is a long time that you have had
reputation in the world, and that you have served as Knight
of the Shire for the County of Middlesex. Two Parhaments,
the last and this, your Country made a free election of you ;
your Country had a great opinion of you; and now you are
in that condition that you have appeared to the world the man
you really were not. You have made a show, and have acted
a part against Popery and Arbitrary Power, yet really and
inwardly you have only sought your own advantage, and not
that of your Country. It is manifest by the report from the
Committee; and your own defence makes it clear. Many
gentlemen here, whose eyes are in their heads, their tongues
and eyes have moved as well as yours. You have sat betwixt
the Devil and the Witch, Mr. Gadbery and Mrs. Cellier. The
dark ways you have taken shew your ill designs ; your company
and conductors shew your errand. You are fallen from being an
Angel to be a Devil. From the beginning you sought your own
interest. To set up a Commonwealth you had '20,000 men,' to
make your interest the stronger. You were bustling, like the wind,
in this House and in coffee houses. Your Country chose you
to this place, not only for your interest, but for an example
to other men, not with noise and thundering, but to behave
yourself without vanity or ostentation ; you are one of them that
have played your own game and part; and that all men may
take notice, you are a warning for all other members, and I
hope there are none such. It shews that this Parliament
nauseates such members as you are. You are no longer a part
of this noble body. How you will reconcile yourself to your
Country, is another consideration. You are discharged this
House, and the custody of the Serjeant, paying your fees."

(The coarseness and severity of the terms of this
judgment so exasperated the victim that at the end of
the session, he challenged the Speaker; but the latter

1^6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

reporting the matter to the Privy Council, poor Sir
Robert was again committed to the Tower.)

One other incident in the Parliaments of Charles II.
may be mentioned as evincing Thomas Papillon's jealousy
of the liberty of the subject.

In the Spring of 1680, Peter Norris, a Scotchman,
tailor to the Duke of Monmouth, informed the Country
Party that he knew of one Dowdall, a Roman Catholic
Priest, residing in Flanders, who could reveal all about
the Popish Plot ; and he was sent over to fetch him.

The Privy Council, however, had heard of Dowdall in
July, 1679, and had issued an order for him to be brought
to England ; but he never came, so far as is known ; and
ere Norris could bring him, he had died.

Norris had no sooner started on his errand, than one,
Sheridan, an informant of Sir Lionel Jenkins, Secretary
of State, brought him word of it, and gave him a
description of Norris. Sir Lionel Jenkins at once
informed the Committee of Council, and by their direction
he sent orders to the Mayors of Dover and Rye to arrest
him and any one with him, on his return.

He was accordingly arrested at Dover, and put in jail
there ; but making his escape, he appeared before the
House, which thoroughly investigated the matter ; and on
-1 0th December, 1680, the following resolution was
adopted : —

"That the late imprisonment of Peter Norris, at Dover, was
illegal, and that the proceedings of Sir Lionel Jenkins, Knight,
one of the Principal Secretaries of State, by describing the person
of the said Norris, and directing such his imprisonment, was
illegal and arbitrary, and an obstruction to the evidence for the
discovery of the horrid Popish Plot."

ARREST OF PETER ^ NORRIS. 1 6/

In the debate, the following had previously passed,
in the House between Thomas Papillon and Sir Lionel
Jenkins : —

Mr. Papillon. — "Norris went over and did not acquaint the
Lords of the Council. I would be satisfied why it was Jenkins's
duty to stop this man, because he had not acquainted the Lords
of the Council."

Sir Lionel Jenkins. — " I was but Ministerial in this. My duty
was to acquaint the Lords of the Council, and to receive their
direction, or advice at least, to command the Mayor of Dover to
stop him. My business was to carry the information."

Mr. Papillon. — " This description was near costing Norris his
life. Several descriptions were given of Norris. To the first
description Jenkins is clear. To the second he is charged by
Sheridan. I do not know what stopping a man on the way
or road is, if ordered to be immediately sent up to the Council
by a Mayor or Officer upon verbal order, &c. But there is
something lies hid (not to be discovered) from the eyes of
the world — Without, they are Protestants ; within, they carry on
the Plot — (I speak not of Jenkins.) The manner of penning
this letter to take Norris, looks like disguise. Consider the
nature of it, how this letter is penned. It sends a description
of Norris, &c. If he went to discover the Plot, the service was
not great, to stop him. The Officer was to tender him the
oaths, &c. : which if he refused, to stop him. Let all the world
know that ; but if not, find a handsome way to detain him. Stop
him, and not stop him; imprison him, and not iniprison him.
It looks with a Popish face upon a Protestant business. I know
not what it is."

Parliament was suddenly prorogued, and then dissolved
in January, 1681, and a new one, of similar stamp, met
at Oxford, on 21st March. The House of Commons soon
decided again to bring in an Exclusion Bill; and they
then proceeded nominally to impeach — but really to
protect — Fitzharris, the author of another fictitious Plot ;

1 68 THOMAS PAPIIXON.

but the House of Lords refused to sanction this step ; and
the King took occasion thereon to dissolve Parliament on
the 8th day of its session, and he never called another.

In closing this account of Thomas Papillon's career in
the Parliaments of Charles II. it is pleasing to notice
that the interests of Commerce — his own special sphere —
engaged him more than party politics ; and that though
ready to take his fair share in the latter, and to speak
plainly when requisite, he was seldom concerned in the
more violent and personal disputes which engaged the
House of Commons, and the Country at large.*

A glance at the following list of Committees on which
he sat, and of the speeches he made, will abundantly prove
this :—

List of Committees of the House of Commons, of which
Thomas Papillon was a Member during the Reign of
Charles II.

2 1 St Jan., 1674. On the Petition of several Shipmasters of

London, in the Newcastle trade.
31st „ „ Information against a Member for prospective

corruption.
iSth Oct., 1675. To consider of the Trade between England

and France.
26th „ „ Duties on Iron and Brass Ordnance, and

Customs Officers' Fees.
9th Nov., „ Petition against the East India Company.
I ith „ „ Bill to suppress Pedlars, &c.
22nd „ „ (Parliament prorogued till ISth February, 1677.)
7th Mar., 1677. To examine into the Complaints as to granting

Ship Passes, &c.
1 6th July, „ (P^rliamentadjourned till 28th January, 1678.)

* The high opinion in which he was held in the House is shewn inter alia
by the fact of his having served on sixty-eight Committees — many relative to
Commerce — during the seven years odd from 1674 t° 1681.

COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 1 69

i6th, Feb., 1678. Bill to prevent the Exportation of Wool.
19th „ „ Charge to be levied on New Buildings about
London.
Sth Mar., „ To perpetuate an Act to prevent unnecessary

Suits, Delays, &c.
1 6th „ „ To enquire as to forfeitures on Quakers, &c.,

as Popish Recusants.
2 1 St „ „ Bill to Empower Protestant Strangers to pursue

their Callings.
27th May, „ Bill concerning Bankrupts ; specially to prevent
a Minority of Creditors from Obstructing a
Composition; introduced by Mr. Papillon.
30th „ „ Two Petitions — One from Levant Merchants ;
the other from Mohair Workers.
Pay due to Forces ordered to be Disbanded.
Bill to increase the Revenue of the Dean of

St. Paul's Cathedral.
Bill for the Exportation of Leather.
Bill for Burying in Woollen Manufactures.
Bill to prevent the Exportation of Wool.
Bill for Naturalizing John Scoppens.
Bill for the Encouragement of Sowing Hemp

and Flax.
Touching the Prohibition of French Goods.
Bill to enable Creditors to recover from
Executors,
nth „ „ Bill to settle Lands for the Benefit of the
Parish of Kelsall, Suffolk.
(Parliament prorogued.)
Committee of Privileges and Elections.
To translate the Letters of Mr. Coleman.
To inspect the Journals of the House, and

Report Errors, &c., weekly.
(Parliament prorogued, and afterwards Dis-
solved.)
To examine the Accounts of the Paymaster of
the Army as to the Pay still due to the
Forces ordered to be Disbanded.

30th

7lh June,

8th

nth

14th

24th

})

zsth

27th

ist ,

July,

15th „

»)

2 1 St Oct.,

)»

28th „.

nth Dec,

30th „

I St April,

1679.

170 THOMAS PAPILLON.

2nd April, 1669. A Bill for better securing the Liberty of the

Subject.
A Bill for better regulating the Election of

Members.
To examine the Charge against Sir J. Robinson,

M.P., as to Prisoners in the Xpwer.
A Bill to disable persons from Sitting who had

not taken the Oaths.
A Bill to perpetuate the Act against the

Importation of Irish Cattle, &c.
To Inspect Laws now in force against Swearing,

DrunkennesSjUncleanness, Sabbath-breaking,
&c.
A Bill for securing the King and Kingdom

against growth of Popery.
To receive proposals concerning the Royal

Fishery.
A Bill to Banish all Papists, , and reputed

Papists, 20 miles from London.
A Bill to prevent Minority of Creditors Com-
posing with Bankrupt; introduced , by Mr.

Papillon.
Address to the King to remove the Duke of

Lauderdale from all Offices.
To enquire into the Abuses and Exorbitancies

of the Post Office.
To enquire about the Guns, &c., lately sent

from Tower to various places.
Petition of a Distiller against the Farmers and

Collectors of Excise.
To Inspect Journals relative to ; the Impeach-
ment of Earl Danby.
Answer to the Lords relative to Earl Danb/s

pardon. , .

Touching Bill for Reversing Outlawries in

King's Bench.
27th ,t ,, (Parliament prorogued and Dissolved.)
23th Oct., 1680. Committee of Privileges and Elections.

5th

7th

8th

loth

1 2th

1 6th

))

23rd

27th

2nd

May,

6th

loth

»j

1 2th

i6th

22nd

24th

26th

))

28th Oct.,

i68o.

4th Nov.,

4th „
6th „

COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 171

To Inspect Journals of two last Parliaments,

and report on them about Popish Plot.
On Bill for further encouragement of Manu-
facture of Woollen Goods.
Concerning the Maintenance of the Poor.
To Inspect the Law on the Observance of the
Sth November.
8tb „ „ Reference with the Lords about the Popish

Plot in Ireland.
I Sth „ „ Bill for better regulating the Trial of Peers,
i^th „ ■„ Relative to Charges against Sir Robert Peyton.
Sth Dec, „ Bill for the Exportation of Leather.
9th „ „ Perusal and Care of Papers of Mr. Sheridan
■ • relative to apprehension and imprisonment

at Dover of Peter Norris by order of Sir
Lionel Jenkins.
20th „ „ On Bill for the Sale of Billingford, Norfolk, to

pay debts.
20th „ „ To examine Accounts of Commissioners for
Paying off the Forces.
Naturalization of Peter Elers, &c. (Mr.

Papillon to carry it to the Lords.)
Bill for the Easier Collecting of Hearth Money.
Bill to Repeal the Corporation Act of 1661.
On Bill for the better discovery of Settlements
for Superstitious Uses,
loth „ „ (Parliament prorogued and afterwards Dis-
solved.)
2Sth Mar., „ To prepare for a Conference with the Lords
on the Constitution of Parliaments in passing
: Bills.

25* „ „ Impeachment of Edward Fitzharris for High
Treason.

3rd Jan.,

1681.

6th „

»i

7th „

))

172

THOMAS PAPILLON.

A List of Measures of an extreme character introduced
IN THE House of Commons by the Country Party from
1674 to 1681; especially those for the consideration

AND preparation OF WHICH COMMITTEES WERE APPOINTED.

7th Feb., 1674.
23rd April, 1675.

26th „
2 1 St May,

27th „

2ist Feb., 1677.

26th Mar.,

27th „

1 6th April,
23rd May,
28th Jan., 1678.
31st Oct.,
13th Nov.,
1 6th Nov.,
1 6th „
28th „
28th „

Resolution — Standing Army a Great Grievance.
Petition to the King against the Duke of

Lauderdale.
Impeachment of Earl Danby.
Bill to prevent Papists from sitting in either

House of Parliament.
Bill to prevent the Growth of Popery.
Bill to recall his Majesty's Subjects in the

service of the King of France.
Address to King promising support in a War

against France.
Bill for Securing the Education of the Children

of the Royal Family in the Protestant

Religion.
Address in reply to one from King requiring

new Funds rather than Old.
Address to the King beseeching him to enter

into Alliances against France.
Address to the King beseeching that no Treaty

be made below that of the Pyrenees.
Resolution — "That a damnable and hellish

Plot," &c.
Address to King for a Commission for Tender-
ing Oaths to the Queen's Menials.
Address to the King to raise one-third of the

Militia.
Secretary Williamson sent to the Tower for

issuing Commissions in the Army to Papists.
Address praying for the removal of the Queen

from Whitehall.
Resolved — "To address the King for the

Apprehension and Security of all Papists."

COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 173

2nd Dec, 1678.' Resolved and Committed —

I — " To tell the King of dangers owing to

his neglect of the advice of Parliament."

2 — "Ditto ditto from the Growth of Popery."

3 — "Ditto ditto from non-observance of the

Law."

igth „ „ To prepare Articles of Impeachment against
Earl Danby.

17th April, 1679. Committee of Secrecy to draw up Evidence
against Earl Danby.

26th „ „ Address to the King praying him to order
Execution of Pickering; and to order the
Judges to issue Warrants for the Execution
of Popish Priests whom they have con-
demned !

nth May, „ "Exclusion Bill" against the Duke of York.

nth „ „ Address to the King, vowing vengeance on
the Papists, should his Majesty come to a
violent death. — Committed.

22nd May, „ Sir Anthony Deane and Mr. Pepys sent to
the Tower; and the Attorney-General
directed forthwith to prosecute them and
others concerned in the fitting out and
career of the Sloop Hunter, &c.

27th Oct., 1680. Address to the King, requesting his Majesty's
pardon for all persons who within two
months shall give Evidence on the Popish
Plot. Also an Address, delaring the resolu-
tion of the House to preserve and support
the King's person, the Government, and the
Protestant Religion, at home and abroad.

2nd Nov., „ Resolved nem. con. — " That the Duke of York
being a Papist, and the hopes of his coming
to the Crown as such, hath given the
greatest countenance and encouragement
to the present designs and conspiracies of
the Papists against the King and the
Protestant Religion.

174 THOMAS PAHLLON.

Resolved nem. con. — "That in defence
of the King's person and Government and
of the Protestant Religion, This House
doth declare that they will stand by the
King with their lives and fortunes : and
that if his Majesty should come to a violent
death, which God forbid ! they will avenge
it to the utmost on the Papists."

Resolved— "That a Bill be brought in
to disable the Duke of York to inherit the
Imperial Crown of these Realms."

Ordered — " That a Committee be appointed
to prepare and draw up such a Bill."

I ith Nov., 1680. Address to the King, reflecting on his Majesty's
frequent prorogation of Parliament to the
hindrance of the prosecution of the Popish
Plot; and praying his Majesty not to be
diverted again into such a course.

1 2th „ „ Address to the King, requesting his Majesty's
pardon for Edmund Murphy, Hobart Bourck,
Thomas Samson, John Mac Namarra, John
Fitzgerald, and Eustace Coning, Informers
of Popish Plot in Ireland.

1 2th „ „ Resolution to acquaint the Lords of resolve
to proceed at once with the Trial of the
Lords in the Tower, beginning with Viscount
Stafford.

1 2th „ „ That a humble Address be made to his Majesty
to remove Sir George Jeffreys out of all
public offices.

1 2th „ „ That a humble Address be made to his Majesty
to remove George, Earl of Halifax from his
Majesty's presence and Councils for ever.

19th „ „ A humble Address to his Majesty to appoint a
Day for a Solemn Fast and Humiliation.

20th „ „ Impeachment of Edward Seymour, Esq.,
Treasurer of the Navy for Mis-appropriation
of Public Moneys.

COMMITTEES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 175

22ndNov.,i68o. Charge against the Earl of Halifax for pro-
moting prorogation of Parliaments.
27th „ „ Very long Address to the King, recapitulating
the support that has been given to Popery
on various occasions, and stipulating for his
Majesty's discountenance of all persons so
disposed, — in which case the House will
vote money for the maintenance of Tangier.
13th Dec, „ Bill to be brought in for the Banishment of
Papists and suspected Papists from London
and Westminster, and from twenty miles
beyond.

Ordered — "That the Members for the
Counties, Boroughs, and the Cinque Ports
bring in Lists of the Papists residing in
their respective localities."
iSth „ „ Resolved — "That as long as there is any
prospect of the Duke of York succeeding
to the Throne, the lives of the King and
of Protestants are unsafe."
iSth „ „ That a Bill be brought in for an Association of

^ all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects for
preservation and Exclusion.

Very long and dictatorial Address to the King.

Impeachment against Sir Francis North, Sir
William Scroggs, Sir Thomas Jones, and Sir
Richard Weston, Judges.

Renewal of necessity for the Exclusion Bill,
and request for the Removal from Office,
&c., of the Earl of Hahfax. Laurence Hyde,
and Marquis of Worcester, because opposed
to it ; of the Earl of Clarendon ; and of the
Earl of Feversham, because a promoter of
French interests and Popery.

20th „

23rd „

))

7th Jan.,

1681

CHAPTER IX.

STRICTURES ON THE CORPORATION OF DOVER —

SURRENDER OF ITS CHARTER— AND GRANT OF A

NEW ONE.

Test and Corporation Act of 1661 dormant till 1680 — Orders then sent to
Dover to purge Corporation — resulting in deposition of two Jurats and
twenty-six Common Councilmen — Papillon advises Mayor to cause vacant
seats to be refilled without delay— Mayor requests Papillon's interest with
Secretary of State — Several Jurats object to assertion of Corporate rights
versus the Government — Secretary of State defers final decision — FapiUon
again urges on Mayor the prompt completion of Corporation — many
oppose this counsel — hesitation on part of Mayor — Secretary of State
reports that Lieutenant-Governor of Dover Castle objects to the Mayor's
return as false — and opposes progress — Papillon demands copy of objections
— Partial re-election of Town Council, with Names of those elected — Course
of events in the general surrender of Charters — Surrender of Dover Charter
— and thanks for a new one —Names of new Members of Council — their
eviction by King James, in 1688 — and restoration of old Members— Sketch
of the life of Sir Lionel Jenkins, Secretary of State during course of above
proceedings.

N the early part of the last Chapter various
facts were adduced to shew the state of
parties in boroughs generally, and in Dover
in particular ; as also the steps that successive
Governments were apt to take to influence the
elections to Parliament.
Thus we find that from 1646 to 1660 the House of
Commons formed a Committee for considering how the
Corporations could be settled, and their Charters altered
and renewed, so as to be held under the authority of the
Commonwealth; and in 1656 a Committee was appointed

TEST AND CORPORATION ACT. 1 77

to bring in a Bill " to prevent the election into Corporations
of denounced persons,*

On the Restoration, in this as in other departments of
State, re-action set in strong; and in 1661 an Act was
passed "for regulating Corporations," reciting that
"questions were likely to arise concerning the validity
of the Elections and Removals during the late Troubles,
contrary to their Charters ; and to the end that the
succession in such Corporations may be the most properly
perpetuated in the hands of persons well affected to his
Majesty and the Government — it being too well known
that notwithstanding all his Majesty's endeavours and
unparalleled indulgence in pardoning all that is past —
nevertheless many evil spirits are still working," — Therefore
it was enacted that no Charter should be avoided for
any thing that had passed, but that all persons henceforth
elected to any office in a borough should as a qualification
take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and subscribe
a Declaration denouncing the Solemn League and Covenant,
and further that they should have partaken of the Lord's
Supper according to the rites of the Church of England
within one year of their election to office ; and the Act gave
authority to the King in Council to appoint Commissioners
for the Regulation of Boroughs accordingly.

On 2Sth August, 1662, Commissioners visited Dover,
and deposed from office two Common Councilmen for
refusing to take the Oaths and subscribe the Declaration,
and as concerned seven Jurats and thirteen Common
Councilmen they recorded : —

"We, the said Commissioners for divers good causes and
reasons us thereunto moving have thought fit and requisite for

* See Merewether and Stephens's "History of Boroughs."

178 THOMAS PAPILLON.

the public peace and safety of this Kingdom, to displace and
remove all and every of the said persons from all and every their
said places, offices," &c.

After this sudden outburst of Parliamentary and Regal
rule it would seem that the Borough of Dover, as other
boroughs, was allowed to pursue its wonted course. In
1668 the King renewed the Charter of the Cinque Ports,
confirming them in all their ancient rights and privileges.
The Act of 1 66 1 was allowed to slumber. The King
loved ease. The elections to office in the Corporations
sympathising with the country at large, inclined to the
Liberal Party ; and the Act was much neglected.

The dissolutions of Parliament in January and May, 1679,
and the consequent appeals to the people, brought to light
the hostile power of the Boroughs, and the conflict between
the Court and the Commons grew more and more violent

In 1680 the King in Council began to bestir themselves,
with a view to purge the Corporations of Nonconformists,
and to introduce others more likely to support the Govern-
ment at the elections. In common with various other
boroughs, the Corporation of Dover was ordered through
its Mayor, Nicholas Cullen, Esq., forthwith to remove from
office all who had not complied with the Act of 1661, and
to make a Return thereof to the Privy Council.

The ferment and dismay of some, and the hopes and
intrigues of others, which this step produced, are vividly
pourtrayed in a lengthened correspondence between the
Mayor and others of Dover and Thomas Papillon, of
which the following is a summary : Dover, however, was
not alone in its divisions and final discomfiture, and a
future Chapter will record how Papillon himself was
driven from his native land about the same time, and in
connection with the same cause — the contest of the Crown
and the Corporations.

DOVER CORPORATION PURGED. I 79

On the i6th April, 1680, an order was sent from the
Privy Council to the Mayor and Corporation, directing
them to examine how the Act of 1661 had been observed ;
to remove from office all members who had not duly
complied with it ; and to make a Return thereof to the
Privy Council.

On the 30th April, the Mayor and Corporation made
a return, reporting the removal of two Jurats who had
not taken the Oaths, of nine Common Councilmen who
were not entered on the books as having done so, and
of seventeen Common Councilmen who had not partaken
of the Lord's Supper.

On the 5th May, Papillon's fellow M.P., Captain William
Stokes, wrote from Dover, informing him of the above,
and stating that the Lieutenant Governor of Dover Castle,
Colonel John Strode, approved of the Return when made,
but was then said to raise objections to it, and to design
that particular men should be put into office, to the
manifest infringement of their Charter. He referred to
a letter of the Mayor, and requested Thomas Papillon to
ascertain at the Home Office how matters stood, offering
to go to London himself if requisite.

Papillon promptly replied, advising that in a Common
Assembly of all the Freemen, new Jurats and Common
Councilmen should be elected in place of those removed,
and that it be not left to the Secretary of State and
the Lieutenant Governor, to put into office objectionable
persons.

Captain Stokes expressed his approval of this counsel,
but neither himself nor the Mayor were disposed to adopt
it ; and the latter begged Papillon to enquire a:t the Home
Office if the Return was approved, and to use his interest
on behalf of the Corporation.

The Secretary — Sir Lionel Jenkins — expressed a doubt

l8o THOMAS PAPILLON.

as to the power of the remaining members to complete
their number, so that a new Charter might be requisite.
Papillon replied that the original Charter of 1578, which
had been confirmed by the King in 1670, gave them full
power, whereon Sir Lionel Jenkins requested a copy of
it.

Papillon at once informed the Mayor, warned him
against expecting any help from the Secretary, and urged
that himself and the remaining Jurats should proceed
without delay to complete their body, before unwelcome
men should be thrust on them.

However, the Mayor and the only two Jurats who sided
with him. Captain Stokes and Mr. Richards, were irresolute ;
and others opposed any assertion of inherent rights in
opposition to Sir Lionel. On the contrary they sought
the aid and interest of the Lieutenant Governor, who
promised it ; though it soon appeared he was drafting
official objections to the soundness of the Mayor's Return.

Meanwhile, the Secretary informed the Mayor through
Papillon that the Return and copy of Charter had been
laid up in a box on the table of the Privy Council,
to be duly considered with the Returns, &c., of other
Corporations ; and soon afterwards he informed Papillon
that exceptions having been made to the Return, a case
must be prepared for the opinion of the Attorney General
— the King would require it. Papillon pressed for the
authorship of these exceptions, and learning it was the
Lieutenant Governor, he sougjit and at last found him
at the Secretary's lodgings ; and challenging him as to
the nature of his charges, the latter declined to reply,
but said he would prove them before the Privy Council;
moreover, he said he was supported in them by various
Jurats and Common Councilmen, whom he named; but
they denied his assertion.

ELECTION OF COMMON COUNCILMEN. l8l

The end of May had nearly come, six weeks worse
than lost; Papillon, writing to Captain Stokes, reminds
him and his friends of their neglect of his counsel —
supported as it was by legal advice — but still urges them
to immediate completion of their body.

Early in June the Privy Council appoint a Committee
to examine the Returns, &c., of all the Corporations, and
as some concluded, to regulate the admission of new
members. This throws fresh alarm into the minds of
the Mayor's party, and hopes of preferment into those
opposed to them. On the 15th June, the Lieutenant
Governor delivers to the Secretary his exceptions to the
Mayor's Return ; in due course they are refuted by the
Corporation ; and again the Lieutenant Governor objects
to the refutations. And thus Sir Lionel Jenkins acquires
a plea for stay of proceedings.

On the 2nd September, the Mayor applied to the
Secretary for leave to complete the Jurats and Common
Councilmen, in view of the forthcoming election of Mayor
on the 8th ; he requests Papillon to deliver his letter,
and ask for reply ; and informs him of the still divided
counsels of the Jurats. Whether Papillon complied with
the request does not appear; he had told the Mayor on
the 27th May, that he had much reluctance in visiting
the Secretary; and as to a reply from the Secretary,
there is no record.

On the 8th September, Nicholas Cullen was re-elected
Mayor; and on the 28th December, 1680,

At a Common Assembly, present, Nicholas Cullen,
Mayor, and six Jurats, viz. : John Holder, William Stokes,
William Richards, John Bullarke, John Vayly, and Charles
Vayly ; the nine following were elected Common Council-
men, and took the required Oaths, viz. : Richard Baxe,
Thomas Raworth, Edward Francklyn, Isaacke Lamb,

1 82 THOMAS PAPILLON.

William Everard, Edward Bayler, Thomas Peirce, Bar-
tholomew Worthington," and Henry Broadley.

On the 31st December, 1680, the following were elected
and took the Oaths, viz.: Thomas Scott, as a Jurat;
Thomas Pepper, continued as Town Serjeant; and
Thomas Peirce and Thomas Raworth, as Chamberlains.

At a Common Assembly held on 9th January, 1682,
present The Mayor, five Jurats, and twelve Common
Councilmen, It was deemed expedient to address a letter
to the Common Council with a view to impose fines
on members not acting or qualifying, so as to secure
a fuller attendance ; and on 25th June, 1682, at a
Common Assembly, present, Nicholas Cullen, Mayor, and
others, the following were elected Jurats and Common
Councilmen, viz. :

Richard Baxe, Edward Francklyn, and Thomas Raworth,
as Jurats ; and the two former qualified at once : As
Common Councilmen, Edward Wivell and Thomas
Hamerdon, who qualified on the 30th June; Thomas
Bedingfield, George Wellard, John Danaber, and William
Peene, who qualified on the 7th July ; John Holland and
Robert Colloy, who qualified on the 21st July; and John
Foord and William Gearie, who qualified on the 2Sth
October ; and at a Common Assembly on the latter date,
Common Councilmen William Eaton, Merchant; Peter
Peters, Surgeon; Thomas Gibbon; Richard Hills, Mariner;
George White, Maltster ; and William Nepnon, Merchant ;
were fined ;£'io each : while Benjamin Goodwyn, Haber-
dasher, Thomas Dawkes, Richard Dawkes, Robert
Kennett, Butcher, John Hollingsbury, Maltster, and
Edward Pitts, Freeholder ; were allowed a month's grace.
On the same day, Edward Wivell, Common Councilman,
was elected Jurat, and at once qualified.

It appears from these data that the attempt in 1680 to

CORPORATION CHARTERS THREATENED. I 83

complete the Town Council was quite a failure; Thomas
Papillon's first advice to the Mayor, to summon the
Freemen to renew the Council was clearly distasteful,
and his subsequent efforts to rouse the Mayor and Jurats
to action, on their own inherent power, met with little
response. The Secretary of State and the Lieutenant
Governor with their friends in the Borough, desired to
impede active measures, in order to promote Court
influence ; and those in oiifice in the Borough had neither
the energy nor the ability to resist them. In 1681, when
the King suddenly dissolved the Oxford Parliament without
calling another, and popular opinion — that versatile power
— turned in his favour, it is probable that the Municipal
hopes and fears subsided ; and thus in 1682 some success
attended the efforts of the Mayor and Jurats to replace
the Council on a working basis : — The Government, however,
were in no way disposed to let things rest on such uncertain
ground ; but resolved to call in all the Charters they could,
and renew them on more restricted conditions, so that the
Crown might always be master of the situation.

In the autumn of 1682 a Writ of Quo Warranto was
issued against the Corporation of London; the Government,
for special reasons, being very anxious for complete control
in the City. After a prolonged trial (see State Trials)
the Charter was pronounced to be forfeitable to the Crown ;
and before long the Court Party in the City carried a
motion for its surrender.

No sooner had the Government gained this victory,
than writs and menaces were directed against boroughs
throughout the Kingdom ; and seeing that London, the
stronghold of the "Country Party," with all its wealth,
had failed, how could they (the smaller boroughs said)

1 84 THOMAS PAPILLON.

resist the Court, now ruling without a Parliament ? They
almost all succumbed without a blow.

Thus, says Roger North (a strong Court partizan) in his
" Life of Lord Keeper Guilford " : —

"The course adopted after the judgment" (against London)
" was either to court or frighten harmless or orderly Corporations
to surrender — or upon refusal, to plunge them in the chargeable
and defenceless condition of going to law against the Crown —
whereby that which would not come by fair means, was extorted
by violence.''

Again : —

" The trade of Charters ran to excess, and turned to an avowed
practice of garbling the Corporations for the purpose of carrying ,
elections to Parliament.''

Respecting this general surrender of Charters, the
following remarks were made in the House of Commons
in 1689, on the discussion on the Corporations Bill, then
in course of enactment.

Sir Henry Goodrich appears to have fairly summed up
the causes of the surrenders in the words, Avarice, Force,
and Easiness.

Sir Thomas Clarges said that he knew a Corporation
of £6<X) a year, advised by the Lord Chief Justice to
surrender; or else, if judged against them, their lands
would go to the next heir of the grantor.

Sir William Williams said, " In some Corporations of
600 who had a right to give consent to a surrender, not
above thirty-four were for it, and they prevailed ; and how
came this about? This was a packed Common Council

by ; and in Chestei-, there were still 500 in being

against the surrender."

Mr. Finch (another Constitutional lawyer) spoke of the
surrender as a fault, but said it was general, and attributed

PARLIAMENT OF JAMES II. iSS

them to the judgment in the London Quo Warranto, after
which most of them occurred.

The result of this surrender of Charters was such that
combined with other causes, on the assembly of Parliament
after the accession of James II., the King said : —

" There were not above forty members, but such as he himself
desired ; "

and most obsequious they were to please him. Burnett
says : —

"Everything was granted with such a profusion that the House
was more ready to give than the King to ask."

As regards the previous inquisition into Corporations,
such as that of Dover in 1680, the following letters — in
the Public Records Office — shew the unhealthy condition
of men's minds at the time ; and how severity and tale-
bearing go hand in hand.

" To THE Right Honourable Sir Lionel Jenkins, Principal

SECRETARY OF StATE, AT WHITEHALL.

" Rye, May the 8th, 1680.
" May IT PLEASE YOUR Honour,

"Thinking myself obliged by oath and duty to serve his
Majesty to the utmost of my power in those capacities that his
Majesty hath been graciously pleased to bestow upon me by
giving your Honour an account that there hath come letters
on both sides of this place for the Regulating of Corporations,
and that there is hardly one place in England that wants if
so much as this, it being wholly governed by those who are not
at all capable by the Act ; and there being no letter come here
makes them think they are secure; or if there be any come,
it is kept up' by the Mayor, which cannot read it; who was
the greatest instrument for encouraging those to appear to give
their votes for electing himself; and afterwards of Burgesses
for this place — by sending his Serjeants to warn them in, that
never durst presume to give their votes since the execution of

1 86 THOMAS PAPILLON.

the said Act, when they were turned out as disaffected to the
King and Government. This I thought good to acquaint your
Honour, and humbly leave it to your consideration, hoping you
will pardon the presumption of one who had the honour of being
known to you at my Lord Chancellor Clarendon's by the name
of Honoured Sir, your Honour's most humble Servant,

"(Signed) R H .'

" To THE Right Honourable Sir Lionel Jenkins,
"Right Honourable,

" I congratulate your high but deserved promotion and
being now one of those that are placed to hold the stem of
the Kingdom, it is requisite that some one in the place he
lives in, should inform such as you with the inclinations and
affections of the people there to the established Government ;
for the Council must expect an ' Omnia bene ' from a Corporation,
when they are to give an account of themselves. Take then this
true character of the Corporation men of Bath from a lover of
the King and the discipline of the Established Church, viz. : —

" The present Mayor is a legal, well-principled man.

" Robert C n. No fanatic; speaks flattering to all parties.

" Captain C n. An old honest Cavalier.

" Watt. G s. A huffish Alderman, but a lover of the established

Government.

" B k of the Shop. A sly fanatic.

" B r. An insolent fanatic.

" B k, of Westgate House. A plain, downright man.

" H e. A very honest man.

" P r. A harmless, peaceable man.

" B 1. A loyal-hearted man, — So much for the Aldermen.

"Common Councilmen.

" C e. A decrepit old Cavalier.

" W s. An ignoramus ; the selling a barrel of Ale will make

him vote for anything.

" W d. A chip in porridge.

" A s. An atheistical fellow, and knight of the post.

" C y. A man of good principles.

CORPORATION MEN OF BATH. I 87

" John S n. A damnable antimonarchial man ; a frequenter

of Conventicles.
"A d. His wholly devoted creature. A frequenter of Con-
venticles.

"Ben B n. It is no matter what he is; for he has not an

atom of sense.

" S s. An honest, industrious man.

" Tom G s. A furioso, but well affected towards the Govern-
ment.

" Will C n. Richard M r. Both loyal and jolly fellows.

"P e. Is well enough, but when he is influenced by the

Country (Party).

" C 1, alias Old Rock. Firm to the King and his friends.

" J s. A Church of England man.

"W— - — e A dapper Apothecary. In loyalty equals the best
of them.

" S e. A well-meaning man.

" Will S n. Is quite opposite to the principles of his brother

John.

" R s. A fantastical, shatter-headed coxcomb.

"This is a truer account than what they will send of themselves
to the Council, and if the Corporation acquaint not the Council

of the malicious practices of and others against the

King and his Government, and reform irregularities, permitting
a suspected Popish Priest here, without tendering the Oaths, and
suffering fanatical Minfeters to reside in the Corporation to
disaffect the people against the King and Government, by telling
the people that the King will let in Popery upon us by suffering
the Duke of York to be nigh him, who they say will make the
King do any thing against the Protestants, so that under fear
of Popery they endeavour to influence the people into rebellion,
which God forbid, so prayeth

"Your F. S.,
"A. R."

The data relative to the attachment and surrender of
the Dover Charter are very limited. The Minutes of

1 88 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Assembly contain no reference to it beyond the following,
made more than two years after the occurrence : —

" nth January, 1686. At a Common Assembly held this day,
appeared Robert Jacob, Esq., Mayor, George West, Esq., &c.

" Upon reading a letter from the Honourable Colonel Strode,
touching the proportion of moneys of this Port to be paid to the
Solicitors for the charge of Removing the General Charter for the
Cinque Ports, —

" It is ordered that the Town Clerk write to the Town Clerk
of New Romney for a copy of all the proceedings at the last
Guestling, and the several proportions of each Port in defraying
the charge of renewing the said Charter.

"Ordered — Upon presenting Mr. Veel's Letter and Charges
in presenting the. Quo Warranto against this Corporation, and

the " [word illegible] "at the Assizes, that a letter be written

to him by the Mayor, requesting him to send copies of such
letters and orders as he hath in his custody for such prosecution,
that they may further consider therein; and in the mean time
Captain West, Mr. Wellard, &c., are hereby appointed and
ordered to examine his accounts, and prepare a charge of what
moneys have been paid him towards his charges in this service."

The Rev. John Lyons in his " History of Dover," (pp.
2 1 5-7) gives the following account of the proceedings : —

" Whilst the Attorney General was prosecuting the Quo
Warranto against the Corporation in the King's name, a Petition
signed by 128 of the inhabitants was sent to the Duke of
Albermarle to be presented to the Sovereign; and he received
it very graciously. They assured his Majesty that they were
deeply penetrated with a sense of their unhappy situation in
belonging to a Corporate Body which had some of its members
disaffected, and who refused to put the laws into execution
against Conventicles ; by which they promoted and kept up
sedition among the people ; while they with all humility
prostrated themselves, and laid the benefit they had in their
Charter, and the franchises of his Town and Port of Dover at
his Royal feet. ,,.... To convince the King how

GRANT OF A NEW CHARTER. 1 89

zealous and active they were in his interest, they assured him
they had already convicted Nicholas Cullen, the late pretended
Mayor, and William Stokes, their Chief Magistrate; and that
they had indicted some others for similar offences.

"The Grand Jury at a Special Sessions of ^ Oyer and Terminer,^
held by the Admiralty Court on 29th April, 1682, agreed also
to address the King. They assured him 'how sensible they
were of the unparalleled happiness they enjoyed under his mild
Government ; and they congratulated him against the hellish plot
and contrivances invented to oppose his authority; but more
especially for his detecting the traitorous project for association in
the proceedings of the Earl of Shaftesbury ; and such proceedings,
they said, carried in them the very quintessence of rebellion.'

" They continued in the same strain for some time, and then
they offered his Majesty their most sincere thanks for placing his
royal brother, their late Warden, High Commissioner of Scotland.
"The Court of Brotherhood assembled at Romney in 1683,
declared in their Address to the King that they thought it their
duty to offer him their loyal and thankful obedience, as the
first-fruits of their Assembly, after a discontinuance of their
meetings for many years. They further assured the King of
their great attachment to his person, and of their gratitude for
his mild Government, and that they detested all opposition to
the Laws and separation from the Church, as a sin against God;
and to complete all, they were ready to offer up their lives in
defence of his person.

"These Addresses, and the surrender of their Charter, saved
the Attorney General the trouble of prosecuting the 'Quo
Warranto ;' and as the Addresses seemed as pliable as wax in
the hands of an artist, and as capable of being moulded into
whatever form they wanted, the King granted them a new
Charter.

"This Charter was drawn up on the plan of 1578; and not-
withstanding it gave the Magistrates the privilege of continuing
in their offices for life, it met with the same fate as most of those
granted by Charles II. ; for it was disowned by the persons who
obtained it, or by their successors.

" The King had reserved to himself the privilege of dismissing

190 THOMAS PAPILLON.

at pleasure all those whom he had placed in authority ; but this
was considered by the Lawyers (temp. William and Mary) an
illegal and unconstitutional stretch of his power; and in their
language, he was ^deceived in his Grant;' and his Charter, though
not void, was voidable if controverted.

" On the arrival of King William III. the Magistrates did not
refer to the new Charter, but pleaded their right of prescription
to act as a Corporation," &c.

By the Minutes of Assembly it appears that Messrs.
Nicholas CuUen and William Stokes, and their friends
remained in office till the surrender of the Charter.

Captain Stokes was elected Mayor on the 8th September,
1683. From that date a blank of several pages occurs in
the Minute Book, and then is written : —

" 1684.
" George West, Esq., Mayor.
" At a Common Assembly held on 25th August, 1684,
"Present — George West, Esq., Mayor;
" Jurats,
" Thomas Tiddeman Aaron Wellard

Thomas Wool Warham Jemmett

Nathl. Denew Samuel Lucas

Robert Jacob Clement Burke

"Common Councilmen,
"Thomas Russell Robert Gallant

Peter Peters Robert Colloy

Thomas Bedingfield Edward Pitts

Benjamin Hawkins John Gardner

George Wellard Charles Gill

Benjamin Godwyn Thomas Statfold

John Holland William Elwin

Robert Hogden Robert Kennett

Thomas Gibbon Richard Edwards, Jun.

Richard Hills Eleazor Shewnall "

REMOVAL OF MAYOR, JURATS, AND C. C. MEN. I9I

In the autumn of 1688, James II. having discovered
too late the folly of the course he had been led to adopt,
set to work to court the Country Party, and restored the
displaced members of Corporations, including those of
Dover. Hence we find the following Minutes in the
Assembly Book of Dover: —

"At an Assembly of the Mayor and Jurats held in the Guildhall
on Monday, the 17th September, 1688, appeared — Robert Jacob,
Esq., Mayor, George West, Thomas Tiddeman, Edward Roberts,
Thomas Veel, and Nathl. Denew, Esquires ; Thomas Nowell,
Warham Jemmett, Samuel Lucas, Clement Burke, John Golden,
and William Smith, Jurats, the following Order was produced
and read, viz. : —

"Lo. f^ "At the Court at Windsor the 9th September, 1688 :
SigillSJ "By the King's most excellent Majesty and the Lords
of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council,

"Whereas by the Charter granted to the Town and Port of
Dover it is reserved to his Majesty by his Order in Council to
remove from their employment any officers in the said Town
■his Majesty in Council is pleased to order, and it is hereby
Ordered that Robert Jacob, Mayor, and Warham Jemmett,
George West, Clement Burke, John Golden, and William Smith,
Jurats J Benjamin Goodwyn, Robert Osborne, and George
Wellard, Common Councilmen, be and they are hereby
removed and displaced from their employments and offices in
the said Town of Dover.

"(Signed) Edward Roberts, Mayor.
„ William Bridgeman."

On the 20th September, 1688, Edward Roberts, Esq.,
was elected Mayor for the year ending 8th September,
1689 ; but soon after we find the following entry in the
Minute of Assembly : —

192 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"William Stokes, Esq., Mayor. 1688.

"In the Guildhall on the 25th October, 1688, in the fourth
year of the reign, &c.

" Memorandum— That William Stokes, Esq., Mayor of this
Town and Port, Dr. John Colder, Captain Ceorge West, Messrs.
William Richards, John Bullarke, Nicholas Cullen, John Vaylie,
Thomas Scott, Edward Franklyn, and Edward Wivell, Jurats
of the same, did on the said 2Sth of October, 1688, pursuant
to his Majesty's gracious and Royal Proclamation this day
publicly proclaimed in the Market Place of the said Town,
enter into and upon the Covernment of this Corporation and
the power and places of Mayor and Jurats thereof, took possession
of the said Cuildhall with the Ensign of the White Staff of
Mayoralty, which the said Mayor took up accordingly."

On the 26th October, 1688, William Stokes, Esq., Mayor,
Thomas Scott, Edward Franklyn, and Edward Wivell,
took the Oaths, &c. ; and on the 29th October, Dr. John
Golder, and Messrs. William Richards, John Bullarke,
Nicholas Cullen, and John Vaylie did likewise.

A private M.S. mem. among Papillon's papers contains
the following statement : —

"Soon after the verdict against him [meaning Thomas Papillon*]
the town of Dover surrendered their Charter, viz., 24th October,
1683. At a Common Council they ordered the Mayor, Mr.
Stokes, to carry their Address to the King, and with an unanimous
consent submitted to his Majesty's pleasure, when the same shall
be known, in all matters relating to the ' Quo Warranto ' brought
against them, and that Mr. Mayor take advice of Mr. Secretary

* The verdict here mentioned was not really against Thomas Papillon,
but against Thomas Pilkington, Samuel Shute, and others who had been
instrumental in the Return of himself and John Dubois as Sheriffs of London
and Middlesex; which Return was disallowed by the Mayor, and Pilkington,
Shute, &c,, were convicted of a Riot. See " State Trials," 8th May, 1683.

SURRENDER OF DOVER CHARTER. I 93

Jenkins, or Mr. Attorney General, what course to take in the
management thereof, but the Mayor is not to cause further
prosecution to be made in defence of the said Quo Warranto.
"They likewise submitted to the recommendation of his
Majesty, as Lord Warden, of one person to be chosen as Baron
to serve in the next Parliament, whenever his Majesty shall please
to call one, and as much as in them lies, will accept thereof."

Soon after the surrender, Thomas Papillon met Captain
Stokes in London, and expressed his surprise how he
could so readily abandon the Charter and its privileges,
which they had repeatedly swrorn to defend. Captain
Stokes replied that no one w^ould expend one shilling in
the cause.

In reviewing the whole case, as regards Thomas
Papillon, we are struck with his strong and inherent love
of justice and liberty, and his earnest efforts to secure
these treasures for the Borough of Dover; and though
he failed at the time, and in little more than a year
became an exile himself — his principles triumphed at
last, and in him was fulfilled the promise

" He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious seed, shall
doubtless come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves with
him." — Psalm cxxvi.

The active part taken by Sir Lionel Jenkins in these
and other proceedings, which infringed or tended to
infringe the rights of the subject, call for a few lines on
his history and character.

Individually he seems to have been a man of high
integrity and honour, and possessing much regard for
religion ; but when exalted to the post of Secretary of

194 THOMAS PAPILLON.

State, his excessive sense of loyalty and obedience to the
Crown led him into many acts which his better judgment
would have condemned. The King knew this man.

The following sketch is taken chiefly from the "Life
of Sir Leoline Jenkins" by William Wynne, of the Middle
Temple (his relative and admirer). London, 1724.

"Born 1625. Son of Leoline Jenkins, or Jenkins Lluellin, of
the parish of Llanbithian, Glamorganshire ; a man of about jP^/^o
a year. Mr. David Jenkins, one of the Judges of North Wales,
and a famous champion of the Royal cause, patronized him, and
recommended him to Dr. Wilkins, Warden of Wadham College,
Oxford. Sir Lionel Jenkins went to school at Cowbridge, and
in 1 641, when not quite sixteen, he was admitted to Jesus College,
Oxford, of which JDr. Mansell, a learned and virtuous man, and
staunch Royalist, was the Principal ; but both Principal and loyal
Student were soon obliged to flee, and the latter took up arms
on the Royal side. On its collapse in 1648 he became Tutor
to the sons of various loyal gentlemen, and afterwards visited
several countries of Europe with them.

" But on the Restoration he returned to Jesus College, and
was at once elected a Fellow. On Dr. Mansell's resignation
soon after, he was chosen Principal ; and with prudence and
much pains he set about to restore the College to discipline
and competence, from which it had sadly fallen of late years.
Dr. Mansell generously settled on it the remains of his estate;
and Dr. Jenkins followed his example by remembering it in
his will.

" He remained Principal till 1673, when he was called away to
act as Ambassador at Cologne.

"He was appointed Commissary of the peculiar and exempt
Jurisdiction of the Deanery of Bridgenorth, Salop ;

" Registrar of the Consistory Court belonging to the Collegiate
Church of St. Peter's, Westminster; and soon after — by Dr.
Sheldon — to be Commissary for the Diocese of Canterbury;
and

" Assessor of the Chancellor's Court, Oxford.

" He was a truly virtuous, industrious, and Godly man ; an

LIFE OF SIR LIONEL JENKINS. ipS

ardent lover of learning ; well-read in Canon and Civil Law ; and
a good linguist in French, Latin, &c.

"In 1663, he was admitted to Doctors' Commons,. and to
practice in the Court of Arches; and very soon he was made
Deputy to the Dean of Arches, who was aged and feeble.

"On the first Dutch War breaking out the King appointed
a new kind of Commission, consisting of the Lords of the Privy
Council, viz., The Admiralty Court ; and the Commissioners
called on Dr. Jenkins to compile a body of Rules and Ordinances
by which the Judge of the Court should adjudicate on Prizes. On
the 2 1 St March, 1664, Dr. Jenkins was appointed 'Assistant' to
Dr. Exton, the 'Judge,' and on Dr, Exton's death, not long
after, he was made sole Judge.

" In these capacities he became very eminent as a Juris-Consult,
and noted for his integrity and sound judgment. He was also
tender and compassionate towards prisoners, and often remitted
his own legal fees.

"In 1668, he was made Judge of the Prerogative Court of
Canterbury, on the recommendation of the King.

"In 1669, he was appointed Commissioner, jointly with Mr.
Montague, the Ambassador at Paris, to reclaim the effects of the
Queen Mother Henrietta^ in which he finally succeeded ; and on
his return to England he was knighted.

" During his stay in Paris he defended the religious character
of Charles I. from a charge of infidelity brought against him by
Father Senault in his Funeral Oration of him, as the only
assignable cause for the afflictions which he suffered by Divine
Providence.

"In 1669, or early in 1670, he was appointed a Commissioner
for the Union of England and Scotland.

"In 1671, he was returned as Member of Parliament for Hythe,
Kent — one of the Cinque Ports.

"In May, 1673, he was appointed Ambassador and Pleni-
potentiary at Cologne, together with Lord Sunderland and Sir
Joseph Williamson, to arrange a Treaty of Peace with Holland,
after the Second Dutch War. He returned home in 1674.

"At the end of 1675, or early in 1676, he was sent as Ambas-
sador, &c., to Nimeguen, to act in conjunction with Lord Berkley,
N 2

196 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Ambassador at Paris, and Sir William Temple, Ambassador at
the Hague ; and in this post he ever exerted himself to maintain
the honour due to his King and Country."

Of his conduct there Sir William Temple says in his
" Memoirs " : —

"Two more different men were never joined in one Commission,
nor agreed better in it : As in evening entertainments or collations,
in dancing or play, I seldom failed of taking a part, so my
colleague. Sir Lionel Jenkins never had .any in them — ^which
gave occasion for a good mot that was passed on it — ' That the
mediation was always on foot,' for I went to bed and rose late,
while Jenkins was a bed by eight and up at four."

"He was punctual," says Wynne, "in keeping to his
instructions, where he was limited ; wary and cautious
where he was left free."

He refused most persistently to receive presents,
especially those of Louis XIV., after the Treaty of
Nimeguen ; while Sir William Temple received all, as
was usual in those days.

In March, 1681, he was elected Member of Parliament
for the University of Oxford, and in 1680- 1, he had been
appointed Secretary of State.

In this latter position, Burnett says of him •.^—

"Jenkins, now made Secretary of State in Coventry's place,
was the chief manager for the Court [against the Exclusion
Bill]. He was a man of exemplary life, and considerably learned;
but he was dull and slow. He was suspected of leaning to
Popery, though very unjustly ; but he was set on every punctilio
of the Church of England to superstition, and was a great
assertor of the Divine Right of Monarchy, and was for carrying
the prerogative high. He neither spoke nor wrote well; but
being eminent for the most courtly qualifications, other matters
were the more easily dispensed with. All his speeches and
arguments against the Exclusion were heard with indignation;
so the bill was brought in."

LIFE OF SECRETARY JENKINS. 197

This sketch maybe seasonably concluded with b. precis
of Sir Lionel Jenkins' "Disquisition on the Condition of
Affairs in 1 680-1" as given also by his Biographer': —

" The Acts of Law and Justice are,

" I. — The securing Religion from Atheism, Profaneness, and
Immorality.

" 2. — The punishing offenders against the Law, relating to
public or private Right indifferently, without respect of Persons.

" 3. — Seeing that the Laws themselves be not a snare or burden
to the Subject.

"Secondly — What amendments discretion of policy may require
in the present future of Affairs ?

" There are three Parties in this Kingdom to be considered, —

" I — The Church of England. 2 — The Nonconformists. 3—
The Papists.

"The last cannot be accounted, without contradicting the
established laws, irritating the whole body of the Nation, and
ruining all.

"As to the Second Party they are now numerous; but will
they, who cannot be governed now they have no power, be
more easily governed when they have a share in the power and
Government of the Nation ? Can any method be found to unite
and cement them to the Church of England ?

" The things most to be apprehended are — A Commonwealth,
Popery, and a lasting war about the Succession..

"A Commonwealth — if the Factions on foot prevail; Popery —
if the Duke succeed ; and a lasting War — if he be excluded.

" People generally would reprobate most : i — ^Popery. 2 —
War. 3 — A Commonwealth. But the latter cannot be established
but by the grossest injustice.

" Query— Will the Duke recant ? "

Sir Lionel Jenkins pleaded against the Quo Warranto
on the Corporation of London, deeming it a very
inexpedient and harsh measure.

CHAPTER X.

ACQUITTAL OF THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY BY THE
GRAND JURY OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

Circumstances leading to the arrest of Lord Shaftesbury — The character of
the Witnesses against him — The Grand Jury — The Judge's Charge —
Demurs on the part of the Jury — Finding — Incidental remarks by Papillon
on the printed report of the case — and of his own part in the matter.

jHEN Charles II., supported by the Cabal,
engaged in the base alliance with France —
1670-72 — the upright and venerable Duke
of Ormond was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
and a Member of the Committee on Foreign
Affairs : The King was at once induced
to remove him from the latter post, and soon after from
the former; but with gravity and decorum he still paid
stated visits at Court, and never espoused violent counsels.
In 1677, the King, repenting of his harsh treatment
of so loyal and able a servant, reinstated him as Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland ; * where he ruled with such
moderation and vigilance, that Protestants and Roman
Catholics alike were contented and prosperous.

The Country Party who had so ardently espoused the
fiction of the Popish Plot, and wondered at its explosion
— could not understand this peaceful state of Ireland,

* "By long forbearing is a prince persuaded; and a soft tongue breaketh
the bone." — Proverbs xxv. 15.

SPIES SENT TO IRELAND. J99

where Roman Catholics were in a large majority — and
in 1 680- 1 some of the leaders personally averse to
Ormond, first attacked his Government of Ireland in the
House of Lords ; and on that failing, through the splendid
defence of Ormond's gallant son Lord Ossory, they sent
spies to Ireland to search for arms jand papers, and offered
rewards for information of sedition.

At length some informants appeared ; the Oxford
Parliament received their tales; and the peaceable Oliver
Plunket, Roman Catholic Archbishop (and Primate) of
Ireland fell a victim to their evidence.

But when Parliament was suddenly dissolved, and the
Court Party became masters, these informants veered
round, and brought charges of Treason against the Earl
of Shaftesbury, the leader of the Country Party.*

He was at once committed to prison, and brought to
trial in the City of London, as recorded in the " State
Trials"

The Grand Jury on the occasion consisted of twenty-one
members, including Sir Samuel Barnadiston, Foreman ;
Thomas Papillon, and his old friend Michael Godfrey.

The Judge to try the case was Lord Chief Justice
Pemberton. He specially charged the Jury to find a
"True Bill," or otherwise, simply according to the evidence
that might be adduced, without regard to its credibility : —
the judgment of that he said, being the province of the
Petty Jury; and he further required in the King's name,
that the witnesses should be examined in open Court.

The Jury strongly objected to this latter course, as
contrary to custom, and liable to defeat the ends of

* Hume's "England,"

200 THOMAS PAPILLON.

justice; and PapiUon argued against it; but the Lord
Chief Justice over-ruled their objections, and they sub-
mitted.

The witnesses were first examined in Court by the
Crown Lawyers — Sir Francis Wythens chiefly — and that
ended, PapiUon plainly told the Lord Chief Justice

" If we are not left to consider the credibility of the Witnesses,
we cannot satisfy our consciences."

The Lord Chief Justice replied that if they personally
knew any thing against them they might act on it; and
to this the Jury assented.

The Grand Jury then cross-examined the witnesses one
by one ; the Foreman, Godfrey, and especially PapiUon
taking lead in the matter ; and the Lord Chief Justice
occasionally interposing.

This concluded, the Jury returned a verdict of "Igno-
ramus" and thus Lord Shaftesbury was set free.

Law and History have alike approved of the Finding;
deeming that it would have been wrong to send to trial
one arraigned on base evidence ; but the Court Party who
urged the suit, and felt they had secured their relentless
foe, were much incensed at the result ; following, as it
did, a similar acquittal of poor CoUedge, "the Protestant
Joiner" of London ; a noisy fellow whom the Government,
bent on judgment, sent to Oxford, the scene of his alleged
offences, and there obtained his conviction !

The trial occurred on the 24th November, 1681 ; and in
April, 1682, the following remarks were incidentally made
by Thomas PapiUon, when discoursing with the Lord
Mayor and Lady Mayoress, relative to the coming election
of Sheriffs. The remarks appear in an autograph account
of it by Thomas PapiUon : —

TRIAL OF EARL SHAFTESBURY. 201

"I was saying that it was a great evil when Magistrates did
not consider things, but looked on persons and judged of things
by persons, whereas justice ought to regard the matter, and not
the persons.

