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Though short, a preface consisting so exclusively of 
thanks as this one is far from perfunctory. To the 
University of Liverpool I owe the opportunity of spend- 
ing two years in Oxford. Mr. H. A. L. Fisher's dis- 
covery of several of these chronicles in the Bodleian led 
to the inception of the work, and to him I am also 
indebted for advice and kind assistance on many points, 
as I am to my former preceptors of the University of 
Liverpool, Professors J. M. Mackay and Ramsay Muir. 
It would have been vastly more difficult to write on the 
subject of town chronicles with any approach to finality 
but for the publication of Mr. C. L. Kingsford's Chronicles 
of London^ to which indeed my debt is throughout patent. 
Mr. L. G. Wickham Legg, of New College, has been 
good enough to read through a portion of the text, 
and the proof-readers of the Clarendon Press have also 
saved me from many slips. My other obligations are all, 
I hope, acknowledged in the places at which they are 

R. F. 

New College, 

January 31, 191 1. 



I. General Essay on English Town Chronicles 

i. Early Chronicles of London ..... 

ii. Fifteenth-Century Chronicles of London 

iii. Chronicles of English Towns other than London . 

iv. Fabyan to Stow : end of the Chronicles of London 

II. Introductions to the Chronicles contained 


i. MS. of the Marquis of Bath (Longleat) 

ii. MS. St. John's College Oxford 57 

iii. MS. Rawlinson B. 355 . 

iv. Bale's Chronicle . 

V. MS. Gough London 10 

vi. MS. Tanner 2 

vii. MS. Western 30745 (Lynn) 










i. MS. of the Marquis of Bath 
ii. MS. Rawlinson B. 355 . 
iii. Bale's Chronicle . 
iv. MS. Gough London 10 

V. MS. Tanner 2 
vi. MS. Western 30745 






i. Early Chronicles of London 

Town chronicles have long been accorded a place, albeit a 
humble one, in the field of historical literature, but only within the 
last few years has it been possible to attempt anything like an 
exhaustive survey of them. For London, with which in this 
connexion no other English cities or towns may be compared, 
more than a score of chronicles, differing very much in date of 
compilation, length, and value, are now accessible. Further, 
critical examination of the existing versions has shown that in 
not a few cases they have been compiled from London chronicles 
not now extant, so that the total number is considerably larger 
than the list of seven drawn up more than fifty years ago as 
inclusive of all the chronicles of London. ^ Similarly there have 
been discovered many chronicles for towns other than London, 
which, although as a rule written at a somewhat later date and of 
less value, still merit consideration in any treatment of the subject 
as a whole. 

All the chronicles of London, as well as the more important 
of the similar records of other towns, were compiled between the 
last quarter of the thirteenth and the close of the sixteenth 
centuries. They begin with the Latin and French annals of the 
capital written in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 
Then, after a break of some years, come the fifteenth-century 
English chronicles of London. Beginning about this time, 
although mainly later in date, are to be found the chronicles 
of Bristol, Chester, Lynn, and other cities and boroughs. Finally, 
with the development of the craft of printing, the establishment 
of the Tudor monarchy, the experience in England of Renascence 
thought and ideas, the growth of the national consciousness, and 
the general quickening of intellectual life in sixteenth-century 
and particularly Elizabethan England, the town chronicler is 
superseded by the historical writer of wider outlook and more 
advanced methods, and whilst the figure of John Stow peers 

' By Nichols, Preface to the Grey Friars Chronicle, Cam. Soc, 1853, 


out somewhat pathetically from the last years of the sixteenth 
century, we have but to raise our eyes to see the more stately 
person of his contemporary, the Lord Chancellor, who, besides 
being a historian — not a chronicler — was also a philosopher and 
a man of letters. 

The earliest town chronicle extant is found in a volume of 
civic and historical collections known as the Liber de Antiquis 
Legibus} the title really being applicable to but a small portion 
of the volume still preserved in the Guildhall Library. The 
chronicle of London is in Latin, beginning in 1189, and it was 
brought down to 1374 by the original writer, probably Arnold 
Fitzthedmar, alderman and possibly town clerk — or its equivalent 
— in the capital until his death in the early years of the reign of 
Edward I. Meagre for the early part of the thirteenth century, 
the chronicle becomes of considerable value for the period 
1258-74, containing, in addition to its annalistic entries, copies 
of documents not found elsewhere. A second writer has made 
additions of no great value in Norman French which reach to 
the year 1337. 

Next, and likewise in Latin, comes the chronicle entitled 
Annates Londonienses by Bishop Stubbs,^ who edited it from 
a transcript made some years before the Cotton fire in 1731 
almost destroyed the original. This original was incomplete at 
the beginning — it commenced with the year 1195 — and reached 
to 1329. As far as 1301 the Annates consists in the main of an 
adaptation and abridgement of a version of the Flores Historiraum, 
though the closeness of the connexion varies; from 11 95 to 1245 
it is a ' servile abridgement ' with additions of local interest, but 
the additions increase in length for the later part of the century, 
pointing to the use of another chronicle as well as the Flores. 
From 1293 to 1301 there is agap,but from the latter year to 1327 
the annals ' contain a relation which is simply invaluable for the 
closing events of the one reign and the early troubles of the 
next '? After another break the chronicle ends with a few 
notices of the first three years of the reign of the third Edward. 
In this record also there are documentary insertions, as, for 
example, those relating to the trial of William Wallace in 1305 ; * 
the later part of the Annates is wide in scope, and there is 
throughout interest in ecclesiastical affairs. Stubbs concluded, 
on internal evidence, that the ' chronicle might well be the work 

' Ed. T. Stapleton, Cam. Soc, 1846 ; translated, along with the Croniques 
de Londres, by H. T. Riley, Chronicles of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London, 
1863 (see Intro, iv, for an account of the contents of the Liber de Antiquis 
Legibus, and ibid, viii-ix for its probable author). 

" Chronicles of the reigns of Edward I and Edward II, R. S. i, 1882. 

' Ibid, xix ; and cf. xli. * Annates, 139-42. 


of Andrew Horn' (d. 1338), fishmonger and chamberlain of the 
capital, who left to his city the valuable Liber Qishcmariim. 
Whilst there cannot be certainty on the point, that the writer 
should be a city official is probable enough, and accords well 
with the authorship of the later city chronicles. We can trace 
no direct relationship between the Liber de Antiquis Legibus 
and these later records, but the Annales has some connexion 
with the English chronicles of London. There is close resem- 
blance between statements in these later annals of the capital and 
entries — not found in the Flores — which occur in the early part 
of the Amiales, and whilst there is enough difference to preclude 
the idea that these later compilers used the Annales^ the con- 
clusion that both the earlier and later chroniclers used ' a brief 
London chronicle, compiled in the latter part of the thirteenth 
century V but now lost, seems justifiable. 

It has been remarked that the first chronicle of London has 
additions in French, and the next development is a wholly 
French civic record, covering the years 1276-1345.^ The use 
of this language was natural enough in a non-monastic record 
written at this period ; several chronicles of a more general 
nature were written in the French tongue about this time ; 
romances, ballads, and other works of a more purely literary 
nature in the same language circulated in England ; French 
ruled in the law courts and was largely used to record the pro- 
ceedings of Parliament ; and, in more close alliance to these deLondres, the invaluable collections of John Carpenter, 
made early in the next century, contain much matter of civic 
interest in the same Norman French.^ The author of this 
chronicle is unknown; the earlier part, to 1307, is of little value, 
and bears some resemblance both to the preceding Annales and 
the later English city chronicles, although it is improbable that 
the compilers of the latter made use of the Croniques; from 1307 
to the end the record of events is fuller, independent, and of value 
for general affairs — such as the French wars of Edward III — as 
well as for the course of events in London. Such, in brief, are 
the first three chronicles of London, the first three town chronicles 
for England now extant. Standing apart from each other and 
from the later city chronicles, they can represent only a portion 
of the early fruit of the impulse to record the happenings of the 
capital ; they form an Angevin prelude to the work of the 
Lancastrian and Yorkist civic annalists. 

• Kingsford, Chron. of Land, vi-vii. Mr. Kingsford, ibid, (notes), gives 
examples of the close connexion between statements in the Annales and 
entries in the later English chronicles of London. 

' Croniques de Londres, ed. G. J. Aungier, Cam. Soc, 1844. 

' The Custumals of the Cinque Ports, made in the time of Edward III, 
are also in Norman French (Lyons, History of Dover, 1813, ii. 267-86). 


ii. The Fifteenth-Century Chronicles of London 

For the next sixty years or so we have no town chronicles. 
One or two London chronicles may have been written — there is 
a list of city officers ^ with one or two brief notes in Latin, 
apparently compiled about the commencement of the reign of 
Henry V, which may be the last of a more vigorous group of 
Latin city chronicles. But the dearth is probably due in some 
measure to the absorption of the Londoners in the rising fortunes 
of their city. The latter half of the fourteenth century witnessed 
a great increase in the wealth of London and its merchants ; it 
was at this time that the greater city companies began to obtain 
charters and to distinguish themselves from the numerous lesser 
crafts, as, for instance, in their claim that the mayor should 
belong to one or other of these ' Livery Companies ' ; the growing 
importance of the native merchant can also be seen from the 
anti-alien legislation initiated by Parliament in the reign of 
Richard IL More striking is the political influence acquired by 
the wealthy merchants in the capital, which made them play so 
large a share in the tragedy of the ill-starred Richard. With 
the advent of the Lancastrian monarch however, and the more 

^ MS. Bodley jg6. Mr. C. L. Kingsford kindly pointed out this manuscript. 
It consists of three parts, originally quite distinct. The first, in a hand of about 
the beginning of the fifteenth century, contains the catalogue of London 
officers ; the second is a slightly later copy of Lydgate's ' Birthe and Life of 
our ladye ' ; the third, probably of the eleventh century, includes the lives of 
Saints Cuthbert and Julian, and was once the property of St. Augustine's 
Abbey, Canterbury (M. R. James, The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and 
Dover, pp. 238, 517). The first part contains some devotional and historical 
pieces of no great value, such as the ' Life of Adam ' (ff. 1-16), ' Nomina 
Regum Anglorum post monarchiam ', ' Forma Regum et Reginarum 
Coronacionis Anglie ' (fo. 47), ' Depositio Ricardi Secundi ' (fo. 65), with 
which this portion of the MS. ends imperfectly. The list of city officials 
begins ' Nomina Ballivorum maiorum et vicecomitum londonii tempore Regis 
Ricardi primi '. To 1392 only the names of the city officers are given; 
thereafter there are one or two brief notices of events until 1415. At this 
date the first hand ceases, and a second takes the list as far as 1422, likewise 
giving one or two brief Latin notices, that for 141 5 being the longest. ' Et in 
eodem anno rex praedictam villam nomine Harflew intravit et earn obtinuit 
in die sancti mauri abbatis et postea usque Agyncourt equitavit et ibi 
victoriam obtinuit in die sanctorum Crispini et Crispiniani et tandem ad 
Calisiam pervenit. Et dicto anno venerunt in Angliam Sigismundus 
Romanorum Rex et Dux HoUandie ad tractandum pro pace inter regem 
Anglie et ffrancie et gallicos.' This hand is not so good as the first, which 
is very clear and neat, and there is no illumination as before 141 5. Finally 
a third and distinctly worse hand has carried, the list down to 1474, but no 
events are recorded. 


steady development of fifteenth-century London, there came 
more attention to the pursuits of leisure. It is interesting to 
notice that the writing of the early fifteenth-century chronicles 
of London coincided with a period of much activity in building 
and repairing in London ; the same impulse led at once to the 
beautifying and re-edifying of the city and to the recording of 
its history. In 1397 Blackwell Hall was purchased for a cloth 
market ; within a few years the redoubted Whittington, as mayor, 
founded a library in the Grey Friars in the city, and left money 
to repair St. Bartholomew's Hospital and rebuild Newgate gaol. 
In 1410 the new Guildhall was begun, and in 1419 — the same 
year in which Carpenter was compiling his monumental account 
of the laws and customs of his city — Simon Eyre, another 
famous mayor, built Leaden Hall as a granary for corn ; four 
years later Newgate was rebuilt, whilst new ' conducts ' for 
taking water to various main thoroughfares in the city were 
constantly being made about this time. The city enjoyed a 
sequence of public-spirited mayors, who, after spending their 
energies when in office on the development of their city, left 
bequests of no small magnitude to carry on their work long after 
they themselves had passed away. And not only in London 
was the growth of wealth seen ; other cities and towns followed 
in its wake, and in the matter of public building, the founding 
of schools and endowment of chantries and chapels, showed 
themselves possessors, in no small degree, of the spirit of civic 

The growth of burghal organization and interest therein is 
apparent from the large number of town records which begin at 
this period. And as town chronicles may be considered as a kind 
of unofficial town record, in many cases the work of men busied 
with the government of the town, sometimes, as in the case of 
the first and best of the Bristol town chronicles, writing their 
works at the express command of the city authorities, it will not 
be out of place to notice this development, which synchronizes, 
with the writing of the English chronicles of London. In town 
after town the last years of the fourteenth century or the first 
half of the fifteenth saw the mayor or his clerk, the sheriff or 
the chamberlain, or their equivalents, commencing to keep some 
sort of record. Of course, those now extant may not in all cases 
represent the first records which were kept, but from the large 
number of places in which there begin proceedings of the mayor 
and councils, chamberlains' accounts, records of the various 
courts held in the town, and even less strictly municipal pro- 

1 Cf. Vict. Hist, of London, i. 215, 225-6; Mrs. Green, Town Life in the 
ijtk Century, ii. 11-16. 


ductions such as the minute books of the various town gilds, 
there can be no doubt that there was at that date a very con- 
siderable growth of interest in the course and conduct of the 
affairs of the English towns. In Chester the ' Mayors' Books ' 
were begun in 1393-4 and the 'Sheriffs' books' — concerned 
with the courts held by those officers — seven years later ; ^ 
the minute books of the authorities of Salisbury exist 'in 
regular sequence' from the days of Richard II, and with the 
fifteenth century commence the financial accounts of the Cham- 
berlain there.^ The burgesses of Canterbury obtained a most 
gorgeously bound volume in 1393, in which to enter the ' Cof- 
ferer's accounts year by year ; ^ the ' Whyte Boke ' of Lincoln, 
the register of the mayoral acts, dates from 1421 ; * the records 
of the ' Court of Brotherhood ' of the Cinque Ports began eleven 
years later.' How closely these town records could approximate 
in form at least to the town chronicles may be seen from the 
Diary of the Corporation of ReadiJig.^ Begun in 1431, only a 
year or two before the compilation of the earliest English chronicle 
of London extant, it contains a record of the acts of the mayor 
and his council, the entries for each mayoral year being prefixed 
by the heading ' tempore A.B. tunc majoris villae de Redyngia' 
and the date, in fairly close correspondence with the placing of 
the names of the city officers before the record of each year in 
the chronicles of London. The Leet Book of Coventry,' a record 
of more than ordinary value for the light it throws on the life of 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. VIII, App., 366, 373. The 'Jurats' Book' of 
Hythe, concerned with the cases which came before the town bailiffs, began 
in 1412, and various records of the meetings of the Hundred Court of the 
same port exist from the end of the fourteenth century {ibid., Rep. IV, 1874, 
App., 430, 434) ; New Romney had its ' Court Book ' in 1429 {ibid., Rep. VI, 
1877, App., 540). 

^ Ibid. (vol. li, 1907), 191-2. In Bridgewater the bailiffs' account rolls 
exist from the reign of Richard II, and those of the water bailiffs from 1441 
{ibid.. Rep. I, App., 98) ; the chamberlains' accounts of the port of Lydd, of 
much value for the light they throw on the finances of the borough, begin 
' near the commencement of the reign of Henry VI ' {ibid.. Rep. V, 1876, App., 
516). Bridport, too, possesses the accounts kept by its bailiffs from 1413 to 
1453 {ibid.. Rep. VI, 1877, 476). 

' Ibid., Rep. IX, App. i, 137. 

* Ibid., Rep. XIV, App. viii, 1895, 21. 

'■• Ibid., Rep. IV, 1874, 428. 

" Ed. J. M. Guilding, vol. i (1431-1602), 1892 ; the minute books of the 
city council in York, existing from 1481 onwards, contain a similar but 
briefer heading to the record of each meeting (R. Davies, Extracts from the 
Municipal Records of York, 1843, 105, 120, 207). 

' Now being edited by Miss Donner Harris for the E.E. T. S.; two 
volumes have appeared (1907 and 1908); the third volume, which is to 
complete the work and furnish an introduction to the whole, is to come ; cf. 
also Hist. MSS. Comm. (vol. xl, 1899), 107. 


an English borough of almost the first rank in the fifteenth 
century, begins in 1421. 

The town of Beverley in Yorkshire affords a good illustration 
of the same interest; the first town minute-book extant dates 
from 1436, but the ' Great Gild Book V giving the acts of the 
chief gild in the town, was begun in 1409. Of more interest, 
however, as a more official town record, is the Chartulary of the 
borough. The rulers of Beverley took the trouble to re-copy 
this collection of charters, privileges, and by-laws, towards the 
close of the fourteenth century, and town officials of the first 
half of the fifteenth century made entries of varying description 
in the volume. The interests of the burgesses of Beverley, how- 
ever, were not confined to their own town ; amongst the borough 
records we find a copy of ' the appoyntment made betwyx the 
Bastard of Orliance and Burdelez ' and the text of the bills sent 
by Richard of York to Henry VI in 1452, with the royal answer 

In not a few English boroughs were the privileges and customs 
of the town put in black and white — or usually in more brilliant 
colours — about the same time. In some cases, as in that of 
Beverley, it was the transcribing of an older work ; so Romney, 
one of the Cinque Ports, had its custumal copied in the time of 
Henry VI, and a certain John Series, town clerk of Sandwich in 
the reign of the first Yorkist monarch, performed the same task 
for the sister borough.^ In many other towns, however, the 
impulse to codify the customs of the town was first experienced 
at this period. Colchester, in the reign of Richard II, acquired 
an ' Oath Book ' in which the town clerk entered oaths, charters, 
and other matters relating to the borough.* Best known of all, 
perhaps, is the collection of John Carpenter, town clerk of London, 

* Similar records for gilds were begun about this time in several English 
towns ; the ' Great Ledger ' of the Stratford gilds was commenced just three 
years earlier, in 1406 {Hist. AISS. Comtn., Rep. IX, A"pp. i, 290); the Holy 
Trinity Gild Book of Wisbeach dates back to 1397 (ibid. 293) ; the Assembly 
Book of the Gild of St. George in Norwich was begun in 1442 (ibid. 102); 
in Bridport no less than six gilds had their books of accounts and assemblies 
in the early years of Henry VI (ibid.. Rep. VI, App., 1877, 477-8)- 

' Hist. MSS. Comm. (vol. xxxvii, 1900), 520-1, 523, 533, 547-8, 621. 

' Ibid., Rep. IV, 1874, App., 441 ; ibid., Rep. V, 1876, App., 568 ; the little 
town of Fordwich near Canterbury, probably moved by the example of 
Sandwich, also had its ' Custumale villae de Fordwico preciossimum ' copied 
out some time in the latter half of the fifteenth century (C. E. Woodruff, 
A History of the Town and Port of Fordwich, 1895, 213-4; Hist. MSS. 
Comm., Rep. V, 1876, App., 606). It is worth noting that the Red Book and 
other records of the Exchequer were likewise ordered to be transcribed in 
the reign of Henry VI (H. Hall, The Red Book of the Exchequer, vol. i, 
1896, ix). 

* H. Harrod, Report o>i the Records of the Borough of Colchester, 1865, 2. 


who in 1419 completed the Liter Albus, with its vast stores of 
information concerning fourteenth-century London. The Liber 
Custumarum of Northampton, ' the book of the ancient usuages 
and customs of the towne,' was written by an unknown but thank- 
worthy townsman about the middle of the fifteenth century ; ^ 
Salisbury and Norwich had their Domesday Books, similar in 
character to the Liber CtisHimarum, drawn up respectively in the 
reigns of Henry V and his successor.^ For Worcester, some- 
what later it is true, we have some information as to how these 
custumals were made. There still remain the ' Ordinances, 
Constitutions, and Articles made by the King's commandment 
and by the whole assent of the citizens inhabitants in the City of 
Worcester, at their gild merchant, holden the Sunday in the 
Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, the year of the reign 
of king Edward the fourth after the Conquest the vj*"" '. This 
enjoined, amongst other things, that copies should be made of 
the Charters, proceedings of the town gilds and other documents, 
and entrusted to the care of the bailiffs, who were, at the expira- 
tion of their term of ofifice, to hand them on to their successors.^ 
More unofficial was the work of Thomas Grantham, a former 
mayor of Lincoln and mayor of the Staple of Calais, who in 1480 
took the trouble to ' draw out ' the ' custumari of the city of 
Lincoln of old ancient time accustomed and used ' from French 
into English, at his own cost and labour.* Examples could be 
multiplied, the more easily of course as we get so far on in the 
century, but enough has been said to show that the town 
chronicles written in the fifteenth century were not so much 
exotics on a soil of burghal illiteracy and lack of interest in the 
recording of the course of municipal affairs, as a natural growth, 
accompanying for London and succeeding for other English 
towns the development of the more narrow and official borough 

The early Latin chronicles of London had been succeeded by 
a Norman French record in the fourteenth century. The same 
century, however, saw the English tongue supplant its foreign- 
born conqueror. It is true that prose developed more slowly 

' Ed. C. A. Markham, 1895 ; also in Records of Northampton, ed. Cox and 
Markham, ii. 

^ Hist. MSS. Comin., vol. li, 1907, 191 ; ibid.. Rep. I, App., 102. And cf. 
also Records of the City of Norwich, vol. i, ed. Rev. W. Hudson (1906), cxix, 
133-99, for the Custumal ; ii, ed. T. Tingey (1910), 255-318, for the ' Liber 
Albus ' of the city, drawn up in 1406. 

^ T. Smith, English Gilds, jE. E. T. S., 1870, 376-7 ; V. Green, Hist, and 
Antiq. of Worcester, 1796, ii, App., xlix-Ixx, xcvii ; R. Woof, Catalogue 
of MS. Records in the Library of the Corporation of Worcester, 1874, 

« Hist. MSS. Cotmn.^ Rep. XIV, 1895, 490. 


whilst Chaucer led and others followed in the creation of English 
verse — although Lydgate at least of the Chaucerians wrote 
verse not very far removed from prose. Howbeit the writing, or 
rather the translation, of chronicles was amongst the first achieve- 
ments of the native prose. Robert Mannyng, canon at Sem- 
pringham in Lincolnshire, translated the rhyming French of 
Langtoft's chronicle of England into English prose in the first 
quarter of this same fourteenth century, and the last quarter 
witnessed a more imposing work in John de Trevisa's translation, 
from the Latin, of Higden's Polichronicon, a work copied and 
re-copied in the fifteenth century and popular enough for 
Caxton to print — and continue — as one of the first products of 
the English press. In the grammar schools, too, Trevisa tells us, 
French was being superseded by English. So that the citizens 
of London, who in the early fifteenth century began to write the 
annals of their city, used the language familiarized not only in 
speech but in writing. An interesting side-light is thrown on the 
place English had come to take even in official records, by an 
ordinance of the Brewers' Company in the capital, who decree 
that ' whereas our mother tongue, to wit, the English tongue, 
hath in modern days begun to be honourably enlarged and 
adorned . . . and our most excellent lord, king Henry V, hath . . . 
for the better understanding of his people, with a diligent mind, 
procured the common idiom ... to be recommended by the 
exercise of writing ', and as many of the craft of Brewers ' do not 
in any wise understand ' Latin or French, and ' the greater part \ 
of the lords and trusty commons have begun to make their 
matters to be noted down in our mother tongue ', therefore the '■ 
ordinances of their craft also are henceforth to be written in 

It has been conjectured ^ that the earliest English chronicle of 
London — possibly in part at least a translation from a Latin 
original — was made in the early years of Henry V. The earliest 
of these chronicles we possess, however, ends with the names of 
the city officers for 1432-3.^ From that date onwards we can 
place the compilation of a London chronicle, with fair probability, 
within every succeeding decade of the century. 

Three years later than the St. Johns College Chronicle, ends that 
in Cotton Julius B. II, chiefly of value for the documents 

* Herbert, Livery Companies, 1837, i. 105-6; Leicester had caused a 
translation into English of its ' Great Charter ' (of 1277) to be made in the 
time of Henry VI {Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. VHI, App., 423). 

' Kingsford, Chron. of Land., viii. 

» MS. St. John's College Oxford 57 ; the sixteenth-century transcript of 
a city chronicle in the possession of the Marquis of Bath also ends (im- 
perfectly) in the year 1432, cf. the list given below (pp. 96-8). 


it contains. Then come two versions very closely related — 
Vitellius F.IX, ending in 1439, and Harhy j6j, finishing four 
years later, the second of these being the fullest of all these 
London chronicles for the years before it becomes contemporary, 
as it was the first to be printed (in 1823). In Vitellius F. IX 
(with which in content the St. Johns College MS. maybe joined) 
and another Cottonian MS. {Jtdiiis B. I), although the record of 
events is thinner than in the Harleian MS., there is compensation 
in the form of the lengthy and fairly numerous documents which 
besprinkle their pages. The two chronicles are identical for the 
most part save that Julius B. I is continued, though in rather 
meagre fashion, to the death of Edward IV, soon after which it 
was probably written. The year 1443, '^^'^'^ which the Harleian 
record closes, saw the end of another chronicle of London, 
Cleopatra C IV, imperfect at the beginning and, like some of the 
other chronicles, showing evidence of the work of more than one 
hand. Then for some years there is a break. Probably the 
disastrous course of the English cause in France, coupled with 
the growing bitterness of parties at home, left men with less 
leisure and smaller impulse to turn their hands to the compiling 
of annals, for it is not until the days of Edward IV that the 
current of chronicle writing in the city can again be perceived. 
We cannot of course say that no city chronicles were written in 
the later part of Henry's reign, nor can we affirm that of the six 
chronicles ^ most probably written in the days of Edward IV none 
were begun in the reign of his predecessor. At least two or three, 
in their partisan attitude to the events they recount, possess some- 
thing beyond a servile adherence to the reigning house : like the 
writer of the work usually known as the Ettglisk Chronicle,^ who 
chose a Brut chronicle instead of a chronicle of London on which to 
graft his strongly Yorkist record of the early part of the Wars of 
the Roses, they represented Yorkist opinion in the city before as 
well as after the second battle of St. Albans. Last of these 
fifteenth-century manuscript chronicles may be considered MS. 
Cotton Vitellius A. XVI. In the first part (written about 1440), 
it bears close resemblance to Gregory s Chronicle. In the second 
portion (to 1485) it is in all probability largely based upon a lost 
London chronicle used by Fabyan, the author of MS. Gough 
London 10, Caxton, and possibly others. Like the rest of these 
chronicles, however, it is independent in its latest years, which, 
though not in one hand, cover the reign of the first Tudor. The 
chronicles of London did not cease to be compiled then ; printed 

^ MS. Rawlinson B. jj^, Bale's Chronicle, Harley Roll C. 8, A Short 
English Chronicle, Gregory's Chronicle, MS. Gotigh London 10. 
^ Ed. J. S. Davies, Cam. Soc, 1856. 


and even manuscript versions of over half a century later exist. \ 
But with the introduction of printing and the many movements \ 
conveniently summed up in the word Renascence, the peculiar ' 
position of the chronicles of London has gone, and a new era in j 
historical writing opens. ; 

These fifteenth-century chronicles of London vary of course in ' 
length from little more than a bare list of the city officers ^ to 
a comparatively full record of the history of the capital. Equally 
widely do they differ in value. Like the many transcribers of the 
£rui Chronicle at this time, the chroniclers of London were quite 
content to copy from previous writers, adding their account of 
what had happened in their own day. Thus the chronicles in 
MSS. Vitellms F. IX, Jtdius B. /, Harley_^6j, St. Johns College 
Oxford /7 ; Gregory s Chronicle, and Robert Bale's Chronicle are 
very closely related as far as the opening of the reign of Henry VI, 
and some of them as far as 1^39. Indeed it is almost impossible 
to say which, if any, of the existing chronicles formed the basis 1 
of the others, so closely and so confusedly are they connected, ■ 
whilst the servility of the early part of these records necessarily i 
diminishes their value very much. Not a few of these chronicles 
of London gain a value above that of their virtues as city annals, 
by their insertion of documents of more general interest — agree- 
ments, treaties, bills presented in Parliament, letters, and even 
poems, of which in some cases they are the sole repository. By 
far the larger part of the London chronicle in MS. Cotton 
Julius B.If^ is taken up with three documents, the record of the 
proceedings of the fateful Parliament of 1399, the bill against the 
clergy in 1410, and the agreement arrived at in 1426 between 
Duke Humphrey of Gloucester and the Bishop of Winchester. 
In Gregory s Chronicle, Bale's Chronicle, and MS. Cotton Jtdius 
B.I are to be found copies of the treaties for the surrender of 
several of the French towns gained and lost in the reigns of 
Henry V and his successor, the text of the Treaty of Troyes 
(143c), and the agreement made between the Dukes of Bedford, 

1 Such as MS. Rawlinson B. jjp in the Bodleian Library, which begins 
'Nomina maiorum et vicecomitum civitatis Londonii tempore Johannis regis 
Angliae post conquestum decimo anno primus erat maior ; quia ante tempus 
illud custodes erant et balhvi '. It gives the names of the city officers as far 
as 1530 with very occasional notices of events, the last being a mention of 
the death of Wolsey in that year (fo. 17). Then follows a list of the wardens 
and ' custodes ' of the ' misterae sive fraternitatis Groceri ', the MS. being in 
all probability the work of a member of that Company. A list of the city 
officers from 1 189 to 1549 is also contained in Z^Z/^r ^oi5,^i^(ed.Sharpe, 1904J, 
276-303, with very occasional notices of historical events (e.g. p. 288). 

^ Kingsford, Chronicles of London, 19-62, 65-;-8, 76-95 J they are also given 
in the sixteenth-century version in the possession of the Marquis of Bath •, 
for the date of the anti-clerical bill see below, pp. 58-9. 

1125 B 


Burgundy, and Brittany three years later. The writer of the third 
chronicle in MS. VitelHusA. XF/ inserts the text of a letter sent 
by Henry VII from Calais to the city of London concerning his 
negotiations with the Archduke Philip in 1500.1 The same 
writer preserves some verses in praise of London made by the 
poet Dunbar on the occasion of a dinner given to the Scottish 
ambassadors by the mayor in 1501, and the verses made for the 
entry of Princess Katharine into the capital,^ just as Lydgate's 
verses written for civic pageants were inserted by the chroniclers 
earlier in the century,^ or the Ballad of Agincourt by the writer 
of MS. Cotton Cleopatra C. IV.* And as late as the time of 
Elizabeth we find Stow's chronicle of value for the fifteenth 
century in part at least from the documents, such as the articles 
of the rebels of 1450, or the formal claim of Perkin Warbeck to 
the English crown, which his laborious researches brought to 
light and his antiquarian tastes led him to insert in his work. 

When writing independently, and as contemporary or almost 
contemporary authorities — as do most of these London chroni- 
clers in the final part of their works — their annals are more 
evidently and directly of value. Even here, however, it must 
be admitted that they owe much of their importance to the 
dearth of historical literature more worthy of the name. The 
monastic chroniclers had gone, or were fast going, ere the 
fifteenth century was well on its way. The stream of historical 
writing which had flowed so long from the Abbey of St. Albans 
grew feebler, and at last dried up. Abbot Whethamstede kept 
his Register in the unquiet days of the struggle between Lan- 
caster and York, but he is primarily concerned with retailing the 
fortunes of his abbey, and it is not a little because the rival Roses 
fought more than once within sight and hearing of the abbey, 
that his work is an authority of importance for the intestine 
warfare. It is true that Capgrave, prior of the Augustinian 
Friary at Lynn and provincial of his order in England, devoted 
no small part of his time to historical work, writing his Liber 
de Illustribtcs Henricis concerning Emperors, English monarchs, 
and others bearing that name and, in English, his Chronicle of 
England. The latter is of some importance for the reign of 
Henry V, and also as illustrating mid-fifteenth-century prose 
writing, but the work ends in 141 7, and Capgrave is more 
famous for the voluminous nature of his work than for his his- 

' Kingsford, op. at. 229-31, and note, 332, 'the text of Henry's letter is 
^ven here only.' 

* Ibid. 253-5, 233-48. 

' E. g. Cotton Julius B. II, pp. 97-1 16 ; MS. Harley ^6^ (Nicolas, Chronicle 
of London), 257 ; Gregory's Chronicle, 49-54. 

* Kingsford, op. cit. 123-2. 


torical skill. William Worcester, busied in his secretarial work 
in London, and Warkworth, teaching at Peterhouse, cannot be 
reckoned as belonging to this class, and it is largely the lack 
of better authorities which makes Worcester's rather confused 
Annales, and Warkworth's continuation of a Brut chronicle, of 
value. The Croyland continuation, and the recently discovered 
chronicle of Butley Priory, still maintained a glimmer of what 
had been a brighter light, the one until the opening of the reign 
of Henry VII, the other until the rude winds of the Reformation 
quenched it once and for all. But the fire from the torch of 
historical learning had been carried out into the more stormy 
air of secular life, and it burnt but dimly until the warm winds 
wafted from the shores of Italy and Greece came to blow upon 
it and fan it into quickening flame, until, in Tudor days, it was 
invigorated by an atmosphere charged with national pride and 
scholarly temper. 

Feebly as it burnt in this fifteenth century, however, there was 
a freshness about its light which it had sometimes failed to 
possess in the more calm and confined spaces of the cloister and 
the scriptorium. The imaginative powers of the merchant or 
alderman of London might be poor, his powers of expression 
might be feeble, but his narrative has at times a vividness which 
the monastic chronicles lacked ; he wrote in the native tongue, 
with simple pen, sometimes with a homely wit, of the things, for 
the most part commonplace things, in which he was interested, 
rumours he heard in the Guildhall, sights he saw in Cheapside. 
These chroniclers tell us of the doings of the Mayor, who 
naturally occupies a very considerable place in their thoughts. 
' For within London ', says one of them with genuine civic pride, 
' the mayor is next the king in all manner of things.' ^ They 
speak of his election, how he presides at civic feasts and im- 
portant trials, of his attempts to keep order in the city, of any 
breach he may make in civic customs — such as that of riding to 
Westminster to take his oath. They relate how the city pays its 
share in taxation, how it provides men or money for foreign 
wars ; they occasionally throw light on the history of the gild 
organizations in the capital, especially in their relations to the 
■civic authorities. They write of portents in the sky, of the 
weather, of good and bad harvests, of the price of food, of out- 
breaks of plague, of outbreaks against aliens dwelling in or 
trading with their townsmen or fellow-countrymen ; they are 
interested in the buildings of the city, what accidents befall 
them, of their repair or rebuilding, and in the erection of 
new edifices ; one of them could mention the royal foundation 

1 Gregory's Chronicle {Coll. of a London Citisen), 112. 
B a 


of Eton, another could make casual comment on the early 
voyages of discovery. They tell of sermons and recantations 
from heresy at St. Paul's, of executions at Tyburn, of the 
ghastly decorations on London Bridge or the city gates, of 
beheadings on Tower Hill. They can dilate at length on the 
celebrations accompanying a royal coronation, or the entry of 
a new-made queen to the capital, even to the inclusion of the 
menu at the feast. They have a keen eye and ready pen for the 
pageants and jousts which accompanied such gatherings — Edward 
Hall, who in the time of the eighth Henry revelled in such things 
and described them with unflagging ardour, is in this at least 
a Londoner of the Londoners — for the comings and goings of 
the court and the nobility, for the meetings of Parliament or the 
Council, for the arrival and departure of ambassadors and their 
trains, for the advent of papal legates and the like — in short, for 
the whole busy and absorbing life of the chief city of the king- 
dom, the capital, ' the king's chamber,' in which and about which 
the life of the nation was being focused in the fifteenth century 
in a way it had never been before. Lydgate was best known as 
a writer for and about London. The Paston Letters, invaluable 
as they are in giving us a picture of certain classes of society in 
the latter half of the fifteenth century, owe not a little of their 
importance as a source for the general history of the country to 
the fact that certain of the correspondents wrote from the capital 
and gossiped of what was happening and what was being talked 
of there ; it was in London that the ideas and ideals of the 
Renascence first blossomed into flower, just as the principles of 
the Reformation took strong and enduring root there. 

For of course much of what went on in London and which 
these chronicles record was not merely of civic interest ; nor are 
their interests entirely confined to their own city. Even if he 
would, the wealthy merchant, the loyal official, could not be blind 
to the wars and rumours of wars when their course and their 
effects were demonstrated so plainly by the calls upon his pocket, 
his time, or even, in the frequent riots in or about the city, the 
strength of his sinews. It is true that the city chroniclers on the 
whole look at events of national importance rather from inside 
the city gates ; on not a few occasions it is by ' letters ' or ' tidings ' 
to Master Mayor that they hear of and relate happenings at all 
distant from the capital. But in the absence of other authorities 
their testimony is often of no mean importance. It would be 
tedious to point out the many successive events where the city 
chroniclers give us information obtainable from no other sources.. 
The imperfect chronicle in MS. Cleopatra C. /Fis rather excep- 
tional in the attention it pays to French affairs, notably around 
i\gincourt, and again later in the years 1432-9, where it supplies. 


* one of the best of the scanty narratives of the war from the 
English side'.^ For the troubles which preceded the Wars of 
the Roses, and for the wars themselves, all the chronicles of 
London written in the latter half of the fifteenth century have 
some contribution to make, and the fact that in treating of the 
events of their own day they often take sides does not alto- 
gether detract from their value, whilst it assuredly adds to their 
interest. Some of them indeed are less moved than we should 
expect; they can record the victory or defeat of the royal 
arms, the passing of an all-important measure, with a formality 
and absence of feeling which, as it can scarce be put down to 
philosophic calm, was apparently the result of lack of sufficient 
knowledge or interest. They are, somewhat naturally, fullest for 
the rising of 1450, when several of those who wrote in the reign 
of Edward IV must have seen the Kentish host on Blackheath 
and witnessed the triumphant procession of its captain through 
the city, may even have fought on that Sunday night in July 
when the citizens essayed to drive the rebels over London Bridge 
and out of the capital. Bales Chronicle, A Short English 
Chronicle, Gregory's Chronicle, MS. Vitellins A. XVI (whose 
account has as much claim to be considered independent as the 
substantially identical one in Fabyan), all give us independent 
and fairly lengthy accounts of the insurrection, each supple- 
menting the work of the others, and forming, together, the main 
source for our knowledge of the events of that movement.^ 
Similarly almost all our knowledge of the anti-Lombard riots of 
1456-7 comes from the London chroniclers, just as the Londoner 
Hall, early in the next century, has preserved by far the fullest 
account of the ' 111 May Day' of 1517. And for the large part 
played by the capital in the political struggles of the thirty-five 
years after Cade's rising, and even later, we are not a little 
dependent for our knowledge of events on these same and 
succeeding chroniclers of London. The chronicle Vitellius 
A. XVI has long been known and recognized as a valuable 
authority for the reign of Henry VII. With MS. Gough Lon- 
don 10 it gives the best account extant of the trials which took 
place in 1495 of those persons in England suspected of com- 
plicity in Perkin Warbeck's schemes. In like manner it is the 
recognized source for the history of the Cornish rebellion of 
1497. In common with the other city chronicles for this period 
it is of value as throwing light on the condition of the capital in 
matters religious on the eve of the breach with Rome,^ whilst 

' Kingsford, op. cit. xlii. 117-26, 136-46. 

2 Cf. G. Krejhn, The English Rising in 1450, 1 892, p. 7 seq. 

^ Fisher, in Pol. Hist, of England (Longmans), v (1485-1547), 486. 


its two entries about the discovery movement^ must not be 

The virtues of these chroniclers of London are almost all, 
however, the virtues of a contemporary observer, scarcely at all 
those of the historian. When all that is possible has been said 
of their good qualities it cannot be said to amount to very much. 
If their writings be not 'absolutely contemptible', as to one 
eminent historian the English historical literature of this century 
presented itself,^ certainly they will not bear comparison with 
contemporary productions in Italy or even France. The London 
chroniclers are servile copyists for a large portion of their works, 
and they — or their scribes — are not perfect at that. Criticism of 
their sources, when they use more than one source, seems to 
have been beyond them ; easier to record the same event twice 
than to try and reconcile accounts divergent in content or date." 
Indeed it would be surprising if they displayed acuteness of 
criticism along with the credulity, the belief in signs and omens 
which they shared with their age and which had not disappeared 
when Stow and Holinshed wrote. As their models were poor, 
it was not likely that at a time when learning was at a low ebb, 
before English prose had felt the touch of Malory or his suc- 
cessors, citizens of London should produce works displaying 
imaginative power or literary merit. Their writings are not 
without a place in the story of the development of the English 
tongue. They helped to familiarize it, to shape it for the flights 
it accomplished in the next century ; their homely phrases and 
quaint conceits are the legitimate albeit humble parents of some 
of the qualities which gave the English of later Tudor days an 
abiding greatness. They were, however, untouched by the in- 
fluence of foreign literature. With the exception of the reference 
of Bale to two romances which originally came from the French, 
there is nothing to show that they were interested in this side of 
fifteenth-century life ; it is from Stow that we hear of a week- 
long play at Skinners' Well in the reign of Henry IV, and yet 
Stow was capable of ignoring the dramatic achievements of his 
own day. The narrowness of their point of view has been men- 
tioned, and the form of their works helped to check any attempt 
to treat a subject as a whole. Dividing their annals so definitely 
into years, and these not calendar or regnal but mayoral years, 
they plod heavily through the course of the months from October 

^ Kingsford, ^/.«/., 203-4; 213-16; 211,222,226,229; 224,228,327-30; 
337-8 ; below, pp. 79-81. 

' Hallam, Literatiue 0/ Europe , i. 329. 

' E.g. Harley j(5j mentions Bedford's victory at Harfleur twice ; Gough 
London 10 twice records the ' battle of the bridge' in 1450 ; and see below, 
Tanne?- 2 (p. 83). 


to October, and where they are best and most exact the chrono- 
logical instinct tramps ruthlessly across, and rarely or never 
along, the furrows of event and tendency. 

The chronicles are, indeed, just what we should expect of their 
authors. The first record of this sort, the Liher de Antiquis 
Legibus, is conjectured with probability to be the work of a city 
alderman, and it is to the same class of citizens that we owe the 
subsequent annals of London. The wealthiest of the burgess 
class, members of the most important of the city companies, they 
took no small part in the government of the city, and the com- 
paratively large number of such records we possess for this 
period — many more must have existed — proves that it had 
become the fashion in the fifteenth century for those with 
leisure, and interest in the history of their city, to write or at 
least possess — for some of the existing chronicles are un- 
doubtedly copies by professional scribes — a record of the sort 
here printed and described. The authors of many, of the 
majority in fact, are unknown, but those we do know approxi- 
mate fairly closely in their rank and position : Robert Bale, 
notary of the city in the beginning of the reign of Edward IV ; ^ 
William Gregory, skinner, sheriff 1436-7, and mayor fourteen 
years later, who may well enough be considered the author of 
a large part of the chronicle which goes by his name until some 
better authenticated claimant appears; the goldsmith and city 
chamberlain of the reign of Edward IV who was very possibly 
the writer of the early part of MS. Gough London 10? And 
similar, though a little later, were the well-known Robert Fabyan, 
member of the Drapers' Company, sheriff 1493-4, and city 
alderman for some years, Robert Arnold, merchant and haber- 
dasher of London in the opening years of the sixteenth century, 
or Richard Hill,' also a London merchant in the reign of 
Henry VIII. 

These worthy burgess authors and transcribers did not, how- 
ever, confine their instinct for recording matters of interest to 
the compiling of chronicles, and it would be unfair to judge them 
merely as annalists. In the works of all the writers mentioned 
above (with the exception of Fabyan, whose chronicle stands on 
a different plane and will be considered hereafter), the chronicles 
of the city of London form only part — for historical purposes it is 
true the most important part — of collections which vary in content 
and length, in interest and value, just as the interests and know- 
ledge of the different individuals who wrote them must have 
varied. Indeed, the contents of these commonplace books — 
the fittest and most inclusive title for these collections — throw 

1 Cf. below, p. 67 seq. ^ Below, pp. 75-6. ' Below, p. 25. 


more light on their authors than the city chronicles, just because 
they illustrate so well the diverse interests of their owners. The 
majority contain some matters of civic or historical interest, but 
in addition entries of a devotional or even theological nature, 
ballads and poems of all sorts current at the time, hints for those 
agriculturally or horticulturally inclined, medicinal recipes, fables, 
all are found jumbled together in the most incongruous but, 
considering the nature of the collections, the most natural way. 
Many of these works are undoubtedly the fruit of many years of 
life in the capital, receptacles in which their author might place 
anything he desired to preserve for future reference ; they are 
the precursors of the more personal journals ; they occupy for 
the fifteenth century a position analogous to that of the diarists 
who begin in the Tudor period and become so common in the 
seventeenth century. For a work of an official and strictly civic 
nature, Carpenter's volumes may be cited, but in considering 
those more general in character here too the Liber de Antiquis 
Legibus, more true in this regard to its title, must be considered 
as the first example of its kind. It contains ^ in addition to its 
civic chronicle the Assize for buildings in London, the names of 
the pontiffs and emperors of Rome ' metrice scripta ', the names 
and number of the kings of England, the genealogy of Henry VI, 
and the ' vision of Saint Edward '. Another collection of the early 
fourteenth century — though containing no chronicle — is to be 
found in the Bodleian Library, MS. Rawlinson B. ^j6, whose 
author ^ was evidently interested in borough constitutions, for in 
addition to charters and privileges of London, regulations con- 
cerning weights and measures, the customs of London Bridge and 
references to the ' little black book ', the ' great black book ', the 
' red book ' and the ' white book ', he entered in his collection 
charters of Portsmouth, of Oxford, of Exeter, of Wallingford, of 
Reading, of Andover. Similarly of civic and general historical 
interest are the commonplace books described below ^ of Robert 
Bale and the author of MS. Rawlinson B. ^/j, though the latter, 
with MS. Tanner 2, can scarce be called civic at all, and Bale 
entered not a little of a religious nature and even — rare for a citizen 
of London at the date when he lived — one or two stories of 
classical origin. In much the same way Ricart's Chronicle of 
Bristol took but one part of the six divisions which went to make 
up the Maires Kalendar, the other five being composed of 

' See 179 App. of the Liber for a list of the contents. 

^ In the volume itself, a quarto of fifty leaves of vellum, well written and 
ornamented, there is no clue to the author, but a certain ' T. Warley ' was 
apparently the owner in 1530 (ff. 16'', 95'']. 

^ pp. 62, 67. 


transcripts from early chroniclers and copies of Bristol charters 
and customs.^ 

Perhaps more interesting, certainly more miscellaneous, are 
the Historical Collections of a London citizen in the fifteenth 
century, attributed to William Gregory, and the work known as 
the Customs of London, or less correctly, inasmuch as the 
chronicle fills only about a sixth of the work, the Chronicle of 
London of Robert Arnold. The first of these contains, besides 
the Assize of Bread and Ale, the names of the churches in the 
city of London (also found in Bale, Arnold, and Stow's Survey), 
Lydgate's verses on the English kings (also found in the con- 
temporary MS. Lambeth }o6 ^), the poem on the siege of Rouen ^ 
and one or two shorter poems on ' Courtesy ', ' the Seven Sages 
of Rome ', such things as hints for blood-letting, a ' treatise of 
medicine for man's body', a note on the 'properties of a young 
gentleman'.* Arnold's work is even more conglomerate. Printed 
at Antwerp in 150a and again, with the annalistic notices brought 
up to date, in 1520, it contains copies of civic ordinances and 
oaths for officials of the city jumbled together in most indis- 
criminate fashion with advice as to the ' craft ' of planting trees, 
or the proper fashion for making 'ypocrase'. The articles of 
Magna Carta are followed by the ' craft to make ink ', and that 
again by a description of the ceremonial at the installation of 
Bishop Morton at Ely, whilst the famous ' Ballad of the Nut 
Brown Maid ' is found amongst contents of an equally mis- 
cellaneous nature. The insertion in these works of verses of 
an historical nature has been remarked, and in addition to those 
in the Collections of a London Citizen, the volume edited as 
a Short English Chronicle, likewise compiled in the reign of 
Edward IV, contains not a few verses of varying length and 
merit. But best of all, from a purely literary point of view, is 
the commonplace book of Richard Hill,° in appearance rather 
reminding one, save for its vellum cover, of the books kept 
by the twentieth-century successors of this sixteenth-century 
merchant and grocer. The volume has however long been 

^ Comparable is the Red Book of Bath, the work of a townsman or official 
of Bath in the early fifteenth century, including besides local charters, copies 
of Magna Carta and other statutes, a short Brut Chronicle, a letter of Henry V 
to Charles of France (1417) and its reply, such items as an English version 
of the Ten Commandments, some short poems and even epitaphs {Hist 
MSS. Coinm., Rep. I, App., 182). 

^ Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, ii. 

' Printed in the Collections of a London Citizen, I-46, and also in 
Archaeologia, xxi, xxii. 

* Collections of a London Citizen, i-ii. 

5 MS. Balliol College 354. Ed. R. Dyboski, E.E.T. S. (Extra Series, 
loi, 1907). 


known and used as a mine of real value, a treasury of English 
folk-songs, carols, lyrics and religious poems, many of them 
found nowhere else and only preserved to us by the care of this 
London citizen. 

Beyond the comparatively large number of these fifteenth- 
century city records and the probability, nay, certainty, that 
many more must have perished, there are several other indica- 
tions of their popularity in the period of the Lancastrian and 
Yorkist kings. Even better known and copied again and again, 
from the early years of the fifteenth century, was the Brut 
Chronicle,^ chiefly founded on legends incorporated in the work 
of Geoffrey of Monmouth. It is not without significance that 
four of the copies of this work now extant have continuations of 
varying length from 141 8 — when many of the versions stop — in 
the form of the chronicles of London, the names of the city 
officers being given at the head of every year. The change 
from calendar to mayoral years apparently did not trouble the 
writers, who may well, of course, have been citizens of London. 
Even a writer like William Worcester, whether borrowing from 
a city chronicle, or merely from the general influence of works 
with which, passing so much of his time in the capital, and 
genuinely interested in matters of historical and antiquarian 
interest, he was sure to be familiar, on one occasion falls into 
the same custom. He heads his account for the year 1460 of 
his Aimales'^ with the names of the mayor and sheriffs of London. 
And there are the authors of the two Latin city chronicles,^ one 
about the middle, the other at the end of the century. In addition 
to their use of a language foreign in use and probably even in 
knowledge to the majority of the city chroniclers, they give no 
sign of their citizenship of London beyond the writing of a 
chronicle whose form is more probably a testimony to the popu- 
larity of the city chronicles than an evidence that the writers 
were of the class from which the chroniclers of London sprang. 
Caxton, in compiling his continuation to Trevisa's version of the 
Polichronicon, to print it in 1482, made considerable use of one 
or more city chronicles.* The Grey Friars of London, situate 

' T!i£ Bnit or Chronicle of E7igland, ed. F. W. D. Brie, E. E. T. S., 1907-8. 
The city chronicle continuations are found in vol. ii ; (a) App. E, 452-5 
U422-31), very brief; {b) Cont. F, 456-90 (1430-46), fairly full ; \c) App. D, 
440-4 (1420-8), almost identical with Harley 565, and probably borrowed in 
part from the same sources ; {d) Cont. E, 444-51 (1419-30), agreeing in 
part with Bale's Chronicle and less with Cotton Julius B. I. ; vol. iii of this 
work, to contain the introduction and notes, has not yet appeared. 

^ Letters and Papers of the War with France, ed. Stevenson, R. S., 
1864, 774. 

" MS. Rawlinson B. j^6, and MS. Tanner 2 ; cf. below, pp. 63, 82. 

* See below, pp. 78-9. 


within sound of the bustle of Newgate and almost under the 
shadow of St. Paul's, naturally reflected many sides of London 
life. Their house had been to no small extent founded and en- 
riched by London citizens, and their sixteenth-century chronicler 
was content to take the meagre annalistic notes of Richard 
Arnold for his guide — they may also have been his inspiration — 
in compiling his chronicle, giving the names of the city officers 
and reckoning by the mayoral years as any layman of the capital 
might have done. It is true the writer showed more perseverance 
in pursuit than originality in inception, for, aided to 1501 by 
Arnold's work, the first edition of which, presumably the one 
used, reached to that year, he continued his labours not only to 
the dissolution of the house in 1538 but for many years after, 
only closing his record in 1556. 

iii. Chronicles of English Towns other than 

In part due to the influence of the London chroniclers were 
the records of a similar nature for other towns, of which we find 
the first examples in the latter part of the fifteenth century.'- 
Although only one or two were written at this date, and the 
majority are of late sixteenth, seventeenth, or even eighteenth 
century origin, it will be convenient to discuss them all here, 
inasmuch as they are very similar in type, and almost uniformly 
lacking in importance. They have all the defects of the London 
chronicles, the narrow range, the limitation of form and poverty 
of expression, without the fullness, the participation in and 
knowledge of events of national interest, and the comparatively 
clear field which go to make the London chronicles of value for 
English history. Many of them, too, are late and barren imitations, 
in reality not deserving of the name of ' chronicle ' at all, inasmuch 
as they contain arid centuries of town officials with only occasional 
entries of a purely local character. Naturally some of these later 

'■ It is true that Mr. Kingsford notes (op. cit. xxi. note) a St. Albans 
Chronicle (pr. in Amtmdesham's Annals, i, R. S., 1-64) which ' we may 
fairly conjecture . . . was in part at least derived from the same source ' as 
the London chronicles, but this is not a town chronicle in the sense in which 
the words are here used, as of course many of the later chroniclers — Hall or 
Holinshed — were equally indebted to the chronicles of London. 

Dr. Gross, Bibliography of Mtinicipal History, 1897, xxi-xxiv, gives 
a fairly complete list of these later town chronicles, to which I owe reference 
to many of the chronicles here described. Dr. Gross includes, however, 
several bare lists of town officials which, even on the very liberal interpre- 
tation of the word which we must perforce here allow, can hardly be termed 
'chronicles ' (see below, p. 35, notes). 


works are printed, but not a few, as late as the eighteenth century, 
remain in manuscript, the product of faithful, if somewhat un- 
fruitful interest in municipal history. It may be of interest to 
note, however, that there were, as early as the sixteenth century, 
one or two attempts to write the history of specific towns in 
a broader form than the town chronicle could allow. Thus in 
the records of the town of Yarmouth ' there exists A Booke of the 
Foiindacion and Antiquity s of the Toune of Great Yarmouth, 
apparently the work of a certain Henry Manship 'the elder', 
a townsman of Yarmouth in Elizabethan days. And just about 
the time that Stow was gathering the materials for his S-urvey of 
London, John Vowell (or Hooker), chamberlain of the city of 
Exeter, but better known as the continuer and editor of Holinsheds 
Chronicle, compiled a work on the history of his city, together 
with an account of its constitution and officials.^ The formal 
Annals of Ipswich, written by Nathaniel Bacon, recorder and 
town clerk there, in 1654,^ come more under the heading of 
town chronicles, though the work contains in its almost yearly 
chronicle from laoo onwards the names not only of the Town 
Bailiffs, but those of the Coroner, Common Clerk, Chamberlains, 
and sometimes those of the Justices of the Peace for the town. 
The entries, becoming fuller as thej' approach the writer's own 
day, are of an official nature, including regulations made by the 
town authorities, notices concerning town property, awards and 
penalties of the courts held there, and so forth. 

Bristol is, after London, the place in which the town chronicle 
began earliest, if we except an altogether valueless roll of the 
Mayors and Bailiffs of Northampton from 1381 to 1461 contain- 
ing a few brief Latin notices of events of national import,* and it 

1 Hist. MSS. Coninu, Rep. IX, 1883, App. i, 299. 

' The Ancient History and Description of the City of Exeter, n.d. Exeter, 
begins (1-106) with ' Mr. Hooker's account of the several sieges the city of 
Exeter from time to time underwent ', and later (239, 291 seq.) gives 
' a correct catalogue ' of all the Bishops of Exeter, and ' the offices and 
duties of every particular sworn officer of the city of Exeter, collected by 
John Vowell, alias Hooker, Gent, chamberlain of the same'. Vowell, as his 
more widely known work suggests, was not a city chamberlain of the normal 
type. His father filled the mayoral chair at Exeter for one year, but the son 
proceeded from school in Cornwall to Oxford, leaving there to travel in 
Germany and France, ere in 1555 he became chamberlain of his native city. 
His writings, of an antiquarian and historical character, were fairly numerous 
{Diet. Nat. Biog., xxvii. 287-8). 

= Ed. W. H. Richardson, 1884. 

^ MS. 432 in the Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity 
College, Dublin, T. K. Abbott, 1900. I am indebted to the kindness of 
Mr. J. R. H. Weaver of Trinity College for an account of this and several of 
the other Trinity College Dublin MSS. here described. The list of town 
officials, which only occupies four leaves, mentions such things as the Battle 
of Radcot Bridge, the deposition of Richard II, the Lollards' Rising, the 


certainly surpasses all other English towns save the capital in the 
number and interest of its mayoral annals. First in date and 
value comes the well-known chronicle begun by Robert Ricart, 
town clerk of Bristol, in the latter half of the fifteenth century.^ 
The Maire's KalenJar, of which the chronicle forms a part, was 
an official work, as Ricart explains in his Introduction ^ : ' ad re- 
quisitum et mandatum venerabilis viri Willelmi Spencer, majoris 
dictae villae, et omnium discretorum virorum dicti majoris con- 
sultorum . . . istum librum incepi, composui et conscripsi.' 
The chronicle gives the names of the city officers from 1216, 
when Bristol first obtained its mayor. To 1440 it is merely 
a list of city officers, but as it approaches to Ricart's own time, 
entries become more frequent and more full, events of both 
national and local importance being recorded each year until 
1497.^ For the remainder of the reign of Henry VII only the 
names of the city officials are given, but in 1523 a fresh hand 
takes up the work and the yearly entries are continued to 1543. 
Thence onwards there are occasional entries, more regular for 
the later years of Elizabeth, and then very few and far between 
until the record finally closes in 1698. It was probably the 
example of this record which produced the later Bristol compila- 
tions of a similar nature, of which Seyer, the historian of Bristol, 
said he had seen as many as twenty, and estimated that at least 
as many again existed when he wrote, though none of those 
known at present can claim anything like the interest of Ricart's 
earlier and — for its time — more unique record. One such 
mayoral calendar covers the years 1216 to 1608 with fairly fre- 
quent but brief and historically valueless notices for the later 
years; another, reaching to 1639, and on the word of Seyer a 
good one, was compiled by a certain W. Adams ; a third ended 
in 1683, but was continued by a zealous citizen of the following 

battles of Agincourt, Wakefield, and so forth. The entry for 1461 may 
sufifice as an example, ' Rex Edwardus habuit concilium suum apud York in 
dicto anno et dictus rex Edwardus coronatus fuit apud Westmonasterium die 
dominica in vigilia apostolorum Petri et Pauli in dicto anno '. The History 
of Northampton, 1847, contains (p. 86 seq.) a town chronicle from 1377 to 
the year of publication, notices of events occurring almost yearly from the 
seventeenth century onwards. 

1 Ed. Miss Toulmin Smith, Cam. Soc, 1872. 

2 Ibid, i ; and cf. 68. 

' The following, taken almost at random, will serve as an example of 
Ricart's work : 1489 (p. 47) ' This yere the kyng sent an army of vii M. men 
into Brytaign to socour the Duches of Britaign. Also this yere the king sent 
for the Maire, Shiref, and Baillifes to come to his grace to London. And 
they brought up with them ij men of Waterford bicause the Baillifs had 
taken them and imprisoned them for brynging of Irissh money to the town.' 
Some years are fuller and others vary just as much on the side of brevity. , 


century, a century which also witnessed the drawing up of several 
additional ' calendars ' of Bristol.^ 

Next in date of compilation and possibly in interest is the 
Chronicle of Calais^ made, or at least owned, by Richard Turpyn, 
burgess and merchant of that town in the early years of the six- 
teenth century. The work extends from 1485 to J 540, though 
there are one or two gaps of several years. It is chiefly concerned 
with the military operations for which Calais was the base, 
recording the advent of the successive monarchs and men of note 
who landed there. Thus the entries for 1513 and 1530, years 
when Henry crossed to Calais with a large part of his court, are 
of fair length. But the writer lacks any sense of proportion ; he 
records the advent of a swarm of bees as gravely as the arrival 
of a king.^ 

Neither Ricart nor the writer of the Chronicle of Calais seems 
to have borrowed, in matter at least, from any of the London 
chronicles, although Ricart copied into his work * some customs 
of London from a volume ' that was Master Henry Darcy's some 
time Recorder of London in King Edward the third days '. But 
with the brief chronicle of Lynn printed below,^the case is different; 
there seems no reason to doubt that the author drew directly 
from Fabyan's work, or rather from the continuations of the 
London alderman's chronicle, adding notices of local events and 
occasional independent entries of more general interest. This 
was about the middle of the sixteenth century : in the early part 
of the next century, another townsman of King's Lynn set his 
hand to compile a fresh borough record ° which may have begun 
with 1347, and reaches to 1623; later another hand continued 

' S. Seyer, Memoirs historical and topographical of Bristol, 1S21, Pref. 
x-xi ; Two Bristol Calendars, A. E. Hudd, in Trans, of Bristol and Glou- 
cester. Arch. Soc, xix, 1894, 105-41 ; the latest mayoral calendars end in 
1740, 1774, and 1814. Adams's Chronicle of Bj-istol has been printed quite 

" Ed. J. G. Nichols, Cam. .Soc, 1846. ' Ibid. 10-15, 19-3°; 47- 

* Kalendar, xx. 

^ p. 184 sea.; cf. p. 85. 

MS. Add. 893-; (Brit. Mus.). As the MS. has not been printed an 
€xample or two may be given : — 

fo. 3,1553. 'Mr. George Rewley. Lord Robert Dudley come to Lynn and pro- 
claymed Ladie Jane Oueene and afterward he was carryed to fiframmingham 
before quene Marie in the first yeare of her raigne. Also the Duke of Northum- 
berland likewiseproclaymed the same ladie Jane Queene and gathered a great 
host of men and departed with them from the Tower of London into the 
countrey where his men departed from him by night and then he retomed to 
London like a traitour. And there he with the Duke of Suffolk and the 
Earle of Warwick and many more were beheaded. Also Oueene Marie came 
to London and there shee was crowned againe after that Sir Thomas Wyatt 
gathered together a companie of souldiers and came to London bridge and 


the work, though with more meagre and more occasional 
entries, to 1673. Although not of historical importance, this 
town chronicle is not without interest and is quite distinct from 
the one printed herein.^ 

Crossing from Lynn to Chester, like that town and the others 
previously mentioned a seaport, but with perhaps an even richer 
mediaeval record, here too we find more examples of the same rather 
jejune local annals, compiled in the late sixteenth and early seven- 
teenth centuries. Best of the four which I have been able to ex- 
amine is one reaching from 1336 to 1584,^ a vellum roll thirty 
feet in length finely written and well set out, the figures of the 
years and the names of the city officers being boldly inscribed in 
red. The chronicle opens with the arms of the city and the words 
' Nomina Maiorum et vicecomitum Civitatis Cestrie . . . ' like the 
London chronicles. Entries are occasional for the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries, more frequent in the sixteenth. In addi- 
tion to references to events of national moment, there are many 
notices of local interest concerning the comings and goings of 
great personages,-' visitations of the plague,* accidents and repairs 
to buildings in the city,'' and occasional riots.'' Most interesting 

after to Ludgate and then returned back and was taken and beheaded at 
Tower Hill.' 

fo. 6, 1588. 'Mr. Thomas Lendall. Inthisyearethekingof Spayne sent a 
Navie of 150 greate shippes to invade England. Where the lord Admirall, Sir 
ffrancis Drake and Sir Lyewine Semer with twoe of hir majesties shippes and 
50 merchant shippes of England did meete with the Spaynarde and one the 
narrowe seas did fight with them and by Godes helpe took some of them and 
putt the rest to flight. There went oute of this (town) a shipp and a pynnace. 
Also in this yeare the warehouses on the northe side of Common Stayne 
yeard were newe buylded.' 

' Cf. below, p. 88. 

^ MS. Add. 297J7 (Brit. Mas.) ; the initials W. B. below the city arms 
probably refer to the author as William Bird, mayor in 1580, or William 
Baxter (or Meo), sherifif eight years later ; the chronicle or calendar becomes 
indistinct in 1579 with the addition of a fresh piece of vellum, and ends 
imperfectly in 1584. 

' As the visit of Queen Margaret in 1452, of Henry VH and his queen in 
1493, and the coming of Prince Arthur in 1498. 

* In 1506 'great deathe of Sweating sickness in Chester' is recorded; in 
1517 there was 'so great a plague' that many fled the city 'in so muche that 
grass growed in the streates of the same cittye', and 1550 and 1558 saw 
similar visitations. 

^ In 1500, 1501, and 1503 paving is mentioned; the entries 1555-8 also 
detail building and repairing in the city, and the next year saw the making 
of a ' new haven '. 

^ In 1463 the chronicle records the deaths of many Chester burgesses slain 
by a Welshman at the Mold fair ; in 1 5 10 there was a ' great debate ' betwixt 
the Abbot of St. Werburgh's and the city ; in 1547 a man was hanged there 
for ' treason speaking' ; the year 1549 saw a fray between citizens of Chester 


of all, however, are the references, fairly frequent in the later 
part of the record, to the plays performed in Chester, from 1488 
when ' the Assumption of our ladye was plaied in the Bridge- 
strete of Chester before my lord Strange ', mentioning the per- 
formance at the High Cross in 1529 of 'an Interlude named 
kinge Robert of ScissiHe ', to the Elizabethan days when the 
rising Puritan movement led to much feeling against the acting 
of the plays. Thus in 1571 the Whitsun Plays were performed 
' thoughe many of the Cittie went forth against the setting forth 
thereof, and three years later the setting forth of the same 
plays proved ' to the misliking of many '.^ Written, from the 
hand, at a somewhat earlier date, but not to be compared with 
the previous work in style, is a list of the mayors of Chester 
from 127a to 1497 with occasional notes, of general interest and 
no historical value, very possibly taken from a London chronicle.^ 
Poorer still are two mayoral calendars drawn up in the seven- 
teenth century. One,* ' A collection of the mayors who have 
governed this city and the time when they governed ', by an 
alderman of the city, William Aldernay, reaches to 1600 (it is 
continued by R. Holme to 1658). The other,* entitled ' Maiores 

and Irishmen in the city, and in 1562 a dispute between the glovers and a 
citizen had to be carried before the Council in the Marches. 

^ The performance of plays is also recorded under the years 1498, 1 560, 
1566, 1567 'well set forthe'. Cf. for other record of their playing, E. K. 
Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage, ii. 352 seq. 

- MS. E, 5, I. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, contained in 
a quarto of miscellaneous historical matters of various dates. It is catalogued 
as a list of the mayors of London, but is undoubtedly a Chester compilation ; 
the arms of Willelmus Downham, Episcopus Cestrensis, anno domini, 1 565 ', 
in the same hand as the list of city officers, probably represents something 
near the date of writing. An extract or two will suffice to illustrate its 
character : — 

p. 150/ (i486) ' In this same year the duke of lyncoln was slayne and the 
earle of kildare brother and Martin Swarte with a gret company that came 
out of Irelond and brought with them a kyng of there owne makeing and 
landed in the north at the Pole of fodre and within fewe dayes after Kynge 
Harrie the vij**" fought with hym and slewe him with many other of his 
company and put that lad which was made kynge in the tower of london.' 

p. 151/ (1497) ' In this same yere Perkin Warbecke landed at St. Ives in 
Cornewall and seid that he was Richard Plantagenet the seconde sonne to 
kyng Edward and caused the contrey to ryse againe with him and went to 
Excetur and set the gate on fyre and king harrie the vij"" hyring this mette 
him and toke him and caused to be knowen through out all England, France, 
Scotland, Bretten and Sayland what he was and sent his commissioners to 
Cornewall for to hang all the caustes [?] here of for the rising and so they 
did and Shane was brent the same yere.' The mention of the last event 
here recorded rather points to the use of a London chronicle ; most of these 
record the burning of the royal house at Sheen. 

5 MS. Harl. 20JJ (Brit. Mus.), fo. 12. 

* MS. Harl. 21^3, fo. 487 to fo. 525. 


of Chester and other affaires which fell out in their yeares ' from 
1340 to 1617 (likewise continued by a second hand to 1635), is 
a somewhat elaborately planned but poorly executed record, 
divided into eight columns for the calendar year, regnal year, 
golden number, and so forth, the last column being given to the 
' names of the city officers and remarkable events ', brief entries 
of which become fairly frequent towards the close of the sixteenth 

The city of Dublin could boast at least three archivists of 
varying industry in the sixteenth century. Most important is 
a chronicle in English though with Latin dating, covering the 
years 1401-1576,1 and compiled soon after the later date. 
Whilst the names of the officials and many of the events relate 
to local or Irish affairs, there are unmistakable signs of the use 
by the author of a London chronicle, at all events in the earlier 
part. We can go even further and say that it was a London 
chronicle of the type used by the writer of Vitellius A. XVI, 
Gough London 10, or by Fabyan, or (most probable of the three) 
Fabyan's chronicle itself. The last part, however, which occupies 
the bulk of the work, is probably independent. Earlier, briefer, 
with fewer entries and without direct connexion with a London 
record, is a roll giving a calendar of the mayors of Dublin from 
1413 to 1534 with notices, fairly frequent in the later years, con- 
cerning important events of general interest.^ The third is 

^ MS. ^1)1 in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Of London interest the 
chronicle notices the freezing of the Thames in 1435, the accident to St. Paul's 
steeple in 1442, Cade's rebellion, the arrest of some London bakers in 1475, 
Edward IV's feasting of the city officers in 1481, the reception of the 
Emperor at London in 1521. Whilst the earlier of these items might come 
from any London chronicle, the entries for 1475 and 1481 are almost identical 
with those contained in Vitellius A. XVI {187, 189) and Fabyan (666, 667), 
as may readily be observed from the following extract : — 

1481 'John ffyane maiore Willame Grampie and Thomas Marller then 
bayllyfEs this yer in the monethe of Julie the kynge sent for the maior with 
certayne of his bretherne and comuneres of the cittie of Londone unto the 
flforeste of Walthame and there caussed the game to be brought befor them 
so that thye sawe cours after coures and many a dere bothe red and ffallowe 
slayne and after that the maior and his compayn was brought to a pleassant 
lodge all made of gren bowis and ther {sic) set them to dynner and was 
served with manny dentie dyshes and dyveres wyne good and plentie and 
caussed the lord chamberlayne with other lordes to chere the maiore and his 
company sonedrie tymes whill they wer at dynner and at ther dep[ar]tyinge 
gave unto them wenysone great plentie. This yer also the kynge sent unto 
the maiores of Londone and her systeres aldermens wyves ij hartes vj bukes 
and a tonne of wine to make them merie withe all.' 

^ MS. S43, in the same Library ; e.g. 1516 ' Thys yer the Erlle of Kyldare 
went into the ToUys countre and ther his men toke share of Toll and strake 
of his hede and send it for a present to the maior and the maior gave the 
brynger for hys paines a crossado of golde '. 

1125 C 


practically only a list of the mayors of the town (1470-1594), for 
it contains but four notices of events.^ 

Not a few other English cities and towns could claim similar 
compilations. A certain Thomas Hallam of Leicester in 1574 
made a roll of the mayors of that town, and two other similar 
Leicester rolls of a later date also exist ; ^ all three contain 
historical memoranda at irregular intervals. In Oxford, Bryan 
Twine drew up ' notes relating to the mayoralty with a catalogue 
of mayors and bailiffs ... to 1636 ', a list of city officers from the 
thirteenth century with occasional entries, mainly relative to the 
authenticity of the list ; a similar list continued to 1695 was also 
drawn up.^ Christopher Hilliard, a citizen of York, in 1664 
published a work of this nature,* A List or Catalogue of all the 
Mayors and Bailiffs, Lord Mayors and Sheriffs of the most 
ancient, honourable, noble and loyal city of York . . . together with 
-many and sundry remarkable passages which happened in their 
several years' Shrewsbury ^ possesses two quite good examples 
of this kind of record ; one, fuller indeed than most of them, 
evidently in its later years — it ends in 1603 — written by a con- 
temporary hand. Of Norwich^ three exist, written at various 
times in the seventeenth century. Coventry ' has two at least, 

^ MS. 4j6 in the same Library ; it contains notices of Surrey's arrival, the 
rebellion in Ireland in 1534. 

^ The Roll of the Mayors of Leicester, J. Thompson, in Assoc. Arch. Socs. 
Reports and Papers, xii (1874), 261, 271. Here again, in all probability, the 
use of a London chronicle may be seen in the entry for 1442 in one of the 
later rolls (continued to 1686) ' Paul's steeple burnt by lightning '. 

' MS. Wood F. 26 (Old Cat. 2802), fo. 57, containing also a few notes on 
the mayoralty of London ; MS. WoodD. 7(*> (Old Cat. 8523), p. 39, covering 
the years 1122-1695, contains but a few entries relative to the election or 
removal from office of the city officers (e. g. 1297, p. 69 ; 1561, p. 119). 

* The copies in both the Bodleian and British Museum (MS. Hart. 6113) 
have MS. notes inserted. The work was reprinted in 1715 at London, and 
four years later in York continued to the date of issue. MS. Gotcgh York- 
shire 22 (Bodleian), fif. 50-84, contains a mayoral calendar quite neatly written, 
ending in 1657 (imperfectly) and almost identical with the printed lists. 

'' Early Chronicles of Shrewsbury (1377-1603) Rev. W. A. Leighton, in 
Trans, of Shrop. Arch, and Nat. Hist. Soc, 1880, 239-352 ; MS. Add. 20124 
(Brit. Mus.), fo. 2, a list with historical notices on vellum, to 1610, continued 
by another hand to 1661 ; fo. 57 another calendar, less neat, on paper, 
reaching from 1372 to 1665, containing, on the whole, more notices of events 
than the preceding one ; fo. 69 and fo. 94, bare lists of town officials. 

" Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. I, App. 103, Roll of all the Bailiffs, mayors, 
and sheriffs of Norwich, Jj^^-i6j2. MS. Tanner jg6 (Bodleian) is a city 
calendar, 1 403- 1696, interspersed with references of local interest, rare before 
1500 and quite brief until the last few years. In MS. Tanner 3 ^y we have 
a similar but slightly fuller record ending in 1648. 

' Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. V, App. 264 (MSS. of the Marquis of Salis- 
bury), a 'list of mayors for Coventry with chronology of events from 1347' 
ending in 1590; Dugdale's Warwickshire, ed. 1730, i. 147-53; the notices 
in this are irregular ; thus, although there are moderately full entries for 


one reaching to 1590 and apparently written soon after that 
date, the other being added to the account of Coventry by 
W. Thomas when in 1730 he published a second edition of 
Dugdale's Warwickshire. The 'Black Book' of Plyinouth,i 
used as a city record from 1540 to 17 10, contains under the 
mayoralties recorded year by year, notes of general historical 
interest by several hands. One of the most curious of these late- 
born offspring is a Southampton mayoral calendar,^ which 
possesses the distinction of being written largely in French, its 
title being ' Les noms des maires de la ville de Southampton 
depuis I'an du Seigneur 1498 '. The notices of historical events, 
more frequent after 1530, are continued by one hand until 1567, 
though the list of mayors by this writer does not end until 16 15, 
soon after which English supersedes the French as the language 
in which the notes are made. 

So we could continue almost indefinitely, did we but make 
our definition of town 'chronicle' wide — and shallow — enough. 
Worcester,^ Nottingham,* Grimsby,^ Beverley,^ Newcastle,' all 

1660-1, there are none from 1687 to 1723, with which year the calendar 

' Calendar of the Plyi)iouth Mimicipal Records, R. N. Worth, Plymouth, 
1893, viii. 14-25. Another similar record reaching to 1684 was compiled by 
James Yonge, townsman of Plymouth at that date. Plytnoiith Instittction 
Reports, 1873-4, ed. R. N. Worth, 512-66. 

2 MS. Egerton. 868 (Brit. Mus.), entitled 'A biographical list of the 
Mayors etc. of Southampton 1498-1671, a very curious record.' The names 
of the mayors and the date are put on the left-hand side, the entries of events 
being on the right. An example may be given : — 

fo. 4/ 1536. 'Anne Boleyn fut condannee et decapitee et le Roy espousa 
Jane Seymour. II y eut en Lincolnshire une insurrection pour le fait de la 
religion et puis aprSs en Yorkshire. La Thamise fut toute gelee.' The first 
hand is very cramped and bad and the second is even worse. 

MS. Add. j8j3 and MS. Harl. 4116 (Brit. Mus.) contain lists of officers 
of the town of Cambridge, but in neither case are any notices of events 
included ; equally bare is the list of town officials of Stamford given in 
Harrod's Antiqtcities (1785), i. 208. 

^ Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. Ill, App. 253 ; a list of the town officials of 
Worcester, 1431-1677, with ' other remarkable things '. 

' Thoroton's Nottinghamshire, ed. J. Thorsby, 1790, 34-72. The history 
of the county town is told in the form of annals, the account of each year 
being prefixed by the name of the mayor. 

' Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. XIV, App. viii, 1895, 288, mentions lists of 
the borough officers made by Colonel Gervase Holies, mayor 1636, 1638, 1663, 
from the Corporation records. MS. Lansdowne 201 {a) (Brit. Mus.), ffi 523-9, 
also contains a bare list of town officers from the fourteenth century to 1669. 

^ MS. Lansdowne 8g6, being vol. viii of Warburton's Collections for York- 
shire, contains fo. 8 'Annals of Beverley with a list of the Mayors etc.', 
beginning in the second century, mentioning the foundation of the University 
of Cambridge in 371, and passing lightly over the centuries, with occasional 
entries of local interest — in the earlier portion taken mainly from Holinshed — 
until the year 1724, with which the record closes. 

' MS. Egerton 2^2j (Brit. Mus.) is a neatly written quarto entitled 

C a 



these and many more English towns had at one time or another 
some industrious townsman, or townsmen, often of course holding 
some official position which gave him access to the borough 
records, who from interest in the past history of his native town, 
perhaps impelled by the knowledge of the existence of compila- 
tions for other towns, drew up his list of those who had filled the 
position of chief honour in the town as far back as might be 
known, seeking to clothe the dry bones of officialdom from the very 
slender stores of general or even local historical knowledge which 
he or they possessed. Diverse as these later town chronicles are 
in date of compilation, in the labour which was bestowed upon 
them, in the proportion of matter of historical interest which 
they contain, they are all alike in being of the smallest historical 
value for the centuries in which the scarcity of other material 
gave real value to annals drawn up by townsmen who wrote of 
what they had seen and heard. And for their own day they 
cannot compare in fullness with the London chronicles of the 
fifteenth century, they cannot claim a local background coincid- 
ing with that of the national history to anything like the same 
extent as the annals written by dwellers in the capital. Many of 
them can scarce be said to deserve the name of chronicle ; ousted 
by the local history in which they sometimes find a humble place, 
they are relegated to the domain of the antiquarian, the degenerate 
descendants of a once fairly vigorous, if not noble stock. 

Municipal life in England never attained to the dignity or 
importance which it acquired in many of the other countries of 
Europe, and the difference in the amount of self-government and 
all it implied enjoyed by English and continental towns is natur- 
ally enough reflected in the local records they produced, as in 
every other aspect of town life. In Italy the municipal chronicler 
appeared at Milan as early as the eleventh century, and from the 
twelfth to the sixteenth century, not only in the largest towns of 
that country, but in those of minor importance, the civic annalist 
lived and flourished.^ Some of the earlier of these works are 

' A Catalogue of all the mayors and sheriffs of his majesty's town and county 
of Newcastle upon Tyne with their Coats of Arms and the reignes of the 
several kinges and queens of this land with certain briefs or chronicles that 
happened in their several reigns since anno domini 1432 '. The names of 
the mayors, with their arms painted in, are given on the right hand of the 
page, and on the left are the usual occasional entries of well-known events in 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; the work ends with the year 1776, 
What is apparently a slightly different version of the same work is printed in 
Tonge's Visitations (1530), ed. W. H. D. Longstaffe, Surtees Soc, 1863,, 
liv-lxxvii ; Pref. i.x; it has breaks in 1634, 1730, and is continued to 1810. 

* U. Balzani, Early Chronicles of Italy, l\(i, 292-3, 303-10. Many 
examples of these are to be found in the volumes of Muratori ; some of the 
more jejune, like the English town chronicles, are headed with the names of 
the city officers, e.g. Cronica di Bologna {Rer. Hal. Script, xviii. 241-93), 


jejune enough, but many occupy a place far above that of the 
chronicles of London. And to compare these London annals 
with the outcome of the Renascence scholarship of the Florentine 
Republic, from the Chronicle of the Villani in the fourteenth 
century — avowedly inspired to some extent by the Roman 
historians — to the works written at the close of the fifteenth 
century, when the names of Machiavelli and Guicciardini are 
encircled by others less resplendent but still of considerable 
lustre,^ would be as unfair as it would be impracticable ; each 
type of work was largely the product of its own environment, 
and the vast differences between the environment of the fifteenth- 
century city-states of Italy and that of London need no urging. 
From like causes the chronicles of London will not bear com- 
parison with the long series of chronicles written in city after 
city of Germany,^ split up into its innumerable states, with cities 
and leagues of cities, the importance of whose municipal records 
is indicative of the part they played in the history of the mediaeval 
Empire. In France however, albeit with the decline of the 
monarchic centralization accompanying the advent of the Hundred 
Years' War local historical records increased both in number and 
value,^ the town chronicle is rare. Paris produced no works of 
this kind, and more than one of the comparatively few examples 
which exist for other towns in France are of importance as much 
for their linguistic as their historical value.* The fifteenth- 
century chronicles of London, with their many transcribers and 

the name of the ' Podestk' for each year being given ; similar is the Chronicon 
Patavimim [Antig. Ital. Med. Aev. iv. 1121) ; cf. also the Annales 
Veronenses and Annaies Mahtani (Pertz, Mon. Germ. Hist, xviii. 2, 19 seq.), 
both written in the thirteenth century. 

' Symonds, Ren. in Italy, Age of the Despots, has a chapter on ' The 
Florentine Historians ' ; cf. also Italian Literaticre, \. 176-8 ; Revival of 
Learning, 184-5. Cf. for the Villani, Balzani, 332 seq. 

^ Ed. K. Hegel, Chroniken der Deutschen Stadte, 1862 seq. 

^ A. Molinier, Les Sources de Vhistoire de France, v (1904), cxxviii seq. 

* The Chronique Parisienne (1316-39) and the. fournal d'un bourgeois de 
Paris (1405-49) do not bear much resemblance to their London counterparts. 
More like in character— though not in form — is a Chronique Rouennaise 
(1371-1434) (ed. C. de Beaurepaire in Chron. Normande de Pierre Cochon, 
Soc. de I'hist. de Normandie, 1870, 316-64). Chronicles in civic form exist 
for two towns in the South of France ; one the Libre de Memorias of Jacme 
Mascaro, secretary or town clerk of Beziers (ed. C. Barbier, Montpellier, 
1895 ; cf. p. 7 for an account of the contents, and Molinier, iv. 37, for 
reference to another and later ' chronique consulaire ' of Beziers), reaching 
from 1336 to 1390 ; the other, the Chronique del' hotel de ville de Montpellier 
(ed. Soc. Arch, de Montpellier, 1836-40 ; cf. D. Vaisette, Hist, de Languedoc, 
viii (1879), 212, Molinier, iv. 38), covering the years 809-1446, and of interest 
for the Hundred Years' War ; both owe some of their importance to being 
specimens of Languedoc. M. Molinier also mentions {op. cit. v. cxxxii) a 
chronicle of the Customs of Bordeaux, apparently similar in character to 
the foregoing. 


continuators, are as unique as the position of the English capital 
itself, or as the position of these chronicles when compared with 
those of other English towns. 

IV. Fabyan to Stow: End of the Chronicles of 

The accession of the Tudor dynasty marks a new era in 
English historical writing. The introduction of printing, the 
character of the new monarchy, the extended political arena 
opened to the nation by the diplomacy and thrift of the first 
Tudor and the wide ambitions of the second and his ministerj 
the increased intercourse with other countries of Europe, and 
particularly with Italy— the Italy of Petrarch as of Mirandola, of 
Savonarola as well as of Machiavelli, the questionings of and 
revolt from the authority and dogma of the Roman Church, the 
geographical discoveries of the period, — all these affected the 
writing of history as they affected every other aspect of English 
life. London chronicles, and much more general chronicles of 
England, continued to be written until the Elizabethan age was 
almost over, but, as we have remarked above, the declining years 
of the last of the city annalists were the years in which was 
growing to maturity the philosopher and man of letters who was 
also a historian ; chronicle was being superseded by history. 

Caxton set up his press at Westminster in 1477. Although 
he printed two editions of the well-known Brut chronicle of 
England and one of the almost equally popular Polichronicon, 
continuing Trevisa's translation to 1460, both publications also 
being issued by his immediate successors, the majority of the 
works which came from his press were purely literary in character, 
owing much of their importance to their influence on the develop- 
ment of the English tongue. Here Malory's Morte d' Arthur 
stands out, in style far surpassing any previous English prose 
writing. But this was romance, as far removed in matter as in 
language from the humble chronicles of the same period. It was 
not until 15 16 — passing over the publication of Arnold's Com- 
monplace Book in 1502 — that Richard Pynson produced from 
his press The New Chronicles of England and of France, the 
work of Robert Fabyan, alderman and sheriff of London and 
member of the Drapers' Company, though he probably wrote 
a large part of his chronicle at his house in Essex. Fabyan's 
industry is undeniable ; he aspired, like his predecessors and 
many of the general chronicles of which he made use, to tell the 
story of man from the Creation of the world, and accordingly the 
first six of the seven parts into which his work is divided deal 


with general history prior to the Norman Conquest. But in the 
seventh part, the only one of any historical importance, Fabyan 
adopts the form of the city chronicle, giving year by year the 
names of the city officers until the close of his work in 1485. 
Although Fabyan's work is poor in comparison with the chronicles 
written later in the century, it yet showed a great advance on 
the preceding and contemporary city chronicles. In addition to 
the value his chronicle possesses for the fifteenth century as not 
far removed from a contemporary record, and embodying the 
contents of records since lost — notably a London chronicle used 
by more than one writer at this time — the writer wove into his 
' Concordance of chronicles ' many authorities, Latin and French 
as well as English, albeit he cannot be said to have displayed 
much criticism in their use. He availed himself of Bede^ Henry 
of Huntingdon, Hoveden, William of Malmesbury and others, 
for the early history of England, Froissart — before Berners' 
translation — Gaguin and works of less merit for the French history, 
which, as the title imports, takes no small share of the work ; 
and many of the general and usually valueless chronicles pub- 
lished abroad and in England in the early years of the printing 
press, in addition to such city records as the Letter Books and 
the previously written chronicles of London.^ On several occa- 
sions Fabyan ventures into verse, of little value save as demon- 
strating his interest in literary form, an interest in itself marking 
somewhat of an advance on the previous city annalists. For 
beyond Fabyan, the citizens of London had left versification on 
their city to the monk Lydgate at the beginning of the fifteenth 
century, and the Scottish poet Dunbar at the opening of the 
sixteenth, just as they left the first attempt to describe the con- 
stitution of the capital to a foreigner, Polydore Vergil.^ Although 
the comparatively recent publication of the earlier written 
chronicles of London may have taken from Fabyan something 
of his importance, in his own day (or rather immediately after, 
for he died in 1513), when his chronicle was practically unique 
as a printed and, therefore, far more easily accessible record, the 
work was extremely popular. Three further editions^ were 
printed within fifty years of Pynson's publication of the chronicle, 
and its popularity outside London is shown by the use made of 
it in a chronicle of Lynn, and probably in a chronicle of Dublin 

1 Chronicle, ed. 1881, xiii-xv ; cf. 633 for an example of his use of the 
Letter Books. 

2 Hist. Ang., 243-4 (lib. xiii, init). 

^ John Rastell in 1533 published an edition with a continuation to the 
death of Henry VII ; in 1542 John Reynes issued a third edition brought 
down to the year of publication ; in 1559 John Kingston continued the work 
to that year. The continuations are in all three cases brief and jejune. 


compiled in the same century. The effect of the introduction 
of printing on literature in general, and not less on historical 
writing, was of course enormous ; it is impossible to conceive that 
the triumphs of the Elizabethan age would have come, but for 
the vastly extended fields of prose and poesy made open by the 
printing press. An instance of the wider vogue enjoyed by the 
printed city chronicles is afforded by the brief London chronicle 
prefixed by Arnold to his Commonplace Book. The use of this 
by the chronicler of the Grey Friars has been remarked above, 
and the indebtedness of the compiler of MS. Tanner 2 thereto 
is noticed elsewhere.^ Richard Hill, in the city chronicle which 
he included in his Commonplace Book,^ also used Arnold's work. 
From 1413, the year with which his list of city officers opens, to 
1490, it is almost identical with Arnold's printed record. From 
1490, i.e. within Hill's own memory, it is independent though 
still quite brief, containing just the sort of notes that a Londoner 
engaged in commerce would make, and gradually becoming 
more full until it ends abruptly in 1536, half-way through an 
account of a procession. Finally Charles Wriothesley, writing 
about the middle of the century, based his chronicle on the same 
record as far as 1520. 

Whilst Fabyan was thus proving himself a worthy successor 
to the London chroniclers of the Wars of the Roses, the Union 
of the Houses concerned in those wars in the persons of Henry 
of Richmond and Elizabeth of York was bringing in its train 
developments in the writing of history as deep and far-reaching 
as those effected in the political life of the nation. Although 
there is something of the court historian — or rather chronicler — 
about Waurin, who was busied in his chronicle when in 1467 he 
visited the court of Edward IV,^ and, much earlier in the century, 
Henry V had found his biographer amongst the members of his 
household, it is with the Tudors that the royal encouragement of 
learning can more clearly be recognized. Themselves, almost 
without exception, ranking high in the culture of their age, the 
monarchs of this line showed considerable interest, modified as 
was inevitable by political considerations, in the production of 

' Below, pp. 82-3. 

^ Ed. R. Dyboski, E. E. T.S. (E. S.) 1907, App., p. 142. The year 1536 
is the latest date in the MS., and as Hill had been 'hansed ' at Bruges as 
long ago as 1511 {ibid, xv), the year with which the chronicle ends was 
probably near his death. An example will demonstrate the character of the 
record: — 1501 (p. 152) 'This yer there was a derth of corn tyll the hoyes 
cam owt of Flanders, laden with whet, gret plenty ; and after that we had 
ynough, thankid be God ' ; or 15 12 (p. 157) ' This yer the maior tok good hed 
to the markettis'. 

' Reaieil des Croniques et ancient istories de la Grant Bretaigne par Jean 
de Waurin, ed. W. Hardy, R. S., 1864, i. xli. 


literary and historical works. And, fortunately for England, 
they did not confine their patronage to men of their own country, 
where in 1485 the stream of intellectual life still ran sluggishly, 
little influenced as yet by the faster - flowing currents of the 
Renascence ; where, in historical writing, there was nothing at 
all comparable to the contemporary writings of Comines or 
Guicciardini. The accession of Henry VII and the comparative 
freedom from domestic strife gave new life to the arts of peace. 
The victor of Bosworth Field had spent many years in France, 
bringing with him to England in 1485 no small interest in French 
culture, and, one evidence of this, the blind Bernard Andre, 
whom he made poet laureate and (on Andre's own account) royal 
historiographer. Andre's work ^ in this capacity, or what part 
remains of it, is not of very surpassing historical excellence, 
though as almost the only record of Henry's reign written in the 
lifetime of the king, it is of importance. It consists of a narra- 
tive of the first eleven years of the reign and, of more value, 
accounts for two of the last years of Henry's life, these yearly 
summaries being but a fragment of a scheme of annals which 
Andre meant to carry on for every year. What is of interest to 
remark is that in Bernard Andre we have a classical scholar and 
a poet, in close enough relation with the royal family to be the 
tutor of the young Prince Arthur, devoting himself, albeit with 
much laudatory rhetoric, to writing of an historical nature. 

The fame of Andre however is far eclipsed by that of another 
foreigner, coming from the very founts of the new learning. It 
is, indeed, worthy of note that just before the storm of anti- 
papalism broke out in England, this country should have received 
ifrom Rome, as a papal emissary, one to whom English historical 
scholarship owes no small debt. Polydore Vergil, born in 
Urbino, came to England in 1501 as sub-collector of Peter's 
Pence. He had already a reputation as a scholar and writer 
when he first entered this country,^ and probably soon became 
well known at court, as he was made Archdeacon of Wells in 
1508. The barrenness of English historical literature could not 
fail to strike one who came from a country where the historical 

^ Printed in Memorials of Henry VII, ed. J. Gairdner, R. S., 1858. Also 
ascribed to Andr^ are a French poem, ' Les Douze Triomphes de Henri 
sept,' of date 1497, and two short fragments of httle or no importance. 

- He had already written three works, an epistle to the Cornucopie of Perottus 
(1496), Proverbioricm Libellus (1498), and De Rerum hiventoribiis (1499), the 
last of which became immensely popular, over eighty editions being published in 
the different languages and countries of Europe. In England it was ' gathered 
and translated ' by Thomas Langley in 1 546, this being the first of nine 
editions in English (see Archaeologia, li. 107-41). I ought to say that I owe 
much in this account of Polydore Vergil to a lecture on that writer delivered 
by Mr. H. A. L. Fisher in New College in the Hilary Term of 1909. 


instinct was so strong and had borne such abundant fruit. 
A true humanist, he turned his scholarship where opportunity 
offered, and within a few years of his entry into the country he 
embarked, at Henry's request, on the task of writing a complete 
history of England. On this he was busied many years ere in 
1524^ the work appeared under the title of Anglice Hisforice, 
reaching in twenty-six books to the death of Henry VII. Thirty- 
one years later he brought the work down as far as 1538. Whilst 
the balance of the account of the first part of the reign of 
Henry VIII is to some extent lost by Vergil's attitude to 
Wolsey, who had caused his imprisonment for nearly nine 
months in 1515, Vergil's work contains (Book xxvi) what is with- 
out exception the best early account of the reign of Henry VII, 
much of the later part of it being based upon a sort of diary 
which he kept during his stay in England.^ 

It is, however, less with Vergil as a contemporary and source 
than as an historical writer that we are concerned. Here his work 
marks a clear step forward on anything previously written on 
English history. He was in fact a Renascence historian, full of 
the conception of history as a subject to be read and studied for 
its value in the affairs of life. It was to concern itself, he tells us 
in the Dedication of the work to Henry VIII, with such things 
as the nature of the soil, the origin of the people dwelling thereon, 
the character of the rulers, the mode of life of the inhabitants and 
their development as a nation. And yet he found in England 
but jejune annals, ' food without salt.' He applied himself with 
zeal to supply what he felt was a deplorable deficiency in a 
country making any claims to the possession of power or culture. 
He took great pains to collect materials for his work,^ even his 
detractors paying unintentioned compliment to him in this 
regard by their fabrications that he had, after obtaining and 
using many manuscripts, burnt them all to prevent the exposure 
of the figments they professed to find in its history. Vergil's 
most important contribution in the matter of sources was his 
discovery of Gildas, of whose work he published an edition in 
1 525. But besides showing breadth of research Vergil displayed 
critical ability in dealing with his authorities : at times he follows 

^ A second edition was published at Basle in 1546. 

"^ Pref. to lib. xxvii ; cf. for his imprisonment, L. and P. of Henry VIII, 
ii. ccxxxix seq. ; F. A. Gasquet in Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. xvi. 9 ; I. S. Leadam, 
ibid. N. S. xviii. 279. 

^ An example of his zeal and his methods may be found in a letter written 
by him to James IV of Scotland (L. and P. of He7iry VII f i. 751, Dec. 13, 
1502) in which he details how, interested in antiquities and observing the 
lack of a clear account of the history of Britain, he is busied with, has in fact 
almost completed such a work ; his purpose in writing to James is to obtain 
data concerning the Scottish monarchs. 


French authorities instead of English ones and, of more interest, 
he had the audacity to disbelieve the stories of Geoffrey of Mon- 
mouth about Brut and his successors, copied and believed by all 
the chroniclers of the preceding age and clung to by many of 
the writers of the following period, fi'om whom Vergil reaped 
but insult and slander. Whilst Vergil's work is not free from 
the mistakes which inevitably arose in the attempt made by 
a foreigner to describe constitutional developments when so 
much was vague and dark,i yet the same external position caused 
him to remark social conditions which seemed to him peculiar, 
in the same way as the writer of the best known of the Italian 
' Relations ' written about this time.^ For his work is more than 
a political histoiy of the country. A humanist scholar, he is 
interested in the development of learning, and especially the 
' New Learning ', in England ; law, religion, and even philology 
come within the radius of his concept of history, and call for the 
exercise of his judgement ; he was in short an historian and not 
an annalist. Added to these merits was a purity and ease of 
Latin style which made his work long remain on the Continent 
the best-known history of England.' And despite the animad- 
versions of Leland and others, Vergil's history was well enough 
appreciated in England to lead to the translation into English 
of the greater part ere the reign of Henry VIII was over.* 

So far the development in historical literature concerning 
England has been due to foreigners writing in Latin. The 
reviving waters from the springs of the new birth of learning 
were borne to this country however by Englishmen as well as 
foreigners like Vergil or even Erasmus, and it is to the most 
brilliant of these native scholars that the next historical work of 
importance, the incomplete Life of Richard III, is ascribed. More, 
indeed, is said to have written the work in 1513, long before 
Vergil's work appeared, but the Life was not printed until 1543, 

^ He states, for example, that Parliament began under Henry I [Hist. 
Ang., 188), and again that Alfred founded the University of Oxford 355 years 
after Cambridge had come into existence (ibid. 107). 

2 Ital. Rel. of Engla7id, ed. C. A. Sneyd, Cam. Soc, 1847. 

3 Editions of his work were published at Basle in 1546, 1555, 1556, 1570; 
at Ghent in 1556-7 ; at Leyden in 1651. 

* A considerable portion of the translation was edited by Sir Henry Ellis, 
Cam. Soc, 1844-6. The translation reached to 1485. See the Pref. to the 
first of these two volumes (xx-xxviii) for an account of the animadvertors of 
Vergil. The remarks of Bishop Godwin, editing Bacon's Life of Henry VIl 
(with a continuation of his own to 1558) in 1676, may be cited as givmg the 
opinion of an historian of the century following on Vergil's work. \ Among 
the many who have compiled the history of our nation ', says the Bishop in 
his Preface, ' Polydore Vergil in the opinion of most excelleth ; not that he 
hath written more truly or more copiously than many others, but more 
politely and latest of any that have taken pains in this kind.' 


when Grafton added it to his version of Harding's Chronicle.^ 
Traversing a sphere akeady in appearance so far removed from 
that of the chronicles of London and their writers, it is worthy of 
note that More himself was under-sheriff of the city in the very 
year in which he is said to have written his biography of Richard. 
London and its citizens, indeed, played a large part in the English 
Renascence. Besides More, with his friendly garden at Chelsea, 
the main interests and activities of Colet lay in the city in which 
his father had been successively alderman, sheriff, and twice 
mayor. Vergil and indeed all the foreign legates and ambas- 
sadors were much in the capital with the king and court ; the 
printing presses were there ; the monasteries had ceased to be 
active homes of learning long ere they fell a victim to the politic 
greed of Henry VHI and Cromwell, and until the Universities 
had shaken off the confining folds of mediaeval scholasticism, and 
even afterwards, the capital remained a centre for much of the 
intellectual life of the country. In historical work, in addition to 
the fact that most of the chronicles of the century were written in 
London, it was Thomas Nicoll, a goldsmith of London, who in 
1550 made the first English translation of Thucydides, it is 
true from a French version itself in turn derived from a Latin 
translation. Camden was the son of a London paper-stainer ; 
Thomas Lodge, the dramatist, had as father one who had sat in 
the mayoral chair, and it is with Elizabethan London that the 
names of the masters of play-writing are associated. Speed and 
Stow were London tailors ; Queen Elizabeth herself was a not 
very remote descendant of a London citizen and mayor. 

More had already translated a life of Pico della Mirandola,^ 
a humanist who attracted him, but the biography of Richard 
occupies a much more important place both as literature — in 
regard to its Enghsh version — and as history. Brief as the frag- 
ment is, it is vastly superior in quality to the contemporary work 
of Fabyan. In Morton's household as a boy, there is no doubt 
that More derived some of his information concerning the stormy 
years 1483-5 from the Cardinal, though how much it is not easy 
to say. Although, however, the biography owes some of its value 
to its almost contemporary character, it is less as a mere chronicle 
of events than as a picture, or series of pictures, that the work 
impresses the reader. The drawing of the character and person 
of the usurping Richard, indeed, has stamped itself indelibly on 
all succeeding representations of that monarch, first amongst 

^ It was reprinted by Rastell in his editions of More's Works in 1557 and 
1 566. The question of the relation of the Latin and English versions is not of 
cardinal moment here, where it is the production of the biography that is of 
primary importance. 

- Printed by Wynkyn de Worde, 1510 ; edited by J. M. Rigg, 1890. 


which may be placed that of Shakespeare. And the vividness 
of More's description of some of the scenes leading up to the 
accession of Gloucester— the council at which Hastings was 
arrested, or the parting between the queen and her ill-fated sons ^ 
— required, in addition to the probable recital of an eyewitness,^ 
the imaginative feeling and literary instinct of the author of the 
Utopia. Further, the energy and fluency of the style make the 
English life of Richard III the first outstanding piece of English 
prose.^ It is this fact which distinguishes the biography so 
markedly from the preceding Latin works. And whilst the 
generation which witnessed the tragedies of Wolsey and More 
saw in the one case a secretary. Cavendish, in the other a near 
relation, ' son Roper,' pay similar tribute to the memory of 
natures as diverse as they were great, in the writing of biogra- 
phies,* both alike full of grace and charm, yet for historical or 
literary excellence equal to that of the brief sketch of Richard III, 
we must look forward just over a century to the life of the con- 
queror of Richard of Gloucester, written by one who like More 
was a classical scholar and a man of letters. 

For as the waters of religious strife closed over the head of 
the great humanist, so they drew into their swirl and rush much 
of what was best in the thought and expression of the sixteenth 
century in England, and albeit writing gained in vigour, it often 
became the vehicle for violently partisan attack or defence. 
Historical work naturally came under the influence of these 
tides, John Foxe's Acts and Monuments furnishing the best and 
most familiar example of the writing of history, and that on a 
large scale, with a definitely partisan religious attitude and 
purpose. And when opposing parties and policies ruled alter- 
nately, history unpalatable to the party in power was apt to 
suffer : thus the first edition of the Protestant Hall's chronicle 
is said to have been almost completely destroyed by order of 
Mary, just as later, though for political not religious reasons, the 
works of Holinshed, Hayward, and Camden occasioned some 
trouble and more anxiety to their authors. But despite the zeal 

1 Richard III, ed. Lumby, 1883, 40-1, 45-8. 

^ Cf. Gairdner, Life and Reig7i of Richard III {2ad edition, 1S79), 61, 81, 
86, 138. 

' Cf. Ascham's opinion {Works, ed. Giles, iii. 6, qu. in Ten Brink, iii. 153) : 
'Sir Thomas More, in that pamphlet of Richard III, doth in most part, 
I believe, of all those points so content all men, as, if the rest of our story of 
England were so done, we might well compare with France or Italy or 
Germany in that behalf.' 

* Though not of a contemporary nature, the life of Henry V by Robert 
Redmayne, also written in the reign of Henry VIII, must not be omitted. 
See Memorials of Henry V, ed. Cole, R. S., 1858, ix-xvi ; Kingsford, Henry V, 
viii, ' as an authority this life must be classed with the histories of Hall and 


displayed in the urging of Papal or anti-Papal claims, notwith- 
standing all the ink, and far more than that, poured out in 
defence or condemnation of the principles of the Reformation, 
chronicle-writing flourished and reached its highest development 
in Elizabeth's days. Interest in the classical historians, in the 
earlier English annalists and in the antiquities of the country 
generally, grew in like manner, and some attempt was even 
made, though in a fragmentary manner, to estimate the value or 
lay down the methods of the study of history. With all this the 
chronicles of London still found compiler and public in the same 
Elizabethan age. 

Of the many chroniclers of the middle and later part of the 
century, Hall, Holinshed and Stow stand out. A work written 
before the chronicles of these three, but of little merit, was The 
Pasty mes of People or the Cronicles of Dyvers Realmes and most 
specially of the Realme of England, published by John Rastell 
in 1529, divided like Fabyan's work, from which the author 
borrowed, into seven parts, the last of which reached to 1485. 
Edward Hall, educated at Eton and King's College, a lawyer, 
who also sat in Parliament in the later years of Henry VIH, a 
Londoner all his adult life though born in Shropshire, possessed 
of a large store of patriotic feeling, delighting in pageants and 
profuseness of colour, a Protestant to whom the authorship of 
a chronicle was by no means a thing to be separated from his 
religious views and sympathies — Hall was above all a believer in 
the infallibility of Henry VHI, of whom his work is in fact a 
glorification. Although Hall was a Londoner, he did not put 
his work in the form of the chronicles of that city, albeit in 
common with all the sixteenth-century chroniclers he made not 
a little use of those records.^ It is true he pursued the course 
of events from 1399, the year with which his ' Union of the two 
Noble and Illustre famelies of Lancaster and York ' opens, year 
by year for the successive kings of whom he wrote, but that did 
not prevent his work showing a great advance on the methods 
and qualities of the London chroniclers of even the preceding 
generation, whose works — including Fabyan's Chronicle — Hall 
found ' far shooting wide from the butt of a history '. Instead 
of beginning with the Creation, the fabled Brut or even Richard I, 
Hall commenced, as remarked, with the first Lancastrian king, 
and, as may be seen from the titles he gives to the reigns of the 
different monarchs,^ he has a definite thesis to propound, de- 

' Cf. Kingsford, op. cit. xxxiii-xxxiv. Hall mentions ' Chronicles of 
London' in his list of authorities. 

^ These titles are sagacious and somewhat illuminative ; in addition to the 
first and last recorded above, they include ' The victorious acts of King 
Henry the Fifth ', ' the troublous season of King Henry the Sixth ', ' the 


veloping his subject from the ' Unquiet time of King Henry the 
Fourth ' to the ' Triumphant Reign of Henry the Eighth '. To 
him as to Bacon (though Hall was not, like the Lord Chancellor, 
thinking of the Union of England and Scotland, but of the 
praise of the monarch under whom he lived and wrote),^ the 
beginning of the Tudor dynasty, the blending of the rival Roses, 
was the consummation of the history of the preceding periods ; 
it showed, in a phrase ^ which may illustrate his grandiose and 
Latinized style, what Ascham ^ called his ' strange and inkhorn 
terms ' — ' that the day was now come that the seed of tumultuous 
factions and the fountain of civil dissension should be stopped, 
evacuate, and clearly extinguished'. This concept gives his 
work a unity and completeness which the earlier chronicles do 
not possess. Further, his chronicle is of some value from its 
commencement. For Hall made use of a wide range of materials, 
and we may find another sign of the development of historical 
method in that he prefixes a list of the authorities from which 
he 'compiled and conjoined' his work, dividing them into Latin, 
French and English writers. He used Comines and Monstrelet 
for the French part of his chronicle, and he was familiar with 
Froissart, — presumably through Berners' translation, — although 
his remarks upon that writer* can scarce be said to indicate a 
high level of critical ability. For the rest, in addition to More's 
biography of Richard III and Fabyan's Chronicle, the diligence 
of whose author Hall eulogizes, most noteworthy perhaps is the 
wholesale way in which he borrows from Polydore Vergil for his 
account of the reign of Henry VII, though Vergil did in some 
measure return the compliment by borrowing from Hall when 
continuing his history of England to 1538, just as Speed and 
Bacon in turn used each other's work. 

Hall's Chronicle, as we have remarked, is of value for the fifteenth 
century, where, in addition to his use of manuscript materials and 
his insertion of documents, he was not, for the later part, too far off 

Prosperous reign of King Edward the Fourth', 'the Pitiful life of King 
Edward the Fifth ', ' the tragical doings of King Richard the Third ' leading 
up to ' the Politic governance of King Henry the Seventh '. 

' Hall died in 1547. 

^ Chronicle, ed. Ellis, 181 1, 423. 

' Scholemaster,ed. Mayor, 127; and again : 'many sentences be clouted up 
together, as though Mr. Hall had not been writing the story of England but 
varying a sentence in Hitching school.' Ascham, however, acknowledges 
the ' much good matter ' contained in the chronicle. 

* 'John Froissart wrote the lives of King Edward III and Richard II so 
compendiously and so largely that if there were not so many thynges spoken 
of in his long woorkes, I might beleve all written in his greate volumes to be 
as trewe as the gospell. But I have redde an olde Proverb which saith that 
in many woordes a lye or twayne male scape ' (Dedication of his Chronicle 
to Edward VI). 


to incorporate information possibly received by word of mouth.^ 
For the reign of Henry VIII, however, Hall was a contemporary, 
and his account is of very considerable value. He is far from im- 
partial in his attitude towards events. His fervid Protestantism is 
apparent throughout,^ yet he adheres blindly to the doctrine that 
the king can do no wrong, even when his actions directly violate 
the laws of morality or the Protestant principles of the writer 
himself.^ He never tires of describing in minute detail the 
pageants, such as the Field of the Cloth of Gold, in which 
monarch and chronicler alike delighted, at not a few of which 
indeed Hall had himself been present. For some of the events 
of the reign, notably happenings in London, such as the rising 
against aliens there in 151 7, the riots against the enclosures 
attempted round the city, or the opposition in the city to the 
exactions of Wolsey, he preserves the best account extant ; his 
criticisms of the great men of his time are at times illuminating, 
and not always inapt, even when they are provoked and perverted 
by his theological views. And these same definite opinions 
helped to give his writing a vigour which not even his pomposity 
of style could remove. 

Hall's work has been treated somewhat fully because he is 
so much a Londoner and so representative of the attitude of 
Londoners in the days of the Reformation. And yet in the 
scope of his woi'k^ his methods and his results, he is far removed 
from the city annalists. And as the sixteenth century advanced, 
the chroniclers of importance, with one exception, get further 
and further in temper and outlook from the earlier London 
chroniclers ; more and more do they seek inspiration and guid- 
ance from classical models, and therefore in following primarily 
the fortunes of the chronicles of the capital they do not need the 
attention which Hall and the previous historical writers demanded. 
The chronicle of Hall's successor, Richard Grafton,* also his 

^ He probably received his account of the Battle of Wakefield, of which 
his relation is unique, in this way (Chron. 250; Ramsay, Lancaster and 
York, ii. 238, n.). 

^ This, it has been pointed out (Fisher, Pol. Hist, of Eng., v, 1 485-1 547, 
491), does not altogether diminish Hall's value, because of the large amount 
of anti- Protestant evidence which has been preserved for this period. Simple 
instances of his bias occur in his attitude to the sack of Rome, or his remark 
anent the preaching of Bishop Fisher who ' preached so much honour to the 
Pope and his Cardinals . . . that he forgot to speak anything of the Gospel '. 

' E.g. in the case of the Act of Six Articles, Hall, in a speech in Parlia- 
ment, the account of which is preserved, managed to find reasons for 
supporting the bill from what he had ' read in chronicles ' and the maxim 
' Obey your king '. He was also on the commission to take the oath on the 
Articles in the capital (Foxe, ed. Cattley, v. 504, 440). 

* A Chronicle at large and 7neare Historye of the Affayres of England, 
1568; reprinted, 1809. 


printer, and for the final years of the chronicle his editor, is not 
of much account, being a compilation from Hall and other well- 
known writers. Raphael Holinshed's work, however, was better 
stuff, and if his chronicle is to-day best known as a mine in which 
Shakespeare and others delved, in addition to the literary qualities 
which made light the task of rounding and smoothing such stones 
as the dramatist took from thence, the chronicle has its place in 
the development of historical work. Most striking is the scale 
on which Wolfe, whose assistant until his death in 1573 Holinshed 
was, planned the work. The Chronicles of England, Scotland 
and Ireland, which together with the Description of England by 
WiUiam Harrison appeared under Holinshed's direction in 1577, 
were but part of Wolfe's original scheme, which was to have 
included the whole world on similar lines. Such a work required 
many helpers, and its projectors may perhaps be said to have 
initiated the method adopted, for somewhat different reasons, in 
our own day, of getting several writers to contribute towards the 
production of one work under a general editor. It is more in 
scope and style than in method that Holinshed's Chronicle differs 
from that of Hall, from which indeed extensive borrowings were 

With Hall and Holinshed we have travelled far from the city 
chroniclers. But in Stow,^ contemporary of both Holinshed and 
Camden, there is a reversion in some measure to the older type. 
Born in London, the son of a tallow-chandler, himself working 
for about thirty years as a tailor in the capital. Stow was more 
purely a London citizen than the majority of the contemporary 
chroniclers, who were almost all men of considerable education 
and sometimes travelled, to whom, as indeed it was to Stow, the 
writing of chronicles was a profession, a life-work, in a way it 
had never been, so far as we can judge, for the city annalists of 
the preceding century. Stow acquired his historical knowledge 
with much labour, after being more interested, he said, in divinity, 
astrology and poetry.^ In 1563, however, at the request of the 
printer Thomas Marshe, he undertook to write an abridgement 
of the history of England in imitation of a work of this descrip- 
tion published some years before. 

In casting his Summarie into civic form Stow was not so much 
abandoning a new and wider scheme as clinging to a style of 
chronicle which, though discarded by the writers of historical 
ability, still obtained In several works of minor importance 
written and published about the middle of the century. The 

' An authoritative Life of Stow is prefixed to Mr. Kingsford's edition of the 
Survey, 2 vols., 1908. 

^ His first publication was an edition of The Werkes of Geffrey Chaucer. 

1125 D 


Chronicle of the Grey Friars has been mentioned above.^ Of 
more importance was the chronicle of Charles Wriothesley,^ 
Windsor Herald from 1534 to his death, cousin to the Thomas 
Wriothesley who was first Earl of Southampton and Chancellor 
in the last years of the reign of Henry VHI. Influenced in part 
no doubt by Arnold's record, which he used, Wriothesley cast 
his work into the form of a city chronicle, although it is not 
without significance that the transcriber of the early seventeenth 
century, to whose labour we are indebted for the chronicle (the 
original is lost), omitted the names of the city officers, so causing 
some chronological confusion.^ Wriothesley carried his work 
down to 1558, some four years before his death. A copy of 
Arnold to 1520 and brief for some time after that, it becomes 
fuller and of some value for the later years of Henry VHI — 
notably for the fall of Anne Boleyn — and the two succeeding 
reigns. It is very civic in scope and colouring, consisting in the 
main of a series of short notes, apparently jotted down as the 
events they concern occurred, some of them valuable and inter- 
esting, but many of them trivial in character, although their 
recital is rendered more palatable by the touches of a personal 
character in the chronicle.* This expression of the individuality 
of the writer, although not entirely absent from the earlier city 
chronicles, is more evident in the work of another citizen of the 
capital, Henry Machyn,^ who found scope for his interest in 
London and its happenings not in the compilation of a city 
chronicle, but in the keeping of a diary, at first not much more 
than a record of the burials in which he had a professional interest, 
but later developing into a fuller account of what he heard and 
saw in the London of Mary and of Elizabeth's early years. Less 

^ p. 27. Deserving of mention — though scarcely more — is a London 
Chronicle (ed. C. Hopper, Cam. Soc. Miscellany, iv, 1859, 1-18), covering 
the years 1500-45. For some of the early years it is only a list of mayors 
(the names of the sheriffs are omitted), but about 1537 it gets a little fuller, 
recording happenings in the city, such as the destruction of relics and the 
burning of Friar Forest (ibid. 11-13). The MS. Chronicle of the Marquis of 
Bath (see below, p. 57) was also copied about this time. 

* Ed. W. D. Hamilton, Cam. Soc, 1 vols., 1875-7. 

' The confusion liable to arise between the use of the civic and calendar, 
to say nothing of the regnal, years, had been realized, for Grafton, when in 
1568 he published his Chronicle, appended a table giving the names of the 
sovereigns and city officers from 1189 to 1568, together with the various dates 
on which the calendar, regnal, and civic years began {Chronicle, 1809, ii. 
568 seq.). 

* For examples see vol. i, Pref. ; the civic nature of the work is indicated 
by the frequency with which Wriothesley describes the elections of the city 

^ Ed. J. G. Nichols, Cam. Soc, 1848. Machyn probably died in 1563, in 
which year his diary ends abruptly. 


worthy of detailed mention are several chronicles in the form of 
city annals printed about this time. John Byddell in 1539 pub- 
lished A Short Cronycle, in civic form ; similarly a Cronicle of 
Veres appeared four years later, and like the preceding work ran 
through several editions.^ It was a brief and useless record, in 
parts merely a list of mayors and sheriffs, its entries borrowed in 
the main from Fabyan and his continuators. Copied from this 
(or at most from the later editions of Fabyan) was A Breviat 
Chronicle, of which versions were published by several printers in 
the ten years after its first appearance in 1552. The Cronicle of 
the World, which appeared three years earlier, the work of Thomas 
Lanquet and Thomas Cooper, later Bishop of Winchester, re- 
published with a continuation by Robert Crowley in 1559,^ was 
a compilation of little more value, but not in the form of a city 
chronicle. Following on these, Grafton, after spending many 
years in seeing through his press ecclesiastical and historical 
literature, first tried his hand at original work in an Abridgement 
of the Chronicles of England, published in 1563, and two years 
later joined with John Kingston, likewise a printer, to compile a 
Manuel of the Chronicles of England, his own larger Chronicle 
being issued in 1568. 

It was in the year 1565 that Stow's Summarie of English 
Chronicles appeared. There must have been a considerable 
demand for such works — the nearest approach to the modern 
historical ' text -books ' that the sixteenth century produced — 
for in addition to the similar short chronicles mentioned above, 
six editions of the Summarie appeared before the year 1590 was 
over, and the Abridgement of the Summary, a volume of tiny 
dimensions, also ran through the same number of editions in 
a still shorter time, only ending with its twelfth issue in 1618.^ 
It is possible that the reprinting of editions in the earlier years 
was stimulated by the rivalry between the author and Richard 
Grafton, who himself issued four editions of his own Abridgement 
before his death in or about 157 a. But Stow was destined for 
better things than the writing of summaries in the form of city 
chronicles which, though the different editions varied a little, 
were all alike brief, jejune, and entirely destitute of any literary 
merit. He had aided Archbishop Parker and Raphael Holinshed 
in their historical works ; his store of precious manuscripts grew, 
and his acquaintance with historical scholars like Camden, Savile, 
or Thynne was extended. He had, he said in 1593,* consecrated 

^ See the list of Chronicles of London, below, pp. 96-8. 
- This version bore the title oi An Epitome of Cronicles, &c. 
^ A complete Bibliography for Stow is given by Mr. Kingsford in his 
edition of the Survey of London, i. Ixxxii-vi. 
^ Dedication to the Annates of that year. 

D 3 


himself for thirty years ' to the search of our famous antiquities % 
and in 1580 the firstfruits of his larger plans appeared in his 
Chronicle of England from Brute unto the present year of Christ 
i$8o. This was a much more considerable work than the 
summaries, although it still retained the form of a city chronicle. 
Twelve years later, however, he produced h\s Annates of England, 
fullest and best of his annalistic works, enlarged from his 
Chronicle but embodying the results of his further researches — 
researches which indeed had filled him with projects of a work 
of which the published Annals formed only a part. With the 
conception of this larger work Stow finally laid aside the 
restricted form of the chronicles of the city ; like Holinshed, 
he even avoided the sharp division of the text for the regnal 
years of the king used by Hall. 

With the disappearance of the civic form from the pages of 
Stow, the town chronicle, so far as the capital is concerned, 
disappeared for ever. It was fitting that Stow, most famous of 
London antiquarians, should be the last as he was the greatest 
of the long series of its chroniclers ; it was inevitable that with 
the development of historical writing the narrow range and 
limited form of the city annals should be superseded by wider 
aims and more advanced methods. Stow had lived so much in 
the past history of his city from the days when, as a child, he 
had witnessed the building of Thomas Cromwell's house in 
Throgmorton Street, to his declining years spent in the task 
of visiting and describing its antiquities in the most celebrated 
of his works, that it is not surprising he clung to the forms of 
the annals of London, many of which he knew and used, one or 
two of which he probably owned.^ Most of the sixteenth-century 
chroniclers lived in London for a good part of their lives, but 
Stow was more definitely and more completely a Londoner than 
them all. Born and bred there, with a personal knowledge of 
industrial London life, he had enough feeling of citizenship to 
dedicate the Survey and successive editions of the Sunimarie 
Abridged to My Lord Mayor. And his best-known work, the 
Survey of London, with its wealth of detail about every ward and 
part of London, its faithful record of all men and women of note 
who had lived, died, and been buried there, its descriptions of the 
laws and customs of the city, its multitude of references of every 
conceivable sort bearing on the history of his ' native soil and 
country ', as he terms the capital — the ' Survey ' is not only a book 
of a life, it is the culmination and completion of the impulse 
which had led Arnold Fitzthedmar to compile the first city 
record, the ' Liber de Antiquis Legibus ', three centuries earlier. 

^ See the Survey, ed. Kingsford, i. xxxiv. 



Stow has to some extent the hmitations of the London chroniclers. 
Practically self-educated, he never approached the scholarship of 
Camden ; we may scan his work in vain for evidence of his 
interest in, almost his knowledge of, the intellectual movements 
of his day ; we find no mention of the classical models to which 
his contemporaries looked for inspiration and guidance, ' In 
hystories the chief thyng that is to be desired is the truth,' he 
says,i and the brevity of his motto is illustrative of the simplicity 
of his style. Stow's first interests were literary, and his writing 
is characterized by its plainness, but he has nothing to say of the 
dramatists living and working about him in Elizabethan London. 
He was distinctly consei-vative in temper, and it is not very difficult 
to find in his chronicle — or indeed in Holinshed's — the ' monstrous 
observations' which Ben Jonson declared he found in Stow's 
work. Were it not so, however, the one-time tailor would not 
have been a true chronicler of London, and the history of their 
writings would have ended long before the spring of 1605, when 
John Stow was carried to his burial-place in Saint Andrew's 
Undershaft, within hearing of the hum of the city in which he 
had lived and wrought. 

Although the annalists of London end with Stow, the develop- 
ments witnessed in his later writings were carried on by his 
contemporaries and successors, any detailed mention of whose 
work, however, lies without the scope of this survey. William 
Camden, a more finished scholar than Stow, proved himself more 
of an historian than a chronicler in his Annates Elizabethae with 
their significant dedication to ' God, my country and posterity at 
the Altar of Truth '. John Speed, originally like Stow a London 
tailor, entitled his voluminous work a 'History' of Great Britain, 
and alike in scope, method, and execution it certainly showed 
great advance on the works of the city annalists. And with the 
courtly Sir John Hayward we approach more closely still to the 
real historian. Hayward's depth of research and wide scholar- 
ship gave his works, notably his life of Edward VI, a place of 
some importance in the development of historical writing, as his 
greater contemporary could recognize. Bacon's historical work, 
indeed, may be taken to mark the complete severance from the 
chronicles, civic or general, of the preceding century. Almost 
without exception the works of previous historical writers owe 
much of their value to their having been written by men who 
lived in or near the times of which they wrote. With Bacon, 
however, it is due less to proximity than to keenness of vision, 
critical and literary ability, that his Life and Reign of King 
Henry VII, fruit of his maturer years, written long after he had 

^ Preface to Summarie, 1 565. 


in his scheme of philosophy ^ settled for himself the bounds and 
divisions of history, not only became the guide and inspiration 
for all succeeding attempts to depict the reign of the first Tudor, 
but created a new and but seldom surpassed standard in historical 

And even before the last of the London chronicles saw the 
light, interest in the past had shown itself in ways other than 
the compiling of annals. The appearance of Stow's Survey was 
a sign of the development of antiquarian research. Here John 
Leland, with his laborious journeys and vast collections made in 
the years of the monastic dissolution, led the way. He had 
been followed by such men as Bishop Bale with his invaluable 
Illusti-ium viaioris Britanniae Scriptortnn Summarium (1548), 
Archbishop Parker with his editions of the monastic chroniclers, 
his encouragement of the study of Anglo-Saxon and his patronage 
of the Society of Antiquaries,^ Camden with his Britannia (1586) 
and further editions ^ of the chroniclers. 

In this second half of the sixteenth century came in addition 
those translations which have gained for the period the title of 
the golden age of translation. Considered merely from the 
historical point of view the translation of the Bible and the 
study of the Fathers which accompanied the Reformation move- 
ment are of no small importance. The more strictly historical 
translations began — before the Elizabethan age — with Lord Ber- 
ners' version of Froissart, completed in 1533. Whilst Froissart's 
great successor Comines as well as the two pre-eminent Florentine 
historians Machiavelli and Guicciardini also received English 
dress in Elizabeth's reign, most notable are the versions of the 
Greek and Roman historians. Almost all the classical historical 
writers of repute were included — from the already mentioned 
translation of Thucydides, made, like North's more famous version 
of Plutarch, through the medium of French, to Sir Henry Savile's 
rendering of Tacitus in 1591, or the scholarly version of Livy 
produced by Philemon Holland nine years later. 

Along with this many-sided development of historical interest 
came some thought — fragmentary and unripe for the most part — 
on the function of history. Most ot the sixteenth-century 
chroniclers, translators, and educational writers have something 
to say of the value of the study of history. Here, too, Lord 
Berners comes first with his eloquent passage in the introduction 
to his rendering of Froissart, wherein he declared history to be 
' the most profitable thing in this world for the institution of the 

' See Advancement of Learning {Philosophical Works, ed. Spedding and 
Ellis, iii), 334 seq. 

^ Cf. for the Society of Antiquaries, Archaeologia, i, 1770, p. iii seq. 
' 1603 ; entitled Anglica, Normanica, Hibernica a veteribiis scripta. 


human life '. And succeeding historical writers down to the 
Jacobean Lord Chancellor, with his concise saying that ' Histories 
make men wise ', took up much the same attitude, Stow with the 
rest waxing enthusiastic over the study to which he devoted his 
life.i Equally earnest in varying ways were Elyot, the author 
of the Institucion of a Gentleman, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and 
others : More ^ could allow his Utopians to stand indebted to the 
old world for the works of Thucydides. These writers are very 
practical about it all. The governor and warrior is from the 
study of history ' to fit himself with sundry sorts of example ', 
history being, as Hall put it, 'the key to induce virtue and 
repress vice.' By its influence, to quote Berners again, ' the 
strong hardy warriors ' are ' promptly to go in hand with great 
and hard perils '. 

Inextricably bound up with this warlike note was the patriotic 
feeling so characteristic of the age, giving impetus to and in 
turn deriving strength from the study of history — especially, of 
course, English history. Here historical drama, notably Shake- 
speare's long series of historical plays on events of British history 
from Lear to Henry VIH, takes chief place, though historical 
verse of a non-dramatic nature reflected the same sentiments 
and owed its origin to the same sources. These sources were of 
course the chronicles of the period, those of Stow, Grafton, 
Hall, and above all of Holinshed. And as Holinshed and his 
fellow annalists certainly made use of the earlier chronicles of 
London, these may claim some share — true, a humble and indirect 
one, but none the less a share — in the creation of the Elizabethan 
historical drama. Although the feeling of patriotism was neither 
so widely apparent nor so strongly expressed in the Elizabethan 
chroniclers as in the drama of the same period, its presence there 
is unmistakably evidenced. Holinshed avows ^ that one of the 
reasons for publishing the chronicle going by his name is ' to put 
men in mind not to forget their native country's praise ', a mission 
the reader will readily grant to have been fulfilled. For Camden * 
it was ' the love of my country which includes all other afifections, 
the glory of the British name ', which led to the production of his 
most famous work. Hakluyt declared ' that he was stirred to 
compile his immortal records of the maritime exploits of his 
countrymen^ the Principal Navigations, by his indignation at 
the contempt he had witnessed abroad for English seamanship. 

1 Annals, ' To the Gentle Reader '. 

2 Utopia, ed. T. F. Dibdin, 1878, 303. 

^ Chronicle, Address to the Gentle Reader. 
* Britannia, Preface. 

^ In the Dedication of the first edition of his work to Sir Francis 


Speed ^ could find consolation for his inability to accept the 
legends of Brut, in the reflection that the conquered Trojan race 
was, after all, not nearly good enough to be the source of so 
famous a nation as his own. 

Here this survey may fittingly end. For this expression ot 
a strong national feeling markedly distinguishes the historical 
work of the later Elizabethan period from that of the earlier city 
annalists. In addition to the immense developments in the 
methods, the scope, and the style of historical writing which the 
Tudor period witnessed, there came slowly and at times imper- 
ceptibly this growth of a definitely national point of view, this 
pervading of historical literature by a national consciousness. 
Just as in trade and industry the local gilds were being super- 
seded by wider organizations and legislation on national lines, 
just as the efforts of the towns to solve the problems of poor 
relief were giving way to a national poor-law system, so in 
historical work the town chroniclers, in so far as they were of 
any importance, were succeeded by writers of wider, of national 
interests, who wrote not as citizens of London or any other city 
or town, but as Englishmen for Englishmen. The town chroniclers 
had their place. They had done something to fill the gap between 
the decline of the monastic annalist and the rise of the Renascence 
historian : in the unquiet days of the fifteenth century, when the 
monasteries were decaying in vigour, when king and courtier, 
noble and squire, were thralls of civil strife, the citizen of London 
found both time and interest to keep his record of what he heard 
and saw. And although his vision might be short, his intelligence 
limited, his tastes homely, his credulity enormous, and his powers 
of expression feeble, he deserves some gratitude for the fidelity 
with which he portrayed the part played by the capital and its 
citizens in the England not so much of scholar and writer as of 
warrior and trader. 

' History (ed. 1632), 20. 


So much may be said for the history of the town chronicles of 
England in general. But some further remarks are needed to 
introduce the chronicles here printed, which chronicles may 
serve to illustrate in some measure the more general survey 
already made. They have been printed as they come in chrono- 
logical order, although this order does not of course necessarily 
agree with that of their relative importance. In this the third 
chronicle, attributed to Robert Bale, easily comes first for its 
length and interest, the fragment from a Longleat MS. with 
which the group opens being both comparatively and actually of 
rather slight value. 

MS. Longleat. Among the MSS. of the Marquis of Bath ^ 
at Longleat is a folio volume of eighty-five leaves, written by a 
professional scribe in the second quarter of the sixteenth century, 
to judge from the hand, which is regular and clear save where it 
is spoilt by the poor quality of the paper. The contents of the 
volume are well spaced out, with wide margins on either side of 
the text ; some leaves are almost certainly lost from the end of 
the work. The MS. is cased in a fine modern binding bearing 
inside the cover the crest of 'The Right Honourable Thomas 
Lord Viscount Weymouth, Baron Thynne of Warminster, 1704 ', 
and it is entitled Chronicle of England Ric. I. to Henry VI., X VP^. 

The volume contains a chronicle of London similar to that in 
MS. Cotton Julius B. II. Indeed until the close of the reign of 
Richard II it is almost identical therewith, its differences being 
almost all merely verbal and such as any copyist might make ; ^ 
to 1 399 it might well have been copied from Julius B. II, For 
the years from that date to the imperfect ending in 143a, how- 

' I am indebted to the kindness of the Marquis of Bath for permission to 
use the MS., and also to Bodley's Librarian for allowing it to remain in the 
Bodleian for some time. 