"As I was saying something of this nature, the Chaplain or
Parson comes in, and replies upon me, ' Mr. Papillon, did you
not look on persons in the trial of my Lord Shaftesbury ? '

"I answered, 'Sir, I suppose you cannot think it proper for
me to argue that matter with you or any person living; I did
therein discharge my conscience on my oath to God, the King,
and Country, and that is sufficient. We had the Laws, the
Indictment, the Evidence all before us, and I will not give an
account upon what we went, and what induced us to give our
Verdict.'

" My Lord said the Parson was at the trial, and that he did
own that we did right upon the whole matter.

"The Parson acknowledged the same, but said, 'Had the
Witnesses been credible persons, they swore enough to have
found the Bill, and brought the matter to trial.' I answered,
' That was his opinion, but I would not tell him what was mine,
nor upon what we went'

" I said there were many mistakes in the printed book of that
trial, both as to questions asked by the- Jury, and as to what
the Witnesses said — for instance, it said, ' We asked whether this
paper, or the Association in this paper was read in the House
of Commons, whereas no such question was asked. The Parson
said, 'No, it was whether there was not debate or discourse in
the House of Commons about an Association.' 'Yes,' said I
'it was so; and whether the Act about the Association in Queen
Elizabeth's time was not read.'

"Another thing, one of the Witnesses said, ' My Lord Shaftes-
bury was sorry the King did not see his own danger,' and in the
printed book, it is, ' He was glad the King did not see his own
danger,' which is very different.

"I said there were many other mistakes in the printed relation,
though it was said to be published by authority ; yet no person
owning it, we did not trouble ourselves about it, but satisfied
ourselves in having faithfully discharged our consciences.

202 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Then I took leave, and my Lord accompanied

me to the gate."

In February, 1683, the Foreman, Sir Samuel Barnadiston,
was tried for a misdemeanour on account of having in
three private letters decried the Popish Plot, and predicted
as probable an early change in the King's surroundings,
especially the restoration, to office of the Duke of Mon-
mouth, &c. He was convicted, and sentenced to a fine
of ;£'lO,000 ! *

In November, 1684', Thomas Papillon as Defendant in
an action for False Arrest incurred the indirect censure
of the Judge respecting ^^ Ignoramus Juries." He also was
sentenced to a fine of ;£'io,ooo !

And Wilner, Foreman of the Grand Jury which acquitted
Colledge, was soon after tried on a charge of "Replegiando
Hominem" for having sent abroad on business a lad in
his employment."!"

* See "State Trials."

t See Sir — Hawk's Remarks on certain Trials, published in "State Trials."

CHAPTER XL

ELECTION OF SHERIFFS FOR THE CITY OF LONDON —
ARREST OF THE LORD MAYOR — PROSECUTION.

Origin and course of the conflict between Court and Country Parties in
the City, 1680 to 1682 — Election of a Court Party Mayor obtained in
1681 — -Conversation of Papillon with Lord Mayor in April, 1682, relative
to approaching Election of Sheriffs — Roger North on the situation — Dudley
North's previous career and character — The Court resolves on the Election
of Roger North as Sheriff — the Freemen of the City on that of Papillon
and Dubois — The Lord Mayor nominates North — the Common Hall
reject his Nomination — Legal opinions on the case — Adjournment of
the Hall ignored by the Sheriffs, viho proceed with the Poll — they are
committed to the Tower — The King in Council requires a new Election-
two Polls with opposite results — The Lord Mayor declares in favour of
North and Box as the new Sheriffs — Box fines off — A new Hall —
Attendance and action of Train Bands in Guildhall — The Lord Mayor's
assumed indignation at conduct of Country Party — Sir John Lawrence
and Sir Robert Clayton deny his charges — Papillon and Dubois present
a declaration claiming to be sworn in — the Lord Mayor refuses to receive
it, or to attend to the remonstrances of Aldermen — Proceedings at Law
— the Lord Mayor refuses to give an appearance — he is arrested at the
instance of Papillon and Dubois, and consents to an appearance —He
summons Papillon before the Court of Aldermen, to account for his
conduct — Papillon is much abused by some of the Court — ^he calmly
defends the course taken — Prosecution and conviction of the two Ex-
Sheriffs — ^real object of their trial — In consequence of the result, Papillon
and Dubois withdraw their suit against the Lord Mayor — "Quo Warranto"
against the City's Charter — Rye House Plot— Song on the loss of the
Charter — Sir William Pritchard, the Lord Mayor, sues Papillon for false
and malicious arrest, and obtains a verdict for ;£'io,ooo — Papillon retires
to Holland — Efforts of relatives and friends to obtain his release from
the Judgment — he refuses to compromise his course of action — On change
of Politics in Court of James II., 1688, Sir WilUam Pritchard gladly
releases Papillon.

HROUGHOUT life Thomas Papillon had
resisted the exercise of arbitrary and unjust
power. 1 — In opposing the action of Fairfax's
Army with regard to the Parliament and
London in 1647. 2 — In the matter of the
government of the French Church in London.
3 — In resisting the exactions of the Customs and Excise

204 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Courts as recorded in Chapter IV. 4 — In the East India
Company, as in Chapter VI. 5 — On various occasions
in Parliament. 6 — In the trial of the Earl of Shaftesbury.
And now that the Government were invading the rights of
the City of London, he stood to his colours, and was drawn
into the vortex which swamped many — some in death,
and more in exile. Happily for the cause and Country,
nay, for all Europe, and the world at large, the Revolution
brought restoration, as shall the Resurrection of the just
to all believers.

But though involved in politics, Thomas Papillon was
not politic ; and while his love of justice, and dread of
Popery led him into many contests, his love of peace and
high sense of loyalty often rendered the task uncongenial,
and his action somewhat feeble.

In his prosecution before Lord Chief Justice Jeffreys,
the latter truly said of him : —

" ' I know Mr. Papillon's humour so well that I am confident
he would much rather have been contented to sit in his counting-
house than in Guildhall in a scarlet gown. Alack-a-day, I know
Mr. Papillon knows how to spend his time to better advantage
to himself.' And then he proceeded to declaim against his
conduct as the fruit of a common design in the City to subvert
the Government ; but he little knew, and less valued, the power
of those Huguenot principles which had guided him through
life."

In the conflict of the " Court " and " Country " parties
the City of London played an important part on the side
of the latter. It was the focus of the wealth, commerce,
and aristocracy of the kingdom ; and its proximity to the
seat of Parliament and the Court, increased its influence.

Though Parties were distinctly formed. Party Government

• was yet far distant; and those who opposed the Court were

treated as personal enemies, however loyal they might be.

CHOICE OF SHERIFFS FOR LONDON — 1680. 20$

(Papillon himself had experienced this in his exclusion
from the Directory of the East India Company in 1677,
as mentioned in Chapter VI.)

And the City, foreseeing that its course of action might
render it obnoxious to the Government, resolved in 1680
to fortify itself in the Courts of Law by the election of
Sheriffs who would appoint sound Juries, both Grand and
Petty ; and this was the more requisite, as the Judges were
not only appointed by the Crown, but were removable at
its pleasure.

The conduct of the leaders in the City is thus described
by Thornton in his ^^ History of London" pp. 222-3, temp.
1680 :—

"They put up and supported Slingsby Bethel and Henry
Cornish, two Independents, in opposition to Box and Nicholson,
who were offered by the Court : The two former having the shew
of a considerable majority, and a poll being demanded on behalf
of the latter, a tumult ensued, which was improved by the Lord
Mayor and other devotees of the Court into a Riot. And the
matter was represented to the King with such aggravating
circumstances that his Majesty, the same evening, issued a
Commission for the trial of the Rioters.

"This, however, was so far from deterring the Anti-Court
Party that they supported the Country interest with greater spirit,
and not only pursued all measures for a vigorous prosecution of
the Popish Conspirators, but likewise for excluding the Duke of
York from the succession.

"The King to prevent the execution of their designs, prorogued
the Parliament; in consequence of which the Lord Mayor, Alder-
men, and Common Council presented a Petition to his Majesty,
representing the prejudice it would be to himself and the Nation
should the Parliamentary enquiry into the late Plot be stopped
and prevented, and the bad consequences that must result from
their being disenabled to proceed against those Lords who had
been impeached for Treason. They therefore humbly prayed

2o6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

that he would permit the Parliament immediately to sit, as the
only means to quiet the minds and extinguish the fears of his
Protestant people.

"This Petition gave great offence to the King, and to shew
his resentment he immediately dissolved the Parliament; and
writs being issued for a new Election, the Citizens exerted
themselves with such diligence that on the 4th February, i68t,
notwithstanding the great efforts made by the Court Party to
oppose them, they re-chose their four late Representatives, viz. :
Sir Robert Clayton, Sir Thomas Player, Thomas Pilkington, and
William Love, Esquires.

*****

"In June, 1681, the Citizens obtained another victory over
the Court Party, by electing Pilkington and Shute, for Sheriffs, in
opposition to others offered by the Court.

" The King soon after shewed his resentment at this ; for on
the 13th October, the two Sheriffs being sent with the Recorder
to desire the honour of his Majesty's company at Guildhall, on
the approaching Lord Mayor's Day, his answer was ' Mr. Recorder,
an invitation from the Lord Mayor and City is very acceptable
to me ; and to shew that it is so, notwithstanding that it is brought
by messengers so unwelcome to me as those two Sheriffs are, yet
I accept it.' "

In giving this reply, it may be presumed the King was
well aware of the victory he had obtained on Michaelmas
Day, in the election of Sir John Moore as the new Lord
Mayor. That event is thus described by Burnett, in his
" History of his own Times " : —

" He [Sir John Moore] was the Alderman on whom the Election
fell in course. Yet some who knew him well were for setting
him aside, as one whom the Court would easily manage. He
had been a Nonconformist himself, till he grew so rich, that he
had a mind to go through the dignities of the City ; but though
he conformed to the Church, yet he was still looked on, as
one that favoured the Sectaries : And upon this occasion he
persuaded some of their preachers to go among their congregations

'DRINKING' TO A SHERIFF-ELECT, 207

to get votes for him. Others, who knew him to be a flexible and
faint-hearted man opposed his Election. Yet it was carried for
him.

" The opposition that was made to his Election had sharpened
him so much that he became in all things compliant to the Court,
in particular to Secretary Jenkins."

Of the conduct of Jenkins in this and other matters
relative to the City, Burnett says : —

" He seemed to think it necessary to bring the City to a
dependence on the Court in the fairest methods he could fall
on ; and if these did not succeed, that then he was to take the
most effectual, hoping that a good intention would excuse bad
practices.''

It was well known in the City that the Whig Party
would again try to carry the election of Sheriffs, and it
was rumoured that the Lord Mayor would seek the
appointment of one of them by drinking to him*

Accordingly, on the 29th April, 1682, Thomas Papillon
visited the Lord Mayor and conversed with him on the
matter, as recorded in the following autograph M.S. And
whatever opinion may be formed as to his wisdom in this
step, it clearly evinced his loyalty both to the Lord Mayor
and to the City, and his desire to prevent contentions, and
to forestall dangers.

"29th April, 1682. — Discourse with Sir John Moore, Lord

Mayor, about Drinking to a Sheriff.

"Saturday, 29th April, 1682. — I was at my Lord Mayor's about
eight of the clock and stayed till towards ten :

* This practice was first introduced in 1585, and it often met with the tacit
assent of the Masters, Wardens, and Liverymen of the City Companies, with
whom the choice of Sheriffs duly lay ; but on various occasions this assumed
right of the Lord Mayor was disputed, and on one of them the question vfas
referred to the Judges, who gave an equivocal opinion, recommending the
acceptance of the Mayor's nominee, but leaving the rights of the Freemen an
open question.

2o8 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" Was carried into the Little Parlour, where my Lady sat, and
continued there all the while.

"After some time spent in discourse about the East India
Company affairs, and coming to speak of my wife's going into
the country, I said I had a mind to accompany her, but could
not tell whether I could, for I was to attend my Lord at the
Bridge House audit, and so desired to know when it would be.
My Lord said when the Bridge Masters were ready ; he thought
it would be about the 20th May.

" Hereupon I took occasion to say there was an affair that lay
on my Lord's hands, that might be of great consequence to the
public, and also to his Lordship : He asked 'What?' I said,
' Touching his drinking to a Sheriff.'

" If the Common Hall should not confirm the person, and his
Lordship should insist on it, the dispute might occasion great
inconvenience, possibly the loss of the Charter which was now
in contest. His Lordship said, 'Why should not he have his
freedom, as well as others?' I answered, 'No reason but he
should, but there was great caution to be used, to avoid
inconveniences at this juncture.' His Lordship said, 'Why^
what could he do?' I answered, 'He might drink to such a
person as would fine, and then the City would be left to their
free choice.'

" This my Lady seemed offended with, and said it was that
my Lord had been often told, and that all the Cabal (or some
such word) had been upon ; and said, ' What do you think my
Lord is a fool ? ' &c. I said I was no Caballer, nor acquainted
with any such, but out of respect to my Lord, as well as to
the City, I was willing to discourse my Lord about it That it
was a very critical time, and a miscarriage in the manner of
transacting this affair would be very evil. My Lady said, ' Why,
was this a more critical time than Michaelmas Day?' I said,
' Yes, the City Charter was not then in question, and an error
either on my Lord's part, or the Common Hall, in this affair
might possibly be the loss of the Charter, and how fatal that
might be could not be imagined.'

" My Lady said, ' Do you not know the reason why the Charter
was called in question?' I said, 'No indeed, Madam, I do not

DISCOURSE WITH SIR JOHN MOORE. 209

know, and shall be glad your Ladyship will tell me ? ' My Lady
seemed to know it, but would not inform me ; so I said, ' That
may be it might arise from some person giving misinformation,
and aggravating matters, because they did not go exactly according
to their minds.' Her Ladyship did much insist upon Michaelmas
Day, and that it was a strange thing to poll for a Lord Mayor — a
thing never heard of, and that if it was not against his Lordship
it would not have been put up so.' I answered, 'I did never
before know, indeed, of a poll for a Lord Mayor, but I had
known several times that Lord Mayors had been taken out of
turn; Sir Richard Ford was put by, and Sterling taken; to which
it was said that Sterling had served Sheriff before the other.' I
said, 'Alderman Fowke was put by four or five- years.' His
Lordship said, 'What great matter can there be as to one Sheriff?'
I said, 'His Lordship did know there was a great matter in it,
the Sheriffs being to return the Juries; and it was of great
moment to have good and indifferent Juries.' His Lordship
seemed to say that there had been faults in that kind on both
sides. I said, ' I knew of none, and I was never but of one,
which was contrary to my desire; but I did therein discharge
my conscience to God, my King, and Country; and I was
confident my Lord was satisfied therein,' which his Lordship
said he was.

"I said, 'If his Lordship did think it amiss to drink to one
that would fine, then he would do well to name a moderate
man, that the City might have no disgust against.' My Lady
said that people talked very extravagantly, and said such were
Papists, or popishly affected, and that my Lord would drink to
none but such and such — whereas my Lord had not said to
whom he would drink.

"I said it was very indiscreet for any persons to talk so of
any they did not know to be such, but the fault was as much
on those that charged men to be disloyal, and enemies to the
Government ; which is as much as to say a man is forsworn, and
a traitor ; but I said I did not mind what many foolish indiscreet
persons said.

" I told his Lordship that this prerogative of the Lord Mayor
had always been contested. That in Sir Robert Clayton's time

2IO THOMAS PAPILLON.

Mr. Hockenhul was drunk to, and not chosen, and by way of
expedient the matter was accommodated ; but if it was so that
the dispute was not prevented, and a Resolve not to accommodate
it, the consequences might be very fatal.

" I said, ' The common talk was that my Lord would drink
to Mr. North or Mr. Box.' My Lady said, 'Aye, Mr. North,
this is two or three day's discourse.' My Lord said, ' Mr. North,
he hardly knew ; he had once sold him lead, but Mr. Box he had
known a long time, and seemed to speak much in his favour.'

" I said, 'As to the persons I would not say anything of them,
but I thought there was some respect to be shewn to the City,
and if it were my case I should never pitch on a man that they
had twice refused.'

" In fine, perceiving my Lady a little warm, so that my Lord
did often say to her, ' Patience,' and my Lord so resolved as
not freely to discourse the matter, I said, 'All the advice that I
should give his Lordship was

"That in his secret Retirements between God and his own
soul he should beg of God to direct him, and then to act as
he should find most for God's glory, and satisfactory to his own
conscience, so that he might be able to have inward peace, and

not be afraid of any thJng without.' Then I took

leave and my Lord accompanied me to the gate,'' &c.

But Papillon w^as "a day after the fair," and with
others of like views he incurred from the Court Party
ridicule for his fears, and abuse for his interference.

The Whigs of the City were " The Faction" they were
deemed guilty in many ways, but their crying offence was
" Ignoramus Juries " — the monster " Ignoramus."

Their power to protect any whom the Court might
arraign, was more than the latter could bear. Their
plans for self-protection were reckoned seditious ; and
their motives fanatical. Each party felt it to be a
life-and-death struggle, affecting themselves and the whole
country; and so it proved.

THE LORD mayor's 'DRINKING.' 2X1

The following passages from Roger North's " Examen "
show what was taking place at the Court side, at the time
in question, pp. 600-1.

" But now, as to the fact at this time, it was from the Citizens
that the Court was first admonished of this Expedient for
regulating the Sheriffs office by a Revival of this ancient custom
of My Zord Mayor's Drinking. But after it had been com-
municated to the King, and well considered by those about him,
it was well approved of; and a resolution was taken to put it in
execution, and, if possible, to carry it through. And the King
was so sensible of his safety and interest in the consequence,
that he resolved by himself to prove the Lord Mayor, and if he
complied, to take care the Laws should defend him in it, as all
agreed they would do : — And for other disorders, if any happened,
that he would not be unprovided to assist the Government, and
keep peace in the City.

"The Lord Mayor had been before pressed by divers of the
Citizens to do it of himself; but he was scrupulous and doubtful,
and would determine nothing. At length, he was sent for by the
King, and in His Majesty's presence, divers of the Council, and
the Attorney-General (Sir Robert Sawyer), explained his power to
him, that he might nominate one Sheriff, as the Custom of the
City was, though some of his immediate predecessors thought fit
to waive it. And the King himself encouraged him with
expressions, not only of Protection but Command ; and at last,
after much hesitation, he~determined roundly to conform, and all
at once promised the King to send his Cup to any Citizen His
Majesty should nominate to him. He was slow, but sure ; and
what with his judgment that the City was in such a state that a
Regulation was become necessary, and what with the King's
promise to stand by him, together with the concurrent advice of
the Court of Aldermen, who were his regular Council, he con-
tracted a firmness of mind to pursue his point, and he made it
good ; but with many a hard rub and difficulty emerging, that
Faction stirred up against him ; as may readily be imagined by
those who know the humour of abused popularity."
02

212 THOMAS PAPILLON.

When the plan of the Court became known in the City,
numerous efforts were made to deter the Lord Mayor
from his proposed course on the one hand, and to predict
retribution in the Law Courts and Parliament, on the
other. Little, alas, did most think how despotic a monarch
the King would soon become !

North continues : —

" While these intimidations ran high, the Court at a loss for a
good man, the Citizens as busy as bees, some persuading others,
but none inclined to stand, every one wanting courage to bear the
brunt,— Sir George Jeffreys the Recorder (of the City), or through
him some of the Citizens, insinuated that the Lord-Keepe'r's
brother, a Turkey Merchant, lately arrived from Constantinople,
and settled in London, rich, and a single man, was every way
qualified to be Sheriff at this time, in case he could be prevailed

with to stand This extremely took with the King,

and soon set him at ease." *

The Lord-Keeper undertook to propose the matter to
him, and prevailed ; and throughout the contest took a
leading part. He suggested to his brother that tenure of
the office might lead to Court favour ; and as to risk from
prosecution for holding it on the Lord Mayor's Drinking, —

"He thought there was 'more squeak than wool'; for whatever
people thought was at the bottom, if a Citizen were called upon to
fill an office by the Government of the City, and obeys, where is
the crime of that ? But he knew also my Lord Mayor was in the
right, and that his proceeding would be justified." +

Thus were Court and Bench arrayed against the Country
Party, and their battle-field was the City.

The Court Champion — Dudley North — was well chosen.
He was an able and successful Merch&nt ; — a man of ready

• North's " Examen."
t North's " Life of Rt. Hon. Sir Francis North,'' &c.

CHARACTER OF SIR DUDLEY NORTH. 213

insight and deep penetration, fearless and prompt in action
and reply, upright, jovial, and good tempered. And in
addition to these gifts and graces — so useful for his new
position — he had lived for twenty years under the shade of
the Mosque of St. Sophia ; had there done battle against
Eastern knavery in the Law Courts, and outwitted his
rivals on the Exchange ; almost always feeing the Judges,
and often employing fictitious rather than real witnesses,
as the more capable at giving sound evidence. And he
generally won his cause.

Thus, scruples of procedure did not trouble him ; nor
Constitutional Rights ; nor Religious either, judging by the
portrait his brother, Roger North, has left of him. The
Lord-Keeper had easily led him to espouse the cause of
the Court Party, and he cheerfully and warmly adopted it.
In the heat of the contest he went about the City as usual,
regardless of the stir, and the forebodings of his adver-
saries, — and thus acquired the surname of the Blind
Bayard.

The Court was resolved on the Election of Dudley
North at all practicable hazards, and directed the Lord-
Keeper and the Attorney-General to be at hand at the
time, so as to support the Lord Mayor in the design.
Another case of Riot — such as had been said to occur in
1680 — seems to have been expected. During the first
day's polling various men of the Court Party swaggered
about the Guildhall Yard, using offensive language, which
the Voters treated with little more than silent contempt.
The Sheriffs, Pilkington and Shute, on account of their
persistence in carrying on the Poll after the Lord Mayor's
adjournment of the Common Hall, were sent to the
Tower. And finally, the Lord Mayor's declaration of the
so-called Election of the Court Party Candidates, North
and Rich, was made under force of arms, a Company of

214 THOMAS PAPILLON.

the City Militia being expressly in attendance, and acting
with violence towards various Aldermen of the Country
Party.

Truly, the Court's horses were Force and Riot.

The Freemen generally were resolved on electing both
their own Candidates, PapiUon and Dubois, and on rejecting
the Lord Mayor's Nomination of Dudley North. They
relied — (i) on the Charter of the City; (2) on the Law
Courts ; (3) on Parliament — to secure to them, through the
old Sheriffs, Pilkington and Shute, their free and unfettered
Election of the new ones.

Their horses were City Rights and Common Hall.

As regards the Lord Mayor, it would seem that he had
bound himself to serve the Court in the matter; but his
policy was never pronounced till the last moment. He
generally wore the garb of hesitation, but never threw off
Court influence. He began the race on his horse Nomi-
nation, made all the running on Adjournment, and finally
slipped past the winning-post on Declaration.

On the 23rd June, the eve of the Election, a Court of
Aldermen was held to consider the matter involved in the
singular form of Precept which the Lord Mayor had issued
to the various City Companies, viz., — to attend at Guild-
hall to Confirm his Election of one Sheriff, and to Elect the
other. The Recorder, Mr. Pollexfen, was called on for his
opinion, and "he declared that the right of Election of both
the Sheriffs lay in the Commonalty" or Common Hall,
" and that the Sheriffs pro tempore were judges of the Poll,
if there was one ; in which opinion the Court universally
concurred " (Thornton's " History of London," p. 224).

On the 24th June the Lord Mayor nominated North ;
the Common Hall indignantly rejected the Nomination,
and demanded a free Election of two Sheriffs out of the
four Candidates — North, Papillon, Dubois, and Box,

POLLING FOR THE SHERIFFS. 21 5

The Lord Mayor tacitly assented, and the old Sheriffs
forthwith set up Polling-tables ; and much excitement was
naturally displayed on the occasion.

The Lord Mayor and his friends seem now to have
been uneasy ; an Adjournment was mooted, and the
opinion of the Recorder was again demanded. He
supported the conduct of the Sheriffs, as similar to that
on the Election of Members of Parliament. But the
Attorney-General at once appeared, and controverted
that view, maintaining that the Sheriffs were merely
King's Officers, subject in all things to the direction of
the Lord Mayor.

The latter hesitated for some time what to do. The
Election was running strong in favour of Papillon and
Dubois. At about 6 p.m. he sent to the Sheriffs, desiring
them to stop the Polling, and to come to himself and the
Aldermen. They declined at first to quit the Polling, but
soon went up, and remonstrated against its disturbance ; —
and the Lord Mayor seemed to acquiesce. But at 7 p.m.,
after more hesitation, he rose up, saying " If I die, I die,"
he went to the Hustings, ordered the Common Cryer to
adjourn the Hall, and then left.

The crowd was so great and so excited, that in descend-
ing the steps of the building, the Lord Mayor stumbled,
and his hat fell off, which was magnified into personal ill-
usage. And on the Common Cryer prefacing the order for
Adjournment, as usual, with " God save the King !" many
in the yard cried out " No, God save the Protestant
Sheriffs ! " Of course this was Treason itself in the eyes
of the Court.

It may be well to mention that neither Papillon nor
Dubois were present during the election ; and further to
relate the conduct of Papillon on a somewhat similar
occasion two years before, as recorded in the State Trial

2l6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

of Pilkington and Shute and others : On that occasion
the Common Serjeant gave evidence as follows : —

" I remember particularly when Sir Robert Clayton was Lord
Mayor, it was about the choice of Mr. Slingsby Bethel and Mr.
Alderman Cornish [as Sheriffs] and there was a great disturbance
in the Hall ; then I came into the Court, and after I had made
my Report, I offered to give the paper to the Recorder that
was. Sir George Jeffreys. He told me that the people would
not hear him, and therefore he would not take the paper. Upon
that Sir Robert Clayton said to me, 'Prithee, do thou speak to
them, they will hear thee if they will hear anybody; for the
Hall was in a great uproar, and they called to throw me off the
hustings, and then I made answer to Sir Robert Clayton; 'Sir,
it is not the duty of my office, and when I do any thing that
is not my office, I shall expect particular directions.' Then saith
he, 'You must tell them, I must adjourn them till Monday,
because I go to the Old Bailey to try the assassinators of Arnold.'
Thereupon the Hall was adjourned, and Proclamation made to
depart; and my Lord Mayor attempting to go, was beat back
twice or thrice, but at last they let him and the Aldermen go,
and kept the Sheriffs and me till evening. At last Mr. Papillon
came up to me ; ' Mr. Papillon,' says I, ' I am glad to see you,
you will hear reason ; ' says he, ' Why do you not go on with
the Poll?' I told him, 'My Lord Mayor had adjourned the
Hall' Says he, 'I did not hear it before; but now you tell
me so, I will go out of the Hall.' Says I, ' Sir, you will do very
well to tell the Hall so;' which he did, and some went away; and
further adjournments were made by the direction of my Lord
Mayor."*

The order of Adjournment was imperfectly heard through
the noise and clamour; but doubtless the Sheriffs were
soon told of it ; still they let the polling go on till eight
p.m., and then they adjourned the Hall till Tuesday, the

* See "State Trials," 8th May, 1683.

CONTESTS ON ELECTION OF SHERIFFS. 217

27th, according to the Lord Mayor's directions. In both
the continuance of the Poll, and the Adjournment of the
Hall, they felt they were quite within their proper province.

On Monday, the 26th, complaint having been made to
the King and Council of the Lord Mayor having been
grossly insulted, the latter, with the Aldermen and Sheriffs,
were ordered to appear before them ; and after examination,
the Sheriffs were committed to the Tower, and orders given
to the Attorney General to prosecute all encouragers and
promoters of the tumult. (Thornton's " History of London,"
p. 225.)

On Tuesday, the 27th, with the advice of the Court of
Aldermen, the Lord Mayor again adjourned the Hall to
the 5th July. A Protest signed by various Citizens was
entered against this adjournment, as a dangerous proceed-
ing, and an invasion of the rights and liberties of the City,
which they were all bound by oath to maintain.

On the 29th, the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen
published a Collection of Records relating to the Election
of Sheriffs, as a Response to Statements which had been
printed by the opposite party. The latter entered a
Protest against the Collection as imperfect and partial.

On the Sth July, the Recorder brought word from the
Lord Mayor that he was ill in bed, and that he desired
the Hall to Adjourn till the 7th; but the Hall, feeling
that the Lord Mayor had no power to Adjourn them till
the Election was complete, refused to be Adjourned, and
completed the Election ; and the Sheriffs declared it to
have fallen on Papillon and Dubois.* The polling being
as follows, viz. : —

* That "the Sherififs and Common Hall had good ground for resisting the
Lord Mayor's Adjournment, existed in the fact that it had been decided a
few years before in the Courts of Common Pleas and King's Bench (Turner
V. Sir Samuel Starling, Lord Mayor), that the Lord Mayor could not dismiss

2l8 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"July Sth, 1682.
"Whereas the Poll touching the Election of Sheriffs for the
Cittie of London and Countie of Middx. for the yeare ensuing
by sundry Adjournments hath beene continued from Saturday,
June the 24th last past unto this present day, And whereas
Proclamacon hath beene made, and due attendance given to take
the same accordingly, Now upon the casting up, and adjusting
the Bookes wherein the same was taken, it doth appeare,

" Votes

" For Dudley North, Esq 1552

„ Thomas Papillon ... ... ... 2750

,, John Dubois ... ... ... ... 2706

„ Mr. Ralph Box 1606

"Whereby the Election is fallen upon the said Thomas Papillon
and John Dubois, Wee doe therefore desire according to the Act
of Common Councell for that purpose made That Proclamacon
be made in the Court of Hustings That the said Thomas Papillon
and John Dubois doe come forth and take the said Office of
Sheriffs upon them, upon the Penaltyes in the said Act menconed.

"Tho. Pilkington,
"Saml. Shute."

On the 7th July, many of the Court of Aldermen felt
that the Election declared by the Sheriffs must be set
aside by law, before it could be ignored ; whereupon it
was suggested that the matter should be argued before
them by Counsel ; the Country Party called on Pollexfen
and Williams ; and the Court Party on Sir George Jeffreys
and Saunders, both of whom were engaged in the Quo
Warranto against the Charter. On the opinion of the
latter, backed, it is said, by a letter from a Minister of
State, the Lord Mayor again adjourned the Hall to the
14th July.

the Common Hall without the consent or against the will of the electors ; — Sir
Matthew Hale remarking that "if my Lord Mayor were allowed such a
privilege, it would directly tend to the subversion of all the privileges of the
City." This was in respect of the election of a Bridgemaster. — Ralph's
" History of England," vol. I., p. 691,

THE ELECTION QUASHED. 219

On the 13th, the King in Council sent for the Lord
Mayor, told him that the past proceedings were null and
void ; that the promoters would be prosecuted for a Riot^
and severely punished ; and that he must return to the
City, and commence the Election de novo ; and an order
to that effect was drawn out, and delivered to the Mayor.

" C. R.

"At the Court at Whitehall, the 13th of July, 1682; Present,
The King's Most Excellent Majestic, &c.

" His Majestie having been informed by the Lord Mayor and
divers of the Aldermen of London, That the Disorders and Riots
arisen in that City upon the day appointed for the Election
of Sheriffs have been chiefly occasioned by the Proceedings of
the Common Hall in an irregular way, contrary to what hath
been anciently accustomed ;

" His Majestie by the advice of his Council hath thought fit
for the better keeping of the peace of the City, to direct, and
hereby to require the Lord Mayor to maintain and preserve
entire the ancient customs of the City.

" And for the better doing thereof, to take effectual order that
at the Common Hall to be held to-morrow, all proceedings be
begun anew, and carried on in the usual manner, as they ought to
have been upon the 24th day of June last."

On the 14th July, the Common Hall being again
assembled, the Lord Mayor caused the King's Order to be
read, and the people listened respectfully. Some requested
that the Act of Parliament of 7 Charles L, declaring the
interposition of the Privy Council in Civil causes and
matters to be contrary to the laws of the land, might be
read ; but this the Lord Mayor refused, nor would he
allow various questions to be put.

By advice of the Court of Aldermen, he declared Dudley
North to be Sheriff-Elect ; but the Hall rejected it, and
demanded a poll for the election of both the Sheriffs. To

220 THOMAS PAPILLON.

this the Lord Mayor agreed, and books were accordingly-
prepared by the Town Clerk ; but the hour being late, the
Election was deferred till the next day.

On the 15th, the Lord Mayor renewed his assent to the
election of both Sheriffs ; and the old Sheriffs, with the
approval of the Common Hall, proceeded. But before
long, the Common Serjeant and others told them they had
the Lord Mayor's order to conduct it themselves ; and
accordingly they opened separate books, and refused to
poll for more than one Sheriff.

This change on the part of the Lord Mayor, it is said
was due to a letter from Secretary Jenkins.

At about 6 p.m. the Sheriffs, having finished their poll,
demanded the Common Serjeant's books, so that both sets
might be cast-up, but he refused to deliver them ; so they
cast-up their own alone, viz. : —

" For Dudley North 107

„ Papillon ... ... ... ... 2487

„ Dubois 2480

„ Box 173"

And—

"Against Confirmation of North ... ... 2414"

In the Common Serjeant's Books were —

"For Box 1180

„ Papillon ... ... ... ... —

„ Dubois ... ... .. — "

In the evening the Sheriffs came on the Hustings, and
declared the number of votes taken by them ; and then
went up to the Lord Mayor, who with some Aldermen
came down. But what was there whispered by the
Common Serjeant could not be called a publishing of

NORTH AND BOX DECLARED SHERIFFS. 221

anything, few having heard a word of what was said. But
it proved, eventually, to be the Lord Mayor's Declaration
of the Election of North and Box ! !

The Lord Mayor and Aldermen having withdrawn, the
Sheriffs declared to the Common Hall that their Election
had fallen on Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois ; and so the
Hall dissolved.

Before long Box fined off, being unwilling to encounter
actions-at-law for service on undue Election ; but, as the
new Sheriffs must be sworn in on the 28th September, a
Common Hall was summoned on the 19th, to supply the
vacancy. The proceedings on the occasion are recorded in
a M.S. found among Papillon's papers, as follows : —

"Tuesday, y= 19th Sept., 1682. — There being a Common
Hall between 10 and 11 of the clock, the Mayor and about
thirteen of his Aldermen came down upon the Hustings, and the
Common Cryer began to make Proclamation in words to this
purpose, viz. : — ' Ye good men of the Livery summoned to

appear here this day to chuse a Sheriff' Upon which almost

the whole Hall cried out, ' No, no ! ' and some said, ' We have
chosen Sheriffs already !' which cries continued very long and
loud ; and if the Common Cryer did say anything further, it was
with so low a voice, and the cry so great, that those that were
before him heard it not ; but the Lord Mayor and Aldermen
presently withdrew. Upon which divers called for the Sheriffs
to come forward on the Hustings ; but the Common Serjeant
appearing with a paper in his hand, offered to speak; but the Hall
would not hear him, and continued to cry out, ' Away with the
Common Serjeant ! let the Sheriffs come forth ! ' And accordingly
they' did, as soon as room was made for them. Then they were
required to put this question — ' As many of you as are of opinion
that Thomas Papillon and John Dubois, Esqrs., are legally chosen
Sheriffs of London and the County of Middlesex for the year
ensuing, and will abide by that choice, hold up your hands !'
to which almost the whole Hall expressed their consent by lifting
up their hands, and loud acclamations; then was the same

222 THOMAS PAPILLON.

question put in the negative, to which there were very few hands.
Notwithstanding, the Poll was demanded upon the question ; then
did the Sheriffs put a question to this purpose. Whether it were
the pleasure of that Hall that the present Sheriffs should manage
that Poll and the rest of the business of the Common Hall, which
question was also put in the Negative, but carried in the Affirmative
almost unanimously. Then the Sheriffs told the Hall that they
would acquaint my Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen what
they had done; and accordingly they went up, and soon after,
my Lord Mayor and his Aldermen came down upon the Hustings,
upon which the Poll upon the aforesaid question was demanded
of his Lordship, and his Lordship seeming to take no notice
of it, Mr. Canterill went out of the Pitt, crossed the Hustings
to his Lordship's chaire, and told him the aforesaid question
as it had been put, and that he had demanded a Poll upon
the Sheriffs, and told him that if his Lordship claimed any
Jurisdiction there, he did likewise demand the Poll of his
Lordship; but his Lordship not answering, he askt him again
whether he did grant the Poll, but obtaining no answer, he asked
him again whether he denied the Poll, but he answered nothing
at all. Now the Common Serjeant came forward with a paper
in his hand, as if he would have said something ; but if he did
speak at all, those that stood just before him and beside him
did not hear him speak one word ; upon which some few people
behind him shouted, and threw up their hats; upon which y= Lord
Mayor and his Aldermen withdrew, and the Sheriffs adjourned
y Poll for an hour ; and afterwards some persons in the Hall
told us that Peter Rich, Esq. was chosen Sheriff.

"Sir Thomas Player,

"Mr. Juckes,

" Mr. Rulle,

" Mr. Cockerill."

Thus the opposing parties pursued their respective ends ;
the one on regal power and silent contempt, the other on
Civil Rights noisily proclaimed.

Roger North, in his " Examen," charges the Earl of
Shaftesbury with having, when in power, promoted an

FINAL DECLARATION OF SHERIFFS. 223

undue lowering of the City franchise, in favour of the
Country Party, and of what he is pleased to term
" Ignoramus Juries ; " and certainly the popular element
was very manifest in the Election ; but the autocratic
element appeared even as strongly on the other side, to
the subversion of legal rights.

And now nothing remained to complete the play, but
for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to swear in their own
Sheriffs under a guard of the City Trained Bands, and in
face of the protest of those elected by the people.

This occurred on the 28th September. A party of the
Trained Bands had been placed in and about Guildhall
on the previous night; and in the morning Papillon and
Dubois proceeded thither, escorted by their friends,
Aldermen Sir John Lawrence, Sir Robert Clayton, Sir
Patience Ward, Sir John Shorter, and Mr. Cornish.

On arrival they were politely allowed to pass in, but
on the Colonel in command coming on the scene, he
forced them away from the Hustings end of the Hall,
meeting their remonstrances by the assertion of orders
from the Lieutenancy — in other words from the Mayor.

On the entry of the Lord Mayor the said Aldermen
followed him into the Council Chamber, and took with
them Papillon and Dubois.

My Lord Mayor at once exclaimed : —

" Gentlemen, here are fine doings, to go and swear Sheriffs,
and I not present ! "

Sir John Lawrence replied : —

" Whoever told your Lordship so misinformed your lyordship ;
we came very peaceably to the Hall to perform our duty, and
know well what it is to administer an Oath, and had not the
slightest intention of such a thing, but to lay our claim by
presenting Sheriffs."

224 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Sir Robert Clayton also told his Lordship he ought
to be angry with those that had given him false information,
rather than with those he was misinformed of; and that
nothing was intended or designed contrary to his Lordshifs
frequent and public Declaration, which was that the matter
should be determ,ined by Law ; and it was advised that
could not be done, unless Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois
did present themselves to be sworn.

Whereupon his Lordship seemed to rest satisfied ; and
immediately the rest of the Aldermen, with the other
Sheriffs, coming in, Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois
presented themselves to his Lordship, and Mr. Papillon
read a paper,* the contents whereof were as follows : — ;

"To THE Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court
OF Aldermen : The humble Declaration of Thomas
Papillon, Mercer, and John Dubois, Weaver, Citizens
OF London.

" Our absence in the Country on Midsummer day last, and
for some time before and since, and our being personally strangers
to, and no way appearing or concerning ourselves with, any of
the transactions or proceedings then or since used in the Choice
of Sherififs for this Honourable City and County of Middlesex
for the ensuing year, would have excused our attendance upon
your Lordship and this Honourable Court at this time, and upon
this occasion, had we not been informed by divers, that by the
Suffrages of the majority of the Citizens in Common Hall, We
were, and stand duly elected Sheriffs for this City and the
County of Middlesex for the ensuing year.

" Now though our personal unacquaintance with the Proceedings
used in that affair hath been such, and that we have not received
any Intimation or Command concerning the same from your
Lordship or this Honourable Court, whereby we might have had

* This Declaration was prepared by Papillon's Son-in-law, Edward Ward,
Barrister, who became Attorney-General in March, 1693, and Chief Baron
of the Exchequer in June, 1695. The M.S. is among Papillon's papers.

LORD mayor's refusal OF TENDER. 225

an opportunity of declaring ourselves either ready to accept or
desirous to be excused from that ofiSce, as hath been usual in
former cases of the like nature ; yet in regard of the aforesaid
Information, and that the time for such Declaration, as well as for
any further Election, is now elapsed, and not knowing of what
consequence it may be to us, nor what inconveniences or hazard
we might be obnoxious or exposed unto, if we should continue
silent or passive in that affair ;

" Therefore, for the avoiding all prejudices and inconveniences,
we have thought it a duty incumbent on us to appear at this time
before your Lordship and this Honourable Court, not to debate
or question any of the proceedings or transactions in this matter,
nor officiously to court an office so chargeable in itself, and so
ip^convenient to us ; but, as being Citizens of London, and so
under obligation to serve the King and country, when duly called
thereto ; and desirous to excuse ourselves from all imputation of
crime or neglect of duty that might be charged upon us ; we do
with all submission hereby declare unto your Lordship and this
Honourable Court that we are ready and do now tender ourselves
to take upon us the office of Sheriffs for the City of London and
County of Middlesex for the ensuing year, and to be sworn and
admitted into that office according to our Election ; and in order
thereunto, to attend your Lordship and the Aldermen to the
Hustings, or elsewhere, and either there or in any other proper
place and manner to take the oaths of the said office, and such
other oaths as the Law requires, and further to do and perform
whatsoever the Law or the Rights and Customs of this City
require of us concerning the said office ; and we humbly beg your
Lordship's and the Court's answer therein.

" Guildhall, 28 September, 1682.

"Thomas Papillon.
"John Dubois."

The virhich having read, Mr. Papillon presented it to my
Lord Mayor ; but he refusing to take it, Mr. Papillon gave
it to a Member of the Court, who accepted to prove the
tender of themselves.

And his Lordship being pressed to take the matter into

226 THOMAS PAPILLON.

debate, for that the Aldermen had been summoned to a
Court, he answered — There was no business. To which it
was replied : —

" We have much to say; for the Citizens seem to be thrown out
of possession of the Sheriffwick, which they have enjoyed so
many ages by free election. We desire fairly to tender our
Sheriffs, in order to have the business more fairly determined at
Law, according to your Lordship's promise and answer to the
many addresses made, that the Law should determine it ; and it
is the only way left us, though troublesome and chargeable. And
we also desire the matter may be debated, that an answer may be
given to the Sheriffs who have tendered themselves."

Sir Patience Ward then moved that the aforesaid paper,
and his Lordship's refusal of it, might be recorded. Then
Sir Robert Clayton whispered to his Lordship, and told him
that if he took a vote of the Court, he would engage them
in it, and their averseness to it ought to alarm him not to
take it upon himself; upon which he did hesitate some
time, but yet at length was prevailed with to go to the
Hustings without further ado, taking Mr. North, and
calling to Mr. Rich to go with him. Mr. Papillon and
Mr. Dubois went along with him also, and did prepare
themselves to have spoken to his Lordship and the Court
on the Hustings, and so did several of the Aldermeni
the Lord Mayor having declared in the Council Chamber
that they might say what they had to say on the Hustings :
But his Lordship would not hear them when they came
thither; and the Military Guards, after admitting a few
persons, closed again, so that the Liveries attending
could not come near; and then his Lordship called Mr.
North and Mr. Rich to the book to be sworn. Mr.
Papillon, being on the Hustings, pressed the Lord Mayor
that he might be heard ; but my Lord refusing to hear

NORTH AND RICH SWORN IN. 227

him, Mr. Papillon presented a paper, signed by himself
and Mr. Dubois, as follows, the substance of which he
designed to have spoken: —

"To THE Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Aldermen
AT THE Court of Hustings, in the Guildhall, London,
assembled for the admission and swearing the sheriffs
for the City' of London and County of Middlesex for

THE ensuing year, THIS 28TH OF SEPTEMBER, 1682.

" We do here present ourselves, and are ready to take upon
ourselves the Office of Sheriffs of this Honourable City of London
and County of Middlesex for the ensuing year, to which as we
are informed, we are chosen by the Majority of the Citizens, at
the Common Hall of this City ; and we are here ready, and do
tender ourselves to be admitted thereunto, and to take the Oath of
Office, and such other Oaths as the Law requires, and to do
and perform whatsoever the Law or the Rights and Customs
of this City require of us, relating to that Office.

" But this Paper being rejected by his Lordship with great
heat, it was delivered to Sir John Lawrence as an evidence of
their tender; upon this Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois went to
the Book with Mr. North and Mr. Rich, and Mr. Papillon laid
his hand on the Book, and continued it there for some time,
until the Lord Mayor and some of the Aldermen commanded
them to forbear, and to keep the Peace, and be gone; which they
complied with, and retired; having before earnestly pressed to
be heard, for that they had something of importance to say;
and some of the Aldermen said, ' My Lord, when we came
out of the Council Chamber you said what we had to say on
the -subject, we might speak on the Hustings, and therefore we
claim of it right to be heard;' but he refused all, and ordered
the Officer to proceed in Administering the Oath to North and
Rich, whereupon the duly elected Sheriffs and six Aldermen
withdrew, Protesting against all the Irregular and Illegal
Proceedings." *

* A M.S. account by Thomas Papillon is to the same effect ; it gives fuller
particulars in some points, but is not so full on the whole ; as is sure to result
from the narrative of only one person engaged.
P2

228 THOMAS PAPILLON.

By a M.S. paper of Thomas Papillon it appears that
on 27th July and Sth and 12th September, 1682, the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen returned answer to various
petitions which were presented to them touching the
mode of conducting the Election of Sheriffs : —

"That wherein they thought they [the Lord Mayor and
Aldermen] did otherwise than according to Law, the Law must
judge between them : Accordingly, a Mandamus was brought
against the Lord Mayor and Aldermen on the 28th November,
1682, and a Return made to it, denying that Papillon and Dubois
had been duly returned as Sheriffs, and therefore refusing to
comply with the Writ by swearing them into office. A Writ
was taken out in Hilary Term, and the Coroner attended the
Lord Mayor, Sir William Pritchard, requiring him to give an
appearance; several of the Aldermen were attended in like
manner; six of them said they would appear, but did not;
others made some scruples, and desired the Coroner to attend
on the Court of Aldermen; he attended the Court, and was
asked if he came to execute them; he said, 'No, but to desire
an appearance : ' he asked the Court if they would indemnify
him; they answered, 'No.' He told them, he hoped that in
case he was troubled for not doing his duty, they would let the
City Counsel defend him ; they answered, ' No. '

" Another Writ was taken out the same term, but it expired,
and nothing was done upon it : and in Easter Term another was
brought to the Coroner."

The 24th April, 1683, at Alderman Cornish's house,

"Mr. Goodenough [Solicitor] came to Mr. Papillon and Mr.
Dubois, and told them nothing could be done to bring the right
to a fair trial unless the Lord Mayor and Aldermen would appear
to the Suit, and desired orders how to proceed. It was answered
by Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois that they desired the matter
of right might be brought to a fair trial according to the course
of law, and that what was requisite legally to be done in order
thereto, he had order for, but withal they gave him an express
charge to carry it with all respect to the Lord Mayor and

ARREST AND RELEASE OF THE LORD MAYOR. 229

Aldermen, and to go to their several houses, and desire them
to order an Attorney to appear for them; and if the Coroner
went with the Writ, he should acquaint them that he had express
orders not to insist on bail, but to accept a note to any Attorney
for an appearance.

"The Coroner granted Warrants, but went with the persons
to my Lord Mayor's house; his Lordship being at dinner, he
went away, and came again, and stayed till four o'clock, my
Lord being engaged in hearing of causes ; after his Lordship
had finished, and was retired into the Little Parlour, he went
to his Lordship, and acquainted him with the occasion, arid
desired his Lordship to give an appearance. After his Lordship
had refused the same, he acquainted his Lordship that he had
given Warrants to the persons thereto, who then arrested his
Lordship. The Coroner stayed, and finally conducted the Lord
Mayor as a prisoner to his own house."

But in about six hours came a party of the Trained
Bands ; the Coroner was arrested on a counter-charge,
and the Lord Mayor released !

An autograph M.S. of Thomas Papillon describes the
conduct of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and of their
Sheriff-elect, Sir Dudley North, on the following day,
and also that of Papillon and Dubois : —

"The 2Sth April, 1683, about eight of the clock my Lord
Mayor sent an OfBcer to Thomas Papillon, to desire him to
come to speak with his Lordship at nine of the clock ; he made
answer he would wait on his Lordship ; accordingly he went
with Mr. Peter Houblon, Mr. Samuel Swinock, and Mr. James
de New. When he came, he was called in to my Lord Mayor,
where was Sir Henry Tulse, Sir James Smith, Sir Dudley North,
Mr. Rich, Mr. Town Clerk, and several others.

" My Lord Mayor asked whether he had given orders to arrest
him. He desired his Lordship that Mr. Peter Houblon, Mr.
Samuel Swinock, and Mr. James de New, that came along with
him, might be called in, that there might be some persons to
hear and be witness of what passed, besides those present ; his
Lordship thereupon gave order to call them in; which being

230 THOMAS PAPILLON.

done, Mr. Papillon said, 'My Lord, there was an Officer of
your Lordship with me this morning, to acquaint me that your
Lordship desired to speak with me ; and that I might, according
to my duty, shew all respect to authority, I am accordingly come
to wait on your Lordship, and desire to know your Lordship's
pleasure;' whereupon my Lord asked this question, 'Whether
I had given orders to arrest his Lordship,' to which was answered
that I had given order for process to bring the right of the Citizens
to a fair trial in a peaceable and quiet way, and that I should
submit and acquiesce in the determination of the Law, and that
nothing was required but an appearance, or a note to an Attorney
to appear. My Lord Mayor said, ' Did you give order to arrest
me, and for the Officers, strangers, I know not who they were,
to take me when I was about the King's business?' To which
was answered, 'That if the Officers or persons employed had
done any thing that was illegal, or indecent, or unbecoming
them, they were to answer for that; they had express order to
require no bail, but to accept an appearance.' Sir Dudley North
said, 'The Writ was positively to arrest, and it was at the party's
option to go to prison, or give bail, or demand the favour only
of an appearance.' Thomas Papillon answered, 'He did not
understand the Law, but all that was desired was an appearance,
that the matter might fairly, and quietly, and peaceably be tried.'

"Then Mr. Dubois came in, and my Lord Mayor asked him
Whether he had given order to arrest him. Mr. Dubois said
that when the choice of Sheriffs was, he was out of town, and
knew nothing but what was the common discourse; and that
he might not be obnoxious for neglect, he had tendered himself
for the office; and that he had lent his name to try the right
of the Citizens. Sir Dudley North cried out, 'Gentlemen, pray
bear witness, he saith, he hath lent his name: To whom have
you lent your name? Mr. Dubois said he had given an order
to an Attorney to bring the matter to an issue according to the
course of Law, and if they proceeded any otherwise than in a
legal course they must answer for it' Mr. Dubois was often
pressed by my Lord Mayor, by Sir Dudley North, and especially
by Sir Henry Tulse, over and over again, to give a direct answer,
Whether he did give direction to arrest my Lord Mayor, that

PAPILLON AND DUBOIS BEFORE LORD MAYOR. 23I

the Writ was at his suit, &c. To all their often pressing Mr.
Dubois said he could give no other answer than he had given,
that he had given order to proceed in a legal course, to bring
the right to a trial; and if the Officers had done any thing illegal,
they were to answer for it.

"Sir Dudley North said, 'My Lord, Mr. Dubois saith he
hath lent his name to the Citizens, and Mr. Papillon spoke of
Citizens, which is the same thing. Pray let us know, who they
mean by Citizens, whether the Body Corporate of the City or
a few prowling fellows, being, they say, they have lent their
names. Let us know to whom.' Mr. Papillon said, ' Sir Dudley
North, I did not say I had lent my name.' ' No,' said he, ' but
you spoke of Citizens.' Mr. Papillon said, 'It is notoriously
known that we [meaning Mr. Dubois and himself] were out of
town when the choice of Sheriffs was, and we know nothing
of the affair but by common report and discourse. It is publicly
known that several Citizens did make application to the Lord
Mayor and Court of Aldermen. Whether Sir Dudley North
means them to be growling fellows, I know not ; for I know
not who they were; but I had seen something printed, said to
be the answer of the Lord Mayor given to them.' Sir James
Smith said, ' Ay, any thing may be printed ; that's nothing.' Mr.
Papillon said he did not say it was my Lord Mayor's answer
(whether it was or not he could not tell) in which the Citizens
were directed to take their course at Law ; and nothing more
was desired but that the right might be quietly and peaceably
tried ; and in order thereto, that there might be an appearance.

"Sir James Smith said some opprobrious words to Mr.
Papillon and Mr. Dubois, that they were French or Walloon
Protestants that came into this nation for refuge, and had got
estates, and would overthrow the Government, and cut our
throats, &c. Mr. Papillon said, 'Sir James, you do give very
hard and opprobrious words, to provoke, but I will not be
provoked, nor make any answer.' Sir James Smith said again,
addressing himself to my Lord Mayor, 'It is true these are
French or Walloon Protestants, and now there is come over
a great many more of late, and in a little time they will be
the same as these are.' To which my Lord Mayor replied, 'I

232 THOMAS PAPILLON.

hope the King will take a course to send them back again to
their country.

"Then some moved that the Coroner and Mr. Goodenough
might be called in before Mr. Papillon and Mr. Dubois ; but my
Lord said he could not stay ; and so they were dismissed.

" Mr. Papillon said, ' Pray my Lord, if I may ask, did not the
Officers tell your Lordship that they had order only to desire an
appearance, or an order to an Attorney to appear for your
Lordship?' His Lordship was not pleased to' answer directly
thereto, but said he had told them last term that he would not
appear. Sir Henry Tulse said they did but desire an appearance
of him.''

Meanwhile, the Court was not idle ; and within two
weeks of the Lord Mayor's arrest, an action for Riot and
Assault was brought by the Crown against the old Sheriffs,
Pilkington and Shute, and others who had been concerned
in the Election^as the King had long before threatened.

The Indictment recounted various proceedings at the
Election, and especially the Adjournment by the Lord
Mayor. The Counsel for the Defence pleaded that until
the legality of that Adjournment was settled, they had a
right to challenge the whole panel of the Jury which had
been returned by Sir Dudley North. The Lord Chief
Justice (Sir Edmond Saunders) over-ruled the plea, and
refused a Bill of Exceptions.

In reading the report of the trial, it would seem that
the guilt of the parties accused was a foregone conclusion,
and the urgency of Serjeant Jeffreys, who was third
Counsel for the Crown, is very striking.

Mr. Thompson, the leading Counsel for the Defence,
declared at the outset that the object of the trial was
really to legalize the Election as conducted by the Lord
Mayor; and although the Crown Counsel denied this,
they used every effort to establish the justice of the
proceedings.

ACTS ON THE ELECTION OF SHERIFFS, ETC. 233

The counter-evidence on this point seems to have been
given in a lame and half-hearted way, as if the witnesses
had spoken with halters round their necks.

The accused, fourteen in number, were all found guilty,
and were sentenced to fines varying from 100 to 1,000
marks: — £^o to £^00.

This decision, however, seems to have been held to be
unsound security by the party now dominant in the City ;
for on the 6th June, 1683, in a Court of Common Council,
the Committee charged with the preparation of an Act
on the subject, in referring to the Act of 7 Charles I.,
regulating the Election of Sheriffs, speak thus : —

"We are of opinion that an addition or explanation should
be made in some particulars, which seem not sufificiently provided
for thereby : And we have prepared a Bill for that purpose,
which we here present to this Honourable Court : And therein
also the said usage of the Lord Mayor's Nomination or Election
of one Sheriff is further declared, and provision made to remove
all disputes that might hereafter be made touching the saihe,
by which the peace and quiet of this City hath been of late
so greatly disturbed."

And accordingly the Bill provided that the Lord Mayor's
nominee should be held to be elected ; and the Lord Mayor,
Aldermen, and Commons were to elect the other Sheriff.

This Act of Common Council was repealed and annulled
by another Act on the 15th June, 1694; and in 1695 a
further Act was passed, " for settling the methods of calling,
adjourning, and dissolving Common Halls upon the Election
of the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs," &c. By this Act the manage-
ment of Elections was vested in the Sheriffs ; but if they
should disagree it devolved on the Lord Mayor : And the
power to dissolve the Common Halls summoned by the

234 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Lord Mayor for such Elections rested in his Lordship,
" after such Elections were made and finished, and not
otherwise^

The Verdict and Sentence against Pilkington, Shute, and
others were reversed by Parliament on the accession of
William and Mary.

In consequence of the Ruling and Verdict of this triaL
Papillon and Dubois were advised to discontinue the
prosecution of their Suit ; and accordingly on the 8th
June, 1683, the former made a declaration in Court to
that effect, and paid costs; Mr. Dubois having meanwhile
died.