The MS. is described in Hist. MSS. Comnt., Rep. Ill, App., 183, but 
(apparently judging from the contents of the MS. only) it is there said to be 
of the fifteenth century. The MS., however, is a sixteenth-century copy. 

^ E.g. putting 'shrewe' for 'Jewe' (fo. 5); omitting words (fo. 11) 
'a bushell of [wheat] was worth . . .' ; a" 22 Richard II putting 'Sahsbury ' 
for ' Shrewsbury ', and so forth, fo. 4^ is left blank, but the chronicle goes 
straight from fo. 40 to fo. 41. 


ever, this chronicle, whilst still agreeing very closely with 
Julius B. II, yet varies in some years enough to show that it 
could not have been transcribed therefrom. Nor could it have 
been copied from Harley /6j, to which for the opening years of 
the fifteenth century Julius B. II and this chronicle are fairly 
closely allied. From all appearance this record is but a servile 
copy, bearing no trace of originality save in the occasional crea- 
tion of obvious slips or misreadings.^ The I'elations of the early 
fifteenth-century chronicles of London are so complex and con- 
fused that dogmatism is impossible, but one may surmise that 
the sixteenth-century scribe copied a version (now lost) which 
shared the same original as Julius B. II, as far as 1399 at least. 
For the final thirty years it may be from the same original, if we 
can regard the author of Julius B. II as at times abbreviating 
and even — as in the case of the bill of 1410 — misplacing the 
statements of his source. 

The first and most interesting difference between this 
chronicle and Julius B. II occurs in the opening year of the reign 
of Henry IV. Whilst the latter does not even mention the death 
of the deposed Richard, — Harley j6^ and Gregory s Chronicle 
record it in the most formal way, — this chronicle gives an account 
of his end which, though brief, is yet as full as the other early 
accounts in English. It is quite consonant with the records of 
Creton, Walsingham, and the author of the ' Annales Ricardi 
Secundi ', although it says nothing as to the cause of the death 
of the king.^ And whilst it does not add anything of importance 
to the story of the end of Richard II, that story is still dark 
enough to render worthy of publication a narrative drawn up, in 
all probability, within thirty years of the event. The close 
relationship between this chronicle and Julius B. II, at times 
merging into identity, is maintained for the rest of the reign of 
Henry IV and his successors.^ Of some importance is the fact 
that the bill presented against the clergy, inserted here as in 
Julius B. II, is placed in the year 1410, three years later than in 

^ E.g. ythtxe Julius B. //(with Arnold) omits the name 'Lewes' (p. 82), 
that of a man who was ' sent ffro my lord of Bedford ', the scribe, likewise 
omitting the word, went straight on, rendering the passage ' maistre Sent fro 
my lord of Bedford'. 

^ Creton's account is in Archaeologia, xx. 217-21 ; Walsingham's in his 
Hist. Ang. (ed. Riley, R. S., 1864), ii. 245-6; Annales Ricardi Secundi et 
Henrici Qiiarti, 313, 330-I. 

' Thus a° 4 is different from Julitis B. II, the next year being in part 
identical with Julius B. II, in part agreeing more closely with Harley jdj ; 
a° 6 is different from both these records; the next years resemble fairly 
closely the corresponding years in Harley 565, but at times agree exactly 
■with. Julius B. II; in a° 12 (as Julius B. II) there is no entry, and the last 
two years of the reign of Henry IV are likewise similar to the same chronicle. 


the other record. This agrees, however, with the other authori- 
ties — Fabyan, Walsingham, and Otterbourne — who mention the 
bill, so that the placing of it in this year by a record so similar 
to the one which differs from the others may be said finally to 
establish the date of 1410.1 The text of the bill in the Lotigleat 
MS. is identical with that in Jidius B. II (differing from that of 
Fabyan in places), save that at the end of the bill, to the ' noon 
answer gevyn', it adds 'for the king wolde be avysid'. The 
account of the advent of Henry's bride in 1403 and that of the 
rebellion in the north two years later are considerably fuller than 
the corresponding passages in the other city chronicles. For the 
reign of Henry V, beyond minor variations, omissions, and addi- 
tions,_2 of more interest is the fuller entry this chronicle contains, 
descriptive of the obsequies of the victor of Agincourt, in London. 
In the last ten years of the chronicle, the first ten of the reign 
of Henry VI, it again approximates closely to Julius B. II -.^ 
in the tenth year, whilst omitting to notice the meeting of Parlia- 
ment, the Longleat MS. inserts the heading to Lydgate's verses, 
'The ordennances made in the citie of london agaynste the 
comyng of the kyng ffrome his coronacion oute of ffrance.' With 
these verses, or rather less than a third of the way through 
them, the chronicle comes to an abrupt end at the foot of folio 84, 
ending with the lines (from stanza twenty-three) : 

On the right hand of thies Emperesses 
Stodde sevyn maydens very celestiall. 

Probably the rest of the verses have perished. It is also, of 
course, possible that the chronicle originally extended further 
than 143a, but bearing in mind the fact that the chronicle in 
Julius B. II really ends in that year, only the names of the city 
officers to 1435 (about which date it was most likely written) 

' The bill is printed in Jtclius B. II, Kingsford, Chronicles of London, 
65-8 ; see ibid, xxxviii. 295 for the question as to its date, a comparison of 
the text in that chronicle with that of Fabyan, and the notices in Walsingham 
and Otterbourne. 

^ The entry for the first year of Henry V is almost identical with that in 
Julius B. II; the next two years are nearer to Harley j6j though not 
identical therewith ; the fourth year again resembles Julius B, II very 
closely, as does the fifth, though it adds of Oldcastle, who was executed this 
year, ' by cause he was a lorde and maister of Eryttykes ' ; the next three 
years are similar both to Julius B. II and Harley j6j, and so is the ninth 
and last save for the passage anent Henry's death, the only entry for this 
reign here printed. 

^ Thus the text of the articles between Gloucester and the Bishop of 
Winchester (ff. 69''-82) more exactly resembles the text of Julius B. II than 
that of Hall and Arnold, and this is also true of the list of those knighted by 
the youthful monarch in the same year (1426) ; yet one or two lines of 
Lydgate's verses are transposed, as in Harley 365. 


being given, it is probable that the original of this very similar 
Longleat MS. was compiled at somewhat the same date. 
Jttlius B. II having already been printed, it would serve no good 
purpose to print this chronicle in full, so that only the fragments 
noticed above as differing in a marked degree from the Cottonian 
chronicle — as well as from the other extant chronicles of London 
— have found a place here. 

^MS. 57 IN THE Library of St. John's College, Oxford, 
is a fine folio of 242 leaves of paper in an old cover of parchment, 
the whole being encased in a modern binding. The hand, of 
the first half of the fifteenth century, is probably, as in the case 
of the Longleat MS., that of a professional scribe, being large 
and regular ; many of the initials are rubricated and often the 
initial letter is written in small and a space left for its elabora- 
tion. The original parchment covers are blank, save for odd 
scraps of writing and drawing. On the front cover is written 
somewhat elaborately ' W. Hoole ', very possibly the name of 
the person for whom the MS. was copied. Above, presumably 
the work of an early Tudor penman, are rude sketches of the 
rival Roses, and another of the two conjoined with the couplet: 

The red rose and the wythe 

Be knyght to geder w' grett delyghte. 

On the other cover are more names ^ without order or con- 
nexion. One of these, however, that of John Davenant,^ has 
more meaning than the rest. For it was John Davenant, tavern 
keeper, who (as an entry at the top of fol. 4 informs us) presented 
the MS. to the College. Davenant kept a tavern in Oxford, of 
which city he was mayor at the time of his death in i6ai. 
Wood * tells us that he was ' a very grave and discreet citizen 
yet an admirer of plays and playmakers ' — a taste which renders 
natural enough his possession of this MS. It was at his inn — 
later called the Croivn — that Shakespeare stayed in his journeys 
between Warwickshire and London. Sir William Davenant, the 

' I am indebted to the kindness of the Librarian of St. John's College, 
Mr. W. H. Stevenson, for opportunity to examine this MS. 

^ E.g. 'Dodlay' in a fifteenth-century hand ; below it 'mathew quytarell'; 
'John Spacker owneth this book 1573'; 'this book aylaynethe Thomas 
Wryght bok ' ; ' Nicolas Holdarness ' ; a sentence in a late sixteenth-century 
hand, ' So it is that the redresse of thynges amysse restithe onely in the 
handes of almyghty god' ; an entry concerning the sale of velvet by 'James 
ffowch '. 

' In the margin of fo. 189 is written in a late sixteenth or early seventeenth 
century hand ' John Davenant wryt this same ', which, as it cannot refer to 
the events there recorded by the scribe of the fifteenth century, presumably 
refers to the comment itself. 

* Aih. Oxon. (Bliss), iii. 862-3 j cf Diet. Nat. Biog. xiv. loi. 


dramatist, was his second son, his first, Robert, becoming a Fellow 
of St. John's College and ' a venerable doctor of divinity '. 

In addition to the chronicle of London (ff. 138-333) the volume 
contains (i) ' The Prick of Conscience ' of Richard Rolle of Ham- 
pole (ff. 1-137),^ the last two leaves containing a ' Suplementum 
defectionum libri precedentis ' ; (ii) ' Chorus Avium ' (ff. 336-38), 
Chaucer's ' Parlement of Fowles ' ; ^ (iii) ' The Statutes and 
ordenaunces to be kept in the boost ordeyned and made by our 
most excellent and soveren lord kynge harry the ffift ' (ff. 338^- 

The chronicle of London is of the ordinary fifteenth-century 
type beginning with 1189. Its interest lies in the fact that it 
ends at a date slightly earlier than any of the other London 
chronicles of that period. Whilst the chronicle in MS. Cotton 
Jtclitis B. IT gives the bare names of the city officers for its con- 
cluding years 1433-5 and ' the natural assumption is that it was 
written in 1435 ',* making it so far the first in date of the English 
city chronicles, the St. John' s College MS. closes with the names 
of the city officers for 1433-3, and as there is no entry below and 
no part is lost, this may indicate the date of writing, a date with 
which the hand is quite consistent, and which would thus make 
it the earliest English chronicle of London extant. Such a time 
of copying — implying of course an earlier compilation of the 
original — would lead us to regard this chronicle as a possible 
source for the later similar works, but a close comparison with 
Harley j6y, Julius B. I, Julius B. II, and Gregory's Chronicle 
shows that this is not the case. This MS. corresponds very 
closely with Harley /6/ and Julius B. I, but has enough omis- 
sions and differences to prove that neither of these could have 
been compiled from it. It is interesting to note that the occa- 
sional Latin and French notices in Harley ^6^ find no counter- 
part in this chronicle, pointing to their origin in a separate and 
almost certainly older source. From 1189 to the first years of 
the fifteenth century the chronicle in the St. John's College MS. 
displays only very slight divergences from the other two records, 
agreeing exactly sometimes with one sometimes with the other 
where they disagree, and even differing from both on occasion, 
as in 33 Richard II (fo. 173), where it omits part of the narrative 

'^ Ed. R. Morris for the Philological Society (1864) from British Museum 
MSS. ; the final stanzas do not appear in the printed version. 

^ Skeat collated this portion of the MS. for his edition of the poem ;. 
Chaucer, Works, Minor Poems, 50, 66, 339-59; 

^ Printed by Nicolas in his Battle of Agincourt (2nd ed., 1832), App. 
31-40, from an MS. in the College of Arms. The St. John's College MS. 
omits the titles and nine of the ordinances given in the other copy. 

■* Kingsford, Chronicles of London, ix. 116. 


given in both Harleyj6j and Julius B. I. Inio Henry IV (fo. 1 73) 
it displays verbal agreement with Harley y6j, Julius B. I being 
slightly different; in the following year, however (fo. 173^), it 
agrees more exactly with Julius B. I, both showing some diver- 
gence from the Harleian MS. In the insertion of documents 
such as the treaties for the surrender of Falaise and Rouen, the 
articles drawn up at the marriage of Henry V to Katherine of 
France (1420), it is identical with Julius B. I,^ these finding no 
place in Harley j6y, where however the strictly annalistic portion 
is much fuller. Whilst, however, Julius B. I is continued to 
1483, though in meagre fashion, the chronicle here described 
stops short, as mentioned above, with the names of the city 
officers for 1433-3. The conclusion is that both Jtilius B. I and 
this chronicle are copies of a London chronicle, probably written 
about 1430, the St. Johns College MS. being copied very soon 
after the compilation of the original. This original also, it may 
be surmised, was compiled from another city chronicle in which 
there were no documents inserted, and which was in turn used by 
the author of the chronicle in Harley j6y. As there is nothing 
of any value in the St. Johns College MS. which has not already 
been printed from the other versions, no part of it is here printed. 

MS. Rawlinson B. 355 is a volume of one hundred and 
thirteen leaves of parchment, measuring eight inches by five, 
bound in a vellum cover with the title thereon — Miscellanea 
Historica Civitatis Londinensis. A loose leaf written on by 
a distinct hand, containing a lease of some property in London 
(1466) and a list of city officers from 1460 to 1495 — probably 
intended as a continuation of the list in the chronicle — forms 
a sort of inside cover, may well indeed have been the original 
one. Save for this the volume is written throughout in one 
small but sufficiently clear hand of the middle of the fifteenth 
century, and is wholly in Latin. Besides the chronicle, it con- 
tains ' Imago mundi honori Augustodensis presbyteri ' (fo. 3) ; 
' Cronica Sancti Pauli cum aliis cronicis ' ^ (fo. 67) — a very brief 
and worthless chronicle reaching to 1399, with a notice at the 
end of the coronation of Edward IV ; some brief notes on the 
foundation of the various religious orders (fo. 75) ; ' De adventu 
Normannorum in Angliam', and a list of the shires of England 
(fo. 81). The chronicle of London ends the volume. This is 
written in red, the names of the sheriffs being in black ; the 

' Some of them are also contained in Gregory''s Chronicle and Vitellins A. 

'^ Identical with the ' Croniculi S. Pauli ad 1 399' printed in Docutnents 
illustrating the History of St. PauVs, ed. W. S. Simpson, Cam. Soc, 1880, 
p. 222 seq. 

RAWLINSON B. 355 6^ 

capitals are adorned with blue, and there is some ornamentation 
throughout. There is no clue to the original authorship or 
ownership of the MS., though it was once the property of 
Dr. RawHnson. The chronicle covers the years from 120a to 
1459 ; it is possible that a leaf containing the years 1189 to laoa 
is lost from the beginning. Although it ends abruptly at the 
bottom of a page, this may represent the original ending, as the 
last word is placed by itself in the centre of a line, and the work 
was probably, from its general tone, written early in the reign 
of Edward IV. 

The chroniele, like MS. Tanner 2, is exceptional in being 
in Latin, and it is worthy of note that in correspondence with 
that MS. the other contents of the volume are of a general and 
ecclesiastical i-ather than strictly civic character. It may not be 
the work of a citizen of London at all, in which case it but 
furnishes another illustration of the extent to which these works 
were known and copied at this time. For this chronicle, besides 
being in civic form, is certainly based on one or more London 
chronicles. Only the last nineteen years (1440-59) which are 
here printed can claim to be different — save in language — from 
versions of the London chronicle already known and published. 
From its abrupt beginning in laoa down to 143a the matter is 
very similar to, often identical with, that contained in MS. 
Cotton Julius B. 11.^ Although this latter chronicle is in 
English, its notices of the changes of kings and city officers are 
in Latin, and a close comparison of the two chronicles leads one 
to the conclusion that Julius B. II or its original is a translation, 
with sundry changes and additions in the shape of documents 
of considerable length, from the chronicle of which RawHnson 
B. ^jj represents a more exact copy.^ Where Jtilius B. II 
gives the articles of the Parliament of 1399, this record goes 
straight on to the reign of Henry IV, as if the original of Julius 
B. II had done likewise ; in like manner it omits the bill against 
the clergy in 1407 and the record of the arbitrament of 1435-6.^ 
Like Julius B. II, this chronicle bears some resemblance to 
MS. Harley /6/. Indeed it has more in common, for in its 
slight differences from Julius B. II, which increase with the 

^ Kingsford, Chronicles of London, 1-19, 62-4, 68-76, 95-7. 

^ Thus, to give a brief example, Queen Anne, wife of Richard II, is 
described mRawl.B.jsS (fo- 9') ^s ' benedicta et graciosa', the rendering 
in Julius B. II (p. 16) being ' a ffuU blessed Queene and a gracious '. An 
obvious omission m Julius B. II occurs a° 40 Edward III, where 'usque 
jDcviii diem Januarii ', in Rawl. B. 3S5, is given as ' usque diem Januarii ' in 
the English chronicle (p. 14). Another example occurs a" 7 Richard II, 
where this chronicle records the arrest of John More, a fact omitted in 
Julius B. II. 

= Kingsford, pp. 1 9-62, 65-8, 76-94- 


opening of the reign of Henry IV, it agrees with Harley j6j^ 
Mr. Kingsford concludes that the chronicles of London were 
first put into shape in English about 1414, and that Julhis B. II, 
ending earliest of all the English chronicles of London extant 
(with one exception), Harley /($/, and Cleopatra C. IV, may all 
three have had a common original ending in 1430.^ This does 
not preclude the hypothesis that there may have been a Latin 
version as well as an English one ; there must indeed have been 
several distinct compilations made about this time. The Latin 
headings, and occasional fragments in the same language, more 
frequent in Julius B. II, rather point to a Latin original. It is 
conceivable that the author of Rawlinson B. jjf used a Latin 
version as far as it reached — probably somewhere near the 
beginning of the fifteenth century — and then used the version 
from which Harley j6j was drawn, translating it into his some- 
what unready Latin. With 1440 the chronicle becomes inde- 
pendent, and the force of the suggestion ^ that one version of the 
London chronicles was compiled in 1440 and used by the authors 
of the chronicles in Cleopatra C. IV, Harley j^j", Gregory's 
Chronicle, and Vitellius A. XVI is strengthened by the fact that 
both Rawlinson B. ^yf and Bale's Chronicle become independent 
in that year. 

The independent part of this chronicle is so short that it 
cannot be appraised as an addition of much importance to the 
rather meagre historical literature of the later Lancastrian period. 
But it is of interest as illustrating party feeling in the days of 
the rival Roses. Despite its brevity, there is no doubt as to which 
side had the sympathies of the author. Like Bale's work, it was 
almost certainly written in the reign of Edward IV, and so its 
Yorkist bias is natural enough. The Duke of Somerset is 
represented as ' returning evil for good ' after his release in 
February 1455, by turning the King against York and Warwick. 
On three different occasions the phrase ' whose hour had not yet 
come ' is used of Somerset, before, with somewhat of malicious 
satisfaction, the writer records the Duke's death at St. Albans 

^ In 1402, for example, this chronicle has Sir ' Roger ' Clarendon, as 
Harley j(55 and Gregory's Chronicle, whilst Julius B. II gives, wrongly, 
Richard ; in 1407 it records the marriage of the Earl of Kent, as Harley ^63 
though noX Julius B.II; in a" 14 Henry IV it is much longer than the latter 
chronicle and almost identical with Harley 363, though in the twelfth year of the 
same reign it records (fo. 95^^) the death of an aurifaber ' in hospitium ducis 
Eboraci ex tempilbarre ' which neither of the other two chronicles contain. 
For the reign of Henry VI, save for the first two years, which agree closely 
With Julius B. II, it is practically identical with Harley j6j, Julius B. //being 
less full in the strictly annalistic part. With 18 Henry VI the resemblance 
between Harley 56s and this chronicle ceases. 

^ Chron. Land, xix-xx. ^ Ibid. xxi. 

RAWLINSON B. 355 65 

field in May 1455 'because his hour had come'. And in con- 
nexion with the same person he has (a° 31 Henry VI, 1452-3) 
a rather curious entry which finds, so far as I know, no parallel 
in the accounts of the other chroniclers of this period. He 
relates that by the advice of the Duke, the King rode to certain 
towns of the Duke of York and caused the tenants there, ' naked, 
with choking cords round their necks, in most severe frost and 
snow," to come and make their submission for having previously 
aided their lord against Somerset, who, it is added, ordered them 
to be hung, notwithstanding the grant of the royal pardon. 
Henry became incapacitated in August 1453, '^"d Somerset was 
placed in the Tower in the following November, there to stay 
until February 1455, so that the story cannot relate to anything 
done in the winter of 1453-4, or later. It is curious that from 
March 1453 for almost twelve months there is practically no 
record of domestic affairs.^ The King with the Queen and 
Somerset paid a ' domiciliary visit ' to the Duke of York at 
Ludlow in August 1453, following it up by a progress by way 
of St. Albans to Stamford, Peterborough, and Cambridge in 
October ; ^ he had with him two justices, so that trials may have 
taken place though a general pardon had been granted in the 
previous April.^ But near the end of November, before which 
one would not expect severe frost and snow, the King was in 
Reading, and there is no record of a further progress. The 
Duke of York's articles against Somerset were brought forward 
in February 1452, and so would not mention anything done in 
the following winter, but in November 1453 Norfolk accused 
Somerset in Council.* Here, however, as in the articles of 
Richard of York, the accusations are almost entirely confined to 
French affairs, and there is no reference to any act such as that 
recorded by this writer. And it seems improbable that, had 
such a thing occurred, none of the other chroniclers, who, poor 
as their works are, rank far higher than this one, should have 
given no account of it. The author's ill will towards the Duke 
of Somerset has been remarked upon, and this may perhaps be 
regarded as another example of it — a distorted account of the 
progresses in the autumn of 1453, with the inclement weather 
thrown in to heighten the effect. Bearing most resemblance to 
the progress here described was that made in the January after 
Cade's rebellion, when the King journeyed through Kent and 
Sussex, holding inquisitions on the rioters, of whom twenty-nine, 

^ Gairdner, Introduction to Paston Letters, i. Ixxxvi. 
^ Ibid. Ixxxii. 

' Ramsay, ii. 151 ; Whethamstede, i. 85-6. 

* Ibid. i. 259-61 ; and cf. Intro. Ixxvii-lxxx for the articles of the Duke 
of York. 

1125 E 


we are told, were executed, others receiving the royal pardon.^ 
But the Duke of York was with the King at this time, and no- 
where else does the chronicler display such faulty chronology as 
this would involve. 

Comparable to the feelings of the writer towards Somerset is 
his attitude to Suffolk — 'hateful both to lords and commons', 
captured in flight, ' God so willing it,' as he expresses it. Duke 
Humphrey on the other hand is lauded. It is perhaps worthy 
of note that neither here nor in Bale's work ^ is there any hint 
that the Duke came to his end by foul play.'* It was more the 
chroniclers at the end of the century, such as Fabyan, who 
developed the theory of his murder, and those of the next 
century took it over with as much more insistence as they had 
less means of knowing the truth. As the authors of both these 
chronicles were almost certainly alive at the time of Gloucester's 
death, their silence on the point is not without value. 

This chronicle reflects, though less vividly than Bale's work, 
the disorder in London in the last years of Henry's reign. It 
records most of the riots of those years, beginning with that 
between the inhabitants of Fleet Street and the men of the Inns 
of Court in 1441. Indeed the last five years of the chronicle 
(1453-8) record no less than seven outbursts against the peace 
of the capital. Beyond the anti-Lombard riots of 1456-7, 
discussed elsewhere,* it describes more fully than any other 
chronicle the rising of the Londoners against the sanctuary men 
of St. Martin's in 1455,* and tells how three years later " certain 
thieves who had attacked two of the city aldermen were taken 
out of St. Katherine's sanctuary and committed to Newgate, 
a notice not found elsewhere. 

But that is about all ; the chronicle is as narrow in its outlook 
as it is limited in its diction, and it must owe its place here as 
much to its providing a fresh example of the London chronicle 
as to any intrinsic merits it possesses. 

MS. E. 5. 9, in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin,' identi- 
fied as the commonplace book of Robert Bale, is a volume 
measuring nine inches by five, in English and Latin, consisting 

' Paston Letters, i. 52, and note ; cf. ibid. Iviii, cxlvii, for a copy of 
a pardon granted, however, in the following November ; Ramsay, Lancaster 
and York, ii. 138. 

^ Below, p. 121. 

^ Gregory's Chronicle has likewise no suggestion of murder ; cf. Kingsford, 
Chronicles of London, note, p. 314 ; and for the opposite view, Oman, in 
Pol. Hist, of Eng. iv, p. 328. 

• Eng. Hist. Rev., Oct. 1910. " Below, p. 109. « Below, p. 112. 

' By the kindness of the Librarian and Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin, 
and of Bodley's Librarian, I was ablate use this MS. in Oxford. 


of 153 leaves of parchment. It is written throughout in one 
very clear though small mid-fifteenth-century hand, save for 
the last years of the chronicle, which are less neat, smaller and 
more closely written; from its contents the volume was pre- 
sumably written in London. There is a good deal of ornamenta- 
tion in red and blue, and the MS. is bound in vellum, having on 
the back the title Chronica Anglicana. Judging from the fact 
that several pages in the chronicle are misplaced at present, and 
that one or two leaves are probably lost, the MS. was bound 
some time after it was written. 

Besides the chronicle of London (pp. 131-218) the MS. con- 
tains a very brief and valueless Latin chronicle reaching to 1421 
(pp. i-ii); various collections concerning London — the oath of 
the Freedom ; ^ the names of all the churches in the city and 
suburbs (p. 35) ; ^ ' Capitula Cartae Libertatum Civitatis Londi- 
nensis ' (p. 36) ; ^ the charter granted by Richard II to the city 
in 1384 (pp. 49-86) ; * ' the taxes of oure lord the kyng of alle 
the wardes of London ' (p. 89) ; ^ and of more general interest — 
' Forma regum et reginarum coronacionis Angliae ' with a list 
of the officers present thereat (pp. 90-7) ; ' Gesta Edwardi Tertii ' 
(pp. 319-51);* 'Nomina Sanctorum Britanniae et Hiberniae' 
(pp. 377-86) in alphabetical order; 'Acta Pontificum Romano- 
rum' (pp. ii6-ai), reaching to Pope Urban II. Together with 
these are some short classical and theological pieces — ' Fabulae 
quaedam ' (pp. 287-95), ' Disputatio inter Divitem et Lazarum ' 
(p. 257), ' Historia Adae et Evae' (pp. 297-306), and the like. 

There is no clue in the volume itself as to authorship or 
ownership, but there can be no doubt that it is the MS. de- 
scribed by John Bale " as the work of a namesake of his own. 
As all our knowledge of Robert Bale comes from the Bishop of 
Ossory, his words may perhaps be quoted : ' Robert Bale, vel 
Bale senior,' jurisperitus, in urbe Londinensi in qua natus fertur, 

' As given in Arnold's Customs of London, and MS. Gough London 10. 

■ Similar lists are given in Arnold, 75-7, and Stow, Survey, ii. 138-42, 
the numbers differing slightly. 

' Printed in Arnold, i-Il. 

< Printed in Luffman, 109-14; Maitland, 143-4; and in part in Birch, 70-1; 
also in Arnold, 14-43. 

^ To be found in Arnold, 46-8 ; Stow, Survey, gives the assessment at 
the end of his account of each ward ; Bale's account begins ' Vicecomitis 
londinensis '. 

* Begins ' Anno domini millesimo cccxij tertiadecima die ' ; the account of 
the saints begins ' Adrianus Abbas, Graeca lingua '. 

' Scriptorum lUustrium Maioris Brytannie Catalogtis, Basle, 1557, ii. 65. 

* He was called senior to distinguish him from another Robert Bal«, 
a Carmelite, prior of Burnham Friary in Norfolk, where he died in 1503 ; he 
was well known for his learning, and wrote, in addition to sermons, ' Annales 
sui ordinis perbreves ', ' Historia Heliae Prophetae ', and ' Officium Simonis 

E a 


tantam est apud praetorem, tribunos ac cives adeptus gratiam, 
ut publicus civitatis notarius et in causis civilibus iudex habe- 
retur. Nihil prius hie habuit in tam claris ofificiis quam eius 
urbis ornamento studere ilHusque monumenta clariora reddere. 
Eius igitur res omnes in unum volumen collegit : instituta, leges, 
fundationes, mutationes, restaurationes, magistratus, officia pub- 
lica, comitia et alia ; constituens quasi perpetuum chronicon ^ ab 
ipso Bryto eius fundatore primo, et reparatore Luddo, usque ad 
Henricum Cornhyllum et Ricardum Fitzriverum, primos eius. 
consules et inde ad suam aetatem. Descripsitque eius civitatis 
formam, situm, aedificia, pontem, portum et arcem ; divisitque 
earn in quattuor et viginti regiones, quas custodias nuncupabat, 
quibus et totidem praeesse senatores retulit. Et ut ad eius 
perveniam scripta, congessit Baleus : — 

Londinensis urbis chronicon, lib. i. ' Anno ab orbe condito ' ; 
Instrumenta libertatum eiusdem — ' Vice-comitatus Londinensis ' ; 
Gesta Regis Edwardi Tertii — 'Anno domini 13 12 tertiadecima 
die ' ; Alphabetum Sanctorum Angliae — ' Adrianus Abbas^ 
Graeca lingua'; De prefectis et consulibus Lond. — 'Hoc anno 
a Christi nativitate.' 

Et hoc ultimum eius opusculum incipit a Ricardo primo, 
Leonino dicto, anno Domini 1 189 quo comitia Londinenses habere 
coeperunt ; et finit in primo introitu Edwardi quarti, anno scilicet 
domini 1461, in quo ille sub eodem rege claruit.' 

Comparison of this account of Robert Bale's work with that 
of the contents of the Dublin MS. leaves no room for doubt as 
to the identity of the two ; John Bale omitted to mention some 
of the pieces of minor importance, but the actual list of contents 
which he gives corresponds with the items in this MS. and further 
the opening words of the separate parts of the volume are exactly 
as John Bale gives them. The present home of the MS. can 
also be explained by reference to the life of the Protestant 
scholar. In 1553 he crossed to Ireland to be Bishop of Ossory, 
remaining in Dublin from January to September^ 1553. With the 
death of Edward VI, however, and the changes which followed, 
his position became insecure and even dangerous^ and he hurriedly 
quitted Ireland, leaving behind him ' Papistarum violentiis 
coactus ' ^ many books and MSS. Of these he gives a list wherein 

Stock Angli ' (Bale, ii. 65 ; Tanner, Bibliotheca ; Wood, Ath. Oxon., ed. 
Bliss, i. 9). 

^ This is the very short Latin chronicle mentioned above. 

" Script, llhist. ii, pt. 2, 159. The list includes about 350 MSS., and the 
writer adds ' De libris impressis nihil hie dico, quos tamen optimos et 
selectissimos habui ' ; cf. also the Index Scriptoru}n Britanniae, ed. Poole and 
Bateson in Anecdota Oxoniensia (1902), xviii-xix, and for a brief mention of 
Robert Bale's work, ibid. 366, 487. 


figures ' Roberti Bale Scribae Londoniensis Chronicon ', whose 
present resting-place is shared by several other MSS. left by the 
fervid protestant in his flight. The fact that Robert Bale's 
commonplace book was thus early removed from London 
probably explains why the man and his work were never men- 
tioned by Stow and kindred writers.^ But if we look back to the 
time when we are told this public notary, civil judge, and citizen 
of London flourished — the beginning of the reign of Edward IV 
— we find no trace of him in published records of any description ; 
there was a London merchant of some importance in the earlier 
years of the reign of Henry VI with the name of John Bale,^ 
a possible near relation to any one of the same name living in 
the days of Edward IV, and a certain Robert Baily was church- 
warden of St. Stephen's, Coleman Street, in 1476," but there is no 
evidence to connect either of these two persons with the Robert 
Bale of the Bishop of Ossory. And the successors of John Bale — 
John Pits, Bishop Tanner, down to the Dictionary of National 
Biography — repeat his account almost in the same words.* Pits 
elaborates Bale's language but without increasing the sum of his 
information ; Tanner writes similarly, save that he adds, quoting 
as his authority in each case 'Thinneus ', that Robert Bale was 
Recorder of London and that he died in 1461. But it is probable 
that both these statements are due merely to carelessness in using 
Bishop Bale's account of his namesake. Certainly the more im- 
portant of them, that Robert Bale was once Recorder, is untrue. 
By the official list compiled from the city records,' Christopher 

* It is true Holinshed mentions him, but he merely copies John Bale. 

' ' John Bale citizen and merchant alias tailor of London ', Cat. Pat. 
Rolls, 1441-6, 309; of. the preceding volume 1436-41, 210, 407, 431. In 
1436, in conjunction with another merchant of London, he obtained letters of 
marque for ' The Christopher of London ', in order to ' resist the king's 
enemies on the sea '. 

' E. Freshfield, Discourse on some unpublished records of the City of 
London, 1887, 8. 

' Pits, ReL Hist. (1619), 654 ; Tanner, Bibliotheca, 71 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. 
iii. 42. Tanner's reference is presumably to Francis Thynne (? 1 545-1608), 
Lancaster Herald, Chaucerian scholar, antiquary, and contributor to Holin- 
shed's chronicle, of whom curiously enough Tanner gives no account. 
Tanner gives in another place (p. 6 and cf. 71) the name of a work of Thynne, 
De hist. Anglis, which would seem to be the one to which he refers in the 
case of Robert Bale. Whilst there is no work of this title amongst Francis 
Thynne's fairly numerous writings, there is one entitled ' Commentarii de 
Historia et rebus Britannicis' (MS. Cotton Faustina E. viii-ix, in the 
British Museum), but an examination of this collection of historical materials 
— concerning kings of England, some of the nobility and so forth, rather 
a jumble and not of much value — revealed no account of the author of this 
chronicle. (Cf. for Thynne, Diet. Nat. Biog., Ivi. 363-5.) 

" Recorders of the City cf London, 1208-18^0, compiled in the latter year ; 
Strype's Stow also gives a list (ii. 242); cf. for Urswick, Diet. Nat. Biog., 


Urswyck was sworn in as Recorder on October 3, I454> in 
succession to Thomas Billyng who had resigned after a three 
years' tenure of office, and Urswyck held the post until his death 
in 1471, being succeeded by Humphrey Sterky. And this state- 
ment proven false, it is the more likely that Tanner's authority 
erred in saying that Robert Bale died in 1461 ; very possibly he 
mistook ' claruit ' for the more usual ' obiit '. 

It must be confessed that the contents of Robert Bale's 
commonplace book are not so pretentious or important as his 
namesake would have us believe. From John Bale's words we 
should rather picture the notary of the time of Edward IV as the 
successor, in the collection of facts concerning his native city, of 
John Carpenter, author of the Liber Albiis and its fellows. But 
the work of Robert Bale from this point of view cannot be com- 
pared with the precious volumes left by the town-clerk of fifty 
years earlier. Bale did,. it is true, compile a chronicle, a feat of 
which, so far as we know. Carpenter was innocent ; and it may 
be that of the civic matters noticed above, those which are also 
contained in the later well-known work of Robert Arnold were 
taken from Bale's collection by the later writer, as the editor of 
Arnold's Customs of London suggested. '^ Bale gives in one 
place ^ an ordinance entered in one of the letter-books of the 
corporation, testifying to at least an acquaintance with this class 
of record. But to his civic collection the notary added items of 
more general interest — his accounts of the saints and other 
matters of a religious nature, one or two classical stories — 
' Exemplum Bonum,' ' Caesar Augustus ad filium,' and some 
other matters of an historical or antiquarian character. 

Of more immediate importance, however, is the Chronicle of 
London, filling about one-third of the volume. It begins with 
Richard I and reaches to 1461. It is possible that part of the 
chronicle was written before that date : the last few years were 
clearly written after the rest of the work, and in the account for 
the year 1439 Bale speaks of Henry Bourchier as ' Earl of Eu ', 
a title which he exchanged for that of Earl of Essex in June 
1461 ; any one writing after that date would more naturally have 
used the latter title (unless he were copying an older chronicle, 
which Bale does not here seem to be doing). His use of 
the present tense in mentioning the Earl of Shrewsbury who 
was killed in 1453, is probably a slip, unless he confused the 

Iviii. 56-7; he is mentioned as 'Recorder of London' in 1466 {Cal. Pat. 
Rolls, Edward IV, vol. i, 522). 

' Ed. i8ll, p. vii. 

^ p. loi. It is an ordinance made in the mayoralty of Adam de Bury 
(mayor 1364-5, 1373-4) entered in Lette)- Book C. 


Duke with his son, in which case he must have written the 
words before the death of this latter duke in 1460. But whether 
he wrote before or after 1461, or both, there cannot be much 
doubt that the last and independent part of the chronicle 
(1440-60) was written by one who had lived through the years 
of which he writes. As far as the year 1440 the chronicle is very 
similar to Hurley j6j and Jtilius B. I, agreeing more closely 
with the latter of these two in the early part.^ In the account 
of the reigns of Henry IV and Henry V some of the leaves are 
misplaced.^ In 1420 it gives the account of the marriage of 
Henry V at Troyes and the convention made there/as Julius B. /, 
and, like that chronicle, contains in the entry for the next year 
the list of those present at Queen Katherine's coronation.* For 
a° 9 Henry V it resembles the same MS. but omits the treaty for 
the surrender of Meaux there given. In 143a, where Julius B. I 
inserts the treaty for the surrender of Meulan, Bale's work 
contains the text of ' the alliance betwixt the Regent of France 
Duke of Bedford, the Duke of Burgundy, and the Duke 
of Brittany signed at Artois the 17th day of April, 1423',* 
giving a few unimportant additional notes. In the following 
year occurs the oration of the Speaker of Parliament to the infant 
king,'' also as Julius B. /, but for the next twelve years of 
Henry's reign Bale's chronicle is almost identical with Harley ^6j, 
being fuller than Julius B. I. With the year 1439, however, 
comes a change ; the hand becomes less formal and the matter 
is henceforward different from that contained in any of the extant 
chronicles of London. It seems obvious enough that the writer 
used one or more chronicles ending in 1439. It has been remarked 
above ^ that several other London chronicles show signs of having 
borrowed from a version compiled in 1440, and we may safely 
add Bale's work to the number, the differences existing between 

1 Thus a" 44 Henry III Bale has 'Worcester', as Julius B. I, where 
Harley s(>3 has ' Gloucester' ; similarly a° 8 Edward III, the two former call 
a certain man a 'carter', whilst Harley 363 calls him a 'tanner'. 

2 The chronicle goes without warning from a" 31 Edward III (p. 150) to 
part of a° 38 Henry VI , changing equally suddenly (p. 1 5 3) to a" 3 5 Henry VI ; 
then, returning to the last part of a" 7 Henry V, it continues to a^ 9 Henry V, 
after which comes the remainder of a° 7 Henry V ; from there the chronicle 
proceeds without a break. 

= Printed in A Chronicle of London, ed. Nicolas, App., Note LL, 162-3. 

* Contained in Rymer, x. 280; cf. Ramsay, Lancaster and York, i. 330-1. 
Of additions it gives e. g. the price of com in London this year ' but at viii d. 
a busshell '. 

" To be found in Kingsford, Chronicles of London, 281-2; there are one 
or two very slight differences of reading : e.g. Bale reads 'expe^fient comfort ', 
where Mr. Kingsford reads ' experient comfort ' ; 'symples mowe suffice ' for 
' symples suffice '. 

« p. 64 ; Kingsford, Chron. of Land., xxi. 


the additional matter in the various copies probably indicating 
that these interpolations were derived from other sources. 

The independent part of Bale's chronicle is of quite fair 
length for this type of chronicle. Naturally enough, it takes 
sides in its account of the last years of Henry's reign, and its 
partiality to the Yorkist cause is rather to be expected in a work 
written by a London citizen, in part, at least, in the reign of 
Edward IV. Its chief eulogy, however, is reserved for the Earl 
of Warwick, ' named and taken in all places for the most 
courageous and manliest knight living,' as it remarks in one 
place ; and, again, the chronicle extols the Earl's naval feats 
' wherein no lord of the land took the jeopardy nor laboured for 
the honour and profit of the king and of the land but only he . . . 
reputed and taken for as famous a knight as was living '.^ In 
this, as indeed in his Yorkist attitude, Bale represented a section, 
and that no small section, of opinion in London and elsewhere in 
England. The English Chronicle ^ speaks of— 

That noble knight and flower of manhood 
Richard Earl of Warwick, shield of our defence, 

and Waurin similarly remarks ^ how ' le comte de Warwick 
avait grande voix du peuple parce qu'il le savait entretenir par 
les belles douces paroles . . . il 6tait le prince duquel ils faisaient 
le plus grand estime et a qui ils adjoustaient plus grand foi et 
credence '. 

There are occasional comments on the disorders of the time 
which rather suggest a writer who had lived through and was 
wearied of the strife before and after the first battle between the 
forces of the rival Roses. ' For the world was so strange that 
time ', he says in one place, ' that no man might well ride or go 
in no coasts of this land without a fellowship but that he were 
robbed.' There are various entries, not to be found in any of the 
other chroniclers, which support this view — the account of the 
half-completed execution of the servants of Duke Humphrey of 
Gloucester ' full heavy to the commons and the said ambassadors 
present this time ' ; the mention of news being brought to the 
mayor, once on the capitulation of Rouen and again in 1460, 
when 'heavy word and tidings ' of the battle of Wakefield came 
to the city ; * the frequent mention of the attitude of the people 
to measures or events ; how they ' sore grudged ' the expenses of 
the fruitless expeditions into France;* how the commons in 
Parliament in 1453 ' took a displeasure because they were 
restrained from free election of the knights of the shire ' ; '^ the 

' pp. 144, 147. ^ Ed. Davies, 93. ' Chronicle (R. S.), v. 319. 

* pp. 125, 152. ^ pp. 126, 135, 138. « pp. 139-40. 


persistence with which ' the commons of the Parliament laboured 
evermore that the king should admit and receive to have his 
resumption ' and thereby ' as a king royal of power to reign upon 
his people ' ^ (a statement abundantly borne out by the rolls of 
Parliament). Bale certainly represented the opinion of many in 
London in his favourable attitude to the early stages of the rising 
of Cade, whose aims, he says, ' were good, and for the weal of the 
land.' - There is something of almost personal civic pride in the 
way Bale records how the mayor and aldermen of the city 
refused to accept help from Lord Scales in 1460 against the 
Yorkist earls, or how the citizens were ' greatly aggrieved ' 
because their charter of 1444 was called ' a new charter '.^ 

The additions made to our knowledge of the events of the 
years 1440-60 by this chronicle are in the main by way of 
details, often concerning matters of minor importance, but they are 
none the less of some interest and even occasionally of moment. 
Bale often gives us greater exactitude in the matter of dates, 
as in the rebellion of 1450.* He was evidently keenly interested 
in the affairs of Parliament, his interests throughout indeed being, 
in keeping with his position, rather legal and constitutional than 
economic. Thus, for example, in his account of 1456 he first 
mentions the anti-Lombard outbreak by relating how an ' Oy 
Determyner' was held at the Guildhall— after the riot had taken 
place^only later recording the reason for the trials ; ^ and the 
references to prices, the weather, and similar topics, are few in 
comparison with those given by many of the London chroniclers. 
Bale records one or two fresh instances of disaffection in talk 
and action in these years — once a remark anent the evils of rule 
by a boy king, and again a rumour that London ' should put 
the king from his crown '.^ He has an entry of no small interest 
concerning the performance of two ' plays ' '^ — really romances -— 
one at St. Albans and the other in Bermondsey. He notices 
Scottish affairs — the battle of the Sark, various raids on the 
marches in 1448-9* — when the other English chroniclers make 
no mention of Scotland. He brings out one result of the English 
disasters in France — the return to England of penniless soldiers 
who from inclination or necessity, or both, took to robbery and 
violence in London and elsewhere. These men pull down the 
arms of the unpopular Lord Say and the Duke of Suffolk in the 
city, despoiling the tomb of the former ; the mayor is obliged to 
take three hundred men to St. Bartholomew's Fair ' that the 
soldiers do no harm to the chapmen and people of the country '. 
In the next year (1451) forty soldiers ' made a countenance ' to 

' pp. 125, 126. ' p. 132. ^ pp. 150, 117. * p. 129 seq., notes. 
■^ p. 143. « pp. 118, 129. ' p. 117- * pp. 123, 125, 139, 142. 


the mayor and had to be dispersed by force. Probably the robbing 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth here recorded, the 
breaking out of the prisoners from Newgate, and the troubles of 
the city officers with the 'sanctuary men 'of St. Martin's le Grand, 
may be put down to the same unruly folk who ' were driven out 
of France and Normandy and had not wherewithal to live but 
robbed '} And not only penniless soldiers returned : in the 
early days of August 1450, when the English rule in Normandy 
had but just come to an end, were to be seen passing through 
the streets of London ' diverse long carts with stuff of armour 
and bedding as well of English as of Norman goods and men 
women and children in right poor array piteous to see'.^ These 
words might well be those of an eyewitness, and a similar 
impression is received from the description of the measures taken 
by the mayor and sheriffs to keep the peace betwixt lord's man 
and citizen, native and alien.^ Bale's account of the riot between 
the ' men of court ' and the Londoners of Fleet Street and its 
neighbourhood * is the fullest we possess, and there are not a few 
other events in which Bale supplements, often in a minor way, 
our knowledge of the thoughts and acts of men who lived in the 
storm and stress of the early years of the Wars of the Roses. 

MS. GOUGH London 10 is a quarto measuring ten inches by 
seven, of fifty-two leaves of parchment, the hand — or rather 
hands — bold and legible, being of the second half of the fifteenth 
century. Each page is very neatly ruled and spaced ; the whole 
of the text is freely ornamented with red, and for several of the 
initials gold and blue are added. The MS. contains, in addition 
to the chronicle (ff. 19^-53), much matter of civic interest — the 
dates on which were to be kept the ol/its of six London citizens ° 

1 pp. 134, 136, 137- ^ P- 134. ' pp. 133. IjS, 136- 

I p. 146. 

^ These were : John Carpenter, town clerk and compiler of the Liter 
Albus (1370-1441 ?) ; cf. Diet. Nat. Biog., viii. 155 ; Pref. to Liber Albtts 
(R. S.). 

Henry Barton, mayor 1416-17, 1428-9 ; cf. Sharpe, Cal. Wills, ii. 477-9). 

John Reynewell, sheriff 1411-12, mayor 1426-7, died 1445 ; cf. Sharpe, 
Cal. Wills, ii. 576-7 ; Stow, Survey, i. 60, 109, 207, 240. 

John Maldon, whose will, dated April 25, 1467, was proved in 1480, 
Sharpe, Cal. Wills, ii. 580. 

Walter Nele, sheriff 1337, died 1352 ; cf. Liber Albus, i. 583 ; Cal. Wills, i. 
674 ; Stow, Stervey, i. 245, 249. 

William Olyvere. The wills of two London citizens of this name are 
preserved, one of date 1397, the other 1432 (Cal. Wills, ii. 324, 460) ; the 
later of these would seem to be the one designated here, and by Stow, 
Survey, i. 146, but a note makes this name — that of a co-founder of the 
hospital of Le Papey — a misreading of Cleves {ibid. ii. 293). 

The notice of the date of an obit is followed by a statement of the 


who had left bequests to the city (fo. 4) ; the names of the mayors 
and sheriffs of London for the first nine years of Henry IV 
(fo. 4^^) ; the titles of many of the ordinances contained in the 
corporation letter-books, G to L (ff. 5-8) ; the oath to be taken 
by the city chamberlain ^ (fo. 10^) ; the form for admission to the 
freedom of the city^ (ff. 11 -12); the oath of the wardens of 
mercers (fo. la'^), and the different oaths to be taken by the 
following members of the goldsmiths' company : the ' warden ', 
' newmen ', ' prestys ', ' thassayer ', ' bedell ', the ' brocours ', ' the 
goldsmyths that shall use the craft of fynyng ', and ' the tumour ' ; 
in two distinct hands are added the oath to be taken by a servant 
and what seems to be the oath for a journeyman (ff. 13-19). 
The extracts from the letter-books are similar in form to those 
contained in the Liber Albus — which may have inspired them — 
but are given as they occur in each letter-book, not as in 
Carpenter's work, arranged under headings of the crafts they 

The author of this work must of necessity have been some one 
in close touch with municipal life. From the fact that the first 
oath given is that of the chamberlain — none of the oaths for the 
other civic officers being included — that the obits of benefactors 
to the city at which the chamberlain received a bequest are 
recorded, and that the form for admission to the city freedom — 
a duty performed by the chamberlain — is given, it seems probable 
that the author was chamberlain of the city, and compiled the 
volume in part to serve as a kind of formula book for himself. 
He was also, we may surmise, a member of the goldsmiths' 
company,* for he gives the oaths for all the officials of that 
mystery, and for no other craft. Both these suppositions fit in 
with the fact that in the reign of Edward IV there were two 
successive chamberlains of London who were also members of 
the goldsmiths' company — William Philip, who held the office 
1474-9, and Miles Adys, chamberlain 1479-84.^ Either of these 

amount the chamberlain is to receive at its keeping — e. g. ' The second day 
of November the obite of John Carpenter holden at Gildhall chapel, at which 
obite the Chamberleyn is bequest vi' viii*.' 

^ To be found in the Liber Albus (i. 309-10) in Norman French, which 
this English version follows very closely. 

^ The oath of the freemen — but not the form of admission — is contained in 
Arnold, 96. The latter part of the formula as given in Gough MS. runs : 
' I admyt yow in to the lyberte of the cite of London as a freman : god give 
yow ioy therof.' 

^ The Liber Albus, being compiled in 1 419, does not include extracts from 
these records later than Letter Book I, which ends in 1422. 

* The goldsmiths' company had been incorporated in 1462 (Herbert, ii, 
157; Hazlitt, 235). 

^ For this and the subsequent information about Letter Book L, I am 
indebted to the kindness of Dr. R. R. Sharpe, Records Clerk to the City of 


two might have compiled or owned the volume, but perhaps 
Adys has the better claim ; the latest reference to the letter- 
books is to fo. J 60 of Letter Book L, and is of date 1483, when 
Adys would be chamberlain, and so more closely in touch with 
the civic records than his predecessor. Inside the front cover of 
the MS. is a plate with the inscription ' The Right Honourable 
Algernon Capell, Earl of Essex, Viscount Maldon and Baron 
Capell of Hadsham 1701', by whom in all probability the MS. 
was bound and given the title of Customs of London, which, with 


a library mark, ^ , is stamped on the back of the leather cover. 

The inscription has an interest beyond that of designating the 
eighteenth-century owner of the MS., for the founder of the 
greatness of the Capel family was William Capel, the well-known 
citizen of London of the end of the fifteenth century, a draper 
and several times master of his company, alderman, sheriff (1489), 
twice Lord Mayor of London (1503 and 1509), and builder of 
a ' proper chapell ' in St. Bartholomew's Church, in which he was 
buried on his death in 151 9. He was very wealthy and got into 
trouble thereby, being forced in 1495 through the offices of 
Empson and Dudley to pay ;^ 1,600 'for the breach of certain 
statutes made aforetimes ', and again he was in the Tower when 
Henry VII died, for his refusal to pay ;^2,ooo on a charge of 
negligence during his mayoralty.-' It is quite possible that he 
acquired the MS. soon after its compilation ; the fragment for the 
year 1495 may even be part of a continuation made by him, but 
there is no proof of his ownership, much less of his having written 
any part of this or any other chronicle. 

The chronicle is incomplete, breaking off abruptly in 1470 — 
just a year later than Gregory's Chronicle, which ends in a 
similarly incomplete way — the next and final entry being an 
account of the trials in January 1495 of those suspect of com- 
plicity with Perkin Warbeck's rebellion, this being written in 
a later hand. The original chronicle reached further than 1470, 
the fragment for 1495-6 forming in all probability the final part 

London and editor of the Letter Books of the London Corporation, of which 
nine, A-1, have been printed; Letter Book L reaches as far as 7 Henry VIL 
PhiHp was possibly the son of Sir Matthew Philip, also a goldsmith, alderman 
of Aldgate, 1450, sheriff in the following year and mayor in 1463 ; he was 
created knight of the Bath in 1466 and knighted 147 1 (Transactions of the 
Londo7i and Middlesex Archaeol. Sac, vii, 1888, 16 seq.). Stow relates 
a story of an offence to the dignity of the mayoralty by the serjeants-at-law 
in his year of office {Survey, ii. 36). Of William Philip he tells us that he 
was serjeant-at-arms, 1473, and was buried in St. Mary's Hill Church {ibid. 
i. 209) ; cf. for a certain William Adys, ibid. i. 305 ; ii. 340. 

' Fabyan, 690 ; Kingsford, Chron. of Land., 205, 260-3, 324 ; Stow, 
Survey, i. 185, 197 ; Morant, History of Essex (1763), ii. 401-3. 


of a continuation to that date. If the supposition as to the 
author be correct, we might assign the compilation of the first 
part of the chronicle to the last years of Edward IV, or the brief 
reigns that followed, and what little internal evidence can be 
found goes to support this suggestion. In a° 5 Edward IV it is 
' the princess ' who is born, not, as the chronicle in MS. Vitellius 
A. XV/^ puts it, 'Dame Elizabeth, princess and first child of 
King Edward.' In the extracts from the letter-books the latest 
is of date 1483. There is reference to an ordinance made in the 
mayoralty of 'master hampton ', who filled that office 1472-3, 
and in the oath of the assayer of goldsmiths mention is made of 
' the statute made in the time of our sovereign Lord the King 
Edward the iiij. the xvi'^ year of his noble reign ', a reference pre- 
sumably made after his death, but possibly before the Lancastrian 
cause triumphed again, when also ' the princess ' became Queen 
Elizabeth. As in the references to the laws governing the 
goldsmiths' trade there is no reference in the volume to an Act ^ 
' for finers of gold and silver ' passed in 1489, the part concerning 
the craft of goldsmiths is probably of date earlier than that 

The relation of the GougA Chronicle to the other London 
chronicles also goes to confirm this view as to its date of com- 
pilation. As far as 1440 the record resembles very closely the 
Short English Chronicle, and was very possibly, like that work, 
based on an ' abbreviated version ' of the city chronicles drawn 
up about 1446.* It cannot have been taken altogether from the 
Short English Chronicle, for it contains entries not found 
therein, that chronicle, on the other hand, inserting passages not 
given in Gough ; in general, for these years, where it disagrees 
with the Short English Chronicle, Gough closely resembles 
Hurley ^6j, the fullest of all the English London chronicles for 
the early period.* Then for a few years, though still very brief 

' Kingsford, Chron. of Lond., p. 179. ^ Stat. 4 Henry VII, c. 2. 

' Kingsford, Chron. of Lond., xi. 

* Thus a° 2 Henry III Gough (fo. 21) has an entry 'this yeare the barons 
were taken at Lincoln', only duplicated in Harley 565; a" 23 Henry III 
(fo. 23) it records an earthquake ' the x kalends of march ', mentioned by 
none of the other extant versions ; in a° 25 Henry III it gives the numbers 
of the Scots slain as xxxiij, where the Short English Chronicle gives no 
number, and Harley s(>5, xxiij, liable to be misread into Cough's figure. 
The entry concerning the Battle of Sluys is identical with that in Harley j 6s 
and fuller than the corresponding passage in the Short English Chronicle ; 
so too, though a" II Richard II is identical with this latter chronicle, the 
entry for a" 13 is quite different. In 1425 Gough records the sitting of 
Parliament—' and after Easter the last day of Aprill the kyngs parlement 
beganne at Westmynster. In which parlement the kynge kept his sete 
dyvers days, and in this parlement was grannted to the kyng the subsidie of 
xii* of the lb. of all manner of merchandises and iij^ of the tonne and v. nobles 


it does not agree with any of the extant versions, but from 1450 
onwards it is in close afifinity with Vitellius A. XVI, and, though 
in a less degree, with Fabyan's Chronicle. These two works, it 
is considered, had a common original ending in 1485,^ a date 
which, as remarked above, would suit admirably for the com- 
pletion of the first part of the Gough Chronicle, and a first 
thought was that this was indeed the original itself. But a close 
comparison of the three works makes it evident that this cannot 
be the case, and the Gough Chronicle for this period must be 
regarded as another compilation in part at least from the same 
source. To this original Caxton was indebted for his edition of 
the Polichronicon, published in 1483.^ The printer continued 
Higden's work to 1460, by the aid, he says, of 'a lytel boke 
named Fasciculus temporum, and another called Aureus de 
Universe, in which books I find right litel mater sith the sayde 
tyme '. His continuation, however, has notices of events — 
mainly concerning the city of London — which cannot possibly 
have come from the sources he mentions. Thus (fo. ccclxxxxiij) 
he records the seizure of the liberties of London into the hands 
of the King in 1391, and his account of the reign of Henry IV is 
clearly taken from one of the chronicles of London. So, too, his 
version of the dubbing of the knights by Henry VI in 1435 
{f. ccccxiii) is similar to, though fuller than, the accounts in 
Gregory's Chronicle, Vitellius A. XVI, and Fabyan. His entry 
for the year 1447 's identical with that of the Vitellian chronicle, 
save that at the end he adds, presumably from his other sources, 

of the sakke' (cf. Rot. Pari., iv. 261, 275-6), an entry not found elsewhere. 
For the next few years it is identical with the Short English Chronicle, but 
a° 9 Henry VI, where this latter work has no entry, Gough records the 
hanging of Jack Sharp of Abingdon, and a° 15 Henry VI it records ' a serable 
in maner of a rysyng of mens [.' mercers] servaunts and they wer mett at 
grett conduit dyverse tymes and foughte and wolde not obey nother constables 
nor noon other officers ; x or xij of theym were espied and arrested ', an entry 
not paralleled in the Short English Chronicle or the other London chronicles 

' The relations of Vitellius A. XVI z.xiA Fabyan have been discussed by 
Busch, England under the Tudors, i. 410, and Kingsford, Chron. of Lend., 
xvi, xviii-xxi, xlii-iii, but Caxton's indebtedness to the same or some closely 
allied ' lost London Chronicle ' has not been remarked. MS. Rawlinson 
B. 4'ji) (Bodleian) contains (ff. 90-2) some notices 'ex Anglico catalogo 
maiorum civitatis Londoniensis etc. Henrico III. ad primum Henrici VIII', 
but they are quite worthless extracts from Vitellitcs A. XVI, made, from the 
hand, in the seventeenth century. 

' Reprinted, 1495, ''Y Wynkyn de Worde, and again by John Reynes in 
1527. Various Fasciculi temporum were published about this time, one in 
1474 and another edition two years later. The work contained brief state- 
ments about the Popes, the various religious orders, and the monarchs of the 
different countries of Europe, but very little concerning England. For the 
'Aureus de Universo', cf. Polichronicon, Rolls Series, ix (1886), xxiv, note. 


an account of the election of a new Pope. His account of the 
rising of 1450 is hkewise identical with that in Vitellius, but is 
rather shorter, and he records the advent of printing in the very 
words used by Fabyan and Vitellius. Caxton's continuation 
ends in 1460, and was certainly not the common original used 
by the Vitellian chronicler, Fabyan, and the author of Gough, 
but, like these, the printer must have had access to a civic 
chronicle in circulation when he printed his work, which he 
closed with the naive assertion ' if I coulde have founden moo 
storyes, I wold have sette in hit moo.' 

As the chronicle in Vitellius A. XVI could not have been 
taken from Gough, so the reverse could not have been the case.^ 
While Gougk's resemblance to the former chronicle makes it 
somewhat unimportant, its differences are worthy of note and at 
times informative. Vitellius is on the whole fuller than Gough, 
though occasionally the latter exceeds in length, notably in the 
account of the accession of Edward IV, of which Gough gives 
a longer account than is preserved elsewhere ; not infrequently 
Gough supplies dates of month and day where Vitellius only 
records the year. Where this last chronicle differs from Fabyan's 
work, Gough goes with the anonymous record, and it does not 
agree with Fabyan in its differences from the former chronicle. 
Only those parts of Gough (from 1450 onwards) which differ in 
any degree from Vitellius have been printed here. 

The last fragment for 1495 is of slightly more importance. 
So far the chronicle in MS. Vitellius A. XVI has been the 
recognized source for the trials which resulted on Perkin War- 
beck's attempts to find supporters in England in 1494.^ The 
account in Gough is very similar, but has differences, omissions, 
and additions enough to show that it could not have been the 
source of, nor entirely borrowed from, the other work. It is 
possible, of course, that they are two quite independent accounts ; 
from all appearances Gough is contemporary, or nearly so, and 
the second part of Vitellius, ending in 1496, was probably 
' written not long after '? The trials of those implicated in the 
schemes of Warbeck began on Thursday, the agth January, 1495, 
but the fragment in Gough only begins with the next day. 
Where Vitellius'^ says there sat as judges 'many lords and 
knights ', Gough gives the names of those lords who sat in the 
court. The account of the proceedings is almost the same in 

^ In 1451, for example, an obvious omission in Cough (f. 41) may be 
supplied from Vitellius. 

' Cf. Busch, England under the Tudor s, i. 94-96, 34°- 1 5 Kingsford, 324. 

' Kingsford, xvii. 

< p. 203 ; so Fabyan's continuation, 685, but it is very brief in comparison 
with these two accounts. 


both, though one or two of the accused are differently described ; 
Thomas Cressyner is ' steward with the lord Fitzwater ' in the 
Vitellian record, servant of Sir William Daubeny and 'of 
Clement's Inn ' in Gottgh ; the ' man of York ' in the latter is 
more definitely named as ' Thomas Astwode, steward of Marton 
Abbey', in Vitellius. Goiigh adds a little to our information 
by his statement that all those indicted ' confessed the same 
ti'eason, save only Sir Robert Radcliff', and further subjoins 
' Master Lassey ' and ' Master Thomas Warde ' to the list of 
those tried on the Saturday. It also records an impeachment 
of the Archbishop of York, Thomas Rotherham, on the 4th of 
February, which is not mentioned by Vitellius or indeed else- 
where. This took place ' before the lords in the Star Chamber '. 
By ' the lords ' Gough apparently refers to those of whom a list 
is given as acting as judges in the trials of the previous week; 
their sitting in the Star Chamber would not justify the assump- 
tion that they constituted a 'Court of Star Chamber' as laid 
down by the Act of 1487, ^ for neither in composition nor juris- 
diction did the court which sat in the Star Chamber in this 
reign necessarily follow the statute. Archbishop Rotherham's 
case is placed among those concerned with Warbeck, although 
any real connexion seems antecedently improbable, and after 
' my lord of Canterbury, chancellor of England ', had gone 
surety for him ' body for body and goods for goods ', in the 
expressive phraseology of the chronicler, we hear nothing further 
of any proceedings against him. The Archbishop had been 
present at the festivities of the previous November, when the 
King's second son Henry had been created Duke of York.^ 
But neither before this date nor in the five years which elapsed 
before Rotherham's death in 1500 — at the age of seventy-seven 
— is there record of his having committed any act, or being 
charged with any crime, so serious as to merit an impeachment. 
Yet the accuracy of the account of the trials and executions 
both before and after this brief notice concerning Rotherham is 
undoubted ; it is possible future researches may throw light on 
what for the present must remain hidden. 

For the more eventful trial of Sir William Stanley, the Gough 
Chronicle gives the names of the lords before whom he was 
arraigned. Of those who sat in the Guildhall, three — Derby, 
Ormond, and Daubeny — are not included in the second list; 
Derby, of course, was brother to the accused, and may not have 

' Stat. 3 Henry VII, c. i, 'An Act giving the Court of Star Chamber 
authority to punish divers misdemeanours.' Cf. Leadam, Select Cases from 
the Court of Star Chamber (Selden Soc, 1903), xlii, lix, bcviii, and Miss C. L. 
Scofield, A Study of the Court of Star Chamber, Chicago, 1900. 

^ Letters and Papers of Henry VII, ed. Gairdner, R. S., i. 393. 


been altogether free from suspicion of complicity ; ^ Sir Giles 
Daubeny was to succeed Stanley as Lord Chamberlain.^ But 
other names were added ; Stanley at least could not complain 
that he was not tried before his peers, although the particulars 
of the acts which brought him to the block are still, as Bacon, 
looking back from about a century later, remarked,^ ' to this day 
left but in dark memory.' Altogether the entry for this year 
1495 in Gough is of interest enough to cause regret that the 
earlier years of the same record have not been preserved. 

MS. Tanner 2 is a stout quarto of 181 leaves of parchment 
bound in thick boards, the leather of which is somewhat damaged, 
whilst only the marks of clasps remain. The volume is wholly 
in Latin, and was probably penned about the beginning of the 
sixteenth century, the hand in which all save a very little of the 
MS. is written being small but as a rule fairly legible. On the 
front cover is written in large hand Cronicon. The words ' Henri 
Hobart and why not' occur on fo. iSi"", possibly referring to 
Sir Henry Hobart, who filled the ofHces of Chief Justice of the 
Common Pleas, Attorney- General, and Chancellor under James L* 
as an owner of the MS., and like many of the Tanner MSS., it 
belonged at one time to Archbishop Sancroft. 

The volume contains (ff. 18-70) a Scala temporum^ beginning, 
as usual, with the Creation, and reaching, with brief entries for 
almost every year, to 1525, the last few years being swollen 
a little by additions to the faithful but rather unsatisfying record 
of the accessions and deaths of monarchs and popes ; these 
insertions are in a second hand, and concern mainly English 
events. Next come Ste^nmata Gentium (ff. 70-83), followed by 
excerpts (ff. 84, 112) from William of Malmesbury and Giraldus 

1 Henry, with his queen, visited the Earl at Lathom in July of this year, 
' as an assurance that he dissociated him from the treason of his brother who 
had perished on the scafTold in the previous January ' ; Did. Nat. Biog., 
liv. 75. 

' Letters and Papers of Henry VII, ii. 60. 

^ Life of Henry VII, ed. Lumby, 123; Busch, 420, observes of Bacon's 
account of Stanley's execution ' it is only from his own invention that he fills 
in the scanty account of Stanley's end '. 

* He died in 1625 ; cf. Diet. Nat. Biog., xxvii. 30. 

^ Bale, in his Index Britanniae Scrtptorum (ed. R. L. Poole and Mary 
Bateson, Anecd. Oxon., 1902, 487-9, 493), mentions a Scala temporum, 
a. Scala niundi, chronicon, a Scala Mundi, and a Scala Chronicorum, which 
were probably works of this type ; MS. Anindel in the College of Arms also 
contains a Scala Mundi dated to 1619, filled in as far as 1469 {Three 
Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, xx), and the various Fasciculi temporum, 
Cronicae Cronicarum, written and printed about this time were similar in 
character to these ambitious but useless compilations. 
112? F 


Cambrensis (fo. 151) ; a list of popes ; a list giving the burial- 
places of the kings of England from the fabled Brut to Henry VI, 
and the number of years they reigned (ff. 137, 180) ; the names 
of the proctors of the University of Oxford from 1434 to 1519 ; ^ 
several letters concerning the relations of Edward I with Scot- 
land (fo. 143) ; a list of the gifts sent to Hugh Capet by Athel- 
stan ; the chronicle of London ; and on the last leaf a very few 
rude sketches of a knight and citizens. 

The chronicle of London fills ff. 92-112, and the pages were 
apparently ruled out before the chronicle was written, as many 
of the entries overflow into the margin. To find a sixteenth- 
, century London chronicle written in Latin is at first sight 
rather strange, but as with Rawlinson B. ^jj, it is probably 
a tribute to the wide popularity which these chronicles of Lon- 
don had obtained at this time. There is nothing in the other 
contents of the MS. to suggest that a citizen of London was its 
author ; indeed the volume savours of the scriptorium rather 
than of the guildhall or the counting-house. The list of proctors 
may mark it as of Oxford origin, but the question of authorship 
is not of great moment ; the writer was interested in the collec- 
tion of historical or antiquarian matters, and culled his materials 
from whatever source lay nearest to hand. Amongst works of 
an historical nature extant at the beginning of the sixteenth 
century was the Customs of London of Robert Arnold, printed in 
150a, and again eighteen years later. Comparison of the very 
brief London chronicle prefaced to the miscellaneous items 
which compose Arnold's work, with the somewhat fuller but 
still quite meagre record in this MS., leads to the conclusion that 
the author of the latter borrowed the form and some of his 
matter from the printed commonplace book. Many of his 
entries in the earlier part are identical^ in content with those 
given by Arnold, whose errors he copies in one or two places, 
and occasional failures to notice events of purely civic interest 
are natural enough if, as suggested, the writer of MS. Tanner 2 
was not a citizen of London. It is probable, further, that it was 
the first edition of Arnold's work of which the compiler of this 
chronicle made use, for with 1502 the resemblance ceases, the 

' Cf. Madan, Manuscript Materials relating to the City of Oxford 
(1887), 99. 

^ E.g. in aa° 12-14 Edward IV the same events are recorded by both in 
corresponding terms; thus for a° 13 Arnold has 'A fray in Chepe, on Saint 
Peter's Evyn, betwyne the kyngis servauntis and the watchemen ', the notice 
in Tanner 2 (fo. 105) running 'Rixa in regione Chepe praesente rege inter 
aulicos et vigiles in vigilia apostolorum petri et pauli ', and examples could 
be multiplied. An example of identity in error occurs a" 9 Edward IV, where 
both Arnold and the author of this chronicle say Alford and Poynes were 
executed, when in reality they received their pardon on the scaffold. 


entries thereafter being quite different from the continuation of 
Arnold's chronicle found in the edition of 1530. But the com- 
piler did not depend altogether upon the brief statements of the 
London merchant. While his chronicle is of no value at all for 
the early part, it does contain many notices of events not to be 
found in Arnold's work, and, in addition, displays the use of 
more than one record. The chronology is at fault from the 
reign of Edward I onwards, the calendar year being two years 
behind, though the regnal years are stated correctly. This con- 
tinues to the end of the chronicle — the years were probably 
filled in before the events were added — though there are occa- 
sional signs that the writer realized all was not well. He some- 
times adds after an event ' quidam in hunc, quidam sequentem 
annum referunt ',^ showing that he had access to several records, 
albeit he did not profit much thereby. 

The chronicle ends with the names of the city officers for 
1534-5, though it is spaced out for four years more. The last 
portion is in a different hand — or hands — from the rest of the 
chronicle, and it is probable that the preceding part was 
written some years before, early in the reign of Henry VHI. 
Only those entries antecedent to the reign of Henry VII which 
are fuller than the corresponding entries in Arnold are here 
printed. The account of the reign of Henry VH cannot claim to 
be either full or valuable, but the comparative scarcity of material 
for that period may justify its inclusion as an unusual type of 
London chronicle. The first few years of Henry VIII are treated 
in equally scanty fashion, but then follows the entry of most 
interest in the chronicle, written by a distinct hand. This con- 
cerns the King's campaign in France in the summer of 15 13, and 
the battle of Flodden Field. It is possible that the writer was 
in France with the King, for although his account is not of great 
length, he describes, apparently with some knowledge, the details 
of the siege of Terouenne, uses the phrase ' our men ' and reports 
a remark made by the Duchess of Burgundy on her departure 
after visiting the King. He records the reception of the news of 
Flodden in France, though omitting all mention of the coming 
of James's legates to the King before Terouenne, and, later, the 
visit of the young Prince Charles to Henry at Tournay. Some- 
what unmeasured is his language in speaking of James, ' perfidis- 
simus et ingratissimus Jacobus,' and the next sentence suggests 
that the terms were used as they were felt at the time, in the 
heat of the English indignation at the Scottish invasion. For 
the writer says that James is ' unburied to this day ' in the 
Carthusian monastery (presumably that of Easby) near to Rich- 

1 aao 8, 9 Henry IV, 13 Henry IV, aa° I, 25 Henry VI (ff. loi^, 102'). 

F a 


mond. There was considerable disagreement both at the time 
and later as to the ultimate fate of the corpse of the King of 
Scots, rumour even denying that he had been slain, and so the 
testimony of this chronicle is not without interest. Writing to 
the Pope from Tournay as a victor, Henry refers ^ to the body 
of James as ' loco quidem honesto sed minime sacro hactenus 
asservatum ', and asks that the corpse, though of one excommu- 
nicate, might be brought to London and buried in St. Paul's. 
Whether or no this took place is not of primary concern here, 
but it is noteworthy that the chronicler also uses the same expres- 
sion ' to this day ', an expression which could not have been 
used correctly very long after the royal letter, or the battle of 
Flodden. On the other hand he speaks of the English leader as 
' Northfolchie comes ', and Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey only 
received the title of Duke, not Earl, of Norfolk as a reward for his 
victory, after Henry's return from France. The account of the 
battle of Flodden must therefore have been written after Surrey's 
elevation to the dukedom on February i , 1514 — how long after 
cannot of course be said. On the whole, however, it is probable 
that this portion of the chronicle is contemporary or almost so, 
and this, of course, means that the earlier part was written soon 
after the opening of the century. But like the preceding Latin 
chronicle printed herein it is included as much for its interest as 
a late example of a London chronicle in that language as for 
any value it possesses as an historical record. 

MS. Western 30745. The chronicle of Lynn consists of six 
leaves forming ff. 33-^ of a volume of miscellaneous Norfolk 
documents, mainly of the seventeenth century. The hands of 
these leaves, however, are of about the middle of the sixteenth 
century, moderately clear but cramped by the narrowness of the 
page in places ; the paper is rather soiled and faded. The 
chronicle was probably written at Lynn, but there is no clue to 
its author or owner. To 1538 it is in one hand, but from thence 
to the end is written by another finer hand. 

The chronicle was most probably written in the last years of 
the reign of Henry VIII : possibly if it originally ended in 
1542-3, it was written about that date. In describing the birth 
of the second son of Henry VII, the title ' King Henry VIII ' is 
given him; in 1537 the birth of 'prince' Edward is recorded, 
which rather looks as if he were still prince when the chronicler 
wrote. The change of hand in 1538 might lead to the supposi- 
tion that the earlier part of the chronicle was written in that year, 

^12 Oct. 1 5 13; Theiner, Vetera Moiiumenta, 511; L. and P. of 
Henry VIII, i. 4582. 

WESTERN 30745 85 

but this cannot be so ; for in recording the grant of two fairs to 
the town in 1536-7 they are described as ' held four years ', i. e. 
the chronicler wrote after they were put down in 1541. There 
is reason to think that it was written after 154a, though not long 
after if there was much space between the writing of the first and 
that of the second parts. For from 1539 to 1543 the nature of the 
entries is rather that of contemporary jottings than of records 
written long after the event. If, as seems almost certain, the 
Lynn chronicler used the chronicle of Robert Fabyan, it was 
most probably the edition published in 1542, for the dependence 
can be traced as far as 1541 — at which point the 1542 edition of 
Fab5'an stopped — whilst the entries for the last two years do not 
correspond with the entries for those years in the further con- 
tinuation of Fabyan's chronicle published in 1559. 

The Lynn chronicle does not give us any new facts of general 
interest for the period it covers, and its references to local affairs 
can in most cases be verified — even at times corrected — from 
other sources. Its interest lies primarily in the fact that it is an 
early example of a town chronicle written outside London. And 
it shows, further, how these later writers drew upon the London 
chronicles. There was considerable intercourse between Lynn 
and the capital, and it is not hard to imagine some townsman of 
Lynn,^ probably a merchant and of some eminence and official 
position in Lynn, possibly a burgess in Parliament, attempting 
for his own town, in a humble way, what he saw done by and for 
citizens of London. A comparison of this slight chronicle with 
the work of Robert Fabyan, probably best known of all chronicles 
in the last years of Henry VIII, leaves no room for doubt that 
the Lynn writer borrowed some of his notices from the continua- 
tion of Fabyan's work ; the entries for 1493 ^^"^ ^^^ following 
year come direct from Fabyan ; the references to the plague and 
the sweating sickness (1478, 1500, 1528), the mention of the 
capture of Sir Andrew Barton (1511), the account of the 111 May 
Day (1516), the record of the drought (1540) — all these are 
almost identical in both, whilst the extraordinary statement 
about Wolsey (1530) can also be explained by reference to the 
Londoner's work. It is, in short, practically certain that the 

^ Such a man as Thomas Miller of Lynn, who was mayor (or ' governor ') 
of the town during the four years of strife (1520-24) with the Bishop of 
Norwich, and mayor again in 1529 and 1546 ; who was burgess of Parliament 
for Lynn in 1523, 1529-36 and 1542. He was employed on local commis- 
sions for subsidies ; a merchant trading with Flanders, he got into trouble in 
1 53 1 for 'export of corn contrary to the King's command ' and was in the 
King's debt five years afterwards ; in 1534 his offices were used by the 
town to see that Cromwell had them ' in better remembrance ' (Z. and P. 
of Henry VIII, vii. 1569 ; x. 1257 ; Hist. MSS. Cotnm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 
J 73 ; Richard's Hist, of Lynn, i. 370). 


Lynn chronicler had access to Reynes' (1542) edition of Fabyan's 

There are, however, in this Lynn record many notices not 
found in Fabyan's continuation. Some of them may be paral- 
leled in Hall's Chronicle, but not a few, though recording well- 
known events and not of historical value, do not figure in the 
pages of any of the English contemporary chronicles. These are 
such things as the expulsion of the Jews from Trent in J 47 7) the 
siege of Rhodes two years later, the thunderbolt in Italy in 1496, 
an earthquake in Constantinople, Luther's action in 151 8, the 
plague in Rome four years later — all foreign events, but events 
which might be familiar to the inhabitants of a seaport whose 
sailors traversed the waters of the Mediterranean as well as the 
narrow seas which divided them from the coast of Flanders. 
Possibly the imperfect chronology of the earlier among these 
notices may indicate their recall to memory long after their 
occurrence. The dating of events is indeed far from exact, and 
is rendered more confusing by the fact that the author reckons 
by the mayoral year like the London chroniclers. As the mayor 
of Lynn was elected on the Day of the Decollation of St. John 
the Baptist (39th of August), this meant that the chronicler's 
year is five months behind the calendar year, and many events 
are thus apparently misplaced by a year. The omission, in 
most cases, of the month and day adds to the possibilities of 
error, and mistakes are fairly frequent,^ though the chronicler 
becomes a little more accurate in the later portion of the record. 

The most interesting side of the history of Lynn in the period 
covered by the chronicle is that which concerns the change from 
' Bishop's Lynn ' to ' King's Lynn '. The town has been con- 
sidered as typical, for the fifteenth century, of towns on the 
estates of secular ecclesiastical lords. ^ For Lynn, as for Reading, 
the type of town on a monastic estate, the victory, if victory it 
can be called, did not come until the sixteenth century. 

Looked at from one point of view, the change by which Lynn 
of the Bishop became Lynn of the King may be regarded as 
illustrating the general policy of the Crown in the early Tudor 
period — the reduction of all franchises, and chiefly those of the 
clergy. But this is only one aspect of the change : long before 
the Tudor policy of centralization was begun, the townsmen of 
Lynn were embarked on the attempt to free themselves from 
episcopal control. The first Bishop of Norwich to be Lord of 
Lynn was Bishop Herbert (1091-1119). The struggle began in 
the fourteenth century; in 1352 an appeal to the King evoked 

^ E.g. under the years 1477, 1484, 1490, 1491, 1500. 

^ Mrs. Green, Town Life in the Fifteenth Century, i. 282-94. 

WESTERN 30745 87 

a decision in favour of the Bishop ; in 1377 the town was over 
two hundred pounds in debt through litigation against him.^ A 
victory for the town by which the mayor obtained the right to 
have borne before him a sword with point erect — sign of com- 
plete independence — was followed almost immediately, on the 
appeal of the Bishop (1447), by the reversal of the verdict, ' for ', 
says the royal brief,^ the tone of which it is interesting to com- 
pare with that used less than a hundred years later, ' it was not, 
neither is not, our intent to prejudice any party and namely the 
church, for by our oath at our coronation we be bound to sup- 
port and maintain the church and the right thereof.' In 1473 
there was further contention ; the townsmen objected to the 
Bishop's assumption to himself of the right of taking a view 
of frankpledge and of holding a court for civil cases, a power 
which had been in the hands of the sheriff of Norfolk. About 
this time the 'mayor and burgesses' obtained confirmation of 
their right to assess themselves for the defence of the town, 
though coupled with a reservation of the rights of the Bishop. 
They also obtained from Richard III in J 483 letters patent con- 
firming what privileges they possessed, and the renewal of these 
from his successor three years later. The Bishop, apparently in 
retaliation, got royal confirmation of his own rights in the 
following year.^ 

In 1500, however. Bishop Goldwell died, to be succeeded by 
Richard Nix. From what we know of his life and character, 
the new-made Bishop was a man tenacious of his rights. Indeed, 
the immediate cause of his indictment in 1534 was that he had 
infringed the Act of Praemunire by citing before him the mayor 
of Thetford, a Norfolk town exempt from episcopal control.* 
In 15 1 3 the Bishop obtained letters patent confirming all the 
rights his predecessors had enjoyed. It rather looks as if the 
burgesses of Lynn did not allow the pronouncement to pass 
without challenge, for in the following year, when Bishop Nix 
made a visitation of his diocese, included in his programme was 
an arrangement to visit St. Margaret's Church in Lynn on 
July loth ' pro libertate villae ejusdem \^ But of the course or 
the result of the meeting in the town church between the jealous 
Bishop and the factious burgesses, no record remains. It is six 

1 Hisi. MSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 222. '^ Ibid. 165. 

' Ibid. 205-6. ' Diet. Nat. Biog. xli. 74. 

= Visitations of the Diocese of Norwich {14^2-1^32), ed. Rev. A. Jessopp, 
Cam. Soc. 1888, 68 ; record of the visitation of the places to which the Bishop 
was to go, immediately prior to and after his visit to Lynn, remains, but as 
the MS. from which the account is taken is a copy, it may be that the scribe 
omitted the record of the visit to Lynn as of less ecclesiastical interest than 
those of the religious houses in which it occurred. 


years before we have any more evidence of the progress of the 
struggle. In 1520-1, the chronicle tells us, began 'the suit 
between Lynn and the Bishop of Norwich for the liberty of 
Lynn '} Wolsey visited the town in 1520 ; it is very possible, 
although we are not told so, that his presence there had some- 
thing to do with the matter, for in 1538 it was at his mediation 
that the town got its fee-farm lease from the Bishop. But in 
1521 the townsmen apparently lost their case, and that com- 
pletely, for their mayor, elected by themselves, was replaced 
by a 'governor', doubtless appointed by the Bishop." Even 
in the crushing defeat of 1354 they had retained the right of 
having a mayor, but now not until 1524-5 does the title re- 

The Bishop had before this managed to get into trouble with 
the Crown, whether at the instance or on the appeal of the 
townsmen of Lynn cannot be said. In the general pardon of 
1524,^ however, the Bishop of Norwich is specially exempted 
and, the Act notwithstanding, all and every of the ' liberties and 
franchises . . . which the said Reverend Father late had or 
claimed to have within the said town [Lynn] and which were 
forfeited into the King's hands by the writ of " Quo Warranto " 
may still remain in the King's hands '. This points to formal 
proceedings against the Bishop on the part of the town, but of 
their exact nature we are ignorant. Very probably it happened 
that after bearing their defeat for some time, appeal to the 
Crown, doubtless backed up by the weighty arguments of the 
precious metals, secui'ed for the town a reversal of the verdict of 
three years before. At any rate the chronicle could record that 
the men of Lynn ' had their liberty again restored and the sword 
borne before the mayor '. 

It was in fact a royal grant of incorporation which the town 
obtained. By letters patent of 27 June, 1534,* the borough was 
' reconstituted ' with a mayor, twelve aldermen, eighteen common 
councilmen, a recorder, a town clerk, nine constables, two coroners, 
four serjeants-at-mace and a clerk of the market ; the mayor 

' In the chronicle of Lynn contained in MS. Add. S^jj (Brit. Mus.) the 
entry for this year runs as follows : ' 1521 Mr. Thomas Miller. In his four 
yeres he sered (.') w*h the Byshopp and the sword borne before the mayor 
againe. And yt hath bene so ever synce. Also this towne fell into the 
Kyngs hande shortlie after and soe the Byshoppe had no privilydge in Lyn 
never synce. Also this yeare and many yeares before this towne was called 
Byshoppes Lyn and at that tyme that the maior gott the sword it hathe ever 
synce bene called Kings Lynn and the sword hath bene carried before the 

^ Below, p. 193 ; of. Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 172. 

'^ Stat. 14 & 15 Henry VIII, c. 17. 

' Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 206. 

WESTERN 30745 89 

and twelve aldermen were to elect — and if necessary depose — 
the common councilmen, who in turn were to elect aldermen to 
fill vacancies in the original twelve and from them to choose 
a mayor ; the mayor might have his sword although it was to 
be sheathed. There is no mention of the change of name which 
the chronicler asserts took place at this date ; indeed there is 
a final saving clause for the rights of the Bishop and his suc- 
cessors, and the name Bishop^s Lynn obtained in official docu- 
ments until 1537. But the position of the town was very much 
strengthened by its new grant, which not only defined its 
rights, but gave it a firm starting-point for fresh advances. 
The Bishop, it is true, made a counter-move by obtaining, early 
in the following year,^ letters patent which confirmed his rights 
in Lynn and set forth in detail the tolls and customs due to him 
there. The struggle was wellnigh over, however. Bishop Nix, 
almost eighty years old, may well have tired of the struggle, 
and in 1528, by Wolsey's intercession, the town obtained from 
the Bishop a thirty years' lease ^ of the Court Leet, the Steward's 
Hall Court, the Tolbooth Court, ' and all such fairs and markets, 
waifs and strays, as the said Bishop had or ought to have in the 
said borough ' at a rent of one hundred and four shillings yearly. 
The story might have ended here had the crisis occurred at 
an earlier date, as it did for most other English boroughs, and 
Lynn might have stepped into line with them without becoming 
possessed of any regality of name. But now mightier forces 
than those of a group of traders were arrayed to attack clerical 
rights and privileges. Bishop Nix was well known as an opponent 
to the royal policy in matters ecclesiastical as well as matri- 
monial. In 1534 he was tried — and of course condemned — on 
a charge of Praemunire for the cause mentioned above. He was 
adjudged to lose all his possessions, to pay a fine, and remain at 
the King's mercy. In consideration, however, ' of his great age 
and debility ', he was pardoned and had his goods restored to 
him ; ^ before the close of the year 1535 he died. The voidance 
of the Bishopric, added to the disgrace of Nix and the claims of 
the town of Lynn, gave the Commons of Parliament — or the 
Crown — an opportunity of carrying still further the application 
of the principles by which, in the year of the attack on the Bishop 
of Norwich, the firstfruits and profits for one year from all 
spiritual benefices had been granted to the King.* The year 

^ II Feb. 16 Henry VIII (1525) ; ibid. 206. In the report this document 
is placed — wrongly — before the charter of incorporation. As Henry began 
his reign in April, June 16 Henry VIII would be 1524, Feb. 16 Henry VIII 
the following calendar year. 

= Ibid. 246. ^ Stat. 25 Henry VIII, c. 29. 

* Stat. 26 Henry VIII, c. 3. 


1536 saw an Act ^ passed for 'the assurance of all the tempo- 
ralities belonging unto the Bishop of Norwich unto the King's 
highness and his heirs ', wherein ' for divers right good and 
virtuous considerations moved and debated for the earnest 
setting forth of the good effects and proceedings that may grow 
and increase by the good execution of the king's godly purpose 
in the premises' — whatever this might mean — the manors and 
possessions of the Bishop of Norwich, including of course the 
episcopal rights in Lynn, were given to the King. The newly 
elected Bishop was obliged to content himself with the Bishop's 
Palace in Norwich and the houses of St. Benet's and Hickling — 
of the former of which he had been abbot — at a rent of £^^ 6s. M. 
a year. In the following year came for the town the final step 
of the change of name. By letters patent of July 7 ^ the borough 
was to be called King's Lynn ; the ' mayor and burgesses and 
inhabitants ' were to have the Guildhall, the Tolbooth Courts 
and a yearly Court Leet ; the mayor and the recorder, together 
with those aldermen who had served as mayors, were to be 
Justices of the Peace, and the town was also empowered to hold 
two fairs annually and two markets each week. For the grant 
of these privileges Lynn was to pay a yearly rent of 20 marks. 
This, it may be observed, was more than twice as much as the 
amount paid to the Bishop for almost identical rights, and the 
royal beneficence in bestowing on the town the name of King's 
Lynn is somewhat typical, analogous in fact to the reputation 
long enjoyed by Henry's successor as a founder of schools. 

And it was not all plain sailing for the burgesses of King's 
Lynn even now. The Duke of Suffolk had enjoyed a fee of £^ 
from the stewardship in the days of the last Bishop of Norwich, 
and so the townsmen had to ask his consent to their ' liberties ', 
promising to continue his fee.^ And apparently they construed 
their new name in different terms from the King. They were 
not content to have the rights for which they had fought so long 
and had paid so dearly granted away by the King to whomso- 
ever he would. In 1534 they write to Cromwell,* in a tone to 
which he was probably little accustomed from his correspondents, 
complaining of a certain Richard Bradford, who claims a royal 
grant of the office of gauger and searcher of fish in the town, 
which office in their opinion is entirely at the disposal of the 
town authorities. ' If, they boldly argue, 'the King has granted 

1 Stat. 27 Henry VIII, c. 45. 

^ Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 207 ; L. and P. of Henry VHI, 
xii (ii), g. 411 (24); the amount of the rent, not given in the Hist. MSS. 
Comm. copy, is supplied by the version in the Record Office. 

' L. and P. xii (ii), 304. 

* Ibid. vii. 1569. 

WESTERN 30745 91 

this office to the said Richard Bradford, which we think not 
(a direct hit at Cromwell by whose letters Bradford claimed the 
post), it is not effectual in law. If you are desirous, however, 
that he should have the appointment from the mayor at your 
request, we are content, so long as it be no prejudice to our 
liberties.' A bold letter truly, but despite their boldness they 
follow the usual custom of most of Cromwell's correspondents 
and send a present, ' 100 of great ling yearly.' ^ Again in July 
1537, in thanking Cromwell^ ' for obtaining the King's charter', 
they complain against ' one William Hastings who has a grant 
from the king of the bailiwick of Lynn and pretends to arrest 
and serve all processes ', though neither of this nor the previous 
complaint do we find the answer— if any was given— recorded. 
In 1547, when the gilds came within the royal grasp, the town 
obtained the fee-farm of the possessions of the gilds of Holy 
Trinity and St. George,^ as many other towns did for their gilds. 
Henceforth, indeed we might almost say from 1538, Lynn is in 
line with the majority of English boroughs, and the interest of 
this side of its history lies, not in the obtaining of new privileges, 
but in the working and development of the machinery with 
which it began its existence as King's Lynn. 

During the years covered by the chronicle Lynn was of con- 
siderable economic and military importance. Lying at the mouth 
of the Ouse, it was the port for a large and important hinterland. 
Proximity to Flanders still meant a good deal ; corn and malt 
from Norfolk went there through Lynn and Yarmouth, and the 
town also dispatched grain to Scotland, Ireland, and Calais, and 
to such English ports as, for example, in the year 1532, London, 
Dartmouth,Winchelsea, Plymouth, and elsewhere.* It sent ships in 
the fishing fleets which went regularly to Iceland and the North 
Seas.' In common with the merchants of other seaports the 
men of Lynn were not above smuggling in years when the foreign 
policy of the Crown, or the fear of famine in England, led to the 
prohibition of trade with different countries ; in 1537 Lynn 
merchants sent butter and other victuals to Spain despite a royal 
restraint, and even the mayor and his brethren were accused of 
connivance in the export of tallow and hides to Scotland ' un- 
searched and uncustomed '. In 1539 there was much petitioning 

^ In 1540 the town was still paying ;£io yearly to provide the gift to 
Cromwell (ibid, xiv (ii), p. 328). 

2 Ibid, xii (ii), 304 ; in Cromwell's remembrances about this time {ibid. ii. 
192) there is one ' For the town of Lynn ' ; cf. ibid. \. 1330 (63) for Hastings's 

» Hist. MSS. Comni., Rep. XI, App. iii. 208. 

* L. and P. of Henry VHI, xiv. 426 ; v. 1 706. 

'" Ibid, iv (ii), 5101 ; vi. 480, ix. 234; in 1528 and again in 1533 Lynn 
sent 10 vessels of tonnage 35 to 95 tons ; Yarmouth sent 30. 


of the Duke of Norfolk, visiting the town, to allow the export 
of the wheat, malt, and barley, of which there was so much that, 
as the Duke wrote to the King, ' hundreds of ploughs are like 
to be laid up, and there are not sufficient gardeners {sic) to stow 
it in.' ^ There was also a too indiscriminate zeal in times of war 
which led to the seizure by merchant privateers of harmless 
trading vessels as enemies; in 1545, during the war with France, 
two Dutch ships, carrying victual to Scotland, were taken by 
Lynn men, and the Privy Council ordered the mayor and 
brethren to inquire into the matter : a month later the Council 
again address them, ordering the delivery of one of these ships — 
or another vessel — and also that henceforth the traders of Lynn 
' meddle with no vessel trading that way unless clearly French ' ; 
yet before another month has passed, a Lynn man has spoiled 
a ship carrying Spaniards to their native land after service with 
the English King, and later in the same year the Privy Council 
intervenes in the case of a ' Savoyson ' vessel manned by Scots 
which has been seized by a ship of Lynn.^ 

The town also played an important part in the military 
history of Henry VIII's reign in a more legitimate way. Situate 
about half-way between France and Scotland, and having behind 
it the grain supply of Norfolk, it served as a victualling base for 
forces operating in both those countries. In 1533 thousands of 
quarters of grain were gathered there and sent to Calais for the 
royal army in France ; next year corn and ships were collected 
in Lynn to send to the garrisons at both Calais and Berwick. In 
October 1536, when there was fear of Reginald Pole landing with 
foreign troops to aid the rebels of the Pilgrimage of Grace, the 
town received special commands ' concerning strangers ; none 
wfere to be allowed to land who had 'any manner of weapon', 
and not more than twenty strangers together. But beyond the 
reading of a ' seditious ' paper at an inn in the town, there is no 
trace of any feeling for or against the rising. When in i539 the 
fear of invasion became still more acute, Lynn was naturally one 
of the places to be fortified, although the chronicler does not 
mention any work done there. In 1542, for the expedition into 
Scotland, it was arranged that victualling ships should go north 
from Lynn and Yarmouth, and merchants of the town contracted 
with the government to provide corn for the garrison, and also 
to victual and equip two ships of war, ' paying the wages of 
captain and men from time to time.' Two years later Lynn 
again provided vessels for the Scottish war, although only one- 

' .' granaries. L. and P. v. 532 ; vi. 3S5, 1595 (10), 1617 ; vii. 141 ; x. 1257 ; 
xii (ii) 429 ; xiv. 541, 555 ; xvi. 392. 

Jbtd. XX (i), 483, 518, 630, 755, 997, 1217 ; (ii) 176. 
^ Ibid. X. 908, 1260. 

WESTERN 30745 93 

third as many as Hull and Yarmouth. At the same time the 
town was providing twenty footmen to fight in France, and 
sending fodders of lead to the King at Calais. Again in the 
next year Calais is short of victual, and wheat and malt are 
dispatched there and also to Boulogne.^ 

Just about the time that ' Lynn Episcopi ' became ' Lynn 
Regis ', there are signs that the burgesses were actively working 
for the prosperity of the town ; in 1534 (on the petition of the 
mayor and burgesses) an Act ^ was passed ' for the re-edifying of 
void grounds within the town of Lynn ', with the usual penalty 
to owners of forfeit for failure to repair within one year. And 
three years later another step is taken, for in the charter changing 
the name of the town they obtained a grant of two fairs annually, 
each of six days.^* In 15 10 they had been involved in a suit with 
the burgesses of Cambridge ' for the toll of Sturbridge Fair ' ; it 
may well be — we have no direct information on the point — that 
they lost, and so seized the opportunity when obtaining new 
privileges from the King to set up their own fairs and so be more 
Independent of the Sturbridge Fair. But they were not allowed 
to enjoy the privilege long. The holders of existing fairs, notably 
Ely and Sturbridge, objected to this intrusion on their preserves, 
and the year 1541 saw an Act* revoking the grant passed, ' as the 
burgesses and inhabitants of King's Lynn and the people dwell- 
ing there nigh have . . . made, regrated and gotten into their 
hands and possession a great number of saltfish as ling, loob, cod, 
salt salmon, stockfish and herring to the great hindrance and loss 
of the King's subjects that have yearly repaired to Sturbridge 
Fair, Ely Fair, and other fairs or markets in the counties of Cam- 
bridge, Huntingdon and other shires for provision of salt-fish and 
herring for their households.' The loss, one imagines, would be 
less to the King's subjects attending than to those holding the 
fairs, but the wording of the Act is thoroughly in keeping with 
the legislation of the time. The deprivation of the fairs was 
naturally enough disliked in Lynn, and six years later an agree- 
ment ^ was arrived at between the mayor and burgesses of Lynn 

' L. and P. iii (ii) 2823 ; iv (i) 58, 281, 961, 975 ; xiv. 655 ; xvi. 786; xvii. 
786; xviii. 90, 147, 241 ; xix (i) 140, 274, 353, 927, (ii) 35, 253, 502 ; xx (i) 

139, 294, 557 (P- 268), 397. 

" 26 Henry VIII, c. 9 ; beiiig passed on petition of the borough authorities, 
the Act was more likely to fulfil its object than the general Acts of the same 
nature passed in this reign ; it is perhaps significant that in these later Acts 
Lynn isomitted, though in one (32 Henry VIII, c. 18) both Hull and Yarmouth 
are said to be decayed. 

' Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 207 ; they apparently had one 
fair already. 

* Stat. 33 Henry VIII, c. 34. 

^ Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 246. 


and of Cambridge respecting the charges levied on traders from 
Lynn at Sturbridge Fair, probably the end of a continuous if 
subdued effort on the part of the coast town to regain its short- 
lived rights. 

Lynn was primarily a port, and we do not hear much of any 
industries in the borough. There was some cloth made in the 
town — some of Wolsey's household cloth came from there — but 
the craft of clothiers cannot have had many members in the reign 
of Henry VIII. In 1533-4 an Act ^ was passed making the cloth- 
makers of Yarmouth more independent of the Norwich clothiers, 
giving them a seal and authority to ' search ' cloth in the town. 
It also lays down that ' when the town of Lynn shall be in- 
habited with ten sturdy householders using the said craft, then 
and so long as it is so ' they may enjoy the same privileges as 
their fellow-workers in Yarmouth ; when they have less than ten 
(apparently the case at the time) the worsted manufacture in 
Lynn is to be controlled from Norwich as before. This Act was 
to endure until the next Parliament. So in 1535 ^ the Act is 
recited and made perpetual, as ' it is good and necessary for the 
true making of worsted . . . and very commodious for the said 
towns of Lynn and Yarmouth '. The conditional clauses regard- 
ing Lynn are still, however, inserted, and there is no evidence 
that the town had as yet its ' ten sturdy householders ' making 

Finally a word must be said as to the town and the religious 
movements of the period. It was of course in the English sea- 
ports, and especially in those nearest to the Netherlands, that 
the iniluence of the movements there and in Germany was 
strongest. It was from Norfolk too that Bishop Nix wrote his 
well-known letter ^ complaining how his diocese was ' accombred 
with such as keepeth and readeth erroneous books in English', 
of which Lynn would undoubtedly have its share. In 1538, two 
years before the Bishop's letter, a certain Robert Necton con- 
fessed to having taken New Testaments to Lynn. It was to 
Lynn also that William Roy, author of the satire against Wolsey, 
fled to take ship out of reach of the Cardinal's wrath.* The 
chronicler illustrates the knowledge of and interest in the Re- 
formation movement. His first entry about Luther is not found 
in any of the other contemporary English chronicles ; his refer- 
ences to Tyndale — ' the ' learned man as he calls him — to Barnes, 
Frith, and others such as Hunne and Tracy, show, when the 
brevity of the chronicle is considered, great interest in the 

' Stat. 14 & 15 Henry VIII, c. 3. 

I Stat. 26 Henry VIH, c. 16. 

° May 14, 1530 ; Strype's Cranmer, ii. 694. 

* L. and P. iv (ii), 4030; iii. 5667. 

WESTERN 30745 95 

fortunes of the movement. And although his use of the title 
' Bishop of Rome ' is natural, considering the date at which he 
wrote, his opinions may perhaps be surmised from the phrase 'as 
they say ', which he tacks on to the account of the burning of a 
heretic (1534), as if he himself were not so convinced of the justice 
of the verdict. In 1538 he uses the phrase ' idolatry forbidden ' ; 
but as Fabyan's continuer uses the same phrase, it probably 
comes from there, with how much genuineness on the Lynn 
chronicler's part we cannot say. 

Here this account of Lynn in the period covered by the chronicle, 
and of the chronicle itself, must close. It may seem that with its 
brevity, its many errors, its scanty information even for local 
affairs, the chronicle is scarce worth the attention here bestowed 
upon it. The justification lies in the comparative rarity of such 
a record at this period, which gives it a place in a volume con- 
cerned with chronicles not only of London but of English towns 
in general, and also in the fact that despite the mediaeval 
importance of Lynn, the mantle of royal beneficence has some- 
what too much obscured the less noticeable but not less important 
changes of garb whereby Lynn of the Bishop became Lynn of 
the King. 


Title. Date} 

1. Liber de Antiquis Le^ibus 1 274. 

(MS. Guildhall). 

2. Annates Londonienses 1195-1329. 

[MS. Add. S444, Brit. 

3. CroniqiiesdeLondres{MS. 1260-1345. 

Cotton Cleopatra A. VI, 
fo. J4 seg., Brit. Mus.). 

4. MS. Bodley ^<)6. 1413, 1422, 

J. MS. St. John's College 1432. 
(Oxford) Ivii. 

6. MS. of Marquis of Bath 1432. 


7. MS. Cotton Julius B. II 1435. 

(Brit. Mus.). 

8. MS. (late of) W. Bromley 1437, 15 12. 

Davenport, Esq. (Bagin- 
ton Hall, Wore). 

9. MS. Cotton Vitellius F. 1439. 

IX (Brit. Mus.). 

10. MS. Cotton Vitellius A. 1440, 1496, 

^F/ (Brit. Mus.). 1503,1509. 

11. MS. of Sir Matthew 1219-1440, 

Wilson (Eshton Hall, 1565. 

12. MS. Harley ^65 (Brit. 1443. 


13. MS. Cotton Cleopatra C. 141 5-1443. 

/F (Brit. Mus.). 
13 a. MS. Harley ^40 (Brit. 1421-47.' 
Mus.) ff. 40-5. 

14. MS. Arundel XIX (Col- 1451, 1475, 

lege of Arms). 1522. 

Publication or Description. 
ed. T. Stapleton, Cam. See, 

ed. W. Stubbs, Chronicles of 

the reigns of Edward I and 

Edward II, R. S., 1882, 

vol. i. 
ed G.J. Aungier, Cam. See, 


See herein, p. 10, and note. 

See herein, pp. 60-2. 

Herein, pp. 57-60, 99-101. 

ed. C. L. Kingsford, Chro- 
nicles of London, i-ii6. 
See Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. 

II, App. 80. 

See Kingsford, op. cit., xiii- 

ibid., xv-xviii, 154-279. 

See Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. 

III, App. 229. 

ed. Nicolas and Tyrell, A 
Chronicle of London, 1827. 

ed. Kingsford, op. cit., ix-x, 

See Grey Friars Chronicle, 
ed. J. G. Nichols, Cam. 
Soc, 1853, vi-vii. 

^ The date given is that at which the chronicle ends, and does not, of 
course, necessarily imply that the work was written or even originally ended 
at that date ; where several distinct hands have contributed to a chronicle 
the various dates at which each portion breaks off are noted. Unless the 
year of commencement is given the chronicle begins in 1189; indeed all 
those chronicles of London which at present begin later than that year are 
imperfect, and almost certainly followed the general rule in their original 

^ The Liber de Aniiquis Legibus, together with the Croniques de Londres, 
has been translated by H. T. Riley, 1863. 

^ Mr. Kingsford tells me that this chronicle resembles the ' F' continua- 
tion of the Brut chronicle, printed by F. W. D. Brie, E.E.T.S., 1908. 



Title. Date. 

15. MS. Rawlinson B. jjj 1 21 4- 1459. 


16. MS. E. s. 9 (Trin. Coll., 1461. 


17. MS. Harley, Roll C. S 1463. 

(Brit. Mus.). 

18. A Short English Chro7ticle 1465. 

{MS. Lambeth 306). 

19. Gregory's Chronicle {MS. 1469. 

Egerton 199s, Brit. 

20. MS. Gough London 10 1470, 1495. 


21. MS. Harley S4iiff. 215-9 I482, 1498. 

(Brit. Mus.). 

22. MS. Cotton Julius B. I 1483. 
(Brit. Mus.). 

23. Fabyan's Chronicle. 

24. Arnold's Chronicle. 

25. MS. Tanner 2 (Bodleian). 

26. MS. Lambeth jo6. 

27. MS. Balliol College 354 


28. A Short Cronycle} 

29. MS. Cotton Vespasian A. 

XXV, ff. 38-46 (Brit. 

30. A Cronicle of Yeres.^ 

31. MS. Harley 540 (Brit. 


1485, 1509, 


1501, 1519. 

1513, 1524. 


1539. 1542- 

1543. 1544, 



Publication or Description. 
Herein, pp. 62-6, 101-13. 

Herein, pp. 66-74, II4~53- 

See Stow's Survey of London, 
ed. Kingsford, i. xxxiv, xcii ; 
ii. 382. 

ed. J. Gairdner, Three Fif- 
teenth Century Chronicles, 
Cam. See, 1880. 

ed. J. Gairdner, Collections of 
a London Citizen, Cam. 
Soc, 1876. 

Herein, pp. 74-81, 153-66. 

See C. L. Kingsford, Chron. 

of Lond.,x>d.32l, and Busch, 

England under the Tudors, 

i. 415. 
See Chronicle of London, ed. 

Nicolas and Tyrell, passim ; 

Gairdner, Collections of a 

London Citizen, 258-62 ; 

Kingsford, Chron. of Lond., 

xiii-xv. 279-88. 
Pr. 1516, 1533. 1542, 1558, 

181 1 ; cf. above, pp. 38-40. 
Customs of London (ed. 1502, 

1520, 181 1), init. 
Herein, pp. 81-4, 166-84. 
See Gairdner, Three Fifteenth 

Century Chronicles, 92-3. 
ed. R. Dyboski, Songs, Carols, 

&c., E. E. T. S., Ex. Ser., 

1907, App. 142-65. 
Pr. John Byddell. See above, 

p. 51. 
ed. C. Hopper, Cam. Soc. 

Misc., iv, 1859, 1-18. 

Pr. Thomas Petyt. 

See Stow's Survey, ed. Kings- 
ford, i. Ixxxix ; ii. 295, 352, 

^ A Short Cronycle, wherein is mentiotied all the names of all the Kings of 
England, of the Mayors and Sheriffs of the Cytye of London; and of divers 
and other notable Actes and Things done, in and sith the Time of King 
Henry the fourth. A third edition without date was also printed. 

^ A Cronicle of Veres, from the begynnynge of the Worlde, wherein ye 
shal fynd the names of all the kynges of Englande, of the Mayers and 
Shyreffes ofpe Cyte of London and bryefly of many notable Actes done in and 
syth the Reygn of Kyng Henry thefourthe. 




32. The Grey Friars Chronicle 

{MS. Cotton Vit. F. XII, 
Brit. Mus.). 

33. IVriothesley's Chronicle. 

34. MS. Harley 530 (Brit. 


35. Stow's Sutnmarie of Eng- 

lyske Chronicles. 

36. Stow's Sunimarie of 

Englyshe Chronicles 

37. Stow's Chronicles of Eng- 



Publication or Description. 


ed. J. G. Nichols, Cam. See, 

1853; also by J. S. Brewer, 

Monumenta Franciscana, 

R. S., ii. 1882. 


ed. W. D. Hamilton, Cam. 

Soc, 2 vols., 1875-7. 


Camden Miscellany.^ 


Editions, 1565, 1566, 1570, 

Editions, 1566, 1567, 1573, 
1584, 1587,1598,1604. 

See above, p. 52. 

' Mr. Kingsford, who has told me of this chronicle, informs me that he is 
about to print it, along with part of MS. Harley J40, in the Camden 


Ti,^„,,c v^^Uc. Willelmus Waldornl . f°- 55 

Thomas KnoUes Willelmus Hyde J^""° P""'° i399- 

' 1400 

In the same yere after that kyng Richard hadde resigned in 

the Toure of London ffro thense he was ledde unto the castell 

of Leedys in Kent. And there he abood a while and ffro 

thense he was leed to the castell of pountfret in the northe 

countre and soon aftir he came thethir he dyed : and whan the 

kyng wyst that he was deed he lett ordyne a lyttir and clothed fo. 55"' 

his body in a cheste and he was bawmid and sei-vyd in lynnyn 

clothe with his vysage lyeing opene. And soo brought to 

London w' torche light byrnyng as ought to his astate unto 

seynt poules and there his enterment was holdyn w' alle the 

solempnyte of servis that myght be doon. And ffro seynt 

poules he was brought into the abbey of Westminster and ther 

he had his deryges and masses w' great solempnyte. And ffro 

Westmynster he was caaryed to the ffreares of langlee. And 

ther hee was buryd. 

T , M7 1 ^ Ricardus Merlowe) . fo- 57 

Johannes Walcote R^bertus Chichelet^"'^^ ^"^'■*° '402-3 

In the same yeare came the Emperoure of Constantynoble 
withe meny lordes and knyghtes in to England. And the king 
recevyd hyme and his lordes right worthely and here he and all 
his many laie at the kynges costes. And in the same yere 
came dame Jane Duchesse of Bryteigne into England, and 
landyd at ffalmouthe in Cornewall. And she was brought to 
the citee of Wynchestre. 

And ffourthe witte she was weddyd ther unto kyng henry in fo. 57'' 
the abbey of seynt Roeethynes ^ in Wynchestre : and ffro thense 

1 ? St. Swithin's. 
G 2 


she was brought to London. And there the maire and the 
aldremen recevyd her in the mooste worthie wyse that they 
coulde : and roode w' hir through London to Westminster : 
and there she was crownyd quene ^ and there the kynge made 
a solemp fifeast in the worshipe of hir and all the straungers 
that came withe hir. 

1404-5 T u Tj J Willelmus Louthe ) 

Johannes Hende Ci. i. 01 ^anno sexto. 

■' btephanus bpelmanj 

In the same yere Sir Richard Scrope Archibishope of Yorke 
and the lorde Mowbrey Marshall of Englande arysen in the 
northe countrie and gatherd a greet noumbr of pepuU ayenste 
the king. And the king knowing hereof ordynyd his hooste 
and went northe ward in all the hast that he myght and mette 
fo, 58' w* hym at yorke. And there were thies too lordes take and 
brought to the kyng and there juggement was gevyn that bothe 
there heedes shoulde be smytten of by cause of there untrow 
cause that they purposyd them on.^ 

fo. 67 And in the same yere the xxix"^ daye of auguste ^ dyed kyng 

142 1-2 henry the ffyfte in the Citie of Parres. And ifrome thence w' 
all servis belongyng unto hyme through evirry goode citie and 
towne he was brought unto Caleys and soo brought into England. 
And a gaynst his commyng to London the mair and the alder- 
men and the most partie of all the comones clothed all in blake 
fo. (y-}^ mett w* hyme upon the blake heethe and in Southwark ther cam 
all the religioues with ther crosses and brought his boddie unto 
seynt poules. And ther he had such solempnyte servis as 
belongyd to his astate and fro thence all the citee w* ryght hevye 
hartes went upon ffoot to Westminster w' his boddye and there 

^ The coronation took place on the 26th of February ; cf. Annates Ric. II 
et Hen. IV., R. S., 1866, 350; Walsingham, ii. 254. 

^ Julius B. II, 64, merely says (its sole entry for the year) ' In this same 
year Sir Richard Scrope, Archbishop of York, and the Earl Marshal were 
beheaded a little out of York on Whitsun Monday.' 

' Henry really died two days later ; Julius B. II has a notice of his burial 
in a° i Henry VI, and the Longleat MS. has an identical, i.e. second entry 
concerning the same event, presumably showing the use by its original of 
more than one chronicle. 


he was beryed bisydes seynt Edwards shryne the vij day of 
November in the year of our lorde gode (M ^) CCCC xxij. Of 
whose soule Jesu fifor his pittye have mercye and grace. 


Robertas Larsre Pl^^l'PP"s Malpas 1 ...„ fo. 107 

KoDertus Large Robertus Marshall P ''''"■' 1439-40 

In isto anno in die sancti botulphi " ante festum nativitatis 
baptistae quidam dominus Ricardus Wyche ^ vicarius de her- 
mettiseworthe fuit degradatus apud sanctum paulum et com- 
bustus apud turrim londonii propter suam heresiam. In quo 
loco homines et mulieres de londonio in maxima multitudine 
reputantes ipsum martyrem sanctum erexerunt crucem et coepe- 
runt offerre ibi argentum et ymagines de cera quousque per fo. 107^ 
mandatum regium maior civitatis cum vicecomitibus et manu 
forti fugaverunt populum et cum fumo* animalium deturpave- 
runt locum ne ibi ulterius fieret ydolatria. 

Et isto anno primo die Septembris Philippus Malpace et 
Thomas ^ Marshall vicecomites londonii cum suis officiariis vene- 
runt ad Sanctum Martinum-le-Grant et extraxerunt a sanctuario 
V pensonas videlicet Johannem Knyght, Christopherum Blakbone, 
Johannem Reede, Ricardum Morice, et Willelmum Janyver et 
ligatos compedibus duxerunt eos ad gaulam suam. Qui postea 
iusticia suadente restituti fuerunt ad sanctuarium per mandatum 
regis et decreto iusticiariorum suorum ultimo die Octobris a" 

1 Omitted in the text. 

' June 17th ; Day of Nativity of John the Baptist, 24th of June. 

' Cf. Amundesham, Annales (Rolls Series), i. 64. Stow, Summary (1575), 
361, tells how the Vicar of Barlings had made profit by mixing powdered 
spices with ashes and strewing the compound in the place of the burning, so 
deceiving the people and enriching himself by their offerings ; this accounts 
for the remedy adopted by the city officials. 

* Sic MS; it should h^fimo, dung. 
^ A slip for Robert as given above. 

• Fabyan, 613, has a similar entry for this year, though he omits the names 
of those ' sette out ' of sanctuary. Like this chronicle he assigns no cause for 
the action of the sheriffs. The other chroniclers do not record it. 


Johannes Paddisl.y few^ru„halel»' --' 

In isto anno in mense Augusti domina Alianora Cobham 
ducissa gloucestrie fuit arestata pro coniecturacione mortis regis. 
Et eadem de causa attachiati fuerunt magister Thomas Southwell 
canonicus Westmonasterii ^ magister Rogerus Bultynbroke 
clericus deditus nigromantie cum Margeria Jurdemayne nigro- 
mantica de Eye. Que quidem Alianora adiudicata et dampnata 
pro heretica et nigromantica posita fuit ad perpetuos carceres in 
Insula de Manne sub custodia domini Thome Stanley Regis 
eiusdem insule. Et magister Thomas Southwell per dolorem 
moriebatur in turri londonii.^ Rogerus bultynbroke fuit tractus 
suspensus et quarteriusatus ^ sed Margeria Jurdemayn fuit com- 
busta in Smythfeld non sine causa. 

Et etiam isto anno ultimo die Augusti noctus tempore magna 
fo. io8 fuit guerra in fietestrete inter causidicos et londonienses cum 
sagittis et sicut in terra guerrae ubi plures ex utraque parte 
fuerunt occisi et mutilati. Et principalis causa istius dampni 
fuit quidam ingraciosus vocatus Willelmus Harebotell unus 
socius causidicorum. 

Robenus Clopton SdrRyr,'"'^^" -" 

Johannes AddysLy J^^s Sd"'!"" -" 

In isto anno apud Bakwell halle * in londonio quidam labo- 
rarius frangendo parietem lapideum invenit in thesauro argenteo 
ibidem abscondito superscriptionis et ymaginis incognita CC. 
et XIX li. 

^ ' Canon of St. Stephen's Chapel at Westminster,' Stow and Fabyan ; 
cf. W. Worcester, A finales (Letters and Papers of the War with France, 
ed. Stevenson, R. S., ii), 762-3. 

" Died in the Tower for sorowe,' Gregory's Chronicle, 185. 

' This is placed in the following year by Bale, A Short English Chronicle, 
and Stow, who gives the date i8th of November for the execution. The 
account of the riot is also placed in the 20th year by Fabyan, 616 ; he says 
'the chief occasioner' Herbotell was of Clifford's Inn. Vitellius A. XVI 
mentions it a" 19, and then adds a short notice in the next year. 

* Gregory's Chronicle, 184, says ' in a wall in the Guildhall'; so also does 

RAWLINSON B. 355 103 

Thomas Catwortbp M^nnes Normanl „ ..„ 1443-4 

1 nomas Latworthe Nicholas WyfoldeP '''"•' 

In isto anno ordinatum fuit et preceptum quod die dominica 
victualia non venderentur nee aliqua alia mercimonia.^ Et isto 
anno equitacio vicecomitum ab antique honorabiliter usitata fuit 

Henricus ffrowyk K Wychr^^l^" ^^"° ''""'^ 

In isto anno post festum omnium sanctorum dominus 
Willelmus de Pole Comes Suffolchie transfretavit pro domina 
Margareta iilia regis Cicilie maritanda regi Anglie que portum 
applicuit apud Portismowthe in die sabbati post nonam.^ 
Et die Jovis proximo sequenti desponsata fuit regi henrico sexto 
in loco religioso vocato Tychefeld non longe a Sowthampton. 
Et in crastinum solempnitatis corporis christi* venit ad turrim 
londonii. Cui obviam devenerunt maior cum civibus londonii 
apud Blakheth cum solempni apparatu conducentes eam ad 
turrim praedictam. Et in crastinum a praedicta turri londonii fo. loS^ 
venit per civitatem londonii cum maximo honore et sic ad West- 
monasterium. Ubi in crastinum fuit coronata domina regni tam 
spiritualibus quam temporalibus et communibus cum maxima 
solempnitate et cum tanta quanta non fuit visa per antea. Et 
isto anno in vigilia purificacionis sancte marie post nonam horam 
vesperarum magna fuit tempestas tonitruum et fulguris choru- 
scantis in qua campanile sancti pauli ignitum sed miraculose cum 

'■ Fabyan adds 'which ordinance held but a while'. 

' It looks as if the writer had confused the sheriffdom of Norman with his 
mayoralty. It was as mayor in 1453 that John Norman changed the practice 
of riding on horseback to take oath before the King at Westminster to a 
journey by barge. From the way in which this chronicler records this change 
(a" 32, p. 108) it would appear that he disapproved of the change being 
made on the mayor's own initiative. Fabyan (628) has the same tone. Bale, 
on the other hand, says it was done ' by the desire and consent of the alder- 
men ' ; cf. also Vitellius A. XVI, 164. The city records tell us that the change 
was made in response to a petition of the commonalty, who, despite the 
objections of the Chancellor and the Duke of Somerset, were insistent on the 
change being made (J. E. Price, Descriptive Accotmt of the Guildhall, 
1 886, p. 160). 

' There was, however, an interval of five months between the departure 
of the Duke of Suffolk in November, 1446, and Margaret's landing in April, 


• 28th of May ; Fabyan, 617, says the 1 8th of May, probably a slip for 
28th. She was crowned on the 30th of May, according to A Short English 
Chronicle and Stow. 


ministerio laborioso hominum ante horam noctis decimam fuit 
totaliter subventum et extinctum. Similiter eodem tempore 
campanile de Kynggeston^ eodem modo ignitum in magnum 
dampnum eiusdem ecclesie. 

In isto anno inceptum^ fuit novum opus apud ledynhall per 
expensa praedicti Symonis Eyre.^ 

In isto anno x die ffebruarii parliamentum fuit inceptum apud 
Bery ubi communes circa custodiam regis tantis vigiliis et esurie 
ac frigore opprimebantur quod multi eorum moriebantur quod 

humfre- dolendum est.^ Et ibidem (humfredus*) venerabilis dux 

"^ Gloucestrie regis avunculus vitam suam finivit.^ Et apud 

monasterium sancti albani honorifice est tumulatus, cuius 

anima propicietur altissimus. Et isto anno obiit venerabilis 

amicus regis et regni henricus cardinalis et episcopus Wyn- 

fo. 109 tonensis.^ Et cito post proclamatus est dux Gloucestrie traditor 
regis et servientes ac sui dilectores fuerunt arestati et missi 
londonium et in diversos carceres videlicet lord Thomas '^ Cham- 
berlayn miles et filius bastardus domini ducis Arteys dictus 
Harberd, Middelton et Nedam et postea fuerunt iudicati. Qui 
omnes fuerunt et suspensi apud Tybourne. Et cum essent 
quarteriusandi carta domini regis vita fuit eis concessa.^ Et isto 
anno ultimo die Januarii quidam Johannes Davy pusillus statura 
appellavit Thomam^ Katoure armarium de ffletestrete quod 

^ Cf. for Kingston, W. Worcester, Annales, 765. 

^ Cf. Stow, Survey (ed. Kingsford), i. 153-4: 'Simon Eyre, citizen ot 
London, among other his workes of pietie, effectually determined to erect and 
build a certaine Granarie upon the soile of the same Citie at Leaden Hall 
of his oune charges, for the comon utilitie of the saide Citie to the amplifying 
and inlarging of the sayde granarie. . . . He builded it of square stone in 
forme as now it sheweth, with a fayre and large chappell in the east side of 
the quadrant.' He died December 18, 1459, leaving numerous bequests to 
the city, which Stow details. 

' Stow, Annals, 626, tells how ' all the waies about the said toun were 
kept with armed men both day and night so that many died with cold and 
waking '. 

* Inserted by a later hand. ° Cf. p. 66. 

" Cardinal Beaufort died April II, 1447. ' Roger. 

* Cf. Bale, below, p. 122, for a fuller account of this. 

^ Stow {Survey, ii. 32) and Harley j6j (ed. Nicholas and Tyrell) give 


RAWLINSON B. 355 105 

ymaginavisset mortem regis, Et cum venissent in Smythfeld ad 
duellum contigit quod appellans vicit ibidem defendentem et 
occidit eum. 

Johannes Gedney SmaTsc^tt'^^^""}^" ^^^^° '''^'' 

In isto anno in crastinum pasche fuit fluvius lunaris in tanto 
excessu quod litus Thamisie erga depfordstronde cum pratis et 
domibus cum capella absorpta sunt sine spe recuperandi.^ 

C4. 1 -D Willelmus Cantelowe) „ ..„ 1448-9 

Stephanus Broun y^-^^^^^^^^ ^arowe f ^ '^^^'J 

Thomas Chalton wmdmu^Hulynh" '^^^"J" 

In isto anno ad festum omnium sanctorum ^ ordinatum fuit 
quod parliamentum teneretur in turri londonii sed consilio mutato 
inceptum fuit ad fratres praedicatores infra ludgate et abhinc 
continuatum usque Westmonasterium. Et post festum nativi- 
tatis domini prorogatum fuit ad leycestre. Et isto anno in 
crastinum epiphanie episcopus cicestrensis transiit cum suis ad 
poortisdowne ^ ad recensendos soldarios et ibidem a nautis inter- 
fectus fuit. Et etiam parliamento existente apud leycestre 
Dominus Willelmus de Pole dux Suffolchie exosus tam dominis 
quam communibus regni fugam iniit per mare. Sed nutu dei 
captus fuit et in nave vocato Nicholas of the tour capite truncatus 
primo die maii. Cuius caput et corpus posita fuerunt super 
Dovir sonds. Et non multo post homines de cantia insurrexe- 
runt et in festo Corporis Christi convenerunt ad blakheth. 
Quorum capitaneus fuit Johannes Cade. Et vocaverunt petitores 
et non insurrectores se ipsos eo quod diversas petitiones a rege 
voluissent sibi concedi. Et iii die Julii idem capitaneus cum 
manu forti intravit londonium * et ibi apud le Standard fecit 

'William' Catur ; Julius B. I, 135, 'this year the bataile betwene the 
armerer and his man'; cf. Bale's account, and Nicholas, Privy Council, 
vi. 55-9. 

1 Cf. Bale, below, p. 123 ; A Short English Chronicle, 66, 'Water brake in 
cute of Temmes besyde Lyme and in an other place in Temmes and dide 
much harm'; Julius B. I, 135, records 'grete flodes' which 'drouned 
Stebenhith marsh, Rayneham and other lowe places'. 

^ Parliament began to sit November 6th ; Vitellius, 158, records its move- 

* Portsmouth ; he was slain January g, 1450. 

* Cf. W. Worcester, 768, ' iii die Julii vi et armis London ingreditur.' 

a" XXIX" 


dominum Say decapitari corpusque eius trahi violenter per 
vicum de Chepe. Et eciam apud eundem locum fecit decapitari 
Crowmer armigerum de cancia. Et apud le Mileende fecit 
decapitari quendam vocatum Bayly. Et ad tabardum in Suth- 
werk fecit decapitari Ricardum Haywarden qui venit ad ipsum 
de sanctuario sancti Martini le graunt. Et alium eciam vocatum 
Mayne . . . ^ de Essex iussit decapitari. Et iste capitaneus 
spoliavit Geste et Malpas cum aliis divitibus civitatis. Qua- 
propter londonienses secundum consilium et adiutorium domini 
de Scales et aliorum insurrexerunt contra ipsum et Hulyn unus 
vicecomitum cum suis expulsit eum extra civitatem claudendo 
portas pontis. Et nocte sequent! londonienses exierunt contra 
fo. no ipsum et totam noctem pugnaverunt adinvicem et multi fuerunt 
occisi ex utraque parte cum uno armigero vocato ab omnibus 
Mathew Goghe et uno aldermanno Suttone. 

i4i;o-";i -NT- t, I 117 r 1 1 Willelmus Dere 1 

14b" 31 Nicholas Wyfold j , i\;r-jj u 1 

■^ Johannes MiddeltonJ 

In isto anno rege existente apud Westmonasterium venerunt 
ad ipsum cum magna potestate dux Eboraci qui dominus antea 
fuisset in hibernia et dux Northfolchie et comes de Devenschire 
cum aliis dominis et familiis cum soldariis quampluribus qui 
expulsi fuerant a normandia conclamantes regi de traditione 
vendicionis normandie et burdeux.^ Et post nonam dicti soldarii 
consilium fecerunt in unum et in crastinum insimul transierunt 
ad fratres praedicatores iuxta ludgate et despoliaverunt bona 
ducis Somersete volentes unanimiter ipsum interficere sed dux 
Eboraci et Comes de Devynschyre eripuerunt eum de manibus 
eorum quia nondum venerat eius hora sed ad sanctum albanum 

' Cf. note on Bale's chronicle, below, p. 133. 

^ Fabyan, 626, mentions that there was ' much people in the city by reason 
of the Parliament and specially of lords' servants, which were awaiting on 
their lords in great multitude '. 

' The spoiling of the Duke of Somerset's goods took place December i, 
145 1 ; next day proclamation was made against robbery and acts of violence, 
and a man was executed at the Standard in Cheapside on the same day for 
riot ; Stow, Annals, 638 ; Gregory's Chronicle, 196. 

No other chronicler ascribes the escape of the Duke of Somerset to his 
rival ; Wm. Worcester, Annales, 769 (followed by Ramsay, Lancaster and 
York, II, 120), says he escaped in the barge of the Earl of Devonshire; 
Bale (below, p. 137) says the city authorities aided his escape. As the chronicle 

RAWLINSON B. 355 107 

WUlelmus Gregory Mathew Philip 1 „ ^^^„ ,45,_, 

° ^ Lnstoierus WarleJ 

In isto anno ad instigacionem ducis Somersete rex cum suis 
dominis equitavit ad obviandum duci Eboraci proponens ei 
malum sed per aliam viam dux Eboraci comes de Devynschyre 
at dominus de Cobham venientes a Wallia venerunt per pontem 
de Kyngeston cum suo exercitu ad villam de Depford ^ et ibi 
campestravit. Rex vero cum suis dominis et suo exercitu adver- 
sus eum requievit apud le blakheth. Sed mediantibus comite 
Warwici, comite Sarum, episcopo Elyensis cum aliis nulla erat 
pugna. Quia dux affirmavit se illuc venisse non contra suum 
regem nee intentione aliqua contra ipsum rebellandi sed profo. iio» 
salua custodia proprie sue persone quam dux Somersete nite- 
batur destruere.^ Et tunc mediacione dominorum pace habita 
rex cum duce Eboraci et aliis dominis venit londonium ad 
sanctum paulum. 

GalMdusffeldyng ^i-;^-i„^la.x.xi. 

In isto anno rex secundum consilium ducis Somersete equitavit 
ad diversas villas domini ducis Eboraci ubi tenentes eiusdem 
compulsi fuerunt venire nudi cum cordis suffocatoriis circa colla 
eorum in maximo gelu et nive ad submittendum seipsos regie 
gracie pro eo quod fuerunt cum domino suo prae antea contra 
ducem Somersete cuius hora nondum venerat. Et rege eis par- 
donante idem dux iussit eos suspendi.^ Et isto anno in festo 
sancti bartholemei apud clerkynwell tempore (feriarum *) quidam 
vocatus .Cayles causator fuit scismatis inter maiorem londonii 
cum civibus eiusdem et inhabitantes prioratus sancti Johannis de 
Clerkynwell. De quibus diversi fuerunt occisi. 

here printed is somewhat violently Yorkist, its statement must be received 
with caution. 

1 Really to Brent Heath 'a mile from Dertford', Hall ; 'near unto Dert- 
ford,' Stow, who also gives the Bishop of Winchester as one of the mediators 
in place of the Bishop of Salisbury. 

^ Cf. the letter of the Duke of York to the King, printed in Stow, Annals, 
641-3 ; the procession took place March 10, 1452 ; ibid. 644. 

' Cf. Introd., p. 65. 

* This (or some similar word) is omitted. We learn from Bale that the 
disturbance occurred at the wrestling ; Stow inserts an account of the riot 
in VitelHus A. XVI, 164, note. 

This chronicle omits all mention of the birth of Prince Edward, which 
occurred this year and is recorded by all the other chroniclers. 


'453-4 Johannes Norman l^omas C^ok'^^"h° ^'^^'J" 

In isto anno honorabilis equitacio civium de londonio per 
dominum maiorem fuit destructa et per ipsum ordinatum fuit 
navigacio pro equitacione in die sui iuramenti a londonio usque 
Westmonasterium.^ Et in isto anno in principio quadragesimae 
fuit horribilis ignis ^ a cornerio de la oold bayly usque ad ludgate. 
Per quem ignem unus cum sua uxore et pueris ac servientibus 
omnes fuerunt combusti et in nichilum redacti. 

'^°- "^ qtenhamiq ffn<;tpr Willelmus Taylori xxxiii" 

1454-5 btephanus tfoster j^^annes Felde P ''''''"■' 

In isto anno post festum nativitatis domini rex de sua infirmi- 
tate convaluit et tunc dux Eboraci qui fuit ordinatus protector 
anglie fuit disoneratus. Et incontinenter dux Somersete eductus 
fuit de carcere qui prius fuit arestatus in turri londonii. Et factus 
est capitalis inimicus duci Eboraci incitans celsitudinem regiam 
contra ducem Eboraci comitem Sarum et comitem Warwici red- 
dens illis malum pro bono. Et postea in ebdomada ante festum 
pentecostes ^ rex per consilium ducis Somersete praedicti cum 
magno exercitu transivit a Westmonasterio versus sanctum 
albanum contra praedictos tres dominos. Et cum venissent ad 
villam sancti albani dux Somersete nesciens quod iam venisset 
hora eius vallavit totam villam manu forti ne praedicti tres 
domini attingerent ad presenciam regiam. Sed viriliter introitum 
fecerunt animose certantes et plures occidentes.* In quo cer- 
tamine idem dux Somersete occisus fuit quia venerat hora eius 
cum comite northumberlond domino de Clifford et domino 
Bertrando Nanutvesell ^ milite et pluribus aliis. Et intrantes ad 
regem saluum ilium reduxerunt londonium ad palacium episcopi. 
Et in die pentecostes sequenti rex coronatus processit in proces- 
sione in ecclesiam sancti pauli in gaudium et letitiam populo suo. 