But since they began their Suit in Michaelmas term,

1682, matters had taken a serious turn ; and Politics had
developed into Tragedy.

The Court had no sooner secured their own Sheriffs
than they set about to obtain a new Lord Mayor to their
mind ; and effected it only by doubtful exceptions to
voters. To crown all, they brought a Writ of Quo
Warranto against the Charter of the City ; and thus,
under cover of a legal process, seized her Liberties.

Discontent had long prevailed among the Whig Leaders,
and some of them entertained schemes of insurrection,
but resolved to wait patiently for better times. In the
City, however, ardent spirits of a lower class often met
together to plot treason ; and finally, in the spring of

1683, Josias Keiling, the very man who had arrested
the Lord Mayor, followed by Goodenough the Solicitor
in the case — revealed the Rye House Plot, in which they
were concerned — and soon afterwards, Lord William
Russell, the Earls Essex and Howard, Algernon Sydney,
and Hampden, were apprehended for treasonable con-
spiracy; and many were thus brought to the scaffold.

THE RYE HOUSE PLOT. 235

The discovery of the Rye House Plot caused a general
revulsion of feeling against the Whigs ; and reconciled
many to the unfair trials of Russell, Sydney, and Hampden.
In those days life was evidently held comparatively cheap,
as Isaiah spake to Israel, " Your hands are full of blood!'

At the time of the Election of Sheriffs, Lord Halifax
was credited with having said, "/ see there'll be hanging,
and I am resolved to hang last;" and Buncombe, the
famous Banker, that he could not see why people should
make so much fuss in the matter, for the Court only wanted
to hang some nine or ten persons who were obnoxious to
them.

And as evidence of the feeling of many relative to the
arrest of the Lord Mayor, to which Papillon and Dubois
had been driven, and the seizure of the Charter, see the
following Ballad of the day : —

"London's Lamentation, or An Excellent New Song on
THE Loss of London's Charter.

To the tune of " Packington's Pound."

" You Freemen and Masters, and Prentices mourn,
For now you are left with your Charter forlorn :
Since London was London I dare boldly say,
For your riots you never so dearly did pay ;
In Westminster Hall
Your Dagon did fall.
That caus'd you to riot and mutiny all :
Oh London ! Oh London ! Thou'dst better had none,
Than thus with thy Charter to vie with the Throne.

236 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Oh London ! Oh London ! how could'st thou pretend
Against thy Defender thy crimes to defend ?
Thy Freedom and Rights from kind Princes did spring,
And yet in contempt thou withstandest thy King :

With bold brazen face

They pleaded thy case,
In hopes to the Charter the King would give place :
Oh London ! thou'dst better no Charter at all,
Than thus for Rebellion thy Charter should fall.

Since Britons to London came over to dwell,
You had an old Charter, to buy and to sell ;
And while in Allegiance each honest man lives.
Then you had a Charter for Lord May'r and Shrieves :

But when with your pride

You began to backslide,
And London of Factions did run with the tide,
Then London, Oh London ! V« time to withdraw.
Lest the flood of your Factions the Land overflow.

4-
When Faction and fury of Rebels prevailed ;
When Coblers were Kings, and Monarchs were jailed ;
When Masters in tumults their Prentices led,
And the Tail did begin to make war with the Head ;

When Thomas and Kate,

Did bring in their plate,
T'uphold the Old Cause of the Rump of the State ;
Then tell me. Oh London ! I prithee now tell,
Hadst thou e'er a Charter to fight and Rebel?

5-
When zealous Sham Sheriffs the City oppose
In spite of the Charter, the Kings and the Laws,

BALLAD ON LOSS OF LONDON'S CHARTER. 237

And made such a riot and rout in the town,
That never before such a racket was known ;

When Rioters dare

Arrest the Lord May'r,
And force the King's Substitute out of the Chair ;
Oh London ! whose Charter is now on the lees,
Did your Charter ier warrant such actions as these i

Alas for the Brethren ! what now must they do
For choosing Whig Sheriffs and Burgesses too ?
The Charter with Patience* is gone to the pot,
And the Doctor f is lost in the depth of the Plot.

St. Stephen his Flail

No more will prevail,
Nor Sir Robert's 'dagger, the Charter to bail :
Oh London ! Thou'dst better have suffered by Fire
Than thus thy old Charter should stick in the Mire.

7-
But since with your folly, your Faction and pride,
You sink with the Charter, who strove with the tide ;
Let all the lost rivers return to the main
From whence they descended ; they'll spring o'er again ;

Submit to the King

In every thing,
Then of a new Charter new Sonnets we'll sing.
As London the Phmnix of England ne'er dies,
So out of the flames a new Charter will rise.''

Under the influence of such feelings, it cannot be
deemed strange that vengeance should be sought on
Papillon for the part he had taken ; and accordingly in

* Sir Patience Ward.— See "State Trials" &c. f Doubtless Dr. Titus Dates.

238 THOMAS PAPILLON.

November,. 1684, Sir William Pritchard, late Lord Mayor,
brought an action against him for False and Malicious
Arrest.

The Suit of Papillon v. the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,
and that of Sir William Pritchard v. Papillon, were each
brought in their own names ; but from the evidence of
Papillon's friend. Alderman Cornish, and the admission
of his own Counsel on the trial of the latter case, as
well as from Papillon's own assertions previously, it is
clear that he brought his Suit on behalf of those who
felt aggrieved throughout the City Companies; while
from copies of private correspondence of Papillon relative
to his release from Judgment in 1688, it is equally clear
that Sir William Pritchard acted under Government
influence.

Sir William's Suit resulted in a Verdict against Papillon,
with Damages of ;^ 10,000. This he did not pay; but
feeling his position in England insecure, if not even his
life,— he mortgaged his estates in Kent to his Son-in-law,
Samuel Rawstorn, and retired into Holland. In 1687,
when James IL was restoring to Municipal offices the
suppressed Whigs, and with some exceptions had issued
a general pardon to exiles, Papillon was urged by friends
at home to apply to the Crown for a release from the
Judgment; but this Papillon refused to do, as shewn by
the following summary of correspondence.

On the 1 2th August, 1687, Jane Papillon wrote to her
husband : —

"Mrs. Cook writ me a letter, which I suppose was contrived
by Sir William Pritchard, to tell me that she had solicited Sir
William to give us his release, or some way to secure us that
no future hurt should come to us by his heirs. She writes, ' He
gives her abundance of good words ; but yet she will not flatter

PAPILLON URGED TO PURCHASE FAVOUR. 239

us ; she is afraid there is a snake in the grass.' Says she, ' What
if Sir William or any of his should never be the better for the
Judgment, yet if it should be made over to the Chamber, you
are, I fear, in a worse condition than now ; and therefore,' says
she, ' if I were worthy to advise you, I would counsel that Mr.
Papillon take some care speedily to compromise that concern. If
order hath been given him [Sir William Pritchard] formerly not
to agree with you but with Royal Assent, how easily may the
friends of Mr. Papillon procure that for him : Methinks, you
seem not to know how gracious our King is, that you apply
not to his Majesty, who now, I believe, would readily grant
what you desire. You see his general pardon, his gracious
declaration of toleration ; his pardoning Mr. Pilkington and Sir
Patience Ward, who had offended him; his preferring such men
as Mr. Thomson Kiffin and Mr. Edwin into the very places of
Sir William Turner, Sir John Moor, and Sir William Pritchard,
degraded by Royal pleasure; and it is not unlikely if Mr.
Papillon was now here, we might be happy in his being Sheriff
of London, as in Sir John Shorter being Lord Mayor; for that
his Majesty at this day espouses that interest on which you
banish yourselves ; I mean the interest of tolerating the
Protestant Religion. Madam, Why should so good a man,
and so good a subject, as Mr. Papillon live out of his Country
in such a day as this, when it is manifestly the designed
endeavour of our Sovereign to have us live free and easy, in
the enjoyment of our liberty and properties? And what if
some great ones must be presented? Is not a native country
desirable? How little would Mr. Papillon regard the loss of
;^5oo or more at sea? If you can but obtain favour of his
Majesty, I doubt not but we shall procure a release from Sir
William, so that they may return and enjoy their Children and
Religion, and all that is dear to you ; and we should be highly
pleased if you might be able to contribute to this : I assure you
we shall be always ready to the utmost of our endeavours.'

"(Signed) Margaret Cooke."

Letter from Thomas Papillon, at Utrecht, to his Son-
in-law, Samuel Rawston, dated 29th December, 1687 : —

240 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" Here above you have the copy of a letter my Wife received
from M. Cooke by Cousin Showers, and also the copy of the
answer my Wife made thereunto.

" I am apt to think Mrs. Cooke's letter was written with the
privity, if not in the language, of Sir William Pritchard. You
are not ignorant how vast a loss that has been to me, and how
exceedingly prejudicial the matter has been to my Family ; and
the continuance of it is a very great burden, from which I would
be gladly freed; yet after many thoughts spent thereupon, I
cannot think it any way proper for me to made any application
but only to Sir William Pritchard; for whatever secret orders
or directions are intimated to be given, it was (if any) to him ;
and I doubt not it would be accounted criminal (or at least
it might be so) for me to think, and by any advice to employ
as if I thought, the Royal Majesty and Goodness did promote
and set forward Suits and quarrels between Subjects.

"His present Majesty hath manifested abundant grace and
mercy in pardoning many that were guilty of the highest crimes
against him, both by his general as also by particular pardons,
and it was a great aggravation of my misfortunes to have fallen
into a private hand, that stops the current of Royal Bounty
from flowing unto me.

" When you, or my Daughter, can with conveniency, it may
not be amiss to give a visit to Mrs. Cooke, to enquire of matters,
and to learn how she came to write in such forms, and how
my Wife's answer was taken; and how Sir William Pritchard
is inclined; and in case you judge it proper, you may speak
to Sir William yourself, as from me; but I cannot as before
noted, make application elsewhere; nor am I willing to be at
any charge concerning it.

"If you or my Son Ward can think of any other proper
medium for me to take, pray let me by this Bearer receive full
intimations. Remember my love to Son and Daughter Ward,
and my love to your Wife.

"Your loving and affectionate Father,

"Thomas Papillon.
"Pray shew this to my Son Ward, and advise with him together,
before you do anything; and if my Daughter Ward can spare time
to go with your Wife to Mrs. Cooke, it may be best."

LETTER FROM ELIZABETH WARD. 24I

Letter from Elizabeth Ward to her Father, Thomas
Papillon, dated i6th February, 1688 : —

"Although I doubt not you will have a perfect account of
what relates to our great affair from another hand, yet having
the opportunity to write with freedom, that I may not be thought
unconcerned, and you may have a double testimony,— I beg
leave to give you the following account :

"Monday, 15th, we waited on Mrs. Cooke, who by asking if
there was no hope of seeing Mr. Papillon return, gave a good
opportunity for free discourse, she seemed very hearty in good
wishes, and ready to do any thing that might tend to our ease
and satisfaction, and told us that her husband and self had
often soUcited Sir William Pritchard about it, but to no purpose :
That she finding my Lady pretty well, who has been of late
much troubled with fits and vapours, did desire, if it might not
trouble her, to say something of Mr. Papillon; upon my Lady's
answer that it would not, she said, since Sir William has declared
that he nor none of his should ever be the better for that
Judgment, why would he not release it, that so he (Mr. Papillon)
might have freedom to see his native Country and Relations.
The Lady replied that though he had said that he nor his should
be the better for it, what if the City should? This hint gave
Mrs. Cooke occasion to write as she did ; yet both Mr. Cooke
and his Lady say they verily beUeve Sir William has not given
it out of his power; but that this was rather the effect of the
Lady's fear and concern.

"Sir WilUam's answer to them is still that he has promised
the King not to do any thing without his leave, and that since
the general pardon, as well as before, he did ask if he might
have leave (to make an end) and had this answer, 'No; for had
not Mr. Papillon been safe on that account, he had been excepted
out of the general pardon ; ' upon which account they think it
not fit for him to venture without a particular pardon, although
this Judgment were released : They think Sir William's interest
is now so low, being out of favour, and so turned out of place,
that should he adventure to obtain [seek] leave himself, it would
rather hinder than advantage the design.

242 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Mr. Cooke wonders the City does not in general make it
their request that so worthy a member might be restored, since
it was for their sakes he suffered. I think they would be glad
to cast the blame of the business to any others.

" We fully urged the great loss it has been to Mr. Papillon
in his trade — children — hazards of health, and concerns here;
and that we could not in this make applications to any but
Sir William Pritchard, it not being fit for us to take notice of
any thing that passed between the King and him : And yet
whatever had been said at the trial, or otherwise, by any, as
to making the Arrest a public concern, was not to the purpose ;
for no man, surely, desiring a legal appearance can be the
occasion of disturbance in him that desires it, but ought to be
yielded to by all who live under Government; and that after
the Arrest, the withdrawing the Action, and paying the Charges,
should have satisfied. That at the trial it was over and over
again given upon oath by Sir Henry Tulse, that it was Sir
William Pritchard's private Action, and that the City was no
way concerned in giving directions about it, or any other way;
therefore we know of no other way but to address to him, having
no sense of any other offence ; and must lie under this till God
shall dispose him to release it.

"They (Mr. and Mrs. Cooke) say they will be very willing
to forward the Release all they can, but think it must be done
some other way; for it will not, they think, be done this way:
And if any person on Mr. Papillon's account would move the
King that he might have liberty to return, and should receive
your answer that he does not keep out, it is a private business,
it might be answered that Sir William Pritchard is willing to
release if he (the King) will give leave.

"Friday, the 2nd. Gentlemen were with Sir William, and
had long discourse, and left nothing unsaid, but could obtain
no more but that he never made any promise or grant of the
thing, save his saying in the Court of Aldermen soon after the
Verdict, that he would make no advantage; but what was received
or recovered should go to the Orphans : That he holds himself in
no sort bound by that promise because he is now resolved that
neither he nor any of his, nor any other whatever, shall ever make

SIR WILLIAM PRITCHARD ON RELEASE. 243

benefit or advantage of the Judgment : That he is, hath been,
and shall be very ready and willing upon leave granted by the
King to discharge and release the Judgment: That he holds
himself obliged not to do it without the King's leave : That
he thinks it altogether unfit and improper for him to make any
application to the King, or to any other to speak to the King
about it — he being out of favour, and having received intimation
in the King's presence, about a year since — that unless he had
the Verdict, and so a hand over Mr. Papillon, he (Mr. Papillon)
had been excepted out of the Pardon : That he thinks it very
proper for Mr. Papillon to do it, but wholly declines it himself,
though earnestly pressed to it : That he cannot go by any but
the Chancellor, and thinks him the proper means; however,
confines us not to him, but by whatever way the King signifiies
his mind, he will obey.

It was not expressly said by him, but understood by them,
that he is wholly at the King's dispose; that if the King command
the taking out the Execution it must be dorie."

Letter from Thomas Papillon, at Utrecht, to his Son-
in-law, Edwrard Ward, Esq., Barrister, London, dated
^^jth February, 1688:—

"My Dear Son,

" Having received of Mr. Durando, although as yet have not
seen him, the particular and distinct account my Daughter sent,
I could not omit to return you both, as also my Son and Daughter
Rawstorn thanks for your true love, diligent pains, and prudent
care in my concerns, and beg that the Lord will abundantly
recompense their love to us, in all spiritual and temporal blessings
to you and your's, and particularly in the childlike affection of
your Children to you, in time to coftie.

" Upon perusal and consideration of the whole matter, I
continue in my former sentiments, intimated in my last to my
son Rawstorn, that it is not proper or safe for me to make any
application but only to Sir William Pritchard; and that being
done, I must remain silent ; and therefore I pray you and my
son Rawstorn to forbear any moving therein, either as from me
or yourselves.

244 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" I am not willing to be at any charge in the matter, except
it were the charge of taking out a Pardon under the Seal, if the
way was open thereunto ; for although I think myself clear, and
free from the least crime, against either his late or his present
Majesty, yet as I every day desire God's Pardon, so I will never
decline, but willingly accept the King's gracious pardon.

" I shall have occasion to write to my Son Rawstorn in a week
or two, on other accounts ; and in the meantime pray let him be
acquainted with the contents of this.

" My Wife desires my Daughter to excuse her for not writing
this post; she intends it by the next."

Letter from Elizabeth Ward, in London, to her Mother,
at Utrecht, under date 28th February, 1688 : —

"Honoured Mother,

"Although we have been fully satisfied of your mind as to
what is passed, by your's to Mr. Ward, yet something having
since happened, we think ourselves bound to let you know it, and
desire your further answer thereon.

" Since my last, Mr. Crips of Clapham has been with Brother
Rawstorn, and tells him he has been with Mr. Penn about my
dear Father's business, and is assured by him that the King is
very willing that Sir William Pritchard should compose the
business ; and that if any of Mr. Papillon's Sons or Daughters
will go to Mr. Penn, and promise that Mr. Papillon will live
peaceably and quietly, and not intermeddle in public affairs,
nor obstruct the taking off the Penal Laws and Tests, there
should be order given to Sir William Pritchard to discharge
it.

" This being wholly without our seeking or expectation makes
us desire direction whether to move in it ; and if to proceed,
whether not to move for something further at the same time;
which will certainly be better had with it than by itself afterwards,
— or whether wholly to let it fall.

"We have not been with Mr. Penn, nor done anything in it
yet, but shall waive it off till we receive your answer.

" It is to be considered what consideration will be put on a

DELAY IN OBTAINING RELEASE. 24S

promise not to obstruct: — We heartily pray God to direct you
what may be most for the satisfaction and quiet of your mind,
and for his own Glory.

" Dear Mother, I am,

" Your most affectionate Daughter,

"E. W."

Statement by Jane Papillon : —

" May 4th, 1688. My husband received a letter from Captain
Johnson, which was written to Mr. Showers, speaking as follows :
'I hope it will not be long before we see Madam and Mr.
Papillon here, to whom pray present my humble service. I
doubt not but he has an account of Sir William Pritchard being
conscious of the hard measure that was done to him, and
is desirous to let him know that he doth freely remit the debt,
and is willing to give him any assurance that no man shall ever
demand one penny of him. But for the Judgment, he is
commanded by the King that it may not be vacated without his
consent; which it is believed may be easily obtained, upon a
Petition to his Majesty.'

" ' I found Sir William very kind in his expressions towards
Mr. Papiljpn ; for when he asked how he did, and why he came
not over, I replied to him it was a strange question for him to
put, who was the cause of his going, and consequently of his not
returning; but he desired me to let him know what I have here
signified to them all ; all which I acquainted Mr. Philip Papillon
with, whom I met that day upon the Exchange.'

" Mr. Showers acquainted Mr. Papillon with it, and Mr. Papillon
desired him to write that he had acquainted Mr. Papillon with
what Captain Johnson expressed in his letter, and that he and
his Aunt preseiit their cordial respects to Mr. Johnson, with
hearty thanks for his cordial affection and readiness to do them
any good office; he hath formerly from other hands had
intimations of the like import, and made answers thereto ; and
rests on the assurance you mention."

A letter from Samuel Rawstorn to his Father-in-law,
Thomas Papillon, dated 23rd July, 1688 : —

246 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Honoured Sir,

"On Saturday last Sir William Pritchard sent to speak with
me ; he told me that he was just now come from waiting upon
the King,- and that the latter had given him leave to discharge
the Judgment, which he was ready to do ; but he had never had
one line from you to desire it, the which he expected.

"This day Alderman Radbird was with me, and told me he
was yesterday to wait on the King about some other business,
and he spoke to his Majesty about the Judgment: He made
answer that he had sent for Mr. Papillon [? Sir William Pritchard].
I communicated this to Brother Ward. We are advised to write
you the very words, as near as I could. It is thought convenient
if you write to Sir William as soon as you can. So with my
Wife's and Sister's duty to yourself and dear Mother, I remain,"
&c.

Letter from Thomas Papillon to Sir William Pritchard : —

"Right Worshipful Sir William Pritchard,
"Honoured Sir,

"Though I am not conscious to have deserved on any
account what both I and mine have, and still suffer under the
burden of the Judgment which you did obtain, and continue
in force against me, yet I shall not now go about to justify
myself or blame you; but on the contrary return thanks for
the kindness and civilities you have expressed to my Wife, and
Mr. and Mrs. Cooke, in their applications to you on my behalf,
for the discharging and releasing me from the same; as also
to Captain Johnson and others that have occasionally discoursed
with you of that affair : And having received by the last post
intimation by my Son Rawstorn, that you are now more freely
inclined to grant my request therein than formerly, but expected
I should, under my own hand, make it my desire to you, this
is therefore to intreat that you will vacate the same Judgment,
and release and discharge me therefrom; which I shall acknowledge
and own as a special favour, and always remain,

" Honoured Sir, your most humble Servant,
"30 July, 1688." "Thomas Papillon."

PAPILLON'S APPLICATION FOR RELEASE. 247

Letter from Thomas Papillon to his Son-in-law, Samuel
Rawstorn, of the same date as the above : —

" Dear Son,

"I have received your's of the 23rd which should have been
the 24th instant. We all wish my Daughter may find good by
the waters at Tunbridge, and shall long to know that it is so ;
you do not say whether she takes her litrie Jane with her, or
leaves her in London ; We do daily pray for a blessing on you
all ; for you are dear to us.

" As for what you intimate of Sir William Pritchard, enclosed
is a letter for him; and withal I have sent a general release to
him, lest he should scruple discharging me without a discharge
from me : Pray intreat my Son Ward to take care that the
Judgment be legally discharged; and if you have a general
release from Sir William, send me the original, or a copy of
it well attested.

"As to what you mention concerning Alderman Radbird, I
do not understand you if you said his Majesty's answer was that
he had sent for Mr. Papillon ; I suppose it should mean Sir
William Pritchard ; which was the Saturday before, and this was
on the Monday. Pray present my respects to Alderman Radbird,
and thank him for his kindness, but do not mention any thing
of my coming over; for as my affairs stand at present, I fear
I can't be able, although I should never so much desire it, to put
them in a posture for my return.

" All here present their true love to you and your's, and to my
Son and Daughter Ward, and all their Uttle ones. I am, &c.

"As soon as you possibly can, get Sir William Pritchard to
discharge the Judgment : and do not deliver the discharge till
Sir WiUiam has discharged me of the Judgment.''

Letter from Edward Ward, Esq., to his Father-in-law,
Thomas Papillon, dated 7th August, 1688: —

"Honoured Sir,

"Yours of the 30th past directed to Brother Rawstorn, in his
absence at Tunbridge, was brought to me by Mr. Mitchell, who
intimated that I should open it, and put in execution the contents

248 THOMAS PAPILLON.

of it, and the enclosed to Sir William Pritchard. It came to
my hand on Saturday last between five and six in the evening,"
&c. "And yesterday in the forenoon Mr. Baker and I waited
on Sir William at his house at Highgate, where he civilly received
us ; and I delivered him your letter, having first sealed it ; which
after reading, he said he was very wilUng you should be discharged
by him of all things so fully as he could, but desired we would
meet him this day at twelve o'clock at Garraway's Coffee House,
and to give notice to Mr. Borrett, the City Solicitor, who was
concerned for him, to be there at the same time ; and he then
called for a bottle of sack, and drank your health very respectfully;
but Mr. Borrett being at Tunbridge Sir William read over the
Warrant and 'Release, I telling him the reason why we desired
a Release, because we were told satisfaction could not by the
regular method of the Court be entered upon Record till the
next term, which was almost three months off, and therefore to
prevent hazards and accidents in the meantime we desired the
Release. He was well satisfied with the reason, and declared
himself very willing to discharge you of all he could. Mr.
Mitchell being with me, Mr. Baker having gone to the Kent
Assizes, Sir William called in Mr. Fermine, and a Brother-in-law
of Sir William, one Mr. Grace ; they three in my presence were
witnesses to the sealing and delivering both of the Warrant and
the Release : There were several persons saw us together ; who,
I believe, either knew or shrewdly guessed at the occasion ;
and I believe it is generally known, and possibly not fit to be
concealed. He expressed himself very well satisfied at the
sealing, and they were delivered to me for your use. He let
fall an expression to this effect, that he hoped, as he had not
ever designed to have a penny by that affair, so that none other
had ; of the truth whereof I assured him ; and he seemed very
well pleased, and heartily wished your health and welfare, &c.

"He took notice of an expression in your letter, as if you
thought him now more willing than formerly to discharge you;
he says he hopes you always believed that he, as of himself, was
as willing as now ; I told him I was satisfied you were ; and gave
him my sense of that expression, which he well accepted.

"At the first reading of your letter to him, my Wife and I

GRANT OF RELEASE BY SIR WILLIAM PRITCHARD. 249

thought you had complimented him in expressions something too
high, but seeing his generous demeanour in this matter, we are
very well satisfied in it, &c.

" And now that all is done that can be, till term time, unless
satisfaction can possibly be entered in the meantime, which shall
if by any means it can. My Wife joins with me in our hearty
joy and congratulation for the removing that impediment and
clog — and sincerely wish all happiness and comfort may attend
you and your's in it. We do, as we ought, look to the over-ruling
hand of God in it, and desire to be sensible of it ; and I hope
I may not unfitly use that great saying, ' When a man's ways
please the Lord, he makes even his enemies to be at peace with him.'

" Time will not suff'er me to enlarge. I hope on this occasion
I have not been tedious, though long.

"This day Wife received Mother's of the 2nd instant, for which
she returns humble thanks, and will write next post herself, &c.

"Your most dutiful and obedient Son and Servant,

"Edward Ward."

The case of Pritchard v. Papillon is fully given in "State
Trials ; " and in order to know? virell the manner in which
it was conducted, the record itself must be read :

A few remarks, however, may be made.

I- — The Plaintiff's Counsel brought forward no proof
of malice or evil design on the part of the Defendant.
They simply proved the fact and circumstances of the
Arrest.

2.— By their own assertion the Plaintiff's Counsel tried
to confound the Arrest with the design of those concerned
in the Rye House Plot to seize the Lord Mayor, &c. ; for
which they had no evidence whatever, beyond the fact
that Goodenough and Keiling were the Solicitor and
Special Constable on the occasion ; and though the Judge
(Sir George Jeffreys) discountenanced the charge when
urged by the Counsel, he roundly asserted it when
summing up.

3 so, THOMAS PAPILLON.

3.— In like manner the Plaintiff's Counsel pleaded that
as the Sheriff's ofifice was not one of personal emolument
the Defendant had no legal right to sue for it ; and the
Judge, in summing up, magnified this doctrine into an
indirect and damnable purpose of subverting the Govern-
ment, and poisoning the founts of Justice in the City,
through "Ignoramus Juries."

In fact, though the learned Judge began to sum up
most equitably, his strong Party bias and his wonted
use of it, appear to have run away with his better
judgment, as a vicious horse with his rider; and before
long he launched out against the Whig Party in the
City, as if it were not fit that such men should live.

The Defence had been plain and logical ; but the Jury
yielded implicitly to the dictum of the Judge ; though he
had previously warned them against attending to foreign
matter, even though introduced by himself.

CHAPTER XII.

EXILE.

Letters from Papillon to his Wife on reaching Holland, and on settlement
at Utrecht — His loneliness — He refers to various Political friends, some
of them opponents, as possibly able and willing to espouse his cause
in case of a general pardon on accession of James II. — He leads a
retired life — Arrangements for his Wife and others to join him— Pious
reflections on his Exile — and on his previous course of life — Writes a
Treatise on the Sanctity of the Sabbath, at the request of Mr. Paul
D'Aranda, of Amsterdam — Striking instance of his own regard for it —
His systematic perusal of the Bible— Christian Address to his Children
at Utrecht, August 1686 — Confession of Sins, September, 1688 — Letters
to a fellow Exile, probably Sir Patience Ward, from July to November,
1688 — their strong religious tone, mingled with patriotism.

HE feelings of Thomas Papillon when entering
upon exile, while suiifering exile, and when
about to return home — may be seen by the
following letters and treatises — his most valuable
remains, as remarked in the Preface.

Hostile critics may say, that when in trouble
he turned to God ; happy result, were that the case : — But
having regard to the former tenour of his life, we would
J rather say, that when freed from the strife and tumult
of his times, his mind instinctly found rest and peace in
God ; and when again engaged in the cares of office,
and anxious duly to fill his post, he ever maintained his
divine allegiance.

Letters from Thomas Papillon when entering on exile,
to his Wife who was still in London : —

252 THOMAS PAPILLON.

« Amsterdam, Td'T""' '^^^'
' 8th February, 5.

"My Dearest,

" From the Brill I gave an account of my son Rawstorn, of
my arrival on Saturday the 24th of January, about two o'clock.
When I left you I went on board that night, but the ship not
being cleared, I went on shore on Sunday night, and did not
get on board till late Monday night, and the wind was contrary,
so that we could only turn down a little way; on Wednesday
morning we had a fair gale, and towards evening made over
for the coast of Holland; but the wind proved so high and
stormy, that we durst not set in too near the coast, but were
forced to beat it at sea all that day and the next night; on
Friday morning it was more clear, but the weather so hazy and
dark that we durst not set in for the shore ; but finding a vessel
belonging to Rotterdam lying at anchor, and waiting for clear
weather to go in, we went on board her, and the other ship
proceeded on her voyage to Newcastle, whither she was bound,
where I hope she arrived on Sunday or Monday night last.
Aboard the Dutch vessel we lay from Friday two o'clock to
Saturday eight o'clock, and then the weather clearing up, we
saw the shore, and had a pilot come aboard, and about two
o'clock we landed at the Brill, whence I went by water to
Masonsluice, and so intended for Delf, but the canals not being
cleared of the ice the boats did not go, nor were there any
waggons to be had; and there being no preaching either in
French or English at Masonsluice, I was necessitated from
thence to go afoot to Delf, being about eight English miles.
We arrived there about seven o'clock, and were at some trouble
to find lodging at any house where they spake French or English^
but at last did find a good place.

" The Lord's day, I went to the English and French Churches,
in both which there was very honest and spiritual preaching,
directing us to be careful of our thoughts, words, and actions —
all that we do in the body — for we must all appear, &c. 11.
Corinthians v., 10. To make God our fear, and then we need
not fear any thing else, and to keep in memory the experience
of God's goodness and mercy to us, from that in Psalm Ixvi., 16 ;

fAPILLON'S JOURNEY TO HOLLAND. 253

and from the three first petitions of the Lord's prayer, to make
God's glory our great and main desire, to have the kingdom of
God in our hearts, and to pray that it may be set up in the
world, and to bring our hearts to a full conformity to God's
will both in doing and suffering; a great deal of Christianity
lay in a free, humble submission to divine disposals; this was
very suitable.

"On Monday I went by waggon from Delf to Leyden, and
thence on Tuesday to Haarlem, and so to Amsterdam, where
it was evening before we arrived, and so took up my lodging

in a publichouse ; and that night wrote to and enclosed

a line for my Son, being assured you would be glad to hear from
me as often as you could.

" On Wednesday morning I was at the English Church, where
the subject was. He that will be my disciple must deny himself
and take up his cross and follow me. After sermon I went to
Mr. Paul D'Aranda's house, where at present I am.

" I have given thee this large account of my travels, that you
may observe God's goodness and mercy with me, and return
praise. Things do not in all circumstances fall out as we desire,
either in respect of matter or time ; our expectations are frustrated ;
the wind is contrary, sometimes stormy; the weather dark and
gloomy; and yet with patience, waiting, the issue God's orders
to be well, and every thing works for good at last. Thus it was
in my little journey, or voyage, from London to Amsterdam, and
so it hath been in my great journey from my birth to this time ;
and why should not I believe it will be so still, and that all in
the issue shall turn to the best ?

"I find you will do well to send me by the ship that comes for
Amsterdam, some more linen, &c.

"As to the Concern, if it can be accommodated, and a clear
end made both with Sir William Pritchard and all others pretending
on that account, I shall be glad— that so I might return speedily
to thee and my family, which is the great thing I desire, and my
absence from them my greatest affliction. But as to this, I must
leave it to the management of my dear son Ward, and shall be
glad to hear by every safe conveyance how things stand, and what
may be necessary on my part. Whether it may be convenient

254 THOMAS PAPILLON.

for me to write to Sir William Pritchard, or any other person,
in reference thereto.

"My most dear love to thee, and to my dear Children, and
Grandchildren, as if I named them particularly, they are all dear
to me and upon my heart, &c.

"As to the letting of the house, I cannot tell what to direct,
though I incline it best to let it if you have a good opportunity ;
and I think it not convenient to sell much of your things, but
only the lumber; for if you come hither, most of the things will
be useful.

"The Lord of His mercy direct all for the best, and bless
you and my Children, and give us a h£|,ppy meeting in His due
time; for my greatest contentment in this world is to enjoy thee,
— for I am,

"Thine, T. P.

" In case there be no vessels bound for Amsterdam, you may
send by vessels for Rotterdam, directing the things to be sent
to Amsterdam, to Mr. Paul D'Aranda.

"The vessel I came over in, if she arrived at Newcastle on
Sunday or Monday night, as I hope she did, was not two days'
time out of her way in carrying me, so that I suppose Mr. H.
will not pretend any great matter for the service; I think ;^5
or ;£io at most; may be he will take nothing, being performed
in so little time, and without any prejudice to them ; however,
what he will have must be paid to him : I gave the Master
four guineas, for his provisions and pains ; and one guinea to
the Pilot, and one guinea to the Ship's company, besides what
I gave to the Cabin Boy and Cook."

"^th February, i^.
" My Dearest,

" I have received thine of the loth instant, and find thy
affections still working towards me, as mine to thee, and that
we cannot be content without the enjoyment and society of
each other ; I hope God in his providence will so order it, that
we may enjoy that blessing before many months be over. That
which is a grief to thee, that God hath hedged up thy way in

PLANS FOR PERMANENT RESIDENCE. 255

response to actings for me, doth much affect me, and the more ■
because thou leavest me in the dark about it.

" I take notice what you say, that you and all my friends
wish I were not in this place, which I apprehend is in reference
to the public; to which, first, you know I should not have
come into these countries if I could have gone into France
and have there enjoyed the exercises of religion : That which
you imagine that in France we may be allowed to keep a
Minister in the house, is not to be obtained. At Rouen, they
have now no public exercise of religion, and no Minister is
allowed to preach or pray in any private family, or to visit the
sick or baptize children ; so to go into a country where we must
be debarred of all the Ordinances of God, is that I cannot agree
to : As to what you say of the Duke of Lunenbourg's country,
I will enquire further therein; but I think it is quite out of
the way of all trade, and as our circumstances are, how shall
we live if we cannot some way or other improve our little
money? I am going to-morrow to Utrecht, and shall consider
how I like that place. As to this place, it may be convenient
in reference to trade, but as to all other things, I have no
liking of it; there is no Christian society; getting of money,
and saving of money, is the business ; and there is little of the
life, power, and spirituality of Religion.

" Since I have been here (except one day at first that I went
to the Exchange) I have not gone abroad, nor seen or conversed
with any English ; and indeed I do on the matter make myself
a prisoner, that I might be exempt from any occasion of meeting
with persons under evil characters — they are all strangers to me,
and so I resolve to be to them. Mr. Fentzell, by whom I wrote
thee two lines, who lay in the house where I lodge, can give
you an account how I live ; and he is a man well esteemed for
his loyalty, was one of the Jury whereof Mr. Percivall Gilborne
was foreman, though he was not in my trial.

"I think it will be necessary that my Son Rawstorn sell all
the stock at Acrise, horses, cows, sheep, &c. ; and that none
of the land be kept in his hand, but let the best we can; and
I think we had better bate of the rent, to have it well paid.
There need be only one maid there, and James the Gardener;

2S6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

and consider whether it be not better to allow them board
wages, than to have them at charge of diet. Pray consider this,
for it will be convenient that you go down there to see all things
settled.

" It is well you will take care to send me the things I desired
as soon as you can with convenience.

"We must be very thrifty, and good husbands in all things, and
therefore must not keep many servants.

"Since Winny* is so unsatisfied, I am content he should come
with you. He must get all his things from Oxon. I suppose
my Cousin Fawkner will desire to stay with her brother; for
she cannot expect preferment here, especially living so retiredly
as we must do.f

"Houses here are dearer than in London, and provisions much
more dear ; besides, here is excise on every servant we keep ; for
gardens, there may be some at great houses, but I have seen
none; and for walks abroad, there is none better than in the
City, which in summer time is very pleasant, there being trees
planted in every street by the water side. I bless God I have
my health very well, and though I am very solitary, I am not
melancholy. There is no dry situation in this country, though
some are better than others.

" I wish Sir J. O. [James Oxenden, no doubt] and his Lady all
happiness in their intended journey to the waters at Burban.

* Wingfield Broadnax, an orphan nephew of Jane Papillon, who died at
Utrecht, in Thomas Papillon's house.

+ This lady was an orphan niece of Thomas Papillon, and the following
allusion is made to her in "The Life of the Rev. John Shower, late Minister
of the Gospel in London" — by W. Tong, London, 1716: —

" It was not long before he came to Rotterdam, God provided a suitable
yoke-fellow for him — Mrs. Elizabeth Fawkner, niece to Mr. Papillon, in whose
family she then was, a voluntary sharer with them in all the inconveniences
of their exile. The character given of her by worthy Mr. Spademan, one
that knew not how to give flattering titles, is sufficient to show how happy
Mr. Shower was in that relation. They were married at Utrecht, 24th
September, 1687. They lived together not full four years, in which time
they had three children— Ann the eldest, born at Rotterdam, lived to be a
great comfort to her father, and very happily married to Mr. J. Warner;
the second, a son born at London, and died within a month, baptized John,
by Mr. Nathaniel Taylor ; the third, a daughter named Hannah, baptized
by Mr. Spademan ; the mother and child both died in less than a month's
time."

THE PREACHING AT AMSTERDAM. 257

" The preaching here is not generally so spiritual as in England.
There is an Independent Church, but I was only there one
afternoon with my Landlord and Mr. Fentzell; I forbear going
there, because it is said most of the English, retired on public
accounts, go there, and not to the other Church; therefore I
have gone to the English Church allowed by the States, and the
last Lord's day was there at the Sacrament.

" I thank thee for the intimation of what affected thee ; I
hope I may say to the praise of God, I have no dependence
upon any ability of my own ; for I find every day, more and more,
a deficiency in myself, and a necessity of deriving influence
from Christ, to enable and quicken to every duty. In reference
to the Sacrament, I was much on the consideration of the
depravedness of my nature, from Genesis vi., 5, Psalm xiv., 2, 3,
Psalm liii., i, 2, 3, Romans iii., 20-38, and Ezekiel xvi., 3-6, xvL, 3-6,
but especially the iii. Romans; and then of the rich mercy
and great love of God, the exceeding riches of His grace from
Ephesians ii., i, 4, 5, and indeed the whole chapter. The
subject treated on, was the Psalm cxlvii, 3, ' He healeth the
broken in heart, and bindeth up their wounds.' Brokenness
of heart implies a sense of sin as the greatest evil, and mourning
for sin on discovery of God's love and grace in Christ by the
Gospel for the pardon of sin — a justifying God in all His
corrections and punishments — Psalm U., 4, and a restlessness of
soul till it comes to be made partaker of Christ and His grace ;
and to have some assurance of his love ; for comfort of such
truly humbled and broken-hearted sinners that are panting
after the manifestations of divine love to be healed, and to
have their wounds bound up — he said under the delay of God
in vouchsafing this mercy, we should labour to live by faith,
and not by sense, and for support should consider — ist — That
Christ is a merciful and faithful High Priest, Hebrews ii., 17,
iv., 15, 16. 2nd — How He is represented in Scripture; God
takes special care for the comfort and support of weak humble
Christians, Isaiah xl., n. 3rd — To consider Christ's office,
Isaiah Ixi., 3; and the end of His coming — to seek and to save
that which was lost. And if any object that God is a great
and glorious God — Will he take care of me, a poor contemptible

258 THOMAS PAPILLON.

creature? He bid us consider that in Psalm cxxxviii., 6; and
especially to remark that in Isaiah Ivii., 15, where God sets
out himself in His glorious majesty with raised expressions, yet
at the same time He declares His condescension to have regard
and respect to the humble soul, to revive and support them.
This last passage was considerable, and very affecting to me.

"Tell Phil, That I think, if the tin he bought will not sell
at the coinage without loss, if there be any opportunity of
shipping, he may send it here; but if there be no opportunity,
of shipping it away, then he had best sell it, that he may clear
all accounts, as much as he can, before he comes over.

"I would willingly know how the affairs of the East India
Company proceed; what the Stock is now worth; what goods
they sell next March; and what ships are now expected. My
Son may speak to Mr. Edwin, and pray him to give me an
account hereof; and to advise me if he thinks there is any thing
to be bought, either here or there, that may turn to account.

"As I wrote my son Rawstorn the loth instant, I was exceedingly
surprised at the sad news of his late Majesty's death : As I was
a sufferer for his father, so you know I was always a faithful and
loyal subject to him. I pray God to bless his present Majesty.
It's possible there may be some Act of Grace, or General Pardon,
proceed from his Majesty -to all but Capital Offenders; and
though my circumstances are such as will not be included in
such an Act of Grace, yet his Majesty's goodness may be an
example to Sir William Pritchard, &c., to discharge me. Now
the term is over, I hope my son Ward will do what may be
advisable. I hear my Lord Dartmouth is advanced ; may not
Madam Kendal engage him, if it be necessary, on my behalf
— as also the Duke of Albermarle? There is also Mr. Pepys,
who is a very ingenuous man; and one who, I believe, would
do any just, and lawful favour, on the request of Mr. James
Houblon. Pray let all things be considered, that may be necessary
and convenient.

"Have you, since my going, seen or heard from Sir Josiah
Child ? Pray write me who have been so kind as to visit you.

"My son or you may write to me every post, and acquaint
me how you all do ; and Philip may ask my advice in his business,

VISITS UTRECHT, AND LIKES IT. 259

and quote the Exchange to all places, and advise any thing of
trade, and also send me an English Gazette. I am desirous
to hear every post from one or other; for I have no other
outward comfort like the interest in, frequent thoughts of, and
hopes to enjoy, thee and my dear Children. My sincere and
cordial love to them all, and to my Grandchildren : my kind love
to Cousin Fawkner, and to all Relations. I am,

"Thine, T. P."

igth February, 1684.
"TTf-rprlit the — — —

Utrecnt, tne ^^^ ^^^^.^j^^ ^

"My Dearest,

" I wrote the ^fth instant, to which I have at present nothing
to add but to acquaint thee that I came here last night in safety :
I have not yet been abroad to see the town, but Sir P. W.

[doubtless Sir Patience Ward, himself an exile] and Mr.

[name torn away by the seal on back of letter] do much commend
it. I hear here that some persons that formerly left England,
and are under some ill characters, are retired to the Duke of
Lunenbourg's country, and I hear of none here ; so that I may
incline to take a house here, if I find one convenient ; but of this
I shall write you more hereafter.

" My dear love to all my dear Children and Grandchildren ;
I am,

"Thine, T. P.

"This place is an University, so that if we fix here, Winny
may follow his studies here, if his mind will be fixed.

" Since the writing I have been about the Town ; it is the most
pleasant place I have found in this Country."

23rd February, 1684.
Utrecnt, tne ^^^ ^^^^.^j^^ g^_

"My Dearest,

"I wrote thee from Amsterdam the ^th February, and from
hence the i|jt S^Sf ''' since which I have received one from my
son of the 13th February. I bless God for your health and
safety. As I wrote thee, I cannot live comfortably without thee;

R 2

26o THOMAS PAPILLON.

all the world is nothing to me in comparison; and indeed I live
as a prisoner, and one out of the world, conversing with none.
This hath engaged me to think of taking a house here, where
thou mayst be with me, and I think I shall agree for one this
day. It is an indifferent good house, and hath a good garden,
and stable and coach house. The place is a good air, and the
town pleasant, and good walks about the town. One tells me
that here were twenty persons of the English Church, that had
lived here a great while, that made up 1800 years, which is ninety
years one with the other, which is a sign of a healthy place.

"The house I must enter upon the 21st April, English style,
so that it will be convenient that against that time you send such
household stuff as you can spare, &c.

"Though it behoves us to live very thriftily, yet I would have
thee want no conveniency, and therefore you may also send the
coach, if you can have it; for I think it will not sell there
but very low, and it may be easily brought with small charge;
for horses, they are to be bought here; only if my Son will bring
his nag, he may; and let them also send my saddle. All the
other horses, as I wrote you, should be sold. They may take
them up, and feed them, to make them fit for sale. As for Acrise,
and things there, I refer you to my last.

"When you come, which must not be later than the latter
end of April or May, you may bring such other things as you
shall think good. I think you must bring no man servant with
you ; for it will be necessary for us to take a Dutch coachman,
who may also keep the garden, which is the custom here; and
our English will hardly do it. Wingfield coming with you will
supply.

"If my Son Ward and Daughter be willing, you may bring
one of the Children with you; you need bring no other maid,
I think, but my Cousin Calandrini,* for you must have another

* Probably one of the numerous family of Louis Calandrini, the ejected
Minister (1662) of Stapleford Abbot, Essex. — See "Annals of Evangelical
Nonconformity in Essex," by T. W. Davids, 1P38, Walford, Hodder & Co.

Louis Calandrini was son of Csesar Calandrini, Minister of the Flemish
Church in London (mentioned in Chapter III.), a highly gifted and accompUshed,
as well as pious man ; brother of Thomas Papillon's mother, Anne Marie
Calandrini.

HOUSE AT UTRECHT. 26 T

maid for ordinary scrubbing work; yet if you think it convenient
to bring one more, you may do as you please.

"I am expecting to hear if any thing can be done for the
discharging me from Sir William Pritchard, &c. ; as I never did
any thing against the King or Government, so I never shall, nor
do I converse or hold correspondency with obnoxious persons.

" My most entire love to thee, and to all my dear Children and
Grandchildren, as if I had particularly named them. My love to
all friends. I am,

"Thine, T. P.

"Sir P. and my Lady remember themselves kindly to you; we
often drink your health.

"Since the above was written, I have considered and find that
you must bring one maid besides Cousin Calandrini; and it will
be well if you can have one that speaks Dutch, and can tell how
to dress meat; for the Dutch maids here cannot dress meat after
the English fashion; so the maid you bring must serve for a
chambermaid, and also to dress victuals.''

" Utrecht, the ^'^i March, i^.
' My Dearest,

"I have none of thine since my last of the ^SmS"^' and
that thou mayest know the better how to order all things, I
have sent thee on the other side the particular dimensions of
the rooms in the house that I have taken, to which I was induced
that I might enjoy thee quietly, and in peace, without giving
offence to those that God hath set in authority over us; for
whatever the Gazette might say, or any imagine, I am resolved
not to intermeddle with any affairs of State, or to converse with
any that are obnoxious to the Government.

" I have nothing further to write to thee, but that I am well,
and in good health, and long to have thee with me, my dear :
Love to thee and my dear Children and Grandchildren. The
Lord bless you. I am,

"Thine, T. P.

" My love to all friends. If you are content, I will write but

262 THOMAS PAPILLON.

once a week, and you need do no more; advise me of the receipt
of this, and on what day you choose to write.

"I would know how the aifairs of the East India Company
go ; for I have a kindness for them ; how the sale is ; and when
the Committee is chosen, their names, and number of votes :
My son may speak to some person to write me on that account.
Send me the Gazettes ; but let none write me any other public
news than what that contains. My letters are directed 'A Monsieur
Thomas, chez Mr. Paul D'Aranda, Marchand h. Amsterdam,'
or 'a Monsieur Thomas, Ten huys van St. Jacob Giligt, op
St. Pieters Kirkhoff, over de France Kirk, tot Utrecht.' The
letters that come directed directly for Utrecht, come a day sooner
to hand, than those that go directed to Amsterdam."

" Now you must consider how to order all with convenience,
and despatch the main away to be here by the 21st April, English
style.

"There must be four handsome beds, bedsteads, and all things
appertaining, to accommodate four chambers; three or four other
beds, bedsteads, blankets, and appurtenances, whereof two may
have bedsteads, but they must not be too high; not exceeding
6j4 feet high, or else must be made for canopies.

"If you can sell the hangings of tapestry well, you may sell
them; if not, you may send them, to save buying new.

"You may not do amiss to bring a piece or two of printed
stuff, proper for hangings where you shall think fit.

"You may bring your cabinets, and some boxes of drawers;
there are some presses in the house, to put in pewter and plate,
&c. Some tables will be necessary to be brought, but not many,
because they are too cumbersome.

"Bring what plate you please; and as I wrote, send the coach.
Books you may bring ; some both of Divinity and History ; and
what you leave may be sent to Acrise.

"This place is an University, and therefore I am the more
willing that Winny should come ; and let him bring all his things
from Oxford ; and let him remember to get the money for his
chamber furniture, according to the Constitution of the House.

"Your china that is good, you may bring; for everyone here
doth use of that sort, and it is very dear.

QUIET LIFE AT UTRECHT. 263

"Great glasses, for furniture of some of the rooms, will be
necessary.

"As I wrote thee, I desire thee to consider thy convenience ;
for I would have thee deny thyself nothing that is for thy
accommodation.

"The affairs at Acrise I have already written you about; my
son Rawstorn will assist you. I think it best that between this
and Michaelmas he endeavour to let all the land, the best he
can, and sell off all the stock; corn is like to be very dear; so
they may take their time to sell what there is; and in its season
what shall grow next year.

"If you have any tea, you may bring some with you; a hamper
of good canary wine in bottles will be convenient to send."

26th February, 1684.
"Utrecht, le 8th March, 8?.

"My Dearest,

"I have received thine of the 17th February, and take notice
my letter per Mr. Fentzell was seized; I suppose when they have
perused it, you may have it sent you; I am sure none of my
letters have in them any thing prejudicial or disparaging to the
King or Government. As I am now free and discharged from
all public employment, so I intermeddle with nothing of that
kind, and have no greater ambition than to enjoy myself and
thee in peace and quietness, and to pray for the happiness and
prosperity of the King and Kingdom of England, my native
Country.

"I had not seen or heard, before I received thy letter, of that
print of the fgth February which makes mention of me, and so
know not what it is, but am sure I have given no occasion to
say or write any thing amiss of me ; for I am altogether private,
and converse with none of the obnoxious persons, nor so much
as see them, they being all strangers to me.*

* Papillon's frequent allusion to his own loyalty may seem to some to be
stilted, and unnecessary — or even insincere ; but the account given by Macaulay
(Chapter V., "History of England") of "the obnoxious persons^' shovrs how
soundly Papillon wrote on the matter.

264 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"I bless God for that peace and quietness that you enjoy, and
hope it shall be continued. As I wrote thee in my last of the
■^th mm™"^' I cannot find any satisfaction or content to myself
without thy company, and therefore I have taken a house in this
City, that we may enjoy ourselves, and avoid all matters of public
concerns, and I shall think every day a year till we meet.

"The house is but a small house in comparison, but it will
serve us in our private and retired condition. There is below
stairs a fore-room or entrance, one indifferent good parlour, one
little parlour and a room adjoining for a buttery or closet; one
room for a lodging room, but low pitched, and a good kitchen,
but it is four or five steps down, and joins to the little parlour;
then there is over the kitchen a good room, which may serve for
a spare lodging chamber; above stairs there are five chambers,
three of which are passable rooms and well pitched as to height;
the other two are low-roofed, but will serve for lodging rooms
for the maids, &c.; between these two chambers are two closets.
The rooms do not lie flush and even to one another, but up and
down, which is an inconvenience, but we must be content to suffer
some inconveniences. There are very good garrets for drying
of clothes. There are two gardens, one behind the other; the
furthermost is the biggest, but both of them are not bigger, or
very little bigger than the garden behind our house; between
the two gardens and the side of the first garden there is a
washhouse, rooms for laying of fuel, a room for men-servants to
lodge, and a room that may serve for a summer-house, or for
a counting-house for me and my Son. At the further end of the
farther garden there is a coach-house and a stable, and also a
place encompassed in, for the keeping and feeding of poultry.

" Thus I have given you the best description of the house that
I can : — Some of the rooms, to wit, the best parlour and the
room over the kitchen are hung now with tapestry, but they are
too high-roofed for our hangings except those in the dining room
or counting-house. You will consider what is fit to bring for
furniture, and sell the rest.

"I am to pay ^^i a year for the house, &c., which is not
dear. We are to enter upon it the 20th April, English style,
so that it will be convenient to hasten the sending the furniture,

LIFE AT UTRECHT. 26$

to be here against that time, which will quickly come on. Cane
chairs, I understand, are well esteemed here, so that if you bring
more than we use we may sell them. All provisions are indifferent
reasonable; veal, mutton, and beef throughout the year for 3}4d.
the pound, and very good fish at moderate rates. I suppose you
need not bring above two or three spits, and none of the greatest,
nor your great iron pots. Pewter will sell, if we do not use it.

"I hope if we are once settled, we may live together quietly
and comfortably. Enclosed is a procuration for my Son to make
use of on occasion. My dear love to all my Children ; the Lord
bless you and them, and give us a happy meeting. I am,

"Thine, T. P."

" Tfth March, i^|.
" My Dearest,

"I wrote both to thee and my Son P., the ■^E^S™'^' and the
yfa March, all which I hope are come safe to hand. I have
now received two of thine, the last of which bears date the 27th
FejDruary; in answer to which I confirm to thee my former.

"I bless God I enjoy my health very well, and am not
melancholy, though as I wrote thee, I live very retiredly, and
converse with none, and have always avoided, and shall do still,
to converse with any obnoxious persons; for being now freed
from all public employs, it doth not belong to me to intermeddle,
but to leave the Government to those whom God hath called
to it. All I desire is to live quietly, and to enjoy thee and my
Children ; in order to which I have taken a house in this town,
and have writt to thee the dimensions of the rooms, that thou
mayst know how to order furniture for them; which I would
have thee to do, not scantily, but largely, as to all things. The
pictures over the stairs, of muskets and pikes, and all the other
pictures about the house, I would have thee bring, except the
great one of all,* which must go with the house : They must
be taken out of the frames, and made up so as not to spoil

* Possibly that owned by his father, and mentioned in Chapter I., representing
the attack on his great grandfather and companions at the Massacre of St,
Bartholomew,

266 THOMAS PAPILLON.

them ; and the frames packed up and marked, so as to be matched
again. You may get some limner to assist and help therein, &c.

"As I wrote you, I am willing my Son should come with you;
and if he leaves his business with R. M. there will be no need
for such a Covenant as you mention. Winny also may come,
for this place being an University, he may here follow his studies.
If Cousin Fawkner will come, you cannot refuse her, though we
have no reason at present to contract any charge but our own.
One or more of my Grandchildren will do well, if my Daughter
is wilUng and desirous of it.

"My landlady hath hired a Dutch maid for me against the
20th April; she is a good, strong maid, for scrubbing and cleaning
the house, but understands nothing of dressing any meat. I am
enquiring after a man-servant; if I can get one that is a gardener,
then Thomas may serve for coachman. Here is no good kind
of garden peas, so you may send a few to set.

" I take notice what you meant by that phrase of having your
way hedged up, and do concur in opinion with the advice given
to sit still; and therefore you need not make use of those persons
I mentioned, unless there be occasion. •

"As to Captain James Kendall, enclosed is a letter for him.
My Son may begin to pay him as he can raise money; and if
he does not accept the two ships, we must find some one to
supply it. Let my Son, before he pays him any money, be sure
that he is Executor, and that he hath proved the Will. Methinks
if Mr. John Kendall hath left us nothing, yet his Executor should
give us mourning, or make us a handsome present to remember
him by; for though I say it myself, I have been as a father to
him, and he had never left such an Estate but through my means
and assistance.

"It is well my Son will get Mr. Edwin, or Mr. Beyer, or any
body else to give me an account of the East India affairs; for
I shall be glad to hear that they thrive — and am desirous to know
how it goes from time to time.

"I am sorry the house is not let, we must make a virtue of
necessity; and if my Son Rawstorn cannot let it to the worth,
he must let it for what he can; but then it must not be for
a long time, but for five or seven years, as he meets with

EXECUTORSHIP OF BROTHER GEORGE. 267

opportunity. A very strict Inventory or Schedule must be
taken of all things, to be annexed to the Lease; and when you
take down your things to pack up, you may remove to your
Daughter's till you come away.

"You may consider and advise with my Son Rawstorn and
Mr. J. W. for the manner of your sending all the household
goods and your own coming. The goods and chairs, and stools,
tables, beds, &c., will be a good quantity; and if you freight
a Dutch vessel to carry all, upon the same vessel the maid,
Wingfield, &c., may go— all but yourself, Son, Daughter, and
Children, and you may go in a hackney coach to Harwich ; and
so go over in the Packet boat, carrying with you only your jewels,
and what is necessary for your journey; but whether this be best
or no, I leave to the consideration of my Son Rawstorn and
friends.