' Cf. above, p. 102, n. 3. 

^ Only in Stow's Sujiimary, 373, do we find other record of this. According 
to the account there given, a cordwainer, his wife, three young men and 
a maid were all burnt, and the prisoners in Ludgate had to be moved to 
Newgate from fear of suffocation. 

' Henry left London on the 21st of May. 

* Whethamstede, i. 175, records the 'permulta cadavera occisorum' lying 
in the streets of St. Albans after the battle. 

° ' Barton Entwesell ', in Stow's list of about fifty killed in the battle. 
Annals, 651-2; Holinshed terms him 'Sir Barthram Antwisell knight, 
a Norman borne'. 

RAWLINSON B. 355 109 

Tunc rex cum consilio dominorum suorum constituit parlia- 
mentum quod inceptum fuit ad festum translacionis sancti thome 
martyris.^ Et in isto parliamento dux Gloucestrie fuit procla- 
matus legius verus miles regis et sic fuit proclamatus in omnibus fo. n i^ 
civitatibus et villis nundinalibus per totam angliam. Et tunc 
parliamentum fuit continuatum et prorogatum usque ad festum 
sancti martini in mense novembri. Et in isto parliamento omnia 
acta ad sanctum albanum per tres dominos praedictos fuerunt 
allocata et confirmata pro bono regis et regni. Et isto anno 
londonienses insurrexerunt contra latrones existentes in san- 
ctuario sancti martini.^ Qui resistentes totam noctem pugnave- 
runt usque in crastinum et occiderunt duos homines de londo- 
niensibus et unus ex parte latronum fuit interfectus cui nomen 
fuit Pope serviens cuiusdam merceri. Et in crastinum se ipsos 
reddiderunt et ducti sunt in carcerem cum capitaneo eorum 
vocato Caylis. Et in isto anno fuit magna guerra inter comitem 
Sarum et dominum de Egremownd filium comitis northumber- 
lond. Sed filius comitis Sarum cepit eundem Egremond in bello 
et tradidit eum duci Eboraci. Qui perduxit eum londonium et 
commisit eum cum fratre suo in carcerem de newgate in londonio 
pro suis malefactis. 

Willelmus Marrow Johannes Yeng Uo xxxiiii" HSS-S 

1 nomas Holgrave) 

In isto anno comes de Devynschyre et dominus de Bonevyle 

a diu inimici iuxta Excestre obviam ierunt et pugnaverunt adin- 

vicem.^ Sed dominus de Bonevyle fugit ad cancellarium anglie. 

Et rex misit ducem Eboraci pro comite de Devynschyre. Qui 

ante festum nativitatis domini equitavit pro eo expectans ilium 

apud Schaftisbury. Et mittens pro eo venit cum filio suo sub- 

1 7th of July ; Parliament began to sit two days later (Rot. Pari, v. 278) ; 
it was prorogued to the 12th of November. 

^ Fabyan, 629-30, alone of the other chronicles preserves record of this 
disturbance, though his narrative differs in detail. He tells how, after the 
imprisonment of the sanctuary men, the Dean of St. Martin's complained of 
breach of privilege. The matter was carried before the King, who decided 
that the mayor should keep his prisoners until he (the King) should come and 
deliver final judgement. Probably the captain Cayles can be identified with 
the leader of the riot three years earlier at St. Bartholomew's Fair. 

' Cf. VitelHusA. XVI, 165-6, which records the ' great debate betwene the 
Earl of Devynshyre and the Lord Bonevyle in the West Country; wher, as it 
was said, moche people wer slayn '. The encounter took place on Clist Heath 
near to the city of Exeter, before the end of October. 


fo. 112 mittens se sue dominacioni. Et post festum nativitatis domini 
venerunt londonium et tunc comes cum filio parliamento exis- 
tente apud Westmonasterium committebantur in turrim londonii. 
Et in fine istius parliamenti dux Eboraci exoneratus fuit de 
dignitate protectoria. Et post hec regina cum filio sue equitave- 
runt versus borean. Et isto anno in mense maii in Chepa lon- 
donio scisma fuit inter lombardos et servientes mercerorum.^ 
Maior vero londonii veniens arestavit servientes mercerorum, sed 
manu forti erepti fuerunt de manibus suis. Et nocte sequenti 
congregata multitudine despoliaverunt demos lombardorum. Et 
non fuit in potestate maioris vero ducis Bukyngharae ipsos im- 
pedire, attamen pro ilia spoliatione duo homines fuerunt suspensi. 
Et cito post rex equitavit versus borean. Et in fine istius parlia- 
menti^ ordinatum fuit ad supplicationem londoniensium quod 
lombardi non portarent a portibus transmarinis in istum regnum 
durante termino septem annorum coorfis ffrengis lads vel rebans 
quia in tanta plenitudine talia adduxerunt quod muHeres in 
Anglia illius artis non habuerunt occupationem ad impetrandum 
victum suuni ut dolorose referebant. 

1456-7 Thomas Cannynges Sujphus vlrnerh" ^^^^" 

In isto anno sabbato post festum sancti martini in mense 
novembri dominus de Egremond prisonarius verberavit et vul- 
neravit custodem carceris de Newgate cum aliis et sic fugiebat 
a carcere. Et isto anno maior londonii arestari fecit diversos 
cives londonii et quidam eorum fugerunt ad sanctuarium sancti 
martini et plures missi fuerunt in carcerem quia certificatum fuit 
fo. 112^ maiori quod collecta fuisset multitudo de londoniensibus apud 
byshops wode intentione insurgendi et destruendi lombardos. 
Sed maior civitatis collegit populum multum de civitate armatum 
ad guyhald pro salua custodia civitatis et lumbardorum. Et maior 
praecepit lombardis ut manerent in suis hospitiis portis et ianuis 
bene servatis. Et isto anno xxviij die Augusti ^ francigeni appli- 

' See below, p. 144. 

^ The statute against the importation of silk manufactured goods {Rot. 
Pari. V. 325) was passed before the riot took place, as Parliament was dis- 
solved March 12 (Bale, below, p. 143), and the disturbance took place in May. 

' The English Chronicle, ed. Davies, 74, gives the same date (as also 
the 'Brief Notes 'in Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, 152-3); most of 
the other chroniclers omit it ; cf. the account given in a letter of the city of 

RAWLINSON B. 355 in 

cuerunt terram apud Sandewiche et ibidem exportaverunt per 
IX horas spoliantes totam villam quorum capitaneus fuit nomi- 
natus dominus Petrus de Bracy. Et sic fuit inhabitantibus dies 
ilia dies mala dies ire et vindicte. 

Galfridus Boleyn ^^iHelmus Edwarde] .„ 1457-8 

' Thomas Reynar J 

In isto anno xxviij die novembris ^ episcopus cicestrensis no- 
mine Pecok stetit ad crucem sancti pauli londonii coram omni 
populo et abiuravit ibidem manifeste certos articulos heresis et 
ibidem multi de suis libris fuerunt combusti. Et isto anno post 
festum nativitatis domini dux Eboraci venit Londonium eligens 
suum hospicium apud Baynardescastell. Et comes Sarum cum 
domino le Bewmond venientes a partibus borealis cum manu 
forti accepit hospicium suum apud le Erbere.^ Et feria iij in 
carniprevio ^ venit comes Warwici a calisia cum forti exercitu 
capiens hospicium suum apud fratres minores. Sed contra istos 
dominos venerunt dux Somersete dux Excestre comes North- 
umbreland et frater suus dominus de Egremond et dominus 
Clyfford et dominus Radulphus Percy cum maximo comitatu. 
Qui omnes hospitati sunt extra Tempilbarre ad vindicandam 
mortem patrum suorum in bello occisorum apud Sanctum fo. 113 
Albanum. Sed deus laudetur nichil fuit actum in re ex aliqua 
parte. Quia maior graciosus cum comitate ita portas civitatis 
custodiebat vi armorum die et nocte quod nullus fuit ausus 
pacem attemptare.* Quia in civitate nunquam antea fuit visa 
tarn decorata multitude armatorum sicut tunc fuit circa maiorem 

London to the King offering to ' victual, man, and set forth diverse ships ', 
and about 2,000 men, to avenge the injury, an offer which the King naturally 
accepted (Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, iii. 380-2). 

' The real date, as given by Bale, p. 145, and the other authorities was the 
4th of December. The date here mentioned was that on which Peacock 
made recantation in private before the Archbishop and others of the council ; 
cf. Peacock, Repressor, ed. Babington, R. S., i. xliv. The words of his recan- 
tation are given in the English Chronicle, ed. Davies, 75-7. 

' ' The Erbar' was a mansion close to the river, granted by Edward III 
to the Scroops, from whom it came to the Nevilles (Wheatley and Cunning- 
ham, London Past and Present, 1891, ii. 15). Fabyan, 632, gives a corre- 
sponding list of the arrivals and lodging-places of the lords, adding, however, 
the dates of their arrival ; so also Hall, 237 ; Stow, 659 ; Vitellius A. XVI, 
168 ; Paston Letters, i. 424-5 ; Kingsford's note in Stow, Survey, ii. 318. 

' 14th of February, Shrove Tuesday. 

* Stow, Annals, 659, says the mayor and aldermen rode about day and 
night ' by Holbome and Fleet Street ' with two thousand men well armed ; 
so, more briefly, in the Chronicle of London, ed. Nicolas, 139. 


honorifice equitantem ad pacem regis conservandam. Et rex 
videns tantam malitiam inter istos dominos accitis dominis suis 
tam spiritualibus quam temporalibus ^ et eorum sano potitus 
consilio ipse tanquam rex pacificus fecit omnes dominos sues 
pacis filios in pacis osculo confirmatos. Et in signum huius con- 
cordie ipse rex cum regina et omnibus dominis praedictis in festo 
annunciacionis dominice transierunt in processionem apud san- 
ctum paulum. Et post hoc in ebdomada pentecostes magnuni 
hastiludium fuit coram rege et regina apud turrim londonii. Et 
iterum in festo sancte trinitatis coram rege et regina apud grene- 
wych. Et tertio in fifyket felde.^ Et post hoc per avisamentum 
parliamenti comes Warwici fuit missus ad calisiam factus capi- 
taneus eiusdem. Qui cum illuc advenisset navigium fecit in mari 
ubi obviam ivit hispanis et lubicensibus cum quibus viriliter 
pugnavit et cepit xviij hulkys onerata cum sale.^ Et isto anno 
post festum sancti mychaelis obiit comes staffordie in pestilencia.* 
Et isto anno latrones fuerunt extracti a sanctuario sancte 
katerine et ducti ad newgate quia despoliaverunt Canyngges et 
fo. 113"' Christofer Warter Aldermannos. Et eodem tempore plures 
lombardi de gena fuerunt arestati et incarcerati ac bona eorum 
confiscati pro spoHacione bonorum in mari cuiusdam mercatoris 
bristollie cui nomen Sturmynn/ 

1 The Council met — after an adjournment — on the 28th of January, 1458. 

"^ Whilst VitelHus A. XVI, 168, Fabyan, 633, Hall, 238, give accounts of 
the procession and the jousts at the Tower and Greenwich, none of the 
chroniclers record this third performance. Fickett's Field was the old name 
for Little Lincoln's Inn Fields, now Lincoln's Inn New Square (Wheatley and 
Cunningham, op. cit, ii. 38). Some years earher it was waste land, for the 
corpse of a man slain in a survival of the trial by combat was thrown there 
(Bale, below, p. 121). 

' This seems a confusion of what were really two separate engagements ; 
none of the chroniclers indeed give a clear relation of these two sea-fights 
and the fight of the next year. From the account of the first exploit written 
by one of Warwick's men who took part (Jernyngham, in Paston Letters, 
i. 428-9), it was 'xxviii sayle of Spaynyards' with which they fought on the 
29th of May, 1458 (cf. Fabyan, 633, Vitellms A. XVI, 168-9, Stow, Annals, 
660). It was shortly after this that Warwick met and took part of a fleet of 
salt barges bound for Lubeck {A Short English Chronicle, 71, agreeing 
closely enough with this account). As this act contravened a trading treaty 
signed two years earlier, a commission was appointed to inquire into it 
(Rymer, xi. 374, 915). 

* This and the succeeding entry are not found in the other chronicles ; 
MS. Tanner 2 records, a° 39, ' pestis ingens per totam angliam '. 

^ VitelHus A. XVI, 169, relates how some Genoese in London were put in 
the Fleet and adjudged to pay 6,000 marks for violence against a Bristol 
merchant named Sturm (cf. Kingsford's note, ibid. 316, for local references). 

RAWLINSON B. 355 113 

Thomas Scotte ^^'^"^P'^"^ J°sselyn| a" xxxvii" "*58-9 

i nomas bcotte Rjcardus Nedam [axxxvu 

In isto anno die Jovis post festum Omnium Sanctorum '^ fuit 
magnum scisma apud Westmonasterium inter domesticos at 
aulares regis et servientes domesticos comitis Warwici eo quod 
unus de domo regis suppeditavit pedem alterius de familiis 
comitis Warwici ipso comite in domo parliament! existenti et de 
hoc modo nescienti. Tamen per sanum consilium accepit 
naviculam suam et cum suis servientibus pacifice ivit ad fratres 
minores infra hospicium suum ibidem secrete expectans. Qui si 
expectasset apud Westmonasterium servientes domino regi cum 
gladiis et fustibus et furcis ferreis ipsum occidissent. Et tunc 
in crastinum idem comes valefecit patri suo et sic reversus est 
calisiam. Et isto anno in die veneris in fifletestrete ante diem 
lune vocatum holimonday ^ fuit magnum scisma inter causidicos 
et londonienses et ibi (multi) fuerunt occisi ex utraque parte et 
quamplures vulnerati rege tunc apud Westmonasterium existente. 
Qui de isto scismate informatus cum consilio dominorum iussit 
certas personas de londoniensibus cum suo aldermanno incar- 
cerari apud Wyndesore et certas personas de causidicis incar- 
cerari in castello de Hertforde. Et isto anno circa festum sancti 
petri ^ in mari comes Warwici pugnavit cum hispanis et ibi cepit 
unum caryk et iiij naves de hispania plenas mercimoniis et 
adduxit eas ad Sandwicum. 

^ The English Chronicle, ed. Davies, 78, says 9th of November ; Fabyan, 
633-4, also gives an account of the outbreak. 

' 13th of April ; A Short English Chronicle, 71, and Stow, Annals, 660, 
mention the riot. They both give the name of the Alderman as William 
Tailor ; the former says that he stayed there until Hewlyn was mayor, which 
was in the next year ; cf. p. 146, below. 

" Day of St. Peter and Paul, June 29. Whethamstede, i. 330 (copied 
by Stow, Annals, 661, and Holinshed, iii. 250), gives a fuller account of this 
fight ; he says that three ships were captured (Bale, below, p. 147, says four) 
and that they were taken to Calais, the fight having been continued for almost 
two days. 

1115 H 





p. If 






Willelmus Estfold maior a" 16 

Stephen Brown maior a° xvij° 

Willelmus Hales 
Willelmus Chapman J 

This yer was gret scarcitie of hey and grete derth of corn and 
grevous penury reigning among the peple.^ 

Nichas Yeo ] 
Hugh Dyke! 

This yer the cardynall, duke of york, Archebisshop york, the 
Erie Stafford, the Erie of Ewe ^ and o]?er lordes yeden over to 
Caleis for the entrete of peas. And this yer J?e mair provided 
full graciously and ordeyned such plenty of whete and greyn 
that the peple were well comforted.' 

• . Robert Marchale) t> u ^ t 
^'^ Philip Malpas I ^°^^'-'^ Large maior a° xviij» 

This yere the Erie Huntingdon wan many tounes castels and 
abbeys at Guyan in short space * also J^is yer the parliament was 
hold in London.^ And emoved after cristemas to Redyng. In 
the which parliament was ordeyned that the lumbardes shuld 
goo to host for VII yer: and that all maner alienes enherite in 
the land shuld yerely pay a tribute to the kyng and that the see 
shuld be kept for enymyes which ordennces toke noon effect. 
And the ffriday the iij day of Juyn oon Richard Wych preist 
was brent at Toure Hille for Eresy enndited upon hym. And j^e 
peple in greet multitude held hym a seint.^ 

^ So Cleopatra C. IV, 145, ' whete was worth xx d. a bushell ' ; Brut Chron. 
(ed. Brie, E. E. T. 5.), ii. 472-3 ; Stow, Annals, 617. 

' Henry Bourchier ; he was created Earl of Essex, June 30, 1461, after 
the accession of Edward I V ; cf. for the embassy — which failed — W. Worcester, 
762 ; Rymer, x. 718, 719, 723-4 ; Ramsay, Lancaster and York, ii. 914. 

° Stow, Survey, i. 109, says the mayor sent into Prussia for corn and so 
reduced the price by more than one half; cf. Annals, 612, and Fabyan, 612, 

* The Earl of Huntingdon was appointed King's lieutenant in Guienne in 
May 1439, and set out there in June to recover the places lost in the previous 
year ; there is no record of his achievements : his fleet returned in October 
(Ramsay, ii. 16). 

' Proceedings began 12th of December {Rot. Pari., v. 3-6). The law con- 
cerning Lombards going to host was to remain in force for eight years ; the 
extra tax on aliens was \6d. yearly for alien householders, and bd. for non- 
holding aliens {ibid. 24-5, 5-6), 

' Cf. note on Rawl. B-SJJ, above, p. loi. 


^'^'' WmefmTwatenhalel J°^" Paddysley mair a" xix° '^40- . 

This yer the iiij day of Novemb"' continuyng the seid parly- 
ment the duke of Orlyaunce passed from London upon the Orliaunce. 
poyntment of his deliveraunce toward fifraunce.^ Also the same 
yere was the feet of armes doon in Smythfeld betwene Sir Richard 
Wodevyle and a knyght of Spayn. And the xvi day of may the 
duke of yorke w' a greet power roode J^urgh the citee toward 

Also the Sonday xxij day of Jull oon maisstr Roger denounced 
at powles crosse, the poyntes of expiring the kings deth and 
showed ther many marvelous craftes.^ 

Item upon seint Anne day folowyng dame alianore cobham 
Duches of Gloucestr was endited of treson for the same cause. 

Item the same yer upon seint Edwards day the xxiij day of 
Octobr in chesing of the mair clept Robert Clopton (divers 
persons *) wer at Guyldhall endited of pety treson by the avyse 
of the Aldremen or they departed out of the hall and comyt 
to newgate J>erto abide the kings grace because they made a 
newe proclamacion upon Rauf holond aldreman aftr that the 
same Robert Clopton was presented mair.^ 

This yere the Monday the xiiij day of novembr contynuyng p. 191 
the seid parliament the seid duches of Gloucestre yede with 
a tapre brennyng in her hand ]?urgh a part of the citec 
which was enjoyned to her by the chirche for penaunce : that is 
to wite she yede the same day from Powles to Charyngcros, the 
Wednesday from the Swan in Thamestrete unto crichirch, the 
friday from powles wharf J?urgh chepe to sent michel in cornhill.'^ 

' The agreement by which the Duke of Orleans was required to pay 50,000 
marks, and try to secure peace, was signed in July, and the safe-conduct 
was made out November 3 (Rymer, x. 821, 824). 

' Cf. Cleopatra C. IV, 148 ; the Duke sailed from Portsmouth in June. 

» Cf English Chron., ed. Davies, 58, and a good account in the Briif 
Chron. (ed. Brie, E. E. T. 5.), ii. 477-82- 

< These or some similar words are omitted in the MS. 

5 Fabyan, 615 ; Vitellius, A. XVI, 155 ; a proclamation was ordered to be 
made by the mayor and sheriff of London in October 1443, forbidding all 
save those summoned to interfere in the election (Rymer, xi. 43). 

« Chron. of Land., ed. Nicolas, 129, and Stow, 619, give similar accounts. 

H a 


Item the Saterday folowyng wer many lordes atte Gild halle 
and many Jugges and ther wer brought afore )>eym for the seid 
expiring of the kings deth the said maistr Roger and maistr 
John Humme.^ And the seid maistr John Humme was quyt 
and the seid maistr Roger was jugged the same day by the ver- 
dite yeuyng of an enquest and hanged drawen and quartered. 

And Yis yer the xxx day of Janyver was a feet of armes doon 
in Smythfeld betwene a knyght of Aragon and John Asteley 
squyer which John for his deed doyng was made knight in the 
said feld by the kyngs handes forthwith. 

Item J^is yer on our lady Eve of Assumpcion be ganne the 
greet pardone atte Kings college of Eton.^ 

'"""' Vic ^homa^s Beaumond| j^j^^ Hatherley maior a" xxi° 

This yer the citee of Norwich was grevously hurt for a dis- 
cension moved betwene the citezons ]>ere, and an abbot or a 

Item this yere the duke of Somerset w' a grete power orden- 
ance and stuff moustred at portesmouth diverse tymes and might 
not have redy passage which was grevous to ]>e contree.* 

Item the moneth of July the dukes Broj^er of Bretaigne cam 
to England. 

^' ^^ vic° AT- u/ i\ ^JT^ r ij [Thomas Catworth maior a° xxii" 

1443-4 Nich(ol)as WyfoldJ 

mony This yer was found be a mason in the oold werk of the 

found atte Guyldhall in london the first day of Octobr a greet portion of 
hall. money whereof was greet multitude of pens wnerof xx" weyed 

an unce. 

^ Cleopatra C. IV, 149, mentions ' Sir John Horn prest ' who with a squire 
' had her charterys at that tyme '. 

'^ This apparently refers to the second and plenary pardon (May 9, 1442) 
granted in connexion with the King's foundation of Eton College in 1440. 
The first pardon of 1441 was only partial. May 1444 saw the grant by the 
Pope of still further enlarged powers of indulgence (H. C. Maxwell Lyte, 
History of Eton, 1-22 ; cf. Rot. Pari. v. 45-52). 

' The quarrel was with the Abbot of St. Benets' Holm ; as a result of the 
riot that took place, the city lost its liberties for a time and a ' captain ' was 
put in (Cleopatra C. IV, 150-1 ; Blomefield, Hist, of Norfolk, iii. 146-155). 

* Somerset was appointed in March ; his force was engaged by the next 
month but he did not set sail until August (Ramsay, ii. 53-5). Petition was 
made in Parliament about this time against the outrages of the soldiers on 
the south coast waiting to embark. 


Item the same yere was a comyssion sued for the citee of the new 
london whiche was clept a newe chartre and the comones wer '^^^'""■^• 
greetly agreved J^erwith.^ 

Item pe iii day afore cristemas deyed Sir John cornewall Obit Sir 
knight and lyeth buryed atte blak ffreres.^ ^°^e. 

Item J^is yer dyed in ]>e eend of may the seid duke of Somerset wall, 
which was a full worthy werreour.^ Obit 

Item this yer atte begynnyng of may was ordeined that the Somerset. 
open marcates on the Sonday wer for doon. The mer- 

Item this yer was at seint albons the last of Juyn a play of ^^'^= ^"'' 
Eglemour and Degrebelle. the 

Item the moneth of August was a play at Bermonsey of a Sunday. 
knight cleped fflorence.* 

' A Charter was granted October 26, 1444, confirming the mayor and 
sundry aldermen as Justices of the Peace, and granting to the city the land 
on the banks of the Thames within the city liberties (Sharpe, London and 
the Kingdom, i. 281); the resentment to its language is not recorded else- 

^ Sir John Cornwall, Lord Fanhope, died at Ampthill in this year; he 
gave a house to the Fishmongers in London (Stow, Survey, i. xciv, 215, 341). 

» May 27, 1444. 

* These ' plays ' would seem to be mediaeval romances. The first is that 
of ' Sir Eglamour of Artois ', a knight with a son bearing the name of Degra- 
beU. Several copies of the romance exist in MSS. in England — a fifteenth- 
century version in English in the British Museum (Ward, Catalogue of 
Romances, i. 766-7) may possibly represent the romance as recorded by 
Bale. The story was first printed in English at Edinburgh in 1538 (reprinted 
1827), and it has also been edited by T. O. Halliwell in the Thornton Romances 
(Camden See, 1844, 1 21-176), and again in Bishop Percy's Folio MS. (ed. 
Hales and Fumivall, 1867, ii. 338-389). 

The second ' play ' mentioned is most probably the similar romance ' Florice 
et Blanchfleur '. ' Florice ' is rendered ' Florian ' on occasion (Wharton, Hist, 
of Eng. Poetry, ii. 186), and from that — or Florice — to ' Florence' is not a 
far cry for a fifteenth-century writer. ' Le bone Florence de Rome ' cannot 
be meant, for 'Florence' here is a lady, 'Florice' on the contrary being 
a knight. Of the several versions of the romance extant in MSS. in the 
British Museum, one is English, of the fourteenth century (Ward, Cata- 
logue, i. 714-17). The story has been printed in France, and in England by 
J. R. Lumby with King Horn [Early English Text Soc, 1866; re-edited 
1901). Summaries of both these romances are given in ElHs's Specimens of 
English Romantic Poetry (ed. Halliwell, 1848), 453, 533. 

There is no record of the ' playing ' of these romances in any of the other 
chronicles of the period ; indeed the entry has a uniqueness of its kind. In 
1409 there was a ' play * at Skinners' Well ' which lasted eight days, and was 
of matter from the creation of the world' (Nicolas, Chron. of London, 91; 
Stow, Survey, i. i6, 193 ; ii. 272, note ; Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage, 
ii. 379-81) ; but this play was quite dififerent in character from the romances 
menticttied by Bale, which strictly speaking were not plays at all. Cf. 
Chambers, op. cit. i. 74-86, for the minstrels. 


Kerverde Item the ffriday the iij''^ day of august oon Thomas Kerver of 
' ^' Redyng gentilman ^ was jugged to be drawen hanged and 
quartered for a traytor for seyeng of thees wordes Ve regno ubi 
puer est rex and J^e same day he was drawe J'urgh ]>e citee of 
london ffrom the tour unto the Tybourn and as the roop was on 
his nek his chartre cam from the Kyng and he was saved and 
cam agen on horsbak j^urgh the citee w' glad chier. 

Item this yer dyed the Bisshop of Caunterbory and j^an the 
Bisshop of Bath Chaunceller of j^is lond was made Bisshopp of 
cauntorbury and occupied J^er with f>e office of chauncellor.^ 
p- 193 Item }'is yer wer made iij dukes Y is to wite J»e erle huntingdon 

was made duke of Excester the Erie Stafford Duk of Bukingham 
and ]?e erle of Warrewyk was made Duk of Warrewyk.^ 

1444-5 . Stephen fforster I „ cc \ ■ ^ —n 

^"^ Hugh Wych I ^enry ffrowyk maior a° xxni" 

Dux Suf- This yer the vj day of Novembr the Erie of Suffolk rode 
folk pro jjurgh Chepe w' other diverse enbassiatores for mariage to be 

hadde for the king w* a notable power w* hors trapped and 

chares w* ladyes and gentiles in ]>e moost joyull and costeous 

divyse J'at ever was seyn in such caas. 
Powles Item upon candelmas eve powles steple was sodenly on 

Steple f^j-g a,nd contynued brennyng iij houres but it was holpon 

and quenched w' venegre. 
BeDum in Item the thursday the xviij day of fifeverer was the day of 
f^}^' bataill assigned in Smythfeld betwene Thomas ffitzGerot priour 

Comes 1 Qther mention of this man occurs in a civic continuation of a Brui 

Ormond. Chronicle (ed. Brie, E. E. T. S., vol. ii, p. 485) where a certain John Kerver 
' untruly and ungodly and agenst faith and law depraved the king ', the date 
being given as August 22 of the same year : examined before the council he 
confessed his guilt and was sentenced to execution specially severe in 
method, but the King 'of his mercy' pardoned him. The order for his 
pardon (dated August 4) is printed in Excerpta Historica, 281 ; but he 
lingered in Wallingford prison for two years until the Chancellor was ordered 
to make out a writ to the Constable of the Castle for Kerver's release {ibid. 
390). The expression attributed to him comes from Eccles. x. 16, ' Woe to 
thee, O land, when thy king is a child ' ( Vulg. ' Vae tibi, terra, cuius rex puer 
est '). More, in his Life of Richard III (ed. Lumby, 71), puts the same text 
into the mouth of Buckingham in his speech to the citizens of London at the 
Guildhall. Waurin also uses the words {Chronicles, R. S., v. 342) ; the ex- 
pression likewise occurs in the prologue to Piers Plowman (ed. Skeat, i. 16) 
— ' whoso wil it rede ' says the author, thinking of the days of Richard II. 
* Chichele died April 12, 1444 ; Stafford, Lord Chancellor, succeeded him. 
? Vitellius A. XVI, 156, omits Huntingdon, but adds that the Earl of 
Dorset was created Marquis of Dorset. 


of the order of Seint John Jerusalem in Irland appellant and 

Sir James Erie of Ormond defendaunt on the poynt of treson 

and p^ was greet ordenannce of Scaffold and greet nombr of 

peple gadered as ever was seyn afore in such caas. And the . 

hertes of the comones in substaunce wer w* ]>e Erie : ' And 

a geinst the seid priour. And yet ]>er was noo batiell doon for 

the king toke it unto his hands and soo the king and his counseiU 

wold not suffre the Bateill to be hadde. And so noo part 

appered and greet cost lost.^ 

Item the thursday suyng began a no|?er parliament and was 
holden at Westminster and at Estre folowyng hit was prolonged.^ 

Item the ffryday the ix day of Aprill the Quene cam into The 

England from hemirshen and londed at iiij afternoon at Q^enes 

portesmouth and the sonday folewyn was made greet joy of her to Enge- 

comyng and the belles wer rong and Te deum sung in every ^^.nd. 

Chirche solempny. 

Item the thursday after ^ the Quene was wedded at Suthwerk p. 194 
beside portesmouth. And the first day of May beganne ]>e Marriage 
lordes to ryde ageinst her and soo after (she *) was ledde and Regmae. 
conveied in f^is land from place to place be lord aftr lord att 
severall tymes w* notable power and greet array. 

Item the ffriday the xxviij day of May the Queen cam from 
Eltham unto the blak heeth and ther the mair of london with 
alle the aldremen and comens in costeous aray and shee in a chare 
richely dight and xxj chares folowyng w' ladies and gentiles in 
riche array and conveyed her unto the Tour of london and ]7° was 
the king present and resceyved her. And the leverey of the 
citee was blew gownes embrawded and reed hoodes and on the 
morowe she cam J'urgh the citee unto Westminster in a litier of 
white cloth of gold and she in ]?e same array sitting and ij stedes 
trapped in the same bar ])e same littler and a canape of the same 

' Vitellius A. XVI, 156-7, has a short account, calling the appellant the 
Prior of Kilmayn ; cf. Nicolas {Privy Council, vi. 57-9), who says it took 
place in November or December 1446. Brui Chron. 487 ; Gregory's Chron. 
1 87 ; Mr. Kingsford tells me the real date was Oct. 4, 1446. 

^ Parliament rose for Easter on the 15th of March {Rot. Pari., v. 66), con- 
tinuing on the 29th of April. 

' i. e. April 22; Fabyan and Vitellius A. XVI, 156, also read Southwick, 
but Tichfield Abbey {Pawl. B. 355, Stow and others) seems correct. The 
account here given of the procession and coronation in London varies from 
that given by Stow, Annals, 624, and Fabyan, 617-18. 

' Omitted in MS. 


sorte born over her heed w* iiij knights and all lordes knightes 

and squyeres and other conveyed her and in all places of the 

citee was made as costeous array as ever was seyn afore. 

Corona- Item the sonday morn folowyng she was crouned at West- 

aDud^^'"^ minster and ]>^ wer roiall justes made and upon midsomer and 

West- seint petre even folowyng was made ]>e royallest wacche )>* ever 

monas- ^J^g ggy^, ^jjg^ ^ f^j.^ ^^^ ^^iq King the queen and be lordes wer 
terium. "^ & -i i 

present the same evenes in the citee. 

Item atte begynnyng of July com Enbassiators for tretee of 

peis and taryed her iij wekes and had greet chier.^ 

Vic» S-ey ffeldyngjSy'"""^ ^^^ '"^'°'' ^^ ^''"'J" 

This yer the v day of aprill eended the seid parliament. Item 
p. 195 the XV day of May began a greet counseill and the kyng lay atte 
Tour. And ^ and at Smythfeld wer proposed divers feets and 
chalenges and justes to be doon of royalte in honour of the seid 
coronacion. Also the same moneth wer made manye halpens 
at Tour. And the Bastard of Scales was slayn in iletestrete. 
And the same moneth during was greet wacch in the citee kept 
w* men of armes. But the cause werfor that hit was the peple 
knew not. 

Item the ffriday the first day of July powles chirch was 
suspent and the v day folowyng halowed ageyn.^ 

1446-7 ^r- , Robert Horn 1 t u /^i • n 

^^ Vic' ^ rr -pi [John Olney maior anno xxv° 

Duellum This yer the Tewesday the last day of Janyvere was the 

inter le gataill in Smythfeld betwene an armerer in ffletestrete which 

Armoure ■' 

his man was holden a good man of werr and his servant upon Treson 

j." Smyth- ^.j^^^- i,g appeled his maistr and the same servaunt slewe J^er his 
maistr full vengeiably and forth with the seid armorer hede was 

^ Vitellius A. XVI, 1S7, records the coming of the ambassadors ' for to have 
concluded a perpetual peace ; but in conclusion it turned into a truce for a 
year'. The prorogation was signed 13th of August, 1445 (Rymer, xi. 97; 
and see zdiii. 85, 94, for the commissions of the ambassadors). 

'' There is no parallel to this statement in the other chronicles, nor does 
the historian of the cathedral— Dugdale — record it ; the suspension was 
probably caused by the committal of some act of violence within the pre- 
cincts of the cathedral. In 1496 St. Paul's was suspended ' from M'^ednesday 
until Friday at evensong' because 'a servant of Lord Grey of Wilton struck 
a servant of a gentleman ' therein (Vitellius A. XVI, 212). 


smyten of and set upon london Brigge and his body cast upon 
ffyketts ffelds and afterwards bury hit atte sute of his freendes in 
cristen buryelles.^ 

Item the monday the xiij ^ day of ffeverey be gan j^e parlia- Parlia- 
ment at Bury and the lordes rood thedir w* greet power as they ™^J^ 
shuld have riden to werr and all the peple of the contrees Bury, 
aboute wer secretly commanded to wacch for saufte of the kings 

Item the monday clept shrovemonday folewyng the xxi day of Dux 
ffeverer the duke of Gloucestre was arrested at Bury \>e kyng °^' 
per present and diverse of his knights squyers and Gentiles taken arrested 
in diverse costs and comyt to severall prisons of treson and the ?^P" ^ 
iii day folowyng the same duke deyed for hevynes and )7an his 
body conveied from ])ens and buryed at sent Albons.^ And p. 196 
forthwith the parliament was ffinished whereof the comones of 
the land merveilled greetly and wer hevy for the deth of the seid 
duke which hadde full pryncely and prudently kept this lond 
and ]>e peple in good rule peas and governaunce all the nonnage 
of the king. 

Item the Sonday the xv day of may Sir Reignold Pecok Episco- 
Bisshop of seint Asse preched at Powles crosse and declared P"^^ 
that Biss.hops wer not bound to preche.* 

Item the moneth aprill deyed henry cardinal Bisshop of Wyn- 
chestre and lieth buried at Wynchestre. 

Item the xiiij day of Juyn the enbassiatres for tretye of peas 
cam {jurgh the citee of london and were conveyed roially unto 
the king with many lordes and greet peple.* 

Item the xij day of July wer reigned and dampned atte Barre Knights 
at Westminster Sir Roger Chamberleyn knight Sir Artoys Son f^^^Z^ 
to ]>e seid duke of Gloucestre and oon Myddelton Gentilman Duk of 
upon treson of which rule the peple grucched and wer hevy. cestre 

' Cf. above, pp. 104-5. 

' Really the loth {Rot. Pari. v. 128). 

' Cf. above, p. 66 ; W. Worcester, 764, likewise praises the duke as ' amator 
virtutis et rei publicae sed praecipue clericorum promotor singularis '. 

' See The Repressor (ed. Babington, R. S., i860), ii. 613, for Peacock's 
vindication of his utterances on this occasion. 

^ Charles appointed ambassadors to treat for an interview with Henry in 
February 1447 ; the English ambassadors were appointed July i ; the 
agreement by which the English finally gave up Le Mans was signed in the 
same month (Rymer, xi. 160, 175, 176 ; Letters and Papers of the War with 
France, ed. Stevenson, R. S., ii. 638, 696). 


And the seconday folowyng ]>e seid Sir Roger Artoys Middel^ 
ton and oon Herberd Squyer and Richard Nedam mercer of 
london servauntes to the seide duke weren drawe from the 
kings Bench in Suthwerk thurgh Chepe unto the Tyborne. And 
they lay everyman on ]>e hurdelles in doubletts of velvet. And j^e 
seide Artoys held a crosse of gold between his manacles. And 
evermore they praied the peple to pray for them as )?ey war gilt- 
less of any treson which sight was fully hevy to the comones and 
the seid enbassiatores present this tyme. And whan thise men 
wer brought to the Galowes they wer hanged all v persons and 
]>er with was their chartres ^ shewed pt the king hadde pardoned 
hem and sodenly the ropes smyten a sondre and they on lyve 
and cam a gen J^urgh the citee Jianking god and ]>e king of ]>t 
p. 197 Item the ij day of August the seid enbassiators rood agen 

j^urgh the cite toward ffrance whoose names weren ]'e Bastard of 
Orlyaunce and the Bastard of seint poule. 

Item the v day of august deyed the seid duke of Excester and 
this yer was right plenteuaus of all maner cornes and frute and 
hey. And right drye and fair Innyng.^ 

1447-8 ■,;■. „ Willelmus Abraham I T , ,- j o -o 

Vic^ ~, - c ^ Mohn Gedeney a" xxvj" 

This yer a noon after lamesse the king graunted to the seid 
Erie of Ormond by the meanes and labour of ^ the maistr of 
sent Thomas of Akreem london the chartre of the seid appell 
and the treson that was surmetted upon him was proved openly 
entrewe and falsly ymagined. 

Item the same time the Bisshop of Norwich and maister 
Adam moleyns pryvee seell and other roden into fifraunce at 
greet costes of jjis realme to conclude for peas.* 

' Printed in Rymer, xi. 178-9. This account of the scene and the popular 
feeling for the prisoners is the most vivid of any ; its mention of details such 
as ' the crosse of gold ' held by one of the convicted, or the presence of the 
ambassadors, rather suggests that the writer was an eyewitness of the event 
he describes. 

^ ' Innyng ', reclaiming, taking in, ' the action of taking in crops ' (Murray). 
Julian B. I (Chron. Land. 135) records that a quarter of wheat fell in price 
from gs. to 4^. this year. 

^ . . . " Repeated and crossed out in MS. 

* The instrument authorizes Somerset, Bishop Moleyns, the Abbot of 
Gloucester, Sir Robert Roos, and Osborn Mundford ' pleno (sic) et fideliter 


Item a noon after the ffrenssh men leyden sege to sent Julyan 
de Maunce in Aungeoy and in short time hit was yolden to the 
ffrensshmen ^ and in short tyme a power was ordeyned to passe 
into ffraunce. 

Item the monday in Estre weke which was the day of the ^ he 
annunciation of our lady Stevenhith ^ Peche Brak and the !„„ ^^ 
Thames cam in at popeler and drenched many houses and did Steben- 
greet harme to the contree. 

Item the ij day of Juyn the Erie of Suffolk was made duke of 

Suffolk at Westminster and Sir Richard Wodevyle was made 

Baron and lord of Ryvers and Sir John Stoorton tresourer of 

the kings hous was made'Baron of Stoorton. , Stryf had 

Item the drapers and taillours of london made greet sute upon Drapers 

a truce betwene them but the taillors optened and recovered.' Taillours. 

Item the xxviii day of august the duk of norffolk was comanded p. 198 
to the tour of london wher he was prisoned vi dayes and j^an 
hadde his discharge from the king and was delivered. 

Item the moneth of septembre J?e king rode to York at which 
tyme the Scottes had issued into the English marches and brent 
and dyd moch harme and afterward as cowardes knowyng of ]>e 
kynges comyng stale home agein and ffled into Scotlond and 
after them issued a greet power into J^e land of Englisshemen of 
the marches and brent and slewe in Scotlond and wolde have 
distroied that land but they wer reconntred and comaunded 
by the king to ceas and soo cam ageyn. And |»an the Scots of 
sotell ymaginacion rosen agein. And )?an Sir Henre percy and 
many other Gentiles pursued upon theym and sodenly they wer 
betrapped and taken in a mire ground which was a greet hevynes 
to the king and a grevous hurt to ]?is land.* And a noon after 

concordare et concludere tarn de pace perpetua quam de et super omnibus 
contentionibus ' {Letters and Papers of War with France, ii. 577 ; cf. ibid. 
710 ; i. 207 ; Rymer, xi. 106). 

' Orders had been sent to deliver up Le Mans to the French in the autumn 
of 1447, but it was not until the French had laid siege to it for about a month 
that it was definitely handed over (March 13, 1448) (Ramsay, Lancaster and 
York, ii. 80-4). 

" Stepney; cf. note on Rawl. B.jj^, above, p. 105. 

' The Tailors obtained a charter in 1439 which was the subject of some 
controversy, and they had had a quarrel with the Drapers three years later> 
when both parties presented candidates for the mayoralty, but this dispute 
does not seem to be mentioned elsewhere. (Cf. C. M. Clode, Early History 
of the Merchant Taylors, 1881, i. 36, 135-6.) 

* Henry reached as far north as Durham, though he was back in York on 



the Erie of Salesbury brent greet part of the marches of Scot- 
land and toke many prisoners and greet store of their catell. 

1448-9 ,,. . Willelmus Marowe Ic*. u t> n -n 

V"^ Willelmus CanteloweP^^P^^*^ ^''^^"^ ^ ^^^'J 

Parlia- This yere the xiij day of ffeverer began the parliament at 

Westminster and John Say was made speker J^erof and jjan 
appered every night in the west from vj of J^e hour unto viij 
a lennyng ^ sterr whereof ]>e peple merveyled and wondred and 
the XXX day of may the same parliament was prolonged and 
proroged to Wynchestre. 

Item the same moneth of may oon Robert of Caan maryner 
of the west contree ° toke a fore the toun of hampton w' xiiij 
shippes in his company Cviij shippes of enemyes and slewe and 
toke in theym moche peple be grace and fortune. 

the 15th of October. Bale's entry is rendered the more interesting because 
of the noticeable silence of the other English chroniclers in regard to Scottish 
affairs. The border raids went on intermittently in 1448, but in October the 
English, under Henry Percy, suffered a decisive check — as related by Bale- 
in the battle of the Sark, near the Solway, Percy and some of his subordinates 
being captured and many of his followers drowned. Bale's account is, judg- 
ing by our somewhat scanty knowledge of the circumstances, more patriotic 
than fair. 

' ? Levining (levynyng, levenyng), ' lightning, the bright flashing of any 
light' (Murray). I owe this suggestion to Mr. C. C. J. Webb of Magdalen 

' This Robert of Caen is clearly Robert Winnington (Wenyngton, Whytyng- 
ham) of Devon, whom the Earl of Devonshire and others received royal 
mandate to help in his task of cleansing the sea and rebuking the robbers 
and pirates thereof (Letters and Papers of the War with France, i. 489). 
The firstfruits of his commission was the capture of a fleet of about one 
hundred ships — of allies of England — laden with salt ; ' Ye never saw suche 
a syght of ships take in to England this winter for we be armed night and 
day to keep them in,' wrote the bold Robert to a friend within two days of 
his victory (Pasion Letters, i. 68, May 25, 1449 ; Fabyan, 621-2). The 
results were rather disastrous ; English merchants' goods abroad were 
seized and the king had to write to various foreign ports assuring them that 
justice would be done, at the same time appointing a commission to look 
into the matter (Rymer, xi. 235, 236 ; cf. 264, 272) ; finally, in 145 1 Henry 
paid over ^4,666 to the Duke of Burgundy for damage done (Ramsay, 
Lancaster and York, ii. 102). Winnington meanwhile apparently betook 
himself to Caen, where, still as ' our trusty and well-beloved squyer ', he 
remained during the siege in June 1450 [Letters and Papers of the War with 
France, i. 503,631) ; he is called 'capitaigne' in one communication ordering 
stores to be sent to him there, and it was very possibly at this time that he 
gained the surname ' of Caen '. Ramsay seems to suggest that Robert Caen 
and Robert Winnington were distinct persons ; he also suggests that Win- 
nington was the murderer of Suffolk (ibid. 102, 121) ; Winnington took out 
a pardon under the general amnesty of April 1452 (ibid. 151 note; Fasten 
Letters, i. Ixxxii) ; he was with the Duke of Somerset at Dieppe in 1460 
(ibid. i. 526). 


Item the parliament soo proroged began at Wynchestre the 
xvi of Juyn and the comones of the parliament long tyme wold 
not accord upon ony act to be made because they wold that }>e p. 199 
king shuld resume his demaynes and lyve upon his right and 
enheritaunce and so as a king roiail of power to regne upon his 
peple.^ But the king in no wise as was seid wold resume his 
demaynes and soo the Wednesday the xvj day of July the said 
parliament was desolved. 

Item the same tyme the ffrensshmen gate pount large and 
vernon in perch and many other strong townes and castels in 
fifraunce^ and slewe and token moche englissh peple and the 
lord ffauconberge and meny o];er Gentiles wer take prisoner and 
the Scotts also the same tyme robbed, brent and slew in ]>e 
north mervelously and hevy to wite. Howe be hit oon Sir William 
de la Pole Duke of Suffolk havyng than aboute the king all j^e 
rule and the govemaunce of this land was wondrely in the 
comon voys.of \>e peple noysed and disclaundred to be ]>e meene 
and causer of the seid hurtes and losse taken by the seid ffrenssh- 
men and scottes and ])' }»° king wold not take the seid resumpcion.^ 

Vic'™, "^ ^ [ mair anno xxviij Thomas Chalton 1449-5° 

Thomas CanyngsJ ■' 

This yer beganne anoJ>er parliament in ]?e moneth of novembre 
and ordennance was made jjerfor atte Tour of london but hit was 
holden at ffrere precheours w*yn Ludgate. And after hit was parlia- 
removed unto Westminster and atte begynning of the parlia- ™^"t- 
ment cam woord )?' the citee of Roon was taken and yolden * up 
to )^e ffrenssh kyng and soo hit was and J^er were taken prisoner 

^ See below, p. 126, note. 

' Pont-de-1'Arche was taken May 16, 1449, and Verneuil on the 20th of July- 
following ; Lord Fauconbridge was captured in the former place (Fabyan, 
620; Hall, 211 ; of. Letters and Papers, ii. 619-34, for a list of the places 
captured by the French during the Duke of Somerset's administration). 

' Cf. Vitellius A. XVI, 158, on Suffolk's release, ' for which delyveryng all 
the comons of England were in a greate rumour for the losing of Angou and 
Mayne but most specialy for the death of the good Duke of Gloucester '. 

* Rouen surrendered October 29 (treaty for its surrender in Letters and 
Papers, ii. 607-18) ; the hostages taken were eight in number {ibid. 628 for 
a list), but the Duke of Somerset was not one of these, as he marched out 
with his forces on the surrender of the city. The second son of the Earl of 
Oraiond was Sir John Butler. It is noteworthy that Bale uses the present 
tense in mentioning the Earl of Shrewsbury. If this be not — as seems rather 
probable — a slip of the pen, it must imply that this part of the chronicle was 
written before 1453, when Shrewsbury was killed. 


1449-50 the duke of Somerset the lorde Talbot which is Erie of Shroves- 
bury the lord sone Bergevenny the lord Roos the Erles second 

Ormond. sone of Ormond and many oj'er knightes squyers and Gentiles 
and all the grettest and chief stuff of werre and ordenannce that 

Henricus king henry the V. hadde provided be his pollecy for the defence 
of Normandy and getyng of his conquest in fifraunce. And 

p. 200 furthw' vver yolden to ])e seid ffrenssh king many ofer greet 
citees and castels and anoon upon that was made over to Calais 
a greet power of Sowdyers for to kepe that place and Guynes 
and ]>£ marches ther and elles all hadde be goten which was 
a greet cost to the comones of london ffbr they ffoond over ]>e ^ 
sowdeors so that every person that was of any reputacion was 
sett and tasked to geve )7erto a parcell of his goodes.^ 

Item a noon folowyng wer many other taskes and loones 
leveed of the peple be sotell and straunge meanes. And open 
werre was cryed w' fflaundres and Scotland. And a noon after 
peas w' them. So }»* was noo good rule nor stablenes (was) at 
that tyme to greet discomfort and hevynes of the peple. And 
the comones of the parliament laboured evermore that the king 
shuld admit and resceyve to have his resumpcion.^ 

' There is an omission of a word or two here. 

^ Sir Thomas Kyrelle was commissioned in October to proceed to Nor- 
mandy with a force, but did not cross the Channel until March ; attempt was 
made to provide money and artillery for Somerset, the royal plate being sold 
for the ' setting forth of our army into Normandy ' {Letters and Papers, ii. 
501-2, 503, 505, 619-34). Hall, 214, remarks of Kyrelle that he was 'a man 
of great stomach if he had had an army ; but his power was too small either 
to recover that which was lost or to save that which yet remained ungotten '. 
' Cf . the short poem On the Popular Discontent at the Disasters in France 
(Pol. Poems, ii. 221-3), and the lines A Warning to King Henry {ibid. ii. 
229-31) :— 

Trowthe and pore men ben oppressede 
And myscheff is nothyng redressede 
So pore a king was never scene 
Nor richere lordes alle bydene 
The communes may no more. 

Also the English Chronicle, ed. Davies, So. Bale echoes the eagerness with 
which the Commons pressed the king to pass an Act of Resumption and 
' live of his own ' ; they asked for it in the Parliament of 1450, and again in 
the next year {Rot. Pari., v. 217-24), when an Act, useless from its long list of 
exceptions, was passed; the Parliament of 1453 witnessed a petition and 
statute on the same subject {ibid. v. 267), as did that of 1455-6, when a new 
Act was passed {ibid. v. 300-20), but in both cases the old exceptions which 
made the Act useless were only removed in order to make way for new ones, 
the character of these being mainly determined by the interests of Yorkists 


Item the ffriday the ix day of Janyver the Bisshop of Chy- The 
Chester pryve seall was sleyn and beheded at Chichestr 1 be ^f q°^ 
strenght of the comones. Chester 

Item the moneth of Janyver oon calling hym self Queen of ^^^ed. 
the feyre yede into Kent and Essex and did noon oppression the^fgyj" 
nor hurt to any persone.^ 

Item the xxij day of Janyver beganne the parliament agen at 
Westminster and ]>e iiij day after the seid Duk of Suffolk was in 
purpose to have departed from the king and to have goon to the 
castell of Walyngford because the cominaltie of the land hadde 
him in greet suspect and blame of all Tpe said losses and hurtes 
and soo to have excused him self. And a greet power of peple 
wer assigned to have conveyed hym from Westminster to the 
said castell for his suretee and defence and as he shuld have 
passed the comones of the parliament hadde laboured in such 
wyse that he was comyt to the Tour of london.^ 

Item the same tyme was greet wacche aboute the kynge and in 
the citee of london every nyght. And the peple wer in doute 
and feer what shuld fall for the lordes com to Westminster and 
to the parliament w* greet power as men of werr. 

and Lancastrians as they were in power. That the king should not 'live of 
his commons ' was one of Cade's demands (A Short English Chronicle, 94 ; 
Stow, Annals, 388-9), and a letter of February 1456, giving the news and 
talk of the capital, remarks ' the resumption, men trust, shall forth ' (Paston 
Letters, i. 377). Men regarded the resumption, in fact, as a panacea for 
all the ills of the time. 

' It was at Portsmouth, not Chichester, that Bishop Moleyns met with his 
death at the hands of Kyrelle's unruly soldiers, he being there for the pur- 
pose of paying their wages. The English Chronicle, ed. Davies, 64, says he 
was murdered ' for the abridging of their wages ' ; Stow, Annals, 629, adds 
that it was done ' through the procurement of the Duke of York ' ; cf. Gregory'' s 
Chronicle, 189, William Worcester, 766. 

^ There is no record of this particular demonstration in the pages of the 
other chroniclers, unless the ' Queen of the Fayre ' can be identified with 
' Blewberd ' who, as related below and by the other chroniclers, e. g. Vitel- 
lius A. XVI, 158, Fabyan, 622, Stow, Annals, 629, was hanged early in 
February for riot in Kent But it may well have been distinct from this 
later riot, save that they were both harbingers of the larger outburst of June ; 
in April the sheriff of London was ordered to make proclamation against the 
affixing of bills on church doors (Rymer, xi. 268). 

^ Although one of the accusations made against the Duke of Suffolk was 
that he had fortified the castle of Wallingford to serve as a base for the 
French invasion to which he was said to have committed himself, there is no 
record elsewhere that he attempted before his arrest— on the very day 
apparently, for he was put in the Tower on the 26th of January — to seek 
refuge there. 


p. 201 Item the same tyme a man was jugged and hanged and 

1449-50 drawen for woordes that he said ageinst the rule of the lordes.^ 

Item the ix day of fFeverer con callyng hymself William 

Blewberd which hadde laboured to have accompanyed a greet 

felawship for to have hadde a rule among the lordes was drawe 

Jjurgh the citee and hanged. 

Item the same tyme laye many sowdeours at portesmouth 
which shuld have passed over afore Cristemas and soor pilled 
and enpouered the contray.^ And in the mean tyme the dolfyn 
and the kyng of Cecile the queues fFader laboured in such wyse 
that they gate all normandy w'oute ony greet resistence and 
the erledome of Angeoy demayn which hadde be the olde 
enheritaunce and right evermore and tyme out of mynde of the 
kynges of Engeland. And than wer all l^e Englisshmen dryven 
and sent oute from ffraunce Normandy and Angeoy and cam 
into ]?is land in greet mysery and poverte be many companyes 
and felawships and yede into severall places of J?e land to be 
enherite and to lyve upon the almes of the peple. But many of 
them drewe to theft and misrule and noyed sore the cominalte 
of Jjis land spirituell and temporell and many of J^eym afterward 

Item the Wednesday the xxv day of ffeverer was greet 
wedering of rayne and wynde and atte nyght the king's place at 
Eltham ]>e Quene beyng present ]?er sodenly was on fire. 

And in )?is parliament the comones J^erof appeled and detect 
to ]?e kings highnes the seid duk of Suffolk being in J^e tour as 
a prisoner of divers poyntes of treson^ notwithstonding which 
appeel the king delivered be his prorogatif the same duke out of 
the tour at his large. And the xv day of March the same duk 
being at Westminster pryvely gate awey from thens and yede 
p. 202 that nooman knewe whether.* Where with the comones of this 

' This is not found elsewhere. 

^ These would be Kyrelle's men ; cf. note 2, p. 126 above. 

' The Commons first accused Suffolk, January 28 {J^oL Pari., v. 176-7) ; 
then on the 9th of March they brought forward eighteen additional articles 
(ibid. 179-82) the truth of which was denied by Suffolk some days later. 
Hall, 217-18, gives a list of the accusations against him ; cf. also the lines 
On the Arrest of the Dtike of Sttffolk {Pol. Poe7ns, ii. 224 and 231). 

* The order for the discharge of the duke is dated March 19 (Letters and 
Papers, i. 515) ; W. Worcester, 767, says a mob of two thousand Londoners 
ran riot, searching, in vain, for the duke, but venting their feelings by ill- 
treating his men. 


land wer agreved and certeyn of j^e seid duks men wer take in 
J»e nyght be wacchemen of the citee and comyt to the comptours 
but they wer delivered ageyn be write w*out tarieng. 

Item the Satirday the xxix day of March oon John Ramsey 
servaunt to a vynter in london was drawe ^ hanged and quartered 
be cause he seid london shall put ye kyng from his crown ^ and 
the monday folowyng the seid parliament was emoved to 

Item the xxj day of aprill Queneburgh was asawted be 
ffrensshemen and almost goten.' And in the mean tyme ]>e seid 
duk of Suffolk which hadde kept him at Est horp be side Bury D. Suf- 
yede to the see and had the Duke of Burgoyn saufconduct and ° ' 
when he was in the see betwene dovor and caleys in the ship 
called the Nicholas of the Tour* he was encountred be oj^er 
shippes and beheded and his body cast upon the sandes at 
Dovor and his heed pight upon a stake which deed was doon 
the first day of maij. 

Item the xij day of Juyn assembled atte Blake Heath beside 
london of men of Kent C a greet peple well arraied. 

Item the same day cam the duk of Bokyngham and lord 
Ryvers into the citee w* greet power of peple in lyvereis w' 
veends and arraied for werr. 

Item the monday the xv day of Juyn the kyng lyeng at Seint p. 203 
Johnes beside Smythfeld w* greet peple sent herades and 
knyghtes to ]>e seid blak heeth and to bydde ]>e capitaigne of 
Kent w' his peple there gadered to w*drawe theym. And J^ey 
sent answer ageyn that they wer there for the kyngs right and 

1 This word is repeated in the MS. 

" This is not recorded by the other chroniclers, but in a letter of the sheriflf 
of London to the King (June 28, 1451) Ramsay is mentioned in connexion 
with Cheyny, Jakes, and Cade, being described as a ' wine drawer ' ; hke 
the other ' traitors ' he was executed and his quarters sent to various towns 
in the country (Nicolas, Privy Council, vi. 107-8). 

' None of the other chroniclers record this event : Cade attacked the 
castle in July, but was repulsed. 

* Bale is in error here ; the Nicholas of the Tower was the ship which 
took Suffolk from his own vessel to his death ; cf. Rawl. B. jjj, above ; 
Paston Letters, i. 124-6; A Short English Chronicle, (id; English Chronicle, 
ed. Davies, 69 ; the attitude of the Commons is summed up by the ironical 
lines of a contemporary {Pol. Poems, ii. 232) : — 

Pray for this dukes soule that it might com to blis, 
And let never suche another come after this. 


1449-50 the lond. And they hadde mervelously staked all ]>e feeld 
aboute J^eym that no power of horsmen shuld com and override 

Item the same day ageinst even rood toward the same field 
by the kings comandement the Erie northumberlond the lord 
Scales and the lord lysle w' a greet ffelawship of speres and 

iij^^ bowes and ther was nombred be an heraude of peple in the seid 

sand' and capitaignes felawship IxM. and moo.^ 

moo. And on the morn ]?e kyng havyng w' him the duke of Excestr 

the Duk of Bukingham and many Erles lordes knyghtes in 
substance of all }»is land w' a mighty power of peple was 
proposed toward the seid heth to have met w* the seid capitaigne. 

le cap- But be advyse of the kings counseill were sent to entrete w* the 

tene de capitaigne the lordes whoos names folowen J>at is to wite, The 
Cardynall Erchebisshop of York, the Erchebisshop of Caunter- 
bury the duke of Bukingham the Bisshop of Wynchester and 
the lord Beaumond. And fe capitaigne demeaned him to the 
lordes in such wyse and called him self and his peple peticioners 
answeryng to theym ]>at his comyng to the heth was not to doo 
any harme but to have the desires of the comones in the 
parliament fulfilled.^ And the lordes appointed w' hym that 
all things shuld be redressed and soo the lordes cam ageyn to 
the kyng and shuld be promyse bring or send to J^e same 
capitaigne by a certen hour assigned from ]>e king a conclusion 
of the same appointement. Howe be it because the lordes 
neuther cam nor sent from the kyng werd to the capitaigne 
agein of the kings will to his entent and desire therfor the seid 

p. 204 capitaigne refused j^e kings appointement sent to him and 

' This is the highest estimate of any of the chroniclers, rather reminding 
one — though the ' by a herald' gives it something of an official colouring — 
of the estimates of the Saracen hosts given by the Crusading chroniclers. 
Gregory's Chronicle gives 46,000, a figure which Kriehn ( The English Revolt 
in 1450, 70) considers ' mightily exaggerated ', his own estimate allowing not 
more than 10,000. 

' Details of their requests are to be found, preserved by Stow, in Three 
Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, 94-9. Bale adds one or two details to our 
knowledge of the early part of the rising. The fact that there were two suc- 
cessive embassies from the King to the rebels is not recorded elsewhere, nor 
are the names of the royal representatives given in any of the other existing 
chronicles ; that they went so far as to promise redress of the grievances 
complained of, even in the vaguest manner, is an addition to what we know 
of these negotiations and furnishes some intimation of the position of the 
King at the outset of the revolt. 


ordeigned and disposed him to kepe the feld ageinst the king. 
And ]jen the king with a mighty power yede toward the seid 
heth and the seid capitaigne havyng )>erof witing w' drewe him 
and all his peple in ]>e nyght and ffledde and toke w* }>eym their 
stakes and ordennance. 

Item on the mom Thursday rood for to pursue after Ipe seid 
capitaigne Sir Thomas Stanley and oon Danyell which had 
greet rule aboute the king and ledde w* J^eym a greet peple well 
arraied for defence and as for a vaward rood toward the heeth 
the Erie Northumberland the lorde Ryvers the lorde Scales the 
lorde Grey, Sir Edmond ^ and William Stafforde and many o]7er 
knightes and gentiles w' greet puissance to take the seid capi- 
taigne. Howe be hit J'e seid capitan and his peple lyeng in 
Busshement met and countred w' ]>ese lordes and slewe the 
seid Sir Edmund Stafford and Willyam Stafford and hurt moche 
of their peple. 

Item the same day at xi afore noon the king rode armed 
J7urgh Chepe w* his seid dukes, Erles, lordes and knightes w* 
right a notable and roiall power toward the seid heth and at 
after noon cam woord of the discomfiture and deth of the seid 
Staffordes and all ]>e nyght and on ]>e morn cam moche peple 
to strength ]>e king at Grenewich of lancastr and Chesshir and 
o|>er shires.^ 

Item the ffriday which was the eve of the Translacion of seint 
Edward the kyng comaunded all his host to moustr upon the 
seid heth and fer was J^an a mighty puissance which puissance 
was assigned by the kings counseill to have ridden into Kent 
and pursued the seid capitaigne and his peple and so to have 
destroied kent and taken theym. But the capitaigne and his 

^ All the authorities, save Bale, say Sir Humphrey Stafford ; the place was 
close to Sevenoaks in Kent ; cf. Fabyan, 623. 

^ The other authorities do not mention the drawing of forces from these 
distant counties : it may probably be explained by the fact that the southern 
shires were known to be somewhat disaffected. Many of them of course sent 
men to join Cade, and there had recently been disturbances in some of the 
towns of the south (Nicolas, Prtvy Council, vi. 90; Rymer, xi. 262). A writ 
of July I commanded Sir Thomas Stanley and Sir Thomas Harrington to 
assemble the forces of Lancashire and Cheshire, in preparation to march to 
the king (Nicolas, Privy Council., vi. 95). Fabyan, 623, describes the scene 
on Blackheath, but his account is not so graphic as that of Bale, which indeed 
reads like that of a man who heard the shout and saw the whole scene. 

I % 


1449-50 ffelauship disposed them in such wyse and departed his peple 
in severall busshements to have recountred w' J^e lordes and 
p. 205 j,g;^ puissaunce. So that the kings host made ]7an a sodeyn 
showte and noys upon the seid heth seing distroye we thise 
traitours aboute the king which ]>at ]>e seid capitaigne hat 
entended to doo or ever we will doo hit. Whereupon the king 
graunted their desire and comaunded the lord Say Chamberleyn 
of Engeland to be take and soo he was arrested in the kings 
presence and the seid Danyell shuld have been arrested also. 
But he was in to Kent as is above seid w' a greet felawship to 
have destroied and hurt ]>e peple in kent. But whan he herd of 
]>\s rule he left his peple and fledde. And the seid lord Say was 
comyt to the Tour. 

Item on the Satirday folowyng ^ the king and the lordes w' 
J^eir greet power cam agein J?urgh the citee from Grenewich and 
went to Westminster. 

Item the Tewesday folowyng the seid capitaigne cam agein to 
the seid heth w' his felawship which he ded ageinst his ligeaunce 
all Jjough his desires wer good and for the well of fe land as he 
surmitted to have laboured by the which mean he gate the hertes 
of Ipe greet part of the comones of the land. 

Item on the Thursday the second day of Jull the seid capitaigne 
w' his peple whiche wer a full rude peple cam sodenly at iiij after 
noon into Suthwerk and toke up all the Innes and places. 

Item on the morowe cam a greet ffelawship out of Essex 
ordeined by the seid capitaigne. And they lay atte mileend w' 
out Algate and soo they beseged the citee and than was london 
p. 206 brigge drawe and the gates of the citee kept w* men of armes. 
And oon Robert Horn alderman, Philip Malpas alderman, and 
John Gest wer in the hevy conceite of the capitan and he and his 
peple clept theym traytours and extorcioners and wold J>at the 
governors of the citee shuld have put and sent hem oute of the 
citee to thentent that Jiey might hadde of hem their desir but 
they wer escaiped and cowde not be found as god wold. 

Item the same day at after noone the seid capitaigne w* his 
peple entred over london brigge into the citee. And the king 

' The King left for Kenilworth, 'circa finem died mensis junii' (W. Wor^. 
cester, 768) ; ' on the morn after midsummer day ' (Gough London 10). 


and the lordes wer then to Killingworth. And whan he was so 
entred he dispoyled the seid Philip Malpas place and bore w* 
him from thens greet goods and recovered into Suthwerk agen 
w* his peple and made his cryes in the kings name that noon of 
his peple shuld do ony harme but kepe the peas. 