" If Mr. J. W. desires any thing of you, pray do accommodate
him if possible.

"My dear love to all my Children. I pray God to bless you
and bring us together in safety. I am,

"Thine, T. P."

This letter is from an autograph of Thomas Papillon,
without date, or signature ; but it is docketed by his Wife,
"My Dear's ; about the Executorship of Brother George, one
of his first letters'" Brother George Papillon had died in
July, 1684, and no doubt this letter was written by Thomas
Papillon to his Wife soon after he went to Holland : —

" My " Dearest,

"I have thine, and return thee thanks for all thy care and
pains in my concerns, and so I do also to my dear Sons Ward
and Rawstorn, whose love and kindness I am very sensible of
and pray God abundantly to make it up to them and their's.

"As touching my Brother's Will, as circumstances stand I
think I shall not contract any sin if I renounce the Executorship ;
and therefore I am inclined so to do, and heartily pray that such
person may have it as will do the Children right.

268 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"I love thee as my own soul, and I hope God will bring
us together in his due time with comfort, that we may spend the
rest of our days in a more spiritual and heavenly manner. The
Lord do us good, and cause all Grace to abound in us.

"Walking in the garden, I observed (the wind being high)
clouds intercepting the sight of the sun, some were black and
dark that hid it more, others were more light and airy that did
not so much darken it; the wind did dispel those clouds and
gave a more clear sight of the sun, which gave this meditation : —
Our sins, which are as dark and black clouds, do separate between
God and our souls, so that we cannot discern the light of His
countenance. Temporal and earthly good things, that are lawful
in themselves, like the lighter and more airy clouds, do often
interpose and obstruct our clear discoveries of God. The wind of
affliction, when God pleaseth to sanctify it, becomes instrumental
to purge away sin, and to take our affections off from creature
comforts, and thereby brings us to have more clear discoveries
of God and fruition of him. This was a sudden occasional
thought; by further meditation it might be improved; I only
hint to thee that thou mayest join in prayer, that God would
make this affliction efficacious to us both for our purification
from sin, and weanedness from the world— and that He would
vouchsafe more dear and full discoveries of himself to our souls,
that we may have more communion with Him, and more delight
in Him."

REFLECTIONS.

The following autograph Reflections are a natural
sequence to many expressions in the above letters ; and
though bearing no date, they may be attributed without
hesitation to the period of Papillon's exile. Either before
or after that event he was too much occupied for leisure
to prepare such a document, and his circumstances
were inapposite : —

" The wise man, in Ecclesiastes vii., 14,' directs for the day
of adversity to consider ; and the Church in Lamentations
iii., 43, being in an afflicted state, calls on us to search
and try our ways. It is certain there is no evil of suffering,
but it comes from God. Lamentations iii., 37, 38, 'Who
is he that saith, and it cometh to pass, when the Lord
commandeth it not ? Out of the mouth of the most High
proceedeth not evil and good?' that is, both evil (in a
way of punishment) and good proceed from God. Amos
iii., 6, 'Shall there be evil in the city, and the Lord
hath not done it?' Whatever God's providences and
dispensations are towards us, we ought to be diligent in
observing them, that we may understand the mind of
God in them, and demean ourselves suitably, &c. O my
God, be graciously pleased to assist me by Thy Holy
Spirit, that I may so consider of the present dispensations
of Thy providences towards me, that I may understand
Thy mind and my own duty, that I may discover and
repent of those sins whereby I have provoked Thee, and
may improve this affliction for all those ends and purposes
that Thou hast been pleased to send it ; and so may have
in the close a good issue, and be enabled to praise Thy
holy Name.

270 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" 1st. — I desire to consider my present case, as the Church
saith in Lamentations, 'Why doth the living man complain,
a man for the punishment of his sins ? ' man a creature, a
sinful creature, and yet a living creature, under the absolute
sovereignty of his Lord and Creator, to be disposed of at
His pleasure ; under the sentence of a just and righteous
Judge, liable to eternal torments, and yet reprieved, and
in a state to sue out a pardon, reverse the sentence, obtain
favour, and be made eternally happy; for such a one to
complain, there is no reason for it; he hath more cause
to admire the mercy, patience, forbearance, long-suffering,
and free grace of God. The worst condition a sinner can
be in, so long as he is kept out of hell, there is mercy
in it : but in my case there are many mercies, so that
I have cause to be thankful ; my mercies are more and
greater than my sufferings ; God's dispensations towards
me are mercy and judgment, as David saith, Psalm ci.
There is a bright side and dark side ; both ought to be
meditated on ; that the sense of my sufferings may not
cause me to faint, nor the apprehension of my mercies
and blessing cause me to slight or despise the chastening
of the Lord, Hebrews xii., 5.

"First then, to consider the bright side; the mercies I
enjoy; for the general, I am a living man, health is
vouchsafed, comfortable and affectionate relations con-
tinued, plenty of worldly good things bestowed, so that,
if I should be deprived of what is sentenced against me,
there would remain more than I had at first. But, above
all, this is a most transcendent mercy, that God hath not
suffered me to take up with the world as my portion,
but hath given me desires to fix upon Himself as my
happiness ; and this both sweetens this cross, and alleviates
this burden, and engageth me through Jesus Christ not
only to submit to His will, and resign up all to God's

REFLECTIONS ON HIS TRIAL, 2/ 1

disposal, but to delight myself more in the thoughts and
apprehensions of God, as that portion that cannot be
taken away. More particularly : —

" 1st. — In my present case there is this great mercy as
to the cause of my sufferings, that it is not for evil
doing, however my adversaries may suggest ; my conscience
bears me witness that I did nothing out of malice to any,
or on any sinister design, but sincerely what I deemed my
duty in the circumstances, fairly in a legal way to assert
and vindicate the rights and liberties of the City, which
I (and many others) apprehend to be invaded ; touching
which much might be said, but I forbear, and content
myself only to acknowledge the mercy of God to me,
that did so' guide me in all the passages thereof that my
adversaries upon the trial could not prove the least evil
against me, but on the contrary the very witnesses they
brought did rather vindicate me, so that had not the
Jury taken upon them to judge of the heart, which is
God's prerogative, and ought not to be judged by man
without evident demonstration ; in fact, they would not
have found it against me. It's true they were told. That
malice is a secret thing that lay in the heart ; but at the
same time, by the same person* they were also told. That
whatever he said, that was not in proof before them,
was to go for nothing, so that they ought to have
considered only the evidence given of the fact, and if
thereby there appeared no unjust and malicious proceeding,
they should have acquitted me ; and not judged according
to the imagination of their hearts of mine. The Lord
forgive them.-|-

* The Judge.

t Papillon adduces only the just portion of the Judge's address to the
Jury, and thus throws on the latter the whole blame of their Verdict ; but
as noticed in Chapter XL, after arguing justly on the merits of the case the
Judge launched out into so much partisan and personal invective against
Papillon, that he swayed the Jury into finding an adverse Verdict.

272 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" 2ndly. — There is this mercy to be owned and acknow-
ledged, That God hath restrained the wrath and wickedness
of man against me. Though He hath suffered them thus
far to proceed, to touch my Estate or liberty, yet to what
might not malice have extended, if God had not withheld
it ? The Devil and wicked men are limited, and cannot
do that hurt, that many times they would, to the children
of God. Satan at first could not touch Job's person, and
afterwards could not touch his life.

" 3rdly. — It is a great mercy. That my sufferings are such,
that many good and godly people do sympathize with me
and do bear with me upon their hearts before the Lord for
the obtaining of mercy and blessings for me and mine.

"4thly. — It is a mercy. That God hath given me a son,
who I hope is £ruly gracious, of years of discretion to take
care of his, not to say my, concerns ; which are the main
as to outward things, for a little will serve me for the
rest of my time; my endeavours as to concerns in the
affairs of the world being only for my Children.

" Sthly. — I esteem it a great mercy, and bless God, That
in His providence he directed me in my retirement to
Mr. T. C, who, both himself and his Wife, are truly and
sincerely godly and religious, in whose conversation, and
in the exercise of religious duties in their family, I have
received much advantage and consolation : Their kindness
and love hath been very great to me; I desire to see
God in it, and beg of Him to return it a thousand-fold
on them and their's.

"All those mercies and favours, in general and in
particular, I partake of from God, even in and under
my present sufferings; and have I not then cause to be
thankful, and to admire God's goodness, and to rejoice
in the Lord?
" I. — When I consider my own deserts, by reason of

REFLECTIONS ON HIS EXILE. 273

sin, which render me unworthy of the least mercy, and
obnoxious to the greatest judgments, so that the greatest
sufferings in this life are far less than my iniquities deserve ;
and

" 2. — When I consider, and can by the eye of faith see,
the gracious designs of God towards me in this afflicting
providence, that it is the chastisement of a father for
my profit, that I may be made partaker of His holiness;
that I may have more of the presence of God in, and
reap the peaceable fruits of righteousness by, my sufferings,
both of which I desire to consider and meditate upon. I
only now mention them, and so come,

" Secondly, To consider my present case as to the dark
side of it, as it is an afflictive evil.

" istly. — To have the malice and rage of men let out
against me; to have reproaches, slanders, and calumnies
vented to render me odious, and to insinuate as if I were
in design with those that were flatterers against his Majesty,
my lawful Sovereign, which I did, and do from my heart,
abominate, esteeming myself obliged by the principles of
the Christian reHgion which I profess, to be a faithful
and loyal subject. This is very grievous, and a sore
affliction.

"2ndly. — To have a Verdict of ;^ 10,000 passed against
me, a very great sum to be taken from my Estate, gained
in a long tract of time by the blessing of God on my
labours; and to be deprived thereof, and have it ravished
from me in a moment, is a very sore and great affliction.

" 3rdly. — That on this occasion I am deprived of the
comfortable enjoyment of my Wife and Children; forced
to leave my habitation to preserve my liberty; and by
this means to lose my trade and employment. This
cannot but be very bitter.

"4thly. — To be necessitated to be absent from the public

274 THOMAS PAPILLON.

worship of God, in the assemblies of His people, and so
from the participation of the blessed Sacrament — is yet
more grievous.

" This is the state and condition I am now in, and though
exceeding sad, yet God's mercies to me are many and
great, so that there is great cause for thankfulness and
admiring God's goodaess, and great cause for humiliation
and self-abasement under God's afflicting hand, and for
searching into the cause of God's displeasure, and as the
Church saith, To search and try my ways, and to turn
to the Lord; and I might in the next place enquire into
the reason of that malice and prejudice that is in the
minds of men against me; but in regard my conscience
bears testimony to me, that I have not given any just
cause thereof, having in public places to which I have
been called, laboured to discharge my duty to God, my
King, and my Country, without any bye or sinister end
or design whatever, I shall therefore remain silent, and
wait till any of my adversaries will let me know the cause
of their ill will towards me, and then doubt not to clear
up my innocency as to man ; and I rather choose to avoid
this, lest it might through my corrupt nature become a
temptation on me to make my heart rise against some
persons. It is more profitable for me to consider the
righteousness of God in this afflicting providence, arid to
examine what sins I may be guilty of, whereby I have
displeased His holy Majesty, and brought this affliction on
me ; as also what God's design towards me may be in this
chastisement, and what improvement I shall make thereof;
therefore,

"2ndly. — I desire to consider God's righteousness, and
my own sinfulness; I have deserved greater punishments
and chastisements from God ; the corrupt fountain of sin in

REFLECTIONS ON PAST SINFULNESS. 27$

my nature and the many sins of my life, both of commission
and omission, may justly humble me before God ; but in
a special and peculiar affliction there may be some special
sins that may occasion it. It concerns me then to enquire
out the Achan, the Judas — the special sins for which God
sends this affliction.

"istly. — I cannot but in the first place observe a very
great evil, and as the womb of many others, the looseness
and vanity of my mind, and sinfulness of my 'thoughts ;
my heart should always be fixed on God as the centre
of my happiness, and on His glory as the end of my
being ; and all my thoughts, words, and actions, should be
directed to the glory of God and my enjoyment of Him :
but through the looseness of my mind and thoughts
oftentimes my very religious services have been rendered
sinful, while I have not had my heart fixed on the great
end, but loose and at rovers, so that I have not served
God with intenseness of soul and delight of heart, as I
ought to have done ; and besides this, many times both
in the day and night, my mind and fancy have been filled
with sinful and vain conceptions and imaginations, which
have not always as they ought been repelled — but too,
too often harboured and pored upon — whereby I have
been defiled, and have grieved the holy Spirit of God,
and so become unsuited to communion with God, and to
the spiritual performance of duty by the withdrawing of
the quickening Spirit, and withholding of His divine
influences.

"A serious and steady and fixed frame of heart for
God, is that I find a want of; for which I mourn and
earnestly desire that God would unite my heart to fear
His name.

"2ndly. — I am sensible that I have not so diligently

minded my soul's eternal concerns — and as the Apostle
s 2

2^6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

exhorts, given all diligence to make my calling and
election sure, — I have not seriously, and so frequently as
I ought set myself to the examination of my own heart
and ways, to prove my own work, but have been apt to
much slightness and carelessness in this great work. God
shews me the uncertainty of all things of this world, to
engage me to be more diligent in my endeavours to make
me sure of heaven. *

"3rdly.— I am convinced of much pride and worldliness.

" I. — In letting out our minds to seek after great things
in the world for ourselves and Children, especially when
we apprehend God is pulling down. This was Baruch's
sin, in xlv. Jeremiah.

"2. — Iri that, too frequently, thoughts of self-advancing,
and the esteem and praise of men, have mingled themselves
in those transactions wherein I have been engaged in the
public and other concerns, and sometimes even in religious
duties. Oh, the evil that is in the heart, that root of
corruption that takes occasion from God to ensnare to
sin ! As God is pleased by the falls and failings of His
people to do them good, and make them more humble
and more watchful, so Satan and my corrupt heart take
occasion from the good God enables me to do, to tempt
me to pride and self pleasing with the esteem of men.
This is a great evil, to be deeply bewailed and strove
against. Though I can say, I hope, through grace, that
in the main I have not made these my end, yet I am
sensible such thoughts and workings steal in too often
on the heart. Now God in this providence shews us
that we should have our minds taken off from the world,
which is so uncertain, and can so soon be taken from
us ; and that when we, through corruption, take occasion
to sin, through the good God enables us to do, God can
make our enemies correct us, by misrepresenting our

REFLECTIONS ON PAST FAILINGS, 2^^

actions, and vilifying our persons ; wherein however unjust
it is in them, yet it is most righteous in God.

"4thly. — In response to others, the Church of God, and
the Public, I find myself guilty before God.

" 1st. — That I have not so thoroughly laid to heart, and
been afflicted with, so as to mourn and be deeply humbled
before God, for the sins of others professing the true
Religion, whereby God's holy name fiath been dishonoured,
and His holy religion scandalised and evil spoken of The
atheism and contempt of God and the power of godliness,
the whoredoms, drunkenness, swearing, and debauchery —
the idolatry, superstition, and placing more in modes and
external forms, than in the inward and spiritual part of
religion — the hatred, malice, and envy in the hearts of
men, one against another, breaking out and shewing itself
in evil-speakings, revilings, and rejoicings in the evils that
come on them, laying snares to entrap men ; injustice,
oppression, perjury, frequent murders — a sin grown
ordinary and too often pardoned — and many the like, as
also the wicked designs of some miscreants to have taken
away the life of the King at Newmarket, the persons
therein involved being said to be Protestants, but I am .
sure therein acting quite contrary to the principles of that
Religion, however from thence the enemies of our Religion,
the Papists, have taken great occasion to vilify the true
Religion and to advance their false one, though it is
evident to them that will not shut their eyes, that the
Papists have been guilty of more cruelties, massacres,
dethroning, murdering, and assassinating kings, and other
public persons, than any other sort of men in the world,
and that such things have been countenanced, allowed,
and made matter of thanksgiving by the public authority
of that Church, as the learned Bishop of Lincoln and
others have evinced to the world. Alas ! how ready have

2/8 THOMAS PAPILLON.

I been apt to complain of any injury or wrong done to
myself, when in the meantime the dishonour of God, and
the scandal brought about on the true Religion, hath not
touched me as it ought. This sin I was convinced of,
from the practice of holy David, Psalm cxix., 158, "I
beheld the transgressors and was grieved because they
kept not thy law ; " he was grieved, not because these
men did him injury, persecuted him, andT were his enemies,
and sought his ruin, but because they kept not God's law.
God was dishonoured by them.

"2ndly. — In not being of a more sympathising spirit, and
affected with the sufferings of the people of God in all
parts of the world, and drawn out in prayer for them,
for grace to support and carry them through all, to the
honour of God and religion, and for deliverance in God's
due time.

"3rdly. — In not being more affected with the condition
of the Church of God in the world, hearing of the
persecutions and hardships under which the people of
God are, and by the general course of things apprehending
many and great confederacies against them, in conjunction
with anti-Christ, to root out the name of Israel, the true
Protestant religion, out of the world ; and to hear these
things only as common news, without having the heart
touched, and applying to God by earnest prayer, to arise
and have mercy upon Zion — is a great evil.

"4thly. — In not being more zealous and sincere, and
fervent in prayer for the Magistrates and Ministers; I
have not neglected this totally, but I confess I have not
done it with the spirit and affection as I ought. It is
an Apostolical injunction, to pray 'for kings and all in
authority, that under them we may lead peaceable lives
in all godliness and honesty ;' and there are frequent
injunctions to pray for Ministers. Our Lord Jesus Christ

REFLECTIONS ON PAST FAILINGS. 279

himself requires that we should 'pray the Lord of the
harvest to send forth labourers into His harvest.' If we
meet not with what we expect and look for from these
public persons, we ought to reflect, and consider whether
we have discharged our duties towards them in praying
for them ; I can say as to the King himself, I have hardly
ever gone to prayer but I have with desire begged a
blessing from the Lord on him ; as to others in general,
I have been too remiss and careless. The Ministers, many
truly godly, are laid aside and persecuted, while the Jews
and Papists, against whom there are severe laws, are not
molested. Many that preach in public do not preach
Christ, but themselves, and to please men, to gain
preferment; and turn the institution of God for pro-
mulgating the Gospel and converting souls only to a
carnal ■ and politic end. Many are debauched, and loose
in their principles and practices, so that it may be said,
Profaneness and wickedness hath gone out into the land
from the Priests ; yet this hath not been so thoroughly
bewailed and mourned for, as it ought, &c.

"These sins, when I consider the manifold convictions
I have had from God's word, by His Spirit, on my
conscience, the many mercies God hath pleased from
time to time to vouchsafe me, affording His assistance
in the discharge of duties He called me to, His blessing
in my calling and family. His protection and deliverance
from dangers, especially the Great Plague, and keeping
me from snares, together with the many engagements I
have made to God of close and spiritual walking before
Him, are exceedingly and greatly aggravated, as becoming
sins against knowledge, high ingratitude, and great un-
faithfulness ; and therefore I must acknowledge God is
righteous; yea, my God is merciful; 'He hath not dealt
with me according to my sins, nor rewarded me according

28o THOMAS PAPILLON.

to mine iniquities,' but hath spared and pitied me as a
gracious Father, Psalm ciii., 13, 14., and I may say as
Ezra ix., 13, 'My Lord hath punished me less than mine
iniquities have deserved.'

"Now, therefore, it remains that I should seriously
consider God's design in bringing this affliction upon
me, and what improvement I should make of it.

" Certainly, God intends I should get my heart truly
affected and humbled before him for all my sins, both
of commission and omission — the sin of my nature and
the sins of my life — that I should confess and forsake
them, particularly those before mentioned ; repent after
a godly sort, and by faith apply to God in Christ for
the pardoning of them, that through the blood of Christ
they may be washed away, blotted out of the book of
God's remembrance; that God may be reconciled to me
through the Lord Jesus, and that from Him I may receive
divine grace and communications of strength to subdue
and mortify every corrupt affection, and to discharge and
perform every duty God requires, not only as to the
external acts, but in that frame of heart and in that
spiritual manner that is suitable and pleasing to God,
Who is a Spirit, and will be worshipped in spirit and in
truth; that I should labour after a more fixed and settled
frame of heart for God ; be more diligent in working out
my salvation, and assuring to my soul well grounded
evidences of a future happiness; get my heart more
weaned from the world, as vain and unable to afford
any real satisfaction ; and to bring under self and all
self-advancing thoughts, and to make it my design to
exalt God, and to glorify Him; to be more affected and
grieved at God's dishonour than my own sufferings; to
be more carried forth in desires for the good of the

REFLECTIONS ON HIS EXILE. 28 1

Church ; to have a fellow-feeling for the sufferings of
God's people, to be more in earnest in prayer for them
and the Church of God, and for the Magistrates and
Ministers ; and in all to make God my Great end.

" O Lord my God, enable me hereunto ; and let me be
taught of Thee, that I may partake of that blessedness
pronounced in Thy Word as the portion of those whom
Thou correctest and teachest out of Thy Law. That I
may be able to say from experience, as David, 'It is good
for me that I have been afflicted that I might learn Thy
statutes.' "

SANCTITY OF THE SABBATH.

About a year after he reached Holland as an Exile,
Thomas PapiUon wrote the following treatise on the
Sanctity of the Sabbath, in response to an appeal from
the friend at Amsterdam who had kindly afforded him
domicile on his arrival — Mr. Paul D'Aranda : —

"Though it is some time since I had from you an
invitation to communicate my thoughts concerning the
obligation that lies on Christians of keeping the Lord's
Day in a religious manner, and diligently to attend on
the preaching of the Word in public, and in the exercise
of other private and religious family duties, yet being
conscious of my own weakness and insufficiency, and
knowing how acute you are, and how well versed in the
controversies touching these matters — having as I under-
stand read much, if not most, of what hath been written
about them — I have hitherto remained silent ; but this
thing revolving in my mind, lest I should be wanting on
my part to one whom I so really love, and whose spiritual
as well as temporal good I so heartily desire, I have now
resolved as a Christian friend to write unto you with all
freedom, entreating you to take it in good part as it is
really intended, and without prejudice seriously and
unbiassedly to consider things in the presence of God,
before Whom we must shortly appear, when the secrets
of all -hearts shall be discovered.

" Touching the disputes concerning the morality of the
Sabbath, and the change of the seventh to the first day
of the week, now called the Lord's Day, I desire not
to perplex my mind therewith; I find that our Lord's

ESSAY ON THE SABBATH. 283

resurrection was on the first day of the week ; that
afterwards, all His appearances to His Disciples mentioned
particularly in the Evangelists (except one spoken of in
John xxi.) were on the first day of the week, when they
were assembled together; that the Disciples were assembled
together, and received the unction of the Spirit on the
day of Pentecost, being the first day of the week ; that
it was the succeeding practice of the Christians to assemble
the first day of the week for Religious Worship, Acts xx.,
7., I. Corinthians xvi., 2, and that it was called the Lord's
Day. Revelation i., 10.

" Certain it is from the very light of natural reason, if
we own a God, we must acknowledge he ought to be
worshipped both publicly and privately. If so, then there
must be a time for worship. What time shall that be?
It cannot be at every man's arbitrament, because we are
to worship God publicly, in a community, as well as
privately in retirement ; the practice of the Apostles and
primitive Christians, and the universal consent of the
Church of God ever since, seem to me sufficient to
determine us in this matter.

" But some may suggest and say. We do not speak
against the Lord's Day, nor plead for the Jewish seventh-
day Sabbath, but we say,

" I. — If it be a moral institution, then the day should
be kept with the strictness and exactness that the Jews
kept their Sabbath under the Law, and

" If it be not, then we are not precisely obliged to that
day, nor to spend the whole time in religious service, but
may, as occasion offers, employ ourselves in the affairs
of our callings, or in recreations, at least before the public
worship begins, and after it is ended.

" For answer to this, waiving the controversy touching
the morality of the Sabbath, — As to the first supposition,

284 THOMAS PAPILLON.

I satisfy myself with what our Saviour, answered to the
Pharisees on this very subject in Matthew xii. the beginning,
and verses 7 and 8, and thence conclude that there is a
greater latitude to Christians under the Gospel dispensation,
and that all acts of mercy and charity in reference to
ourselves and others, and whatever may tend to our more
cheerfully serving of God, is allowed on the Lord's Day.

"And as to the inference from the other supposition,
in cases of absolute necessity, where delay would be
ruinous, as when a house is on fire, a ship laden with
goods sunk or stranded, an enemy coming upon us. Sec,
I think the aforementioned rule laid down by our Saviour
gives a dispensation ; but we must beware lest the corruption
that is in our own hearts draw us off from the service of
God's people, and from family and closet retirement.

"I am induced to be of this belief: —

"i. — In general, on consideration of what our Saviour
saith in Mark ii., 27, that 'the Sabbath was made for man,
and not man for the Sabbath;' the words are very plain
and positive, and spoken by Him Who is truth itself, and
therefore not to be denied; and hence there seems to me
to be a very cogent argument deducible. If the Lord
made the Sabbath for man, methinks it clearly follows
that it is man's duty to improve the Sabbath. God made
all things very good, and nothing in vain ; He made the
Sabbath for man, i.e., for man's good and benefit; certainly
man is then obliged to improve it for that end for which
it was made. May not this be accounted a talent entrusted
to us ? and we know how sad the case of th?it man was in
Matthew xxv., 30, who was an unprofitable servant, and
improved not his talent that God had entrusted him with.
The Lord grant it may not be the case of any of us.

" ' The Sabbath was made for man.' When was it made ?
Surely first at the creation ; which by the way seems to

THE DUE REST OF THE SABBATH. 285

me to thwart, if not overthrow, the conceit of those that
pretend to say there was no Sabbath observed till the
Mosaical dispensation.

" 'The Sabbath was made for man.' What ! for no other
end but that man should be idle and rest from bodily
labour? I cannot think that any endued with a rational
sou), and acting suitably thereto, can allow themselves in
such a notion, which would be to make man no more of a
man than a brute. Idleness is charged in Scripture for a
sin ; it must surely be a higher rest that man is called
to, viz., To the contemplation of the Lord, his Creator
and Redeemer, in all His great and glorious works, so as
to bring his soul unto the exercise of Faith and Love, and
other Christian Graces ; and to rest in God in Christ, his
ultimate and eternal blessedness: Hence, the Sabbath, in
many places in the Old Testament, is called a holy day,
a Sabbath of rest to the Lord, Exodus xxxv., 2 ; and there
is spoken of, a rest for our souls, Jeremiah vi., 16; and
David saith in Psalm cxvi., 7, 'Return unto thy rest, O
my soul.'

" In the New Testament we find our recovery from a
State of sin and wrath to a state of Grace ; and reconciliation
is called a rest for our souls, Matthew xi., 28, 29. The
blessedness of heaven is called a rest, II. Thessalonians i.,
7 ; and we read in Hebrews iii., 4, of God's rest, and of our
entering into it : Surely then, this rest that Christians on
the Sabbath should labour after, is a spiritual rest; and
the outward and bodily rest, in abstaining from all worldly
and secular affairs, is required that our souls may be the
more free from those incumbrances to attend upon the
Lord without distraction, as the Apostle phrases it in
I. Corinthians vii., 35.

" If any shall oppose, and say that I plead for a Jewish
observance of a seventh-day Sabbath, I answer. In no wise.

286 THOMAS PAPILLON.

I have before declared what satisfieth me as to the change
of the seventh day to the first day of the week, and that
I desire not to intermeddle with the nice disputes of or
concerning the morality of the Sabbath ; and truly I fear
those disputes do not promote godliness, and were better
avoided, as some others of which the Apostle speaks in
I. Timothy vi., 3, 4, 5, and II. Timothy ii., 16-23. I shall
only observe that this passage of our Saviour, before
insisted on, seems to me, considering the preceding and
following words, to prove two things : —

" I. — That all such works as are necessary to the
upholding life, and the better disposing us for the service
of God, may be lawfully done on the Lord's Day; this is
plain, by our Saviour justifying His disciples in pulling the
ears of corn, and David in taking the shew-bread.

"2. — That our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of Man, is
Lord of the Sabbath, and hath power and authority to
change the Sabbath from the seventh day to the first
day of the week; which is also plain from our Saviour's
inference from this position in the following verse, 'there-
fore,' &c.

" You will say, shew me that the Lord Jesus hath made
such a change ; I answer as before. That Christ's rising,
Christ's constant appearing to His disciples, the practice
of the Apostles and the primitive Christians, and of the
universal Church of. Christ ever since, with whom Christ
promised His blessed presence — is to me fully satisfying.

"In Zephaniah iii., towards the latter end, which is
undoubtedly a prophecy of the times of the Gospel, God
saith, 'The Lord thy God in the midst of thee is mighty;
He will, save. He will rejoice over thee with joy; He will
rest in His love, and He will joy over thee with singing.'
Will God rest in His love towards us, and shall not we
make it our work and business on the Lord's Day to bring

THE SABBATH A TALENT. 287

our souls to rest on God in Christ, and to take all our
delight and satisfaction in Him alone ?

" For a conclusion of this general consideration, I would
put the following queries to them that neglect the sanctify-
ing the Lord's Day, and employ it in the works of their
callings, or in carnal pleasure and recreations.

" I . — What time do you set apart, seriously and in
sincerity to examine your own hearts, and to consider how
matters stand between God and you, as to the eternal
concernments of your souls ?

"2. — What time do you take, in a solemn and spiritual
manner, to commemorate the work of God in Creation,
Providence, and especially in Redemption, so as to give
God the praise and glory of all His glorious perfections
shining forth in them, and so as to bring your souls into the
exercise of repentance, humility, faith, love, joy, delight
in God, and to rest with holy confidence in God in Christ
as your portion and happiness? A gracious soul will
never leave seeking after God till he comes to this rest
and satisfaction in God. Whoever takes not time for these
things, and is not serious and spiritual in them, it is to
be feared that the true reason of his declining Sabbath
sanctification in public and private is because he hath a
worldly, corrupt, and carnal heart, and never yet tasted
that the Lord is gracious — but is a stranger to God, and
void of true Grace. To such therefore I further query —

"3. — What do you think will be your condition at the
Day of Judgment ? God made the Sabbath for you, gave
it you as a talent to be improved for His glory and your
soul's good, made provision in the Gospel Ordinances, as
in Luke xiv., 16, &c., but you slighted His day, neglected
the improvement of this talent, and for worldly concerns
made light of His invitations and provisions in the Gospel.
What will you have to plead or say for yourself? Will it

288 THOMAS PAPILLON.

think you, be an available excuse to say you scrupled the
morality of the fourth commandment, and doubted whether
Christ ever appointed the change from the seventh to the
first day of the week, when as in truth you set apart no
days or fixed time to be employed and improved in a
solemn and spiritual manner for the worship of God, and
the working out your own salvation ?

"4. — More particularly, I believe it is my duty and
interest to keep and improve the Lord's Day in a holy
and spiritual manner as before mentioned, on account of
the several duties both public and private, to which I
am to attend; to all of which I find myself indispensably
obliged, in respect of both duty and interest, they being
not only commanded and enjoined by Divine authority,
but also instituted and appointed as means for my good
and salvation, in the performance whereof in that spiritual
manner God requires, I worship the Lord, owning and
acknowledging that homage I owe to His Sovereign
Majesty, and expect and wait for (of His goodness and
mercy) the communications of His Grace, and the
manifestations of His love in Christ, for my conversion,
sanctification, consolation, and eternal salvation.

" The public duties are, hearing the Word preached, and
joining with the Church and the people of God in prayer,
and in celebrating the praises of God, and receiving the
blessed Sacrament of the Lord's Supper.

"The private duties are, in the first place, to prepare
myself by sweet and closet meditation and prayer; and
if I be a Master of a family, to endeavour that those
under my charge may be prepared for the worship of
God in public; and to that end, to pray with them; and
then after the public worship is ended, to retire apart,
to seek for His blessing, and seriously to consider and
examine myself concerning the frame and temper, of my

DUTY OF HEARING THE WORD. 289

heart in God's service, so as to be humbled and beg
pardon for all my failings and miscarriages, and to give
God praise for any assistance or otherwise of His Grace,
and to call to mind the words I have heard, and by
meditation and application to fix them on my own heart,
and also to help those of my family what I am able, and
pray with them.

"To attend on the preaching of the Word of God, is
both my duty and my interest.

"This it is my duty, I gather : —

"i. — From Christ's appointing persons to preach, as in
Matthew xxviii., 19, and Mark xvi., 16, 'Go ye into the
world and preach the Gospel to every creature.' 'When
He ascended up on high He led captivity captive, and
gave gifts to men,' 'and He gave some Apostles,' &c.
(i. Corinthians xii., 28, Ephesians iv., 8-1 1.) Now if Christ
hath appointed such officers to preach, it is certainly my
duty to hear. In II. Corinthians v., 20, Ministers are said
to be 'Ambassadors for Christ.' Doth the Lord send
ambassadors to us, and shall we refuse and neglect to
hear their message? This is to slight God himself, for
Christ tells us in Luke x., 16, ' He that heareth you
heareth Me, and he that despiseth you despiseth Me and
he that despiseth Me despiseth Him that sent Me.'

"2. — From the many commands and injunctions there-
unto, in the Old Testament, Deuteronomy iv., i, v., i,
vi., 3, 'Hear, O Israel,' &c.; It's the language of all the
Prophets, 'Hear ye the Word of the Lord:' The wise
man calleth us to this in Proverbs i., 8, iv., i-io, viii., 33;
and in the New Testament the Apostle tells us in Hebrews
i., that God who formerly in divers manners spake to the
fathers by the Prophets, in the last days hath spoken to
us by His Son ; and we are enjoined by God himself, by

290 THOMAS PAPILLON.

a voice from heaven, Matthew xvii., 5. Luke ix., 35, 'This
is My beloved Son ; hear Him.' Now Christ is gone to
heaven, how shall we hear Him? He Himself tells us
that to hear His Ministers, sent in His name, is to hear
Him, as in that aforementioned place, Luke x., t6. 'He
that heareth you heareth Me' ; and the Apostle James
requires and enjoins in his chapter i., 9, that every one
should be 'swift to hear.' To this I might add those
injunctions in the Gospel, and in Revelation ii., iii., 'Let
him that hath an ear hear what the Spirit saith unto the
Churches/ and also those cautions, Mark iv., 24, Luke viii.,
18, Take heed how, and what, ye hear; all which implies
it is our duty to attend the ministry of the Word. But
it is not only my duty but also my interest and great
concern, carefully and diligently, to attend the preaching
of the Word ; and in that I am fully satisfied — for

"i. — I find that preaching is instituted and aippointed
as the ordinary means of Conversion and Salvation. The
Apostle tells us, Titus i., 2, 3, That God manifests His
word, that is His promise of eternal life, through preaching;
and in Ephesians iii., 8, 9, he saith. This grace was given
to him, that he 'should preach among the Gentiles the
unsearchable riches of Christ,' and 'to make all men see
what is the fellowship of the mystery which from the
beginning of the world was hid in God.' In I. Corinthians
i., 21, he tells us that it pleased God 'by the foolishness
of preaching to save them that believe ; ' that is — though
the world count and esteem preaching foolishness, yet it
is that way by which God is pleased to bring His people
to Salvation; and in Romans x., having quoted that
promise out of the prophet Joel, that 'Whosoever shall
call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved,' the
Apostle argues an impossibility of Salvation in the
ordinary way without preaching, [' How shall they call

BLESSING ON HEEDING THE WORD. 29 1

on Him in whom they have not believed? And how

shall they believe in Him of whom they have not heard?

And how shall they hear without a preacher?' And

then concludes that faith is wrought by hearing the Word

of God preached ; and the same Apostle in Galatians iii.,

speaking to them that cried up the works of the Law,

saith in verse 2, 'This one thing I would know, received

you the Spirit by the works of the Law, or by the hearing

of faith,' intimating plainly that the Spirit of His saving

gifts and graces was communicated in and by the preaching

of the Gospel; and in Acts xxvi., i8, we read that Paul

was sent a preacher to the Gentiles, to open their eyes,

and 'to turn them from darkness to light, and from the

power of Satan unto God, that they might receive

forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them that are

sanctified through faith that is in Christ.' It is in the

preaching of the Gospel that we, 'beholding as in a glass

the glory of God, are changed into the same image from

glory to glory,' II. Corinthians iii., i8. God who commanded

light to shine out of darkness, in the preaching of the

Gospel, gives the light of the knowledge of the glory of

God in the face of Jesus Christ, II. Corinthians iv., S, 6.

"2. — I find many gracious promises to them that attend

conscientiously the preaching of the Word, Isaiah Iv., 8,

' Hear, and your soul shall live ; and I will make an

everlasting covenant with you, even the sure mercies of

David.' In Proverbs viii., 34, 'Blessed is the man that

heareth Me, watching daily at My gates, waiting at the

posts of My doors.' In John v., 2$, 'The dead shall hear

the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear shall

live.' Luke xi., 28, 'Blessed are they that hear the Word

of God, and keep it.' John v., 24, 'He that heareth My

Word, and believeth on Him that sent Me, hath everlasting

life.' Revelation iii., 20, 'Behold I stand at the door and
T 2

292 THOMAS PAPILLON.

knock.' How doth Christ knock? By His Spirit, in the
ministry of the Word ; so the following words expound
it, ' If any man hear My voice, and open the door, I will
come in to him, and sup with him, and he with Me.'

"3. — I find that as preaching was instituted by God as
the ordinary means of Conversion, and hath many promises
annexed to it, so also that it hath been accompanied
with success, God sending His Spirit, to make His Word
eiificacious, as our Lord Jesus Christ promised His Apostles
to be with them to the end of the world. We read in
Acts ii. and iv., of thousands converted at two sermons;
of Philip's preaching and success in chapter viii. ; of
Cornelius in chapter x., being directed to send for Peter
to preach to him, with the effect thereof. Of Lydia,
chapter xvi., and in the following history ; as also in
Paul's Epistles we read what great success his preaching
had in every place ; and the Apostle Peter tells them to
whom he wrote, that they were 'bom again, not of
corruptible seed, but of incorruptible, by the Word of
God that liveth and abideth for ever.' I. Peter i., 23.

"4. — I find very severe threatenings against those that
slight and neglect the hearing of the Word. A famine
of the Word is threatened as one of the greatest judgments,
Amos viii., 1 1 ; and contrariwise it is promised in Isaiah
xxx., 20, as the greatest blessing that they should 'see
their teachers,' and that they should not be driven into
corners. In Proverbs i., 24, 26, it says, 'Because I have
called, and ye refused ; I have streched out my hand, and
no man regarded,' ' I also will laugh at your calamity,' &c.
In Proverbs xxviii., 9, ' He that turneth away his ear from
hearing the law, even his prayer shall be abomination.'
In Psalm Ixxxi., 12, 'My people would not hearken, so
I gave them up to their own hearts lusts.' In Isaiah Ixv.,
12, 'Therefore will I number you to the sword, because

RESULT OF NEGLECTING THE WORD. 293

when I called ye did not answer, when I spake ye did
not hear,' and to the same purpose in Isaiah Ixvi., 4, and
Zechariah vii., 7-13. In Matthew x., 14, and Mark vi., 11,
Christ tells us that it should be more tolerable for Sodom
and Gomorrha in the day of Judgment than for them that
did not receive and hear His Ministers.

"I might further enlarge on this particular. It was
the commendation of Mary that she attended on Christ's
preaching, and our Saviour tells her (Luke x., 41, 42) that
'one thing was needful,' and she had chosen that good
part. It is the character of Christ's sheep to hear His
voice (John x., 27) of them that are of the truth (John
xviii., 37) of them that are of God (John viii., 47) and
of them that know God (l. John iv., 6) ; and on the
contrary, they that slight and neglect to hear God's Word
— the two last-mentioned Scriptures tell us they are not
of God ; as Dr. Horton in his sermon on John viii., 30,
page 96 saith, 'They that despise preaching, despise
conversion and regeneration, and the work of Grace to be
wrought in them, and so, in conclusion, Salvation itself;
which is no more than Paul says of the unbelieving Jews,
who put from them the preaching of the Word, and thereby
judged themselves unworthy of everlasting life.' Acts xiii.,
46.

" Objection I.

" Some will possibly say, May we not attend on the
preaching of the Word on week-days, as well as on the
Lord's Day ?

^^ Answer. — I answer. That I esteem it both laudable and
commendable, when there is opportunity, and that I can
redeem time from my calling and family concerns, to
attend on this ordinance of God on the week-day as well
as on the Lord's Day, but I do in no wise believe that
I may decline and forbear attendance on the public

294 THOMAS PAPILLON.

preaching on the Lord's Day, and by hearing on the
week-day supply the same, so as thereby to answer my
duty to God and my own soul — for

"i. — I consider, as before said, that God made the
Sabbath for man, and therefore I am convinced that I
ought to improve it, even that whole day, for my spiritual
benefit.

" I consider, that though I should question whether
under the Gospel, God hath appointed any peculiar day
or time for His service, yet considering the practice of
the Apostles and primitive Christians, I am not and cannot
be certain that He hath not: And if the Lord's Day
be of Divine institution, I apprehend that even the worship
and service of God on another day, with neglect of it
in the time of God's appointing, will be so far from
acceptable and pleasing to God, that it will be displeasing
to Him. That expression is remarkable in I. Kings xii.,
33, as testifying God's dislike of Jeroboam's service, that
it was 'the month which he had devised of his own heart;'
therefore, in doubtful cases, as this, I judge the safe and
sure way the most eligible.

" 3. — Whatever can be said against the Divine institution
of the Christian Sabbath, yet as the state of affairs in the
world are at present, I cannot but conclude that the Lord's
Day is the most proper and fit season for my attendance
on the preaching of the Word. To worship and honour
God, and to benefit my own soul by my attendance, it
is necessary that my mind be free from worldly thoughts
and incumbrances ; and therefore I am to labour by serious
meditation and prayer beforehand to prepare my heart
that I may be in a suitable and spiritual frame ; and then
afterwards, it is necessary that I take time to meditate
on the truths I have heard, to examine the same by
Scripture, and my own state and condition, and that I

NEED OF PREPARATION FOR HEARING. 295

endeavour to fix them on my soul, and pray to the Lord
for His Grace, that I may live in the comfort and practice
of them.

"To speak particularly in reference to preparation — and
afterwards how I should improve the occasion — is too large
a subject for a letter ; I shall therefore only mention some
few Scriptures which convince me that as it is of great
concern to me to come, so also is it how I come to this
Ordinance.

"In Matthew xiii. and Luke viii. we have the parable
of the sower, with the interpretation of it ; and we thereby
plainly learn that there is both something to be done
previous to hearing the Word, viz., plucking up the thorns,
removing the stones, and preparing the ground, i.e., our
own hearts ; and also something subsequent, viz., to take
heed that the seed be not devoured by the fowls, that is,
lest the devil catch or take the Word out of our hearts.
The prophet Jeremiah speaks of the first of these (iv., 3)
' Break up the fallow ground, and sow not among thorns ; '
and to the same purpose the prophet Hosea (x., 12) ; also
in I. Peter ii., i, 2. The Apostle exhorts to 'lay aside all
malice, and all guile and hypocrisies, and envy and evil
speakings, and as new born babes to desire the sincere
milk of the Word, that we may grow thereby;' and as to
the latter, concerning the Devil's obstructing the efficacy
of the Word, we read in II. Corinthians iv., 24, 'If the
Gospel be hid it is hid to them that are lost, in whom
the god of this world hath blinded the minds of them
that believe not, lest the light of the glorious Gospel of
Christ, Who is the image of God, should shine unto them.'
The ministry of the Gospel is to some 'a savour of life
unto life, and to others of death unto death' (ll. Corinthians
ii., 16), and therefore it behoves us to mind that caution in
Mark iv., and Luke viii. to take heed how and what we

296 THOMAS PAPILLON.

hear; and to imitate the Bereans, who are commended (Acts
xvii., 11) for that they received the Word with readiness
of mind, and searched the Scriptures whether those things
that were preached to them were so or no; and also the
Thessalonians who received the Word not as the word of
men, but as it is in truth the Word of God (l. Thessalonians
ii-, 13)-

"Now, if so much work lies upon me before I come to
the preaching of the Word, and so much after — what time
or season can be so fit and proper as the Lord's Day, on
which there is a cessation of all worldly negotiations in
public, when my mind may be free from the embarrass of
those affairs, which on the week-day is very difficult for
a person in trade — and if we consider the corruption of
our own hearts, almost impossible ?

"The wise man saith (Ecclesiastes iii.) that there is a
time and season for every purpose ; and in Ecclesiastes
viii., 6, 7, that it is a man's misery not to know it : I find
in Scripture much touching this particular — David — Psalm
Ixix., 13, speaks of praying in an acceptable time, &c.

"In II. Timothy iv., 2, the Apostle enjoins Timothy to
•preach the Word in season and out of season.' I will
not enquire critically what those words import, but since
the preaching of the Gospel is continued, and that it is an
indispensable duty, and my great interest and concern, to
attend thereon, and that the Lord's Day appears to me
to be the most fit and proper season for that purpose,
and that there may be great danger in neglecting the
season — I desire and am resolved by the Grace of God,
whatever others do, never to neglect that season — though
I think it my advantage, when I can redeem time without
prejudice to the affairs of my calling and family, to attend
to the preaching of the Gospel on the week-day also.

"To those that are of another mind, and absent them-

OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 297

selves from the public worship on the Lord's Day, and
employ their time on that day in the affairs of their
callings, as in casting up their accounts, writing in their
books, and the like, or in recreations not unlawful in
themselves, and think it sufficient to go to a week-day's
sermon, besides what is before said, I would propound to
them the following queries and considerations : —

"i. — Whether they think it will be pleasing to God, or
that it is reasonable in itself, that God, from Whom they
have life, and being, -and all that they enjoy, should be
put off with- an hour, or an hour and a half's service on a
week-day, in the midst of the hurry of worldly business,
when He gives them a whole day that may be employed
for that end ? And whether this may not expose them to
that curse denounced in Malachi i., 14 ?

"2. — Whether they do indeed conscientiously attend on
the preaching of the Word and worship of God on the
week-day, for though they may so speak in way of
argument, it can hardly be believed that they who neglect
the service of God on the Lord's Day will be careful, or
make much conscience, of giving God spiritual worship on
the week-day; and surely to neglect God's worship on the
Lord's Day on pretence that they will attend it on the
week-day, and then do it not, or at least not in that serious
and spiritual manner it ought to be, cannot but be very
provoking to God, and consequently destructive to their
own souls, unless they repent.

" 3. — Why cannot they do those works of their callings,
and take those recreations, on the week-day, when they
may do it without the hazard of sinning and provoking
God's displeasure against them? They pretend to take
time on the week-day to attend on the preaching of God's
Word ; that time might without doubt be lawfully employed
in their callings or recreations. If the business of their

298 THOMAS PAPILLON.

trades or callings be so much that they cannot compass it
in the six days of the week, or that they find on the Lord's
Day a greater freedom from company and interruptions,
and so take that time to sit the closer, and the better
to despatch their counting-house business; and in reference
to recreations, if they choose the Lord's Day because they
cannot spare time in the week for diversions, or because
on that day more persons are at leisure to accompany
them in such pastimes ; if any of these be the true reasons
for their neglecting the duties of religion on the Lord's
Day (which I refer to their own conscience) then whatever
they may pretend or scruple and doubt touching the
morality of the Sabbath— it is plain that Sin lieth at the
door; and that they mind, love, and prefer their worldly
profits and pleasures before and above the great concerns
of religion, and their soul's eternal welfare, and therein are
very unlike the children of God and in danger of eternal
perdition.

"The kingly prophet David tells us that it was the one
thing he desired and sought after, 'to dwell in the house
of the Lord, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to
enquire in His temple,' (Psalm xxvii., 4); that he found
more gladness in the discoveries of God's favour, than in
the increase of worldly goods (Psalm iv., 6, 7) ; and hence
it was that he so thirsted after, and followed hard after
God, to see His power and glory in the sanctuary, as he
expresses it in Psalm Ixiii., 1-3, and to the same purpose
in Psalm xlii. and Ixxxiv. He speaks of some, in Psalm
xvii., 14, who had their portion in this life, but he would
not be of that number; he looked for a blessed eternity,
as in verse 15. In Psalm xlix. he represents to us the
folly and vanity of worldly men, and how different their
condition and that of God's children will be, at and after
death. Indeed we find him under a sore temptation in

VALUE OF DUE ATTENTION. 299

Psalm Ixxiii. by reason of worldly men's prosperity, which
made him ready to conclude, verse 13 (as those in Malachi
iii., 14, did, and as many now do) that true piety was folly,
and nowise advantageous; but when he was enlightened
in God's sanctuary to look to their end, verse 17, he owns
his ignorance and brutishness therein, and in the close of
that psalm declares the blessedness of them that prefer
God above all, and have interest in Him as their portion ;
and that it is good to draw nigh to Him. What will the
profits and pleasures of the world avail us in a dying hour,
when strength and heart and all will fail? Why then
should we neglect God and ourselves for the world ? The
wise man tells us in Proverbs xi., 14, that riches profit not
'in the day of wrath, but righteousness delivereth from
death;' and in the close of his book of Ecclesiastes, having
read us a lecture on the vanity of all earthly things, he
concludes that the whole duty of man, his chief and
main business, is to serve God, and he adds as a reason,
'For God will bring every work to judgment, with every
secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.'
In Mark viii., 36, 37, our blessed Saviour saith, 'What
shall it profit a man if he shall gain the whole world and
lose his own soul? or what shall a man give in exchange
for his soul ? ' Surely then it is great folly to employ our
time on the Lord's Day for the world, when it might be
improved for the service of God, and the salvation of our
souls.

"I heartily desire and pray for myself and others, as
in Deuteronomy xxxii., 29. Oh ! that God would make
us wise, that we may understand this, that we would
consider our latter end.

" Objection II.

" Some there are that many times abstain from attending
on the preaching of the Word, and object against the

300 THOMAS PAPILLON.

preachers, in regard to the meanness of their gifts and
abilities, and say they know as much as they can teach
them, and can read a sermon at home to more advantage.

"Answer. — I shall not enlarge in reply to this objection,
as not being proper to the purpose in hand, but only say
that preaching is God's ordinance, as before evidenced ;
and the Ministers are but instruments in God's hands ;
the power is of God (ll. Corinthians iv., 7), and the success
or increase also (l. Corinthians iii., 6) ; and therefore we
ought to have our eye to God, and not to man ; and from
experience I have chosen and resolved on the Lord's
Day to prefer the preaching of the Word of God in the
public assemblies, though by a Minister of the meanest
gifts and parts, if he be godly and orthodox, before
the reading of the most learned and elaborate sermon
that ever was made, yea before the reading of the
Scripture, and the sermons of Christ himself, and the
Apostles — at home.

"As to other public duties on the Lord's Day, viz.,
joining with the Church and people of God in prayer, and
celebrating the praises of God, and receiving the Sacrament
(as also the private and family duties on that day, in
order to preparation for, and improvement of the public
worship) it is, as I conceive, very true, and might from
Scripture be clearly proved, touching these duties, as well
as the preaching of the Word,

« I. That it is not our only duty but likewise our interest

and great concern, to attend to them ; they being enjoined
and commanded as the worship and homage due from
us to the Lord, our Creator, Redeemer, and Preserver;
and also justified and appointed as the ordinary means, in
the due exercise and improvement whereof we may enjoy
communion with God, and receive and obtain from Him
Divine communications of His Spirit, with all blessings

god's blessings to be sought. 301

we need either for our souls or bodies — both in relation
to this present life and that which is to come — as also
for the Church and people of God ; and

"2ndly. — That the Lord's Day is the fittest and most
proper season for the due and spiritual performance of
the said duties. But having already enlarged beyond my
first intentions, 1 forbear, and only add, That as I am a
Master of a family, and have children and servants, I do
believe that I am not only obliged, personally and with my
family, to the worship of God on the Lord's Day as before
intimated, but that there also lies on me a duty every day,
both personally in private and publicly in my family, to
worship the Lord, and call upon His Name.

"As we have our being from God, for" He made us and
not we ourselves (Psalm c, 3) and we are continually
upheld and preserved by Him, for 'in Him we live and
move, and have our being,' (Hebrews xvi., 28), so all good
things that tend to our well being, whether for the body
or the soul, for the present life or in order to a blessed
eternity, come from Him ; for it is He that gives us all
things richly to enjoy (l. Timothy vi., 17) ; He gives food
to all flesh (Psalm cxxxvi., 25); both riches and the
enjoyment of them is God's gift (Ecclesiastes v., 19) ; all
our labour and endeavours would be vain and fruitless
without the Lord's blessing, &c.

" If all be from God, and of His great gift, then certainly
God is to be sought unto, to bestow and to be praised
for bestowing, blessings on us ; prayer is the means without
which we cannot expect to receive the blessings God hath
promised, whether spiritual or temporal, for in Ezekiel
xxxvi., God having made gracious promises of both, we
read verse 37, 'thus saith the Lord God, I will yet for
this be enquired of by the house of Israel to do it for
them ;' and praise and thanksgiving is the tribute we owe

302 THOMAS PAPILLON.

to God for all His blessings and favours. God made all
things for Himself, for His own glory (Proverbs xvi., 4);
of Him, and through Him, and to 'Him are all things,
to Whom be glory for ever' (Romans xi., 36); and the
Psalmist tells us (1., 23) 'Whoso offereth praise glorifieth'
God. It would be endless to mention the many places
in Scripture wherein this duty of prayer and praise is
commanded and enjoined ; and that not only on some
special occasions, but as a daily and constant service.
' Pray without ceasing ; ' ' In everything give thanks, for
this is the will of God in Christ Jesus concerning you '
(l. Thessalonians v., 17, 18) ; 'In everything by prayer and
supplication with thanksgiving let your requests be made
known unto God ' (Philippians iv., 6).

" We have also the practice of the Saints of God for our
example ; Daniel prayed three times a day, and it was his
constant custom to do so, Daniel vi., 10 ; David saith, 'At
evening and at morning and at noon will I pray ' (Psalm
Iv., 17) ; and in Psalm cxix., 164, ' Seven times a day do I
praise thee ; ' and in Psalm cxlv., 2, ' Every day will I bless
thee, and praise Thy Name for ever and ever.'

"Many are the promises made to this duty, 'Whosoever
shall call upon the Name of the Lord shall be saved'
(Romans x., 13) ; and it is the character of wicked and
un regenerate men, not to seek and call upon God (Psalm
liii., 2, 4) ; and of hypocrites, that they are not constant,
and will not persevere in the performance of this duty (Job
xxvii., 10), whereas on the contrary it is a mark of a child
of God, as in Acts ix., 11, where it is said as an evidence
of Paul's conversion, 'Behold he prayeth.' The neglect of
this duty is very displeasing to God, and that whereof He
complains in Isaiah xliii., 21, 22, 'This people have I
formed for Myself, they shall shew forth My praise ; but
thou hast not called upon Me, O Jacob; but thou hast

FAMILY WORSHIP INCUMBENT. 3O3

been weary of Me, O Israel,' and in Hosea vii., 7, 'there is
none of them that calleth upon Me.'

" From what has been said it is evident to me that this
duty of prayer and thanksgiving to God is so indispensable,
that whoever doth not personally and daily attend to it
is as yet a stranger to God, and as yet in a state of sin
and wrath ; and without repentance and reformation will
never obtain Salvation.

"This duty is not only personal, to be performed by
every one in secret, but I am fully persuaded that a duty
lies on me and on every Master of a family to worship
God in his family, and to pray with them ; for as we stand
in need of, and daily receive, not only blessings peculiar
to our own persons, but as we also stand related one to
another, and are in a family community, so, certainly, we
should own and acknowledge God in that community,
by seeking Him, and praising Him for family blessings.
We read in Ezekiel xliv., that God, as a motive or
encouragement to obedience, proposeth family blessings,
verse 30, 'that He may cause a blessing to rest in thine
house.' In Jeremiah xxxi., i, God saith, He will be 'the
God of all the families of the house of Israel.' That God
will not only be my God, but the God of my family is
a great mercy, and deserves to be both desired and
acknowledged. The blessings by and through Jesus
Christ, are extended to families (Genesis xii., 3) ; 'In thee
shall all the families of the earth be blessed.' In Proverbs
iii., 33, it is said, 'The curse of the Lord is in the house
of the wicked, but He blesseth the habitation of the just ; '
and ought we not in prayer to deprecate the curse, and
beg the blessing? We find that the people of God have
taken a special care of their families ; Abraham circumcised
all the males in his family as God required (Genesis xvii.,

304 THOMAS PAPILLON.

13, 23), and he is commended for the care of his family
(Genesis xviii., 19), 'I know that Abraham will command
his children and his household after him,' &c. ; and we find
Jacob going to worship God with his family, taking care
of them, that they might be prepared (Genesis xxxv., 2, 3).
Hence are those commands in Deuteronomy vi., 7 and xi.,
19, to teach God's statutes to our children, and to talk to
them when we sit in our houses, &c. We read in II.
Samuel vi., 20, that after David had been worshipping
God in public he returned to bless his household; and in
Psalm ci. he tells us what care he would take of his family,
and how to demean himself in that relation, verse 2, ' I will
walk within my house with a perfect heart;' and there
seems to me, from the connection of the last clause of the
verse with the former part, to be an implication that a
man cannot expect God to come to him in favour and in
a way of blessing, without family, as well as, personal
worship.