Item on the morowe Saterday cam the Jugges at ix of ]?e clok 
unto the Guyldhall and \>er wer diverse and many enquests 
charged for the Kyng to enquer of extorcioners and oj^er evill 
doers. And in the mean tyme a fore xi of the clok the seid 
capitaigne cam riding w' his peple on foot from Suthwerk thurgh 
the citee to powles in a blewe gown of velvet w* sables furred 
and a strawe hat upon his heed and a sewerd drawen in his hand 
and retorned agen to london Brigg and into Suthwerk. And at 
iiij afternoon he and his peple cam agein into Chepe and drank 
]>er at a tavern called the Crown and retorned to the Mildende 
wer as J^e peple of Essex lay and there beheded oon Crowmer 
and a no]?er clept William Bailly and cam ageyn in hast into 
Chepe and thoo ij hedes borne afore him on high poles. And 
atte Standard in Chepe he hoved and thedir was the lord Say Mors 
brought from the Guyldhall wher he was be diverse enquestes ^e's'"' 
endited of treson and atte same Standard the capitan ded doo p. 207 
the said lord Say beheded and dispoylled him of his aray boond 
his legges w' a roop to an hors and drewe his body on ]>e pave- 
ment )7urgh a greet part of the citee. 

Item the same night and on the Sonday folowyng ]>e same 
capiteigne and his peple appointed to have serched and had 
diverse worthymen and their goodes of the citee and the same 
Sonday the capitaigne beheded in Suthwark a gentilman which ]>e 
men of Essex delivered to him called Thomas Mayn of Colchestre.^ 
And than the mair and the counceill of the citee laboured that 
Sonday all the servyse tyme to make and set a rule and ordenance 
that the seid capiteigne shuld no more entree into the city. And 
the same night which was the Eve of Seint Thomas the Martyr 
all the comones of the citee drewe to barneys. And the same 

^ Gregory's Chronicle, in addition to these chronicles the sole authority 
for mention of Thomas Mayne, says (193) he was 'a man of Hampton, a 
squire'. This would make him of Surrey, but as Rawlinson B.^SS (above, 
p. 106) declares he was ' of Essex', and Bale, in addition to giving the name 
of a town there, adds how Cade executed him ' to please the men of Essex ', 
they are probably correct. 










de Kent. 



p. 208 

night and on the morowe unto iiij of the bell the peple of the 
citee and the capitaigne and his meyne countred and met to gider 
on london brigge and in Suthwerk and moch peple were slayn 
and hurt on either partie. And ]>an the seid capitaigne ffledde 
and his men departed and soo his power seased and a noon after 
he was slayn in his defence and }7an be heded and his heed set 
on london brigge and his body brought to the kyngs bench and 
from thens drawen deed J^urgh the citee on ]>e pavement unto the 
Tyborn and quartred and his quartres sent to diverse places of 
the land and then wer diverse Oyes determyners hadde in diverse 
places and specially in kent and moche peple hanged and beheded 
for the same rysyng and sturing doon by the capitaigne : and in 
the seid bataill and skyrmissh wer slayn John Sutton alderman 
and mathewe Gough which was a noble werreour. 

Item the xxj day of July diverse and many of the Sowders 
that cam and wer dryven out of normandy toke upon them in ]>e 
chirch of the Greyfreres w*yn newgate where as pe seid lord Say 
was worthely buried and his heed leyd by him and his armes 
set on the pelours aboute drewe and pulled down the same armes 
and them reversed.^ 

Item the first day of August the duk of Somerset which was 
Regent of ffraunce cam from Normandy and brought many pore 
sawdeours w* hym. 

Item the Sonday ij day of August the sowdeours yeden 
aboute in divers places and wher that they sygh ony armes 
eij;er of the duk of Suffolk or lord say they pulled hem down 
and despouilled them and the same day was a quarter of 
the capitaigne which was set at Deptford strond stolen and 
borne away. 

Item the Thursday and fryday suyng and soo dayly after cam 
thurgh Chepe diverse long cartes w* stuff of armor and bedding 
and houshold as well of Englissh as of norman goodes and men 
women and children in right pover array pitewus to see dryven 
out of normandy. 

Item the Sonday the xxiij day of august Cateworth being the 
maires depute and the shirrefs and certen aldermen rode w' 

^ Stow, Survey, i. 320, tells us Lord Say was buried in ' All Hallows 
Chapel in the Grey Friars Church ', his tomb being mentioned in a long list 
of those defaced. 


CCC. men well arraied and defensable unto the ffeyr of seint 

Bartholmewe ^ to see that the peas and good rule wer kept that 

the sowdeours shuld doo noo harme to the Chapmen and peple 

of the contree. ffor the world was so strange that tyme "^ that 

noo man might well ride nor goo in noo cooste of ]?is land w*out Robbery. 

a strength of ffelauship but Y he wer robbed.^ 

Item the same tyme the duk of york lieutenant of Irland Comes 
landed in Wales and sett in his steed the Erie of Ormond to be Osmond, 
his lieutenant J^er undre the kyng. 

Item on michelmas eve the priseners in newgate brake the p. 209 
wardes beneth and gate the high tour. And they cast down 
stones and ffederes of Irn to hurt peple and made defence more 
than iiij howres continuelly but atte last they wer discomfited by 
the mair and shirrefs and chastised.* 

Item the ix day of Octobre was such a wellyng and spring of 
waters both of the see water and the ffressh Ryvers and other 
springs that the lowe contra in divers places wer over flowe. 
And the same tyme was every mannes lyvelode extented at what 
value his yede, and of every xx^ yerely was leveed to the king 

1 The fair lasted for three days round the Saint's day (August 25). It 
existed as early as the twelfth century (cf. Stow, Survey, ii. 27, and note 
ii. 361). 

■ Repeated in the MS. 

' Cf. the poems On the Corruptions of the Times, Pol. Poems, ii. 235, 238 : 
Idylnesse and thefte yet have they no care, 

Thoughe that thys worlde thus endure ever more ; 
Oftyn tymes here wyde purse is full bare. 
And other whyles here schoon be al totore ; 
The mete that thei ete ys alle forlore ; 
On the galwys they scholde anhaunse ; 

They greve the comunys and that ryghte sore ; 
Of all our synnys, God, make a delyveraunce. 
■* A more familiar outbreak from Newgate occurred about six years later, 
when Lord Egremont and some of his fellow prisoners escaped ; cf. below, 

P- 143- 

* An income-tax oidd. in the £ on incomes of .^l to £10, l2d. on incomes 
of /20 to ^200, and 2s. on incomes over j^2O0 had been granted by Parlia- 
ment in the spring of 1450 {Rot. Pari., v. 172-4). But when Parliament met 
in January 1451, after the Christmas recess, it was stated that nothing had 
been done to collect the tax, and it was therefore ordered to be levied at once, 
though its scope was restricted (ibid. v. 211). Bale presumably refers to the 
collection under this later Act, but his statement is not quite accurate. He 
makes a more exact — and more correct— statement later on. 


Vic» j^i'l^SdStTnl ^-HoDas Wyfold mair a" xxix« 

This yer the morn after Symond day and Jude the mair rood 
and all the crafts of the citee to Westminster to take his charge. 
And at even in his comyng to sent Thomas of Akres to doo his 
offering sowdeours to the nombre of xl men well armed for werr 
w* gleves and axes made a countenaunce to the mair and alder- 
men all the wey goyng from powles to seint Thomas wher with 
the mair being agreved comanded them in pe kings name to leve 
their wepens bering w*yn the citee. And pey revyling the mair 
and his officers wold not obey his comaundement wherefor the 
mair w* his peple set upon hem and toke their wepens from them 
and sent divers of them to prisen. And on }>e morn was made 
a crye in ]>e citee that if ony man bare ax Gleyve Swerd or bill 
}>at wer sowdeours or lordes man shuld be taken and put in 
pryson. And soo the peas was kept and sowdeours avoyded and 
wer rebuked.^ 
p. 210 Item the ffriday the xxx day of Octobr wer drawe doun in 

divers places of the citie and aboute in )?e subarbes J>e armes of 
the seid duk of york a bage of the ffetherlok and the kings 
armes set up. 

Item upon all halowen eve the seid armes of the duk of york 
wer set up agein and the mair for keping of the citee and the peas 
yede dayly vv* men harneised defensable for the werr. 

Item the vj day of novembr began the parliament at West- 
minster. And the comones chosen Sir William Oldhall knight 
w* ]>e duk of york speker of the parliament. 

Item the same tyme was ordeyned in diverse places of the citee 
cheynes to be drawe awthwart the weyes to kepe ]>e citee sauf : 
for peple stode in greet dreed and doubt, for the varaunce betwen 
the lordes. And a cry was made the seid vj day in )?e citee in ]>e 
kings name that no maner person shuld speek nor medell of eny 
mater doon in ]>e parliament nor of the lordes.^ 

Item the same tyme was leveed a greet money to convey and 

' This riot, like more than one of those preceding it, is not recorded by the 
other chroniclers. 

' Similar measures were taken three years later ; at that time the city waits 
were ordered to lighten the militant atmosphere by going round the city every 
evening (Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 290). 


set toward Burdeux^ the sowdeours and such peple as wer 
dryven out of ffraunce and normandy and had not wherof to 
lyve but robbed and soo to have occupied theym in ]>e werres 
for to sauf and kepe ]>e kings right j^erof. But J^e wer soo many 
fals meanes and restreintes of the money J?at the seid sowdeours 
shuld have that ]?ey )7erfor passed not out of J?is land and soo 
becam theves and manquellers in divers places of Jjis land and 
the viij day of novembr the comones of lf>e parliament presented 
unto the king a bill desiring the seid duk of gloucestr might be 
proclaimed a trewe knight.^ 

Item the xxiij day of novembr the seid duk of york w* iijM. p- 211 
men and moo cam riding j^urgh the citee his sweerd born Comyng 
a fore him and yede to ]>e parliament and ]>e king. And on the '^^^^f 
morn folowyng cam riding |?urgh the citee the due of norffolk w* york to 
a greet peple in Brigandiers and vj clarions a fore him blowyng. P^"^^'^- 

Item on the morn suyng came the Erie of Warrewyk ];urgh 
the citee w' a mighty peple arreied for the werr and ]>e monday 
the last day of novembr was a marvelous and dredful sturmyng 
and noys of the comones and of lordes men at Westminster 
crieng and seieng to the lordes dooth justice upon the fals trai- 
tours or lett us be avenged. And upon J^e morn which was the 
first day of Decembr the lordes men made a saute upon J^e duk 
of Somerset atte Blakfreres in london and ther despoilled moch 
of his goodes but the mair and the comones of the citee gadered 
a power to gider and remedied hit a noon and elles had the due 
be taken or sleyn.^ 

Item upon the Saterday folowyng the lordes and the Jugges 
sat atte Guyldhall and the mair keping his estate and ]>s king 

^ Bordeaux capitulated on the 30th of June, 1 45 1 (and Bayonne three weeks 
later) ; there had been wholly inadequate efforts to send help to the besieged 
from England ; some money was sent, and a fleet, collected about this time, 
waited for six months for a force which was to have gone to France under 
Lord Rivers. But no force was dispatched, the fleet was dispersed in July 
(1451) and Guienne was lost to the English (Ramsay, Lancaster and York, 
ii. 144-6). 

"^ There is no record of such a petition on the Rolls of Parliament, but 
there was considerable feeling on the subject at this time, as Cade's demand 
for punishment of the ' false traitors ' who ' counterfeited and imagined ' the 
death of the Duke shows. And in the Parliament of 1455-6 petition was 
made, and granted, that the Duke should be declared throughout the land 
' the king's true liege nian all the days of his life ' {Rot. Pari., v. 335 ; cf. below, 
pp. 142-3). 

^ Cf. Rawl. B.jjj, above, p. 106, note 3. 


set upon an Oy determyner for the dispouilling of the seid 
goodes and the same day the said duk was comyt unto the 

Item the xviij day of Janyvere peple wer had to the Guyld 
hall and ]>er paid for ))extent of J^eir liflode vj'' for every xx' 
graunted atte parliament of leicestre : and the same tyme the 
king rood into kent.^ And ]>e erle of Shrovesbury in his name 
ded execucion upon the peple and the xx day of ffeverer wer 
set upon london Brigge ix men heedes of kent. 
p. 212 Item the ffriday folowyng wer set upon the gates of london 

divers quarters of men and soo forth in oj^er places of ]?is 

Item the last day sauf oon the Bisshop of Cauntorbury ^ was 
robbed at Lambe hith. 

Item the vij day of Juyn cam from the king sent to the mair 
a comyssion for to make a chevisannce of viijM. li. by act of 
parliament ffor which chevisannce to be had the lumbardes 
Janneys provided J^erfor at hampton a lone.* 

Item the xvj day of July the comones of london were cessed 
to pay for the rescus of Caleys a xv"» and di.° And also to 

' There is no record elsewhere of Somerset being actually imprisoned at 
this time, although VitelliusA.XVI, Fabyan,and Gough say he 'was arrested '. 
It is true that the commons in Parliament petitioned that he, along with some 
others, might be banished from the court, but the request was not granted 
(Rot. Pari., V. 216) ; it was in November 1453 that the Duke's lengthy stay 
in the Tower commenced. 

° This was on a commission of Oyer et terminer to try the rebels of the 
previous summer ; cf. Paston Letters, i. 186 and note ; Gregory's Chronicle, 

' The title is repeated in the MS. 

* An Act recites how the King had seized alum to the value of ^8,oco 
belonging to Genoese merchants in Southampton and provides for their 
payment from the customs of the port (notwithstanding a grant of ^'20,000 
from these same customs in which Henry had just been ' preferred ' by Par- 
liament). But the King required gold, and so it was ordered that the Genoese 
merchants should buy their alum again at the former valuation, thus leaving 
Henry with j£8,ooo ready money and the Italians with their alum, a claim on 
the customs, and a grant that no one in Southampton was to buy alum for a 
certain period save of them [Rot. Pari., v. 214-16) ; it was thus, in effect, a 

' Although the other chroniclers do not record this, the statement that a 
levy was taken at this time is correct ; the Goldsmiths' Company this year 
paid ^34 19J. as their share to a tax to relieve Calais, and there was much 
friction between the city officers and the inhabitants of the sanctuary of 
St. Martin's-le-Grand, who refused to pay their quota to the same subsidy 
(Herbert, Livery Companies, ii. 53 ; Trans. Lond. and Midd.Arch. Sac, vii, 
1888, 202). 


pay the iiij part of a xv*'' to defence a sute at Room for 

Item upon seint James even wer set upon london brig v men 

Item the xij day of Octobre the king being at Wyndesor and 
the duk of york comyt the Erie Wiltshire and the lord Berkley 
to ward. 

Shirrefs SistTfre^Martrel^'"'^"' Gregorey mair anno xxx '^S^-^ 

Item the viij day of novembre wer take divers scotts and 
normandes in the north contre. 

Item the xxx day of Janyver oon Sir William Oldhall knight 
which was chamberleyn to the duk of York was restered agein 
unto the previlege and seinteuary at Seint Martyn Graunt in 
london which Sir William was take oute of ]>e place be greet 
violence be nyght be certeyn lordes few dayes a fore.^ 

Item the xiij day of ffeveror cam maistr Thomas Kent {'at p.2i3 
had been in message from the king w' the duk of york and 
brought such report to the king from the king ^ ]?* his highnes 
was displesed so that the xvj day of the same moneth the king 
w* his lordes J^at is to wyte the dukes of Bukingham Somerset 
and other (set out*) to ride ageinst the seid duk and toke his 
journey toward coventre. 

Shirrefs ^j^J^J^ ^ee^^} Geffrey Felding mair a" xxxj» '452-3 

This yere the moneth of march began the parlement at Parlia 
Reding at which parliament the comones toke a displeisur be "J^"] 

^ This probably refers to a struggle which was going on at this time 
between the citizens of London and the clergy there, who demanded ^d. on ^i 
of all rents in the city. In 1453 the clergy obtained a Bull from Rome, 
threatening the greater excommunication unless the claim was granted, but 
the matter dragged on until in 1457 the clergy agreed to receive a composi- 
tion for the dues (Noorthouck, History of London, 97 ; Maitland, i. 196-7; 
the text of the Papal Bull and the compromise is given in Arnold, 57-70, 


^ Oldhall had been attainted and outlawed in June 1452 for supporting 
the Duke of York and alleged complicity in Cade's rebellion ; he took refuge 
in St. Martin's sanctuary, where, except for this hitherto unknown and appa- 
rently compulsory emergence, he stayed until the reversal of his attainder in 
1455 {Fasten Letters, i. 336, 344). 

* A slip for ' duke '. 

* Omitted in the MS. 




cause they wer restrayned from free eleccion of the knightes of 
the shir.i And in that parliament wer graunted greet Imposi- 
cions and charges to be taken of the comones.^ 

Item the same parHament was removed to Westminster and 
]>e king being at Clarendon indispost sodenly was take and 
smyten w' a ffransy and his wit and reson w* drawen and J^an 
the parliament was proroged and began a gein at Reding atte 
Eve of seint michell. 

Item upon seint Bartholmewe day the mair being atte 
Wresteling at the Clerkenwerk ^ the priors men of seint Johanes 
and oon Cayles a mysruly persone toke upon theym to have 
fered and distressed the mair but howe be hit the mair manfully 
beet slewe and toke of j^eym divers and put them to shamefull 

Shirrefs (j^^^f^ WaWenl J°^" Norman maior a" 3a 

Md. that this yere the comones counceill be the desir and 

p. 214 assent of the aldermen left the riding of the mair at his eleccion 

accustumed and used to Westminster, and yede be barge in 


Item the moneth of Octob"' the day of seint Edwarde which 

is the xiij day J^erof of the quene beyng at Westminster had 

The a prince. Wherefor the belles rang in every chirch and Te Deum 

prince solempny song. And he was cristened at Westminster and his 

' The interference of the Crown in the elections had been one of Cade's 
grievances, and the Pasto7i Letters show how difficult a matter free election 
was in Norfolk. There is no record in the Rolls of Parliament or the pages 
of the other chroniclers of any petition made by the Commons at this time, 
but just before the Parliament of 1455 the King wrote to the sheriff of Kent 
ordering him to ensure ' free election', and the Parliament of 1455 witnessed 
a formal petition on the subject from the Commons (Nicolas, Privy Council, 
vi. 246-7 ; Rot. Pari., v. 367, 450-1 J. 

" Parliament at Reading granted a fifteenth and a tenth to be levied half 
by November 11, 1453, and the remainder a year later. There was further 
a grant of tonnage and poundage for the term of the King's life, and increased 
customs duties, aliens being charged with a poll-tax {Rot. Part., v. 221-30). 
In addition, provision was made for the raising of 20,000 archers by means of 
subsidies from the shires and boroughs, London being assessed to pay £y>o 
thereto {ibid. v. 245). The Session at Westminster lasted from April 29 to 
July 2, and Parliament met again at Reading, November 12, to be adjourned 
until February 11, 1454. 

^ I. e. Clericenwell ; cf Rawlinson B.33S above, p. 107 ; Stow, Summary, 
373, Survey, i. 95, 104. 

* Omitted in MS. 

' Cf Rawlinson B. jjj, above, p. 103, note. 


godfadres been the Cardinall Erchebisshop of Cauntbury Chan- 
celler called Kemp and the Duk of Somerset and his Godmoder 
Duches of Buk. Of whoos birth the peple spake stranngely. 
And a geinst his birth was begonne a newerk at Westminster 
a place for a worys. 

Item the chaunnceller deferred the parliament agein unto 
fifeverer and be gaunne hit agein at Westminster and }?an was 
the duke comyt to the Tour prisoner ]7at is to wite Somerset.^ 

Item the ffriday the xxij day of march the seid cardinall died 
sodenly at iiij in J>e morning. 

Item this yer was the Duk of york made protector of Enge- 
land and the Erie of Salesbury Chaunceller * and they worship- 
fully ruled and governed. 

Shirreffs j 'f'JJ^\?''| Stephen fiforster m. a" xxxiij" '454-5 

Md. the xxvj day of Janyver the duk of Somerset was 
straungely conveied out of the Tour be the duke of Bukingham 
Erie Wiltshire and Lord Roos. 

Wherfor fe Duke of York yave up the kings swerd and noo p. 215 
longer wold occupie protector. 

And the xx day of Janyver Goditre a fifrer denounced and 
shewed at powles cros that the king and the quene had sewed to 
the Pope and hadde goten unto j^e priorie of Seint John Jerusalem 
in Smythfeld a generall remission and pardon to assoille all jjoo 
that hadde made any avowe to goo the Stacions of Jerusalem or 
to Room paieng the iiij'*' part of the cost that every persone 
shuld ber in J>at journey of such goodes as they hadde.^ 

^ Somerset, at the time of his release in February 1455, declared that he 
had been in prison a year and ten weeks (Rymer, xi. 362), which puts his 
committal to the Tower in November 1453. Bale's account of the year 
1453-4 is so brief that one may safely regard his placing of Somerset's arrest 
after the mention of the meeting of Parliament in February 1454 as a loose- 
ness of statement. There is no record elsewhere of Somerset being ' strangely 
conveyed ' out of the Tower ; the names given by Bale are those of the lords 
who on February 5, 1455, became surety for the Duke's appearance before the 
Council ; that surety given, the prisoner was released, apparently in a formal 
manner, two days later. 

^ Salisbury's appointment as Chancellor is dated April 2, and that of York 
as Protector the next day (Rymer, xi. 344, 346). 

' Early in July 1454 the Council desired the King to petition the Pope 
for ' annum jubileum ' in England and Ireland for the good of the Order of 
St. John of Jerusalem in Rhodes ; accordingly royal letters were sent to the 
Pope, the Cardinals, the Doge of Venice, and also to the Grand Master 


Bellum apud sanctum albanum. 

Item the Thursday the xxij day of May the king being at 
sent albons and greet peple ther w* him assembled purposing 
toward leicestre and in his company the Duks of Bukingham 
and Somerset, the Erles of Northumbeland and Wilts J»e lordes 
Clifford and Roos and oJ>er proclaimed ther the duke of 
york traitor. Wherupon forthwith the same duke of york 
and the Erles of Salesbury and Warrewyk entred into the 
same town w' );eir peple arraied for werr in like wise as the 
king and his seid peple wer arried : and ]?er the kings Baner 
displaied the same Duke of york and Erles of Salesburye and 
Warrewyk slewe the seid duke of Somerset and the Erie North- 
umbreland and lord Clifford and over threwe the kyngs Baner 
and preserved his person and toke the duk of Bukingham and 
lord Roos and the Erie Wilts ffled. And they brought the king 
]>e second day aft'' to the citee of london in greet honour. And 
the seid duk of york riding on his right side and the Erie of 
Salesbury on the left side and the Erie of Warrewyk bare his 
swerd and atte Bisshops paleys at powles the king and the seid 
p. 216 duk of york and Erles of Salesbury and Warrewyk and the Erie 
of Devenshir all the Witsonwyke kept the roialte and sport 
which bataill the comones trusted brake moch inconvenience 
and hurt that shuld have fall. 

Item the Wedenesday the ix day of July beganne the parlia- 
ment at Westminster and the same day cam worde to the king 
that the sege which was leyde to Berewyk be Ipe king of Scotts 
was remeved and he shamefully fledde and moch of his peple 
slein and distressed in mynes and taken also in vessels upon the 

Item the Saterday the xvj day of August humfrey duk of 
Gloucestr was proclamed in the citee above seid and soo after in 

of the Order to dissuade him from recalling the prior of the Order from 
England (Rymer, xi. 351, 352-3, 354, 357). Gotigh London 10 records how 
this year pardon came to England ' as whole as it was in Rome in the year 
of Jubilee'. 

^ A Short English Chronicle, 70, relates how ' the king of Scots with the 
red face ', besiegmg Berwick, ' was driven thence and all his ordnance and 
victual that was on the water side left behind him ' ; letters were sent (July 9) 
to some of the northern lords, thanking them for their services therein 
(Nicolas, Privy Coitncil, vi. 247-8, cf. Ixxi). 


other places trewe and feithfuU leigeman to the king and a trewe 
prince to the houre of his deth.' 

Shirrefs 1°^" Young and ) William Marowe maior i45S-6 

Thomas Oulgreve) anno xxxiiij" 

This yer was the lord Egremond and his brother comyt to 
Newgate J^e moneth of novembr. And the same moneth the 
Erie devenshir and the lord Bonevyle fought in the west contrey 
and moch peple slayn on either side. 

Item the moneth of Decembre the kings resumpcion of his 
liflode was graunted be the comones of the parliament^ and 
the duke of york made protector agein. And the xxj day of 
ffeverer (the king ^) toke upon him ]>e rule agein and discharged 
J>e duke of York of protector and the xij day of march the seid 
parliament was dissolved. 

Item the first day of maij was an Oy Determyner holde atte 
Guyldhall* and the mair kept the kings estate and upon his p- 217 
right hand satt the Duke of Excestre and on the left hand the 
duke of Buk the Erles of Salesbury Penbroke and Stafford. 
And the Jugges on every side next the lordes the king lieng at 
Bisshopes palice atte powles for he cam the day a fore thedir 
be barge from Westminster and londed atte blackfreres and ther 
met hym the mair and aldermen w' a fair peple of men of armes 
and conveied him to the seid palys. 

Item the v day of maij the seid lordes cam agein to the seid 
Guyldhall except the Erie Salsbury and the mair was redy w* 
his shirrefs and greet peple of men of armes or they cam and 
kept every wey and gate into the seid hall and wold suffre noon 
other com in thedir but the lordes and certein of their men. 
And vj enquests wer ]?er charged for the king to enquere and 
present all such prisoners as wer mysrulers and of ryot and 
debate among the peple. And Tpis was upon a towesday. And 
the Saterday folowyng were endited of ffelony a sherman 

^ Cf. above, p. 137; and for the encounter between Devonshire and Bon- 
ville, p. 109. 

' Rot. Pari. V. 300-20, 328-30; cf. above, p. 126, note. The Duke of York 
was made Protector November 19, 1455, and removed from the position on 
February 2 5 of the next year (Rymer, xi. 369, 373) ; the date of the dissolution 
of Parliament is not given elsewhere. 

' Omitted in the MS. 

* For this anti-Lombard riot and that of the following year see the article 
of the writer in Eng. Hist. Rev., October, 1910. 

I 456-7 


dwelling at algate and a nol^er man of the citee and a lordes 
man for a rising and riflyng that was made upon lumbardes and 
^en after they wer hanged. Wherwith the peple sore grucched. 
Item the xix day of September in the nyght tyme wer sett 
upon the Standard in ffletestrete a fore the duk of york being 
y than lodged in the Bisshop of SaHsbury place certein dogges 
hedes w* Scriptures in their mouthes balade wise ^ which dogges 
wer slayn vengeably the same nyght, 

S^"'' ct,- f Rauf Verney >t-u /- • n 

2j3 bhuTefs T t. ct ■' J 1 i homas Lanyngs maior anno xxxv" 

This yer the ffryday the v day of novembre cam the Erie of 
Warrewyk unto London. And the same day afore his comyng 
rode ageinst him to have distressed him the dukes of Excestr 
and Somerset, the dukes son of Somerset and the Erie Shrews- 
bury Tresourer and the lords Roos and other w' iiij C. peple, 
and more as was reported. But thanked be god the seid Erie 
was Jierof ware and purveied a remedy ageinst their malice 
and cam in saufte to the cite of london and they durst not 
countre w' him for he was named and taken in all places for the 
moost corageous and manliest knight lyvyng. 

Item the xij day of novembr saterday the lord Egremond 
which was prisoner at newgate brake prison and stale fro thens 
to greet jeoparde of the shirrefs. And the same moneth the 
prisoners in newegate brake their wardes and gate into the tour 
above and threw down stones and all things J»at they might fynd 
upon peple but j^anked be god they wer soon scomfite.'^ 

Item the xvj day of July seint Osmond was translated at 
Salesbury w* greet solempnyte.^ 

Item on lammesday folowyng divers householders and xvj 

men apprentices of the mercery were attached be writte of pryve 

seall and comyt to the castell of wyndesore for making a sawte 

upon the lumbardes. 

Sande- Item the xxvij day of august Sonday the Toun of Sandwich 


' Cf. the ballad set upon the gate of Canterbury city in 1460, English 
Chronicle, ed. Davies, 91-4. 

2 Similar account is given in Stow, Annals, 656 ; Vitellius A. XVI, 167 ; 
Fabyan, 632. 

" The bull for his canonization was obtained, after some difficulty, in the 
spring of 1457. See Thatcher, History of Salisbury, 1843, 125-37. 


was robbed and dispoilled be enemys withoute rebuk or damage 
doon to theym. 

verte ad iiij'"' X folium precedens parte reversa.* 
Item upon seint Edwards day the xiij day of Octobrep. 152 
Sir Robert Chamberleyn knyght and the twoo middeltons yede 
toward the See out of london w' V° men waged be the citee to 
the rescus of Caleis and comfort of J^e Erie of Warrewik being 
then ther for the sauf gard therof. 

Q... r William Edwards) Geffrey Boleyn maior 1457-8 

Thomas Reyner ) anno xxxvj" 

This yer the iij day of novembr the xxxvj yer was a greet 
assemble and moustres of men of the Shii-es about the citee by 
the kings comandement. Oo moustre atte long feld betwene 
harrengey park and Wheston and a nother moustre at houndes- 
lowe heth upon Thursday which was a wete day and the friday 
was a nother moustr at seint George feeld in Suthwerk which 
was grevous to the comones. 

Item maistr pecok Bisshop of Chichestr the saterday the iij 
day of decepbr for sook and left all his points of heresy at 
lambhith afore the Bisshopes of Caunterbury Wynchestre and 
Rochestre and be toke him to his open penaunce which was doon 
the morn after at powles crosse in greet audience and sight of 
peple and many of his bokes brent ther.^ 

Item the xxiiij day of March our lady Eve of Annunciacion 
the king and quene being at Westminster and divers lordes 
condescended and agreed and ther made a full unyte and peas 
betwene the dukes of york and somerset and betwene the Erles 
Warrewyk Salesbury Northumbrelond and lord Clifford : ^ and 
the king pardoned all things doon afore aswell at Seint Albons 
as elles wher and proclamacion made peroi the same day thurgh 
the citee and therupon on the morn * the King and Quene and 
the lordes yede a procession at powles (which ^) was a greet 
gladnes and comfort to the peple. 

1 The continuation is, as a matter of fact, only thirty-four leaves behind 
this part of the chronicle in the present arrangement of the leaves ; it is in 
the same hand but is more cramped. 

" Cf. above, p in. 

» Whethamstede, i. 298-308, gives the text of the agreement ; cf. for the 
procession Stow, Annals, 659-60. A ballad on the reconciliation is printed 
in the Chronicle of London, ed. Nicolas, 251-4, and Pol. Poems, ii. 254. 

* The words ' on the morn ' are repeated. " Omitted in the MS. 

1125 K 


Item the ix day of maij the seid Erie of Warrewyk be the 
kings comanndement rood thurgh the citee in enbasset w* a 
goodly felauship. 

Item the Thursday xvj day of Novembr ^ the King and Quene 
being at Westminster a man of the kinges hous and a noj^er of 
the seid Erie of Warrewyk fell at bate w'yn the paleys and the 
Erles man hurt the kings man. Wherfor the Erie of Warrewyk 
shuld have be comyt to the Tour but he wisely purveied a 
remedy Jierfor. 

145S-9 Shireffs ^. -^ , ' [Thomas Scot maior a° xxxvij" 

This yer the fifryday the xiij day of apriil^ was a greet 
skirmyssh in ffletestrete betwene peple of the same strete and 
the men of court which contynued in fight and scott betwene 
theym iij houres. And the belles at seint Brides and seint 
Donstones range okewards^ all the tyme for to have socour of 
the citee. Howe be hit be cause the king and the lordes lay at 
Westminster and aboute keping the counseill litle rescue as noon 
P- 154 cam oute of the citee soo that the men of ffletestrete had the 
victory and the men of court were overthrowe and discomfite 
and divers of them taken and led to prison and many oon after 
dyed of theym and of ffletestrede deyed V persones and as god 
wold the Bisshopes and an heroude from the king cam and cesed 
theym and the crosses and our lordes body born w' prestes 
reversed betwene theym and elles hadde the men of court been 
sleyn and their Innes destroied : nevertheles Cliffords Inne was 
despoilled and the men of court dryven thens and moche harme 
doon on the Temple. 

Item afterwards in the moneth of maij divers men of ffletestrete 
and of men of lawe wer for the same cause arrested and comyt to 
prison, som to Wyndesore castel and som to other casteles. 

* The English Chronicle, ed. Davies, 78, says November 9, which ' seems 
to have been the true date' (Kingsford, Chron. of Land., 317), this making 
Bale just a week out. 

' Bale preserves the fullest account we possess of this riot, though all the 
chroniclers, save Hall, mention it. Stow, Annals, 660, and Vitellius A. XVI, 
169, tell us that the Queen's attorney was slain and give the name of the 
alderman who was sent to prison for the disturbance ; cf. above, p. 113. 

' Okewards, awkwards, backwards, in the wrong direction, with a back 
stroke (Murray). 


Item the viij day of Juyn cam riding Jjurgh the citee and fet w' 
Bisshopes a legat that cam from the pope : ^ at that tyme the 
Erie of Warrewyk being in kent (and) hadde gadered a greet 
felauship and a navy of shippes entending to kepe the see and to 
meet w* the fleet of Spayn and doo som enterprise upon the see 
in resisting the power and malice of the king and the londes 
adversaries wheryn that noo lorde of the lond toke the jeoparde 
nor laboured for the honour and profite of the king and ]?e londe 
but only he for the which manhode and his greet pollecy and 
dedes doyng of worship in fortefieng of Cales and other feates of 
armes (that) all the cominalte of this lond hadde him in greet 
laude and chierte for the substaunce and all other landes in lyke p. i55 
wyse: and soo repute and take for as famous a knight as was 

Item ^ the begynnyng of July the seid Erie of Warrewyk 
mette in the See ij Carrykkes of Jean and iij greet Spaynessh 
shippes which weren arraied and stuffed w' men in greet nombr 
for werr and he scomfited and toke oon carryk and the iij greet 
shippes and slewe moch peple and brak the mast of the other 
carryk which escaped.* 

Item the same moneth a part of ludgate to wards the sowth 
was broken and take down wher was found old coigne. 

Item ^ the xx day of Septembr ^ the seid Erie Warrewyk rood 

^ The Legate Coppini, Bishop of Terni, came to England in this year in 
order to gain the King's support for the Council to be held in Mantua in the 
following year to devise plans for repelling the Turk (Rymer, xi. 419 ; Whet- 
hamstede, i. 331). He visited the King at Coventry, and after a stay of some 
length, returning by way of Calais, he changed his plans, and in June 1460 
again crossed to England with the Earl of Warwick (Eng. Chron., ed. Davies ; 
S. P. Venetian, i. 91). He took sides with the Yorkists, and after Edward's 
accession was rewarded therefor, liberally enough to excite the anger of the 
Pope against him (Rymer, xi. 468 ; Ellis, Original Letters, 3rd series, i. 

* Cf. above, p. 72. 

' There is a possible change of the date of writing or even hand here ; the 
ink is less black. 

* Cf. Rawl. B. jjj, above, p. 112, and note. This was the third of Wa rwick's 
sea fights ; Bale omits all mention of the two combats of the preceding 

" There is another but slighter change in the colour of the ink here. 

* The date of Warwick's return is not given elsewhere, and it has been 
assumed that he came over to England after the battle of Blore Heath, which 
took place on the 23rd of September. Salisbury was undoubtedly ' very in- 
ferior in point of numbers ', the estimates varying ' from 500 to 5,000 ' (Ramsay, 

K 2 


Jjurgh the citee of london w* iij C men well arraied which cam w' 
hym from Caleis and taried in the cite but oo knight and on the 
morn rood thurgh Smythfeld to his castell of Warrewyk wher 
the king and the Quenes meyne hadde doone moch hurt but 
they aveided and bood not his comyng and than he rood forth 
from thens toward the Erie of Salesbury his ffader which was in 
greet jeoparde of lyf to have be destroied by the Quens meyne 
but or the twoo Erles wer mette to gider the men of the Quene 
to the nombre of xij M recountred w' \>e seid Erie Salesbury 
havyng iij M persones in his company and ]>e same Erie and his 
men overthrewe the Quenes peple and slewe and toke xv knigts 
and divers Gentiles and after that the same twoo Erles mette to 
gider and yeven to the Duke of york and Erles of the march and 
of Rutland and whan they wer assembled they toke a feld to 
p. 156 J^entent to shewe unto the kyngs highnes the mischefe of his 
land for the defaute of good rule because they hadde noon ofer 
mean to com to his presence in saving their lives and they hadde 
w' them XX M peple and the king 1. M.' 

1459-60 mair William Hulyn t 1^ pi f Shirrefs a° xxxviij" 

And the xviij day of Octobr the seid duk and Erles left the 
ffeld because the king was in the vaward and displaied his baner 
to fight therfor and in eschewyng of his deth and shedding of 
greet blode the same duke and Erles ffled and departed that is 
to wite the seid duk and Erie Rutland his sone into Irland and 
the Erie of March his son and heir and the seid Erles of 
Warrewyk and Salesbury to Caleys. 

Item the moneth of novembre was a parliament at Coventry ^ 
and ther the same lordes and many knightes and Gentiles wer 

Lancaster and York, ii. 214), so that Bale's figure may not be very far out^ 
the Queen is said by A Short English Chronicle (72) to have had 14,000 men ; 
cf. Whethamstede, i. 328. 

^ Bale forgets to mention Henry's offer of an amnesty, refused by the party 
of the Duke of York (Whethamstede, i. 339 ; Ramsay, ii. 215) ; in hke manner 
he gives no account of the desertion from the Yorkist camp of certain profes- 
sional soldiers, a defection which was probably of more moment in causing 
the dispersal of York and his followers than their feelings of loyalty to the 
King. A Short English Chronicle also estimates the King's numbers at 50,000 ; 
cf. Gairdner, Fasten Letters, i, Introd. ccvii-ccviii. 

* Parliament met November 20 ; the Bill of Attainder is given in Rot. 
Pari., v. 346-50 ; Whethamstede, i. 346-56. 


atteint of high treson and j^erupon proclamed traiters thurgh the 

Item^ the xxij day of Juyn Sonday C dominical lettre oon 
Judde a conery of london a breton born, which hadde malicously 
ymagined and laboured to ordeyn and make all things for werr 
to ]?e distruccion of ]>e seid duke of yorke and all the other lordes 
and reported them for traitors in greet violence was slayn after 
his demerit be yond seint albons and so wrechedly as a caitif 
eended his life.^ 

Item the Wednesday folowyng the seid Erles of March, 
Warrewik and Salesbre entred and toke the town of sandewich 
and ther toke oon mountfort capitaigne w* V c. men in lyvere of 
portcules waged by the kings counseill to goo to Guynes to 
rescu and fortify the duk of Somerset which kept })at hold be 
comaundement of the kings counseill to rebuke and in dispite of 
the seid lordes which letle profited him. And J^e seid mountford 
beheded at Cales.^ 

Verte folio tercio precedenti 

Item the next Wednesday folowyng which was the ij day of p. 151 
July the same lordes cam into london w' Vc. horsemen and ledde 
an ost of foot men of comones of Kent Sussex and Surrey 
nombred at Ix M.* which hadde pight their ffeld be side seint 
George Barre the day afore. And thedir was sent oute of the 
citee be advise of the mair and vuds * the Recordor and certen 
aldermen and endrs ^ to entreat the seid lordes that they shuld 

^ The hand becomes slightly smaller here, as if the writer found his space 
becoming limited. 

■^ Cf. A Short English Chronicle, 73 : ' And this year Judde, that was 
master of the King's ordnance, as he carried ordnance to the King's ward 
a little beyond Seynt Albons, he was slain on St. Albon's Day ' (June 22). 
Judde was a London merchant who was created master of ordnance in 
December 1456 for his gifts of artillery to the King {Excerpta Historica, 10), 
and was therefore naturally somewhat odious to the Yorkist partisan. 

' This account differs slightly from that given by Whethamstede (i. 370-1) 
and Worcester (772), who say — apparently more correctly — that Sandwich 
was captured by an expedition from Calais, and Mundeford sent to execution 
in this latter place, some days before the rebel lords crossed over. Whetham- 
stede adds that they took the step on Lord Fauconbridge's representation 
of the friendliness of Kent and Sussex towards them ; the English Chronicle 
(86, 91) corroborates this. 

*■ Whethamstede, i. 370, says they had more than 40,000 soldiers ; Wor- 
cester, 772, estimates their force at 20,000 men. 

° I cannot make out these two words ; the first one might possibly be 
meant for ' vices ', short for ' vicecomites ', and the sense of the second place 
would suggest the word ' others '. 


1459-60 not emproche to entre into the cite but take their cours another 
wey for displaiser of the King and his counseill which hadde 
yoven by thadvys of his counseill comanndement unto the mair 
to resist them and had willed and sent unto the mair the lord 
Scales and other to help the cite to w'stand the seid lordes and 
put them a bak which lord Scales the comones in no wyse wold 
agree nor assent to have to such entent for they considered that 
the cite was mighty and of power w'in hit self to resist the seid 
lordes and their power, w' out any ayde of lordes yif that the 
seid lordes hadde ofierwyse entended than the worship and weel 
of the King and his comenes : which was well understood J^at 
they entended and willed and applied to their power and the 
honour and good prosperite to be had in every degree howe 
so ever they wer reported.' 

Item the same day after that the seid lordes hadde take them 
lodgeing atte Grey fifreres w*yn newgate which wer suffred so to 
doo upon certein pointments that they gave unto seid messangers 
aforseid sent to ];em be ]>e seid citee than the seid Ost and feeld 
brake and they cam {"urgh the citee and rested them in the ffeld 
next unto seint Johanes beyond Smythfeld. And on the friday 
and Saterday suyng they brake agein and departed in twoo 
weyes ]>at is to wite oon wey toward Seint Albons and that other 
wey toward Ware because that the seid lordes wold mete w* the 
king and countre w* his ost and lett and stopp pern peh entre into 

' This representation of the attitude of the city is to some extent borne 
out by the official civil records for the time (quoted by Sharpe, London 
and the Kingdom, i. 297-301) ; in January of this year the governors 
of the capital had taken objection to a royal commission formed to 
collect forces against the Yorkist party, on the ground that by recognizing 
its powers the Uberties of the city might be prejudiced. A deputation to the 
King secured a pledge that no such thing was intended. The same feelings, 
aided by the strong Yorkist opinion in the city, forced the Lords Hungerford 
and Scales, who had been left to hold London for the King, to retire to the 
Tower {English Chronicle, ed. Davies, 95), so that when the advance of the 
rebel lords came, the city was left to meet it unhampered and unaided. The 
authorities at first (June 27) decided to resist the entry of the Yorkists and 
ordered measures to be taken to defend the city ; within two days, however, 
they were less confident or less loyal, and a deputation was sent to ask the 
intention of the lords now advancing through Kent, their forces growing 
hourly. A letter from the Earl of Warwick— popular if only for his naval 
victories— disposed the civic authorities to regard the Yorkists' advent with 
more equanimity, and after the second deputation and reply, backed as it 
was by the sight of the immense and unruly host congregated across the river 
in Southwark, no objection was offered to the passage of the lords with their 
forces through the city. 


the Isle of Ely, wher ]7en the kings counceill hadde proposed 
as was seid to have left the king and for their strength and 
saufgard ther to have hiden. But in as moche as the kings 
counseill might not opteyn that purpose they set a feld beside 
Northampton and thedir cam the seid lordes and their peple 
departed in iiij Batailles and J?er was nombred than of them 
C Ix M. and of the kings Ost xx M. And on the thursday was 
Bataill in which wer slain in ]>e kings Ost the Duk of Buk, the 
Erie Shrovesbury the lord Beaumond the lorde Egremond and 
many oj^er gentiles and of oj^er to the nombre of 1. persones 
and on J>° of'er partie not over viij persones and the king pre- 
served and kept ]>an in his magestie Roiall atte plaisur of ]>e 

verte ad tercium folium huius libri in principio. 
Item the ix day of decembre the King lieing atte Bisshops p. 87 
paleys at powles the seid duke of york which that be auctorite 
and graunte of the king and his parliament was assigned and 
chosen for the weell and rule of J^is lond, rode toward York and 
oJ7er places of )?is lond w' strength of peple having the kings full 
power ^ to arrer the enemies and to set Oyes Determyners and 
punysh and redresse rebellious malefactors oppressours extor- 
cioners and theeves in eny cost haunting and to arreste the 

^ The battle took place July lo ; Whethamstede, i. 372, gives the numbers 
of the Yorkists as over 60,000, and adds that the King had a smaller force ; 
tii& English Chronicle, ed. Davies, 96, also states the lords had 60,000 men 
' as it was said '. Bale's estimate of those killed is singularly small ; while it 
is true that Stow, Annals, 669, relates how Warwick had before the conflict 
' let cry ' that ' no man should lay hand upon the king nor on the common 
people, but on the lords, knights, and esquires ', the estimate of Worcester, 
773, that over 300 were killed, seems more reasonable. 

It seems incredible that after having followed so closely the events in 
London for the preceding years, and not least the meetings of Parliament, 
Bale should have omitted all mention of the advent of the Duke of York to 
the capital in October, the session of Parliament beginning in the same month 
wherein Richard laid formal claim to the throne, and the settlement arrived 
on the 31st of October {Rot. Pari., v. 377-80). The disorder of arrange- 
ment in the earlier part of the chronicle, coupled with the fact that the end of 
the work is missing, points to the conclusion that before the MS. was bound, 
several leaves were lost ; John Bale says the work reached to the beginning 
of the reign of Edward IV, which at present it does not quite do ; it will be 
noticed that the directions in the latter part of the chronicle as to where to 
turn for the continuation do not agree with the present arrangement of the 

'^ He had authority from Parliament to raise forces with which to repress 
riots {Rot. Pari., v. 382). 


1459-60 malice and surrecion entended be the Quene, the prince, the 
Dukes of Excestre and of Somerset and of j^e Erles of 
northumberlande, pembroke and Kyme called Tailboys, also 
(the) Erie of Devenshire the lord Clifferd and the lord Roos 
and also of the Erie Wilton which was fled into fflaunders and 
of their power. Which wer sett of afBnite and purposed as was 
reported and seid to have doon greet myschief and hurtes as 
they afore had used undre counciles and colour of supporting 
the kings right which proved evermore contrary as shewed be 
their werke. 

Item ^ the same day the Erie of Salesbury rode thurgh Chepe 
not having w* him over a C. persones nor the seid Due over 
iij [? c] persones for hit was seid hit shuld not need them to have 
more multitude be cause the contryes wer advised to resort and 
strength them in J»eir journey. And oon called lovelac a 
Gentilman of Kent folowed them w* greet ordenannce of Gounes 
and other stuffs of werre. 

Item upon Cristemas day and newyeres day the king yede 
crouned a procession at powles and on cristemas day the king 
fested atte Bisshops paleys at london the maior aldremen of this 
citee and ]>er was greet rialte. And on the morn after newe 
yeresday cam hevy word and tidings to the king and my lord of 
Warrewik that the duke of york, the Erie Rutland his sone and 
the Erie Salesbury wer trayterously and ageinst lawe of armes 
be taking of Tretys graunted, mordred and slain in the north 
beside pountfreite in a feld called wakefield ^ by the fals 
meanes and power arrered by the duk of Somerset the Erie 
Northumberland the lorde Roos and the lord Clifford and the 
lorde Nevyll and andrewe trollop and ojiers. And they made 
their quarell in colour of that myschevous dede doing and they 
entended j^erby to have the king at large surmetting by lettres 
of deffiance that they sent to the mair and comones of london 
that the king was enprisoned at london which was fals and be 

' There is again a slight change in the colour of the ink here, probably 
representing entry at not quite the same time as the portion immediately 

* Two days before, December 30, 1460. The Epitaph for the Duke of 
York (Pol. Poems., ii. 256) expresses a view akin to that of Bale : 
Ce noble Due a Wacquefelde mourut 
Doux paix traitant force sur luy courut. 


that meanes they dispoilled divers places and robbed and slewe 
peple be yond the trent shamefull to rite. 

Item the xxviij day of Janyver began the parliament agein 
and was hold at powles and all the countrees and shyres made 
greet peple to goo and be avenged upon the seid lordes in the 
north for their seid cruell dede.^ 


Thomas Chalton Maior S^^" ST"^'1 a" xxviij" '4495° 

Wilham Hulyn ) ■' fo. 39. 

This yere was the Bataill at the brigge.'^ And this yere the 
moste parte of Normandy was lost. Also in feveryere the seid 
xxviij yere the parlement beganne at the blak freres and con- 
tynued till Ester after but they myght nat accorde. In the mene 
tyme the duke off Suffolke was arrested and putt in the Toure 
and grete wacche was made in the Cytee of London all the parle- fo. 39^ 
mente tyme and after Ester the parlement was aiourned to 
leycestre and there was till after Witsontyde and no thyng pro- 
ceded. In the mene while the duke of Suffolk as he was in the 
see goyng over he was taken by a schipp called Nicholas of the 
toure and his hed smytten of on mayday and the body and the 
hed cast on the sandes beside dover. And sone after the comons 
of kent arose w* grete power and com doune to blak heth the xi 
day of Juyn and there enbaytaled them and picched them round 
about w* stakis and dichis and there abode vii dayes. And whan 
the kyng harde this whiles he was at leycestre he made all the 
lordys gadder all the puysaunce that they couth to go w' hym 
ayenst the kentysshmen and so they did and com to london and 
sent dyvers lordys to the blak heth to witt what they ment. 

^ The chronicle ends imperfectly here with a reference, not to be verified 
in the volume in its present state, 'penultima scripti folia xxx" sequentia 
finitur . . . cronicula regis.' 

' This apparently refers to the fight described below by which the Kentish- 
men were finally driven out of the city. The account of the rising given here 
resembles that in the Vitellian Chronicle, and to a slightly less extent that of 
Fabyan, but it gives several dates— as that of the arrival of the Kentishmen 
at Blackheath— and other details not found in the other two records. 


1449-50 And they seid they were petycyoners and besought the kyng 
that ceiteyn thyngis that they felt hem agreved w' myght be 
amended. But the kyng wolde nat graunt them. The Capteyn 
of them they called John Mortymere : and divers appoyntmentis 
were taken w' hem but they wolde not holde them wherfor the 
thursday the xviij day of Juyn the kyng toke all his lords w* all 
theire peopill in goode array after fourme of werre and rode to 
blakheth but the capteyn and his meyne were goone the 
night afore but no man knewe whidder. Wherfor certeyn 
lordys that kept the forward followed theire trace. And it hap- 
pened that Sir Umfrey Stafford Knyght and William Stafford 
Squyer and an other Squyer w* all theire menny mett w* the 
kentysshmen about Sevenok and there bikerd w* theym and 
there were Slayne the said Sir Umfrey and William and 
many of their men. And on the fryday after dyvers lordys 

fo. 40 men drewe them gidder on the blak heth and seid that they 
sawe theire frendys slayne and that they were like to be 
sleyn also yff they followed the kyng and his traitors. And 
whanne the duke of Bokyngham hard that he went to the kyng 
to grenewiche and told hym that his pepill wolde forsaake hym 
w* out he wolde do execucion on his traitours. Wherefor anon 
the kyng made the lorde Saye to be arrested and brought to the 
tower by the duke of Excestre and on the morn after midsomer 
day ' the kyng remeved from Westminster to the castell of 
kelyngworth : but or he went it was tolde hym the kentysshmen 
wolde com ageyne. Wherefor he sent for the meier and alder- 
men and counceill of london and commaunde theym to kepe 
them out off the cytee. And the morn after seynt peter's day 
the captein of kent com to blak heth ageyn and there beheded 
oon pareis a pety Capteyn of hys : ^ and on the same day there 
come tythyngs to london that the Bysshop of Salisbury was 
slayn in Wyltshire.^ And on the thursday the first day of 
Juyll the capetayn w* his ost com into Suthwerke and there 
leged all nyght and the gatis of the brigge were shutt save the 
wykkett : and that was kept w* harnessed men : but ))it by leve 

1 Cf. Bale, above. 

' ' Forasmuch as he had offended against such ordinances as he had estab- 
lished in his host,' Fabyan tells us. 

' The death of Bishop Aiscough is mentioned at the end of the entry for 
the year in Vitellius A. XVI. 


men went oute but the kentysshmen wolde nat suffre men to pass 
the ferther Stulpis ^ of the brigge after they were come : and the 
same day the comons of Essex come doune to mile end to the 
seid capteyne, and oon the morn after the comons of london 
wente to yelde hall by cause of a sommaunce made by a commis- 
sion that was sent from the kyng to certeyn lordys and to the 
maier and certeyn Justices for to enquire of all thoo persones p^ 
were traytours extorcyoners and oppressours of the kynges 
people but the Justices wolde nott be founde. Wherefor the 
comons of london were right wroth. Neverthelesse certeyn 
Enquestis were called and while the maire satt the comons fo. 40^ 
cryed soore on Malpas aldreman and caused that he was dis- 
charged of his cloke. And Robert Home an o]>" aldreman 
)?rough the noise of the pepill was there arrested and put in 
Newgate : and the same day at V. of the clok at after noone the 
said capetayn com into london over the brigge and hewe the 
roopis a sundre that the drawe brigge was bent w* and whan he 
was at seynt Magnus he made a crie that no man in his host 
upon peyne of dethe dispoyled no man in london and ayen at 
leden hall. And forthe w* he went to Malpas place and dispoiled 
all that was ]?erein and after rode oute to myle ende to the oste 
of Essex men and from thens ayen into Suthwerk the same 
nyght: and on the morowe the maier and aldremen and ii 
Justice satte at yelde hall and charged x. questis. Which 
endited the lorde Say and other of treson and or the maier went 
to the hall he sent Home to the capteyn and he raunsoned hym 
and many other men of the citee : and while the maier was at the 
hall the capetayn com ageyn into london and went to the fflete 
and from thens to oon Crowmere a Squyer that hadde wedded 
the lorde Sayes dowghter and had been shireff of kent and doon 
grete extorcion there as they seid and he beheded hym at white 
chapell w* oute algate w* an other man that was called bailly 
and a clerke ^ and brought the heddys on stakys jjourow london 

1 Stulp, ' a stout short post fixed in the ground ' (Wright) ; Gloucester in 
1425 accused the Bishop of Winchester of having barred his road by 'letting 
draw the chain at the Stulpes ' of London Bridge (JtiLius B. II, Kingsford, 7J). 

^ There is no mention of a clerk, or indeed any one other than Crowmer 
and Bailey, being beheaded by Cade at this time, in Vitellius or any 
other chronicle ; it is possible the writer intended to put Bailly, a clerk, and 
as we know nothing of Bailly save that as Fabyan tells us, he suffered 


and the same day the said capteyn dyned at Cestes place by 

toure strete and took from hym greete goodys. And the same 

day at after none the lorde Saye was sent for to the toure by 

dyverse aldremen and men harnessed and brought to the yelde 

halle and there was reyned at the barre and after he was dely- 

vered to the comons ^ and ledde to the Standard in Chepe and 

fo. 41 there he was beheded and his bodye di'awe thorow london to 

seynt Thomas Waterng and there hanged and thanne quartred 

and caried ayen in to Suthwerke.^ And on the morn that was 

Sonday at night the said capteyne made a crye in Suthwerk that 

every man of the cytee shuld drawe hym in to the cytee : and 

that all his men shulde drawe to hym in theire best arraye ffor 

it was tolde hym that the maier and aldremen of london wolde 

arrere the cytee : and so hit happed that about ix of the clok in 

the evenyng the lorde Scales and Mathew Gough Squyer that 

was a noble werreoure w' theire meyny went ayenst the seide 

capteyn and his men and fought from that tyme till viii of )7° 

clokke in the momyng and much pepill slayne on bothe sidys. 

And Ji" was Slayn the said Mathew Gough and Sutton aldreman 

and oj'" worthy men of the cytee and than the kentysshmen 

sett ffire on the draw brigg so that men myght not com to 

theym and anon after viii the erche bisshopp of caunterbury ' and 

the cardenale of york chaunceler of England and other went 

bytwene and made truse. And on the morn after that was seynt 

Thomas day of Cauntorbury the seid capteyne voyded to blak- 

heth w' all his peple and so forth into kent and on thursday the 

X day of Juyll the said capteyne goods wer taken at Rochester. 

And on Sunday after Alisander Iden that was Shyreff off kent w' 

other tooke the said captayne besyde Maydestone and (he) was 

soore hurt as he was taake so that he died thereof and on Monday 

because he knew too much of Cade previous to the revolt, he may quite well 
have been the clerk. 

' Vitellius A. XVI says Lord Say was taken from the Guildhall by 'force 
and strength ' of the Kentishmen, who would not hsten to his plea to be tried 
by his peers. 

^ Vitellius and Fabyan add the name of 'Roger Heysant' to those of 
Sutton, Gough, ' and many others ' slain at the bridge. 

' The Vitellian Chronicle says the Chancellor of England ; Fabyan has 
' the Archbishop of Canterbury the Chancellor of England ', which is certainly 
wrong, as Kemp (who was made Chancellor in January of this year) was 
not made Archbishop of Canterbury until two years later, in succession to 


next foUowyng he was brought doun to Suthwerke in a litill 
carre opyn down to the myddill that men myght see hym : and 
was lefte in the kyngis bench : and on the Wednesday nex 
foUowyng he was beheded and quartred, and on thursday he was 
drawe fro the kyngs benche to Newgate and on fryday the hedde 
was sett on london brigge and the quarters kept still in Newgate fo. 41'' 
and after they were set up in dyvers partys in kent : and the same 
yere a litill afore mighelmas the duke of yorke come out off Ireland. 

Nicholas Wyfold maior J^ilU^SiddTon}— --" '''°" 

This yere on seynt lenardys day after alhalountyde anno 
domini millesimo CCCCthe parlement beganne at Westmynster: 
and the first day of decembre next follewyng the duke of 
Somersett was arrested at the blak freris in london and his 
goodys were dispoyled by the comons for there was heere than 
grete multitude of people w* the lordis strongly arrayed : and on 
the morne after that was wedenysday at after noone and before 
there were made cries in london by the duke of Yorke and the 
duke of Norfolk that no man shulde robbe nor take noo goode 
w* in the citee nor w' out upon peyn of deth : and that same day 
at noone a man was beheded at the Standard in chepe by cause 
of robbyng and on thursday next follewyng the kyng and all his 
lordys and theire meyny com rydyng thurgh london in iii ostis 
rially harnessed and (the citizens standing^) arrayed on every 
sides the stret whiles the kyng and his host went through it. 
Which was oon of the (most ^) glorious sights that ever eny 
man in these dayes sawe : and the xxviij day of Janyvere next 
suyng IfSLt was thursday the kyng and certeyne of his lordys w' 
his Justicis roode in to kent and was there about a moneth and 
helde sessions there was doon to dethe xxvj men that were 
dwellers there and wer endited of treason : ^ and on tuesday the 
xxiii day of feveryere next suyng that was seynt Mathies even 
the kyng come ayens out of kent and roode rially thurgh london : 
and in the same yere a bout Witsontyde Burdeux was lost and fo. 42 
Gaston and Guyen and in harvist after Bayon was lost. 

^ These three words, obviously omitted in the text, are supplied from the 
Vitellian Chronicle. 
' Omitted in the text. 
» Vitellius merely records the departure and return of the Kmg. 

fo. 42^ 


Stephen fiforster maior {jnHam^Taillourh""° ^^^"j° 

This yere on alhalon even the lorde Egremond was taake by 
Sir Thomas Nevyle and Sir John Nevile knyghtys by grete 
bataill in the north contree. Where was many men slayn : and 
at Newesyeres tyde after the kyng releved from his siknesse at 
grenewiche. Wherfor processions wer made at london : and w' 
in a while after the duke of yorke protectoure was discharged of 
his office and the Duke of Somerset went out of the Toure at 
his large : and in lent after the vij day of Marche the erle of 
Salisbury Chaunceller was discharged off his office ^ and the 
Bisshop of Caunterbury called Bourgchier made chaunceler : and 
the same year the pope sent Bulles in to England of pardon as 
hole as it was at Rome in the yere of Jubilee ^ and in Maij the 
Duke of Yorke the Erie of Sarum and the Erie of Warwyk 
fo. 43 assembled to theym an armye for to distroye the traitours ' 
a bout the kyng : and the xxi day of may the kyng and the 
duke of Somerset the Erie of Northumberlond the lorde Clyfford 
w* many other lordis knyghts and Squyres rode to seynt albanys 
purposed toward leycestre to holde a counceill there : and the 
XXV day off maij that was the thursday afore Witsontyde at 
seynt albons the said duke of yorke and other lordis w* theire 
armye tooke felde and y fought w* the duke off Somersett at 
none in the toune. Where )?® duke of Somersett, the Erie of 
Northumberlond the lord clyfford were slayn and duryng the 
bataiil the duke of yorke and the other lordys had the kyng into 
the abbay and there kept hym unhurt and there the kyng 
graunted to be ruled by ]>em. 

' Nicolas, Privy Council, vi. 358 ; he had been in office just eleven months, 
ibid. 355-7, Rymer, xi. 344. 

- Cf. Bale, above, p. 15^; the entry for this year is quite different from that 
in the Vitellian Chronicle ; Fabyan records only a riot in the sanctuary of 
St. Martin's-le-Grand. The battle of St. Albans took place on the 23rd of May 
(Whethamstede, i. 167-9). 

' Vitellius, 165, is not so sti-ong in its language ; it merely says the barons 
came ' to remove the said Duke of Somerset and others from the king '. 


Thomas Canyngi, & VeT.^H" --' Tj 

This yere ^ died the Erie of Richemond that was brother to 
the kyng and after that the lorde Egremond brake out of 
Newgate. Also the same yere the first day of decembre the 
Counceill beganne at Coventre where was moche murmure 
among the lordis : but as the toune sadly kept the pees for the 
yong duke of Somersett was purposed for to affrayed w' the duke 
of Yorke but the kyng and the lordys made an end therof : and 
duryng the counceill the duke of Somersett and Sir John Nevyle 
knyght son of the Erie of Salisbury had grete visagyng to gidder 
at london and mustred for to have bykered to gidder in Chepe : 
but as grace was that they wet nat togidder: and also the 
meier kept grete wacche to kepe the pees. The same yer frenche- 
men entred at Sandwiche and took there greett goodes and scope 

r" «■„ -D 11 „ • William Edward) „ .„ iact-s 

Geffrey BoUeyn maior ^, ^ ta°xxxvi° '45/ o 

•^ ■' 1 nomas Reyner ) •' fo. 44 

This yere Bisshop Pecok was abioured at Paules Crosse : and 
]>e same yere about Candilmas the Duke of Somersett the duke 
off excestre the lord Egremond and the lorde Clyfiford come to 
the Counceyll w* grete people in forme off werre and they laye 
in dyverse bishoppis placis w* out temple barre to thentent to 
have met w* the duke of york and the Erie of Salisbury as they 
had goon to Westminster by water and the maire of london 
made grete wacche in the Cytie to kepe the pees : on Chroftete- 
wesday the Erie of Warwikk come from Caleis w* a faire fello- 
shipp : and a non after that he was come the duke of somersett 
and the other lordys sent away theire meyne home to theire 
countreyes '■^ and in lent after the Erie of Northumberlond come 

' The account in Vitellius, 167, for this year is fuller than that given here, 
but it differs in one or two points ; it does not record a council at Coventry 
nor the threatened fray between Somerset and York there, though it mentions 
the near approach to a conflict between Somerset and Sir John Neville in 
London. The Council is said elsewhere to have begun on the 7th of October 
{Paston Letters, i. 403 ; cf. Introd. cxcvi). 

^ There is no parallel to this statement in the Vitellian Chronicle, and it 
does not seem a priori w&rj probable or consistent with the statement almost 
immediately following ; the attempted attack on Warwick and the service to 
pray for peace are likewise not found in Vitellius nor indeed in the other 
chroniclers. Bale records a somewhat similar move against Warwick as 


to toune the secunde sonday of lent and in the week afore myd- 
lentt on thursday the duke of Somersett and the Erie of Northum- 
berlond w* theire meyney harnessed and arride in forme of 
werre went to Westmynster to thentent to have mett with the 
Erie of Warwyk there but certeyn lordis seyng it went ayenst 
the Erie of Warwick and mett hym in his barge in thamyse 
^ and so returned him ayen ^ and so no thyng was doon 
blessed be god : and it was said that Warwik seid he wolde 
to Westmynster on the morow maugre of them all. Where- 
for the maire made grett wacche to kepe the pees. And the 
thursday after mydlent the kyng com to Westmynster : and 
on the morne there was made a generall procession to praie for 
the pees : and at after none the quene cam to the kyng and the 
weke follewyng the lordys by the kynge commandment went in 
tretice betwene the other lordys so that on oure ladys Even in 
lent y was friday they were made accorded at Westminster 
before the kyng and eche tooke other by the hande and so cam 
forthe togidder arme in arme as frendys and at after noone the 
kyng sent writyng to the maier and commanded hym to pro- 
fo. 44'' clayme J^ourgh the Cytee how the lordis were accorded and on 
the morn that was oure lady day the kyng and pe quene and all 
the lordys went on procession at powlis solemply thankyng god 
that the lordis were accorded : and there was seen that day on 
off the grettest multitude of people that day that ever was seen 
in powlis: and on thursday in the Witson weke the duke of 
Somersett wyth antony Ryvers and other iiij kept Justices^ 
afore the kyng and the quene in the toure ayenst iij Squyres of 
the quenys : and on Sonday after they kept newe Justices ^ at 
Grenewiche : and on the moneday after Trinitee Sonday certeyn 
shippes of Caleys apperteynyng unto the Erie of Warwyk mett 
in the see w* the Spannysshe shippes and there bikered w' them 
and tooke vi Spannysshe Shippes full of marchaundises : and 
other vi were drowned about Boleyn and the remenaunt of the 
Spaynayardis fled to the nombre of xvi Shippes which were 

taking place in November 1456, and there was a more serious riot between 
his men and the servants of the King's household two years later, but, unless 
Gough is confusing these several occasions, he adds yet another to the many 
minor acts of hostility between the two parties. 

1 These words are repeated in the MS. 

' Jousts. 


soone bett and moche of theire people slayne and of Englisshe- 
men were slayn about C. and many hurt.^ The same yere the 
Janewayes tooke Starmyns Shipp of Bristow and other w' hym 
y hadde been in hethenesse. Wherfor the Janewayes that were 
in london were arrested and putt in the fleete and paid for the 
harme viM markes. 

And the Thursday after ^ the Erie of Marche and the Erie of 1 460-1 
Warwik come to london wyth a grett puisshaunce and on Son- '°' ^ 
day after all the host mustred in Seynt Johannis ffelde and there 
was redde among theym certeyne articles and poyntys that kyng 
harry the vi hadde offended in ayenst the realme. And then it 
was demanded of the people whether the said harry were worthy 
to regne still and the peopill cried nay : and than was axed iff 
they wolde have the Erie of Marche to theire kyng and they 
cryed yee: and then certeyne capitaynes went to the Erie of 
Marches place at Baynardis Castell and muche people w* hem 
and tolde hym that the people had chosen hym for kyng and he 
thanked theym and by the advyce of the bisshop of Countorbury 
the Bisshop of Excestre and the Erie of Warwik w' other graunt 
it to take it upon hym : ^ and on tewesday after made cryes that 
all maner people shulde mete him on the morn that was the 
iiij day of Marche at powles at ix of the clokk and so they did : 
and thidder come the Erie of Marche w* the lordis in goodly 
array and there went on procession J^urgh the toune w* thee 
letanye: and after procession doon the bisshop of Excestre 
Chaunceler made a sermon : and at the Ende of the Sermon he 
declared the Erie of Marches right and title to the crowne and 
demaunded the people yff they wolde have hym to her kyng as 
his right axed and they cryed yee: than all the people were 
prayed to goo w* hym to Westmynster to see hym taake his 
possession and so the people did : and than the Erie of Marche 

1 Cf. for this sea fight, above, p. 112. Vitellius A. XF/ omits mention of 
any place for the battle, and gives the number of the Spanish ships fleeing 
as xxi ; Fabyan says Warwick captured six and drowned and chased xxvi. 

2 February 28, 1461 ; Cough's account of the accession of Edward IV is 
fuller than that in Vitellius or Fabyan. 

' The Vitellian Chronicle, 174, inserts in this place an account of the 
execution of Lord Bonville and Sir Thomas Kyrelle, and the flight of certain 
of the Yorkists to Flanders. 

1125 ^ 

j62, town chronicles 

w' the lordis spirituell and temporell roode thidder and whan he 
come at the halle he alighted and went in and so up to the 
chauncery and there he was Sworn afore the bisshop of Caunter- 
bury and the Chanceller off Englond and the lordis that he 
shulde truly and justly kepe the realme and the lawes there of 
/o. 47 maynteyne as a true and a Juste kyng : and than they did on 
hym kynges roobis and the cappe of Estate and than (he^) 
went and satt in the See as kyng : and than it was axed of the 
people yff they wolde have hym to kyng and hym maynteyne 
supporte and obeye as true kyng and the people cried yee : and 
then he wente thorowe the paleys to Westmynster chirche: and 
the abbot w* procession boode hym in the chirche hawe w' Seynt 
Edwardis Septure and there tooke it hym and so went into the 
Chirche and offered at the high awter w* grett Solempnitee and 
after at Seynt Edwardis shryne : and than cam doune into the 
Quere and satt there in the see whiles Te Deum was songe 
solemply : and thanne ^ went into the paleys ayene and chaunged 
his array : and after com doune by water and went to poules to 
the paleys and there logged and dyned. And the maier and the 
aldremen and comons in Westminster hall besought thee kyng 
to be goode and gracious lorde to the cytee and to the fraunchies 
theroff that they myght enjoye hem as they did afore his tyme : 
and theere he graunted hem goode lordeship and all theire 
fraunchises as they were graunted them and promitted to afferme 
them and charged the maier aldremen and comons to kepe the 
cytee to his behoffe and honoure. 

And the said kyng Edward the iiij* beganne his reigne the 
seid wedenysday that was the iiij"" day off marche the yere of 
oure lorde god Mcccc°lxj.* 

;:.7 Hugh Wych. ™i„ S;^tel„„d H'i" -5. 

This yere on Wedenesday the iiij day of Novembre began the 
parlement at Westmynster and on the morne after that was 
Thursday died John duke of Norfolk a noble prince that had 

'■ Omitted in the text. " Repeated in MS. 

' Vitellius omits the formal heading here, going straight on with the 
account of the year (not printed here from Gough as the two chronicles are 
practically identical) and inserting the heading ' Mayors and sheriffs ', &c., 
before the names of the city officers for 146 1-2. 


holpon Kyng Edward gretly to his right ^ on whom god have 
mercy : and on all halowen day at Westmynster the kyng made fo. 48^ 
his yong brother Richard duke of Gloucestre the lorde bourgchier 
Erie of Essex and the lorde fawconbrigge Erie of Kent : and the 
kyng kepte his Cristmas at Grenewiche and his moder at Eltham 
and theire was the yeres mynde kepte of the duke off yorke 
rially on New Yeres even the masse and on the morow after xii 
day the kyng remeved toward Cauntorbury and so forthe to 
Sandwiche ^ bicause it was seid that Shipmen had caried away 
Som of the Shippes : and the xii"' day off feveryere the Erie 
off Oxenford and the lorde awbrey vere his son Sir Thomas 
Tudenham William Terell and other were brought into the 
toure of london ffor treason : and on Satirday the xx*'' day of 
the seid moneth the said lorde aubrey was drawe from West- 
mynster to the tower hill and there beheded. And on the xxiij 
day of feveryere next after that was Tuesday and seynt Mathewes 
evyn Sir Thomas Todenham Tyrell and Mongomery were be- 
heded atte Towre Hill : and on friday next ffolewyng the Erie 
of Oxenford was led on his fete fro Westmynster to towre hill 
and there beheded at afternone : and is buried at frere Austyns 
and the last daye off Juyll the Castell of Anwik was yolden to 
the lorde hastyngis by poyntment : and the Erie off Kent with 
bisshoppes went in to Breteyn and J^ere gate the He of Conkett 
and patised it to Englond in the begynnyng of Septembre. 

r.- u J T • Richard Gardener^ ^„„ „ 1469-70 

Richard Lee maior j^^j^^^^ j^^^^p^ [annox". fo. 5^. 

This yere after alhalontyde there was proclamacions made in 
london by ]>e kyngis commanndement that the kyng had par- 
doned all the Northynmen for their Rysyng and all other as 
well for the deth of the lorde Ryvers as other : and afterward 
there was moche a doo for a rysyng that was made in lincoln 

' As in the instance noticed above, Vitellius is more non-committal in its 
tone, merely saying of the Duke that he had been ' a great helper to King 
Edward '. 

^ The Vitellian Chronicle records Edward's journey to Canterbury, but 
says nothing of its continuance to Sandwich ; there were rumours current at 
the time, however, that the French were about to invade the country, and the 
King may have gone so far. 

L % 


Shire : and the kyng ordeyned him to goo thidder ward. And 
in feveryere the Erie off Warwik com to london ayene and or he 
cam there was moche a doo for billes that were sett up in divers 
places in london of the duke of Claraunce and him : and on 
Shrofe Sonday the kyng hadd purposed to have goone North- 
ward and the same day the duke off Claraunce com to toune: 
and therefor the kyng taried as it was seid till Shroftywesday or 
he yede : and that same day at iij after noone the kyng come 
from Westmynster to Baynardis Castell in a barge and his 
lordys with hym : and so they com to poules and the kyng 
offred and thanne went to horsebak and Roode to Ware the 
same nyght and w' hym the Erie of arondell and percy that was 
newe made Erie of Northumbrlond and the lorde hastyngis ^ and 
other : and at ]?at tyme the Erie of Warwik was at Warwik and 
had reysed moche people . . ? 

1494-5 Also on ffryday the xxx"" day off Janyvere the seid yere satt 

^°- 51 in the seid Guyhalde on a determyner the maier the duke of 
Bukkyngham the lorde markes the Erie off Aronndell the Erie 
off Derby the Erie of Suffolke the Erie of Essex the Erie of 
Surrey the Erie of Vrmond the lorde off Burgeveny the lorde 
Hhastyngs J>e lorde Daubeney the lorde Denham Sir Reynolde 
Braye Sir Thomas Lovell dyverse Juges Barons and aldremen 
and there were brought afore theym the deane off poulis the 
provyncyall off the blak fryers ^ the prior off langley Sir Symond 
momford Sir Robert Ratclyff* w* William Daubeney and his 
servant Cresseno of Clementes ynne and a dowcheman all whiche 
persones was endyted off Treson and confessed the same treson 
save oonly Sir Robert Ratclyff: and there were juged to be 

^ The names of Arundel and Hastings are omitted in the Vitellian record, 
which is, however, almost identical with Cough for this as for the immediately 
preceding years. 

^ The chronicle breaks off abruptly here, the end apparently being lost. 
The fragment for the year 1494-5 is probably part of a continuation by 
another hand ; the writing is less clear, the parchment less smooth, the 
pages are not ruled and there is no underlining of names and capital letters 
as in the earlier part. 

' Vitellius, 203, adds of him 'a noble divine and famous preacher'. 
Langley Priory was close to Norwich ; cf. for these trials, Busch, 94-6, 340. 

* ' Sometime porter of Calais,' Vitellius ; and of Thwaites ' sometime 
Treasurer of Calais'; Daubeny likewise is described as 'sometime clerk of 
the Jewel house with King Edward IV'. 


drawen from the toure of london to tyborne the dene of poulys 
the provyncyall of the blak ffryers the prior of langeley and 
there to be hanged and quartred. 

Also on Saterday the last day off Janyvere the seid yere sat 
in the seid guyhall on determynyng the maier and all the seid 
lordys and there were brought befoore them Sir Thomas 
Tvvhaytes Sir Symond Momforde Sir Robert Ratclyff Docto<r) 
Sutton master Lassy master Thomas Warde Doctor Suttones 
brother master William Daubeny Cressno of Clementes Jnne 
a maryner^ and a dowcheman and there were Juged the same 
day to be drawen from Newgate to the tour hill and there to be 
heded and quartred Doctor Sutton master dawbeney Cresno of 
Clemente Jnne a maryner a man off yorke and a dowcheman 
and there was endyted off consperysy Sir Thomas Twhaytes. 

Also on Wedenesday ^ the iiij"' day off ffeveryere were drawen fo. 51^ 
from Newesgate to the towere hill and there beheded Sir Symon 
Momford Sir Robert Ratclyff master William Daubeney and 
there were that had ther charters Cresno and a man of yorke. 

Also the same day was apeched the archebisshop of yorke 
and cam before the lordys in the starre Chambre and there was 
suerty ffor hym body for body and goodes for goodes my lorde 
of Cauntorbury Chanceler of Englond. 

Also on thursday the v"* day of ffeveryere was drawen ffrom 
Newegate to tiborne and there hanged and quartred the maryner 
and a fflemmyng. 

Also the same day satt in the yelde hall on a determynacioner 
the maier dy verse Jugis the kynges solysitor and the Recordor 
and there were dyverse enquestes charged and there was 
dampned oon pety John * to be drawen and hanged at Tyborne. 

Also on ffryday the vi"' day of feveryere in the kynges benche 

' Vitellius gives the names of the mariner, a ' shipman ' as it calls him, 
Robert Holborn, and of the Dutchman as Hans Troys ; the ' man of york' is 
also defined more exactly as Thomas Astwode, steward of Marton Abbey (in 
the North Riding of Yorkshire) ; Doctor Sutton is described as 'the parson 
of St. Stephen's in Walbrook ', but Thomas Warde is omitted (unless he is 
Thomas Astwode the Yorkshire man). 

' Vitellius adds that an inquest took place on the Tuesday also, but gives 
no particulars ; of the pardon of Cressyner and Astwood it remarks that the 
judgement ' gladded much people for they were both young men ' ; it omits 
all mention of Archbishop Rotherham's impeachment. 

' ' A stranger, called a Briton ' ( Vitellius). 


satt the chieff Juge, the chiefif Juge of the cotnon place Sir guy 
ffarefaxx the chieff Bafon off the Chekker w* other Jugis the 
duke off Bokyngham the lorde markes the Erie off Arundell the 
Erie of Essex the Erie off Surrey the Erie of Suffolk the Erie of 
Northumberlond the lorde Hastynges the lorde Stewarde the 
lorde Denham the lorde burgeveny the lorde grey cotenor ^ the 
lorde Wellys Sir Reynold Bray and Sir Thomas lovell and there 
was indyted of treson Sir Williom Stanley lorde chamberleyn 
and there reyned. 
fo. 52 Also on Saterday the vii*'' day off ffeveryere all the seid Jugis 

and lordys satt in the kyngis benche and there was reyned Sir 
William Stanley lorde Chamberleyne and by a quest was dampned 
and had jugement by the chieff jugge to be drawen from the 
rounde hous at Westminster to the towre hill and there hanged 
and after his hed smytten of and his bowells brent. 

^Also the xvj day off feveryere moneday was Sir William 
Stanley Lorde Chamberleyne pardoned off the kyng off hangyng 
and drawyng and the seid day bytwene xj and xij at noone was 
he ledde from the toure of london to the toure hyll and there his 
hed smytten off and is beryed at Saint Donnstones ^ in the . . . 

fo. 104 


14150 Ricardus Lee miles , t u jT^Q 

^^^ Joannes Lambard J •'^ 

Dux Eboraci cum exercitu mittitur in Borean inhibiturus 
conatus regine et aliorum qui decretis parliamenti rebellarent. 
Nam in iisdem decretis erat ut si rex pactis non staret e vestigio, 
dux regaliam possideret. Regina cum exercitu duci occurrens 

^ Cod nor in Derbyshire. 

'' This sentence is in a smaller hand save for the last three words, which 
are in large heavy writing. There is a final entry, scrawled and partly 
illegible, relating how some person named Antony ' the xvj daye of maye in 
anno domini 1550 begane to playe on the fyddell and yt was granted to him 
to make a froude (?) on every mans dore ... he dyd playe (. . .) and so 
play at 3 of the cloke in the mornyng '. 

' Probably St. Dunstan's in the East, close to the Tower, is meant, but we 
learn from the privy purse accounts of Henry VII for 1495 'hat £1^ igs. 
was paid ' for Sir William Stanley's buryall at Syon ' {Excerpta Historica, 

TANNER 3 167 

victoria potlta est \ ubi occisi sunt ipse dux Eboraci, comes 
Rutlond, Thomas Nevyll eques auratus, etc. Et comes Sarum, 
Johannes Harowe, dux peditum et alii capti decapitati sunt ad 
pountfret in fine decembris. Comes Marchie tunc existens 
Shrewsbury audita cede patris collecto^ exercitu acre prelium 
habuit contra comites Penbrok et Wyltschyre ad crucem Mar- 
tineri in Walliam in principio fifebruarii. In quo victoria cessit 
comiti Marchie. Regina cum principe et dominis septentrionali- 
bus coacto grandi exercitu ad sanctum Albanum occurrunt duci 
Northfolchie et comiti Warwyke cum suo exercitu in fine februa- 
rii.* Ubi regina victrix fugatis adverse partis ductoribus regem 
henricum illucadductum recepit et dominum Bewelde et Thomam 
Tyrryll equitem auratum decapitavit et sic cum rege et toto exer- 
citu redierunt in Borealia. Comes Marchie et Comes Warwyke 
venerunt londonium ubi ex dominorum consensu comes Marchie 
declaratus est 4 die Martii rex Edwardus 4 quia dictabant regem 
henricum contravenisse decretis parliamenti. Edwardus autem 
comparato exercitu profectus est in septentrionem, ubi ad Towton 
prope Eboracum cum grandi exercitu occurrit Rex Henricus 23 
die martii, qui erat dominica palmarum, et utrinque cruenter 
dimicatum est ut occisa dicantur 3c Milia hominum. In eo 
prelio victor evasit Edwardus, imperator acclamatus est ubi ex 
parte henrici cesi sunt Comes Northahumberlond, dominus 
Clifford, Johannes Nevyll frater comitis Westmorland eques 
auratus, Andreas Trollope, etc. Rex vero henricus cum regina 
et principe, Dux Somersete dominus Roos et alii Eboraco pro- 
fecti sunt in Scotiam. Edwardus recepta provincia et pacata 
relictoque comite Warwyke preside revertit londonium.* 

' Battle of Wakefield, December 30, 1460. 

^ The remainder of the account for this year is in the margin, at the side 
of the entries for the succeeding years. 

' The date of the battle was February 17 ; it was Sir Thomas Kyrelle, 
who was executed with Bonville ; cf. Whethamstede, i. 390-5, the writer 
being in St. Albans at the time of the conflict. The date here given for 
the battle of Towton is a week too early, March 29 (Palm Sunday as stated) 
being the accepted date. 

* He arrived in the capital again midway through June, having gone as far 
north as Durham, and as far west as Chester (Ramsay, Lane, and York, 
ii. 274). 

fo. 104'' 


1469 Johannes Stokton miles i , ^ h r^° 

Rex Edwardus revertitur in Angliam intrans ad portum fflam- 
browlie in Holderness ^ veniens Eboracum inde Coventreiam ubi 
non lacessitus nee lacessens praeteriit comitem Warwyke et fra- 
trem Mowntegue habentes illic exercitum. Tunc facta concordia 
venit ad cum frater suus Georgius dux Clarentie et sic una 
venerunt londonium in cena domini. Et in vigilia pasche exiit rex 
Edwardus, et ad Bernet commisit cum exercitu comitis Warwyke 
14 aprilis,^ diluculo pasche, ubi occisi sunt comes Warwici, cum 
fratre domino Marchie Montegewe. Rex autem rediit londonium 
vesperi trahens secum regem henricum quern ad prelium eduxe- 
rat et eum reclusit in turri. Regina Margareta cum Edwardo 
fiho intravit in devoniam,^ cui cum exercitu venienti, Rex Edwardus 
currit ad Tewkysbury cum suo exercitu ubi commisum est 
cruentum prehum 4 die maij, ubi captus et occisus princeps 
Edwardus filius regis henrici : occisi quoque Edmundus dux 
Somerset, cum fratre domino Johanne, et langestroder, domino 
sancti Joannis et plerisque aliis equitibus auratis, dominus quo- 
que Wenloke proditor pugni a suis in vestigio occisus est. Regina 
capta remissa est in natale solum.'* Nothus ffawkynbrigge in- 
trans a mari per Cantiam cum tumultuario exercitu conatus est 
irrumpere londonium proclamans henricum VI. et Warwicum 
sed repulsus est et occisus pro quo tumultu Edwardus gravi 
mulcta pecuniaria Cantianos punivit." Rex Henricus occiditur 
clam in turri. 

^ It was at Ravenspur, near Spurn Head, and more than thirty miles 
from Flamborough Head, that Edward landed {Arrival, ed. Bruce, Cam. 
Soc, 1838, 2 ; Warkworth, 13 ; Vitellius, 183). He entered York March i8th. 

^ The remainder of the account for this year has overflowed into the margm. 

' She landed at Weymouth on the day of Barnet (Warkworth, 17). Con- 
cerning Lord Wenlock's end, Hall (300) tells how, as Wenlock stood giving 
no help to Somerset in his need, the latter, after reviling him, ' with his axe 
strake the brains out of his head.' It is perhaps worth noting that the 
chronicler says that Prince Edward was taken prisoner and then slain. 

* Although Margaret was captured at this time, it was not until five years 
later that, as one condition of the Peace of Etaples, she was allowed to leave 
the country for France in January 1476 (Rymer, xii. 19-20, 21-2). 

^ Thomas Neville's attempt on London took place in May, but he was not 
captured until September, near the end of which month his head was set on 
London Bridge (Paston Letters, iii. 17 ; Vitellius, 185, 'the end of the same 
year '). 

Warkworth, 21-2, mentions the commissions which sat in Kent, Sussex, 

TANNER 2 169 

1481 Edmondus Shaa Willelmus Whyte| 1482-3 

Joannes Mathewe) fo. 105^ 

Rex Edwardus moritur 9 die Aprilis. Ricardus plantagoneth 
dux Eboraci ^ appellatus protector anglie occurrit principi et 
eum excipit venerabundus ad Stonyng Stratford et londonium 
deducit Interea sub specie comperte proditionis custodiri iubet 
Anthonium Ryvers dominum Skalys fratrem regine Elyzabethe 
et dominum Ricardum Wodvyld ^ regine filium et Warham 
equitem auratum necessarios et comites principis et Pomphretam 
deduci. Interea dominum Willelmum Hastyngs camerarium 
anglie in turri obtruncat et statim apud Pomphretam iubet dictos 
dominos decollari.^ Tunc e vestigio Edwardus princeps et frater 
Ricardus dux indigna nece suppresso mortis genere in turri 
tolluntur e medio.* Et ipse sibi regimen vendicat verumtamen 
a 9 die aprilis usque ad 36 Junii stetit dictus princeps ut rex quia 
eius nomine acta publica et scripta prodibant. 

Ricardus Tercius Cognomento. 

T-o^ n u 4. -D 11 J Thomas Norlond 1 1483-4 

148a Robert Byllesdon Willelmus Martyn j/ 

Rex Ricardus 3"° cum Anna uxore filia comitis Warwyci 
coronantur ad Westmonasterium 6 Julii. Eodem anno dux 
Bokynghame Sarum decapitatus est et Cowrtney episcopus 
Exoniensis et Johannes Chayny Willelmus Bowkley Egydius 
Dawbney equites aurati et plerique alii proceres fugerunt in 
franciam sociantes se comiti Rychemunde et Penbroke.^ Reli- 
quie henrici sexti transferuntur a Chertseia Windesorium." 

and Essex, after Fawconbridge's rising, ' some men paid 200 marks, some 
£icx>, and some more and some less, so that it cost the poorest man vii» ... 
and so the king had out of Kent much good and little love.' 

^ This is crossed through by a later hand ; Richard Duke of York was of 
course brother, not uncle, to the young king. 

' Lord Richard Grey, son of Elizabeth by her first husband Sir John Grey ; 
Woodvyle was the name of the Earl of Rivers. 

' Hastings was beheaded the 13th of June ; the 25th day of the same month 
witnessed both the deposition of the young monarch and the execution of the 
prisoners in Yorkshire. 

* Both this chronicle and the chronicle of Lynn (below, p. 185) add their 
testimony to the general belief of the early sixteenth century as to the fate of 
the princes. 

" Arnold, xxxvii, says ' divers lords and knights fled into France ' this 

' Stow, Annals, 776. Apparently this was largely a bid for popularity on 
the part of Richard (Ramsay, Lane, and York, ii. 527). 




1484-1; o Tu zsr u Richard Chester ) 

1483 Thomas Hyll ^^^^^^ Bretayn^ 

In Augusto comes Rychmundie nepos henrici sexti et comes 
pembrochie qui diu in ffrancia exulaverant cum his proceribus 
qui superiore anno fugerant venerunt in angliam applicantes in 
Wallia et collecto exercitu contenderunt londonium. Quibus 
occurrit Rex Ricardus cum ingenti exercitu et prelium factum 
est ad Bosworth prope Laycestriam. In quo occisus est rex 
Ricardus et dominus Howard dux Northfolchie et plerique alii 
et comes Richmundie coronatus est 30 Octobri et in fifebruario ^ 
sequenti duxit uxorem reginam Elysabetham filiam regis Ed- 
wardi 4\ Eodem anno et sequenti desaevit novum genus febris 
pestilentialis dictum pestis sudoralis per totam angliam divites 
et pauperes inopinate rapiens et necans adeo ut in Septembri 
crearentur londonii tres praetores quorum medius non integrum 
viveret tercium diem. 

Henricus Septimus Cognomento 

^ ^ ° ■' Joannes bwan) 

Hastiludia celebria Westmonasterio. Pestis sudoralis debaccha- 
batur.^ Modius salis veniit iij" iiij'*. 

'486-7 1485 Henricus Colett ?"^^ ^>°P*°" „U 

^ •^ Joannes Percy vail) 

Arthurus primogenitus henrici nascitur.^ Comes lyncolnie 
collecto exercitu venit ad Stoke iuxta Newark cui occurrens rex 
cum exercitu conflixit 16 Junij in quo prelio occisi sunt ipse 
comes lyncolnie, dominus Lovell, frater comitis Keyldare* et 
quidam fflandricus egregii nominis in armis dictus Martyn 
Swarte cum ignobili plebe. 

i486 Willelmus Home J°^""^^ J^^^y^^ , 1 3 
^ Joannes Remyngton [•^ 

Joannes Mydylton Ascheley et Joannes Amyntre maior in 
hibernia decapitantur. 

^ The marriage took place January 18, i486. 

^ Arnold, xxxviii, this year (not in the previous one) mentions 'a great 
death and a hasty called the sweating sickness ' ; so Vitellius, 193, Pol. Verg., 
Anglicae Historiae (ed. 1555), 720 seq. 

' 19th of September ; Arnold places this (wrongly) in the third year. 

' Thomas Fitzgerald, Chancellor of Ireland. 


TANNER i 171 

1487 Robert Tate J/Yi"^^'"? uU J^^'7 

WiUelmus Isaak)^ fo. 106 

Comes Northhumberlond seditione occiditur tumultuante 

plebe. Wylowbe dominus de Broke Johannes Cheyny eques 

auratus et alii ducunt exercitum vij M. in Britanniam minorem 

ad tuendas res domine illic contra francos. Papa mittit regi 


1488 Willelmus Whyte WiHelmus Capelll 

•' Joannes Broke '"' 

Arcturus primogenitus regis creatur princeps Westmonasterii. 
ffranke Harry Davy Johannes Mayne decapitantur. Compositio 
pacis in eternum inter Angliam et Daciam.^ 

Kerry Cote ] 1490-1 

1489 Joannes Mathewe Robert Renell [6 

Hugh Pemberton) 

Robertus Marchall reus maiestatis decapitatus est. Secundus 
filius regis henricus nascitur dux Eboraci. ^ Robertus Chamber- 
layne eques auratus decapitatur. Gives Londinienses dant in 
expeditionem in franciam 9682 li. l7^ 4*. ad quam summam 
plurima pars senatorum viritim contulit 200 li. et quidam infe- 
riores 100 li. reliquam partem vulgus supplevit.* 

Thomas Wood ) i49i-2 


490 Hugh Clopton Willelmus BrownF 

Rex cum exercitu traiicit in franciam et obsidet Boloniam.' 
Elizabeth uxor regis Edwardi quarti moritur. Granatam ex- 
pugnat rex hispanie. Rome pars sancte crucis in muro conclusa 

Pax inter duos reges Anglorum et francorum composita est in 
finem anni primi post obitum alterutrius alteri superstiti. In 
cujus etiam supplementum rex francie sese obligavit ad solvendum 

' The entry for this year is very similar to that of Arnold, save that the 
latter omits the names of the leaders ; these are to be found in Hall, 442. 
The ' insignia ' consisted of sword and cap of maintenance. 

^ Denmark ; the treaty was signed January 20, 1490 (Rymer, xii. 381). 

' The remainder of the entry for this year is written by another hand, very 
small and neat. 

* So Vitellius, 193, and Fabyan, 684, with slight differences ; Arnold does 
not mention this loan, levied as a Benevolence for the expenses of the cam- 
paign in Brittany (cf. Rymer, xii. 446 ; Busch, 61-2). 

' There is an erasure here and a space ; after the notice of the death of the 
Queen dowager, the later hand continues the entry. 


regi Anglie ad statutes annos 745 scutorum quod in sterlyngis 
reddit summam 1037 et 666 li. xiij'. iiij''.^ 
I4Q2-S „,.,, , , , . Willelmus Purchasl 

1492 KauteAstrye j^^^^^^^^^y^^ |9 

Johannes Scott et alii extract! ex asilo Martini decapitantur et 
venefica comburitur.^ 

1404-5 „• u J /-I, Nicolas Almyn 1 „ 

1493 Richard Chaury j^^^^^^ ^^/^^^| 10 

Willelmus Stanley frater comitis Darby ex regius camerarius 
Symon Momford cum filio equites aurati decapitati sunt 16 
februarii.3 Item 160 alii qui appulerant in le Downys missi a 
quodam dicto Perken Warbeke qui praedicabat se filium regis 
Edwardi capiuntur et capita plexi sunt. Hastiludia celebria 

Ludi triumphales celebrati.* 

Ducissa Eboracensis mater Edwardi 4" diem obiit. 

1495-6 „ r- 1 ^4. Henry Somer ) ^^ 

1494 Henry Colett T,^i^^^ T^,^,,,. II 

Rex Scottorum cum exercitu Angliam ingressus ad quartum 
lapidem quedam ignobilia vastans audito manus Anglice adventu 
trepidus cum suis aufugit.^ 

' ^The Vitellian Chronicle has a fuller account of these events ; the Peace 
of Etaples was agreed to on November 3, 1492 ; Charles was to pay 745,000 
crowns, ' which amounteth in sterling,' says Vitellius, 'to an C. and xxvij M. 
vj C. Ixvi^. xiii'. iiij'^.,' the amount intended presumably in this chronicle. 

"^ Arnold has no entry for this year, but inserts a notice about a city riot 
in the year preceding. John Scott, with three others, was indicted ' for false 
and seditious bills making and setting up in divers parts of the city against 
the king's person and divers of his council ', three of the four being executed 
at Tyburn ( Vitellius 199, Fabyan) ; the ' witch ', Joan Boughton, was burnt 
for heresy in Smithfield, ibid. 

' Cf.above, pp. 164-5. Montford was executed on the 3rd of February; there 
is no mention in the fuller accounts of his son, but Arnold's statement, xxxix, 
concerning this and the landing of ' viii score ' of Perkin's forces is almost 
identical with that here given. The revellings at Westminster really occurred 
in November 1494, on the occasion of Prince Henry's creation as Duke of 

* This and the succeeding entry for the same year are in the later, smaller 
hand; both events are recorded in the original chronicle, one immediately 
above, the other, correctly, in the seventh year. The entry for a° 11 is also 
in the later hand, there being no entry for that year in the original hand. 

' This raid of the .Scots, in aid of Perkin, is somewhat similarly described 
in Vitellius, 210; cf. Pol. Verg.; Busch, 107-8. 

TANNER 2 173 

Mense Junii Cornubia et Devonia tumultuantur et supra 30 
eorum milia ascenderunt londonium, ducibus domino Awdley et 
quodam ingenue legisperito vocato fflammacke et Michael Joseph 
fabro ferrario dicto Black Smyth de Bodinam in oppidis per quae 
fecerunt iter precomponentes multos articulos quorum reforman- 
dorum causa in regno et circa regem dicebant se venisse et 
venerunt ad Blackheth in Cantia ubi per exercitum regis fusi et 
disiecti sunt. Dominus Awdley decapitatus est frater occisus in 
prelio. fflammake et Mychaell distracti suspensi cuisterati et 
dissecti.^ Vij die Septembris quidam iuvenis dictus Perkyn 
Warbeke qui se praedicabat Ricardum Plantageneth filium regis 
Edwardi et perinde duxerat uxorem Katerinam filiam comitis 
de Hawntley in Skotia appulit in Cornubia prope promontorium 
sancti Mychael cui stolida plebs adhesit et repulsus ab Exonia 
venit ad Tawnton sed approquinquante Egidio Dawbney domino 
camerario cum exercitu populus fugit et Perkyn fugit ad asilum 
in Bewly prope Sowthampton.'' Sed proposita pactione venit 
ad regem agentem turn cum exercitu ad Tawnton tuncque 
rex profectus est Exoniam. Et continenter regii comissarii fo. 106'' 
sederunt iudices in Cornubia et Devonia punientes praecipuos 
tumultus auctores quosdam suspendio quosdam multa pecuniaria 
qua etiam affecti sunt hi in toto eorum itinere qui eis auxilium 

1496 Willelmus Purchas BarTylnl^rReef 1^3 

Grave incendium in palatio seu manerio regio de Rychemund 
prope Schene 2a die decembris cum rex illic natale christi cele- 
braret. Petasus piramidis paulini novo instauratur.* 

' The best account of this rising is preserved in the Vitellian Chronicle, 
213-16, but neither there nor elsewhere is there any mention of Lord Audley's 
brother ; Arnold's account is much more brief. 

'^ Perkin is generally credited with having made the first step in flight by 
departing from his camp at midnight, leaving his followers 'amased and 
disconsolate'; Vitellius, 217; Pol. Verg. 605 'clam et noctu se in fugam 
dederit '. 

' Cf. Pol. Verg. 606-7 ; Rymer, xii, 696 ; L. and P. of Henry VII, 
ii. 336-7. 

* ' This yere in Dec. was taken down the weather cock of Powles, the 
cross and the ball and all new made, and in May after, solemnly hallowed 



■497 Johannes Percyv^ It^njlT''] '* 

Edmundus tercius filius regis nascitur ad Grenewyche et crea- 
tur dux Somersetie.^ Juvenis dictus perkyn Werbeke clande- 
stina fuga dilapsus iterum capitur et proponitur ludibrio populo 
in Chepe in locis editis et deinde ducitur in turrim et iudicatus 

'4Z >498 Nicolas Alwyn Sa'^B^S"! '5 

23 die novembris dictus perkyn warbeke et Johannes Water 
qui fuerat praetor yowghell in hibernia distract! et suspensi sunt 
proditionis convicti et damnati et aS die novembris comes War- 
wyke filius ducis Clarentie custodie commendatus ab xi anno sue 
etatis maiestatis reus iudicatus decapitatur. Hoc anno intu- 
muerunt aquae fluviales supra memoriam hominum et inhorrue- 
runt venti fulgura et tonitrua. Rex cum regina traiecit Calisiam 
ubi occurrit iis officii causa philippus dux Burgundie et coUocuti 
splendide epulati sunt. Et rex 14 die Junii appulit in angliam. 
Eodem mense obiit Edmundus filius regis. Eodem anno obie- 
runt Archepiscopi Cantuariensis et Eboracensis episcopi Eliensis 
et Norwicensis. Incendium ad Babraham.^ Caritas annone.^ 

and set up again,' Arnold, xxxix ; Vitellitis, 222, also mentions the fire at 

' February 24, 1498 ; cf. for Perkin, Vitellius, 223 ; Pol. Verg. 608. 

^ Babraham is a village south-east of Shelford, near Cambridge. Arnold, 
xi, calls it the ' town of Paburham'. The notice is of some interest as illus- 
trating the zeal which Foxe displayed in recruiting his army of those who 
suffered for the Protestant faith. He records {Acts and Monuments, ed. 
Cattley, iv, pp. 8, 122) that in 1498 'a certain godly man and a constant 
martyr of Christ, named Babram, in Norfolk, was burnt in the month of July, 
as is in Fabian recorded, after the copy which I have written. Albeit in the 
book Fabian printed, his burning is referred to the next year following, which 
is A.D. 1499.' 

The words of Fabyan (or rather his continuator) are (ed. 1811, p. 687) 
'And this year was Babram in Norfolk burnt. And in July was an old 
heretic burnt in Smithfield'. It seems pretty obvious that 'Babram in 
Norfolk ' is really Babraham, and that Fabyan's continuator really meant to 
describe the burning of a place ; this, indeed, is the natural deduction one 
would draw from his words. But Foxe, his mind running on conflagrations, 
aided by the mention of a heretical burning in the next sentence, elaborated 
these words of the chronicles into a burning at the stake, endowing his 
supposed martyr with virtues suited to the occasion. 

'^ Arnold's entry, xl, is almost identical, save that he omits the date of 
Perkin's execution and all mention of John Walter (who had been mayor of 
Cork not Youghal) ; also, his final entry is of ' a great pestilence ', Vitellius, 

TANNER 2 175 

.499 Re„,y„gto„ feT^fsTedel '« "^' 

Edmundus de la Pole dux Suffolchie cum suo fratre Ricardo 
fugerunt in transmarinam mense augusti Caterina filia regis 
hispaniarum cum splendido apparatu venit et recepta est in 
Angliam. Rex egregie instauravit manerium suum de Schene 
vertens eo nomine ut appellaretur Rychmonde et maneria Bay- 
nardys castel et Grynwyche. Caritas annone.^ 

1500 Johannes Schaa k'^/.'^'^.f''''^''] ^ 7 ' '"''^ 

Caterina filia regis hispaniarum cum exquisitissimis honoribus 
et pompa traducta est per honoratiores plateas londonii et in 
tempio divi pauli nupsit filio regis Arcturo principi 8 die Octo- 
bris. Quo tempore rex insignivit 57 equites auratos. Et paulo 
mox Westmonasterii celebrata sunt hastiludia.^ In novembri 
venerunt legati a Scotia petentes filiam regis Margaretam in 
coniugem suo regi et 37 Januarii dicto regi desponsata est. Et 
circa principium aprilis Arcturus princeps diem obiit ludlowe et 
sepelitur Wurcestrie. xi die Mali Johannes Tyryl et Johannes 
Wyndham equites aurati decapitati sunt ad collem turris.* 

232, also records ' the great sickness ' this year, and cf. below, p. 188 ; Prince 
Edmond died the 12th of June, Cardinal Morton in October. 

' Arnold mentions the rebuilding of Shene, but places the coming of 
Katharine in the following year, omitting the flight of Suffolk to Maximilian 
in the Tyrol ; this was the second time Suffolk had thus left the country, the 
first departure taking place in the summer of 1499, when, after crossing to 
Flanders, he returned within a few months (Busch, i. 166, 171, 362-3). 
Vtiellius, 233, records how ' by the subtility and crafty dealing of the Bakers 
was great scarcity of bread within the city of London, and yet plenty of com 
lacked not '. 

^ Cf for the pageants in the city, Vitellius, 234-53, and note, 332 ; Hall, 
494; Arnold, xli, whose entry is similar to that given here. With this year, 
however (the end of the 'chronicle' in the 1502 edition of Arnold's work), 
the resemblance between the two records ceases. For the negotiations with 
Scotland, ending in the treaty signed January 24, 1502, which provided for 
Margaret's marriage to James, cf. Rymer, xii. 729, 787, 793, 804 ; Busch, 
J. 141-7; she was married by proxy January 25, 1502. 

' Sir James (not John) Tyrrell and Sir John Wyndham, together with Lord 
William de la Pole, Lord William Courtenay, and others of less importance, 
were arrested as a result of the Earl of Suffolk's flight to Maximilian ; Tyrrell 
and Wyndham were beheaded May 6, 1 502, others of the suspects being 
executed at the same time; the year 1504 witnessed an Act of Attainder 
against them (Vitellius, 256-7; Pol. Verg. 611-12; Rot. Pari. vi. 545; 
Busch, i. 172). 


'5°'"3 1501 Bartholemeus Reede S-^""?' ^^f ^^ |i8 

^ Nicolas Nynes) 

Regina Elizabetha uxor henrici septimi moritur ex puerperio 
xi februarii. 

,5"^ WiUetaus Capell SSS'waV.n "' 

Reginaldus Braye eques auratus moritur et Wyndesorii sepe- 



.503 Joannes Wy„g„ ^SutBroZel- 

1505-6 ,„ Tu ~ T/- i-u Ricardus Shorel 

fo. 107 1504 Thomas Knesworthe ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ \ ai 

Philippus archidux Austrie et Burgundie et rex Castille cum 
regina coniuge classe traiiciunt in hispaniam sed ingenti tem- 
pestate a cursu disiecti appulerunt in angliam quos rex henricus 
magnifico apparatu excepit. Ubi ipse rex castelle insignitus est 
Sacramento ordinis Garterii et postea londinium et inde ad naves 
honorifice reductus. Cuius auspiciis Edmundus de la Pole ad 
regem henricum est reductus.^ 


t5o5 Ricardus Haddon willelmJJJ ffitzSam 4 


TC07-8 - /T 117-11 1 T) Willelmus Butlar \ , 

'5°7 1506 Willelmus Browne Willelmus Kyrkby t "^ 

^ He died August 5th, being buried in the chapel of his own foundation at 
Windsor {Diet. Nat. Biog. vi. 238) ; ' homo severus et ita recti amator, ut si 
quid interdum peccatum esset, illud acriter in Henrico reprehenderet ' (Pol. 
Verg. 612). 

^ Cf. above, p. 175. Suffolk returned and was lodged in the Tower in the 
last days of March (1506) ; see for the treaty (15th of May), Rymer, xiii. 

' Vitellius adds a third sheriff, Thomas Johnson, who (or rather Robert 
Johnson), according to Arnold, xlii, was 'dismissed of his sheriffalty within 
three weeks next after he was chosen ; and in his room William Fitzwilliam 
was admitted by his instance and labour to the Kyng whereupon great trouble 
to him afterward '. 

* The 24th year of the reign of Henry VII is omitted. The list of city 
ofiScers goes straight on, however, without any omissions, being in conse- 
quence one year behind for the reign of Henry VIII. 

TANNER a 177 

Henricus viii cognomento. 

1507 Stephanus Jenys taylor ?°'"f' Exmewe goldsmythl 1509-10 
■> ■> ' Ricardus Smyth taylor J 

Rex custodiri iussit plurimos qui sub umbra favoris quo polle- 
bant apud patrem suum peculatum exercuerant et tyrannidem in 
regno opprimentes insontes inter quos praecipui fuerunt Ricardus 
Emson et Edmundus Dudley.^ 

1508 Thomas Brabbery mercer f ^^''^^ ^°"°"y ^'^^^'\ 3 ^ 5 lo-i i 
' Joannes Dogett taylor ) 

Empson et Dudleye capite cesi sunt.^ 
■ so, Henry Kebyll g,«er }°J^™' f^^'- ""P-ja ■"-' 

,5.0 Rogers Achylley draper ^^J^^,ZIZ„V ""'"' 

Bellum indictum regi francorum ob impietatem in summum 
pontificem quod eum deponere praesumeret et ob iniustam de- 
tentionem dominii Normandie Gascon et Gyen. Conflictus in 
prelio navali in quo cetea^ ingentis magnitudinis et bombardis 
supra estimationem credibilem armata cui praeerant 4 magni 
nominis domini et navis praeterea anglica dicta Sofferayn* cui 
praeerat Thomas Knevet eques auratus congresse sunt adeo 
feroci marte ut post omnia terribilis pugne strategemata utrumque 
navigium cum omnibus in eis fluctibus absorberetur. 

Robert Holdernesl 1513-14 

151 1 Willelmus Copynger fyschmonger Ro^'bert ffewrother 5 

Duo filii domini howard ducis Northfolchie et dominus iTeres 
cum classe infestant maritima Britannic ferro et flamma late 
omnia populantes et inter confligendum minor filiorum periit.* 

1 Cf. Arnold, xliv; Hall, 505 ; Pol. Verg. 613, 620. 

" August 18, 1510. 

' Presumably the chronicler's expression for the ' Caricke of Brest ', the 
Cordeliire, which Hall describes as ' a strong ship furnished in all points \ 
The event was the well-known engagement between the English and French 
ships, but the later writer erred in making Knevet captain of the Sovereign. 
In the fight the Sovereign missed the carrack, on seeing which Sir Thomas 
ran his own ship, the Regent, alongside the French vessel, and, after a severe 
fight, fire broke out and both ships with all on board perished (Hall, 526-7, 
534 ; L. and P. of Henry VIII, i. 3388 ; below, p. igi). 

•* This word is inserted by the later hand, the original writer having left 
a space. 

" A letter to Wolsey (Z. and P. i. 4020) gives a graphic account gathered 
from eyewitnesses of the death of the Lord Admiral ; cf. ibid. 3974 ; Hall, 
1125 M 


15 13-14 Incendia quibus magna pars palacii regalis Westmonasterii et 
sacellutn in arce londonii et pleraque alia loca in Angliam con- 
flagraverunt. Rex cum exercitu instructissimo xxx milium ^ 

fo. 107V traiecit in fifranciam.^ Et cum putaretur obsessurus Bolinum 
mutato itinere exercitum duxit ad Terwynum eumque obsedit, 
oppidum natura et arte munitissimum. Accidit quod galli rati 
futurum id quod acciderat antea illic praesidium miserant sex 
aut amplius milium pugnatorum armis et viribus instructissi- 
morum. Rex autem quotidie urbem infestabat iactu pilarum 
ferrearum stupende magnitudinis e bombardis et aliis diversi 
generis machinis et tormentis. Molitus quoque est variis in locis 
irruptionem deiectionem murorum per cuniculos subterraneos. 
Obsessi nihil segnius resistere et incaute palantes conficere cata- 
pultis et minoribus bombardis. ffaciebantque identidem ex- 
cursus equestres quasi prelium inituri sicque nostros audacius 
et inconsultius insequentes trahebant in insidias partim cedentes 
partim captives ducentes sed maiori semper sue malo. Nam 
unius nostratium detrimentum triplo aut amplius suorum dampno 
compensabant. Exercitus quoque regis equestris longe lateque 
discurrebat annonamque obsessis inferri penitus prohibebat cum 
ipsi summa fame laborarent. Hec dum agerentur advenit cum 
octo milibus suppetiis imperator Maximilianus a rege magnifi- 
centissime acceptus et eius impensis cum exercitu duobus men- 
sibus altus, multis praeterea muneribus imperatore dignis donatis, 
inter quae fuit collare ornamentum cuius precium fertur decern 
librarum milia equasse. ffuit ea res regi honori maximo et 
sine exemplo cum publice fateretur pulchrum esse anglorum 
regi habere se in suis castris imperatorem non modo consiliarium 
verum etiam sub regio vexillo militantem. Sed quam probe 
operam navarit ipse viderit. Domina etiam Margareta impera- 
toris filia et Sabaudie ducissa que paulo antea xii stupende ma- 

536. Lord Ferrers was in command of the Trinity Sovereign; L. and P, 
i. 3977, 4005. 

' The estimates for the royal army give 26,000 foot-soldiers ; later, the 
English force was estimated at 34,000, in addition to 15,000 Germans {L.and 
P. i. 4309, 4464, 4329) ; Polydore Vergil, 626, puts the force at 30,000 strong ; 
the King crossed to Calais on the 30th of June. John Taylor, clerk to the 
Parliament, wrote a diary of the events of the campaign (summarized in 
L. and P. i. 4284), which contains an account of the siege of Tdrouenne, 
similar but fuller and more exact ; cf. Hall, 537 seq. 

' The account is continued from this point by the second hand. 

TANNER a 179 

gnitudinis bombardos dono regi miserat, venit in castra salutatum 
regem et eum coram visura cuius famam audierat tarn inclitam. 
Ea quoque digno occultu et munificentia accepta est ut recedens 
diceret anglorum regem solum esse eo nomine dignum. Hec 
dum agerenturque Terwinenses obsidebantur adeo fame labora- 
bant ut nisi mature eis subventum esset deditionem facere coge- 
rentur id quod ffrancorum regi prius significaverant. Quapropter 
xvij kalendas Septembres galli putantes regem otiose agere quod 
pridie festum fuerat Assumptionis Beate Marie coacto exercitu 
ante lucem accesserunt praesidium et annonam obsessis illaturi. 
At rex quem non latebat eorum consilium iam antea loca inse- 
derat e quibus eos invaderet et totis copiis gallos adortus eos 
fudit atque disiecit confecissetque totum exercitum si non ut 
galli se deprehensos viderunt fuge se dedissent.^ Capti in eo 
prelio plerique nobiles cum signis e quibus praecipui fuerunt 
Dux Longavildie et Dominus Claremontanus. Itaque Terwi- 
nenses desperato subsidio per legatos supplices de deditione cum 
rege ceperunt agere tandemque impetraverunt ut incolumes 
cum bonis oppido excederent.^ Rex autem bonam murorum 
partem evertit domosque incendit : templa tamen et religiosa loca 
reliquit innoxia nisi quod ante deditionem spera ferrea e bom- 
bardo iacta foramen ingens per primarii templi parietem trans- 
volans excaverat. Hec dum geruntur in fifrancia rex scotie 
maximum et fortissimum exercitum cogerat. Nam constat in 
eo fuisse plusquam pugnatorum centum milia putans cum re- 
gnum Anglie viribus esset exhaustum quod rex cum principibus 
et instructissimo exercitu in transmarinis ageret confidebat se 
posse nemine resistenti in angliam grassari sed (se) fefellit cum 
sua opinione. Nam vix tria miliaria in Angliam intraverat cum 
dominus howardus Norfolchie comes collecto exercitu ei occurrit 
et temerarii ausus penitentem provocat ad pugnam.^ Itaque 

* Battle of Spurs ; cf. Hall ; L. and P. i, p. 625 ; and ibid. 4402, for a list 
of those captured in the engagement. 

' The surrender was agreed upon on the 22nd of August, and the King 
entered the town a few days later (Z. and P. i, p. 625 ; Nos. 4420, 4431). 

° Flodden Field, October 9, 1513, L. and P. i. 4434, 4439, 4441 ; Hall, 563, 
gives a similar list of the slain, closing with the same remark as to those not 
identified; cf. Fisher, in Political History of England, v. 185-9, and 189, 
note, for other modern accounts. Norfolk, however, did not succeed to the 
title until after the battle, his elevation to the dukedom being the reward for 
his victory. 

M 3 


utrinque totus exercitus explicatur in aciem et infesto marte totis 
viribus diu confligitur tandemque anglus victor scotos passim 
cedit. Cesa sunt in ea pugna plusquam viginti scotorum milia 
fuissetque ea strages multo maior nisi reliqui fiiga sibi consuluis- 
sent nee Anglis incruenta fuit ilia victoria. Nam in ea pugna 
quinque aut sex anglorum milia desiderata sunt. Cecidit in 
vestigio rex ipse scotorum pluribus vulneribus confossus et sagitta 
traiectus. Ceciderunt quoque pene omnes scotorum principes in 
quibus praecipui filius ipsius regis nothus Archiepiscopus sancti 
fo. io8^ Andree episcopus Ilesius, Abbas Nithafrancis, Abbas Kylwyn- 
nensis, Comes Mountrensis, Comes Craffordensis, Comes Argi- 
lensis, Comes Lennoxensis, Comes Glincarnensis, Comes Ketuen- 
sis, Comes Castellensis, Comes Bothwellensis, Comes Arrelensis, 
Constabularius Scotie, Comes Addyllensis, Comes Athellensis, 
Comes Mortomis, Dominus Lowett, Dominus fforbos, Dominus 
Elveston, Dominus Roos, Dominus Inderby, Dominus Saynter- 
lere, Dominus Maxwell cum quatuor fratribus, Dominus Dawnley, 
Dominus Seympyll, Dominus Brothyk, Dominus Bogonye, 
Dominus Askyll, Dominus Blakkater, Dominus Colwyn, Dominus 
Douglas, Cuthbertus Home, Dominus ffastecastell, Equites aurati 
Alexander Sutton, David Home, Magistri Johannes Grawnte, 
Donkyn Canifylde, Saunders Lowder, Georgius Lowder, Mari- 
scallus, Kayel, Ellott, Kawellen clericus cancellarie, Decanus 
Ellister, Mackeen Macleen et plerique alii non satis agniti quia 
nuUus caduceator scoticus eos disquisivit. Denique nobilioris et 
florentioris generis xii millia illic cesa sunt. Et hanc quidem 
mercedem suis sceleribus dignam recepit perfidissimus et ingratis- 
simus Jacobus Scottorum rex qui sub anathematis pena pro- 
hibitus a sum mo pontifice ne quid in absentia henrici regis re- 
gnum inclinetur, rupto nihilominus pacis federe quod sacrosancte 
iuraverat, voluit sic debacchari, nee mirum, cum adhuc juvenis 
paterna cede sese sedavit.^ Itaque cadaver eius sine honore ut 

' James IV was only fifteen years old at the time of his father's death at 
the Battle of Sauchie Burn in 1488, and can scarce be said to have been 
the origin of it. It is true that the rebel nobles of Scotland paraded the 
cause and the person of the prince, but he was taken to the field of action from 
Stirling Castle, having been given up by the governor, in whose custody his 
father had left him : cf. Lindsay of Pitscottie, Chron., ed. Mackay, i. 204-5 ; 
Pinkerton, ed. 1797, 333 ! Holinshed, v. 459-60 ; Lang, Hist, of Scotland, 
i. 349, however, says the prince joined the opposition. 

TANNER a i8i 

excommunicati ad domum usque Cartusiensem prope Ryche- 
mundum allatum est ubi hactenus facet insepultum.^ ffelicitate 
pugne magnum Anglis detrimentum attulerunt ii qui Ryddysdale 
et Tyndale inhabitant qui dum pugnaretur ut nefarii latrones 
castra comitis et aliorum ducum diripuere et equos abegere.* 
Perlato ad regem tante victorie nuntio ille ut prudens christianus 
deo maximas egit gratias illi totum referens acceptum.^ fifama 
vero tante stragis in scotos edite gallorum regem super quam 
did potest vehementer perculit. Rex autem Anglus totis castris 
exercitum duxit ad Tournacum eumque obsedit. Vero Torna- 
censes post aliquantam tolerationem obsidionis consideratione 
malorum que obstinatis Terwynensibus acciderant nee satis 
praesidii ipsi habentes regi sese dedunt placateque accipiunt et 
in suam perpetuam ditionem veniunt, ingentem auri vim partim 
tunc representantes, partim in annum tributum datis obsidibus 
pollicentur. Accipiunt nihilominus praesidium anglicum cum 
suo duce apud se alendum. Rex his feliciter actis cum galli 
nullam pugnandi copiam facere auderent et hyemps appeteret in 
Angliam cum incolumi exercitu sese recepit.* 

Johannes Bryges \ 1514-1S 

1513 Willelmus Broune Johannes Dawys et [6 

Johannes Basfordj 

Hoc anno rex comitem Northfolchie egregie laudatum quod suo 
ductu scoti tam feliciter fuerant oppressi creavit ducem North- 
folchie creavit quoque Carolum Brandon ducem Suffolchie qui 
paulo ante ex mero equite factus erat dominus lyle ex connubio 
domine heredis : huic ferebatur ducendam ducissam Sebaudie sed 
res effectum sortita non est.* Ineunti autem vere rex maiore 

' Cf. above, pp. 83-4. ....,,,. 

* Hall, 563-4, mentions the same thmg as occurrmg m the night after the 
battle. , . , , 

* Taylor relates how on the receipt of letters from the queen telhng of the 
victory Mass was celebrated, the TV Deum sung, and a sermon preached by 
the Bishop of St. Asaph (Z. and J", i, p. 626 ; cf. Nos. 4451-2)- 

* Tournay surrendered September 21 ; Poynings was made Lieutenant to 
hold the town, and the King, after receiving a visit — not recorded here— from 
the young Prince Charles, left Tournay on October 13, embarking at Calais 
just over a week later; L. and P. i, p. 626, Nos. 4472, 4502; Hall, 566-7. 

» Charles Brandon was created Duke of Suffolk February i, 1514 (he 
had been made Viscount Lisle the previous year, having arranged to marry 
his ward Elizabeth Viscountess Lisle) ; he was dispatched to Margaret of 
Burgundy to arrange plans for a new campaign. A letter of Henry's some 


apparatu statuerat iterum cum exercitu in ffrancos ducere cum 
subito affuerunt legati persolventes redemptionem dominorum 
ducis longavildie et Claremountani et nomine regis ffrancorum 
cum nostro rege de nuptiis inter dominam Mariam regis sororem 
olim destinatam duci Burgundie filio phiilipi et suum regem 
ffrancorum que res post multam consultationem et solidam 
fo. loS"' pactionem splendidissime dotis et ingentis vis auri ad arbitrium 
regis anglie sibi solvendi in compensationem dominorum et 
nuntiorum transacta est et solennibus legatis ultro citroque re- 
pente missis tandem ipsa virgo in Kalendis septembris cum 
ingenti apparatu sumptu et splendore transfretavit et pari am- 
bitu excepta et parisiis deducta regique copulata in quarum 
nuptiarum celebratione dux Suffolchie et dominus marquis* 
egregia rei militaris facinora deponentes magnificis praemiis 
donati cum summa gloria rediere. Hoc anno Leo decimus con- 
silium lateranense a Julio inceptum probavit et mense Julio 
sessionem prosequutus est. 

1515-16 1513 George Monox [^tennL^Trford } 7 

ffransiscus^ rex francorum primus eius nominis successit 
Ludovico qui obiit primo die Januarii cuius uxor regina nupsit 
Carolo Brandon duci Suffolchie. Eodem anno Thomas Wulsey 
priore anno factus episcopus lincolniensis creatur archiepiscopus 
Eboracensis et cardinalis ^ et anno subsequenti cancellarius anglie. 
Eodem anno (Margareta *) filia regis henrici vij et regina Scotie 
cum viro suo rebus suis non satis confidentes confugerunt in 
Angliam et ipsa gravida peperit.^ 

weeks later remarks on the possibility of a marriage between the two, but 
although the rumours were not entirely without foundation, the matter came 
to naught (L. and P. \. 4072 ; Diet. Nat. Biog. vi. 219). 

' Thomas Grey, Marquis of Dorset ; cf. L. and P. i. 5560, 5590, 5606, for 
some account of their doings. 

* There seems to be another change of hand here. 

' A year intervened, however, between his receiving the Bulls for the 
Archbishopric in September, 15 14, and his creation as Cardinal; it was in 
December of the same calendar — though not mayoral— year, 1515, that he 
succeeded Warham as Chancellor. 

* Omitted in the MS. 

^ She crossed the border on the last day of September 1515, Margaret 
Douglas being bom at Harbottle Castle eight days later. 

TANNER a 183 

Henricus Wurlay ] 1516-17 

1514 Willelmus Butlar Willelmus Bayly 

Ricardus Grey obi it 
Hoc anno fferaandus rex aragonum et hispaniarum diem 

1516 Thomas Exmewe I''5"f !"""'>' .) ■S-8--9 

Radulphus Symond) 

Selinus rex Turchariorum Sultanum regem, Babilioniorum in 
Aegypto prelio occidit. Campegius cardinalis et legatus venit 
in Angliam. 

1517 Thomas Myrfin Joannes Aleyn l 1519-20 

' ' James Spencer ) 

Maximilianus imperator diem clausit extremum. fo. 109 

.5.8Jacob„,Yardford= feoSSSn 

Carolus rex Castilie eligitur imperator qui navigaturus in 
Burgundiam appulit in Angliam cum regina Aragonum hono- 
rifice acceptus. Rex et regina cum reliquo pene flore trans- 
miserunt Gessoriacum quibus occurrerunt rex et regina fifrancorum 
et mutuam amicitiam summa magnificentia consolidaverunt nee 
minus sumptuum splendore illustraverunt. Selinus imperator 
veneno periit primogeniti sui studio sibi illato. 

Mulieres macleenses et lovainenses magno tumultu gras- 


, „ T T> Joannes Kyme ) 1521-2 

I 'Jig Joannes Brug i c/ ^ r 

^ ^ J o Joannes bteyntonj 

Edwardus dux Buckingham securi percutitur. Cardinalis 
Eboracensis mare traiicit. 
Opera Lutheri damnantur. 
Leo papa moritur. 
Imperator fines Gallorum populatur. 

" This and the succeeding entries are in another hand ; they are almost 
identical with entries in the Scala temporum in the earlier part of the volume, 
from which they are probably copied. 




1530 Joannes Mylbourne fef™^^ l'^^"""] \ 

1 nomas Pergetoursj 

Carolus imperator omni honoris et voluptatis genere accipitur 
Londonii et Wyndesore et ad Southampton navem conscendit. 

Hadrianus 6 papa sedet. 

Edmundus Howarde dux classis Anglicane Britanniam mi- 
norem infestat. 

1521 Joannes Mundi J°^""^^ ^"'^^ton | 
Joannes ChampneyJ 

Christiernus rex Dacie profugus magnifice accipitur Londonii. 
Expeditio in tumultuantes scotos. 

1524-5 Michael 

1533 ^ Thomas Balory Englysh 

Nicholus Jewyn, 

MS. WESTERN 30745 

fo. 38" 1477 Thomas Layttene maior 

This man deceassed in his yere and water conye sucseded his 
rome : also in this yere in the sete of trodent the Jewes slewe 
a chyld in derysion of ye passion of Chryst and for the w°h act 
they suffared great punyshment:^ also georg deweke clarens 
yong"^ brother to the Kynge was droned in a boot of mamsey.^ 

1478 Thomas Thorsbe maior 
In this yere was ther grete mortalytye her in England.* 

1 The figures alone for four more years are set down. 

'' In 1475 there was a great commotion in the town of Trent caused by 
a Franciscan friar Bernardino of Fehre who preached sermons denunciatory 
of the Jews there, finally persuading the inhabitants that the death of a 
Christian child found drowned near the house of a Jew was their work. 
They were imprisoned, tortured, and finally expelled from the town 
(H. Graetz, History of the Jews, iv. 319-22). None of the other English 
chroniclers of the period record this. 

' February 18, 1478. 

* According to Fabysn (666), the ' mortality and death' began in September 
1478, and continued until November of the next year, 'innumerable people' 

WESTERN 30745 185 

1479 John Borbave maior ^ 

In this yere Mahomet the torke besydged the Rode but lost 
his labr.^ 

1480 William Marche maior 

1481 William Marche maior 

In this yere the Skots begane to store and the deweke of 
glossytr was sent to them but he retorned w*h out battell.^ 

1483 Thorsbe maior 
In this yere Kyng Edward (died *) the 4*'' died the 9 day of 
apryll and lefte behend hym a sons Edward the prynce and 
Rychard ]>e deweke of Yorke w*h 3 dawghters.* 

1483 Robarte Pyllye maior 
Ifi this yere the xi day of aprell Edward the V* begayne his 
rene being of the adge of a xi yers and never was crowned but 
most shameflfully murdred at the comandement of his owen 
uncle rychard the 3 who in Joune next after began to reyne.^ 

1484 Thomas Wryght maior fo. 38 

In this yere the deweke of buckyngam was behededj 

1485 John Tyllye maior 
In this yere was bosworth fyld * wherin kynge Rychard was 

dying from it. It was raging in Norfolk in 1479 (Blomefield, History of 
Norfolk, iii. 169; cf. Vitellius, 188; Arnold, xxviii ; Grey Friars Chronicle, 
22 ; Hall, 327). 

^ Blomefield, in his list of the mayors of Lynn (Hist, of Norfolk, viii. 533), 
has John ' Burbage '. 

* Rhodes was besieged in 1480 by Masih Pasha with a considerable fleet : 
the bravery of the defenders, the incapacity of the Turkish general, and finally 
the death of Mahomet himself (May 3, 1481) saved the town. The other 
English chroniclers do not record this. 

" In this campaign Gloucester, though he did not fight a battle, achieved 
considerable success ; he besieged and took Berwick and devastated the 
country as far north as Edinburgh (Hall, 330-8) ; Fabyan and Vitellius do 
not mention it. 

* This word is crossed through. 

° Elizabeth, Cecilia, and Katherine. 

' Cf. Fabyan, 668 ; the chronicler may have confused ix and xi. Edward V 
was bom in November 1470, and so would be in his thirteenth year; Richard 
began his reign June 26 ; Edward V reckoned his reign from the day of 
his father's death, April 9. 

' October 1483. 

' August 22. As a matter of fact, Henry dated his reign from the day 
before the Battle of Bosworth, in order that his opponents on that field might 


ove' throune in the 3 yere of his Reyne by henery the Erie of 
Rychmond who was afterward Kyng by the nam of Kyng henry 
the sevethe. 

In this yer the 22 of August henery the 7"^ begane his rene. 

1485 Rycharde Godwyne maior 

In this yere King henery the 7"' maryed Elyzabeth the eldest 
dowghter of Edward the 4"' ' and by meanes wherof the tow 
houses of yorke and longcaster was set at one w' as J^e wer 

1487 Robarte Pylly maior 
In this yere the quen was maryed. ^ 

1488 John Tegoe maior 

In this yer was a grete battell betwyne the Kyng and other 
nobles by reson Y a pryst called rychard symond [who] conveyed 
awaye a yong chyld into yerlande saying to the nobles that he 
was Sonne to the deweke clarons.* 

1489 John Gryndell maior* 

1490 John Gryndell maior 

In this yere the Kyng was at Walsyngame : ' also ther was 
fo. 37 a taxt of the tent penye of mens lands by means wherof the 

be stigmatized as rebels, as they were by the Parliament which met in 
November (Rot. Pari. vi. 276). There is a ballad descriptive of the battle in 
Bishop Percy's Folio MS. iii. 237. 

' January 28, i486 ; Hall, 491 ; Fabyan Continuation, 683, but without 
any comment. 

^ Probably a slip for ' crowned '. The coronation took place November 25, 
1487, in the year after the marriage ; Fab. Cont. 683 ; Hall, 438; Arnold, 
xxviii ; Vit. A. XVI. 194 ; Ricart's Kalendar, 47, also records it. 

' The rising of Lambert Simnel, the ' yong chyld ' — he was, however, fifteen 
years old — was put down at the Battle of Stoke, June 16, 1487 ; this entry 
should therefore be placed 1486-7, not 1488-9. 

* Here a space is left in the MS. but no entry is made. 

'* Henry was at Norwich for Easter 1487, ' for the confirming of those parts,' 
and from there made a pilgrimage to the Shrine of Our Lady at Walsingham ; 
but this was before the Battle of Stoke, and although he sent his banner 
there from Lincoln after the victory, there is no record of a second visit. 

WESTERN 30745 187 

comons rose and slewe the erle of northumberlond ^ ffor w'=h 
cawse 2 ther captene w'h divers others was hanged. 
And in this yere Kyng henrye the VIII* was borne.* 

1 49 1 Robarte Podyche maior 

In this yere the sowthe ylie of sant marget's church was 
ffynyshed : * also in this yere the kyng of Scots was slain bye 
the nobles of this ryelm and Jamy his sone was kyng in his 

1492 Thomas Wryghte maior 

In this yere was a grete ffray in lyne betwyne the towen and 
the undr stryf ^ and the excheker w'h ther men. In this yere 
also was fray in the cete of London upon the esterlynes ' and 
the kyng aryved in ffrance and a peace was taken and a tribet 
granted w^h was xxv M. crownes by yere.* 

' Crossed out and re-written below. 