"When persons were converted to the faith, they took
care of their families ; hence we read that when Lydia
was converted, she was baptized, and her household (Acts
xvi., 15); and the Jailor (verse 33), he and all his were
baptized ; and Acts xviii., 8, Crispus believed in the Lord
with all his house, and they were baptized. And in respect
of the worship of God in families, I suppose it may be the
reason (or at least one reason) of those expressions, 'the
Church in such an one's house.' Romans xvi., S, 10, 11.
I. Corinthians xvi., 19. Colossians iv., 15. Philemon 2.
And' it is said of Cornelius (Acts x., 2) that he feared
God with all his house, and prayed to God always, and
(verse 30) that at the ninth hour he prayed in his house,
so that it seems to have been a set time for his family
worship. In Zechariah xii. there is a prophecy that when
God should deliver and restore His Church, and destroy

FAMILY WORSHIP INCUMBENT. 3OS

their enemies, a spirit of grace and supplication sliould
be poured out upon every family, that they should repent
and mourn apart; and as God extends mercy and grace
to families, so God threatens judgments on families in
Leviticus xx., 'I will set My face against that man and
his family;' and in Deuteronomy xxix., 18-20, 'lest there
should be among you man or woman, or family, or tribe,
whose heart turneth this day from the Lord, and the
Lord will not spare him,' &c. ; and in Jeremiah x., there
is a terrible imprecation on the families that call not
upon God ; — ' Pour out Thy wrath upon the heathen that
know Thee not, and upon the families that call not on
Thy Name.'

"Here I might further observe the practice of the
serious and truly pious persons in all times, who have
made conscience of family duties, and I never read or
heard of any amongst Christians (who were not atheistical
or wickedly profane) that did not in their judgment
approve, and in their speech acknowledge, that the
reading God's Word, and prayer, in families was religious
and commendable. The author of 'The whole duty of
Man,' saith ' Let no man that professes himself a Christian
keep so heathenish a family as not to see that God be
worshipped in it.'

"Well then, if we would obtain the blessing of God
on our families, and avoid His wrath and displeasure,
surely it is our duty and concern to take care of our
family, and to set up the worship of God there; and
therefore I desire to resolve with Joshua, whatever others
make their choice and practice, yet 'as for me and my
house, we will serve the Lord,' Joshua xxiv., 15.

3o6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" Sir, — I crave your pardon for giving you the trouble to read
so long an Epistle, wherein yet I have said very little in comparison
of what might be said on this subject; and indeed I must confess,
as at the beginning, my, own inability for such a work, which had
been more proper for some able Divine ; but your desire of me,
and my sincere and cordial affection for you, hath engaged me
thus far ; and I make it my earnest request to you that you will
excuse and pass by all my failings and weaknesses herein, and
seriously consider and weigh the whole matter, as that which
is, and will appear of great import when we shall come to stand
before the Judgment Seat of Christ : And the God of all Grace
grant," &c. "Colossians i., 9, 10. Hebrews xii., 21.

" I rest, your most affectionate and truly Christian Friend,

"Tho. Papillon.

tl 20th February, 1686 »
^nd March, 86'

The strength of Thomas Papillon's convictions, as set
forth in the foregoing treatise, can scarcely be doubted;
but as two records exist in proof of it, the Editor is glad
to be able to hand them down :

The first consists in the following memorandum which
appears in his own handwriting on the title page of a
4to M.S. book, bound in parchment, in which he recorded
his family relationships from his Grandfather and Grand-
mother down to his yougest Grandchild; and it may be
mentioned that the period of which he speaks embraced
his seventieth year : —

" The whole Old Testament was read over beginning
ys 17 June, 1692, and ending the 26 August, 1694,
being 2 years, 2 months, 9 days — which makes 795
days.

"There is in the Old Testament, besides y"= Psalms,
779 Chapters, the 16 days difference comes by reading
other Scripture sometimes, on Sacrament days, and on
special occasions.

REFUSAL TO BREAK THE SABBATH. 307

"The New Testament contains 260 Chapters; soe
the New Testament will be read over, if God vouchsafes
life and health, from the 26 August, exclusive, to the
13 May, 169s, inclusive.

"So the whole Scriptures (Spsalmes excepted) con-
taining 1039 Chapters, at one Chapter each day, will be
read over in 2 years, 10 months, and 4 or 5 days."

From the elimination of the Psalms in this calculation,
and from one chapter a day in the reckoning, it is concluded
that Thomas Papillon invariably read a portion of the
former at either Morning or Evening Family Worship.

As regards Thomas Papillon's personal observance of
the Lord's Day, the following letter, written when he was
one of his Majesty's Commissioners for Victualling the
Navy, will abundantly testify : —

"Right Honourable,

" Last night late, your Honour's of the 9th inst. came to the
Victualling Office, signifying his Majesty's pleasure that the
Commissioners should attend him at your Office on Sunday next
at four of the clock, concerning the Instructions about paying in
Course.

"As to myself, as I make conscience of serving the King
faithfully, so I desire conscientiously to observe the Lord's Day,
in the exercise of Religious duties, both public, private, and with
my Family, and believe that unless it be in any case of necessity,
I am bound by the Word of God so to do ; and I cannot conceive
the case in question to be such, and therefore entreat your Honour
to make my humble excuse to his Majesty, and to beg his gracious
pardon for my non-attendance.

"As to the matter of payments in course, the substance of what
can be said hath been put into writing, to which I refer; and
humbly lay myself at his Majesty's feet, and with all submission
V 2

308 THOMAS PAPILLON,

attend his pleasure. I shall always be heartily ready to serve his
Majesty, but under the present circumstances such an injunction
will render me incapable to do it in the Victualling Office.
" I am, Right Honourable,

"Your Honour's most humble and obedient Servant,

"Tho. Papillon.
" loth November, 1693.

" To the Right Honourable Sir John Trenchard,
Principal Secretary of State."

So far from the course thus adopted by Papillon involving
his loss of office, he not only remained in it a trusted
servant, but on his desire during some years for release,
on account of his age and infirmities, &c., he had much
difficulty in obtaining it from those in authority, as will
subsequently appear.

ADDRESS TO HIS CHILDREN.

Some may deem Papillon's principles regarding Sabbath
Observance to have arisen from Puritanical strictness, and
formality ; but such judgment must be dispelled on
discovering the soundness of his views on Christian faith
and love, as set forth in the following Address to his
Children, prepared about half a year later : —

"Utrecht. Thursday the J|*a August, 1686.

"This day all my Children being with me, I spake to
them something to the import of this paper, and prayed
with them.

" My dear Children, God hath vouchsafed us the comfort
to see the faces of one another, and now we are to part
in a few days, and we know not whether we may ever
meet again in this world, and therefore I have desired to
say something to you.

" Death is the lot of all. It is appointed for all men once
to die. In the chapters we have read of the Patriarchs
before the Flood, it is said, they lived and died.

"'After death comes Judgment' — Romans xiv., 12.
' Every man must give an account of himself to God '
— II. Corinthians v., 10. 'We must all appear before
the Judgment Seat of Christ,' &c.

" This Judgment whether the first, immediately on death,
or the last at the last general Resurrection, determines
all men to an eternal state of Misery or Blessedness,

"This we all profess to believe, but yet for the most part
we are not actually under the influence of this belief, so
as to be preparing for Death and Eternity, and to make

3IO THOMAS PAPILLON.

sure of a blessed state hereafter. Nor are we so inquisitous
and solicitous about the last Judgment, as to examine our
case beforehand, that then we may stand in judgment and
be accepted of the Lord, &c.

"All men, by nature, as they come into the world, are
in a state of Sin and Wrath. We have a description of
man in his natural state in Psalms xiv. and liii., which
the Apostle allegeth in Romans iii., 9, 10, to prove all,
both Jews and Gentiles, to be under sin ; and in Ephesians
i., 1-3, we are said to be 'dead in trespasses and sins,'
and to be by nature 'children of wrath.' This is our
condition from Adam by natural generation.

"Salvation and Recovery is only by Jesus Christ, Acts
iv. 12. 'Neither is there salvation by any other, for
there is none other name under heaven given among
men whereby we must be saved.'

"As being in Adam the common stock, and from him
by a natural generation — we derive sin and condemnation,
— so being in Christ by faith, we derive from Him
spiritual regeneration and salvation, as the Apostle shews
in Romans v.

"Faith is that Grace which unites us to Christ; it is
the hand that receives and embraces him ; and therefore
in answer to that question in Acts xvi., 30, 31, 'What
must I do to be saved?' it is said, 'Believe on the Lord
Jesus Christ,' and in John iii., 36, 'He that believeth on
the Son hath everlasting life,' and in I. John v., 12, 'He
that hath the Son hath life,' and Acts x., 43, 'To him
give all the prophets witness, that whosoever believeth in
Him shall receive remission of sins,' and in Colossians
i., 14, 'In whom we have redemption through His blood,
even the forgiveness of sins.'

"This faith is called a receiving of Christ, John i., 12;
a leaning on Christ, Canticles viii., 5 ; a believing in

THE DOCTRINE OF FAITH. 3II

Christ, John iii., 15, 16, John xi., 25, 26; a having Him,
I. John v., 12 ; a coming to Him, John v., 40.

"Faith is a receiving and embracing Christ, as tendered
in the Gospel, for Lord and Saviour — so as to have Him,
and be united to Him : It is the soul fixing upon Christ
for life and salvation, for grace and glory; He having
purchased both, and having power to bestow both. Acts
v., 31, 'Him hath God exalted to be a Prince and a
Saviour, to give repentance to Israel and remission of
sins ; and John v., 21, 'As the Father raiseth up the dead,
and quickeneth them, even so the Son quickeneth whom
He will;' and John xvii., 2, 'As Thou hast given Him
power over all flesh, that He should give eternal life to
as many as Thou hast given Him.' John vi., 33, ' For
the bread of God is He which cometh down from heaven,
and giveth life unto the world.' John x., 10, ' I am come
that they might have life, and that they might have it
more abundantly,' and verse 28, ' I give unto them eternal
life,' and John xx., 31, 'These things are written that
you might believe, and that believing you might have
life through His Name.'

"Some cry down the doctrine of Faith, and scandalize
those that teach it, as if it were contrary to good works
and holiness ; but this is from a mistake — for that Faith
which is required is a receiving Christ as Lord and
Saviour; not only to save, but to rule in us and over
us — the soul fixing on Christ for salvation and acceptance
with God, and for holiness and conformity to God, as
having purchased heaven and salvation, and also grace,
spiritual life, and a new nature for us. I. John iv., 9,
' God sent His Son into the world, that we might live
through Him.'

"To preach good works without Christ, is to begin at

312 THOMAS PAPILLON.

the wrong end: Our Saviour saith, Matthew vii., i8,
' A corrupt tree cannot bring forth good fruit ; ' the tree
must first be made good ; we must be taken out of the
corrupt stock, and be ingrafted into Christ by faith before
we can do any good work. John xv., S, ' Without me ye
can do nothing.'

" Parents derive Corruption to their Children ; this should
be a matter of humiliation to us, and should engage us
to earnest endeavours for their change and conversion ;
the Apostle in Galatians iv., 19, saith, he travaileth in
birth till Christ was formed in them ; much more should
natural parents labour, and use all means, that their
children may be regenerated and become the children
of God.

" I have great cause for thankfulness and praise to God,
for the good work which I hope He hath begun in you.

" That which I would recommend to you, is the exercise
of faith, love, and joy in the Lord, which is spoken of
in I. Peter i. God's providence hath cast our lot in such
times as are there intimated ; we are scattered one from
another, and may expect further trials and sufferings. It
is my desire and prayer that we (as the Apostle saith
those Christians were) may be receiving the end of our
faith, the salvation of our souls. They had not received
full and complete salvation, that is reserved for the state
above, the state of glory ; they had not all, not the full,
but some beginnings, some earnest, some foretastes, and
were still receiving more; and even under, in, and by
their trials and sufferings, through the exercise of these
graces, they did advance further towards perfection. For
what is the end of our faith — the salvation we hope for —
but a full deliverance from Sin, perfection of Grace, and
full enjoyment of God ? This they were gradually

SANCTIFICATION BY FAITH. 313

receiving ; Sin, every day, and by every trial, more
wrought out ; Grace more increased and purified, that it
might be found to praise and glory at the appearing of
Jesus Christ ; and hence through the exercise of Faith
'and Love they were enabled to rejoice with joy unspeakable
and full of glory, as having their hearts more and more
drawn out after God, and experiencing in their own souls
more communion with Him : Let me therefore press this
on myself, and on you, my dear Children, if I should
never see you again, or speak to you more, in this world.
That you live in the exercise of these Graces — Faith,
Love, and Joy in the Lord.

"ist. — Maintain the life of Faith, and live constantly in
the exercise of it.

"Faith hath Jesus Christ for its object, as given of God
— as held out in the Promise, in the Covenant ; and which
is in all His offices, in His merits, in His Grace : That
faith which is true lays hold on Christ as tendered ; a
whole Christ, as Lord and Saviour, as having purchased
all for us, and the application thereof to us.

"Justification and Sanctification are inseparable; he that
believes on Christ aright, embraceth Christ for both — what
God hath joined, must not be separated.

"Yet in regard of the weakness of our understandings,
we must distinguish things, in order to take a right notion
of them ; we cannot by one act of our understanding see
all at once : Therefore we may consider Faith: —

" 1st. — As it unites to Christ, and embraceth Him for
Justification and Salvation, viz : as given and appointed
by the Father, John iii., 16. As having made satisfaction
to divine Justice for our Sins, Isaiah liii., 5, i. Corinthians
XV., 3, Romans v., 11-16, Hebrews x., 14. As having
wrought perfect righteousness in fulfilling the law of God
His whole will — in our stead, as our Surety (Isaiah xlv.,

314 THOMAS PAPILLON.

24, Daniel ix., 24, Romans v., 1 8, x. 4, I. Corinthians i., 30,
II. Corinthians v., 21, Hebrews vii., 22) ; whereby we came
to be reconciled to God (ll. Corinthians v., 18, Colossians
i., 21); to have our sins pardoned (Colossians i., 14, Acts
xiii., 38, 39) ; to be accepted of God, taken into favour,'
made sons, and entitled to the inheritance — to have a
right to heaven and eternal blessedness (Matthew iii., 17,
Ephesians i., 6-n, Galatians iv., 7, John i., 12, i. John iii.,
I, 2, Romans viii., 17, Acts xxvi., 18, Colossians iii., 24.
Hebrews ix., 15). This comes purely from what Christ
hath done without us, is purely free, of mere Grace — the
righteousness of God made our's. Hence it is said, Isaiah
liv., 17, 'Their righteousness is of me, saith the Lord.'
(Also Psalm xxiv., 5, Isaiah xlv., 24, Jeremiah xxiii., 6,
Ephesians i., 7).

" St. Paul laid the whole stress, counted all else to be
loss and dung, to be found in Christ, Philip, iii., 9, not
having his own righteousness, but the righteousness of
God by faith; hence in Galatians iv., 5, 6, it is said,
Christ came to redeem us, 'that we might receive the
adoption of sons, and because ye are sons, God hath sent
forth the Spirit of His Son into your hearts.' They were
sons, elected, chosen, and adopted in Christ, and redeemed
by Christ, and received the Spirit as a consequent of that ;
so in Romans v., 8, ' God commendeth His love to us,
in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us;'
so that all is of free and rich grace, without any desire
or desert of our's ; all purchased and accompUshed by
Jesus Christ, without us.

" This must be laid as a foundation, and maintained ;
for the evidence of our Justification ariseth from the work
in the heart, and a suitable conversation — conformity to
God, and communion with God in heart and life — the
Spirit bearing witness with our spirits, raising joy and

RESTING IN CHRIST BY FAITH. 31S

rejoicing in the soul. Yet the foundation of all, as before
mentioned, is what Christ hath done without us, whereof
the Sanctification of our hearts, &c., is the evidence ; and
it may so fall out, that a child of God, through remaining
corruption, the power of temptation, and the darkness of
his own spirit — may be in that condition spoken of in
Isaiah 1., 11, to 'see no light! May be, all the soul may
be able to say, ' I am vile, undone, deserve damnation ;
there is Salvation in Christ, God tenders Him in the
Gospel, there is no other name whereby I can be saved ;
God commands me to believe ; I cannot find that work
of repentance, mortification, &c., that God requires : Yet
there will I bottom and cast myself, on what Christ hath
done and purchased!

"Oh, my dear Children, keep^fast hold of Christ; beware
of a Popish spirit, to think of any worthiness in yourselves
or duty, to render you accepted with God. Remember
what one of you once said when young, after some days'
working of mind — how you were sure you should go to
heaven — crying out one morning to your maid, 'I have
found it ; now I am sure He hath said, ' I will be your
God, and ye shall be my people.' Oh, forget not this
working of God's Spirit in your hearts so early. God's
Covenant in Christ is the foundation to build upon 1

" It is impossible a Sinner can satisfy for Sin ; it being
committed against an infinite God, a finite creature cannot
make atonement. If we could (which is impossible in
our fallen state) fulfil the whole Law, yet we could not
satisfy for what is past. All is duty ; and when we have
done all, we are unprofitable servants, Luke xvii,, 10 ;
and the best of us fall short of our duty, and in our
duties ; we have need to say with the Psalmist, ' Who
can understand his errors? cleanse Thou me from secret
faults' (Psalm xix., 12), and as in Psalm cxxx., 3, 'But

3l6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

there is forgiveness with Thee, that Thou mayest be
feared.' Oh, beware of pride and self-advancing, thinking
to merit at God's hands ; this was the stumbling block at
which the Jews fell, Romans x., 3, &c.

" 2ndly. — Faith, as it unites us to Christ, and thereby
interesteth us in His satisfaction and righteousness,
whereby God becomes reconciled to us, and we entitled
to heaven : So also from this union we partake of
communion with Christ, and are brought into conformity
to Him ; hence it said, ' He that is joined to the Lord
is one Spirit,' I. Corinthians vi., 17; and 'If any man
have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of His,' Romans
viii., 9 ; ' He that is in Christ is a new creature,' II.
Corinthians v., 17; 'As He is, so are we in this world,'
I. John iv., 17 ; 'This is that meat which came down from
heaven, which endureth to everlasting life, which the Son
of man shall give unto you ; for Him hath God the Father
sealed,' John vi., . 27-5 1 ; and God is said to have sent
His only begotten Son into the world, that we may live
through Him.

"Jesus Christ — as He hath purchased for us a right to
heaven, and the adoption of Children — so He is the head,
the second Adam — from whom all grace and spiritual life
is derived. This is the merit of Christ's death ; and here
is the virtue and efficacy of it, and of His resurrection
(John i., 16, Romans vi., 4 to 6, 8, 11, Galatians ii., 20,
vi., 14, Philippians iii., 10, II. Timothy ii., 11, I. Peter i., 3,

ii., 24.)

"We are engrafted into Christ and must derive influence
from Christ, as the branch from the Vine; for without
Him we can do nothing, John xv., S ; our life depends
on Christ, ' Because I live, ye shall live also,' John xiv.,
19 ; and in John vi., 57, 'As the living Father hath sent

CHRIST THE SOURCE OF HOLINESS. 317

Me, and I live by the Father, so he that eateth Me, even
he shall live by Me.'

"Therefore faith must be kept up in a constant and daily
exercise, to derive life and influence from Christ, to the
performance of every duty, to the mortification of sin,
to the resisting and overcoming temptations, to the
perfecting holiness, and to serving God spiritually.

"All our outward profession of religion, and outward
performance of duties, will be nothing without this, if
they are not done by virtue of a principle of life derived
from Christ, and by strength and influence communicated
from Him. This is that life the Apostle would live,
Galatians ii., 20, ' I am crucified with Christ, nevertheless
I live ; yet not I, but Christ liveth in me, and the life
which I now live in the flesh I live by the faith of the
Son of God, who loved me and gave Himself for me ; '
and in Philippians i., 21, he professeth that to him to
live was Christ.

"This life and exercise of faith we should labour to
maintain ; do we pray, read, meditate, &c. ? Oh, fetch
life from Christ, to do all ; else they will be but dead
works, and will not be found ' perfect before God.' We
may have a name to live, and be dead, as it was with
the Church of Sardis, Revelation iii., i, 2.

" Oh, my dear Children, I speak to you and to myself
We must not content ourselves to do duties by the power
only of natural abilities or by an outward form, nor to
live justly and unblameably in the world from only rational
considerations. We are exceedingly prone to a formal
and carnal spirit. Let us strive against it, and labour to
live this life of faith, constantly applying to Jesus Christ
to get life, grace, and strength from Him to walk with
God in our whole course ; and we have great encourgement

3l8 THOMAS PAPILLON.

herein from the Scriptures before mentioned; and the
Apostle tells us in Romans v., lO, that ' if when we were
enemies we were reconciled to God by the death of His
Son, much more being reconciled, we shall be saved by
His life ; ' and in Hebrews ix., 14, ' The blood of Christ
purgeth the conscience from dead works to serve the
living God.'

"None can come to heaven but they thcit are sanctified;
nothing that defileth shall enter into the New Jerusalem,
Revelation xxi., 27 ; ' Blessed are they that do His
commandments, that they may have right to the tree of
life, and may enter in through the gates into the City;
for without are dogs,' &c.. Revelation xxii., 14, 15; 'Be
not deceived, neither idolators, nor adulterers,' &c., 'shall
inherit the kingdom of God,' I. Corinthians vi., 9, 10. It
is only the pure in heart that shall see God, Matthew v., 8 ;
' Without holiness none shall see God,' Hebrews xii., 14.

"What Christ hath done for us, without us, entitles us
to blessedness ; what Christ communicates to us, and
works in us, capacitates and fits us for that blessedness;
we must be made meet to be partakers of the inheritance
of the Saints in light, Colossians i., 12 ; and it is said in
II. Corinthians v., 5, that those who after death shall
partake of a blessed life, are wrought for the same by
God.

"God is a righteous God; He justifies the ungodly of
free grace through faith in Jesus Christ, Romans iv., 5 !
but He also makes them godly, regenerates them, sanctifies
them, conforms them to the image of His Son, as is
expressed in Romans viii., 29, 30 ; and therefore methinks
that Scripture in Romans i., 17, where it is said that in
the Gospel the righteousness of God is revealed from
faith to faith, as it is written, 'The just shall live by

LIFE IN CHRIST. 319

faith' — may be understood, not only as the general
scope of interpreters carry it to mean — the righteousness
of Christ whereby we are justified through faith, and from
faith to faith, the degrees of that grace, but may be also
understood of the righteousness of God's dispensation in
the Gospel, for the salvation of sinners ; and so from
faith to faith, imports faith to justification, and faith to
sanctification, faith of union, and faith of communion, for
God saves none but holy and righteous ones ; though
He found them not so, yet He makes them so ; renews
them, and sanctifies them, Titus iii., 3 to 7 and ii., 11 to
the end.

"Therefore, as you look for happiness hereafter, labour
to be holy and righteous persons ; and that you may be
such, live in the exercise of faith on Christ ; fetch influence
from Him ; He is our life, Colossians iii., 3, 4. ' For ye
are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God ; when
Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall you also
appear with Him in glory.'

This is the first thing I recommend to you.
To maintain the life of Faith, and to live
Daily in the exercise of it ; this is the
Fundamental Grace, because it is that which
Unites to Christ, Who is the only foundation.

I. Corinthians iii., 1 1 .

"2ndly. — As faith is the foundation, in regard that it
unites us to Christ, makes what Christ hath done our's,
and derives life and grace from Him to conform us to
His image ; so this faith, assuring us of the love of God
and the love of Christ, draws out our souls in love to
God, and thereby makes us active and vigorous in all
the duty and work that God requireth of us ; and therefore
it is said in Gala'tians v., 6, that 'neither circumcision

320 THOMAS PAPILLON.

availeth anything, nor uncircumcision, but faith . which
worketh by love.'

" Love is an assimilating grace ; it changes us into the
similitude and likeness of the object beloved, I. John iv.,
1 0-16, 'Herein is love,' &c., 'and we have known and
believed the love that God hath to us ; God is love, and
he that dwelleth in love dwelleth in God, and God in
him;' 'Love is the fulfilling of the Law,' Romans xiii.,
10, the sum of the Commandments, Matthew xxii., 40;
without this grace, all gifts and performances are nothing
worth, as is plainly shewn in I. Corinthians xiii ; it is
Love that makes all duties easy, i. John v., 3. ' For this
is the love of God, that we keep His commandments, and
His commandments are not grievous.'

"Therefore be persuaded,

" To keep this grace in daily exercise ; get your hearts
more warmed with the sense of God's love towards you ;
be frequent in the meditation of the love of God, and
of Christ. This was much on Paul's mind, Galatians ii.
20, 'Who loved me, and gave Himself for me.' Remember
what David saith in Psalm xxvi., 3, upon which I did
lately enlarge in a letter to one of you. How came he
to walk so sincerely and constantly in the way of truth ?
Why, he had the lovingkindness of the Lord still before
his eyes. Whatever the providences and dispensations of
God may be towards you, maintain that conclusion in
Psalm Ixxiii,, i, ' Truly God is good to Israel. Who
can be in a more afflicted state than that mentioned in
Psalm xxii., i, 2, whether it is meant of David literally, or
a prophecy of Christ — God seeming to forsake — far from
helping — deaf to prayers that were fervent, constant, and
in faith, 'My God,' 'My roaring,' 'I cry in the day
and in the night season,' but in verse 3 this is concluded,
' But Thou art holy, oh thou that inhabitest the praises of

god's love enduring. 321

Israel' Still keep up good thoughts of God, and believe
that there is love at the bottom of every dispensation,
however grievous and bitter it may seem to flesh and
blood. Whom He loves, He loves to the end, John xiii.,
I. Nothing can separate from the love of God, Romans
viii-, 3S> 39- The bitterest cup you can meet with, it is
a fruit of love, if you belong to God. Consider that in
I. Peter i., 7, 8, 9, they had great trials ; but it was that
their graces might be found to praise at the appearing
of Jesus Christ ; and therefore they found cause of
rejoicing, because in the exercise of this grace of love
with others, they were still on the receiving hand — recei-
ving Salvation.

"This love to God, in the exercise of it, will carry you
out to the love of the Church, and of the people of God
— and particularly to the love of one another — as the
Apostle John shews at large in his ist Epistle, which I
recommend to your study and meditation ; and I hope
I may say to you as the Apostle said to the Thessalonians,
I. Thessalonians iv., 9, ' But as touching brotherly love,
ye need not that I write unto you, for ye yourselves are
taught of God to love one another ; ' yet as he saith in
the following verse, ' I beseech you,' my dear Children,
'that ye do it more and more,' and lay aside whatever
may hinder or obstruct, either in words or actions.

"That which is contrary to the love of God, and the
love of one another, is the love of the world, pleasure,
profit, honour, to have our wills, to please our fancies, to
shew our wit in jests, and sometimes abusive ones, to
get advantage by injury and wrong, to advance our own
esteem and repute, to vilify, disparage, detract from, envy,
and malign others. This is the Apostle's exhortation,
I. John ii., 15, 'Love not the world, neither the things
that are in the world ; if any man love the world, the

322 THOMAS PAPILLON.

love of the Father is not in him ; ' and in the next verse
he tells us what he means by the world, viz., the pleasures,
profits, and honours of the world ; and in I. John v. 4.,
he acquaints us how we may overcome, and get the victory,
even by faith, which gives us a sight of better things : All
these things perish and fade away. What will it avail to
be rich, great, esteemed of all men, and enjoying pleasures,
&c., when death comes ? Oh then all these things will be
as nothing.

"3rdly. — From the exercise of Faith in Love will follow
Holy Joy, a duty often commanded and commended in
Scripture. Psalm xxxiii., i, 'Rejoice in the Lord, ye
righteous.' I. Thessalonians v., 16, ' Rejoice evermore.'
Philippians iii., i, iv., 4, ' Rejoice in the Lord alway, arid
again I say, rejoice.' Let the joy of the Lord be your
strength, as it is said in Nehemiah viii., 10.

" Do not give way to dejections and sinkings of spirit,
whatever may befall you, or come to pass in the world ;
read Psalm xlvi. ' God is our refuge and strength, a very
present help in trouble ; therefore though the earth be
removed, we will not fear,' &c. 'There is a river, the
streams whereof shall make glad the city of God,' &c.
What's that ? The dispensations of God in His ordinances,
wherein His love in Christ is manifested to the soul — His
blessed Word, and the promises of the Covenant of Grace,
for our support ; and in regard of afflictions and troubles
in the world, we have many comforts set forth in the
Word of God, and frequent commands not to fear. God,
Who is our Father, orders all ; He loves us, and in all
His dealings towards us, designs good to us, Romans
viii., 28. He hath given us a command to cast our
burdens upon Him, and hath promised to sustain us,
Psalm Iv., 22 ; to commit our ways to Him ; to trust,

FAREWELL WORDS. 323

and rest in Him, and patiently to wait for Him, Psalm
xxxiii., at the beginning; to 'be careful for nothing,'
Philippians iv., 6 ; and be content with such things as we
have ; for He saith, ' I will never leave thee, nor forsake
thee,' &c., Hebrews xiii., 5, 6. He hath bid us to seek
first the kingdom of God, and promised that all things
necessary for us in this world shall be added to us ; read
Matthew vi. from verse 24 to the end ; in verse 32 it says,
' After all these things do the Gentiles seek ; and your
heavenly Father knoweth that ye have need of all these
things.' What ! You have a Father in heaven. Who
knows what you have need of — and will you be so
solicitous, and anxiously thoughtful, as Gentiles that know
not God, and are without God in the world ? This is very
unsuitable and very unbecoming.

" Labour therefore to comfort yourselves in God, as the
Psalmist in Psalm xciv., 19, ' In the multitude of my
thoughts within me, Thy comforts delight my soul.'

I might have mentioned the exercise of daily repentance,
constant watchfulness over your hearts and ways, frequent
prayer, &c. ; but I thought to recommend the exercise of
the three above-mentioned Graces, as not having time to
enlarge, and because faith in the exercise, working by love,
will engage you to all other duties ; and then that duty
of Joy in the Lord is a duty that Christians in such days
are not so ready to practise, but too often give way to
fears, dejections, and overwhelmings of spirit, which they
ought to beware of and resist.

" Finally, my dear Children, ' Farewell, be perfect, be of
good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace, and the God
of love and peace shall be with you,' IL Corinthians xiii.,

II.

w 2

324 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"I know not whether I may pray as the Apostle in
reference to the Thessalonians, I. Thessalonians iii., 1 1, If
the Lord sees good, He will give us to see one another's
faces again in our own country. His holy will be done.
But I desire to pray for you all in the following verses,
' That the Lord would make you to increase and abound
in love, one towards another, and towards all men, even
as we do towards you, to the end He may stablish your
hearts unblamable in holiness before God, even our
Father, at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ with all
His Saints,' and as in I. Thessalonians v., 23, 'That the
very God of peace would sanctify you wholly, and that
your whole spirits, souls, and bodies may be preserved
blameless unto the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.'
' Now the God of peace that brought again from the
dead our Lord Jesus Christ, that great Shepherd of the
sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant,
make you perfect in every good work, to do His will,
working in you that which is well pleasing in His sight
through Jesus Christ, to whom be glory for ever and ever
Amen,' Hebrews xiii., 20, 21.

"This is the sum and substance of what I then spake to my
dear Children, which I have collected, and put in writing for
their better remembrance. On some particulars, I did more
enlarge than is here expressed — as God put it into my mind —
which I cannot exactly set down in the words I then spake.
Their meditations will enlarge on the heads which I have here
inserted from the short notes I made use of at the time; and
I have added some quotations of Scripture which I did not then
mention — to illustrate and enforce the truth — which I recommend
them carefully to peruse; and the good Lord make the same,
and every word of His Grace, eflfectual for good to them and
me. Amen.

"Utrecht, this 7th December, 1686 (st. vet.)"

CONFESSION OF SINS BY THOMAS PAPILLON.

"The 6th September, 1688.

"This day twelvemonth the Lord put it into my heart
to set myself apart, to consider my past life, and to seek
the Lord with my whole heart. It is now a year since,
and the Lord hath preserved me and my family, and I
am now entered upon the sixty-sixth year of my age ;
and I desire to review over my past life, and in particular
the past year, to mourn before the Lord for my sins and
past failings, to repent and seek reconciliation with God
through my blessed Redeemer, and to give praise to the
Lord for all His goodness and mercy wherewith He hath
been pleased to follow me all my days, and to renew my
covenant with God, engaging through the Grace of Christ
to walk more closely with the Lord in all well pleasing.

" The Scriptures read this morning were the first of
Haggai (and Psalm cxxvi.,) in which there is an injunction,
twice repeated, ' Consider your ways.' Seeking the advan-
cing our own houses, with a careless neglect of God's house,
is displeasing to God, and brings a curse on our labours.
It is the Lord who must stir up our hearts to His work;
otherwise, the prophet's speaking, and our considering will
not have effect. 'They that sow in tears shall reap in'
joy.' 'He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious
seed, shall come again with rejoicing, bringing his sheaves
with him.' Oh Lord, enable me to consider my ways, stir
up my heart, give me a mourning and a broken frame
under a sense of sin and barrenness in Grace, and enable
me so to seek Thee that I may have joy, and become more
fruitful by Jesus Christ,

326 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Last year, I began with the consideration that all our
duties and services bring no advantage to God;' 'My
goodness extendeth not to thee,' saith David, Psalm xvi.,
2; and Job xxii., 2, 3, 'Can a man be profitable unto God,
as he that is wise is profitable to himself? Is it any
pleasure to the Almighty that thou art righteous, or is it
gain to Him that thou makest thy way perfect?' * and the
wise man saith, Proverbs ix., 12, 'If thou be wise, thou
shalt be wise for thyself.'

" This I desire to get established in my heart — for there
is a cursed proneness to put more on our duties, and
ascribe more to ourselves than we ought — I find it a
very hard and difificult thing, when the heart is enlarged
in duty, to maintain a humble and self-abasing frame,
without some risings and liftings-up of heart, as if we
should be accepted of God ; and on the other hand, when
there is dulness and deadness cleaving to us, and the heart
is under depression, then to keep up faith in exercise, and
not — through unbelief — to despond, and question our
acceptance — is likewise exceeding difficult. Though I
am fully convinced in my judgment that Christ is all in
all, that it is only through Him that I come to be accepted,
Ephesians i., 6, and that I am an unclean thing, and all
my righteousness but filthy rags, &c., Isaiah Ixiv., 6, and
'to be accounted but loss and dung,' Philippians iii., 7, 8.
yet I find secret risings of spirit, and secret despondings,
according as my actings in duty are more or less raised
and spiritual. I confess it should be matter of mourning
when I am straitened in duty, and do not with a full
desire of heart follow hard after God; for surely it is
because of some sin or miscarriage, some grieving or
quenching the motions of the Spirit that He withdraws;

* N,B. — These views Ciime from Job's quisi friend, and enemy, Eliphaz.— £«/,

INDWELLING SIN. 327

and when I find it so, I would examine myself, and repent
and grieve for my sins : and on the other hand, it should
be, and I desire to make it, a matter of praise and
thanksgiving to God, when by His Spirit He quickens
and enlarges my heart to, and in, duty.

"But to have this cursed self to creep in, and jostle
(as it were) Christ out of the throne, as if my acceptance
were from my own works and duties, and not only from
Him, his full satisfaction, perfect righteousness, and
prevailing intercession, I desire to look upon it as very
sinful, and including pride, self love, unbelief, great
ingratitude, and in a manner all sin, so that it cannot
but be very displeasing and provoking to the Lord: And
that I find this still working in me, and that it so
easily and so often besets me, and is so hard and difficult
to overcome, is an undeniable evidence of that cursed and
corrupt nature that in some measure still remains in me.
When I have confessed, bewailed, mourned before God
under a sense of it, and for some time got above it, yet
it will be still returning, moving and working. The Lord
pardon me the motions and risings of this — for that is
sin even when there hath been no consenting, and too
often it hath prevailed. — Oh Lord, subdue it; give me
victory through our Lord Jesus Christ. On Him alone
I desire to bottom all my hopes for acceptance with God
and obtaining eternal life.

"All the assistance we have from the Spirit of God, all
our ability to duty, enlargements of duty and performance
of duty, can be no cause of our acceptance, Galatians iv., 6,
'Because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of
His Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father.' Whence
it is evident that we are not accepted because of our
prayers and duties, or enlargements therein, but we have
the Spirit to enlarge our hearts in duties and the service

328 THOMAS PAPILLON.

of God, because we are accepted, and made sons in Christ.
So there is matter of praise and thanksgiving for the
Spirit's quickening and enlarging our hearts, but none for
self-advancing, or confidence in ourselves or duties, because
all is free Grace in Christ, and nothing of ourselves.

" In reference to Sin,

"When I look back, and review my past life in all the
several stages of it, oh, what an innumerable multitude
of sins have I been guilty of before the Lord, so that I
may say, as in Psalm xl., 'they are more than the hairs
of my head,' and in Psalm xxxviii., 4, 'Mine iniquities are
gone over my head, as an heavy burden they are too
heavy for me,' and Psalm xix., 12, 'Who can understand
his errors?' Alas, where shall I begin, and where can
I make an end? Sin came into the world with me, cleaves
to me, is rooted in my nature, is and hath been exceedingly
active in all the several ages and conditions of my life,
in all times and places, and under all circumstances where
Providence hath cast my lot.

"The multitude of childish follies, I cannot remember;
but the sins of that age, pride, stubbornness, disobedience
to parents, not improving instruction and correction as
I ought, and many others, though I cannot remember, yet
they were great sins, flowing from the cursed fountain of
sin in my nature ; and if not washed away by the blood
of Christ, remain in the Register of Conscience, and of
Divine knowledge, and will appear to condemnation.

"The sins and vanities of youth, oh, how numberless
are they, both in omissions of duty, and commissions of
evil, mis-spending of time, ensnarements of evil company;
and though God hath been very gracious to me, to keep
me that I was not carried away to destruction of body
and soul by those ways of sin, evil examples and

SPECIAL SIN. 329

seducements, for which I desire to bless His Name, yet
I have great cause to cry out with the Psalmist, Psalm
XXV., 7, 'Remember not the sins of my youth, nor my
transgressions; according to Thy mercy remember Thou
me for good, O Lord.' I call to mind that once at
Lubenham House my brother and I entertained young
Mr. Cooper, and with wine we had sent from London
made him drunk, and we took pleasure in it. The Lord
hath *made me sensible of this sin, and often to reflect
upon it with brokenness of heart, in that, by His righteous

judgment, my son was made drunk by one Mr. N ■

and Mr. J . I hope the Lord hath forgiven me,

and my son also; and I pray the Lord to forgive them;
and I write this, and mention it with tears; oh, let all
and every one take warning of sin, and particularly of
drawing others into sin, lest the Lord, in just judgment,
suffer it to be retaliated in kind on them or theirs, and
they be brought to say as I do. Judges i., 7, 'As I have
done, so the Lord hath requited me ; righteous art Thou,
O Lord, and upright are Thy judgments.' We may forget
our sins, but God will not forget them, unless we repent,
and by faith apply to God in Christ for pardon, which I
desire to do for all my sins.

"The sins of my life since I have come to years of
understanding, oh how innumerable have they been.
When I examine myself, and compare my life with the
holy Word of God, the first and second table, how
wanting in my duty to God, and how short in my duty
towards my neighbour; as also in reference to the blessed
Gospel.

"In religious duties and concerns,

"A general looseness of spirit, as if I were acting apart,
too frequently comes upon me, so that there are not
always hevt impression? of the majesty and ciuthority

330 THOMAS PAPILLON.

of God, of the fear and love of God, engaging the soul
in every act of duty and worship, as there ought to be.

"A neglect of serious preparation for duty.

"A dead and wandering frame in duty; want of spiritual
life.

" Not duly observing the frame of my heart in duty, and
not considering and examining myself, and what returns
from God, but letting matters go on in a careless and
slight manner, as if they were not matters of great moment.
The duty of self examination I find my heart exceedingly
backward to.

" Much of hypocrisy creeps in oftentimes, when there is
more care to approve myself before men than to please
God. Self love, and self-praise are apt to steal on me;
whereas God alone should be the ultimate end of all
duties.

"Sometimes a proneness to rest in the outward work.

" Unprofitableness and unfaithfulness under the ordinances
of the Gospel ; not duly prizing them ; not truly thankful
for them.

" Unstableness in my course and frame, nothwithstanding
my experiences and covenant engagements.

" Not living the life of faith by a daily exercise of faith,
deriving influence from the Lord Jesus Christ, as I have
often covenanted to do on receiving the Sacrament.

" In the outward conversation, in my calling, family, and
relations, public and private.

"Sometimes too eager pursuit of the affairs of this life,
and too much solicitousness about them ; envying at others'
successes, and discontented at my own, though I bless
God this hath not prevailed, yet sometimes these corrupt
motions have been rising, and have shewn themselves in
passions of anger and unsuitable expressions.

"In public concerns, I bless the Lord I have generally

UNCONCERN FOR SIN IN OTHERS. 33 1

had a sincere desire to act according to the best of my
understanding, for the good and welfare of the Society,
City, Country, and State, without respect to any private
interest; yet I confess corruption hath many times been
rising and stirring, to the Hfting up myself in pride, and
applause of men ; something of self would be ever now
and then working, and acting, in me.

"So also in my family, and the duties thereof;

"And as to others, and the concerns of the Church of
God,

"I have not been so humbled for the dishonour done to
God by others' sins; have wanted much of the Spirit of
David, who said, 'I beheld the transgressors and was
grieved, because men kept not Thy law.' On this account,
surely I have contracted much guilt by others' sins; nay,
sometimes secret risings of content that others have fallen
into sin and disgrace, apprehending that would render me
more esteemed. I have not so grieved and mourned for
the sufferings of others, especially of the Church and people
of God, nor so applied to God in prayer for them, as I
ought.

"All these sins, and innumerable more which I cannot
reckon, have I been guilty of, both in omissions and
commissions, and have not had such a soft and tender
heart to mourn for them and bewail them before the Lord
as I ought, to get my heart affected with the evil of sin
after a Godly sort.

"Lord, I am guilty of great impenitency and hardness
of heart. The good Lord pardon me, and give me a
broken, contrite, and penitent frame. Our Lord Jesus
Christ was exalted to be a Prince and a Saviour, to give
repentance ; Lord, give it me ; I humbly beg it.

"I have been guilty of great unthankfulness for sparing

332 THOMAS PAPILLON.

mercies, preventing mercies, and restraining and renewing
Grace.

" My sins are exceeding aggravated, and out of measure
sinful, because I have had such knowledge and instruction,
such experience and tastes of the goodness and sweetness
of God's ways, such workings of God's Spirit, and checks
of conscience, and yet have sinned after confessions,
resolutions, and renewed covenant engagements. O Lord,
my sins are exceedingly great and very heinous, but
Thy mercy is infinite; Christ's satisfaction, merit, and
righteousness are pleasing to Thee, and Thou hast declared
that Thou art willing to be reconciled. With Thee, there
is forgiveness, therefore, O Lord, I come to Thee. 'Out
of the depths will I cry unto Thee,' Psalm cxxx.

"As my sins during these sixty-five years of my life
have been numberless, so have been the mercies of God.

"To be born of religious parents, in the days of the
Gospel, in such a place where the Truth shone in its lustre
and purity, and where anti-Christ had no power.

" To be in my infancy tendered to the Lord, and received
into the visible Church by Baptism, educated, instructed,
and brought up in the knowledge of God, and of His truth
and holy ways.

" After the vanity of childhood and youth, wherein God
graciously and wonderfully preserved me, that I was not
wholly carried away to looseness and wickedness, to my
utter undoing both of soul and body. Oh, how admirable
are the patience, long suffering, forbearance, and goodness
of God to me, such an unworthy and sinful creature, that
I should be brought to some sense of my miserable, lost,
and undone condition by nature, my utter inability and
insufficiency in myself, and in any thing to be done by
tne; that I saw sin and defilement cleaving to me in the

god's abounding grace. 333

best duties, and so was brought to go out by myself, and
to look only to the Lord Jesus Christ and the Covenant
of Grace in Him, for life and salvation ; and so to renounce
all, and embrace Christ as tendered in the Gospel, and to
give up myself to the Lord, to enter into that blessed
covenant of Grace, into which I hope and believe the Lord
hath received me.

"And though I do and must confess, as before said, that
since the Grace of God was given to me, I have not carried
it as I ought, yet notwithstanding my unevenness and
inconstancy in God's ways, my sluggish and dead frame,
my often and repeated backslidings, which I desire to
mention with tears and Godly sorrow, — Yet to the praise
of Divine Grace, the Lord hath been pleased to uphold
some work of His Grace in me, so that I hope I may say,
'I have not wickedly departed from my God;' but there
hath been something within me, when I have been most
indisposed to good, that hath .phecked the power of
corruption, and made it burdensome to my soul, and
maintained some holy breathings after God; I may say,
If the Lord had not upheld His own work, I should have
fallen not only foully but finally from God: Oh, 'What
shall I render unto the Lord?' 'O, my soul, praise thou
the Lord, and all that is within me bless His holy Name,
that pardoneth all thine iniquities,' &c., Psalm ciii.

"The Lord hath been pleased, in all places where His
providence hath cast me, to vouchsafe to me the privilege
of enjoying His ordinances ; and I may say my soul hath
found great advantage and delight in and by them; and
in particular by the preaching of Mr. Best (which some
have undervalued, if not slighted — I pray God forgive
them); I can say the Lord hath made His preaching
profitable to me, both for quickening and comforting my
heart, and I desire to bless God for him.

334 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"As to temporal blessings, the Lord hath been abundantly
good unto me in many ways, and hath made my temporal
mercies in some sort to be also spiritual mercies.

"He gave me my Wife graciously; united our hearts
in Himself; made her useful by her example and converse
to encourage, promote, and further me in the ways of
God: She hath all along shewn love to my soul, and
been a meet and blessed help to me in spirituals as well
as temporals. The Lord be blessed for her abundantly,
and recompense her love to me by the manifestations of
His love to her soul, &c.

"In many hazardous and accidental dangers the Lord
hath preserved me, when in the water, when thrown from
my horse : Hath continued health to me in a great
measure all my days, and preserved me and all my family
in the time of the Great Plague in London, anno 1665.

"When I was newly married, and in partnership with
my Sister, a design was laid to divest me of my trade
and ruin me : The Lord gave me wisdom, and so directed
affairs, that the cords were broken, and I escaped.

"When I received a great loss by Webberly [see page
16] God was pleased so to order it in His providence, that
in the end it turned to my advantage.

"When another loss befell me, and some thought by
false insinuations and reports to make advantage to my
prejudice, the Lord did frustrate their purpose, and
sustained me.

" I account it a great mercy that the Lord hath enabled
me, and given me heart, to do good to my Relations,
though some of them did repay me with unkindness,
and envied my prosperity. Yet the Lord, blessed be His
Name, kept me from a spirit of revenge or hatred, and
by His Grace enabled me to return good and not evil
to every one that evil entreated me. This I acknowledge

god's directing grace. 335

to be not of myself, but of the Grace of God. To Him
I ascribe the praise and glory.

" When I was in the Victualling affair, the Lord directed
things so in His providence, that I was not ruined thereby,
as I might have been.

"When in public employs, in the East India Committee,
in the Company of Mercers, in the Hospital, in the
Parliament, in the City, — The Lord assisted and carried
me through all, so as I was accepted of the good, and
those that maligned me and sought occasions against me
(for no other cause but that I endeavoured conscientiously
to discharge my duty, and would not comply in any thing
I judged evil) could never accomplish their purpose. This
was of the Lord, blessed be His Name !

"In the business of Shaftesbury's Jury, and of the Sheriff
of London, to which I was called unwillingly and contrary
to my own desire, the Lord carried me through all ; and
though the Lord permitted an Action to be illegally and
unjustly prosecuted against me by Sir William Pritchard,
whom God forgive, as also the Judge, Jury, and some of
the Witnesses, who swore and judged unduly, — Yet the
Lord hath done me good even thereby ; for though I lost
my trade and great outward advantages for getting an
estate, yet I was preserved from the malice of men, which
possibly might have designed to take away my life, and
I hope my outward losses are abundantly made up in
spiritual; the Lord having given me time from all worldly
concerns, to mind the better part, and weaned me in some
measure from seeking great things here.

"This year, without any application of mine to the King,
or any conditions, the Judgment Sir William Pritchard
obtained hath been released, which is a great mercy.

"Many other blessings the Lord hath vouchsafed to
me; good Children, some married, and very happily, all

336 THOMAS PAPILLON.

of them, I hope, in covenant with God; and continuance
of health to me and my family ; with many other mercies
which cannot all be reckoned; I may say, as in Psalms
xl, 5, cxxxix., 17, 18, 'Oh, how great is the sum of them,'
&c,

"O Lord, I desire to return praise, and renew my
Covenant, and give up myself to the Lord. O Lord,
enlarge my heart.

"Of my sins and mercies (as the Queen of Sheba) one
half is not here mentioned. Time and paper fail me, that
I can write no more."

And now drew near the memorable era of the Revolution,
bringing with it Papillon's return from Exile; and his
gradual return from spiritual to earthly concerns is apparent
in the following letters to a friend in the Netherlands,
himself a fellow-exile, whom internal evidence points out
as Sir Patience Ward ; one of the few Aldermen of London
who supported him in 1682. The letters are a small
selection from thirty-two which passed between them
during the latter half of 1688; the first is to Papillon,
the remaining six are from him : —

"Spa, 2nd July, 1688.
"My honoured and good Friend,

"The' temptation hath so much prevailed on public faith,
and its affections seemed once to have retreated into their winter
state, yet as a spring may come, with a renovation of all things —
which the faith that makes not haste waits for— so there are or
may be particulars, who through grace surmounting all difficulties

LETTER FROM SIR PATIENCE WARD. 337

of times, compassionate the fallen, and rejoice and maintam a
concern for those who stand firm the shock of trials, and it is
the errand of this, Sir, to enquire after your own, and your Lady's
and relations' health, so much by me wished, with the continuance
of it unto those noble ends, which I am sure of your great
diligence towards, that I may in the words of the Divine John to
his beloved Gaius, wish above all things that you may prosper
and be in health as your soul prospers.

" After the conduct of my Nephew and Niece to the French
border (to whose Government you know the size of my affection)
I took the further tour of Flanders, the pleasure whereof I will
not recommend to a friend's trouble (otherwise than as
circumstances which vary cases, as my own, may prevail), and
at last I arrived here at the Spa ; whither my Lord Sutherland
who had spent six weeks at Aix, came, and for about fourteen
days hath given me the honour and benefit of his conversation,
and command of his great respects to you and Madam; and
here I abide as in a place and diet apted to contemplation, with
the advantage of health, which I hope with the Lord's blessing
for a continuance of, and hence dispose my wanderings as the
Lord shall direct, till I come to some little repose as I would
once hope to the body, which not without much difficulty can
be brought subject to the law of the Divme_ mind : Many have
been the experiences of God in our early days as provision for
our later times, but we have been left thereto but suitable
additions to our growing occasions ; and when I compare sufferings
with deliverances, and amongst them the infatuations befallen
some good men, I conclude with an emphasis or accent, ' What
hath the Lord done for us ! '

" By this time I might expect to hear of your call homewards,
which I most heartily wish on such terms as most suit your
own mind, and that I may have knowledge thereof and of your
resolutions therein, that I may attend Madam' so far as herself
and my occasions (to be allowed of by her) will permit : It's
just to allow your inclinations thitherwards a preference to mine,
in respect of so much and many nearer relations there, and that
you have the happiness to carry along with you well near all
you brought forth thence, whilst what was dearest and most

338 THOMAS PAPILLON.

valuable to all that I had of this world must be left behind,
though not without many a looking back, as those who by
endeared affections go backwards and forwards, and are at a
straight what to do, but making frequent visits of the last place
they left their friend; and however others may judge, I doubt
not friends will admit the prevalence of this passion, as a reward
to that way which so fair a Guide would otherwise have made me.
"And now Sir, with acceptance of my sincere respects and
service to yourself and Madam and Relations, will you favour
me with the present of the same, as opportunity offers, to Sir
John Guise and my Lady, to Mr. Gee and his, and any other
of our colony which your prudence serves — not knowing whether
you be increased or lessened; the like to our very good friend
Mr. Best, to whom (after all our discourse) I pay a most hearty
veneration and love on many respects ; and will you please the
like to Mr. Ledicar ; my obligations to Mr. Clough, and that he
will favour me with the present to Mr. Wellard and his Lady;
and if Mr. Jackson be returned, that he will accept the same
and to his Lady, for I may presume upon that tenure.

" If you shall favour me with a word of your health, &c., the
address to Mr. David Vandenhennd, Marchant, h. Cologne, for
Mr. Francis Mott, will be sent safely wherever I shall be within
a month; for I think it will be two months before I shall get
back to Utrecht, and in the interim am as lost in a wood. My
respects to your kinsmen Mr. Walling and Mr. Lafleur, and if
you see Mr. Vanheyden, the same; I left one of his books with
Mr. Shower of Rotterdam (to whom and his Lady I present
due respects) to be restored him; my Niece's maid had taken
it to read, and forgot to restore it.

"I do presume upon our mutual prayers, for what the Lord
may see best for us, and a compliance with and complacency
in His holy will in all things, however cross they may seem
to our earthly part; and that the shaking of all things, and present
removal of many, may cause our receiving the kingdom which
cannot be shaken, and abide therein; that so the vicissitudes
of all the earthly estate may have no effect to disturb us, but
we may abide as on a rock against all the fluctuations and storms
of the world, as those whose minds are stayed on God j on which

FROM PAPILLON TO SIR PATIENCE WARD, 339

subject it's unnecessary to enlarge to one so abundant in knowledge
and experience as yourself, Sir, whom I desire to retain me in
the character of. Dear Sir, your sincere affectionate Friend and
Brother." *

"Utrecht, if th July, 1688.
"Most honoured Sir,

"That faith which is truly divine, and centres on its right
object, God in Christ, not only frees from perplexing fears, and
maintains the mind in a perfect peace and tranquillity, but also
by receiving communications from the fountain enables a Christian
to surmount all difficulties and temptations that stand in the way
of his duty, and abide firm, and unmoved by the shocks of
trials; and not to be hasty, but with full submission and
resignation to divine pleasure patiently to wait for the issue of
things, and always to retain a truly Christian and compassionate
spirit and concern for and towards others : From hence it is
that you are pleased, in your most endearing letter of the 2nd
instant from the Spa — to enquire concerning me and my family,
for which we all return you our most hearty and humble thanks;
and as for myself I must confess it is not altogether so with me
as your charity and goodness prompt you to imagine — and
therefore I desire your prayers,' that the inward man may be
renewed day by day, and that I may answer the Apostles'
exhortation in Romans xii., i, 2.

"I rejoice the good hand of God hath conducted you so in
your travels that no disaster hath befallen you, and that you
meet not only advantage for bodily health, but for the intellectual
and better part. You are beginning to partake of the Celestial
delights ; for certainly it will be no small part of heavenly felicity,
to behold and contemplate how the Divine goodness hath disposed
all things towards us in this wilderness, and through so many
changes and such variety of dispensations guided us to glory.
Then we shall see indeed, with an emphasis. What hath the Lord

* It may be remembered (as in Chapter xii., 23) that Sir Patience Ward
was one of the three Aldermen who supported Papillon in his claim to be
installed by the Lord Mayor as Sheriff. — Frafe pp. 226-7.
X 2

340 THOMAS PAPILLON.

done for us; then we shall see that every thing that befell us
here, as well the outward evils and afflictions, the reproaches
and injuries of enemies, as the temporal good things, and love
and kindness of friends— came all from special love, and
concentred to our happiness— not one link of the chain of
providence could have been wanting; then we shall see how
our heavenly Father in infinite wisdom ordered all for good to
us.

"To be frequent in these meditations now (which is your
exercise) is of great advantage, as it disposeth for the state above,
and as it fits for what further changes may be allotted us here ;
and therefore as I highly esteem you in other respects, so in this ;
and shall desire to follow your example.

"What might incline you to expect my call homewards, I know
not ; but as yet I have nothing relating thereto ; however, I sense
your love in wishing that whenever it is, it may be on suitable
terms : And my Wife takes it for a very high favour that you are
pleased to express so great civility toward her.

"I could have enlarged on what follows in your letter, but
I forbear, lest I should occasion a suspension of those heavenly
delights before mentioned, by turning your thoughts on one single
link of the chain of Divine providence, which taken single and
apart by itself could not be but very bitter; whereas the whole,
viewed in conjunction with their tendencies, will afford most
sweet and delightful contemplation.

" I have, according to your desire, acquainted the friends with
your remembrance of them," &c.

" Utrecht, ^Ith September, 1688.
"Most honoured Sir,

" By your's of the 2nd instant I perceive how easily a pure
mind is raised by meditation to the highest raptures, and to be
swallowed up in the admiration of Divine love, which makes you
conclude, 'Oh the height and depth,' &c.

" This brings to my remembrance the Disciples on the Mount
of Transfiguration, who said, 'Master, it is good for us to be
here ; ' but they were afterwards to descend, and to be at Mount

LETTERS FROM PAPILLON IN 1 688. 341

Calvary ; and those glorious manifestations were to prepare them
for those future trials, temptations, and dismal providences that
followed. Past experiences should, as you wisely observe, fit
us with a suitable frame, in expectation of things to come. We
may say in some sort, as the Psalmist, ' Woe is me that I dwell
in Mesech,' &c. ; and the times of this day are not much unlike
what the prophet Micah describes, chapter vii. ; the Lord enable
us to follow His example mentioned in verse 7, and the Church's
in the following verses.

" God's ways for the deliverance of His people are many times
very terrible and dark, as in Psalm xviii., 7 to 16; of this we
have had some experience, both in our own cases and in the
public affairs of our days : The improvement the Psalmist makes
thereof for future in the first three verses, viz., to love, trust, and
call upon God, I doubt not will be your practice ; and I pray
the Lord to enable me to make it mine ; as also that which the
prophet Habakkuk, chapter iii., 17-19, gives us from his example,
after he had pathetically set out the terrible manner of God's
appearing for deliverance of His people, marching through the
land in indignation, and riding upon His horses and chariots
of Salvation.

"What the issue of the present designs on foot may be, the
Lord only knows ; and I humbly pray that the Lord will direct
you and me and all His people, that we may know our duty and
be led in the right way, as in Psalm cvii., 7, and that we may
be fixed on that foundation laid in Zion mentioned in Isaiah
xxviii., 16.

"The armament here is hastened with all industry, and it
cannot be long before the design will be manifest. The French
and English Ambassadors have put in Memorials to the States,
to demand the reason thereof; and the French Ambassadors'
paper closeth thus, 'Toutes ces circonstances. Messieurs, et tant
d'autres que je ne dois pas rapporter igi, persuadent avec raison
Le Roi mon M^itre que cet armement regarde I'Angleterre,'
&c. By this it is apparent that both France and England will be
engaged ; and it may be doubted whether that which hath long
since been said may not be true, that England should pay the
piper.

342 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" As I told .you in my last, I sit still and know nothing ; but
amongst the ordinary people it is talked, that most of the English
here will go with the Fleet. Whether it be so, or no, time will
shew. I should have been glad to have understood somewhat
of your apprehensions on what I intimated in my former; and
when you remove, I shall be glad to know which way you steer
your course.

" I have borrowed the book you mentioned in your last, and
shall send it you," &c.

" Utrecht, 2Sth September, 1688.
"Honoured Sir,

"I delayed till this day to answer yours of the 19th instant,
in expectation that matters would have so opened that I might
have advised you things certain; and though yet there is no
public declaration of the design of these great forces raised by
the Prince, &c., the King of France his reasons of invading the
Palatinate, &c., and his letter to Cardinal D'Estrdes to be
communicated to the Pope, doth discover his design to dweedle
and if possible to draw all the Papist Princes, without regard
to their civil or temporal interest, to promote what he hath
projected for the rooting out the Northern Heresy, as it is
called; and he tells the Pope that the Prince his design is
against England and against the Papists.

"You have no doubt heard what hath been said here, That
on the Prhice acquainting the States with the Treaties he had
made with several Princes, &c., they did return him thanks
for his great care on behalf of this Country, approved all, and
left all to him, with assurance of all supplies from them; so
that there seems to be a full and perfect understanding, and that
whatsoever his designs are, they will go on. It is said that
the Prince did by some secret ways penetrate into the counsels
of the French King for the ruin of this State (in order to his
grand work of destroying the Protestants, &c.,) and that thereupon
the Prince did bestir himself to confederate with the Protestant

LETTERS FROM PAPILLON IN 1688. 343

Princes, and to countermine the French and popish designs;
and that things were secretly carried on, and not in the usual
way of this Country, to prevent disappointment. Things will
now speedily come to effect, and it will appear what is intended,
and on what grounds. The wind is this day come easterly, and
so all matters will be hastened.

" It is talked, but I know nothing of my own knowledge, that
Sir J. G. is to be a Colonel, also Mr. G. ; and that Mr. N.
is to be a Captain, as also Mr. W., who is already gone from
hence, and the rest will go, as I hear, this day, or to-morrow.
Some other particular persons of the English go from hence,
and many of the Scotch. It is said my Lord Wiltshire, Lord
Mordent, Lord Lovelace, Sir John Hothara, Mr. Herbert, Sir
Robert Peyton, and several others of quality are at The Hague
and Rotterdam, who will go with the Prince, and that most
of them are to be in Commission. I live retiredly, and am no
way privy to public affairs ; so I sit still, not hasting to meddle
in what I understand not, nor to act by an implicit faith, but beg
of God, as you do, to illuminate our minds, and to dispose us to
a conformity to His holy will. We ought all, as Ezra did (viii.,
21) to join together 'to seek of God a right way for us,' &c. It
is very apparent that there are great contrivances and combinations
on foot, to destroy the Church and people of God ; and we may
apply what the Psalmist saith at the beginning of Psalm Ixxxiii.,
to the present times, as also Psalm Ixiv., 4-6^ but as it follows,
verse 7, 8, &c., ' God can shoot at them with an arrow,' &c. ;
oh, that I and all the people of God could from David's example
in Psalm xxvii. take encouragement to act faith above fear, to
desire the enjoyment of the exercise of true Religion above all
worldly and temporal things, to answer God's call, and heartily
seek His favour, to be earnest in prayer, deprecating God's
displeasure and .the hiding of His face, imploring His help,
teaching, and conduct in a plain path, and to deliver us from
the will of enemies, and that we may by faith believe and hope
yet to ' see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living,'
and wait on Him for strengthening our hearts, that we may ' be
of good courage,' and still continue to 'wait on the Lord.'

" Your letters to Mr. Jackson I have delivered," &c,

344 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"Utrecht, -^^ October, 1688.
" Most honoured Sir,

"You had from our good friend Mr. Jackson an account of
what passed on Friday last, which made me defer till this day to
answer yours of the 26th past, that so I might give you the most
certain information of things that I could.

" From Amsterdam, of the 9th and loth, they wrote thus :—
'We are assured that the Dutch Fleet, upwards of 50 sail of
Men-of-War, sailed for the Downs on the 6th instant, under the
command of Vice-Admiral Herbert, all carrying English colours,
&c. By the English post, come in this forenoon, almost every
letter hints that they have now the alarm of what is coming;
and one saith. The sheer report of the Dutch being at sea, and
designing to land, frighted us from shipping,' &c.

"This is what is advised from Amsterdam, &c.

" I was with Mrs. Peacock, who presents her respects ; she will
do her endeavour to enquire after convenient lodgings, &c.

" I have not time to enlarge, to tell you how my thoughts work
upon all things. When the manifesto or declaration comes out,
which is thought will not be till the Prince is landed in England,
then we shall have matter to contemplate; in the meantime,
I conclude with that of the wise man. Proverbs xvi., 33, 'The
lot is cast into the lap, but the whole disposing thereof is of the
Lord;' and therefore let us cast our burden upon the Lord,
as in Psalm Iv., 22; and let us never glory in anything but the
knowledge of Him, as in Jeremiah ix., 23, 24, and i. Corinthians
iii., 20, 21.

" I hope speedily to see you," &c.

"Utrecht, sth October, 1688.
"Most honoured Sir,

"I must crave your excuse if I be brief at this time in answer
to yours of the 3rd instant, in regard of the Preparation for the
Sacrament, on which account we are now going to Church ; and
if at all times it is necessary and our duty to get our souls
established in the assurance of God's love to us in Christ, and by

LETTERS FROM PAPILLON IN 1 688. 34 5

faith to derive influence of grace and strength for Him, to enable
us comfortably to do and suffer as Christians, much more it is
so in this juncture, when things in the world are in so great
a fermentation, not unlike what is mentioned in Psalm xlvi., 2, 3;
and if I may allude to what is said in verse 4. This blessed
Ordinance is one of those streams, whereby the City of God
(true believers) are made glad, and from the sense and assurance
of the Divine love are engaged and strengthened in all conditions
to rejoice in God, and to live to His glory.

"As you very well say, we have great cause to fear what may
be the issue of things, because of our unsuitableness for so great
mercy, and the unqualifiedness of some to be instruments in
such a work; but God can give deliverance and holiness, as
is prophesied in Obadiah 17 ; and that it may be so, let us
wait and pray for the pourings out of the Spirit of Grace and
supplications — as you are pleased to mention from Zechariah
xii., 10.

"Since my last there is little news: All, both English and
Scotch, designed for the expedition, are gone from hence; and it
is said that this day all may be on board the Fleet, and then the
Prince will also go on board.

"The Fleet, commanded by Vice-Admiral Herbert, by reason
of the stormy winds hath not been over on the English coast. I
perceive you have heard what news was from England by the last
post; and that all fair weather was made towards the Church
party, &c.

"Touching lodgings for you, we are enquiring, but cannot yet
meet with any to satisfaction," &c.

"Utrecht, 27th November, 1688.
"Most honoured Sir,

"I find myself obliged to crave your pardon for my so unpolished
and defective reply to your most kind letter of the 21st instant,
being hurried by the late arrival and speedy departure of the
post; your goodness will observe the affection, and cover the
imperfections thereof; on this I depend.

346 THOMAS PAPILLON. ,

"There is no duty more commended to us in Scripture, no
grace more necessary to be exercised, and of more advantage
and benefit to ourselves and others — than Christian joy — which
is founded on our interest in Christ. In Him we are complete^ ;
in Him we have righteousness and strength,* &c. ; and as we
are His,' so all things become ours; and therefore neither our
own weaknesses or infirmities, nor the malice of enemies, nor
troubles and disturbances in the world, should hinder us firom
maintaining a cheerful spirit in all times and in all conditions; for
the joy of the Lord should be our strength.*

"The Lord hath pleased in the Holy Scriptures to make such
provision for supporting the hearts of His people, and such
gracious promises, as would require volumes to expatiate upon,
I only name two^ or three as footnotes, which probably have
reference to these latter days. You have great reason therefore,
Sir, to bewail that the Scripture is so much slighted by many,
and looked upon as Romances, and they even often preferred.

"We cannot say too much in magnifying the Word of God,
and His goodness in affording it to us, and sanctify our hearts
that we may be,- and have our conversation conformed to it,
that through patience and comfort of the Scriptures we may
have hope, and so be filled* with joy and peace in believing —
waiting for the coming'' of our Lord Jesus, and His glorious'
appearing — whether at the end of the world, when all things
shall be consummated, and the kingdom' shall be given up to
the Father, or before that time for the Restoration of all things,
and creating^" new heavens, &c. ; the Lord direct our^'^ hearts
into the love of God, and into the patient waiting for Christ.^^

" Since my last we have had two posts, and though I doubt
not but you have the news otherwise, yet I send you enclosed.
This morning, from Rotterdam, I am advised there is a ketch
come in from Plymouth, that saith. As the Dutch Fleet went out
of Torbay they met with five French Men-of-War — took two, and
sunk three ; and that the Dutch Fleet lies at Falmouth, and the
English at the Isle of Wight. In a little time we shall see how

• Colossians ii., lO. ' Isaiah xlv., 24, 25. * I. Corinthians xiii., 21-23.
' Nehemiah viii., 2. ' Isaiah xii., xxxv., Ixvi., S-15., John xiv. ' Romans
XV., 4. ' Romans xv., 12. ' i. Corinthians i., 7. ' Titus ii., 13. '" l-
Corinthians xv., 24. " Isaiah Ixv., 17, 18. " IJ. Thessalonians iii., 5.

LETTER FROM PAPILLON, NOVEMBER, 1688. 347

things will go, and whether a free Parliament will be called. In
such case let me say to you, as you did lately to me, What is the
work which the day calls on us for? You are better able to
resolve the case than I ; and therefore I shall gladly be informed
of your sentiments ; for it may be not only a time for prayer, but
for actual service. God grant that we may know and do our
duty.

"My Wife and self and all mine, and Mr. Jackson and his
Lady, Mr. Best, and Mr. Clough present their humble service
to you, and long for your coming; Mr. Clough tells me Mr.
Welland often enquires of you. Rest, &c.

"Postscript. — The French have burned some villages near
Bolduc, and taken prisoners ; and the Ambassador, Monsieur
DyVvaux, is recalled, and hath taken his leave— so there is a
war declared with France. The post is arrived from England,
but as yet we have not the letters. It is talked as if it were like
to come to a battle between the King and the Prince."

CHAPTER XIII.

RETURN FROM EXILE — ATTENDANT ENGAGEMENTS.

Success in England of the Prince of Orange, 1688— Papillon presents to the
Princess an Address of Congratulation— He writes to the Mayor and
others at Dover, again offering himself as Member of Parliament for the
Borough — His Election — He warmly supports the Government— lie is
pressed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London to take his seat
among them, but he begs to be excused — He is required by the King to
accept the post of Commissioner for Victualling the Navy — and reluctanriy
does so — Disorganized state of the Department — and War with France —
Success of the New Commissioners notwithstanding difficulties— Interview
of the Commissioners with the King and the Lords of the Treasury,
November, 1694 — Reflections in Parliament on Victualling of Navy refuted
— Papillon reads before the King a statement of the depressed condition
of the Department, with proposed remedies, November, 1696 — Papillon
petitions for release from Office, September, 1692, and November, 1694;
and again in 1697-8-9 — Closing reflections on his career — His views on
Political and Religious Parties.

HE last working decade of Thomas Papillon's
life was dawning; and with it came the
prospect, as to Politics, of the fulfilment of
his most cherished desires.

On learning, while still in Holland, of the
success of William III. in England, and of
the free Parliament that His Royal Highness was
convoking, he delayed not to proffer his services again
to the Electors of Dover; and he then took an early
opportunity of presenting an address to Her Royal
Highness the Princess of Orange, who had not yet joined
her husband in England.

The address was as follows ; and Papillon notes at the
foot of his copy of it, that Her Royal Highness " most
Christianly owned the Divine hand in all, and professed

ADDRESS TO H.R.H. THE PRINCESS OF ORANGE. 349

that all the undertakings of His Highness were sincerely-
designed for the glory of God and the good of His
Church."

[Address.]

" May it please your Royal Highness the Princess, and I hope
in a little time I may say, Gracious Sovereign.

"When I consider what God hath wrought in you, and by
your Royal self and his most Illustrious Highness, for the Church
of God in general, and the Kingdom of England in particular,
I cannot but think it an indispensable duty on me and on every
true Englishman and good Protestant, not only in the first place
to admire and adore God's Grace, and the wondrous workings
of His Divine providence, but also to acknowledge as instruments
under God your Royal self and His Illustrious Highness, and
to honour you whom God hath honoured, and pay you due
homage and obeisance, which I most humbly and heartily do :

"And as I humbly conceive the case hath some resemblance
to that of the kingly prophet David in the loist Psalm, so I
pray that the Lord would endue your Royal self and His Most
Illustrious Highness with the same Spirit, that you may act as
he professed to do, and as he longed for. So may you ever
desire and always enjoy the Divine presence, that the present and
succeeding generations may call you blessed."

Address to the Electors of Dover : —

" Utrecht, y« ^th December, 1688.
" Gentlemen,

"Though for some time I have been absent from my country
and habitation, yet I have ever retained a true sense of the
kindness and respect which I received from your Corporation,
and think myself bound to testify the same on all occasions
wherein I may be capacitated to serve them ; And therefore
hearing (if it be true as is reported) that his Majesty has been
graciously pleased to summon a Parliament, I deemed it a duty
incumbent on me (being lately freed from that which caused
my absence) to let them know that I am ready to serve them,
and that if they shall please to make choice of me and call me

350 THOMAS PAPILLON.

thereto, I will not fail (God continuing life and health) to come
and attend the service, of which I entreat you to acquaint the
Corporation :

" I am sure, and can appeal to God, that when they honoured
me with their employ I sought not myself nor my own advantage,
but the good of my Country and the welfare of the Corporation
that entrusted me, — Whereof as my friends were then (as I doubt
not) fully satisfied, so I cannot but think that those who might in
those times through mistake have other apprehensions, are since
thoroughly convinced, and now are and will be my friends.

"There is nothing more desirable than Love and Union among
Christians, and nothing more conducing to the prosperity of a
Corporation than a friendly agreement of all the Members; when
there are divisions, and setting one party to supplant and turn
out another, the consequences are prejudicial to the whole, whereof
there hath been too much experience, which therefore I hope will
be avoided in future, and that we shall be all of one mind, and
evidence ourselves to be really sincere Protestant Christians, good
Subjects, and true Englishmen.
" I am, Gentlemen,

" Your most affectionate Friend and humble Servant,

"Tho. Papillon.
"To

"The Worshipful William Stokes,

Nicholas Cullen, Sen., and Robert

Jacob, Esquires, and to Mr. Frederick

De Vinck, and Captain Taverner, &c.,

these present and Dover.

"Pray remember my love and respects to all friends, and favour
me with an answer to this by the first."

The suit succeeded, and early in January Sir Basil
Dixwell, Bart., of Broome Park, and Thomas Papillon
v/ere duly elected to serve the Borough in Parliament; and
on the nth March, in a Grand Committee on the King's
Speech, we find Papillon warmly espousing his cause in
the way of Supply, thus :—

PAPILLON SUPPORTS WILLIAM III. 35 1

"The consideration of Ireland, the Fleet, and Holland, all
depend upon the Revenue, of which some is for life, some for
a term of years. Some the other day thought all the Revenue
was vested in the King ; others did doubt it ; therefore we ought
to put it past doubt. Therefore I move for an Act to give and
grant the Revenue to the King, that it may be collected without
dispute, and an indemnity for the collecting it since the Vacancy;
and if the state of the Revenue be ready, I would have it delivered
in by Sir Robert Howard."

And again on the 14th March : —

"Our condition is not so secure as it is thought. There is
a great enemy that has an intention to destroy both the Dutch
and us. Here is yet no settlement of the Revenue, and they
will be hard put to it. I see not so hearty an union abroad
as I could wish, though I am glad to see it in this House ; but
I fear there is an intention to undermine us. Here is yet no
settlement of the Revenue, the Oaths, nor the Courts of Justice.
We know the computation of the charge pretty near, and I
believe the whole about 6 or ;£'7, 000,000, if you voluntarily
give the Dutch such a sum, without casting it to a penny or
twopence.

" But it is to me of great consequence, that as we address the
King on other occasions we may do it on this, that if we do
support Alliances we may be fixed in them.

"You cannot avoid war with France, and you must support
Alliances, and let the King know so much.

" As for the charge of Ireland, it is easily known, zo,ooo men
being the number given in ; if we go to particulars we shall never
have an end. And as for the Customs, though some of them
have been irregular, yet gather them as they have been these
twenty-eight years.

" Therefore I would address the King for an Alliance with the
Dutch, which will save us, and we will support him to support
them."

In August, 1689, Papillon was placed by the King on a
Commission of five, for the disbursement of £i,cx)0 a month

3S2 THOMAS PAPILLON.

in the relief of French refugees ; the other Commissioners
being the Bishops of London and Salisbury, Mr. Hampden
(a Commissioner of the Treasury and afterwards Chancellor
of the Exchequer), and Sir John Mordent. The King first
ordered the outlay, and Parliament confirmed it.

In October, 1689, Papillon was chosen Alderman of
Portsoken Ward. He arrived in London on the nth,
having come from Acrise ; and on the 14th several
gentlemen of the Ward waited upon him, begging him to
accept office ; but he told them at once that he could
not. On Tuesday the iSth, according to summons, he
attended the Court of Aldermen, and on his arrival in
the ante-chamber (the "Long Gallery") Sir Patience
Ward, Sir John Lawrence, and other friends, already
Aldermen, came out to urge his acceptance of the post,
and the Common Cryer brought a gown with the Lord
Mayor's orders to invest him; but he resolutely refused:
And on coming into the presence of the Court, he at
once begged the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to excuse
him on various accounts, which he named. The Court
were very unwilling to accede to his request, but out of
regard for his past services and sufferings, they granted
him time to consider the matter. Being called in a
second time, he told his Lordship that he had done so,
and his circumstances were such that he could not accept
the place; that he hoped his Lordship and the Court
would have considered the reasons he had already given :
That he had suffered greatly in his estate; and also in
his reputation with many, through misapprehension : That
he had been in the service of his Country and of the City
for nearly twenty years, without any pecuniary advantage,
nor had he desired such : That sixteen years ago, he
fined for Sheriff, and he then resolved not to entertain

DISCHARGED FROM CALL AS ALDERMAN. 353

places of Government : That afterwards, when he was
chosen, and exposed himself for the vindication of the
Rights of the City, he had many solicitations and promises,
but when the trial came on, the next month, except Sir
Thomas Allen, which he must speak to his eternal praise,
and Alderman Cornish, who is dead, and the present
Chamberlain, none would own him, or so much as appear
to witness in the cause ; their memories were bad, and
they had forgotten all ; That through his sufferings and
loss of trade his estate was much impaired, so that he
was less able to maintain the honour of such a place ;
and also being engaged to service in Parliament, he could
not embrace other duties to the neglect of the former.

One Alderman suggested that according to custom he
must first take the Oath and his seat, before the Court
could consider his request for discharge; he replied that
he was ignorant of the custom ; and how could he take
the Oath when he could not accept the place?

On being called in a third time, the Lord Mayor told
him they had resolved to defer the matter to a future
day; and Papillon rejoined by expressing his hope that
the Court would kindly consider his objections, and
discharge him at their next meeting; and this they
eventually did on the loth December.

Though Papillon declined civic honours and attendant
charges, he was not proof against the urgent call of his
Sovereign, whom he had so warmly welcomed to the
throne. His Majesty sent for him in November, 1689,
and desired him to take office as First Commissioner for
Victualling the Navy ; he begged to be excused on account
of the neglected condition of the business, but the King
would take no refusal, and eventually raised his salary
from ;^400 to ;^ 1,000 a year. The post, however, was no

354 THOMAS PAPILLON.

sinecure ; for the war with France, which lasted from
April, 1689, till September, 1697, rendered the duties very
arduous, so that he was obliged to abandon all trade, and
devote himself to his Victualling duties from early morning
to late in the evening, and thus incurred far more labour
than the post of Alderman and occupation as a Merchant
would probably have involved. Moreover, as he had felt
hurt by the neglect of his City friends in the matter of
his efforts to support City Rights, so in his new office,
though acting most zealously and faithfully, he encountered
some unjust aspersions ; so hard is it for an honest man
to escape the shafts of the enemy.

The circumstances of Papillon's appointment as
Victualling Commissioner were these : — William III. had
undertaken the invasion of England for the avowed object
of restoring law and order; and as the first step in the
fulfilment of that purpose he summoned a free Parliament,
but the more tedious task of purging the various depart-
ments of the Government remained to be done. Laxity
was evident in most of them, and in the supply of
provisions to the Army and Navy gross negligence, to
say the least, had occurred. On ist June, 1689, the
matter was brought before the House of Commons;
other important questions hindered its full discussion,
and on 20th August Parliament had a month's recess;
but in November the subject was resumed, and the
Commissioners for Victualling the Navy were sent for in
custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms.

Meanwhile the King had not remained indifferent, but
had instituted a searching enquiry into the affair. His
heart was set on conquering the enemies of the Protestant
cause, and he well knew that sailors could not fight on
empty or ill-fed stomachs. The case is thus summarized
by Macaulay, Chapter XV. (1689).

APPOINTED VICTUALLING COMMISSIONER. 35 5

"In the House of Commons there was, as might have been
expected, a series of sharp debates on the misfortunes of the
autumn. The negligence or corruption of the Navy Board, the
frauds of the Contractors, the rapacity of the Captains of the
King's ships, the losses of the London Merchants, were theme?
for many keen speeches. There was indeed reason for anger.
A severe enquiry, conducted by William in person at the
Treasury, had just elicited the fact that much of the salt with
which the meat furnished to the fleet had been cured, had
been by accident mixed with galls such as are used for the
purpose of making ink. The Victuallers threw the blame on
the rats, and maintained that the provisions thus seasoned,
though really disagreeable to the palate, were not injurious to
health. The Commons were in no temper to listen to such
excuses. Several persons who had been concerned in cheating
the Government and poisoning the seamen were taken into
custody by the Sergeant : But no censure was passed on the
the chief offender, Torrington; nor does it appear that a single
voice was raised against him : he had personal friends in both
parties ; he had many popular qualities," &c.

The result was the appointment of a new Board of
Victualling Commissioners for the Navy, in which Papillon
was placed first; his fellow-Commissioners being Symon
Mayne, John Agar, Humphry Hyles, and James Howe,
Esquires.

Though disposed as yet to admit both Whigs and

Tories into offices of trust, on this occasion the King

appointed only Whigs, well judging who were his true

friends. His special motive in selecting Papillon does

not appear, but his Majesty may very probably have

heard of his conduct as Contractor for Victualling the

Navy (in conjunction with Mr. Child and others) in

1672-3; as well as of his general character as a Merchant;

and of his well-tried zeal in the cause of civil and religious

liberty.

y 2

3S6 THOMAS PAPILLOK.

As regards Papillon's success in the discharge of his
duties, Macaulay affords conclusive evidence, taking it in
connection with his own incidental remarks on the work.

Writing of the opening of Parliament in October, 1691,
not quite two years after the appointment of the new
Victualling Commissioners, Macaulay says, chapter XVIII.

"At sea there had been no great victory, but there had been
a great display of power and activity; and though many were
dissatisfied because not more had been done, none could deny
that there had been a change for the better. The ruin caused
by follies and vices of Torrington had been repaired; the fleet
had been well equipped, the rations had been abundant and
wholesome, and the health of the crews had consequently been,
for that age, wonderfully good."

And a footnote quotes a letter from an Officer serving
on board the Lennox^ forming a Journal of the English
and Dutch fleet, which says: —

"We attribute our health, under God, to the extraordinary
care taken in the well ordering of our provisions, both meat
and drink."

And again, writing of the year 1694, and of the conduct
of the British fleet under Admiral Russell on the Southern
Coast of Spain, Macaulay says, chapter XX. : —

"It is but just to him [Russell] to say that from the time
he became First Lord of the Admiralty there was a decided
improvement in the Naval administration. Though he lay with
his fleet many months near an inhospitable shore, and at a
great distance from England, there were no complaints about
the quality or quantity of provisions. The crews had better
food and drink than they had ever had before; comforts which
Spain did not afford were supplied from home; and yet the
charges were not greater than in Torrington's time, when the
sailor was poisoned with mouldy biscuit and nauseous beer."

SUCCESS IN THE VICTUALLING. 357

The part which Papillon bore in effecting these happy
results will appear in some measure from his own statements
in the following Petitions for release, and partly also from
the reflections which others made on him as the head of
the Department : And the difficulties under which himself
and his colleagues carried on their duties are evident from
several M.SS. he has left, and from the general history of
the time as regards the condition of the Treasury.

The fact is that though Parliament unanimously
counselled war with France in 1689, promised to support
the King in its prosecution, and renewed their assurances
from time to time till a favourable peace was obtained in
1697, they seldom voted more than half the amount
necessary, and even this was often granted on certain
sources of income which failed to realize the expected
sums. In order to meet these deficiencies payments for
goods and labour were made to a great extent in " Tallies^
and these again became so depreciated that at the close
of 1696 they were at a discount of 40, 50, and 60 per
cent.*

The depression of the Tallies, as also of Bank of
England notes, and of credit in general, was checked by
the firmness of the House of Commons and the sagacity
of Charles Montague, Chancellor of the Exchequer, New
taxes were imposed for the liquidation of arrears, the Bank
of England was supported by an additional Subscription
of ;£'8oo,ooo Capital, to be made in Tallies or Notes, and
a regular system of issue and redemption of Exchequer
Bills was inaugurated. Though many men of experience,
Papillon included, expressed grave doubts of the success
of the scheme, it thoroughly answered ; ;£' 1,000,000 was
soon subscribed to the Bank, and credit quickly revived.

* Rapin's and Tindal's "History of England."

358 THOMAS PAPILLON.

The straights endured beforehand by the Victualling
Department, and doubtless by others, will appear below : —

[Autograph MS.]

"A Brief Account of what passed at Kensington, the
1ST November, 1693.

" Monday the ist November, 1693, all the Commissioners and
Mr. Philip Papillon waited on the King at Kensington; they were
there before the Lords of the Treasury came, and Mr. Papillon
spake both to Mr. Chancellor and my Lord Godolphin, as they
went to introduce them.

"As his Majesty passed from the Queen's lodgings to the
Treasury we stood all together, and the King was pleased to
say as he passed, ' How do you do, Mr. Papillon ? '

"A little while after the King was gone into the Treasury,
we were called in, and his Majesty gave us his hand to kissj
and then Mr. Papillon said 'May it please your Majesty, we
have been under very great difficulties, both from the greatness
of the action, the dearness of provisions, and the scarcity of
money; but I have served your Majesty with my heart as well
as with my hands and my head, and I hope I may say as
much for my partners.' Mr. Mayne thereupon said to the
same purpose that he had served his Majesty heartily. My
Lord said they had furnished us with as much money as the
Parliament had appointed, and he doubted not but when
matters were represented to Parliament by his Majesty's
command, and that those of us who were Members did second
the same, and represent that the moneys appointed by the
Parliament were _;^i 00,000 short by reason of the dearness and
scarcity of provisions, that the Parliament would give a credit
for money to be taken up for providing for the future service.
Mr. Papillon said, They that were Members would not be
wanting to do their part when the business came into the
House. The King said he hoped we did go on to make
provision; Mr. Papillon said they could not go on for want of
money; they had bought what they could by contract, and
could not now buy in the market without money. My Lord

DIFFICULTIES IN THE VICTUALLING. 359

Godolphin said we must make use of some of the ;^2,ooo a
week towards buying of flesh, for that they could not supply
more money than the Parliament did make provision for.

"Mr. Papillon said that now was the season, and they would
do all that was possible; that it was a great inconvenience that
the Estimates to the Parliament were made much less than the
charge came to, and that greater qualities of provisions were
called for, than were put in the Estimates; the last year about
;^7 0,000 value, and this year it would be more; all the fleet
were kept in victuals all the year long. But they would do
their uttermost endeavour."

Parliament re-assembled four days after this interview,
and was opened by the King in person. He appealed
earnestly for support in prosecution of the war, and
urged the need of increased forces. The Commons
responded readily, and voted nearly ;^S,ooo,ooo for the
Army and Navy ; but this was far below the amount
actually requisite. Indeed Ministers never demanded
nearly so much as they required.

An incident may be here mentioned touching Papillon's
ofificial position. Immediately after replying to the King's
Speech both Houses of Parliament proceeded to enquire
into the causes of the loss of the ''Smyrna fleet" of
Merchantmen in June, and the blame that might be due
to the Admirals who had been commissioned to protect
it. The enquiry lasted many days and was carried on
with much warmth. It was suggested that the English
fleet had been insufficiently provisioned; but Papillon at
once denied the charge. On the Victualling Commissioners
being called up as a body they confirmed his statement,
and the House exculpated them; but during the debate,
for such the enquiry became, Sir Christopher Musgrave
cynically remarked : —

36o THOMAS PAPILLON.

"It is said that the fleet was provisioned partly in kind, and
partly on Credit; I consider it no Credit to Papillon that he
should follow in the steps of Parsons " [one of the Commissioners
dismissed from office in 1689].

No notice was taken of the remark.

On 30th December, 1696, three years later, Papillon
again attended the King at Kensington, and read two
papers, one describing the distressed condition of the
Department, and the other suggesting remedies for its
relief: — Allusion is made to another paper, "The State of
the Victualling," but that is missing.

"30th December, 1696. Foul Draft of Papers read before

THE King at Kensington.
By the Account of Debts delivered in the

30th September last there was owing

to the Victualling Office, as by the

particulars ^478.435 " 5

The balance of the Cash was deducted,

being £^,1^2 9 7

Of which there remains in Tallies un-
disposed of ;^3i.939 o 8

More reserved in Tallies for the Excise... ;^8,ooo o o

More a Note on the Excise unpaid .. . ;f 3,052 8 10

;£4Z,99I 9 6

So the Victualling stood indebted to the 30th September, 1696, £,t,z\AT.'j o 11

"Besides the several debts not brought in, owing in the Straits,
and for short allowance money mentioned in the said list of 20th
September, with more for all Victuals issued from 30th September
to last of December; — so that it may appear that the Debt of the
Victualling to the last of December must be above _;^"6oo,ooo.

"It is true that there remains of the quota for the last year,
after the rate of 20s. per man per month, .3^38,772. 6. 5>^,
but it is likewise true that there is ;^42,99i. 9. 6. as above
remaining useless in Tallies, and ;^4,69S. 16. 7. allowed for
discount and short payment of Tallies, and that there is upwards
of ;^26o,ooo for over issues of Provisions, for which there hath

NEED OF MORE MONEY. 361

been no money at all as yet assigned, besides the former great
debt in the four first years and in the year 1694, short of what
was settled by the Lords, as by the State of the Victualling
appears.

"For carrying on the Service there is money required, — To
send to all the several ports to make provision suitable to the
Declaration, which of flesh and some other species cannot be
done but in the season. For buying Beef and Pork and also
Peas, which cannot be procured without ready-money, nor at
any time of the year for flesh but in the proper season, which
is already about half-past, and so needs the greater sums, for
that all flesh is generally dearer by about 20 per cent, after
Christmas than before.

"To procure Bread, the Bakers having run out all their Stocks,
and desisted from baking, for want of money to buy Corn, and
requiring money to be advanced to them before they can deliver
any bread, for which they now ask 20s. per cwt., which is about
double the price in ordinary times :

"To pay the Brewers from time to time part of what was
delivered the last year, upon which they promise to go 011
brewing, provided some course be taken that the Commissioners
of Excise may give them time for paying the Excise of the beer
they deliver for the use of the Fleet, and that they may not
be forced to pay the Excise as for strong beer.

"For providing Malt, Hops, Oatmeal, Coals, Flour, Casks, &c.,
of which nothing can be procured without payment of former
debts :

"For payment of Pursers their necessaria and extra necessaria
money, of which there is a very great sum in arrear, and the
Pursers cannot furnish their ships with necessaries unless they
have money :

"For payment of a month's freight to such ships as shall be
taken up for Victualling Ships to attend the Fleet with Bread and
Beer and such other provisions as they may want :

"For payment of money to the Cheesemongers on account of
Butter and Cheese formerly delivered, and to make provision of
those species for the outset of the Fleet, and for supply for the
rest of the ensuing year ;

362 THOMAS PAPILLON.

" For payment of Bills of Exchange drawn from Turkey and
from Ireland, which if not duly paid will be protested, and all
credit fail abroad; as also for many Bills of Exchange from the
West Indies, New England, Virginia, &c. :

" For buying Salt to cure the flesh withal :

"There are likewise great sums of money due to the Labourers,
Bakers, Coopers, and Workmen here in the Yards at London
and Chatham, Dover, and other Ports, to the value already of
_;^i3,ooo or ;^ 14,000, and without payment the poor men must
starve or leave the work and take other employment, as in some
places they have declared they will.

"The Public Works at Chatham cannot be maintained without
weekly supplies of money, and that considerable, as the number
of men increases , by the last letters from thence there were 3,000
men to be daily victualled.

"That which hath brought the Victualling Office to this
condition hath been: —

"ist. — The recoining the Money last year, by reason whereof
those that credited the Office were only paid in Tallies, by which
they lost very considerably, or else they have the Tallies remaining
in their hands useless.

"zndly. — The making the Declarations very much short of
what the Service required, by reason whereof moneys were not
provided to answer the demands of the Victualling.

"3rdly. — That the charge of the Victualling in dear years,
considering also the extraordinary charge of freights for Victual-
ling ships abroad, &c., hath far exceeded the allowance of zos.
per man per month.

"In the year '94, all provisions were nearly, and some above,
double the price of former years. In the years '95 and '96,
provisions were also very dear, above the usual rates, though not
so excessive as in '94, and in this year, 1697, they are likely to be
extraordinary dear, for bread they now demand 20s. per cwt.,
which is double the ordinary price, and the want of money at the
beginning of the season will render all things more chargeable.

"December 30th, '96."

REPORT ON DIFFICULTIES. 363

[suggestions.]

"That the provision in Ireland, Kinsale, and Dublin, for 1,000
men for 13 months, amounting to ;^i3,ooo at 20s. per man per
month, be supplied by the Lords Justices there.

"That besides remaining quota of the last year,

;^2o,ooo per week be assigned for the Victualling in England, till
such time as the Parliamentary funds can be settled, and that the
remainder be assigned for the rest of the Declaration, which will
not serve longer than June.

"That for supply of several of the outposts, till money can be
raised more plentifully, credit may be given by the Commissioners
of Excise not exceeding the value of _^2o,ooo on the whole.

"That there be a distinct account kept of the Bills drawn for
the said ;^ 2 0,000 and that the same be paid as soon as the
Parliamentary Funds are settled, and assignments made thereon,
which is supposed may come in as soon as the Bills drawn may
be due, or within a month after at most.

"That for supplying the remaining part of the year, some care
may be taken in time for a suitable provision, as also against the
next year, to begin to make provision in season.

" December 30th, 1696."

The "State of the Victualling" and these tw^o papers
were read before the King at Kensington, on Wednesday,
30th December, 1696, with the following closing remarks: —

"As they [the Commissioners] have always done their utter-
most endeavour to carry on the Service, so they shall continue
still to do, and to use their best discretion to manage the same to
His Majesty's most advantage.

"They have in obedience to his Majesty's directions, as far as
was possible, observed the payments in course of the several
species with which the Office was credited, though that method
could not universally be a Rule in all things, and as the case now
stands cannot be practised, for that they must be paid in the first
place who will give new credit, and many sums of money that
have been ordered them have been by the Lords of the Treasury
appropriated to particular services,

364 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"As the case now stands, they cannot see any prospect of
providing for carrying on the service without moneys be weekly
and punctually supplied, and that as soon as the Parliament have
settled their funds the whole for this year's Declaration may be
assigned by such notes or methods as may be passable from man
to man without loss, for the whole Declaration made for the year
'97, including the over-issues in the former, will be all required
before the last of June."

We have seen the difficulties and the successes attending
Papillon and his colleagues in their duties as Victualling
Commissioners ; the foUow^ing Petitions for release from
office whch Papillon made from time to time during
nearly seven years, will show how burdensome to him was
the post, the duties of which he so zealously discharged.

"To THE Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of
THEIR Majesty's Treasury, The humble Petition of
Thomas Papillon, one of the present Commissioners
for Victualling their Majesty's Navy — Sheweth

"That your Petitioner did enter upon this Service, not of
choice, but in obedience to his Majesty :

"That his Majesty was pleased to intimate that he would
consider him in particular, and accordingly as he hath understood
did direct Mr. Jephson, and afterwards Mr. Guy, that of his
Majesty's bounty he should be paid ;^i5o each quarter, to make
up the Salary of ;^6oo appointed as a Commissioner of the
Victualling to ;^ 1,000 per annum.

"That during the three years now ending at Michaelmas there
hath been the greatest action that ever was, and that for the well
performance of the same he hath been necessitated to lay aside
all trade and neglect his own private concerns, and hath taken
indefatigable pains, attended the service early and late, spent
his whole time therein, and hath neither directly or indirectly
made any advantage to himself thereby, save only what he hath
received and expects to receive from their Majesties:

"That through the blessing of God on his and his partners'
endeavours the Service hath been well and timely performed,

PETITION FOR RELEASE FROM OFFICE. 365

and with as great frugality and good husbandry as was possible,
time and circumstances considered, and he may say that several
thousand pounds have been saved therein, through their manage-
ment.

"That of what his Majesty graciously intended him he hath
been paid only two quarters, so that at Michaelmas there will be
£i,S°° thereof behind :

"That during these three years many debts have been contracted
for carrying on the Service, a list whereof will be shortly tendered
to your Lordships, which he humbly recommends to your Lordships'
care:

"That he hath always been, is, and shall ever be ready to
serve their Majesties to his uttermost ability, but in regard of
his age, being now in his 70th year, finding himself unfit to
bear the tracasse and fatigue of his employment, which as
managed by him is beyond what is generally conceived, — He in
duty to their Majesties gives this timely notice, and earnestly
begs a dismission :

" Humbly beseeching your Lordships to represent his case and
request to his sacred Majesty, that his Majesty will be graciously
pleased to dismiss him from any further attendance on this Service,
and to direct that the said ;^i,5oo graciously intended him by his
Majesty may be paid him, or Assignments given him for the
same.

" And your Petitioner shall ever pray, &c.,

"Tho. Papillon.

" This Petition was intended to have been
presented the 23rd September, 1692, but Mr.
Hampden desired to discourse with me before
I presented it; so I was to wait on him on
Monday the 26th September, at Eight o'clock."

Whether it were finally presented, does not appear ; but
we may presume that Mr. Hampden, then Chancellor of
the Exchequer, persuaded Papillon to retain office for the
time being.

His next Petition for discharge from office was in
November, 1694, and ran thus : —

366 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"To THE Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of
THEIR Majesties' Treasury.

"May it please your Lordships,

"I have served their Majesties upwards of five years in the
Victualling Office, the pains I have taken, and the hardships and
difficulties that I and the Office have been under, your Lordships
are not strangers to; I shall only say, as I yesterday told the
House of Commons, and am ready to make oath thereof, that
during the whole time I have not made one penny profit to
myself, beyond what his Majesty hath been pleased to allow me;
and of the allowance above the standing Salary there is 2^ years
behind at Michaelmas last :

" And being now in the 72nd year of my age, and the infirmities
of nature daily growing upon me, and there being no likelihood
(as I humbly conceive) to have sufficient provision for carrying
on the Service, the difficulties will more and more increase, so
that I cannot undergo the fatigue thereof without apparent hazard
of ending my days in trouble, which I am unwilling to, and
therefore thought it my duty to acquaint your Lordships so
much : And humbly pray your Lordships to represent the same
to his Majesty, That I may be discharged :

"And this favour I hope his Majesty will be the more inclined
to grant me, since there are, as was affirmed in your Lordships'
presence, very able Merchants that are ready to undertake the
Victualling affair, furnish all in kind, answer all demands, satisfy
and discharge all freights and whatever else is required for the
Service, as fully as hath been done for these five years last
past, and withal go on to pay and clear the debts already
contracted in proper course, without any more than 20s. per
man per month for this year ensuing. If his Majesty shall
please to direct your Lordships to send for those persons, and
the affair be so settled as may be to his Majesty's satisfaction,
and the King's own advantage, I shall rejoice and end my days
in peace, continually praying for their Majesties' lives and success
in their affairs, and with all thankfulness to your Lordships' care
and regard for the Victualling concern for the time past, in

CHARGE OF PECULATION. 367

supplying the same as far as your Lordships' circumstances would
admit ; and subscribe myself,

"May it please your Lordships,

"Your Lordships' most obedient humble Servant,

"Tho. Papillon."

The statement in the House of Commons to which
Papillon referred in this Petition was probably that made
in his own vindication against a wild charge brought
against himself and his son in his absence from the
House ; and as neither the charge nor the reply are given
in Gray's Parliamentary Debates nor in the Minutes of
the House of Commons, we will give them as recorded
in a M.S. by Papillon. Sir John Parsons, who made the
charge, was one of the Victualling Commissioners who
were superseded by Papillon and his colleagues. His
speech was to this effect : —

"That Mr. Papillon need not complain of the loss of his
trade, for that he understood that his son and he made eight,
ten, or twelve thousand a year; that when persons came to
demand moneys I sent them to my son, and when they came
to him, he told them he had not money but Tallies; and then
if they would take tallies he would send them to one that would
furnish them, and that he had ten or twenty per cent, of all the
moneys he paid."

Thomas Papillon's reply : —

"Mr. Speaker,

"I have so great a veneration for this honourable House
wherein all the Commons of England are represented that I
cannot but be sensibly affected at any thing that may be spoken
here that might any way reflect, or seem to lessen my reputation
in this honourable Assembly.

"I have understood that a gentleman was pleased in my
absence to make reflection on me with reference to my son, as

368 THOMAS PAPILLON.

if great profits were made of eight or ten thousand pounds a year
by preferring persons in payment — as if great profits were made
by me in undue ways. I shall only say, first as to myself, I never
made one penny advantage to myself, directly or indirectly, but
what his Majesty allows; and as to my son, I have examined him,
and do verily believe he never made with his Salary* and all
other things whatsoever i2d. in the ;£^ioo, this is for receiving
the same and accounting for it in the Exchequer, which I think
is hardly porter's wages; he hath order from the Commissioners
from time to time what to pay.

"Sir, had I been told any thing that did reflect on any Member
of this House, I should first have acquainted him therewith,
and been sure of the truth of the matter before I should have
adventured to vent it in this House. I know not what to move,
but submit to the pleasure of the House, being willing and
desirous that the matter should be strictly examined, and that
the Gentleman may produce his Witnesses or acknowledge his
mistake.

"Sir Jno. Parsons."

The general prevalence of official corruption at this
period may probably have led to these conjectures against
Papillon and his son; matters had reached such a pass
that in the following year the Speaker of the House of
Commons was convicted of receiving a douceur of i,ooo
guineas from the City of London for promoting a local
Bill, and was consequently superseded; and a former
Speaker and a leading Duke narrowly escaped the charge
of complicity in the bribery of the old East India
Company, f

As regards Papillon's recommendation of Contractors
for Victualling the Navy, it appears that in seeking release
two and a half years later he condemned such a change.

* £^^5° per annum as Cashier of the Victualling Office,
t See Macaulay's "History of England," Chapter XXI.

APPEAL FOR RELEASE FROM OFFICE. 369

"Copy of my Letter to Mr. Montague. i6th April, 1697.

"Right Honourable,

"I have served the King 7}^ years in the Victualling most
faithfully and cordially, to the great prejudice of my health,
having by the palsy lost the use of writing, besides many other
weaknesses and infirmities through the fatigue and burden that
hath been on my body and mind; I have not got any thing
directly or indirectly but what the King allows, and when I
am paid what is behind of his Majesty's allowance to me, I
may say had I not been in this service I might have been a
better man of estate; I am sure I have done what never any
before did. Nothing troubles me so much as what passed
yesterday, as that none of the King's Ministers, and your
Honour in particular, who knows the service I have done,
should speak one word in my vindication. To [words illegible]
the Petition and a Committee appointed to examine abuses,
and nothing said afterwards (though the very Report saith that
the Petitioner proved nothing) seems a tacit aspersion, and I
am so sensible of it, that were I in a condition of health (which
I am far from) to go on with the Service, I should decline it
unless something were done for the just vindication of the Office
under the management of myself and the other Commissioners.
But my health and abilities failing me, I pray your Honour to
move his Majesty to release me, and put some other in my place;
possibly Mr. Arnold or Mr. Walters may desire it : Though if
I may advise, I think it were best under conduct of the Navy

Board, that what share their Office hath of the ;£ allotted

during war may help towards the Victualling; and I am fully
of opinion that it is best for his Majesty to keep it in Commission,
and never to admit of a Contract, which may be very pernicious
to his Majesty's interest.

" I am. Right Honourable,

"Your Honour's most humble Servant,

"Tho. Papillon.
"r6th April, 1697.

"I hope and pray that whatever becomes of me, care may
be taken for the debts of the Office, and particularly of what
z

370 THOMAS PAPILLON.

is due to the Labourers and Workmen, many of whom and their
families are ready to starve."

"This was delivered to Mr. Montague in the morning; at night,

Mr. Agar, Mr. B gton, myself, and son were at Kensington,

delivered a Memorial to the Treasury, which was read before the
King, and we kissed the King's hand."

It would seem that this application for release from
office met writh the usual neglect, for in the November
following we find him again petitioning the King as
follows ; —

"To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty, The humble
Petition of Thomas Papillon, one of the Commissioners
FOR Victualling your Majesty's Navy — Sheweth

"That your Petitioner hath served your Majesty eight years
in the said employ, and by reason of the greatness of the action
exceeding far whatever was in any former time, and that the
burden hath lain chiefly on him, he did lay aside all trade and
wholly and constantly applied himself to your Majesty's Service
therein with indefatigable pains and sincere affection.

"That the fatigue of the said employ together with his age,
being now in his 75 th year, have brought many bodily infirmities
upon him, which render him less capable for service, and it
having pleased Almighty God so to bless and succeed your
Majesty's endeavours as to make your Majesty the happy
instrument of procuring Peace to these Nations and to Europe,
he humbly desires if it may stand with your Majesty's good
pleasure, to be discharged.

"That your Petitioner hath heard that some things have been
intimated to your Majesty against him; what they are he is totally
ignorant of.

"That of the allowance your Majesty was graciously pleased
to allot him for his Service there remained unassigned to him
at Michaelmas last, ;^i,3oo.

"That your Petitioner with Sir Josiah Child and others were
Contractors for the Victualling of the Navy in anno 1672 and

FOURTH APPEAL FOR RELEASE. 37I

1673, the accounts whereof have long lain with the Auditors, but
for the want of the settling of some articles, which are depending
before the Right Honourable the Lords of your Majesty's Treasury,
the said accounts are not yet passed.

"Your Petitioner most humbly prays

"That your Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct the
thorough examination of what hath been or can be alleged against
your Petitioner, that your Majesty being fully satisfied of his
faithful Service may please to dismiss him from the said employ
with such testimony of your Majesty's approval and favour
towards him as your Majesty shall find him to have deserved,
and that your Majesty will graciously please to order the money
behind to be assigned to him.

"That your Majesty will graciously please to direct the Right
Honourable the Lords of the Treasury, to cause the former
accounts to be settled and adjusted.

"And your Petitioner shall ever pray," &c.

" 15th March, i69-|-. A Copy of my Letter to Mr. Chancellor
to desire him to intreat his majesty to discharge me
of my employment.

"Right Honourable,

"I suppose in a little time his Majesty will take into consider-
ation the settling Commissioners in the Senior Offices where they
are wanting, and particularly in that relating to the Victualling.

"The Petition I left with your Honour for his Majesty, I hope
his Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant. I have served
his Majesty now at Lady Day eight years and a half, and am
sure there is no Subject that hath served his Majesty with more
cordial and hearty affection, and with less regard to his own
private concerns, than myself; and I am still, as far as I am
able, entirely devoted to his Majesty's interest and Service; but
I must acquaint your Honour that by reason of my age, and the
fatigue I have undergone, I am so debilitated in body, both by
the palsy in my hands and other natural defects, and the gout
now returning upon me, which hath made me keep my chamber
ever since the sth instant, that I find myself no way capable,
z 3

372 THOMAS PAPILLON,

nor sufficiently qualified, to perform the post wherein I am, which
I humbly intreat your Honour on my behalf to represent to his
Majesty on the renewing of the Commission, and that his Majesty
would be pleased to leave me out.

"Enclosed I send your Honour the copy of the Petition I sent
your Honour the 17th November last, which I hope his Majesty
will be graciously pleased to grant. I did hope I might have
continued in some reasonable measure of health, but now diseases
and infirmities flowing so fast upon me, it is not possible for me
to continue in the Service.

"I make no application but to your Honour, not doubting
but on your Honour's representation to his Majesty, his Majesty
will of his abounding goodness dismiss me the Service, and not
require of me what by reason of my bodily infirmities I am
utterly unable to perform.

" I am, Right Honourable,

" Your Honour's most obedient Servant,

"Tho. Papillon."

In most of these Petitions one cannot but remark
Papillon's devotion to the King, and this seems to have
hindered him from insisting on immediate release from
office. As for trusting to Mr. Montague, wrho had so
long neglected his request, it bears the aspect of
simplicity; and the tone of several of his Petitions
approaches that of his Mother-in-law^'s letters to his
father, when the latter was pleading his suit; she said
"No," but meant "Yes."

Final letter to Mr. Montague:—

"Right Honourable,

" I did intend to have waited upon your Honour, and to have
desired your Honour's favour to have introduced me to his
Majesty, to have returned his Majesty my hearty thanks for
discharging me my present employment, which I am informed
this day is settled; but it hath pleased God to deprive me of my
dear Wife, with whom I have lived near forty-seven years, so that

FINAL APPEAL FOR RELEASE. 373

I cannot at present stir abroad, and therefore humbly pray your
Honour to make my humble excuse to his Majesty for not
attending him. I have been his Majesty's most faithful Subject
and Servant, and whilst I live shall ever be so. The bodily
infirmities that have lately very much grown upon me, have
rendered me less capable of serving his Majesty, and desirous of
some ease from the fatigue of the service I was engaged in.

"I doubt not but your Honour hath moved his Majesty in
reference to the other particulars that were mentioned in my
Petition, and also for what is behind of the allowance his Majesty
was graciously pleased to order me; and as soon as I can come
abroad with decency I shall wait upon your Honour.
" Right Honourable,

" Your Honour's most humble and obedient Servant,

"Tho. Papillon.
"London, 12th July, 1698."

Notwithstanding his prospect of immediate release,
Papillon had still to wait ten months for the desired
boon, as shewn by the following and final appeal to the
King : —

^'To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty, The Humble
Petition of Thomas Papillon, one ok your Majesty's
Commissioners for Victualling the Navy — Sheweth

"That your Petitioner hath served your Majesty at Midsummer
next nine years and three quarters, and though as he always had,
and still continueth to have, a most hearty and entire affection
for your Majesty's Service, yet by reason of his age and many
bodily infirmities finding himself not so capable for the same, —

"He humbly begs*. That he may be dismissed from the said
employ with your Majesty's favour, and during the continuance
of my life.

"Your Petitioner shall daily pray, &c.,

"Tho. Papillon.

"Not delivered, but attended
on the King, on Friday, the 26th
May, 1699."

374 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Thus ended the public career of Thomas Papillon; the
energy of his youth and m'anhood had departed; he had
lost his dearly beloved Wife, and in the peace and affection
of his family, relying on the grace and favour of God,
Whom he had served — he had only to await the mighty
change which is our common lot.

Throughout life he had striven earnestly in each position
he had occupied, maintaining a single eye towards God
and his neighbour, and leaving in his course a striking
example of industry and integrity. As a Merchant, he
had acquired a competency, unblemished in repute; as a
Public Servant, he had been faithful and zealous; in
Politics, both civil and religious, while loyal to his
Sovereign, he had warmly supported the rights of the
Subject, and thus promoted those now enjoyed; in the
matter of the Popish Plot, in his opposition to Chancellor
Montague's successful scheme for the relief of the
Exchequer, and in his advocacy of the ruinous one of
Life Annuities for that of the Mercer's Company in 1698
(see Return of the Company to the City Companies
Commissioners, page 13) he was not in advance of his
times. But in all his dealings he acted openly and honestly.
The good he did, survived him ; the evil, who shall judge?

As a parting relic of Papillon's political views, we
subjoin an autograph memorandum, which was evidently
written a few years after the accession of William III.: —

"The Kingdom of England is made .up of Papists and
Protestants.

"The Protestants are divided, and of late years distinguished
by the name of Tories and Whigs.

"Under the name of Tories is comprehended all those that
cry up the Church of England in opposition to the Churches
of Christ in foreign parts, that press the forms and ceremonies
more than the Doctrines of the Church, which are sound and

HIS GENERAL POLITICAL VIEWS. 375

Scriptural; and that either in their own practice are Swearers,
Drunkards, or loose in their Conversation, or do allow of and
are unwilling such should be punished, but give them all
countenance, provided they stickle for the forms and ceremonies,
and rail against and endeavour to discountenance all those that
are otherwise minded.

"Under the name of Whigs is comprehended most of the
sober and religious persons of the Church of England that
sincerely embrace the Doctrines of the Church, and put no such
stress on the forms and ceremonies, but look on them as human
institutions, and not as the Essentials of Religion, and are willing
that there might be a Reformation to take away offence, and
that desire that all Swearing, Drunkenness, and Ungodliness
should be discountenanced and punished, and do own the
foreign Protestant Churches as Churches of Christ, and hold
communion with them : — As also all dissenters of the several
persuasions are included under this title.

"The Papists have made it their work to set these two parties
one against the other, first by setting the Tories in power and
countenancing them to persecute and oppress the Whigs, both
Churchmen and Dissenters, that by these cruelties they might
be the more willing to comply with the Papists, to obtain the
ease and liberty which the Papists promised them : And then
drawing such of them as were not aware of their designs to fall
in to countenance the practices of King James the Second's
time, and to upon the Magistracy contrary to Law — by

which this Kingdom was almost brought to ruin, and Popery
near an Establishment.

" It pleased God to stir up the heart of the King, then Prince
of Orange, to come at the hazard of his person to redeem the
Nation from Thraldom and Popery, wherein God wonderfully
appeared in giving success, and prospering him in the under-
taking, to work our deliverance.

"It was hoped that after so great a mercy all distinctions
among Protestants should have been laid aside, and that all
persons should have gone under the name of Protestant or
Papist.

"The King at first did employ Protestants of various persuasions,
and when the Militia, or Lieutenancy of London, came to be

376 THOMAS PAPILLON.

settled there were many Tories put in, as well as Whigs; and by
the King it was moved to the Commons to remove some things
that caused the distinction and maintained animosities, but that
did not take effect answerable.

"There can be nothing more certain than that fomenting
divisions amongst Protestants, and dividing them into two parties,
will give great advantage to the Papists.

"And nothing can more tend to this than when the Government
shall countenance and encourage one party in contradistinction to
the other.

"They would suggest that the Whigs are inclined to a Common-
wealth, than which nothing can be more false as to the general;
the Monarchy of England is without doubt the best Government
in the world in its Constitution, and when rightly administered,
the safest; and the nature of the people is such as will not bear
a Commonwealth. When it was in that way, how soon and how
easily did it revert.

" It is also suggested that they would totally abolish Episcopacy.
This may be said of some Dissenters, but cannot be said of those
called Whigs in general; for this action will best agree with a
moderate Episcopacy; and when such are in place as promote
true Religion and piety, the Church will flourish and the Clergy
will be reverenced. But when the Essentials of Religion are not
upheld and countenanced, to wit Truth in doctrine, and holiness
of conversation, but the stress is laid on forms and ceremonies,
and all stigmatized and suppressed that come not fully up to
them, however good and godly soever, and others only preferred
how vicious and debauched soever, this will bring a disparagement
on the Episcopal Government, and especially if the Bishops shall
interest themselves so far in Civil affairs as to interpose their
Ecclesiastical power to over-rule the votes of the people in the
choice of their Representatives.

"There is no such way to preserve this Kingdom against the
common enemy, to wit France and Rome, as that the Government
do effectually take care to suppress all Sabbath profanation, and
all Drunkenness, Swearing, and Debauchery, and indifferently to
countenance and prefer to places of honour or profit such only as
are Protestants of sober and honest conversation, of whatsoever
persuasion they be."

CHAPTER XIV.
ILLNESS — DEATH — BURIAL — WILL.

Journal of severe illness at Acrise, from 30th January to loth March, 1701,
expressive of his sufferings, feelings, &c. — Death in London on 5th May,
1702 — Burial at Acrise— Concourse to meet the funeral cortege at Broughton
Hill, near Sitlingbourne, and another on Barham Downs — Will — various
bequests — to Christ's Hospital; to the Mercer's Company; to the Poor
of St. Katherine Coleman, Fenchurch Street; to the Poor of the French
Church in London ; and to his Servants — Papillon's systematic benevolence
— Legacy to Corporation of Dover for Apprenticing Sons of Freemen — In
1703 the Mercers' Company place a portrait of Papillon in their Hall —
Epitaph by Mr. Justice George Hardinge, cir. 1806.

HE ruling passion strong in death" may be
aptly applied to Thomas Papillon during a
severe illness which he had in the early part
of 1 70 1 — rather more than a year prior to
his death. It lasted from the 30th January
to the loth March; and a daily journal,
apparently kept by one of his family, enables us to record
to some extent his sufferings and his feelings. The
glamour of the world had passed away, and while careful
to use means tending to recovery, we find him specially
set on the use of the ordinary means of grace ; and willing
to depart hence, should God see fit to remove him. The
love and fear of God were fully present in this season,
as throughout his life.

The illness occurred at Acrise, and the writer well
remembers the down-stairs room to which the patient
was removed when well enough; its use, however, had
fallen in his day, to that of a vestibule for great coats,
hats, &c.

378 THOMAS PAPILLON.

We believe that a few extracts from the Journal will
best describe the sufferer's position and frame of mind : —

"An Account of Thomas Papillon, Esquire, his Illness

BEGINNING THE 30TH JANUARY, lyof.

"30th, Thursday. — On Thursday, the 30th January, 170^, he
complained much of pains in his right shoulder, slept very ill
that night, and was very uneasy all the day.

"31st. — On Friday morning, about two or three o'clock, his
pains increased, and other pains seized his neck and side, so that
he was unable to help himself or turn in his bed. When he
arose in the morning he found himself full of pains all over,
accompanied with great shiverings.

"ist February. — On Saturday his pains were chiefly in his left
side and shoulder, and so continued together with shiverings all
that day ; he was very dozy and much incUned to sleep. At night
he had very little rest, groaning and sighing often.

" 2nd February. — On Sunday morning he endeavoured to rise
about .eight o'clock, but through pains and faintness was wholly
unable. He lay till 'most five in the afternoon, when he was
taken up ; he dozed and slept much, continually fetching deep
sighs; did not care to speak to any one, and so continued all

that day At night he endeavoured to perform

family prayer, but through great infirmity in his head was mighty
disordered. Soon after, he was put to bed, &c.

" 3rd, Monday. — On Monday morning he was carried into the
White Room; he could bear a little upon his feet; his pains
were somewhat abated, and he slept in his chair, apparently more
comfortably. At night he performed family prayer very well.
On the whole he was much revived.

" 8th February. — On Saturday morning he arose between nine
and ten. He was very dozy that day, spoke but very litde, and
ate very little dinner. In the afternoon he slept much, and when
he awoke could not be persuaded but that he was in bed, and
asked why they left his feet out; and how it came that Mr. P.
Papillon arose so early.

"He arose between seven and eight, and called for beer; was
very faint, and generally so in the morning. After his clothes

SEVERE ILLNESS. 379

were put on he lay down again upon the bed for about one hour;
that morning he took a pipe of tobacco, and went to prayer soon
after; performed it very well. When he understood it was Sabbath
Day, he could hardly be persuaded to stay within, but would
have gone out to Church, and was prevented only because the
chair-man could not be found to carry him. When most of the
family had gone to Church, he caused the g6th Psalm to be read
and sung with him. He hath lately had many shaking fits of the
palsy all over him. Mr. Calandrini preached at home in the
afternoon. He held up pretty well, and took a pipe with Mr.
Calandrini after sermon. Took three eggs.

" loth, Monday. — On Monday morning he arose about eight
o'clock, and was carried into the White Room. He seemed to
be much better. He performed family prayer very well. He
ate a pretty good dinner; was not dozy, but more cheery and
revived; he talked pretty freely with his Children, &c., who came
to see him. At night he performed family prayer very well.

"nth February. — On Tuesday morning he was brought down
stairs, but was much worse than the day before. Would perform
family prayer himself, but his distemper having much affected
his head, he did it very disorderly, using many repetitions, &c.
About ten, he was carried up to his chamber; he was mighty
sore, and full of pain all over, especially in his arms and legs ;
he had a very restless night; would have been turned several
times, but cried out mightily if any one touched him. He prayed
often while in bed, and was understood to say, 'Lord, have mercy
upon me, and ease my pains,' and ' O Lord, prepare my heart to
serve Thee, and give me a spirit of prayer.'

" 14th February, Friday. — He arose between seven and eight,
and complained of pains all over him, but especially in his legs.
Was brought down into the White Room, where he performed
family prayer indifferently well. He talked much of going to
Church the next Lord's Day; with great difiSculty was got upstairs,
and with as much more into bed; was mighty fretful; he had
very ill rest all the night.

"i6th, Sunday. — He arose about eight o'clock; did perform
family prayer, but very disorderly, using many repetitions. Would
fain have gone to Church; called for his clothes and sent for

380 THOMAS PAPILLON.

the chairmen but they could not be found, on which he ordered
his coach to be got ready, saying none should keep him at home
that day as they had done the Sunday before: His Children,
&c., finding him so very unfit to go out — it not only being likely
to prove dangerous to him, but a great reflection on themselves
to agree to such a thing — they were forced to use all arguments
possible to hinder it, and at last prevailed : As soon as the family
were gone to Church, except those who tended him, himself
repeated the 11 6th Psalm, and they sung together with him; but
soon after, he forgot he had been at prayer— his distemper had so
affected his head.

"21st, Friday. — He arose about eight o'clock; drank some
broth, and sometime after, a glass of wormwood wine. Performed
the duty of prayer extraordinary well, his head being very clear.
Called in the assistance of another Doctor, himself clearly and
distinctly acquainting them with the reasons. Complained of
twitchings in the foot and back. Dr. Harris, Dr. Woodward,
and Dr. Havers, after a long consultation, ordered several things
for him. The plaisters were ordered to be taken off his feet.
He had this day some little shivering all over. At dinner he ate
some fowl with pretty good appetite, and drank a glass of wine,
and beer. Had an indifferent night's rest.

"23rd, Sunday. — He arose between seven and eight, drank
his broth and bitter wine, took chocolate, smoked, and ate an
indifferent dinner. Went to Church morning and afternoon.
Had an indifferent night's rest.

"26th, Wednesday. — He arose about ten; took several things;
was pretty cheery; performed family duty very well. Ate very
little dinner ; was laid on the bed about two, and slept very well
till between seven and eight. Had a shaking fit at noon.
Performed family prayer at night very well; was put to bed about
ten. Had a pretty good night.

"28th, Friday. — Arose about nine ; smoked a pipe; performed
family duty very well. Was very uneasy through faintness, and
desired very much to die, if it pleased God; was put on his bed,
thinking he might be more easy; but he was not, and therefore
was taken off again. Continued praying to God, if he thought
fit, to take him out of the world; spake often of his assurance
in God's favour.

RECOVERY FROM ILLNESS. 38 1

"ist March, Saturday. — He arose at seven, and was seemingly
pretty cheery j walked into Mr. Philip Papillon's chamber; was
much tired j had a shaking fit in the chamber, which continued
some time ; after his return to his own chamber the fit went off,
and he was pretty cheery again. Performed family duty very
well. Ate a little dinner. Bore up without sleep all this day.
Rested pretty well at night.

"2nd March, Sunday. — Arose about seven, much refreshed;
was carried into the White Room ; smoked his pipe, and ate the
same things as usual when in health; performed family duty very
well. Went to the Sacrament in his chair, and continued in
it all the time; bore up very well. Ate an indifferent dinner.
Went to Church again in the afternoon; came out of his chair,
and sat in his pew; was somewhat weary when he got home;
yet he held out the day very well. Was in his closet about two
hours. Performed family prayer twice; at night very well.

" 3rd March, Monday. — Lay in bed till past ten, when he arose,
and took his pipe; and soon after he called the family together,
and performed family prayer very well. He slept a little in his
chair; ate a pretty good dinner; was pretty hearty, and very clear
in his understanding.

"9th March, Sunday. — Arose between six and seven, and was
pretty hearty. Was at Church twice this day; held up finely-
slept indifferently well at night.

"10th March, Monday. — Arose between seven and eight; was
brought into the White Room, being finely recovered; got no
hurt by going out yesterday; is very hearty, and as capable to do
business as he hath been for a twelvemonth, had he strength
in his limbs to walk."

No further record remains of the life of Thomas
Papillon. The foUowring is extant of his death and
burial : —

"He died (in London) on the sth May, 1702.

"He had expressly forbidden any funeral sermon, but the family
not seeing company till after the burial, they had sermons in the
house by those whom he usually heard, Mr. Lewis, who lived

382 THOMAS PAPILLON.

in the house at Acrise, and was then Rector of the Parish, Mr.
O. Hughes, of Canterbury, an old disciple, and Mr. W.

" He was carried out of Town and buried at Acrise on the
zist May; and though none were invited to his burial, yet his
own Children, and Grandchildren, attended him with twelve
coaches to Greenwich, when only four continued the journey,
designing it to be private; but on Broughton Hill they are met
by a number of horse, and some gentlemen's coaches, and
conducted to Canterbury; the next day the same company
attended with them, and at Barham Downs they were met by
a greater from Dover.

"Above three hundred rings were distributed, and nearly as
many pairs of gloves; and five shillings a piece were sent to all
the Freemen of Dover.

"As so great a company was not expected, though there were
plenty of provisions for their necessary refreshment at Acrise, yet
great confusion could not be avoided; and this probably made
his Son give such positive orders in his Will to be buried in the
most private manner.

"He left his Son sole Executor. Besides his legacies to his
Children he left to Christ's Hospital ;^ioo; to the Mercers'
Company ;^i,ooo, with a recommendation to them in these
words, 'that in case it should fall out in the providence of God
that any person or persons lineally descended from me shall
hereafter come to be in want, that they do afford him, her, or
them such charitable relief as they shall in their judgment find
convenient.'

"To the Poor of his Parish of St. Katherine Coleman, London,
;^So; to the Poor of the French Church in London ;^ioo; and
to their Ministers, ;^25 each. Also legacies to all his Servants,
and to his Son, &c.

"From his first setting out in life he appropriated one tenth
of all his income to the poor, and kept a distinct account of it in
his books. At his decease 'that account was ;£^&g os. 8d. credit,
which was faithfully distributed by his Executor."

Another bequest worthy of record is that of ;£'400, to be
invested in land, of which the annual proceeds were to

EPITAPH BY JUDGE HARDINGE. 383

be expended by the Corporation of Dover in the
Apprenticeship of lads belonging to the Borough, their
selection to be approved by his heirs: — The property is
now let for ;^ioo a year, and the nett revenue is duly
appropriated.

In 1703 the Worshipful the Mercers' Company placed a
portrait of Thomas Papillon in their Dining Hall, and
there it remained till the recent enlargement and alteration
of their premises, when it was removed to another room.

In closing these Memoirs, the writer would mention the
assistance he has derived from a printed copy of Thomas
Papillon's speeches in Parliament, made by the late Justice
George Hardinge, who had access to the documents
forming the basis of this book in 1805-6, and greatly
admired the character of the departed: He wrote the
following Epitaph on his life and character. —

"If public virtue can a race adorn,
What child of Howard is more nobly born,
Than he that for his ancestor can boast
A judge impartial* though at freedom's cost?
A merchant that in wealth by commerce wrought
Was never guilty of a selfish thought!
A pious victim of the chastening rod.
Stern to himself, but humble to his God:
Firm, though opposed, against the tyrant man,
To hearts that bled the good Samaritan:
A moralist, the champion of his trust.
Friend of the good, and parent of the just.
These are the birthrights, these demand the care,
And are the jewels of his fortune's heir.
But reader! thou I^st claims upon the mine,
For thou canst make the generous heirloom thine:
Religion of these treasures was the key;
Be a good Christian, and it's held by thee."

* In allusion to the Acquittal of the Earl of Shaftesbury.

JANE BROADNAX,

Wife of Thomas Papillon, of London,
BORN J6th MARCH, 1627, DIED l»th JULY, 1698.

APPENDIX.

SELECTION FROM LETTERS OF JANE PAPILLON — 1 667-8.

Selection of Letters of Jane Papillon — with some from her Daughter Elizabeth
Papillon, afterwards Wife of Edward Ward. Esq., eventually Chief Baron
of the Court of Exchequer ; and one from A. M. Papillon, her Mother-in-
law.

HOSE of 1667 were written from London while
her Husband, to whom she writes in every
case, was at Breda, as one of a Deputation
from the East India Company, in order to
watch the negociations in progress there for
a Treaty of Peace with Holland ; the Company
desiring to recover from the Dutch the Island of Polerone,
near Java, which the latter had taken 'from them during
the war still waging.

"May 31st, 1667.
"My Dearest,

"Thine from Breda of the Z4th instant I have received, which
as I read methought I apprehended something of the refreshing
nature of showers from heaven on the thirsty ground, and I must
tell thee it led me further — even to the fountain — where it fixed
me in love and praise.

"All that God has done for thee my soul rejoices in; and
I hope in faithfulness I may say, I love Him for the large
manifestations of His love to thee, and indwelling in thee; this
is a truth, that the joy I receive in contemplating the goodness
of God to thy soul is not by me to be expressed. I was, at the
reading of thine, as a vessel full, I err not if I say, ready to burst
for want of vent; but without flattery I now know how to drop

386 THOMAS PAPILLON.

some praises. Oh ! that they were more proportionable to my
mercies in thee ! Surely, I have now sensed that thing of weeping
for joy. What a privilege is my relation to thee, owned, and
loved, and delighted in by God; and what an argument to plead
with God — Thy servant, as well as the son of thy handmaid.

"My soul magnifies the Lord that has loved thee and
commanded thy love, that has emptied thee of self and filled
thee with Himself, that has enamoured thee with His beauty,
united thee to Himself, and. caused thee to choose that portion
that can never be taken from thee. He loved first; from that
springs the sound and distinct knowledge thou hast of God and
thy Saviour, and the Spirit in its operations; His love has begotten
thy love, and that high Value thou hast for Him in all His offices.
Oh, how admirable is that love that fixed thine eyes upon God,
that so thou mayest be guided by His eye and made conformable
to Him, in aff'ection^ will, and practice. My God in blessing
thus bless thee, and render thee eminently serviceable to Himself,
and make thy conversation splendid in the crooked and perverse
generation in which we live. It has been much on my heart
to ask this boon for thee, that men seeing thy good works might
glorify our Father which is in Heaven. Self-denial will much
help in that duty; that grace shall certainly be sealed to thee,
since thou pressest so hard after it.

"I might by experience say something of the difficulty of
self-denial and taking up the cross, but I shall decline it; and
beg to share in thy prayers on that account; and bless the Lord
that has given thee those graces and endowments that have
occasioned me to try my strength, or rather find my impotency,
in this duty. I hope the language of my heart is. My God
improve thee for Himself, and enable me to resist repinings,
and to grow in praise for that mercy.

" That I am thine does in my own heart beget a pity for thee,
but is to myself the greatest blessing next to union with Christ.
Oh, what was I, and who am I, that God should love me, and
make thee to do so; not only the one, but the other makes me
admire the freeness of the Donor. I must say I never read, nor
see, nor any way sense thy love, but it leads me to the admiration
of that rich mercy that gave thee to me as a special help and

LETTER FROM LONDON TO BREDA. 387

guide in the way to my Father's house, where I verily believe we
shall be fellow-heirs, however we must be separated here. Truly,
at our parting, and so still, I could not, nor yet cannot, but
entertain thoughts that our personal enjoyment of each other in
this life will again, some way or another, be interrupted; but how
I know not, nor am I without hope that God will be better to me
than my fears.

"I please myself in the thought that God has yet more work
for thee to do; yet I beg thou wouldest in duty be tenderly
careful of thyself I often muse upon my own uselessness, and
slothfulness, and how just it may be with God to take the talents
of liberty and time from me. Again, I reflect and consider how
little I have improved thee, and how deservedly I may be scattered
from thee. Truly, I find my spirit so stupid, as makes me fear
some awakening judgment does attend me: Our God, the God
of power, pluck me out of my sloth, and empower me to work
while it is day, for I cannot but think the night is near.

"The last obliging and heart-endearing letter I value more
than ever I did what the world accounts a jewel; I will assuredly
deck myself with it as an ornament; and owning thy worth as
from my God, it shall be my glory; and yet I trust it shall not
hinder my prayers that God may from time to time supply and
furnish thee with grace according to thy desire and need; for
I do not only intend to spread it before God in my daily praises,
but also to improve it as a help in my constant supplications.

"I thank thee for accepting my love to, and care of thine,
and also minding me it was a duty I owed to God, that so serving
this end I might with the more confidence look for His reward
in blessing my endeavour for their souls' good. Truly, hitherto
I may say I have done nothing, either considering my false heart
and bias, or considering them ; for there is no appearance of what
I have done for them. Betty retains her wildness still, and Philly
does not much advance for want of pronunciation; Sarah, I fear,
will be a dull girl, like the Mother; but yet I will not doubt but
however God shall deal with me, thou wilt find some reason to
continue thy tender love to every one of them: They all joy
exceedingly in the kisses you send them ; and ' Does Father
remember me?' 'and me,' they all say. Ann Mary is well.

AA 2

388 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"The reason I wrote not to thee of Brother Abraham last time
was because he wrote himself at large to thee; for it is a truth I
have had a full game of visitants in one day, and once more, all
persons give and command handsome respects; they have all
endeared me by condoling thy absence : I have received them as
friends, but they have much prevented me in the retirement that
I would have chosen. I think all the Kentish acquaintance
except Brockman have been with me; but I have not had any
invite abroad from any person but those of Littleworth Castle,
and that was to dinner last Friday; but when we went at one
o'clock, the market having proved dear that day, none of them
were at home, which Mother took very ill, and Betty said she
never thought fit to fill her belly there. We have been in sight of
them since, but they never thought it deserved an apology. Our
dear Mother Broadnax is still frequent in her enquiries after thee,
and longings to hear of thee, for thou art her joy.

"There continues all good compliment between our young
men; and I hope thy business is well minded, although again
I see something of loss to be communicated. Our God bless
both loss and gain to us ; many have lost much more since we
parted; the Lord make us faithful stewards of what remains; we
have much. I have let Nat understand what you said of him in
yours to me, and I hope he will endeavour to answer your desire;
he has not sat at table with us ever since thy going from us.

"My dear, I am ashamed that I am still offering occasions
of expence to thee, but having taken a full view of my household
linen, I find the coarse diapers very thin, and especially that
which was made last ; it has done little service, so that I conceive
it may turn to advantage to bring home a little parcel with thee;
for it is much more. serviceable than the French, and we must
have some recruit of one or other. All the towels are worn to
rags also, but I freely submit to thy dispose in it. A little cheese
also, for thy own eating, I should be glad of.

"Truly, I have answered thy desire in order to Betty's letter,
and have not helped her in the least, only thus : — She has at
several times writ four copies by herself to see how I liked them,
and I have liked something pretty well in every one of them,
which I perceive she has observed, and so gathered some particular

LETTER FROM ELIZABETH PAPILLON. 389

of every one of them into one, which, while she did, she shut
herself alone in the laundry room, and indeed lost her dinner
about it ; I have had much ado to get a sight of it myself Poor
rogue, she could be all day employed for you, if she thought she
could do or say anything worth your acceptance, but she is too
sensible of her own defects. Afford her thy prayers that she may
rather be humbled than discouraged by it; and it shall be well.

"For all affairs of trade I refer thee, for I would not give thee
double trouble. The greatest fault I find is that their letters
to thee are so late I cannot always have time to read them; but I
hope we shall find out some way to help that.

"We have not yet ended with Mr. Lewknor; * his own
occasions have prevented. I find myself every day better satisfied
in this particular. I have promised myself in a month after thy
return to see it, God not forbidding; my brother judges it very
necessary. There have been some overtures made to him, I
think it is of the Manor of Mount's Court ;t but he thought
it not wisdom to see me desirous of it; yet he will be watchful
that it may not go to any one else. Coals at present are ;^i 15s.
so that if they fall no lower, I shall rather desire to make the best
improvements of what I have, than to buy more, without your
advice further.

"This is what at present, and too much to trouble thee with,
unless of more importance. Excuse my blots, impertinences, and
broken expressions, and give me leave to conclude in prayer
that God would pour a double portion of gifts and graces on
thee, and render thee capable of the highest service for his praise;
and I entreat thine for me, that I may also receive what may
make me useful in my station to God's praise and thy comfort,
to whom I must ever desire that God would make me a blessing,
for I am thine in the truth of love.

"Jane Papillon."

Enclosure from Elizabeth Papillon, daughter of the
above, then nearly nine years old; afterwards wife of

• Of whom Acrise Place had been purchased in 1666.
+ A property contiguous to Acrise place, on the North side, which was
afterwards furnished.

390 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Edward Ward, Esq., Barrister, who subsequently became
Attorney-General -and Lord Chief Baron of the Court
of Exchequer ; ancestors on one side of the Ward-Hunt
family.

"Honoured and dear Father,

" I have been very glad to hear of your safe arrival at Breda,
but I must needs tell you I thought it very long before the news
came. My hope is that God, that has preserved you hitherto,
will preserve you to the end, and give His angels charge over you
to keep you in all your ways.

"You have been pleased to give me leave to write to you
before you went away; and since, you have given me further
encouragement by your last letter to my dear Mother, but I
must confess I have been backward to it, because I know these
lines deserve not your precious time to read them. Our dear
Mother is as a Father and Mother both, to us; I think as much
as any Mother can be in the world; but yet I am sure I find
great want of your company. A.11 the talk at London is that we
shall have no peace; but if not, I shall a thousand times repent
that ever I knew what it was to part with you into Holland :
And pray, Sir, let me beg your prayers that I may be fit for
peace; for I am much troubled to think of that place, 'there
is no peace to the wicked;' and I am sure I am very wicked, for
I am very neglectful of my duties both to God and man, and do
not delight in His service as I have done.

"My Brother and Sister are in health, and wish they could
write to you as well as I, though it is in a pitiful manner; but I
hope you will accept of it, being I do it in obedience to your
command, for I am according to my little power,

"Your most affectionate and dutiful Daughter,

"Elizabeth Papillon."

"June 7th (1667).
"My Dearest,

"Since I have reflected by a second thought on my last to
thee, I find cause to beg pardon for the unreasonable length of it.

LETTER FROM LONDON. 39 1

I know thy goodness will frame better arguments for my excuse
than I can offer.

"Since that, I have received two from thee bearing date 6th
and loth of May, for which accept my hearty thanks, and know
I esteem them very endearing. May I never think of thee, nor
them, without a heart raised in praise to God. The enclosed was
seasonable and sweet to me [illegible] it with thy prayers, that so
in gratitude to God and thee I may follow the advice of it; and
particularly my soul desires the grace of faith and prayer, both in
exercise on behalf of the Church of God, and also in regard of
my own deadness.

"I confess God's past mercies to His Church, this City, and
my own family dwell much on my heart to my encouragement ; I
can say the Lord hath heard the voice of my weeping : But my
dear, I know I want a praying frame : Pity me : Oh, how unlike
am I to holy David, as I discern in the 6th, 7th, and 8th Psalms;
and also to that spirit he expresses in the 17th, i8th, 19th, and
28th Psalms.

"I hope our young men still approve themselves well in the
business; I discern nothing but well. Our Mother is in good
health.

"Friends in Kent are affectionately mindful of thee, especially
our dear Mother. Last post, Betty sent thee a letter, but will
yet blush when she thinks of the blot in it: Poor heart, she
wants thy prayers that God would deliver her from her trifling
frame of spirit, and give her some composure of mind.

"We have now ended with Mr. Lewknor.

"It is my very great obligement that thou desirest not to
retard thy return to me; but sure it would be wisdom to see
relations and correspondents now thou art so near them, provided
thou goest not out of protection and endangerest thyself; all that
the whole world could yield as a present to me would not be
so acceptable as that kindness thy letters bear witness of to her
that is every way obliged both to be and to subscribe herself
thine in the truth of love.

"Jane Papillon."

392 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"June 2ist (1667).
"My Dear and Blessing,

"I am easily persuaded I shall sooner receive a pardon from
thee than from myself, that I writ thee not last week. Since that
I have received one from thee of the 14th. Thou art never
wanting to me. All thine to me bring glad tidings, as they report
thy health, and confirm me in the credit of thy constant affection;
and so they command my thanks to God. But let God have
my highest praises that thou lovest Him, and as the hart panteth
after Him, and those well-springs that are in Him, that God has
bespoken thy love, that thou hast closed with His command,
that the match is made between Him and thy soul, that thou
so lovest Him as not to be contented without a conformity to
His likeness; that He has made thee sensible of thy short-comings
towards Him, and watchful and industrious to approve thyself
to Him, and to give check to whatever may be unworthy in
thyself: Go on, and prosper my dear love; and let the Spirit
of my God flow forth into thy heart, and also influence thy life.
Let that good Spirit be still to thee a well of water springing up
into eternal life. God has never dealt me blessing with a scanty
hand; I will trust Him; and as His to thee has been by me
registered as mercy to myself, so shall it ever be : And be
assured that on thy behalf I judge myself obliged to delight in
the Lord, and to call upon His Name for the perfecting of Grace
in thee. The good thoughts thou hast of me show me what
I ought to be, and what I am, and engage my desire to be what
thou thinkest me, and so to approve myself to God and thee. I
am convinced of my own guilt in not weighing the providences
and the Word of God, and that my defect herein causes my
barrenness: Help me by thy prayers to redeem time. The
37th of Ezekiel has been a quickening word to me this morning,
both in relation to general and particular.

"I perceive thy desires bend very much homeward. I have
still omitted to speak of the sense I had of my own unhappiness
in thy absence, because I would not occasion thee to be less
cheerful in that service thou hast engaged to; but I am sure
I have a witness in myself, I did not mind my own but the things
of others, when I parted with thee; and I have experienced

JANE PAPILLON FROM LONDON. 393

something of self-denial and the cross in this particular. Oh,
that I may learn the more fully to follow Christ. Our longings
to meet again are mutual; yet since troubles arise, and are daily
like to arise more high with us — I desire the Lord may dispose
thee for the best for safety, though it should retard our meeting ;
for I can be happy at a distance, if that be best for thee.

"Is hall refer thee to Mr. Harrison for the account of our
present state ; I have no other way to inform myself but by him :
This only will I say, the spirits and behaviour of men now seem
much to answer what it was in the Fire time.

" I hear from Kent that force is sent to Dover to prevent the
French landing there. I am sensible that God is angry, and we
have deserved this overflowing scourge, this torrent of misery : Oh,
that my heart may be more and more affected with it, and that
God would speak to the heart of our King in this day of trouble.
We are now divided into two languages. There is no help for
him in God: And there is no help but in God; our help
standeth in Him. Our God governs the whole world; it is He
that rules the earth; it is He that said He will subdue all his
enemies under his feet; and whatever his enemies may think. He
will shew Himself a God in the earth. Let us hope; for redemption
draweth nigh; man's extremity is God's opportunity; when help
faileth both on the right hand and the left, God will shew Himself.
The more impotent we are, the more will God's grace and power
be magnified. I apprehend great trials and temptations, but if
the Lord will be with us in the water, and if the Lord will be
with us in the fire, it shall be well: And He has said, 'I will
not leave thee, nor forsake thee.' Oh, that God would yet
manifest His presence in poor England and London by pouring
out a spirit of prayer and faith and patience upon His saints
in it : For sure, the Church of God shall see vengeance repaid ;
the enemies of it must perish; Anti-Christ must fall; and I may
fall before the actual accomplishment of it, but by faith I see it
and rejoice. Our God quicken us to every duty, and particularly
that of praying for our King. Oh, that he may be as a fire-brand
plucked from the fire ! Surely this is the season wherein we
ought to lift up our prayers for him ; his heart is in God's hand.
That word has lately been brought to my remembrance, Daniel

394 THOMAS PAPILLON.

9th chapter, izth, 13th, 14th verses. Oh, that God would set
it home on every heart concerned ! I discern thy thoughts run
out much on that subject. Blessed be God.

"My Betty begs me to return her thanks for your kind letter,
and entreats your prayers that she may follow the good counsel
of it. Poor child, she stands in need of prayer. Lately she
desired to spend some time with me in my closet, and begged
of me with tears that I would pray to God for her that she
might be of a considering spirit; for, says she, I find that
rashness is the great occasion of all evils that I am apt to. So
I went to pray with her; but poor heart, she fell asleep instead
of praying. Poor heart, her defects, I am sure, represent my
own to my view, and give me a quick sense of the corruption
of my nature.

"Philly intreats me to remember his love to thee; blessed be
God, there is not much of corruption yet appears in him: he
drinks to me every meal, and remembers his father. Sarah is
well, and loses not her gravity : They are not without their
fears and contrivances when they hear the guns and drums, and
see the soldiers. The Lord pity them, and be their safety. To
think that God has chambers and rocks, and wings and hand,
to hide His with and in, is a cordial indeed in this day of danger,
and that bread shall be sure. Our God be all to us and ours;
and let me ever bless God that he has given me peace in lodging
my interest and concerns with Him.

"I cannot conclude without taking notice of thy kindness to
my relations as well as to myself; that design of love that thou
hast toward them, I am sensible of my obligement to thee and
thine on that account. All friends in Kent are in health, and
cordial in their desires of thy welfare. Our Mother with me
plies the throne of grace on thy behalf. Poor sister Fawkner
filled with care for thee. Abraham writes me that there are
several Land-Waiters that search all the waggons that come from
them, so that he shall not dare to send anything till better advice.
This is all at present from thine and endeared,

"Jane Papillon."

JANE PAPILLON FROM LONDON. 395

, , "July Sth (1667).

"My Dear,

"Thine of the — instant confirms thy affection to me. The
Lord help me to approve myself to Him, whereof to be judged
by thee. I should not doubt of approbation, and this I prize
as a great mercy, yet would not take up with it; and I can say
I do eye God's goodness in it; it is He that has persuaded thee
so well of me; it is He that has given our hearts to each other;
praise to Him, I hope I may say in subordination, and the
sweetness we taste in the stream maKfes us thirst, and sends us to
the fountain. The sense thou hast of thy own needs of the
prayers of friends I hope will prompt thee to consider mine :
Truly I am dull to every duty. I hope thy love to me may not
hinder thy prayer for me; for I am ascertained thou thinkest
much better of me than I am. I ill know how to plead with God
for myself; oh, the averseness that I find in myself to meditation
and prayer, both in respect to the word and providences of God :
My own wants, and the condition of the Church and Nation —
notwithstanding I look upon all in a distressed state — I do believe
God will get Himself a Name; and I do grieve I can be no more
importunate with Him for it; but my help even for this standeth
in Him : Oh, for the time when the heathen shall fear the Name
of the Lord, and all the kings of the earth His glory, and the
Lord shall build up Zion, and appear in His glory. We are now
indeed in a horrible pit, and miry clay; the Lord order our
goings; the Lord be Surety for His servants for good. In my
retirement, God lately fastened that Word on me, Isaiah xxix. ;
methought it was the condition of this poor Nation ; and together
with this Word, that of Ezekiel xiv., 22, 25, was brought to
my view.

"They say for certain that 1,200 Dutch are landed amongst us,
and that they have taken Mersey Island and the Block-house,
being six miles off from Colchester, and that they are in the
attempt to take Landguard Fort. We here have little expectation
of peace. The King, as it is reported, sent for the Lord Mayor
on Wednesday, and charged him to silence all speech of a peace
as much as in him lay. Brass guns, and carts with wheelbarrows
go by our house this day, well guarded; but we know not wherefore.

396 THOMAS PAPILLON.

The Papists did retire into the country about a fortnight since,
but are now returned. Again, we daily take some endeavouring
to fire more houses ; methinks that God prevents it, is a ground
for us to hope.

"I have a promise from the Committee that their letters shall
be for your dismission, if the Ambassador will consent, which
is much as they can do; they all judge it reason. The Lord
Bartlett came out to me, and bade me assure you he had not
been wanting wherein he could serve you; they all think your
desire reasonable. I am sure thou wilt be more welcome at
home than ever thou hast been in Holland: But must 'the
Ambassadors of peace return weeping ? '

"The Children receive thy kisses and blessing with tears;
Betty is very much affected with thy affection to her; Philly
will have nothing but his love returned; the other little ones
are well.

"My suffering is augmented in thy absence, because the
Company can be no gainers by it. I am much pleased with
their resolution concerning trade. I hear you are well spoken
of for your carriage in order to peace.

"Mr. Dodson sent me a pen this afternoon, and entreats you
to accept of his and his Wife's good wishes. All thy servants
prize their relation to thee. All goes well and orderly with our
young men. We all long to hear how satisfying Mr. Danyell's
company is to thee. Mr. Church is your obliging friend; the
other has promised me news before I seal.

"The Duke of Albermarle has been with the East India
Company, to borrow money; they promise an answer to-morrow,
and in order to that have called a General Court; it is generally
apprehended they will grant.

"Excuse my matter and manner, both; for indeed my head
is so ill disposed that nothing but writing to thee could have kept
me from my bed.

"From her that is less than the least of His mercies, much less
this of being thine, and thine every imaginable endeared,

"Jane Papillon."

JANE papillon/from^acrise. 397

Letters of Jane Papillon written from Acrise to her
Husband who remained in London : — {

"April 23rd (1668).
"My Dear and Blessing,

"Through the great goodness of God we arrived safely at
Acrise between two and three of the clock. We had as pleasant
a journey as possible, leaving thee behind us; only the poor mare
was sick and lame, his horse went so hard; on which account
I was forced to hire another for him, but brought that with us,
hoping we might here make it serviceable, since we had leave to
keep it, and can iind a way to convey it home without charge.

"I find all in a most confounded condition; not the least done
to the best garden; and just begun a little to fit up the grass
of the Court.

" I am certain thou wilt still find a residence in my heart, and
free entertainment there, but I fear I shall not find time to write
to thee next week. ^

"We drew our curtains close, and came through Canterbury:
Cousin Jenkins parted at Sir Basil Dixwell's house for Dover.
My Mother salutes thee; all thy Children present thy duties, and
are unsatisfied in their new house. I may not omit the Mayor's
requests; I am glad he is with us. Thus abruptly I must take
leave of thee, to whom I am all ways imaginable obliged to
subscribe myself thine beyond expression endeared,

"Jane Papillon."

"April 26th (1668).
"My Dear and Blessing,

"Our thoughts in general, and my own in particular have so
much wrought on thee since our being here,- that I am a little
impatient until I may hear from thee. I have this day a little
time beyond my expectation, and cannot improve it more
desirably than in converse with thee. Through the goodness
of God, I can tell thee we all continue in health; but more than
that, I have no good news to send thee; for all things are terribly
in disorder. Goody Mugall within a month of her time. They

398 THOMAS PAPILLON.

say the woods have taken up his time; for nothing has been
done to the Court, but a little turf laid on, in one of the grass
plots, and it lies in gaps I may lay my thumb in, and is as bare
as the causeway, the grass having died for want of watering;
so that must be taken up again, and fresh laid: It has never
been washed till this day — I mean mowed — and it has been
the whole day's work, because his scythe was so bad: He is
very dropsical, and I doubt not will have a sore leg, occasioned
by an old surfeit and sprains. The best garden has not had
the least done to it; much of the wood lies about it, which might
have been cut and housed: And I am told that Foster, the old
wood-reef has stole at least a load of what was lopped off the
trees; so that I see Mugall is a sorry guard. The fence of the
kitchen garden, I perceive, has cost ;£i3, and is but as a stile,
so low that any person may get over it; only a little patch
ploughed up in it, to spare the pains of digging; and that is
sown with beans and peas. But I perceive the design was laid
to go on slowly with the gardens and court, and so to manage
them as to maintain a cow on them : this cow was brought down
this morning, but I sent it back again.

"I conceive the house has not been anything like well-aired;
but the beds have — my tenant Rainer's servants having lain on
them. Mr. Foster tells me, on examination, he has indeed found
Mugall very slack.

" I perceive the oats are like to prove a very bad crop : the
Mayor and I have thoughts to have it sowed with clover grass,
which will not at all make the oats already sown to prove the
worse; only we fear we shall not get seed.

"I have a great desire to turf my best garden while I am here;
but I know not how it may be in order to Sir Basil Dixwell,
whether or no leave must be asked of him. Mr. Foster says
that your own interest will bear you out, and that if it will not, all
the neighbourhood have been trespassers from time to time. Sir
Basil is now at London, and Sir Henry Oxenden; I could wish
thou wouldest understand how it is as soon as possible, that
so we might have the pleasure of it. I suppose Sir Henry
Oxenden can give you a perfect account of it; for I would not
willingly ask for what is my own, nor yet trespass on another's
right.

JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 399

"My tenant Dene could not bear it, that a Dover waggon
should bring my goods, and has done two days' work in one
to prevent it. Our goods arrived on Saturday night, and this
morning very early; Dene and Grainger are gone for them, and
Stow also, to see them loaded, and so to take them out of the
ship and put them into the carts; and what they want of two
loads they are to make up with deal boards, after the rate of £io
and £1 a hundred; I suppose I shall not have 20 in all; and
without them I know not what to do, for I cannot get bench, or
stool, or table, for any use I want, — nor an old press, or any such
thing. The Mayor went on Saturday to choose out the deals ; I
find that if I had trusted to Mr. S. for them, I must have paid
more. The Mayor is indeed extraordinarily useful to me, and
Mr. Foster very civil. I have found no neighbour yet but he and
Dene: I have not yet heard of Mr. Moket; he was not come to
Canterbury on Friday night. Mr. Jenkins, I think, will spend
the next Sabbath with us.

"I suppose the Mayor will write thee, thinking I cannot. We
earnestly desire a clock; we cannot live comfortably without the
tubs also; and the two Turkey-work chairs in Mr. Kendal's closet
and chamber.

"I prithee write a letter of thanks to the Mayor; I wish heartily
thou couldest serve him in anything in London, so as that we
might continue him with us, for he is truly useful, and it is very
necessary I should have him a month or six weeks longer if I
could. As to Stow, he may do well, I hope, but as yet I can give
thee little account of him; what I have employed him in, of
business, I like well enough. Rainer, on my request, lent Mugall
a garret, and says he has the use of it at present.

"The barns want thatching very much; he says he will do it,
but I see no straw. The pigeon house is quite destroyed, they
mended it with nothing but dirt and such things; and it scented
so that the pigeons left the nests upon it : And all goes at such
rates ; but I will trouble thee no further at present, only to assure
thee I will be as careful, and faithful, and frugal a steward to thee
as lies in my power; and I doubt not of thy kind acceptance
of it.

"The poor Children are exceedingly disappointed in their

400 THOMAS PAPILLON.

expectation, and poor Els also; they wonder you would buy so
ugly a house.

" I have seen none of our Canterbury or Godmersham friends,
but both have sent to me. I enclose our Mother's. I have
written to every one of them, and sent thy letter to Sir William,
but as yet no answer.

" I believe Canterbury will be the best way of sending letters,
for I have a neighbour goes constantly twice a week thither : I
find Dover a dear market, and shall have little occasion to send
thither.

"We hear of great troubles in Ireland, and also that the Hyde
is wounded by discontented persons, in two or three places.

"The carts are now come home; yet I must not conclude
without the Children's duties and my Mother's love. We all
want thee, and I am endeared and on all accounts most obliged
and cordially affectionated,

"Jane Papillon."

"My love to Mr. Kendall and Kitt; I must not forget Ehzabeth:
Whenever you have occasion, let my neighbour Jackson know
I love him; and express me to my neighbour Swinock, that I
took not leave of him.''

"May 5th (1668).
"My Dearest,

"Thine are cordials to me: I have received thine, both of'
the 27th and 30th April; the latter came to me the same day
the post came; there are few days I hear not from Canterbury.
Cousin Jenkins preached to us on Friday, and left us on Saturday
about twelve of the clock; and the Mayor accompanied him
to Godmersham, with a purpose to return the same night, or
very early on Monday; but it is now eight on Tuesday, and
I have not heard of him, which does a little trouble me, not
only for his own sake, but because I entreated him to bring
something from Mother for me, which I should be concerned
to lose. I am in a great hurry, having divers at work, and none

JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 4OI

but myself this morning to regard them. I find it is sad
employing workmen here; the best carpenter which is in the
country, they say, was a whole day planing a block for a
dresser, and setting legs to it. They do indeed vex me. I had
two fellows to saw and clean wood two days, and one of them
three, and I think I might easily have burnt it all in the time.
The wood cut for my own burning is yet in the wood, but to
be fetched home this day and to-morrow: and many more
vexations I could impart, but why should I add to thy trouble,
for I am sensible it is enough. My God be thy counsel and
safety, and I hope He will not be angry with me for saying, may
He guard and show kindness to thy person, though He should
try us in our Estate; for thou art dearer to me than all under
God Himself: let me therefore oblige thee to take care of thy
person above all.

"I thank thee for communicating what thou hast to me, for
indeed I want quickening to the great duty of faith and prayer ;
truly, when I consider myself I do expect a change; the Lord
help me to justify Him however He shall deal with me; and
if He shall please to continue mercy. Oh, that my life may
speak the high praises of my God, for I am less than the least
of His mercies. I would fain fetch counsel for thee from the
Wisest, from the Wonderful Counsellor; for I am sensible of my
own short sight, and inability to offer any worthy thy acceptance ;
but sure, I can be content with thy disposes however they succeed ;
for I know He will make good His Word of being near to thee,
of leading and guiding thee, of giving wisdom liberally to thee, of
making all work together for the best to thee.

"I thank thee for thy offer of more money, and for the freedom
thou givest me ; I shall endeavour not to abuse it, and truly I am
troubled to put thee to so much cost as I must; but I think the
chief of it will be in carriage, which the Tenants will deduct.
Yet if I had ;^io or;^2o by me, I would not be prodigal of it.

" I prithee let me hear of thee so often as thou canst, and write
me what news thou mayest ; for thy letters will be longed for by
her that is with thee at a great distance, and desires ever to
approve her being thine most affectionate,

"Jane Papillon."

402 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"May 14th (1668).
"My Dear,

"Receive my thanks for thine of the 7th May, and thy good
acceptance of mine before it. I share with thee in all thy troubles,
and desire to live in admiration of that goodness of God, that
gives souls leave to meet and be useful to each other, whose
bodies must be separate. Oh, what cause to live and speak well
of our God : Yea, and to trust Him so long as we live.

"As concerning Stow, sure thou hast done for the best. Our
neighbours and I are generally in good compliment again, we
having discoursed together, and they promising never to ofifend
so again.

" I desire to know how the Mayor's business does go. I find
myself more unsettled this week, and less likely to settle.

"I have this day sent to my sister Turner, to buy me three
loads of Paris (I mean three bushels), and if it be not to be had,
to write to thee, which if she does, I prythee let it be sent from
London with all the speed it can.

"Brother and sister Turner were here on Monday, and fetched
away Nell, notwithstanding all importunity : They also brought a
cake and gossiping; could not be persuaded to stay all night.
Squire Brockman also dined with me. I think I wrote thee last
time that Squire Oxenden was to see me last week.

"I find our tenant Rainer daily in a worse condition, and selling
off to pay others; yesterday 40 sheep; offers his horse for sale;
has no corn in the barn, has not yet ploughed for wheat, according
to his agreement; cannot be persuaded to make over his stock to
thee for security: He fears being arrested every day; I suppose
people are more hasty on him for our being here : Yesterday, he
told Mr. Foster how he valued his Estate, which valuation I
enclose; and also how Mr. Foster values the corn on the ground,
as if it were harvested; we are to consider the reaping and binding
will cost ;^ 1 3 or ;^ 1 4, besides the carriage off to the barn. Rainer
says if you will take your farm he is ready to leave it, and the
goods shall be prized by two indifferent men; which, if it should
need, I should think John Fern might be a fit person for us to
choose. Rainer confesses he owes ;^so. He has j£^o a year in
land, but there is ;£zoo debt on it, and he holds it at twenty years'

JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 403

purchase, and 'tis like there may be more judgment upon it. He
hath promised to plough for wheat next week, which he calls
making his summer land. Prythee advise what we shall do, and
whose advice shall be asked on this business; the Mayor is not
willing to undertake it alone, without counsel: He thinks it
necessary for me to receive something from you, fully to empower
me to act for you in the matter.

"The Mayor is most obligingly friendly and useful; I wish
heartily it may be in thy way to be serviceable to him in any thing,
but particularly if it might be to bring him into the Company's
service; but let not this expression of mine lessen his kindness,
for I never found he had such a hope from us, but I doubt not
but such a thing will be more pleasing to him than what I wrote
of last week; and I hope this week to receive a very particular
account from thee, that so he may be satisfied : His business is
not neglected while he so studiously minds mine.

"This week has been the fair at Elham, and it has debauched
all the workmen, so that I cannot despatch any thing, but am
rather worse off than I was last week.

"I bless the Lord we are all in health: Your son drinks to me
every meal, and remembers his father, in which trick myself and
all the rest find pleasure; there is no contest among them but
who shall and does love thee best. I must insert their particular
duties, our Mother's love, and Mr. Moket's and his wife's. I
hope his messenger will bring me a letter from thee. My love to
those that remembered me in thine ; I can say no more at present,
but that I am thine in the strictest tie of affection,

"Jane Papillon.

"N.B. — We very much want a bell, to call the family together.
It should have an excellent sound."

"May 2Sth (1668).
"My Dear,

"Last Saturday night made me exceeding joyful after a
melancholy week, for I then received three of thine, of the 14th

BB 2

404 THOMAS PAPILLON.

and 2 1 St May, which had not sooner met a messenger to convey
them, because every day with us proved so wet that none were
willing to stir out that would keep within.

" Now let me tell thee, my dear heart, that the love of God in
thy preservation, and His sanctifying it to thee, is an endearing
mercy to my soul. I thank thee for communicating those choice
truths to me in that of the 14th; oh, that God should make me
strong in grace by the power of His might, and that He would
teach me that Divine skill to improve and draw forth the mighty
power that is in Him, to strengthen me in grace. Our Minister
has lately spoken to us of the sudden, mighty, and irresistible
workings of the Spirit of God; and I desire thankfully to record
that it has been a means to quicken faith in me, and to engage
me in the duty of prayer. In the general, we have a very dull
ministry; but I bless the Lord I have cause to bless Him; He
meets me in His Ordinance. Both Floate and Moket are dull,
but, blessed be God, they preach the truth; and I find that God
speaks to me by them; let Him have the glory; I am sensible I
am less than the least of His mercies. I find we are not only
one flesh, but one soul, in the consideration of which I can truly
say I love the Lord; and be thou assured that I cannot forget
thee and that holy desire of thy soul, while I remember myself:
But pray for me that I may pray for thee and myself.

"That thou desirest to see me, I take a secret content in, for
how little so ever I can merit from thee, yet I greatly covet still
to be esteemed by thee; I am sure thou wilt never come before
thou art desired; but I could wish to know a day or two before
I see thee; for indeed I have not yet hung a curtain about a bed,
by reason of mending the ceilings — which might long since have
been done, but that the workmen come for a day or half a day,
and leave me for a week — which has been so vexatious that I
every day contrive to bear with what is, rather than to have more
to do with them when they have finished what is begun.

"I begin now to pick a little salad and parsley out of my
garden. I have begun to level my best garden, that so I might
have the advantage of that rich mould to mix with dung, for the
advantage of my other garden ; so that thou wilt find confusion
in both, when thou comest.

JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 4OS

"I have received the Paris, but cannot get it wrought out. As
to Rainer, since thou leavest the business so much to me, I
resolve to do nothing before thy coming, unless I find he attempt
to sell his horses : for I reckon the longer it is before we come to
agreement, the better judgment may be given of the corn. I find
Foster a little too much biassed to his country neighbours.

"The Mayor indeed continues very useful and obliging; but
we join in that I would not have him at any loss on our account :
I think he will go to London this week about his business ; but I
perceive he accounts the cost three score pounds, and he could
wish if it might be to delay a little, rather than to be hasty to
part with such a sum of money in this nick of time. I perceive
the other employment would be much more grateful to him,
although the salary be small : I think he need not fear but to
rise when he is employed by ingenuous persons; and I believe
thou wouldest never repent of recommending him to the place.

"The Children have all most joyfully received thy kind remem-
brance of them. Betty is very much confounded in herself that
she has not prevented you by a letter; but indeed we have been
very busy since we came ; but I hope another week will settle us ;
and when we come to ourselves, thou mayest challenge more
from us: At present, she has never a little corner to herself.
I am yet forced to lie with my Mother, and the Maid and three
Children in a bed : the weather has favoured us. I cannot get
one simple bedstead made, since I have been in the country;
yet if thou canst spare thy time, thou mayest receive some
satisfaction with us; I am sure we shall with thee. Philly begins
to take delight in his book, and grows spirited; he has a pretty
play-fellow in one of Mr. Floate's sons. When I read your
commendations to Betty, she was sensible she did not deserve
such a father; Philly melted into tears; Sarah thanked God she
had such a father; Ann Mary smiled, and leaped, and kissed me
again. Blessed be God, she thrives very well. She loved me
very fondly the first week or two, but afterwards she discovered
that her Grandmother and Mr. Moket were fond of her, and
cockling, and moaning of her, and that her Grandmother often
found fault that her humour was not more observed, and took
her part whenever I chode the child — she grew not to value me

406 THOMAS PAPILLON.

in the least, but rather contemned me — so that I was forced
to say that if I might not have the government of my Children
alone, I would wholly give her up to her Grandmother's; so for
two or three days I never found the least fault in her, nor seemed
to instruct her in any thing as I did the rest; and my Mother,
seeing the inconveniency of it, desired it might not be so, but
that I would do by her as the rest, and she would leave her
wholly to my discretion; since which the child becomes very
obliging and tractable: She has great understanding, and when
she saw her Grandmother took her part against me, she walked
in defiance of me, and scowled and turned her back upon me
when I came in her way. Now, I bless God we have no wrinkle
awry amongst us: you need take no notice of this. The air
agrees very well with her.

"My Mother Broadnax writes to me every week, and very
affectionately. I think she may be here within three weeks. I
would willingly have gone to her for a day before; but I lay aside
the thought, because I cannot have a coach from Canterbury
to Acrise, and go thither, under 40s. I like mighty well to be
confined to home.

"I prythee return Mr. Dodson my thanks for his kind remem-
brance of me. I have yet heard nothing of the arrival of the
goods Mr. Matson sent me the 20th, and two dozen of China
oranges for a token from his Wife.

"We have been forced to part with poor Nell Turner; and in a
pretty, obliging manner the Child parted, and desired her service
presented to thee, and that we would pray for her though she was
gone from us.

" I take notice of thy hope that I will send for no more things,
and truly, my dear, it has been with regret that I must, or that I
have sent for so much; but truly I knew not how to order it
better. Assure thyself I will not be prodigal, nor am I unsensible
of thy care and hazards, nor of thy loss; but it troubles me to
think how little I am able to improve this loss.

"Excuse my long scrawl; for methinks I am talking with thee,
and very loth to conclude; yet I must only say I am thine in all
endeared affection,

"Jane Papillon.

LETTERS FROM ELIZABETH PAPILLON. 407

"The Maids are very sensible of your favour to them. My
love to Nat, and Mr. Kendall, and Elizabeth. The Mayor
presents his service and thanks to you. Mr. Moket and his
Wife his; Mr. Floate and his Wife. Mr. Foster, Ben, and
Oldfield have each of them brought me a little money, which
I will not waste."

Letter from Elizabeth Papillon ("Betty") afterwards
Wife of Edward Ward, Esq., &c., to her father, Thomas
Papillon from Acrise, when nearly ten years old: —

"June ist (1668).
"My Honoured and Dear Father,

"I should long ere this have presented you with a letter, but
I was unwilling to trouble you with my impertinences, knowing
it would not be worth carriage; but now having received your
commands, I desire to present you my duty in giving you an
account that I found nothing wanting in this country air but
your good company, which would make it a paradise to me;
and without which no place can be pleasant ; and I do the more
desire your company, because I know the times are dangerous :
But God has promised that nothing shall hurt His people; no
weapon formed against His shall prosper : And though the times
be bad, yet all shall work together for the good of His : Now
I desire to build faith upon His promised Word, and to believe
that God who hath preserved us hitherto, will preserve us to
the end, and bring us together again. This is the desire of her
that is,

"Your most affectionate and dutiful Daughter,

"Elizabeth Papillon.

"My Brother and Sisters desire to present their duty to yourself."

Another letter from Elizabeth Papillon to her father,
written from Acrise in August, 1668 : —

"Honoured Sir, and my Dear Father,

"Since you have given me the freedom, and expressed yourself
best pleased when I improve the liberty you have given me of

408 THOMAS PAPILLON.

writing to you, I cannot but tell you that your sudden departure
hath much afflicted me, insomuch that it hath put me upon
thoughts of the uncertain time I have to enjoy my best mercy.
Oh, therefore that God would give me wisdom to improve you
while I may, that so I may not provoke Him to snatch you from
me for ever. But truly, Sir, I have a very bad heart, and that
makes me to have a very unprofitable life, I am sinsible, both
to my dear Mother and to yourself; and it also makes me wonder
that God continues in any measure your affections to me, for
it were just with God to punish my iniquity with extinguishing
your loves, but He is pleased to punish me less than my deserts.
I do often conceive grief when I apprehend your kindness to me,
and especially my dear Mother's; but I must acknowledge myself
less than the least of all the favour you are both pleased to
continue to me. For my sins of Sabbath-breaking, my sins
against convictions and resolutions and reproofs, and corrections
and exhortations, and my trifling frame of spirit, and mis-spending
the precious talent of time, and slighting the Word and Ordinances
of God — any one of them had been sufficient to have justified
God in making you and making my dear Mother to have shut
me out of your affections, but God has been better to me than
my deserts, and I hope I shall love Him for it as long as I live,
and strive wherein I have done amiss to do so no more : And
I beg your prayers that God would enable me to keep close to my
resolutions of better obedience, and particularly that He would
give me the spirit of supplication, that so I may daily fetch strength
from Him to maintain the conflict against my own corruptions,
and in the end to overcome them, and eternally praise God
through Jesus Christ for giving me the victory : And pray, Sir,
do not love me less for my infirmities, but exercise your compassion
towards me, and pray for me according to my wants — for I would
fain prove myself well pleasing to God and yourself — for I am by
both obliged to be your most respectful and dutiful Child,

"Elizabeth Papillon."

JANE PAPILLON FROM ACRISE. 409

"October ist (1668).
"My most endearing Dear,

"Receive my hearty thanks for thy readiness to satisfy me
of thy safe arrival, for which mgj-cy my heart joins with thee in
praise : I confess that when Mugall told me that you went alone,
my heart sank within me, and a strange stupidity settled on me,
which is not yet quite off. I have been full of fears for thee.
Blessed be God that He has been better to me than my fears.
Oh, that I could give thanks.

"It has been very much on my heart to consider that word
of our Saviour's, 'Let nothing be lost.' No, not the crumbs of
the meanest creatures. What cause have I then to reflect and
condemn myself that lose the richest mercies, the whole mercies,
and do not gather them up, and endeavour the improvement
of them: Ah, I abhor myself for my ingratitude: Strive with
the Lord for a thankful heart for me : Surely I would despise
neither the command, nor the Giver of it: That God, that has
wrought the will in me, work also the deed ; its Thy prerogative
to effect the grace, as well as to command it; Lord, say Amen to
the desire of my soul; Thou hast laden me with mercies; fill me
with praise ; render me comely by that grace.

" My dear, I do unfeignedly long to be with thee, but as yet
do not see how to effect it till the very end of this month. I
shall do my utmost to hasten it. Prythee let me know how
thy occasions will order, whether or no thou mayest have thoughts
of seeing Acrise again, or meeting at our Inn, whether it be
Gravesend or Sittingbourne. I hope thy house will look a little
better upon thee than it did: Our cistern is almost up, and
our roof began; and some other small occasions I hope will
be accommodated.

"I have been fain to have fifty pounds of Mr. Stoke, because
of buying seed, and for Goody Rainer and Mr. Floate. We have
many men at work for this short time I shall be here, so that
I durst not send for less; to-morrow, I must send for a load
of deal; we are now going about our gutters, I would fain see
them done.

"I am sorry the business succeeds not in respect of the Mayor;
prythee if it should nOt, think of some way else for him.

410 THOMAS PAPILLON.

"All thy Children joyed to hear from thee. I shall make a
return of the respects of those remembered in thine; but I can
say no more, only I am thine entirely affectionated in the Lord
Christ,

"Jane Papillon."

Letter from A. M. Papillon, Wife of David Papillon to
a Servant left at Papillon Hall, Lubenham: —

"Loving Friend,

"I am sorry to hear there should be any differences between
you and Goody Ryland; she ought to be contented, if it be
my Husband's pleasure rather to entrust you with the key of
the house; he is at liberty to dispose of it as he pleaseth.
Concerning the key of the box, she having my linens to wash,
I bade her lay them up in the box, and take the key; not because
I mistrusted you, but I would not have her think I mistrusted
her. I pray you tell her that she should let me know if I
owe her any thing; I will pay her to the full. I hope before
this time my Husband is come thither; and I much long to
hear from him how it is with all your family.

"Remember my love to your husband, your daughters, and
son; remember me also to John and Alice Ryland; and I pray
you let there not be any misunderstanding between you, to break
love; for I desire to love you both. Thus committing you to the
protection of the Almighty, I rest,

"Your affectionate Friend,

"A. M. Papillon.

" From London, the ist of November."

NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI.

"A Narration made by me, Pompeo Deodati, of my Life
and of the several favours received of the lord
Jesus, written as well for my own use as for my
Children : —

"Nicholas, my father, son of Alexander Deodati, was born at
Lucca A.D. 15 ii. He was a merchant, and dwelt for some
years in Antwerp, and lived prudently and honourably. He was
married A.D. 1540, to Mrs. Elizabeth, daughter of Giorolamo
Arnolfini, my mother, who brought me into the world the 14th
of August, 1542, and my brother Nicholas in October, 1544,
while my father was sick of a violent fever, and died two days
after, thus leaving my mother, then only twenty-one years old.

"The Lord had given my father grace some years before he
died to know the true religion, by means of Mr. Peter Martyr
Vermiglio, who at that time was Prior of St. Ferdiano, and who
preached the truth very freely at Lucca, which did so work upon
my father that he resolved to depart from Lucca with all his
family. He often acquainted my mother with his purpose, but
at that time she did not like it; but within a little time after,
the Lord was gracious to her also, giving her the knowledge of
the same truth by means of an Augustine Friar, to whom she
went (as usual) to confession. Though he did not know her,
instead of confessing her, he instructed her fully in the principal
articles of the true religion, exhorting her to detest all Popery
and its evils; and she received his teaching with such zeal that
she resolved as far as in her lay to escape from so great an
abomination, and to withdraw to Geneva: But this being very
diflScult to accomplish, owing to her youth and lack of aid, she
lived twenty- two years in this resolution, under great horrors
of conscience and much danger, refraining as much as she
could from idolatry: And her intentions being known to many
she informed her sister Mrs. Magdalen Calandrini, and her
brother-in-law Mr. Benedict Calandrini; and found both of them
inclining the same way, though foreseeing many difficulties in

412 THOMAS PAPILLON.

its accomplishment. Every year my mother was much troubled
with a complaint which often brought her to death's door; and
her father and mother often urged her again to marry; but she
always refused, hoping the Lord would shew her the way to
remove thence : And to that end, being moved by Mr. Benedict
Calandrini to marry his brother Julian, she condescended to do
so; nevertheless, the numerous difficulties of removal did not
lessen, but rather increased every day.

"It fell out that in 1562 I resolved to wait upon the Lord
Alexander Bonvisi, sent by the State of Lucca as Ambassador
to the Duke of Savoy, which was my first excursion, and a happy
one for me. At my departure my mother charged me to make
haste home, for she was about to leave on account of the
Religion. I did what I could to put this out of her head,
having then no such thoughts, though from our childhood she
had instructed my brother and myself in the true Religion,
and I knew it very well, and approved of it, but not with such
fervent zeal as to forsake my country and the temporal blessings
the Lord had bestowed upon me. I had till then spent my
time partly at school, and partly in trading, the Lord having in
His mercy preserved me from the dangers and corruptions into
which youth were so apt to fall in those parts. For curiosity-
sake I went from Piedmont to Lyons, whither God's providence
had directed my steps, to make me partaker of a great treasure,
which I was not seeking.

"It came to pass within a fortnight of my arrival at Lyons,
that those of the Reformed Religion there adopted it, and having
quite cast out all idolatry, they established the true Religion,
whereby I had occasion to learn how much I was indebted to
God for the knowledge he had given me : I attended the
preaching, and by the Grace of God the seed which had hitherto
lain hidden and fruitless within me began to take root, so far
that I resolved henceforward to free myself from the yoke of
Anti-Christ, and to dedicate myself wholly to the pure service
of God; and by His help I have never since done any thing
contrary to this holy resolution, notwithstanding the dangers
and trials it has involved; and for this the praise is due wholly
to God, having been incapable in myself of the least resolution,

NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 413

or execution of that which His Grace enabled me to perform:
Wherein I do acknowledge that I am extremely obliged to Him,
and do beseech Him to give me Grace to render Him a true
and faithful account of the talent He hath given me; as I do
trust He will.

"I then resolved to come hither to Geneva; which greatly
comforted my mother; and she charged me to return to Lucca,
to help her to escape — an undertaking to which my love for
her alone engaged me, foreseeing the many trials and dangers
I should encounter in consequence of my public profession of
the Religion at Lyons.

"I went to Lucca in October, 1562, and told them of our
resolution to be gone with the Calandrini; and we all agreed
to eifect it, and to help each other : But it was a difficult matter
for the Calandrini, for the mother of Mr. Benedict was yet alive,
and unable to stir; besides they desired to sell their lands; and
thus we could not accomplish it for four years: Meanwhile, I
was chiefly at Lucca, in great danger and perplexity, owing to
the opposition of my nearest relatives, and on account of my
young brother, lest he should be left there alone.

"In order not to be at Lucca at Easter, when every one is
obliged to communicate to that Abomination, I went in 1563
to Venice, in 1564 to Lyons, and in 1565 to Geneva; and that
at much risk, for I made an open profession, being unwilling
that any should think I consented to idolatry; but the Lord
did most miraculously preserve me.

"We advised my brother Nicholas to marry, and he did so
with Mrs. Julia, daughter of Mr. Benedict Bonvisi; and I resolved
to take Laura, daughter of Mr. Julian Calandrini : But as I
would not be subject to idolatry I could not marry at Lucca,
though much urged to do so; and by not consenting I placed
Laura and her friends in danger of being detained there; for
my engagement to her was publicly known, and our espousal
recognized. At last, seeing I could put it off no longer, I went
away in March, 1566, it being arranged that my mother should
follow me with my Bride within six months. I found much
comfort in my departure, and resolved never to return, though
I was leaving my native country and many objects dear to

414 THOMAS PAPILLON.

me — being fully convinced that we should ere long be banished
from it, and persecuted; as it came to pass: But I was glad
to be free from so hard a bondage, the torments of which none
can express.

"My mother and our friends much feared the sale of their
estates would be hindered, for most of our kindred were averse
to her departure, and every one knew the cause of mine: But
the Lord did miraculously open the way, so that notwithstanding
all difficulties my mother and my wife came away in the following
September, accompanied by Mr. Benedict Calandrini and my
brother Nicholas; and I went with them from Lyons to Paris.
Our parting from Nicholas was very trying; he requesting my
mother with many entreaties, to stay one year more with him
at Lucca, till he had instructed his wife better in governing her
house, for she was then very young; and other snares were laid
to detain her, and prevent her leaving at all; but the Lord
strengthened her, so that in spite of all temptations she came
away with us.

"Mr. Benedict and Mr. Michael Burlamachi came also with
their families in the following March, without any hindrance ;
and we all gave thanks to God for bringing us safely to His
Church.

"I had purposed that we should have all come directly to
Geneva; but at the persuasion of our friends, who thought it
would facilitate our escape and defer our prosecution from those
at Lucca — we resolved to purchase Lusarches, a castle and plot
of ground about seven miles from Paris, whither we all repaired :
And my mother was married to Mr. Julian Calandrini as promised
some years before.

"In June, 1567, we were all cited to appear in person at
Lucca, on pain of being banished. This was the beginning of
the persecution wherewith the Lord did honour us to bear His
banner, and to suffer for His Name : And none appearing, we
were all condemned to death, our goods were confiscated, and
a prohibition was laid on all at Lucca to speak to us, or have
any communication with us whatsoever; our names,- with various
extracts from the Decree of Banishment, &c., were hung up in
the Court of Chancery; and within some five years the sum of

NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 415

300 crowns was set upon our heads, to be paid to him that
should kill any of us in France, Spain, Italy, or Flanders; thus
they used the utmost rigour against us, as is usually done in
the most criminal causes. But while banished from our earthly
country, we became Citizens of Heaven.

"Not long after we were all settled at Lusarches, the French
Religious Wars again broke out: The Prince of Condd lay at
St. Denis, and about the loth November the battle of that
place was fought; many were slain on both sides, and three
days afterwards the Prince went away with those of our side
towards Brie; and lest we should suffer from the other party
we resolved to leave Lusarches with our families, and follow his
army, not knowing whither: Our departure was so sudden that
we could make but few arrangements, so that our house
was plundered of its comfortable furniture; and having no
acquaintances in the army, we were much suspected, were
often in want of food, once were robbed of some of our silk,
which however we recovered at considerable cost — and incurred
dangers which were very trying to our women, especially to my
wife and her sister, who were both with child: But the Lord,
Who ever guarded us, led the Prince to send his wife to Orleans
with all who were not disposed to follow him ; he having resolved
to march towards Lorraine, to meet some auxiliaries from
Germany. We determined to follow the Princess and her party,
and after many hazards we reached Montargis, and sent to
Madame of Ferrara, owner of the place, for leave to stay there,
which she very courteously granted, though she had refused
the privilege to the rest of our company. It was indeed
refreshing to receive the attentions both of the Duchess and
her Court; and after some weeks, an order reaching her
Highness from the King to send away all those of the Religion,
she was obliged to do so in regard of some, but she took us
to her own Castle, where my wife was delivered of a son; but
the birth being premature, the infant died within six hours.

"We remained at the Chateau till June, 1568, when a Treaty
of Peace was made, and my father-in-law and myself with our
wives returned to Lusarches, and the rest of our party to Paris.
We were not long at rest, however, for in January, 1569, the

4l6 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Wars again broke out; and feeling ourselves very insecure, we
resolved to go to Sedan, which we did in August, 1569, and
were very courteously received there by the Duchess of Bouillon
on letters of recommendation from her husband, who was then
at Court: They were both of the reformed Religion, and during
the persecutions in France they entertained at Sedan many of
their refugee brethren.

"Before long the rest of our party joined us, and we lived
together in peace and security. My daughter Judith was born
there on the 14th May, 1570.

"All this time we kept Lusarches on our hands, and lost
much on its farm, and by robbery of our goods; but it was
no small comfort to us at Sedan and Montargis to meet many
Protestants, and to hear many sermons, while at Lusarches we
could hear but few, and even then with danger.

"Peace being again restored, we returned to Lusarches in
October, 1570, and remained there till the Massacre; always
in more or less danger. My wife was delivered of a son on
24th March, 1572, but he died within twenty-two days.

"The King of Navarre's wedding was kept at Paris in August,
1572, and I went there with my wife; but on the Admiral
(Coligny) being wounded, we returned to Lusarches on the
23rd, the day before that horrid Massacre of so many Protestants
of all ranks. The next day, I sent my man-servant to Paris to
ascertain what was going on; he was a Papist, and his wife
was in the City, and hearing of the Massacre he resolved to
go in, and return to us no more ; but the Lord, who would
make use of him to bring us word, caused the gates to be
shut against him. We were at supper when he brought us the
sad news, bitter indeed to us on account of our many friends
of quality who had fallen, and for the danger in which it
involved us personally; for our town was full of angry and
cruel persecutors of the Religion; and though we had done all
we could to pacify them, they eagerly desired our death; for
having stolen many of our goods, they feared we might some
day prosecute them. Our Minister, Mr. Capello, was with us
that evening, and after he had prayed to God to have pity on
us, and direct us what to do, we resolved to be off again to

NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 417

Sedan that very night, much fearing that our neighbours would
murder us as soon as they should learn what had happened in
Paris: And the Lord miraculously saved us on this occasion
also; for strange to say, none of our town's folk heard of the
Massacre till the following day, though we were only seven
miles distant, on a much-frequented road. We prepared to
start as soon as the people should have retired to rest, but
they were dancing in the street till close on midnight: Then
we went, taking little with us but what was on our backs; all
that we left behind, household stuff, provisions, great store of
cattle, and many things of value were plundered the next day
by the enraged mob, who eagerly searched for ourselves to kill
us, and cursed the day of our escape.

"As many on the road knew the cause of our departure, and
threatened us, we went to [illegible], and there met the Duchess
of Bouillon, on her way from Paris to Sedan, in as great or
greater fear, than ourselves: She kindly took us into her
company, and by God's mercy we reached Sedan in safety,
without in any way compromising our Religion, though often
urged to do so — for instance to put a white cross on our hats,
as many of our company did, as if they were Papists; but God
be thanked, we did it not.

"On reaching Sedan we barely obtained admission the
Governor refusing it to all who were fleeing for Religion's sake;
but the Duchess prevailed with him on our behalf, with a
proviso that we should not stir out of doors for many days.

"At first we were told that all our friends in Paris had been
killed, which grieved us very much; but afterwards we learned
that by the good providence of God they had all miraculously
escaped. Michael Burlamachi's three children had been sent
to the Duke of Guise, who kept them for some time in his
house; and the others were taken in by Monsieur de Bouillon,
and they stayed with him for some months, often in much
danger, and urged to attend Mass as the only way of saving
their lives; but the Lord did strengthen them all, so that neither
there nor at the Duke of Guise's, did the least child give way
to temptation.

"At last, they all came to Sedan, in company with the Due

41 8 THOMAS PAPILLON.

de Bouillon, and it was a very great comfort to us all to be
together again in health and safety: but we had sustained great
losses, not only at Lusarches, but in much money that I had
laid out there, which was all lost. However, the Lord dealt
very graciously with us, in comparison with many of our
brethren; and in all our flights it was a great comfort to us
to hear the Word of God abundantly preached.

"On the 13th June, 1573, my daughter Susanna was born
at Sedan; and though my wife and infant were very ill, the
Lord preserved them, and in August I took my wife to Spa
for a time.

"In the following December, Mr. Julian Calandrini died:
Ever since he married my mother we had lived together in
one household.

"In June, 1574, I returned to Spa, and took my family with
me, having resolved to go thence to Geneva, which I had all along
desired, and feeling that God had afflicted us in France because
we had not gone thither in the first instance, as I purposed.

"We remained at Spa all the summer, in order to drink the
waters, and we then went to [illegible], where we remained all
the winter, and enjoyed the free exercise of our religion.

"We left Spa on the 3rd April, 1575, and were in much danger
of being wrecked on the Rhine, but by God's mercy we arrived
here on the 5th May; and it was a great comfort to us, after
so many storms and trials, to find so many of our kindred and
countrymen, and many other blessings that the Lord hath granted
us, with the hope that we may now have some rest, without any
more of the wanderings wherewith He hath visited us, though
amidst all He hath not failed to watch over us, and to make all
to work together for good.

"On the nth May, 1576, my son Elias was born: Through
his mother's indisposition he was put to several nurses, and
became very ill, but the Lord graciously restored him, and he
has been well ever since.

"In May, 1578, I had a violent fever; and the Plague was
then raging at Geneva, as it did for several years before and after;
but the Lord in His mercy delivered me from my sickness.

"On the 4th March, 1579, my son Deodati was born.

NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 419

"In the summer I went into France to try to recover some
of the large amounts due to me at Lusarches; but I had little
success, and was in much danger, my debtors threatening to
kill me, as was often done to those of the Religion, but the
Lord preserved me.

"On the 24th April, 1580, the Lord was pleased to lay a heavy
affliction upon me, in taking away my dear wife Laura: She
was sick two weeks with shortness of breath, and evinced much
faith and piety. She had been a great help to me in all my
troubles.

"It pleased the Lord to leave to me my mother, who aided
me much in ordering my family after my wife's death; but on
the 14th December, 1582, she also died, after a fever of two
weeks' duration : She departed with her full understanding ;
well comforted, and assured of her salvation.

"This second loss was a great blow, leaving me with four
children, and destitute of two such dear and valuable companions ;
but the Lord never abandoned me; in all my trials He upheld
me by His Grace, so that I could recognize His aid in all my
needs.

"In 1581, at my mother's suggestion, I had bought the land
at Sacconet, and within a few months I built a house there;
but she could not enjoy it, for the year following the Duke of
Savoy sent an army under Monsieur de Racconis, intending to
surprise Geneva; and failing in that they remained in the
neighbourhood several months, and kept us in much apprehension
till April, 1589, when war against the Duke was openly declared.
The City was driven to this by his continual plots and hostile
devices. The war lasted for several years, and the City and
surrounding country suffered very much, the Duke coming near
the walls with his numerous army, while we were left to our
own defence.

"By the Duke's order the Manor of Glex was burned; and
the inhabitants were subjected to barbarous cruelties. In order
to starve us out the Duke caused a fort to be built at Versoy,
and when it was completed and garrisoned we found ourselves
reduced to such extremities that we resolved to attempt its
surprise; and the Lord helping us we did so with a force of

cc 2

420 THOMAS PAPILLON.

four hundred men, slaying many of the defenders, and razing
the work. This gave us rest for some time, but before long
my house at Sacconet was burnt down, and all my horses and
cattle were carried off. Many of the rural population had fled
into the City for protection, and it was pitiable to witness their
distress; but much Uberality was shewn to them by various
people of means.

"During the first year of the war we sent our wives and
children to Basle. In 15 91 I went thither. On the 6th August
I gave my daughter Sarah in marriage to Nicholas Balbani, and
we returned to Geneva about a month afterwards.

"I had no thoughts of marrying again, but I was led to do so
for various reasons; and in this, as in other matters, the Lord's
hand was with me; for contrary to the frequent experience in
such cases, great unanimity prevailed in our family.

"In January, 1592, I bestowed my daughter Judith on Mr.
Fabricio Burlamachi, who by God's grace had left idolatry the
year before, and had come hither to Geneva. It is a cause
for much praise to God, for he has many good qualities and
much zeal for the Religion.

"In April, 1592, my son Nicholas was born, and my daughter
Elizabeth in February, 1594. In November, 1595, my wife
was delivered of twin sons, who were baptized, and named
Theodore and Paul; but they were born prematurely, and the
Lord was pleased to take them after a while.

"About this time my son Elias went into France, to pursue
his studies in Law: I was averse at first to his going, but gave
my consent to it on several accounts; and I earnestly pray God
that he may do well.

"In 1597, my daughter Susanna was married to Monsieur
Babtista de Saussure, son of Monsieur Dommartino, of
Lausanne.

"In 1598, sickness again broke out at Geneva, and it pleased
God to take away my son-in-law. Monsieur Fabricio Burlamachi,
after two-and-a-half days' illness: This was a great grief to us
all; for he was a delightful companion, well disposed, and of
very good judgment, and I had hoped that he might succeed
myself as the mainstay of our family; but it was the Lord's

NARRATIVE OF POMPEO DEODATI. 42 1

pleasure on this, as on many other occasions, to shew us the
frailty of all earthly things. He was well advanced in the
Religion, and gave up his spirit, full of zeal and faith. He
died in our house; and we attended him to the last, full of
grief and fear ; for both our families were in evident danger :
his consisted of his poor wife, a daughter of three years, and a
son of seven weeks.

"With difficulty we removed for a time, and the Lord graciously
preserved us from various attacks; which was a great blessing,
considering the danger, and our afflictions in mind and body.
This loss was one of my greatest trials, for my daughter loved
her husband with an ardent and reciprocal affection ;' and now,
at twenty-eight years old, she was reduced to a widow, having
enjoyed his company only some months, for all the rest of his
time he was in France, following the Court through troubles
and dangers: Still in this matter also, the Lord did not fail
to assist us, and to comfort us by His mercy.

"In May, 1598, my son Alexander was born; his godfather
was Mr. Francisco Turrettini.

"Here end the Observations of Mr. Pompeo Deodati, written
by his own hand."

N.B. — The diction being rather strained and un-English
in the original, the Author has modified it in these
respects.

FINIS.

INDEX.

Acrise Place, Kent, purchased of Robert Lewkenor, Esq., by
Thomas Papillon, 97. Service of the church there, 106-7,
iio-i. Vault built in the church by Thomas Papillon,
and its successive occupants, in. The property passes
into the hands of the Mackinnon family, 112.

Address to his Children, by Thomas Papillon, when at Utrecht,
309-24.

Adventurers for employing poor French Protestants in the Linen
Manufacture, List of: —

Ashe, Sir Joseph
Barr, Peter

Berkeley, George, Earl of
Blondel, John
Carbonnel, William
Child, Sir Josiah
Clayton, Sir Robert
Coquard, David
Cornish, Alderman Henry
Coulon, Moses
Cudworth, John
Dashwood, George
Delm^, Peter
Dolins, Abraham
Drigne, John
Edwards, Sir James
Edwin, Humphrey
Frederick, Sir John
Gray, John

Hashaw, Peter
Heringbrooke, Peter
Heme, Joseph
Houblon, James
Houblon, John
Houblon, Peter
Jeune, Benjamin de
Johnson, Sir Henry
Irwin, Isaac
Kesterman, Peter
Lane, John
Lane, Thomas
Lawrance, Sir John
Letten, Nathanael
Lillers, Isaac de
Lillers, Jacob de
Lock, Roger

London, Henry, Lord Bishop
of,

424 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Lucy, Jacob Stibert, Abraham

Moore, Sir John (late Lord Stillingfleet, Edward (Dean

Mayor) of St. Paul's)

Morden, John Tavernier, John

New, James de Tench, Nathanael

Olmius, Herman Thorold, Charles

Oxenden, Sir James Thuillier, Christopher de

Paige, John Thuillier, Samuel de

Papillon, Thomas Tillotson, Dr. John (Dean of
Pollexfen, John Canterbury)

Prie, Daniel du Turner, Sir William

Primrose, David Tyssen, Francis

Pritchard, Sir William (Lord Vanhuythussen, Gerard

Mayor) Vinck, Isaac de

Renew, Peter Viner, Sir Robert

Rudge, Edward Ward, Sir Patience

Sedgwick, William Willaw, John

Sheppeard, Thomas Williamson, James

—1 18-9.

Agrippa, Corneille, Eulogy on Almaque Papillon, 10.

Allen, Sir Thomas, signs the Auditors' Report on the City of
London Accounts with Thomas Papillon and others in
1674, — 115. Supported Thomas Papillon on his Trial in
1684,-353.

Antrim, Marquis of, his Estates restored to him by Charles II.,

104-5.

Austen, Edward, Esq., inherits the Estates of Thomas Knight, of
Godmersham, Kent, 34 [A^/*].

Baird, Professor Henry M., Author of "History of the rise of
the Huguenots," 9 [Nbte\.

Balbani, Burlamachi, Calandrini, and Deodati, Refugees from
Lucca, 5. Narrative of their flight from place to place,
Appendix 41 1-2 1.

Ball, John, a Hamburgh merchant, marries Mary Papillon, 12.

Ballad on the loss of the Charter of the City of London, 235-7.

INDEX. 425

Barnardiston, Sir Samuel, Foreman of Grand Jury on First Earl
of Shaftesbury, 199. Tried for a Misdemeanour, and fined
;^io,ooo, — 202.

Bartholomew's Day, Massacre of, at Paris, 5-6, 9.

Bath, Anonymous Satire on Members of Corporation.

Boyer, M., befriends Papillon and Godfrey at Paris, 20-1.

Brandy, undue Charges on, by Customs and Excise, successfully
disputed by Thomas Papillon and others, 56-8.

Breda, Treaty of, 1667, Deputation from East India Company,
including Papillon, sent to watch its proceedings, 93.

Breton, M., of Havre de Grace, marries Elizabeth, Sister of
David Papillon, 2.

Broadnax, Jane, Sen., Letters from, relative to her Daughter's
Marriage, 36-38.
„ Jane, Jun., Wife of Thomas Papillon, 33-4. Marriage
41. Her character, 44-5. Letters from, 41-4, 100,
238-9) 385-410. Care of Acrise Place and Farms,
1 01-2. Her death, 44.

Brockman, Mr., of Beachborough, friend of Thomas Papillon,
388.

Brudenell, William, of Glaston, Rutlandshire, marries Anne
Papillon; their Son, 13.

Budoc, M., befriends Papillon and Godfrey at Rouen, 19.

Burlamachi, Marie, Wife of Michael Godfrey, Sen., 47.

„ Michael, protection of his Children in house of

the Due de Guise during the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew, 6.
„ Philippe, joins David Papillon in journey to

Holland, to redeem and sell the Jewels of Charles
L, 7.

Calandrini, Anne Marie, Daughter of Jean Calandrini, and
second Wife of David Papillon, 5, 47. Her character, 6.
Her remark on Thomas Papillon becoming a Contractor
for Victualling the Navy, 100.

426 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Calandrini, Cousin ; probably a daughter of the Rev. Louis

Calandrini, ejected Minister of Abbots Stapleford,

Essex, 260.
„ Guilliano, Protestant Refugee from Lucca, cir. 1560,

5-6, 411-Z1.
„ Jean, his Son, Father of Anne Marie, second Wife

of David Papillon, 47.
,, Scipione, natural Son of Guilliano, brought to a

knowledge of the truth by Aonio Paleario, 6.

Carbonnell, William, consents to relieve Thomas Papillon from
Treasurership for employment of Poor French Protestants,
119A.

Castol, Johan, Minister, Father of Marie, first Wife of David
Papillon, 4.
„ Marie, Daughter of above, first Wife of David Papillon,
4. Her Children, 5. Her Death and Burial, 5.

Chambrelan, Abraham, marries Esther Papillon, 2.

„ Charles, Witnesses the signature of Sir Thomas

Chambrelan testifying to the loyalty of Thomas

Papillon, and of his imprisonment for Charles I.'s

sake, 23.
„ David, of Rouen, marries Anne Papillon, 2.

„ Sir Thomas, Merchant, takes Thomas Papillon as

Apprentice, 13. Offers him Partnership, becomes

Security for him on his entry into Business — 14.

Testifies to his loyalty and his sufferings for Charles

I.'s sake, 23.

Charenton, near Paris, Reformed Church at, attended by Thomas
Papillon and Michael Godfrey, 21. Thomas Papillon,
the Avocat and his Son David, Elders of it, 2 5.

Charles I. Thomas Papillon joins in an effort to restore him to
the throne (1647), — 16.

Charles II. Thomas Papillon recognises his care of the interests
of Trade, 72. Remarks on hearing of his Majesty's death,
258. Jane Papillon prays for him, 393.

INDEX. 4*7

Child, Sir Josiah, Joins Papillon in Contract for Victualling the
Navy, 99. Is excluded, with Papillon, from Directorate
of East India Company by desire of Charles II., 79-80.
Governor of the Company, excludes various Members,
and bribes the Government freely, 81. Letter to Thomas
Papillon, 88-90. His views (1669) on Trade in general,
73-4-

Colquhoun, J. C, Author of "Italy and France in the Olden
Time," 11 [Mfe].

Committees of the House of Commons, of which Papillon was
a Member, 161-71. Others of an extreme character,
172-5-

Confession of Sins, by Thomas Papillon (1668), — 325-36.

Cooke, Mrs. Margaret. Letter to Jane Papillon (1687), — 238-9.
Thomas Papillon's remarks on it, 240-1.

Cornish, Alderman, 228, supported Thomas Papillon on the
occasion of his Trial, 353.

Cromwell, Oliver, Protector, summons a Collogue of the French
Church in England, and directs their proceedings to be
submitted to a body of Divines, subject to a Committee
of the Privy Council, 49.

CuUen, Nicholas, Esq., Mayor of Dover, 178,90.

Customs, Commissioners and Farmers of. Disputes with, by
Papillon and others, 55-8.

D'Aranda, Mr. Paul, of Amsterdam, friend of Thomas Papillon,
entertains him on arrival as an Exile, 253-4. Requests
him to write a Treatise on the Sabbath. 282.

Deane, near Wingham, Kent, Seat of Sir James Oxenden, Bart.,
129.

Decay of Trade, Views on, by Thomas Papillon and Josiah Child,
70-4.

Delm^, Pastor of French Church in London, Complaints against,
&c., 48-50.

428 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Deodati, Nicholas, Refugee from Lucca with Guilliano, 5. Led
to embrace "the Religion" by the preaching of Peter
Martyr Vermiglio, 6. Narrative by, 41 1-2 1.

Desborow, General, on Committee of Privy Council respecting
disputes in the French Church in London, 49.

Desmaistres, Jean, common Ancestor of the families of Broadnax,
Godfrey, and Papillon.
„ James, marries Henry Kule, 47.

Dixwell, Sir Basil, Bart., of Broome Park, Kent, elected Member
of Parliament for Dover, 1689, with Thomas Papillon, 350.

Dover, Forces sent to defend it, 193.

„ Political ar^d Ecclesiastical disputes in, 12 1-4. Elects
Thomas Papillon for Member of Parliament, 126-7.
Ditto, 128. Number of Ships to be supplied by, as
required by the Charter of the Cinque Ports, 130-1.
Lord Warden of, his duties, 132. Corporation purged,
177-9. Surrender of Charter, 187-9. Restoration of
ejected Members of Corporation, 191. Again elects
Papillon as Member of Parliament, 350.

Mayor, Jurats, and Common Council-men, 1680-8 :

Baxe, Richard, 181. Everard, William, 182.

Bayler, Edward, 182. Foord, John, 182.

Bedingfield, Thomas, 182. Francklyn, Edward, 181,2,
Bridgeman, William, 191. 190.

Broadley, Henry, 182. Gallant, Robert, 190.

Bullarke, John, 181, 192. Gardner, John, 190.

Burke, Clement, 190,1. Gearie, William, 182.

Colloy, Robert, 182. Gibbon, Thomas, 182, 190.

CuUen, Nicholas, 178-92. Gill, Charles, 190.

Danaber, John, 182. Golden, John, 191.

Dawkes, Richard, 182. Golden, Dr. John, 192.

Dawkes, Thomas, 182. Goodwyn, Benjamin, 190-1

Denew, Nathaniel, 190. Hamerdon, Thomas, 182.

Eaton, William, 182. Hawkins, Benjamin, 190.

Edwards, Richard, 190. Hills, Richard, 182,90.

El win, William, 190. Hogben, Robert, 190.

INDEX. 429

Holder, John, 181. Richards, William, 181.

Holland, John, 182,90. Roberts, Edward, 191.

HoUingsbury, John, 182. Scott, Thomas, 182,90.

Jacob, Robert, 190,1. Shewnall, Eleazor, 190.

Jemmett, Warham, 190,1. Smith, William, 191.

Kennett, Robert, 190. Stafford, Thomas, 190.

Lamb, Isaacke, 181. Stokes, Captain William,
Lucas, Samuel, 190,1. 179,80, 190, 192.

Nepnon, William, 182. Tiddeman, Thomas, 190,1.

Nowell, Thomas, 191. Vayly, Charles, 181.

Osborne, Robert, 191. Vayly, John, 181.

Peene, William, 182. Veel, Thomas, 188, 191.

Peirce, Thomas, 182. Wellard, Aaron, 190.

Pepper, Thomas, 182. Wellard, George, 182,90.

Peters, Peter, 182, 190. West, Captain George,
Pitts, Edward, 182, 190. 190,1,2.

Raworth, Thomas, 181,2. Wool, Thomas, 190.

Dubois, John, deputed, with Thomas Papillon, by French Church
in London, to remonstrate with the Protector against
infringement of its right of self-government ; their
letter, &c., 48-53.
„ John, popular Candidate, with Papillon for the Sheriff-
wick of London and Middlesex, 1682, — 214-27. Joins
Papillon in authorizing arrest of the Lord Mayor if
requisite, 228. His death, 234.

Dutch, the, reported to have taken Mersey Island, 395.

East India Company, Sketch of rise of, 75-8. Thomas Papillon
joins it, 78. He is excluded from Directorate of, by
desire of Charles II., 79. He writes a Pamphlet on the
need of Exclusive Trade to the last, 80. But favours an
Extension of the Company, 83-4. Is excluded from
Directorate by the influence of Josiah Child, 81. Joins
the New Company, 84. Final Amalgamation of the Two
Companies, 87.

Eastland Merchants' Company, Petition from, 60-4.

Election Entertainment at Dover, Charges for, 147.

430 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Elham, Debauchery caused by the Fair, 403.

Excise, Commissioners and Farmers of, Disputes with, by
Papillon and others, 55-8.
„ David Papillon, Father and Son, successively Commis-
sioners of, 98.

Fagge, Sir John, Baronet, Address to, by the Electors of Sussex
in 1681, — 160-1.

Fairfax, Jordan, Witnesses Signature of Sir Thomas Chambrelan
to Testimonial of Thomas Papillon's loyalty and suifermgs
touching Charles I., 23.

Fawkner, Everard, of Bulwich, Northamptonshire, marries Anne
{nie Papillon) Widow of William Brudenell, their
Children, 13.
„ Elizabeth, Daughter of above, marries the Rev. John
Shower, 13.

Fell, Mr. James, Educated at Dieppe for Pastorate in Reformed
Church in France, and elected to a Pastorate in London,
53-4-

Fire, the Great, of London, Allusion to it by Jane Papillon, 396.

Fishborne, Richard, Bequeaths ^1000 to the Worshipful the
Mercers' Company for Loans gratis to five young men
on entry into business, Thomas Papillon receiving one
of ;^2oo,— 14.

Floate, Rev.. Mr., of Acrise, 404.

Fontaine, Peter, of Caen, marries Mary Papillon, Aunt of
Thomas Papillon, 5.

Fortification, Work on, published by David Papillon in 1645, 2-4.
French Church in London, Disputes in, and Government of, 48-
53-

Gamier, Emily Caroline, marries Philip Oxenden Papillon,
present head of the Family, 47.

Gerbrandt, Madame, Cousin of David Papillon of Paris, ai.

INDEX. 43^

Gibbons, Mr., Mayor of Dover, very obliging and serviceable to
Jane Papillon, 194, 399. She begs her husband to help
him to get a berth, 403, 405, 409.

Gloucester, City, Fortified by David Papillon, 2.

Godfrey, Michael, Sen., his lineage, 17 \Note\. Cousin and
fellow Apprentice of Thomas Papillon, flees with him
to France, his character, 16-17. Their journey to
Paris, and stay there, 18-21. Their mutual relation-
ship, 47.

„ Michael, Jun., his aid to William Paterson in founding
the Bank of England, and his tragic death, 23-4.

„ Peter, Owner of Westbrook, near Lydd, Kent, 18.

Godmersham Park, Kent, successively owned by Broadnax,
Knight, and Austen, 34 [Nbte\.

Goodenough, Solicitor, employed by Papillon and Dubois in their
Suit V. the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, 228. Engaged in
the Rye House Plot, 234.

Guise, Due de, Michael Burlamachi's Children protected in his
house in Paris during the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 6.

Harding, Samuel, of Exeter College, Oxford, friend of Philip
Papillon, 12.

Hardinge, George, Mr. Justice, writes an Epitaph on Thomas
Papillon, 383.

Hardwicke, First Earl of, obtains Commissionership of Excise
for David Papillon, Grandson of Thomas Papillon, and
for David Papillon his Great Grandson, 98.

Harrison, Mr., Thomas Papillon's Head Clerk, 43-4, 393.

Hayward, Samuel, Ironmonger, Southwark, marries Ann Papillon,
12.

Heathcote, Gilbert, joint owner of the Ship " Redbridge" detained
in the Thames by Admiralty Order, 86.

Hersent, Susanna, of Southampton, marries Peter Papillon, 3.

432 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Houblon, Peter, Mr., supports Thomas Papillon before the Lord
Mayor and Aldermen, 229.

Hunt, Thomas, of Boreatton, Salop, marries Jane Ward, Grand-
daughter of Thomas Papillon, 46.

Ireland, small Property held there by Thomas Papillon, 104-6.

Irish Cattle, &c.. Prohibition to Import into England, Papillon's
opposition to the Act, 140-6.

Jeffreys, Sir George (Lord Chief Justice), his description of
Thomas Papillon, 204. Counsel for the Lord Mayor
and Aldermen, 218. Counsel for the Crown v. Pilkington,
Shute, and others, 232.

Jenkins, Sir Lionel, Secretary of State, Sketch of his life and
character, 193-7.

Joliffe, Ann, marries Philip, Son of Thomas Papillon, 46-7.

Keyser, Mary, marries David Papillon, Grandson of Thomas
Papillon, 47.

Lawrence, Alderman Sir John, supports Papillon and 'Dubois,
at Sheriff's Election, 223-7. Urges Papillon to accept the
post of Alderman, 352.

Lawrence, friend of Thomas Papillon, 17.

Lewkenor, Robert, Esq., of whom Thomas Papillon bought Acrise
Place, 97, 389, 391.

London, City, Accounts, Thomas Papillon Auditor of, and Report
on, 1 13-7,

„ „ Thomas Papillon twice (1695 and 1698) elected

Member of Parliament for, 90.

London and Middlesex, Thomas Papillon and Dubois elected
Sheriffs for, 218-20.

Mackinnon, William Alexander, Esq., present owner of Acrise
Place, Kent, 112.

INDEX. 433

Mallett, Sir John, M.P., adduces Papillon's exclusion from
Directorate of East India Company by the King as "a
Grievance,'' 78.

Marot, Clement, Poet, &c., friend of Almaque Papillon, 9-10.

Martel, friend of Thomas Papillon, 17.

Massacre of St. Bartholomew, Papillon a Victim, 9.

"Men, The Lives and Passions of," work published by David
Papillon, 7.

Mokett, Rev. Mr., of Acrise, 43, 404, 405, 407.

Moore, Sir John, Lord Mayor (1681-2), — 207. Assumes charge
of the Election of Sheriffs, with the support of the majority
of the Aldermen, 211-28.

Mount's Court, near Acrise, 389.

Navigation Act, Thomas Papillon opposes prolonged suspension
of, 68-9.

Nicholson, Mary, of Cambridge, marries George Papillon; their
Family, &c., 12.

Norris, Peter, his seizure and imprisonment strongly condemned
by Papillon, 166-7.

North, Sir Dudley, his early career and character, 212-3. Is
declared by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to be Sheriff-
elect for London and Middlesex, 219. Is sworn in, 227.
Inveighs against the conduct of Papillon and Dubois,
230-1.

North, Roger, author of "Examen," 212-3.

Northampton, Fortification of, 3-4.

Gates, Dr. Titus, 148-9, 237.

Oxenden, Sir George, Governor of Bombay, 98.

„ Sir Henry, accompanies Papillon to Dover Election

(i673),-i2S.
„ Sir James, likely to be returned as Member of Parlia-
ment for Sandwich, Kent, 128.

434 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Oxenden, Frances Margaret, Wife of Thomas Papillon, father of
present head of the family, 47.

Papillon, Abraham, youngest brother of Thomas Papillon, marries

Katherine Billingsley, 13.
„ Almaque, Friend of Clement Marot, Valet de Chambre

to Francois I., 9, 10.
„ Anne, Aunt of Thomas Papillon, marries David

Chambrelan of Rouen, 2.
„ Anne, Sister of Thomas Papillon, marries (ist) William

Brudenell, of Glaston, Rutlandshire. (2nd) Everard

Fawkner, of Bulwich, Northamptonshire; her children,

13-

„ Antoine, proteg6 of Marguerite d'Angoulgme, friend of
Aimet Maigret, and Erasmus, exiled and found dead,
n.

„ David, father of Thomas Papillon, brought from
France, 1. Military Engineer and Architect, and
Deacon of French Church in London, Fortifies
Gloucester for the Parliament, marries (ist) Marie
Castol, 2-4. (2nd) Anne Marie Calandrini, 5.
Treasurer of Leicestershire, 7. Other Works pre-
pared by him, 7-8. His Will, 11-12.

„ David, first Cousin of Thomas Papillon, Avocat au
Parlement de Parlement de Paris, &c. Imprisoned
in the Castle of Avranches, sent to England in 1688,
— 25. Death in London, 26. Letters to his Uncle
David Papillon and to his Cousin Thomas Papillon,
26-32.

„ David, Grandson of Thomas Papillon, Commissioner of
Excise, 47, 98.

„ David, Great-grandson of Thomas Papillon, Commis-
sioner of Excise, 47, 98.

„ Elizabeth, Sister of Thomas Papillon, marries M.
Breton, of Havre, 2.

„ Elizabeth, Daughter of Thomas Papillon, marries
Edward Ward, Esq., Barrister, afterwards Lord Chief
Baron of the Exchequer, 46. Letters from, 390, 407,
408.

INDEX. 435

Papillon, Esther, Aunt of Thomas Papillon, marries Abraham

Chambrelan, 2.
„ Frances, of pious memory, her burial in vault at Acrise,

III.
„ George, Brother of Thomas Papillon, marries Mary

Nicholson, of Cambridge, their family, &c., 12. His

death, 269.
„ Jane {nk Broadnax), Wife of Thomas Papillon, her

marriage, 41. (See Jane Broadnax, Jun.)
„ Jeane (Vieue de la Pierre) Wife of Thomas Papillon,

Valet de Chambre to Henri IV., brings three of her

Children to England, and is wrecked and drowned

near Hythe, Kent, i.
„ Madame (Thomas) hospitably entertained her Nephew

Thomas Papillon, at her house in Paris, 20-1.
„ Marie, Daughter of Madame Papillon, refuses to listen

to the Curd on her death-bed, 25-6.
„ Mary, half-Sister of Thomas Papillon, marries Peter

Fontaine, of Caen; her Children, 5.
„ Peter, Uncle of Thomas Papillon, marries Susanna

Hersent, of Southampton, 2.
„ Peter, a namesake, resident in Boston, U.S., in 1670, —

32-
„ Philibert, I'Abb^, author of "I'Histoire des Auteurs de

Burgoyne,'' 9.
„ Philip, Brother of Thomas Papillon, B.A., at 18; M.A.,

at 20; Death at 21; his gift to Exeter College,

Oxford; and his Writings, 12.
„ Philip, Son of Thomas Papillon, marries Ann JoUiffe, 17.
„ Philip Oxenden, present head of the family, 47.
,, Thomas, Grandfather of Thomas Papillon, Valet de

Chambre and Captain of the Guard to Henri IV.,

marries Jeane Vieue de la Pierre, &c. ; his Death,

1-8.
„ Thomas, eldest Son of the above, a famous Lawyer in

Paris, author of several works on Roman Law, 8.

Elder of the Reformed Church at Charenton, and

Scribe of the Synod of Aries (1620), — 25.

DD 2

436 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Papillon, Thomas, of London, Merchant, Birth and School, 1 1.
Apprenticed to Thomas Chambrelan, and to the
Mercers' Company, &c., 13-6. Joins in an effort to
restore Charles I., which obliges him to go abroad,
16. His journey to Paris, and stay there, with
Michael Godfrey, 17-21. His Arrest and Imprison-
ment in Newgate, and his Release, 22-3. Proposes
for his Cousin Jane Broadnax, 33. Submissive but
hopeful letter on the matter, 35. Difficulties raised,
but overcome, 35-41. Deputed by French Church
in London, with John Dubois, to remonstrate against
invasion of their right of Self-Government, 48-53.
Resists an illegal claim of the Customs, 55-6. Ditto,
by Customs and Excise Commissioners and Farmers,
56-9. Report on the Norway Timber Trade, &c., 64-8.
Objections to prolonged Suspension of the Navigation
Act, 68-9. Gives evidence before the Committee of
House of Lords on alleged Decay of Trade, 70-2.
Joins the East India Company; excluded from
Directorate by desire of the King, 78-80. Publishes
a pamphlet in favour of exclusive privileges, 80.
But would permit no Extension of the Company,
and is ejected, with others, from Directorate, 81-4.
Prepares Rules for Management of the New Company,
84-5. Chairman of Committee of the whole House
(Commons) on the Detention of the Ship '^Redbridge,"
86-7. Much regrets the antagonism of the two
Companies; his letter on it to Sir Josiah Child, and
reply, 87-90. Indignation at a private' charge of
willingness to receive a Bribe, 91-3. Member of a
Deputation to Breda, touching the Treaty made there,
93. Purchase of Acrise Place, Kent, 97. Joins Mr.
Child in a Contract for Victualling the Navy, 99-100.
Holds a small Estate in Ireland, 104-6. His care
for the due service of Acrise Church, 106-10. Builds
a Family Vault there, 11 1-2. Elected Auditor of
Accounts of the City of London, and reports on
them, II 3-7. Treasurer of "Adventurers in the Stock

INDEX. 437

for Setting Poor French Protestants to work at
Ipswich in the Linen Manufacture," and first Report
on, 1 1 7-8. List of Adventurers, 117-8. Election as
Member of Parliament for Dover, 124-7. His second
Election, 128-9. Opposes the Government on a
Grant for the Navy, and on question of Alliances,
133-6. Considers Ships' Passes "a Grievance," 136-8.
Strongly opposes renewal of Act Prohibiting the
Importation of Cattle, &c., from Ireland, 138-46.
Speech at Dover on second Election, 146. Charges
for Entertainment at same, 147. Supports the motion
for sending Secretary Williamson to the Tower, 149 51.
Also for Expulsion from the House of Sir Francis
Wythens, M.P., 153-6. Presents a Petition to the
Lord Mayor, praying the King to convoke Parliament,
156-9. Reluses to support motion for Expulsion from
House of Sir Robert Peyton, 161-5. Inveighs against
the apprehension of Peter Norris, 166-7. List of
Committees, temp. Charles II., of which he was a
Member, 168-71. Others of an extreme character,
172-5. Advice to Nicholas CuUen, Mayor of Dover,
for prompt completion of Corporation, 172. Interview
on the matter with Sir Lionel Jenkins, Secretary of
State, 180. Distress at surrender of Dover Charter,
193. Member of the Grand Jury on arraignment of
Earl of Shaftesbury, 199-202. Private discourse with
Lord Mayor on coming Election of Sheriffs, 207-10.
Selected as popular Candidate, with John Dubois,
214. Elected Sheriff, 218. Elected Sheriff, 220.
Petitions to be sworn in, 224-7. Joins John Dubois
in taking out a Writ against the Lord Mayor and
Aldermen, and assents to arrest of Lord Mayor if
necessary, 228-9. Defence thereof before Lord
Mayor and Aldermen, 229-32. Is sued by the Lord
Mayor for false and malicious arrest, and is condemned
in penalty of ;^io,ooo; escapes to Holland, 238.
Declines to seek release in an indirect way, 240-4.
Applies for release to Sir William Pritchard, and

438 THOMAS PAPILLON.

obtains it, 246-9. Arrival at Amsterdam, 252. Takes
a house at Utrecht, 260. Reflections on his Exile,
269-81. Essay on the Sanctity of Sabbath, 282-305.
His refusal to break the Sabbath needlessly, even at
the King's desire, 307-8. Address to his Children
on Christian life, 309-24. Confession of Sins, 325-36.
Letters to Sir Patience Ward, July to November,
1688,-339-47. His address to H.R.H, the Princess
of Orange, 349. Offers himself as a Member of
Parliament for Dover, 349-50. Placed on Com-
mission for Relief of French Refugees, 351-2.
Declines the post of Alderman for the City of
London, 352-3. Is appointed First Commissioner
for Victualling the Navy, 353. His success, 356.
His difficulties, 357-64. Petitions for release from
ofifice, 364-7. Is charged with peculation and denies
it, 367-8. Again appeals for release from office, 369-
73. Twice elected Member of Parliament for London
(1695 and 1698), — 90. His general political views,
374-6. Severe Illness, 377-81. Death; Burial; Will;
Epitaph, 381-3.

Papillon, Thomas, Lieutenant-Colonel of East Kent Militia,
penultimate Owner of Acrise Place, 98-9. in.

Papillon, , Victim of Massacre of St. Bartholomew in

1572—9-
Papillon, William, Rector of Wymondham, Norfolk, &c. Died,

1836,-34, WoU.]
Parsons, Sir John, Member of Parliament, Charges Papillon and

his Son with peculation, 367-8.

Paterson, William, Founder of the Bank of England, 23-4.

Pelham, Anne, Wife of Thomas Papillon, Lieutenant-Colonel of
East Kent Militia, 47. Her Burial, in.

Penn, Mr., 244.

Pepys, Mr., sneers at Papillon's pleading against the Customs and
Excise Commissioners, 57. On Ships' Passes, 136-8.
Papillon's good opinion of him, 258.

INDEX. 439

Peyton, Sir Robert, his expulsion from the House of Commons
opposed by Papillon, 164.

Pierre, Jeane Vieue de la, Marries Thomas Papillon, Valet de
Chambre to Henri IV. Brings three of her Children to
England. Her Death, i.

Pilkington, Sheriff of London and Member of Parliament, 206.
Sent to the Tower, 213. Declares the Election as Sheriffs
of Papillon and Dubois, 217-8, 220.

Plague, The, in London, Thomas Papillon thankful for preserva-
tion from, 279.

Prayers, For use in the New East India Company, 94-6.

Pritchard, Sir William, Lord Mayor of London, 1682-3, refuses
to appear to the suit of Papillon and Dubois, and is
arrested, 228-9. Brings an action against Papillon for
false and malicious arrest, and obtains a Verdict for
_;^io,ooo, — 238. Had promised the King not to discharge
Papillon from the judgment without His Majesty's consent,
241, 245. He obtains the King's consent, and expects a
request from Papillon, 246. He gladly grants the
discharge, 248.

Protestants, poor French, Employment of in Linen Manufactory,
at Ipswich, 1 1 7-8. Relief of, by Commissioners, 351-2.

" Redbridge" the ship, owned by Gilb.ert Heathcote and others,
detained in the Thames by Admiralty Order, 86.

Reflections when in Exile by Thomas Papillon, 269-81.

Ren^e, Dowager Duchess of Ferrara, protects the Calandrini, 5.

Roberts, Edward, Esq., Mayor of Dover, September, 1688, — 191.

Roehampton House, Putney, the Birthplace of Thomas Papillon,
of London, 11.

Rye, Papillon and Michael Godfrey embark thence for France, 18.
Anonymous Report on State of the Corporation, 185-6.

440 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Sabbath, Treatise on its due Sanctity, by Thomas Papillon, 282-3.
„ Thomas Papillon declines to break it needlessly, even at
the King's desire, 307-8.

Scott, Elizabeth, a descendant from the house of Bruce. Marries
William Turner, 46.

Scripture, Papillon's regular perusal of, 306-7.

Shaftesbury, First E^rl of, his Acquittal by Grand Jury of London,
199-200.

Shower, Rev. John, marries Elizabeth Fawkner, Niece of Thomas
Papillon, 13. Dedicates Funeral Sermon of Jane Papillon
to Thomas Papillon, 44-45.

Shute, Sheriff of London in 1681-2, — 206. Sent to the Tower, 213.
Returns Papillon and Dubois as Sheriffs in 1682, — 217-18,
220.

Sins, Confession of, by Thomas Papillon, 14, 325-36.

Skippon, Major-General, Member of Committee of Privy Council
relative to French Church in London, 49.

Smith, Benjamin, Norwich Factor, Marries Phoebe Papillon, 12.

Smith, Sir James, Taunts Papillon and Dubois before the Lord
Mayor, 231.

Sprague, Admiral Sir Edward, Opponent of Thomas Papillon
at Dover Election in 1673, — 125. His heroic Death,
127.

Steer, Fiducia, of Wootton, Surrey, marries Samuel Papillon, 12.

Stokes, Captain William, Member of Parliament for Dover,
February, 1679, — 128-30. Corresponds with Thomas
Papillon in 1680, on purging of Corporation, 179. Mayor
of Dover in 1683, and in 1688, — 190-2.

Stoupe, M., Pastor of French Church in London, dispute with M.
Delmd, &c., 48.

INDEX. 441

Strickland, Lord, Member of Committee of Privy Council relative
to French Church in London, 49.

Strode, Colonel John, Lieutenant-Governor of Dover Castle,
Candidate for a Seat in Parliament for Dover, Singular
Return of, abortive, 128-30, 132.

Stuart, Mr. David, Minister from Holland, instrumental in settling
disputes in the French Church in London, 50.

Taverner, Samuel, of Dover, holds a Conventicle in his House,
which is specially proscribed, 121. Joined with the Mayor
and others by Thomas Papillon in his offer of services as
Member of Parliament in 1688, — 350.

Tillotson, Dean, Letter to, from Thomas Papillon, 107.

Trade, Enquiry into causes of decay of, 70-4.

Turner, William, Barrister, marries Anne Marie Papillon, 46.
„ „ his Son, marries Elizabeth Scott, a scion of the

house of Bruce, 46.
„ Bridget, Daughter of William Turner, Jun., marries
David Papillon, 46-7.

Utrecht, Thomas Papillon takes a house there in 1685, — 260-1.

Ward, Edward, Esq., Barrister, marries Elizabeth, daughter of
Thomas Papillon, 46. Writes to Papillon relative to
Sir William Pritchard's release of him from the
Judgment, 247-9. Attorney-General and Lord Chief
Baron of the Court of Exchequer, 390.
„ Elizabeth (nk Papillon) Letters to her Father, 241-3,

390-
„ Sir Patience, supports Papillon in his claim to be sworn in
as Sheriff, 226. Quoted in Ballad on "Loss of the
London Charter," 237. Correspondence with Papillon
in 1688, both being Exiles, 336-9. Urges Papillon to
accept the post of Alderman, 352.

442 THOMAS PAPILLON.

Westbrook House, near Lydd, Kent, Seat of the Godfrey family,
17-8.

Williamson, Secretary of State, sent to the Tower by the House
of Commons, but soon released by the King, 149-15 1.

William III. places Papillon on a Committee of five for relief of
French Refugees, 351-2. Personally investigates charges
against Victualling Department of the Navy, 354.
Appoints Papillon First Commissioner of New Victualling
Board, 355. Urges the Commissioners not to desist
Victualling, even under difficulties, 358.

|. |. §ttao&, ^rintir, ?|tabi«)j.

% » vs ^ ^ S

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Memoirs of Thomas Papillon, of London, merchant. (1623-1702)"

See other formats