' Parliament in 1489 granted a tenth for the expenses of the war in Brittany. 
There was opposition to its collection in Yorkshire and Durham from poverty, 
and perhaps, as Bacon says, from ' the old humour of those parts, where the 
memory of King Richard was so strong, that it lay like lees in the bottom of 
men's hearts ; if the vessel was but stirred, it would come up ' (History of 
Henry VII, ed. Lumby, 65). The Earl of Northumberland was slain, but 
the revolt was quickly put down by the Earl of Surrey. One of the leaders, 
Sir John Egremont, fled to Flanders, but John a Chambre and others were 
hanged at York ; cf. Skelton's Dirge upon the death of the duke {Poetical 
Works, ed. Dyce, i. 6-14) ; also Plumpton Correspondence, ed. T. Stapleton, 
Cam. Soc. 1839, 61. 

' June 24, 1491, 

* Thomas Thorsby, mayor 1478-9, 1482-3, 1 502-3, built the south aisle of 
the chancel of St. Margaret's, the town church, ' at his charge and cost ' ; 
a certain Richard Scowte also left £i,o about this time for the same work of 
church restoration (Beloe, Our Borough, King's Lynn, 97-101). 

' James III of Scotland was murdered by certain of the Scottish nobility 
on June 11, 1488. It looks as if the chronicler may have written ' this' for 
' his ' by mistake. 

* ? sheriff. In 1488 le'ters patent ' of pardon and release' were granted to 
the ' Aldermen warden and Brethren of the Gild of the Holy Trinity at Lynn ' 
(Hist. MSS. Com., Rep. XI, App. iii. 205) ; it is just possible that this has 
some connexion with the affray mentioned here ; the dispute may have arisen 
over the customs of the port, or over the collection of the subsidy granted in 
1490, but no record of it has been found. 

' Cf. Fab. Cont. 684, ' in the month of October . . . was the fray made upon 
the Easterlings by the commons of the city and specially mercers servants ' ; 
Hall, 467 ; Vitellius, 198. 

, ' Henry crossed to Calais in October 1492 with an army, but the Peace of 
Etaples was made before hostilities could begin. Charles was to pay the 
costs of the English preparations for war and also a yearly tribute of 25,000 
crowns for Henry's expenses in Brittany (Rymer, 497, 505-9 ; Hall, 457). 


1493 Edmunde Howsey^ maior 
In this yer was wheat at vi* a bushell and bay salt was for 
3 pence ob. a bushell.^ 

1494 Wyll^m Amfflays maior 

In this yer begane the fifrence pockes^ and whyt heryng was 
sold for 3"' 4*' the barrell.* 

1495 Wyllm Aumfflays maior 
1496 John Palmer maior 

In this yer cam henrye the VII*'' to lyne w'h the quen the 
yong prynce and the Kyngs mother and lodged at the fryer 
fo. 37"' awgustyne.^ In this year also was blace heth ffyld : ^ and the 
18 day of June a stone of a gret begnes ffell in Itely and cam 
out of the are and brake in 3 pesses, yt was as thoughe yt had 
come out of the are in ffyre. 

1497 Robarte Trewe maior 

1498 John Tayller maior 
1499 Thomas' Daye maior 
In this yere parkyne warbeke sooffred and shortly after the 
erle of warwyke.* 

1500 Androwe Wollse maior 
In this year was ther gret pestelence in London : ' and mar- 

' Edward Rowsey (Blomefield, viii. 533). 

' This is identical with Fabyan Continuation, 68$ ; Vitellius has a longer 
entry giving additional prices. 

' This was the pestilence which broke out after the French excesses during 
Charles VIII's invasion of Italy in this year; the French invasion is men- 
tioned by Vitellius, 205 (and cf. ibid. 217J, but none of the English chroni- 
clers record the outbreak of the disease. 

* Fabyan Continuation, 685. Here again Vitellius is fuller—' Also this year 
in lent white herring was of such plenty in London that after midlent men 
might have bought a barrel of good herring of lawful assize for 3^. 41^. ' ; 
cf. Grey Friars Chronicle, 25. 

^ The royal party visited Lynn in 1498 according to Richards, History of 
Lynn, i. 369. 

° June 17, 1497. The engagement in which the Cornish revolt was 

' ' Cal ' is written and then crossed out, before ' Daye '. 

' Perkyn VVarbeck was executed on the 23rd of November, 1499, and the 
Earl of Warwick five days later. It is significant of the nature of the chronicle 
that the death of the Bishop of Norwich, which occurred this year, is not 

' Cf. Fabyan Continuation, 687, ' And this year was a great deth in 
London, wherof died over 20 thousand of all ages ' ; so Vitellius, 232 ; Grey 
Friars, 26 ; Hall, 491. 

WESTERN 30745 189 

garet the Kyngs dowghter was maryed to Jamys J^e kyng of 
skotts and ffarnando maryed his dowghter [and] Kataryne to 
prince artter.^ 

1501 Symone Baxster maior 
In this yere dyed prynse arthor.'' 

150a Thomas Thorsby mair 

In this yer dyed elyzabethe the quen in the tower in chyld 

1503 John Pallmar maior 
In this yere ther was much hurt in London bye ffyre.* 
1504 Wyllyam Trewe maior 
^5°3 Wyllyam Grarye^ maior 
In this yere the wather coke of [sant margets] * powels blawen 
dowen : and the deweke of borgony by stres of wather was 
dryven into the west countrye.' 

1506 Androwe Wollsye maior 
In this yere sant margets church of lyne was suspended and 
they chrystened in the charnell : ^ and in this yere a great part 
of Norwyche was brent.® fo. 35 

^ Margaretleft England in July 1503, not 1500-1, and Katherine reached 
the country in October 1502, the marriage taking place on the 12th of 

' April 2, 1502, at Ludlow Castle. 

' Queen Elizabeth had been ill in the summer of 1502. She died 
February 4, 1503, to be followed shortly afterwards by her infant daughter 

* The London chroniclers give the names of the parts of London in which 
the different fires broke out (Fabyan Continuation, 688 ; Vitellius, 260). 

° Gervis (BloraefieJd, viii. 533). 

' It is interesting as showing how the Lynn chronicler was using a London 
chronicle to see that he first wrote ' sant margets ' — the church which was to 
the townsmen of Lynn something like St. Paul's to the Londoner — and then, 
remembering, crossed out the words, and began a fresh line with ' powels '. 
All the London chroniclers mention the accident. 

' Duke Philip was on his way to Spain in January 1506, when he was 
driven into Weymouth harbour, Henry making use of his opportunity to 
obtain an alliance with his enforced guest, which was much to the profit of 
the English ; Rymer, xiii. 123-6, 132-42 ; L. and P. of Henry VII, ii. 363-5 ; 
Vitellius, 261 ; Hall, 500-2. 

' The Bishop of Norwich interdicted the church ' because the inhabitants 
were not obedient to some of his orders ' (Blomefield, viii. 499) ; the charnel 
chapel was a small building adjoining the church, with a chantry and a 
' charnel priest '. 

• Fire broke out in Norwich in April 1 507, and again in June, each time 


1507 Robarte Jarvyte maior 
1508 Jhon Bordye maior 

In this yere at Constatitynople was great erthequake so that 
husses and towres were over throune withe the torkes pallas 
wherbye manye people wer destroyed and the great torke was 
constraayned to flye.^ In this yere the 21 day of apryell Kynge 
henry the VII* died and in the 34"' yere of his reyne. 

In this yere also kyng henarye the VIII"' begane his reyne 
the 22 of apryll in anno 1508.^ 

1509 John Gryndelle maior 

In this yere begane the sute betwyne Lyne and Cambredge 
for the toll ^ of Sturbyche ffare.* 

This yere also was beheded both hempsen and dudlay : ® and 
the kynge maryed lady katheryne having a dyspention ffrom leo 
the byshop of rome.® 

burning for several days before it could be extinguished ; it was estimated 
that over 700 houses had been burnt, and the decline of the city was un- 
doubtedly helped by these disasters (Blomefield, iii. 182-3). Skelton has 
lines ' Lamentatio urbis Norvicensis ' on this disaster {Poetical Works, ed. 
Dyce, i. 174). 

1 It was in 1509 (September 14) that the great earthquake occurred at 
Constantinople. Houses and mosques were overthrown and the walls of the 
palace and the city ramparts fell ; shocks continued to be felt there and in 
the neighbouring towns for over six weeks (Le V^ A. de la Jonqui^re, Histoire 
de r Empire Ottoman, 198). The other English chroniclers do not mention 
the catastrophe. 

''■ Henry VIII was the last English king to date his regnal years from the 
day after the death of the preceding monarch ; the date was of course 1509 
(April 24) ; henceforth the method of dating the regnal years of a monarch 
from the day of the predecessor's death obtained. 

^ The words ' for the toll ' are repeated and crossed through. 

* Richards {History of Lynn, ii. 1 192) mentions the suit (and Cooper, 
Annals of Cambridge, v. 291, from him), but there is no detailed record, or 
mention of the result. The authorities of Cambridge were involved in 
several suits of a similar nature about this time owing to their attempts to 
levy toll on the traders of places which, like Lynn, possessed charters giving 
them freedom from toll throughout the realm. In 1519 there was a dispute 
with the men of Northampton {Records of Northampton, ii. 536) ; a few 
years later Hertford men were involved in a like suit (Walford, English Fairs, 
70) ; cf Introd. p. 93. 

^ Cf. above, p. 177. 

* The marriage took place in June 1 509. The dispensation was given by 
Julius II, for it was not until four years later that Leo became Pope. 

WESTERN 30745 191 

1510 Thomas Wyte^ maior 

In this yere henry the first sone of kynge henery the VIII 
was borne on new years daye.^ 

151 1 Thomas Wyte maior 

In this yere lord hawarde towoke Androo bartton and % ffare 

151a John Davye maior 

In this yere the paryshoners of St. James parysh contended 
against ther pryst ffor sarten injores and ffor sellyng of the 
tryes in the churche yarde.* 

In this yere also the lord haword lord admyrall was slayne in fo. 35' 
breten. The regent of England and the karyck of ffrance was 
brent. Sr thomas knevyt was capten in the regent and had 700 
men wythe hym and Sr pers morgyn capten in the karyk w''in 
was 900 men. 

In this yer also the kyng of skots entred in to yngland and 
was slayne w'h xij erles be the erle of Surrey.* 

1513 Rycharde Bowsher maior 
In this yere Sr (John) " Walles bornyd dyvers towenes and 
vylleges in Normandye.' 

^ Wych (Blomefield, viii. 533). 

^ January 15 10; it should therefore have come in the previous year. He 
died ' on St. Matthew's Day in the third year of the King ' (Fabyan Con- 
tinuation, 695). 

* Hall, 525 ; cf. Fabyan Continuation, ' Lord Howard took Andrew Barton 
and an hundred Scots and two fair ships '. There is a ballad account printed 
in Child's Ballads, iii. 334 ; Percy MS. 4go ; Roxburgh Ballads, i. 10 ; and 
reference in L. and P. of Henry VIII, i. 3136, 3339, 3618, 3631. 

* The churchyard was the property of the parish, being looked after by the 
wardens. Similar complaint was made against a Cambridge vicar in 1534 ; 
he pleaded the poverty of his benefice ' because of the great payments yearly 
made to the King ' (Z. and P. viii. 727). 

" Cf. above, pp. 179-80. 

" Omitted and written above. 

' Sir John Wallop — not Walles — was one of the sea captains who fought 
under Lord Howard in the naval war of 1512-13. He was present at the 
fight in which the Lord Admiral was slain. He captained the Sancho di 
Gara in 1512 and the Great Barbara the next year {L. and P. i. 3980, 4005, 
4020, S 1 1 2, S 1 30, 5761 ). Hall, 569, relates how in consequence of the ravaging 
of Brighthelmston in Sussex by the French fleet, the Lord Admiral sent 
Wallop ' incontent ', ' which sailed to the coast of Normandy and there 
landed and burnt xxi villages and towns with great slaughter of people,' and 
' quit himself so that men marvelled of his enterprises, considering he had 


1514 Robert Some maior 
In this yere was a peace taken and concluded betwen yngland 
and ffrance and the ffrence Kynge maryed the lady mary the 
kyngs syster of yngland w°h ffrence kyng emedyatly died and 
his wyffe was ffatched agayne by the deweke of Suffolke:* also 
in this yere Rychard Hunne was borned in the lollard towere.'' 

1515 Thomas Gryndell maior 

In this yer was there a woman borned in the market plase ffor 
kyllyng of her husband.^ 

1516 Robarte Amfloes maior 

In this yere was sant Stevens flud : such a frost ensued that 
men w*h carts myght pass betwyne westmynster and lambethe. 

This yere in fabruary was borne at grynwyche the lady marye 
the kyngs dowghter. 

In this yer on may day w^h is called the yle may day was 
there an insurrection in london of yonge persons agaynst alyans 
of the w'^h divers were put to execution and the resudewe cam 
to Westmynster w*h halters about ther neks and were pardoned : 
and the 24 of may the quen of skots retorned into skotland 

at the most but 800 men and took land there so often.' Fabyan Continuation 
does not mention Wallop, but news of his exploits would be carried to a sea- 
port like Lynn, albeit ' Walles ' for ' Wallop ' looks rather like an error of 

' The Treaty was signed August 7, 1514, the Princess Mary leaving Eng- 
land in October ; ' emedyatly ' is not strictly true, for Louis died early in 
January 1 5 15. 

^ Richard Hunne was discovered hanged in the Lollards' Tower in St. 
Paul's, December 4, 1514. The close resemblance of this account to that in 
Fabyan Continuation makes it probable that the Lynn chronicler wrote 
' homed ' through carelessness in copying for ' hung ' ; the words ' Lollard 
Tower' would suggest ' burning' rather than hanging. Cf. Keilway's Report 
{^English Reports, 72, King's Bench) for Hunne. 

' By Stat. 25 Edward HI, 5 c. 2, this crime, as a ' petty treason ', was made 
punishable in this way ; Stevens, History of Criminal Law, iii. 34-5 ; cf. 
Gregory'' s Chronicle, 93, 184, for earlier examples of the infliction of the 
punishment, which was not abolished until 1790 (Lecky, i. 506). 

* The entry for this year is almost identical with that in Fabyan Con- 
tinuation, save that the mention of the birth of Princess Mary, February 18, 
1516, rightly placed by that record in the preceding year, is interpolated, and 
that the date of the Scottish Queen's return is there correctly given as the 
l8th of May. 

WESTERN 30745 193 

1 51 7 Thomas Layghten maior 
In this yere many died of the swete.^ Tornoy was give over 
into the ffrench kyngs hand ; ^ the terme was adiumed to Oxford 
and agayne to London. 

151 8 William Castell maior 

In this yere leutor wrot to leo the byshop of rome consarnyng 
pardons and other matters of relygyon for w'=h cawse he was 
proclamed [trator] ^ heretycke but by the mantynance of the 
duke of Saxton he preched and wrot styll agaynst the pope.* 

1519 Robarte Jarvyte maior 

In this yere the carnoll thomas wolsye was at lyne.^ 

1520 Thomas My Her maior 

In this yere begane the sut betwyne lyne and the bishop of 
norwyche ffor the lyberty of lyne.* 

1521 Thomas Myller (maior) '' governer 
In this yer was the deweke of bukyngam beheded the 17 day 
of may ; * the emperor charles cam to london.' 

' This outbreak of the sweating sickness in England raged over a con- 
siderable area (cf. Creighton, History of Epidemics, 245-50). The adjourn- 
ment to Oxford was due to this (Hall, 592). Fabyan Continuation, 697, 
mentions the adjournment in the exact words used by the Lynn chronicler, 
but he does not mention the sweat, or any cause for the adjournment ; the 
Lynn chronicler apparently failed to notice any connexion between the two 

^ The treaty by which Toumay was to be restored to Francis for 600,000 
crowns, and a marriage arranged between Princess Mary and the Dauphin,, 
was signed in October 15 18 (Z. and P. ii. (ii), 4467, 4483). 

' This word is crossed through. 

* Luther hung up his theses at Wittenberg on the 31st of October, 1517 ; 
he forwarded them to the Pope in May of the next year. None of the other 
English chroniclers speak of Luther at this date. 

° Wolsey was at Lynn in August 1520, with two bishops and ' many knights 
and squires '. The town spent the sum of ^22 os. 6d. in gifts of wine, sheep, 
and all sorts of provisions ; after a two days' stay Wolsey departed ' with 
great laud and thanks' {Hist. MSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 172). 

* See Introd., p. 86 seq. 

' This word is crossed through, ' governer ' being written above. 

* All the chroniclers record this, Buckingham's execution making a great 
impression in the country ; a ballad concerning it is printed in Ballads from 
Manuscripts, ed. F. J. Furnivall, ii. 61. 

° Charles was in England in May 1521, but he only came as far as Canter- 
bury ; next year, however, in June he visited London, and it is this visit that 
the Lynn chronicler, like Fabyan Continuation, records. Cf. L. and P. ii. 
(ii), 2307 ; Hall, 604, 634-42. 

1125 N 


fo. 36^ 1522 Thomas Myller governer 

In this yere the deweke of albeny began to enter this land 
but by heryng the erll of Shrosberye was comynge to fyght w'h 
hym then a pease was taken fifor vi monythes t^ a great pestilence 
in Rom this yere ther died 100 thousand : ^ and the gret turke 
besedged the Roods and took yt on chrystmes day.^ 

1523 Thomas Myller governor 

In this yere a peace concluded betwyne yngland and skott- 
land : in this yere the towne of lyne had ther libertye agayne 
restored and the sword borne befor the mare and the towen was 
called kyngs lyne.* 

1524 John Gryndell maior 

This yere a pease concluded betwyne yngland and ffrance.' 
The coyne. was inhanssed : ^ the Kynges maiestye was allmoste 
drowened by leapynge over a dych after his hauke.'' 

^ This is almost identical with the entry in Fabyan Continuation, 697, 
save that the latter — correctly — says it was a truce, not a peace. The Lynn 
chronicler falls into the same error in the following year, for a truce— a series 
of truces — and not a peace was all that the unsettled government of Scotland 
rendered possible (cf. L. and P. iii. (ii), 3506 ; iv. (i), 621). Albany's advance 
took place in November 1523 ; Skelton wrote some satirical verses relating 
' How the douty Duke of Albeny lyke a coward knyght, ran away shame- 
fully' {Works, ed. Dyce, ii. 68). 

''■ Pestilence raged in Rome with varying fierceness from the autumn of 
1522 until well on in the next year [Cal. of State Papers, Spanish, ii, pp. 483, 
500, 552, 638, 646, 648). Neither Fabyan Continuation, Hall, nor the other 
chroniclers record this. 

^ The Knights of St. John surrendered after a siege of some months to 
Solyman the 'great turk' (Z. and P. iii. (ii), 2841, 'a brief relation ' ; Fabyan 
Continuation, 698 ; Hall, 653-5). 

* See pp. 88-9. 

^ The treaty was concluded in September, 1525 (Z. and P. iv. (i), 1600-3, 

* The coin was enhanced in the autumn of 1526 ; L. and P. iv. 2541, 2595 ; 
Hall, 718; Wriothsley, i. 15. Fabyan Continuation puts it 1524-5, though 
it states that it occurred 'in the 17th. yere of the Kyng', and the Lynn 
chronicler has followed this error. 

' Hall alone of the other chroniclers records this (697, anno 16) : ' In this 
year the king following of his hawk leapt over a ditch beside Hychyn with 
a pole and the pole brake so that if one Edward Mody, a footman, had not 
leapt into the water and lift up his head, which was fast in the clay, he had 
been drowned ; but God of his goodness preserved him.' 

WESTERN 30745 195 

1525 Thomas Layghten maior 
In this yer was ther a grete insurrection in Jarmenye, 100,000 
people slayne w*h in 3 monthes.^ In this yere begane the 
dewlyshe doctryne of the anabaptys.^ 

1526 Chrystover Brodhauke mar.^ 
In this yere was grete murmerynge in Suffolke but yt was 
ffor pament of surten mony wrby ther arose in Suff(olk) 40,004 
n:ien but wer apesed by the deweke.'' In this yere docter barnys fo. 33' 
bare a ffagott at poweles cros ^ and gret dethe was in london.^ 

1527 Robarte Some maior . 
In this yere cam to lyne the quen of ffrance the deweke of 
Suffolk wyf and loged at mr comes plase J 

^ The Peasants' Revolt in Germany began June 1524 ; it was finally 
crushed in May of the next year. Hall, 702, says that ' almost a hundred 
thousand ' people rose, ' of whom a great number were slain and destroyed ' ; 
Fabyan Continuation does not mention the rising. 

" Although most of the features of Anabaptism had appeared before this, 
it was just about this time — perhaps at their conference at Augsburg in 1526 
— that they formally recognized the distinctive belief which then or even two 
years earlier gained them their name of ' kata- ' or ' ana- ' baptists (cf. Lind- 
say, History of the Reformation, ii. 432-4). 

'^ The edge of the MS. Blomefield has Brokebank; the words 'but wer 
apesed ' are repeated. 

■* Wolsey's attempt in the spring of 1525 to raise an 'amicable loan ' on 
the plea of the King's personal invasion of France, was met with opposition 
in several counties, and in Suffolk there was a near approach to an insurrec- 
tion (Z. and P. iv. (i) 1284, 1295, 1311, 1318-19, 1321, 1323-5, 1343). Hall 
in his account, 697-701, gives the numbers of those who rose as 40,000, but 
places it before the record of the revolt in Germany. Fabyan Continuation, 
698, also places it — rightly — in the previous year. 

^ Robert Barnes was bom in the neighbourhood of Lynn and his career 
may therefore have had the more interest to this writer, although he omits to 
mention the burning of Bilney at Norwich five years later. A violent sermon 
at Cambridge in December 1525 led to Barnes's arrest and examination before 
Wolsey. With much difficulty he was persuaded to abjure his ' heresies ' and 
carried a faggot at St. Paul's early in the next year (Diet. Nat. Biog. iii. 

" Hall, 707, mentions the ' great death ' in London. 

' The Duke of Suffolk and his wife ' the French Queen ' were in Lynn in 
January 1528, Suffolk examining two men in sanctuary there. In the pre- 
vious autumn commissioners had been appointed to inquire into the grain 
supply and Suffolk visited Norwich and Lynn on that matter. The town 
gave presents of wine, swans, and other provisions ; ' comes ' may be the 
mayor's name carelessly spelt (Z. and P. iv. (ii), 3544, 3665, 3712, 3811, 3819, 
3822, 3883, 4414 ; Hist. JtlSS. Comm., Rep. XI, App. iii, 173). 

N 3 


1538 John Waters maior 
In this yere was sene thre sonnes in the are : corne was very 
dere : the swetynge sycnes reyned in sondry plasses.^ 

1529 Thomas Myller maior 
In this yere the cardnole was deposed of and from the chans- 
lershipe of ynglande.^ 

1530 Rychard Bowsher mare 
In this yere the cardenall dyed and was boylled in Smythefyld 
fifor poyssenynge.^ 

Tyndall testament was horned.* 

1 53 1 John Power maior 
In this yer was ther dyvers prechynge one agaynst the other 
for the Kyngs maryedge.^ 

' The sweating sickness broke out in London at the end of May, 1528, 
and lasted through the summer and autumn (L. and P. iv. (ii), passim, Hall, 
750) ; Fabyan Continuation, 699, ' corn was very dear and had been dearer if 
merchants of the steelyard had not been and Dutch ships restrained and an 
abstinance of war between England and Flanders '. 

'^ Wolsey surrendered the Great Seal on the 17th of October, 1529 
(L. and P., iii. 6025). The phrase of Fabyan Continuation, 699, is very 
similar, ' And in October the Cardinal was deposed of the chancellorship.' 

'^ The clue to this extraordinary statement can probably be found by a 
reference to Fabyan Continuation, which has (1530-1), ' This year the French 
king's children delivered. One boiled in Smithfield for poisoning. The 
cardinal died on St. Andrew's Even ' ; it only needed the inversion of the 
two latter sentences and the omission of ' a man ' or ' one ' to produce the 
startling entry of the Lynn chronicler. Wolsey died November 29, 1530. 
The man who suffered in Smithfield was Richard Rulse, cook to Bishop 
Fisher. It was affirmed that he had made an attempt to poison the Bishop, 
several of whose household died from eating food cooked by Rulse. Parlia- 
ment hurriedly passed an Act imposing the penalty of boiling alive for the 
crime, and Rulse suffered the awful death [L. and P. v. 120; Stat. 22 
Hen. Vni, c. 16 ; Hall, 780-1). 

* Hall, 762-3, gives an account of the burning, one effect of which was to 
provide the Reformer with more money. 

^ Preaching of a controversial nature on this subject took place in 1532, 
when William Peto, Provincial of the Grey Friars, preaching before the King 
on Easter Day, argued strongly against the divorce. The irate King got one 
of his own chaplains to answer the attack on the following Sunday, but the 
chaplain's denunciation of Peto (who was absent) and his views was inter- 
rupted by another Grey friar, Elston, who offered in church to substantiate 
the arguments of his superior. In the event both friars were imprisoned 
(Z. and P. v. 941, 989). There must also have been much discussion of the 
divorce question in the country generally (Campeggio's court had sat over 

WESTERN 30745 197 

153a Robarte Awmfler maior 
In thes yer was the Kynge devorssed from hys wyf and 
maryed anne bollone : and in this yer was borne at grynwyche 
Lady Elyzabethe.^ 

^533 Robarte Parmyter mare 
In this yer was wyllim trase taken out of his grave and bornd 

who died thre yeres before ^ [of norffolke].^ 

In this yere the beshop of Rome corssed the Kynge and the fo. ss' 

realme becase of his [mary] * devorsment : the holly made of 

kent w% others soffored deathe;^ the beshop of rome was 

abbollyshed this relm.^ 

1534 Robart Segreve maior 
In this yere a deuche man was borned in the market please 
for eressye as the say : ' in this yere John frythe was borned in 

two years before), and it may be this general debating of the subject, in which 
Katherine almost universally had the sympathies of the people, to which the 
chronicler refers. 

' Sentence of divorce was pronounced by Cranmer on the 23rd of May, 
1533, although Henry and Anne had been married some months. Anne was 
crowned queen June I and Elizabeth was born September 7. 

^ William Tracy, a Gloucestershire squire, died in 1530. Convocation 
found his will heretical and ordered his remains to be exhumed and burnt, 
a decision which caused some outcry against the clergy (L. and P. v. 928 ; 
vi. 40-1 ; Hall, 796 ; Wilkins, iii. 746-7). 

' These words are written at the top left-hand corner of fo. 33^, being 
ruled off from the chronicle proper ; they are very indistinct and possibly 
refer to the writer or owner of the MS. 

* This — the first part of ' maryedge ' — is crossed out. A Bull threatening 
Henry with excommunication if he failed to restore Katharine was promul- 
gated in August 1533, but it was not until after the deaths of Fisher and 
More that it was issued, August 30, 1535 {L. and P. vi. 953, 1392 ; ix. 15, 

^ Elizabeth Barton, the Holy Maid of Kent, was attainted, with Masters, 
Bocking, and four others, by the Parliament which met in January 1534; 
they were executed at Tyburn on the 20th of April (Stat. 25 Hen. VHI, c. 12 ; 
L. and P. vii. 522 ; Hall, 806-15 ; Wriothesley, i. 22-4). 

* The short Act (Stat. 26 Hen. VHI, c. l), completing the anti-papal legis- 
lation of the preceding years, by making the King ' supreme head of the 
church of England', was passed in November, 1534. Fabyan Continuation, 
700, and Hall, 816, both use phrases similar to that of the Lynn chronicler. 

' Wriothesley (i. 28) records that June 4, 1535, twenty-two Dutch men and 
women were convicted of heresy and fourteen of them condemned ; two 
were burnt in Smithfield 'and the other twelve were sent to divers good 
towns in England, there to be burnt ' ; the man burnt at Lynn was in all 
probability one of these. Stow {Annals, 965, ed. 1592) says they were 
Anabaptists, which makes the chronicler's doubting 'as they say' rather 
inconsistent with his remark about the ' devilish doctrines ' of that sect. The 


Smythfyld :'^ this yere the fyrst frutts and tents was granted to 
the Kynge : ^ the byshop of Rochester and Sr thomas more was 

1535 Thomas Waters Maior 
In this yere the (lady) * Katheryne ended her lyffe : and 
willyam tyndall J^e lamed man was borned in Brabon.^ 

1536 Thomas Layghten maior 
In this yere was ther a comotion in lyncolne shyre and yorke- 
sher the lynconshyre men beynge but 20 M. wer fyrst staid the 
yorkesher men being 40 M. had ther badges of the V wonds the 
fygurs of the Sacrement and Ihs wrytten in the medel and at 
what tyme the batoU shold have bene ffought the nyght before 
a water that was betwyne them arose that nether of the partyse 
cold com to other and then a pease was concluded betwyne 
fo. 34 In this yere one william chysborow and a whyght ffryere was 

hanged drawen and quarterd the next day after corpus christi 

chronicle of Richard Hill (Carols and Songs, ed. R. Dyboski, E. E. T. S., 
Ex. Ser. 1908, 165) also records the burning of Dutch folk in Smithfield. 

' John Frith was condemned for heresy June 21, 1533, and executed 
July 14 ; the Lynn chronicler is thus two years out {L. and P. vi. 682, 761 ; 
Hall, 815-16, wrongly places it in 1534 ; Wriothesley, i. 22). 

^ By Statute 26 Hen. VHI, c. 3. 

' Bishop Fisher was tried June 17, 1535, and beheaded five days later; 
More was tried July i and suffered on the 6th of the same month (Z. and P. 
viii. 886, 948, 974, 996 ; Hall, 817-18 ; Wriothesley, i. 29). 

*■ Omitted in MS. ; she died on the 8th of January, 1536, at Kimbolton 

"•' Tyndale died at the stake on the 6th of August, 1535, at Vilvord in 
Flanders. Fabyan Continuation omits this, but mentions the death of 
Katharine, as does Wriothesley ; Hall, 818, mentions both. 

^ The Lincolnshire rising consequent on the suppression of the small 
monasteries began in the first days of October 1536 ; it was quickly ' staid', 
but almost immediately the real ' Pilgrimage of Grace ' broke out. The 
army of ' pilgrims ' and the royal forces led by Norfolk came face to face 
with the waters of the Don between. It was not, however, as the Lynn 
chronicler states, in common with Hall and— with slight variation — 
Wriothesley, the miraculous rise of the river which prevented a battle, but 
Norfolk's fear for his raw levies, not nearly equal to the forces of the north 
country. He arranged a truce as politic for the royal cause as it was dis- 
pleasing to the royal dignity (Z. and P. xi. 909 ; Hall, 820-3 ; Wriothesley, 
i. 56-7)- Fabyan Continuation merely mentions a 'foolish commotion' in 
Lincolnshire and Yorkshire. 

' In April 1537 there were rumours of disaffection in Norfolk about 
Walsingham. Swift and stern measures were taken ; those suspected were 

WESTERN 30745 199 

In this yere begane the mart at Lyne holdynge 4 yers 2 times 
a yere that ys to say fyrste is at the assention of our lady and 
the other is at the puryfycation.^ 

1537 Wyllyam hawUe maior 

In this (yere) ^ prince Edward was borne on St. edwards even 
and his mother Queen Jane died ymmedyatly after in chyld bed. 
In this yere the lord darcye the lord hussye w*h Sir thomas 
ersye sufifred ffor hygh tresson.^ fifryer fforest was hanged a nd 
afterward borned for treson and erese.* 

1538 Rychard Bowsher maior 

In this yere was the fifrears supressed at lyne on myghellmes 
day^ and pylgrymes and^ Idolytrye forbyden. Abbays sup- 
pressed and dyvers gentollmen put to deathe for treasson.'' 

1539 Wyllyam Hawlle tayler mayor 

In this yeare the gret Onell invaded the Inglyshe pale * and 
the maryage of King henry the VIII* and the lady ane of cleve 
was concluded.^ 

seized, tried, and condemned, and in May and June executions took place in 
Norwich, Yarmouth, Walsingham, and Lynn, at which last place William 
Gysborough and John Pecok — the White friar — suffered on June i {L.and P. 
xii. (i), 1056, 1063, 1212, 1300). 

' See Introd., p. 93. 

" 'Year' omitted. Prince Edward was born October 12, 1537, and the 
Queen died on the 24th of the same month. 

~' They were beheaded at the end of June 1537 for complicity in the 
risings of the previous year (Hall, 824-5 ; Wriothesley, i. 62-6). 

* May 22, 1538, Forest was burnt on a gallows in Smithfield ; L. and P. 
xiii. (i), 1024, 1043; Hall, 825; Wriothesley, 78-80; Fabyan Continuation, 
701. ' In May . . . was Friar Forest hanged and afterwards burnt in Smith- 
field for treason and heresy, with the image of Darvell Gadem in Wales.' 

° There were houses of all four orders of friars at Lynn ; the surrenders 
were taken at the end of September {L. and P. xiii (ii), 471-3. 5°i)' 

« The handwriting changes here ; from this point to the end the chronicle 
is written in a finer hand and the ink is more yellow. 

' The ' divers gentlemen ' executed were the Marquis of Exeter, Lord 
Montague, and Sir Edward Nevill, who were attainted by Parliament for 
treason and executed on the 9th of January, 1 539. Fabyan Continuation, 701, 
gives their names ; cf. Hall, 827 ; Wriothesley, i. 92. 

' Hall, 852, mentions the raid. 

' January 6, 1540 {L. and P. xv. 10, 14, 20-3 ; Hall, 832-6; Wriothesley, 
i. 109-11). Fabyan Continuation mentions neither this nor the preceding 


fo. 34' 1540 Edwarde Newton and AUyn Baker maiors ^ 

In this year the 2 marts at lyne was put dowen. And in thys 
(year) '^ ther was a gret drought that one bushell of corne wold 
ben geven ffor the other gryndinge in many plasses.^ Barnes 
cherome and gared priests rekanted* and the lord cromwell 
beheded.^ And Kynge henrye the VIII devorssed ffrom the 
iadye anne of cleve.® 

1541 Henrye Dewplacke Maior 

In this year the countes of Sallysberye was beheded '' and a of 
the gard hanged : * the lord darsse for murder and spoyll suffred : ° 
the lord lenerd graye apprehended ^'^ the lady kateryne haword 
attaynted ^^ and the'kynge of skottes w^h promyssed kynge henry 
to mete hyme at yorke cam not ther but dessembled.^^ 

' Newton died in his year of office and Baker succeeded him (Blomefield, 
viii. 533). 

^ Omitted in the MS. 

' Cf. Fabyan Continuation, 701 (1539-40), 'In this somer was a great 
heate and drought so that in many places the people would have given one 
bushel for the grindyng of another,' of which the Lynn chronicler's entry is 
obviously an abbreviation ; cf. also Hall, 841 ; Wriothesley, i. 123. 

^ Barnes, Jerome, and Garrard were burnt in Smithfield for heresy, 
July 31, 1540 (L. and P. xvi. 578) ; the chronicler may have confused the 
recantation of Barnes in 1536 with the present occasion. Hall, 840, 
Wriothesley, i. 120-1, and Fabyan Continuation, 701, record this burning, 
but all three mention in conjunction the execution on the same day of three 
monks, Abell, Powell, and Fetherstone, for denying the royal supremacy. 
The Lynn chronicler had perhaps less interest in this. 

' July 29, 1540. 

" Henry obtained a divorce, and married Katharine Howard, in July 1540 
(L. and P. xv. 901-2, 925 ; xvi. 5 il). 

' May 28, 1541. 

' June 14. They had ' waylaid and robbed a merchant near the court ' 
says Marillac (Z. and P. xvi. 903). 

" It was Thomas Fines, Lord Dacre of the south, and not Lord Darcy who 
was executed on the 27th of June, 1 54 1, for riotous action in Kent (Z. and P. 
xvi. 931, 941). 

"" Lord Leonard Gray was arrested in June 1540; after twelve months 
imprisonment in the Tower he was tried and condemned (June 25, 1541) on 
a long hst of offences in his government of Ireland {L. and P. xv. 775, 830; 
xvi. IT, 932, 941). 

^^ She was attainted by the Parliament which met January 16, 1542, and 
was executed on the 13th of February (Stat. 33 Hen. VIII, c. 21). 

1^ Henry was at York in September, 1541 {L. and P. xvi. 1200, 1207 seq.). 
He had promised to make a ' progress' there in 1537, but put it off until this 

WESTERN 30745 aoi 

154a Wyllyam Kenete maior 
In this year the gret onelle submytted hym self to the Kynge : ^ 
also a loan of mony granted and paid : ^ also on saynt mychelmes 
day the skots was over thro wen :^ also'harowld of yngland was 
slayne by rebels : the comon people was constrayned for rydynge 
the byble:* dyvers lerned men rekanted.^ London w'h the 
plage was sore vexed:'' the kynge was maryed to the lady 
kateryne latymer:' the taker of depe and the mynyon had 
a great fyght : being both mery they departed.* 

^ September, 1542 (Z. ami P. xvii. 831-3). 

^ This was a ' benevolent loan ', collected in the spring of the year (idiii. 
xvii. 1138-40). 

' At the Battle of Solway Moss, November 24 ; Somerset Herald was 
murdered by two English refugees in Scotland, whilst on his way from Edin- 
burgh {iizd. xvii. 1137-43, 1 1 56). 

* Convocation in January declared its dissatisfaction with both Tyndale's 
and Coverdale's versions and projected a scheme for the revision of their 
work. Meantime a proclamation was issued that after the 31st of August no 
one was to keep any version of the Bible or its parts, save that known as the 
' Great Bible ' of 1540. 

* Wisdom, Beacon, and Singleton made written recantations in May 
(L. and P. xviii. (i), 538-9). 

° The plague raged in the capital from May 1 543 until early in the next 
year {ibid, xviii. (i), 588, 886 ; (ii), 66, 317, 497). 

' July 12, 1543 {ibid, xviii. (i), 873). 

' An engagement between the Minion and the Sucre of Dieppe (the French 
Admiral's vessel) took place in the Channel on the 6th of July, 1543. 
According to the English captain, the Sacre had barely escaped ' sore beaten ', 
but by the French version of the story their vessel had beaten off two English 
ships and slain their captains (Z. and P. xviii. (i), 849, 867, 905, 908, 938, 


Abergavenny, L., see 

Adys, Miles, Chamberlain 

of London, 75. 
Agincourt, battle of, 61. 
Albany, D. of, see Stewart. 
Aliens, 114. 

Alnwick, Castle of, 163. 
Anabaptists, 195. 
Andr^, Bernard, 41. 
Anjou, 123, 128. 
Anne Boleyn, wife of 

Henrv Vill, 50, 197. 
Anne of Cleves, wife of 

Henry VIII, 199, 200. 
Anne Neville, wife of 

Richard III, 169. 
Antiquaries, Society of, 54. 
Arnold, Robert, 23, 25, 

27, 40, 70, 82. 
Arthur, Prince, son of 

Henry VII, 170-1, 175, 

Arthur, son of Humphrey 

Duke of Gloucester, 104, 


Arundel, E. of, see Fitz-alan. 
Ascham, Roger, 47. 
Asteley, John, 1 16. 
Astwode, Thomas, 80, 165. 
Audley, L., see Touchet. 
Avyntry (Amyntre), John, 

Ayscough, William, Bp. of 

Salisbury, 154. 

Babraham (Norfolk), 1 74. 

Bacon, Francis, 47, 53-4. 

Bacon, Nathaniel, of Ips- 
wich, 28. 

Bailey, William, 133, 155 
and n. 

Baily, Robert, citizen of 
London, 69. 

Bale, John, Bp. of Ossory, 
54, 67-9. 

Bale, Robert, chronicler of 
London, 17, 23, 67-74. 

Bale, Robert, jun., friar, 

67 n. 
Barnes, Dr. Robert, 195, 

Barton, Elizabeth, ' Holy 

Maid of Kent,' 197. 
Barton, Sir Andrew, 85, 

Barton, Henry, citizen of 

London, 74 n. 
Bath, Red Book of, 25 n. 
Bayonne, 157. 
Beaufort, Edmund(i), D. of 

Somerset, 64-5, 106, 107, 

116-7, 139; imprisoned, 

108, 141 ; killed at St. 

Albans, 142, 15S. 
Beaufort, Edmund (ii), D. 

of Somerset, 144, 148, 

159, 169. 
Beaufort, Henry, Cardinal 

and Bp. of Winchester, 

104, 121. 
Beaumont, John, V. 130, 

151- ■ 
Berkeley, Lord James, 139. 
Berwick, 142. 
Beverley, 13, 35. 
Bewley Abbey, 173. 
Beziers, 37 n. 
Blore Heath, battle of, 

Bolinbroke, Roger, priest, 

102, 115-6. 
Bonville, William, L., 109, 

Bordeaux, 37 «., 157. 
Bosworth Field, battle of, 

170, 185. 
Boulogne, I7i. 
Bourchier, Henry (i), E. 

of Essex, 70, 114, 163. 
Bourchier, Henry (ii), E. 

of Essex, 164, 166. 
Bourchier, Sir John, L. 

Berners, 54. 
Bourchier, Thomas, Abp. 

of Canterbury, 158, 161. 

Bowkley, William, 169. 
Bradford, Richard, of Lynn, 

Brandon, Charles, D. of 

Suffolk, 90, 182, 192, 195. 
Bray, Sir Reginald, 164, 

166, 176. 
Bridgewater, 1 2 n. 
Bridport, 12 n,, 13 n. 
Bristol, II, 28-30. 
Brittany, 163, 177. 
Buckingham, Duke of, see 

BurySt. Edmunds, 104, 121. 
Butler, James, E. of Or- 

mond and Wiltshire, 119, 

122, 135. 
Butler, Sir John, 126. 
Butler, Thomas, E. of Or- 

mond, 80, 164. 
Butley Priory, 19. 
Byddell, John, printer, 51. 

Cade, Jack, 73, 105, 129- 

34, 154- 
Calais, 30, 126, 138, 145, 

147, 148, 174. 
Cambridge, 35»., 190. 
Camden, William, 44, 

Campeggio, Cardinal, 183. 
Canterbury, 12. 
Capel, Algernon, E. of 

Essex, 76. 
Capel, William, alderman 

of London, 76. 
Capgrave, John, chronicler, 

Carpenter, John, 9, 11, 

13-14. 24, 7°. 74 «• 

Cavendish, George, bio- 
grapher of Wolsey, 45. 

Caxton, William, 15, 16, 
26, 38, 78. 

Cayles (Caylis), 107, 109, 

Chamberlain, Sir Robert, 
145, 171. 

' The names of the mayors and sheriffs are not given when they occur only in the 
headings for their year of office. 



Chamberlain, Sir Roger, 

104, 121-2. 
Charles V, Emperor, 183, 

184, 193. 
Charles VIII, K. of France, 

Chaucer's Parlement of 

Fowles, 61. 

Cheshire, forces from, 131. 
Chester, 12, 31-3; plays 

in, 32. 
Cheyney, Sir John, 169, 

Cheyney, Thomas (Blew- 

berd), 128. 
Christian II, K. of Den- 
mark, 184. 

Cinque Ports, 9»., 12. 
Clarendon, 140. 
Clifford, L. John de, 145, 

152, 159. 167- 
Clifford, L. Thomas de, 

142, 158. 
Clopton, Robert, Mayor of 

London, 115. 
Cobham, Eleanor, Duchess 

of Gloucester, 115. 
Coinage, the, 194. 
Colchester, 13. 
Colet, John, Dean of St. 

Paul's, 44. 
Constantinople, earthquake 

in, 86, 190. 
Cooper, Thomas, Bp. of 

Winchester, 51. 
Coppini, Bp. of Temi, 

Papal Legate, 147 and n. 
Cornwall, rising in, 173, 

Cornwall, Sir John, 117. 
Courtenay, Peter, Bp. of 

Exeter, 169. 
Courtenay, Thomas, E. of 

Devonshire, 106, 109, 

142, 143. 
Coventry, 12, 34-5, 148, 

Cressener, Thomas, of 

Clement's Inn, 164-5. 
Cromwell, Thomas, E. of 

Essex, 200. 
Crowley, Robert, poet, 51. 
Crowmer, Thomas, 106, 

133. 155- 
Croyland Priory, 19. 

Daniel, Thomas, Esq., 

Darcy, L. Thomas, 199. 
Dartford, 107 n. 

Daubeny, Sir Giles, 81, 
164, 169. 

Daubeny, William, 80, 

Davenant, Sir William, 
dramatist, 60. 

Davy, John, 104. 

De Bracy, Pierre, iii. 

De la Pole, Edmund, D. of 
Suffolk, 174, 176. 

De la Pole, John, E. of 
Lincoln, 170. 

De la Pole, William, D. of 
Suffolk, 66, 125, 134; in 
France, 103 ; imprisoned, 
127-8; captured and be- 
headed, 105, 129, 153. 

Denmark, Treaty with, 171. 

Deverenx, Walter, L. 
Ferrers, 177. 

Devon, rising in, 173. 

Devonshire, E. of, see 

Dinham (Denham), Sir 
John, 166. 

Dorset, M. of, see Grey, 

Dublin, 33. 

Dudley, Edmund, 177, 190. 

' Easterlings ', The, 187. 
Easthorp (Suffolk), 129. 
Edmund, Prince, son of 

Henry VII, 174. 
Edward III, 67. 
Edward IV, 148, 149, 

161-2, 167, 168. 
Edward V, 169, 185. 
Edward VI, 199. 
Edward, Prince, son of 

Henry VI, 140, 168. 
Egremont, L. , see Percy. 
Elizabeth, wife to Henry 

VII, 170-1, I76,' 186, 

Eltham, palace at, 128. 
Ely, Isle of, 151. 
Elyot, Sir Thomas, 55. 
Empson, Richard, 177, 

English Chronicle, The, 

Essex, E. of, see Bourchier, 

Essex, insurrection in, 132, 


Etaples, peace of, 172, 187. 
Eton, foundation of, 116 

and n. 
Exeter, 28, 109, 173. 

Exeter, D. of, see Holland. 
Eyre, Sir Simon, L. Mayor 
of London, 11, 104. 

Fabyan, Robert, alderman 

of London and chronicler, 

16, 33. .38-9, 781 85. 
Fairfax, Sir Guy, 166. 
Fauconberg, Joiin, E. of 

Kent, 125, 163. 
Fawconbridge, Bastard of, 

Ferdinand V, K. of Castile 

and Arragon, 183. 
Ferrers, L., see Deverenx. 
Fiennes, James, L.Saye and 

Sele, 106, 132-3, 154-6. 
'Field of the Cloth ot 

Gold ', 48. 
Fisher, John, Bp. of 

Rochester, 48 k,, 198. 
Fitz-alan, Thomas, E. of 

Arundel, 164. 
Fitz-alan, William, E. of 

Arundel, 164. 
Fitzgerald, Tliomas, monk, 

Fitzgerald, Sir Thomas 

(brother to 9th E. of 

Kildare), 170. 
Fitzthedmar, Arnold, al- 
derman of London, 8. 
Flamank, Thomas, Corn- 
ish leader, 173. 
Flanders, 126. 
Flodden Field, battle of, 

83, 179-80; list of those- 

killed at, 180. 
Fordwich, 13. 
Foxe, John, 45, 174 k. 
France, 37, 123. 
Francis I, K. of France, 

Frith, John, Protestant 

martyr, 19S. 
Froissart, Jean, 47, 54. 

Gaguin, Robert, chronicler, 


Garrard, Thomas, 200. 

Geoffrey of Monmouth, 43. 

George, D. of Clarence, 
164, 168, 184. 

Germany, 37. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 55. 

Gildas, 42. 

Gloucester, D. of, see Hum- 

Goditre, Friar, 141. 

Gough (Goghe), Sir Ma- 
thew, 106, 134, 156. 



Grafton, Richard, printer, 

48, so»., 51. 
Grantham, Thomas, mayor 

of Lincoln, 14. 
Greenwich, 112, 131, 160, 

Grey, Henry, L. Grey of 

Codnor, 166. 
Grey, L. Leonard, L. 

Deputy of Ireland, 200. 
Grey, L. Richard, 169. 
Grey, Thomas, M"'. of 

Dorset, 182. 
Grimsby, 35. 
Gueste (Geste), John, 

citizen of London, 106, 

Guicciardini, 37. 
Guienne, 126. 
Gysborough, William, 


Hakluyt, Richard, 55. 

Hall, Edward, chronicler, 

Hallam, Thomas, of 
Leicester, 34. 

Harebotell, William, 102. 

Harrison, William, 49. 

-Hastings, Edward de, Baron 
Hastings, 164, 166. 

Hastings, William de,Baron 
Hastings, 169. 

Hastings, William, of 
Lynn, 91. 

Hayward, Sir John, his- 
torian, 53. 

Haywarden, Richard, 106. 

Henry V, 59, 100. 

Henry VI, 77 »., 140, 169 ; 
in London, 106, 129, 131, 
145 ; at Kenilworth, 132 ; 
St. Albans, 142, 158; 
Blore Heath, 148; North- 
ampton, 151 ; Towton, 
167 ; deposed, 161. 

Henry VII, 170, 186. 

Henry VIII, 83, 171, 181. 

Hertford Castle, 113. 

Hill, Richard, merchant, of 
London, 23, 25, 40. 

Hilliard, Christopher, of 
York, 34. 

Hobart, Sir Henry, 81. 

Holbom, Robert, seaman, 

Holinshed, Raphael, chron- 
icler, 49, 51. 

Holland, Henry, E. of 
Hnntingdon and D. of 

Exeter, 114, 118, 143, 144, 

Holland, Philemon, 54. 
Horn, Andrew, chamberlain 

of London, 9. 
Horn, Robert, alderman 

of London, 155. 
Howard, Sir Edward, L. 

Admiral, 177, 184, 191. 
Howard, John, D. of 

Norfolk, 170. 
Howard, Thomas, D. of 

Norfolk, 164, 179-80, 

Humme (Horn), John, 

priest, 116. 
Humphrey, D. of Glou- 
cester, 66, 104, 109, 121, 

137. 142- 
Hunne, Richard, 192. 
Huntingdon, E. of, see 

Hythe, 12 n. 

Iden, Alexander, sheriff of 

Kent, 156. 
'Ill May Day' of 151 7, 

Institucion of a Gentleman, 

Ipswich, 28. 

James III, K. of Scotland, 

James IV, K. of Scotland, 

831 172) 179-80, 191- 

James V, K. of Scotland, 

Jane Seymour, wife of 
Henry VIII, 199. 

Jerome, William, 200. 

Jews (of Trent), 184. 

Joan of Navarre, wife of 
Henry IV, 99. 

Joseph, Michael, black- 
smith, 173. 

Judde, royal armourer, 149. 

Jurdemayne, Margery, 102. 

Katharine Parr, wife of 
Henry VIII, 201. 

Katharine of Arragon, wife 
of Henry VIII, 175, 189. 

Katharine Howard, wife of 
Henry VIII, 200. 

Katoure (Catur), Thomas, 
armourer, of London, 1 04. 

Kemp, John, Abp. of 
Canterbury, and Chan- 
cellor, 130, 138, 141, 156. 

Kenilworth, 133, 154. 

Kent, 105, 129, 138, 149, 

153. 157. 168. 
Kent, E. of, see Fauconberg. 
Kent, Thomas, 139. 
Kerver, Thomas, gent., 

118 and n. 
Kingston, John, printer, 

39> 51- 

Kingston-on-Thames, 104. 

Knevet, Sir Thomas, 177, 

Knights of the Shire, elec- 
tion of, 140 and h. 

Kyme, E. of, see Tailboys. 

Kyrelle, Sir Thomas, 1 26 «., 
128 n. 

Lancashire, forces from, 

Langley, friary of, 99. 
Lanquet, Thomas, printer, 

Lassey, Master, 80, 165. 
Leicester, 34, 105, 153. 
Leland, John, 54. 
Le Mans, siege of, 123. 
Leo X, Pope, 182, 183. 
Lincoln, 12, 14. 
Lincoln, E. of, see De la 

Lincolnshire, rising in, 

Lodge, Thomas, dramatist, 

Lombards, the, 66, 110,112, 

"4, 138, 144. 161. 
London, city of, 20, 126, 
129, 138, 144, 150 and 

M., 171, 201. 

charters to, 67, 117. 
chronicles of : 
Annales Londonienses, 

MS. Bodley sg6, 10 ». 
MS. Cotton, Cleopatra 

C. IV, 16, 18, 20. 
MS. Cotton Julius B. I, 

16, 17, 61, 62, 71. 
Brut Chronicle, 17, 26. 
MS. Cotton Julius B. II, 

16. 17. 57-60, 61, 63. 
Croniques de Londres, 9. 
Grey Friars Chronicle, 

Liber de Antiquis Legi- 

bus, 8, 9, 23, 24. 
List of, 96-8. 
MS. Longleat, 57. 
MS. Rawlinsoti B. })}, 

24, 62-6. 



London, chronicles of : 
MS. Rawlmson B. ^70, 

MS. Cotton Vitellius A. 

XVI, 16, 18, 78, 79. 
MS. Cotton Vitellius F. 

IX, 16,17. 
MS. Gongh London 10, 

16, 21, 33, 74-81. 
Gregory's Chronicle, i6, 

I7> -I, 23, 25. 
MS. Harley j6j, 16, 17, 

58, 61, 62, 64, 71, 77. 
MS. Raialinson B. };6, 

M. Rawlinson B. jjg, 

17 n. 
MS. St. John's College, 

Oxford, ST, i-i, 17,60-2. 
Short English Chronicle, 

25. 77- 
MS. Tanner 2, 63, 81-4. 
Companies of, 10. 

Brewers' Company, 15. 

Drapers' Company, 123. 

Goldsmiths' Company, 

75, 77., I 38 k. 

Mercers' Company,! 10, 

MerchantTaylors' Com- 
pany, 123 and n. 
Corporation Letter Books, 

Liber Albus, 14. 
Liber Custumarum, 9. 
Officers of: 
Chamberlain, 75. 
Mayor of, 108, no, 137, 

14O1 143, 150. 164. 
Recorder of, 69-70, 149. 
riots in, 66, 72-4, 101,102, 
105-6, 107,109,110,112, 

143-4, 146, 153-6, 157. 
Streets, places in : 
Bamardscastle, in, 164. 
Bermondsey, 117. 
Bishopswood, no. 
Black Friars, 117, 125. 
Blackheath, 103, 105, 

107, n9, 129,131,153, 

173, 188. 
Blackwell Hall, 11, 102. 
Bridge, 134, 138, 139, 

Charing Cross, 115. 
Cheapside, 106, no, 131, 

133. 134. 156, 157- 
Christ Church, 115. 
Clerkenwell, 107, 140. 

London Streets, places in : 
Clifford's Inn, 146. 
Deptford, 105. 
Erbar, The, ni. 
Fickett's Fields, 112,121. 
Fleet Street, 65, 74, 144, 
Grey Friars, 1 1, 26, in, 

134, 150. 
Guildhall, 11, no, n6, 

133. 143, 156, 164. 
Hotmslow Heath, 145. 
Lambeth, 138. 
Leaden Hall, n, 155. 
Ludgate, loS, 147. 
Mile End, io6, 132, 155. 
Newgate, 11, 109, no, 

112,115,135,144, 157. 
Old Bailey, 108. 
St. Bartholomew's Fair, 


St. Bartholomew's Hos- 
pital, n. 

St. George's Bar, 149. 

St. George's Fields, 
Southwark, 145. 

St. John's Fields, 161. 

St. John's Priory, 140, 

St. Katherine's, 66, 112. 

St. Martin-le-Grand, (id, 
74, loi, 106, 109, no, 
138 K., 139, 172. 

St. Michael's, Cornhill, 

St. Paul's, 115, 118, 120, 
141, 142,145,152, 160, 

i6i, 173, 195- 
St. Paul's Wharf, 115. 
St. Thomas of Acre, 136. 
Skinner's Well, 117. 
Smithfield, 105, 118, 120. 
Southwark, 100, 1 32,154. 
Temple, The, 146. 
Temple Bar, in. 
Thames Street, 115. 
Tower of, loi, no, 112, 

119, 120, 138, 160, 166. 
Tyburn, 104, n8, 122, 

134. 165. 
Westminster, no, 113, 

119, 127, 141, 146, 160, 
Westminster, Abbey of, 

99, 100, 120, 162. 
Westminster Hall, 162, 

Whitechapel, 155. 
Longueville, Due de, 179, 

Louis XHjK.of France,l82. 

Lovelace, gentleman, 152. 
Lovell, Francis, V. Lovell, 

Lovell, Sir Thomas, 164, 

Luther, Martin, 86, 183, 

Lydd, 13 «. 

Lydgate, John, 18, 20, 59. 
Lynn (Bishop's and King's), 
30-31, 84-95, 194- 
Chronicles of, 30-31, 

84 seq. 
friars of, l88, 199. 
guilds of, 91. 
St. James's Church, 191. 

trade of, 91, 200. 

Machiavelli, 37. 
Machyn, Henry, diarist, 50. 
Mahomet, 185. 
Maldon, John, 74 «. 
Malory, Sir Thomas, 38. 
Malpas, Philip, Alderman 
of London, 106, 132-3, 


Mannyng, Robert, 15. 

Manship, Henry, of Yar- 
mouth, 28. 

Margaret of Anjou, wife of 
Henry VI, 119, x^itltifi, 
152, 160, 167, 168. 

Margaret, daughter of 
Henry VII and Queen of 
Scotland, 175, 182, 188. 

Margaret, Duchess of 
Saxony, 178-9, 181. 

Marshall, Robert, 171. 

Marshe, Thomas, printer, 

Mary, daughter of Henry 
VII and Queen of France, 
182, 192, 195. 

Mary, Q. of England, 192. 

Maximilian, Emperor, 178, 

Mayne, John, 171. 

Mayne, Thomas, of Essex, 
106, 133 and ». 

Meulan, surrender of, 71. 

Middleton, 104, 145. 

Middleton, John, 170. 

Milan, 36. 

Miller, Thomas, mayor of 
Lynn, 85. 

Minion, The, 201. 

Moleyns, Adam, B. of Chi- 
chester, 127. 



Montague, L., see Neville. 
More, Sir Thomas, 43-5, 

65. 198- 
Mortimer's Cross, battle of, 

Morton, John, Cardinal 

and Abp. of Canterbury, 

Mountford, Sir Simon, 164, 

Mowbray, John, D. of Nor- 
folk, 106, 123,157,162-3. 
Mowbray, Thomas, E. of 

Norfolk, 100. 
Mundeford, Osbert, 149. 

Necton, Robert, 94. 

Needham, Richard, servant 
of Humphrey, D. of Glou- 
cester, 104, 122. 

JSTele, Walter, sheriff of 
London, 74". 

Neville, George, Baron 
Abergavenny, 164. 

Neville, George, Bp. of 
Exeter, 161. 

Neville, John, E. of Mon- 
tague, 168. 

Neville, Sir John, 152, 158, 
159, 167. 

Neville, Richard, E. of 
Salisbury, 108, iii, 1^5, 
158, 159; chancellor, 141; 
at St. Albans, 142 ; at 
Blore Heath, 148; killed 
at Wakefield, 152. 

Neville, Richard, E. of 
Warwick, 72, 108, in, 

137, 144-6, 149. 159-61; 
captain of Calais, 112 ; 
sea fights of, 113, 147 ; at 
St. Albans, 142, 158; at 
Warwick, 164. 

Neville, Sir Thomas, 158. 

Newcastle, 35. 

New Romney, 1 2 «. 

ISiicholas of the Tower, 
The, 105, 129, 153. 

NicoU, Thomas, goldsmith 
of London, 44. 

Nix, Richard, B. of Nor- 
wich, 87, 89, 193. 

Norfolk, D. of, see Howard, 

Normandy, loss of, 128, 

North, Sir Thomas, 54. 
Northampton, 14, 28 ; 

battle of, 151. 

Northumberland, E. of, see 
Norwich, 12 »., 14, 34, 116, 

Nottingham, 35. 

Oldhall, Sir William, 
Speaker of the House of 
Commons, 136, 139. 

Olyvere, William, citizen 
of London, 74 k. 

Orleans, Duke of, 115. 

Ormond, E. of, see Butler. 

Osmund, St., translation of, 

Oxford, 34, 193 ; Univer- 
sity of, 82. 

Oxford, E. of, see Vere. 

Paris, 37. 

Paris (Pareis), Cade's lieu- 
tenant, IJ4. 

Parker, Matthew, Abp. of 
Canterbury, 51, 54. 

Parliament, meetings of, 
73, 119, 120, 121, 124-6, 
13.5. 136, 139> 142. 143, 
148, I53> 157- 

Fasten Letters, 20. 

Peacock, Reginald, Bp. of 
Chichester, iii, 121, 143, 

Pembroke, Earl of, see 

Percy, Henry (i). Earl of 

Northumberland, 1 30, 142, 

Percy, Henry (ii), E, of 

Northumberland,! 23,145, 

152, 167. 
Percy, Henry (iii), E. of 

Northumberland, 164, 171, 

Percy, Henry Algernon, E. 

of Northumberland, 166. 
Percy, Sir Thomas, L. 

Egremont, 109, :io, 143, 

144. 151. 158. 159- 

Percy, Sir Thomas, 199. 

Pety-John, 165. 

Philip, D. of Burgundy, 
174, 176, 189. 

Philip, Sir Mathew, 76. 

Philip, William, Chamber- 
lain of London, 75. 

Pilgrimage of Grace, The, 
92, 198. 

Plague, visitations of, 112, 

170, I74«, 184, 188,193, 

194, 196, 201. 
Plantagenet, Edmund, E. 

of Rutland, 148, 152. 
Plantagenet, Edward, E. of 

Warwick, 174, 188. 
Plays, 32, 73, 117 and«, 
Plymouth, 35. 
Pole, Margaret, Countess 

of Salisbury, 200. 
Polichronicon, 15, 26, 78. 
Pont de I'Arche, 125. 
Pontefract, 99, 167, 169. 
Pope, 109. 

Portsmouth, 116, 119, 128. 
Prices, 170, 174, 188. 
Privy Council, the, 92. 
Pynson, Richard, 38. 

Queenborough, 129. 
'Queen of the Fair', 127. 

Radcliff, Sir Robert, 80, 

Ramsey, John, vintner, of 
London, 1 29. 

Rastell, John, printer, 39 n., 

Reading, 13, 114, 118, 139. 

Rei^, K. of Sicily, 128. 

Resumption, petitions for, 
125, 126 and n., 143. 

Reynes, John, printer, 39 n. 

Reynewell, John, L. Mayor 
of London, 74 n. 

Rhodes, Siege of,86, 185 n„ 

Ricart, Robert, Town 
Clerk of Bristol, 24, 29. 

Richard II, 58, 99. 

Richard III, 163, 185, 169- 

Richard, D. of York, 65, 
106,136-6, i39> 157.159; 
in London, in, 145; in 
arms against the King, 
107; protector, 141, 143, 
151; at St. Albans, 108, 
142, 158 ; slain at Wake- 
field, 152, 167. 

Richard, D. of York (son 
of Edward IV), 169. 

Richmond, palace of, 178. 

Richmond (Yorks.), t8o-i. 

Rivers, E. of, see Wood- 

Rivers, L. Anthony, 160, 

Rochester, 156. 

RoUe, Richard, of Ham- 
pole, 61. 

Rome, 171. 

Romney, 13, 

Roper, William, 45. 

Ros (Roos), Thomas, 

Lord, 126,141, 142, 152. 
Rotherham, Thomas, Abp. 

of York, 80, 165. 
Rouen, 37 «., 125. 
Roy, William, 94. 

St. Albans, 18, 27, 117, 

150 ; battles at, 108, 142, 

158, 167. 
Salisbury, 12, 14, 144. 
Salisbury, E. of, see Neville. 
Sandwich, 13, 113, 149, 

1 63 ; attacked by French, 

III, 144-5, '59- 
Sark, R., battle of the, 73, 

123 and n. 
Savile, Sir Henry, 54. 
Say, John, Speaker to the 

House of Commons, 124. 
Scales, L. Thomas de, 

130, 150. 156- 
Scotland, 73, 123, 126. 
Scots, the, 139, 142, 185, 

Scott, John, 172. 
Scrope, Sir Richard, Abp. 

of York, 100. 
Sevenoaks (Kent), 154. 
Shakespeare, William, 55, 

Shrewsbury, 34. 
Shrewsbury, E. of, see 

Simnel, Lambert, 186. 
Simons, Richard, priest, 

Southampton, 35, 138. 
Southwell, Thomas, Canon 

of Westminster, 102. 
Sovereign, The, 177. 
Spain, ships of, 147, 160. 
Speed, John, 53, 56. 
Spurs, battle of, 179. 
Stafford, Edward, 3rd D. of 

Buckingham, 164, 183, 


Stafford, Henry, 2nd D. of 
Buckingham, 169, 185. 

Stafford, Humphrey de, ist 
D. of Buckingham, 114, 
154; in London, no, 129, 
139, 141, 143 ; at St. Al- 
bans, 142 ; slain at North- 
ampton, 151. 

Stafford, Sir Humphrey, 
131, 154- 


Stafford, William, Esq., 

131. 154- 
Stanley, Thomas, E. of 

Derby, 80. 
Stanley, Sir Thomas, 131. 
Stanley, Sir William, L. 

Chamberlain, 80, 166, 

Star Chamber, Court of, 

80, 165. 
Stewart, John, D.of Albany, 

Stoke Field, battle of, 170, 

Stony Stratford, 169. 
Stourton (Stoorton), Sir 

John, 123. 
Stow, John, chronicler, 22, 

49. 51. 52-3. 55- 
Stratford, 13 «. 
Sturbridge Fair, 93, 190. 
Sturm, merchant of Bristol, 

112, 161. 
Suffolk, rising in, 195. 
Suffolk, D. of, see Brandon, 

De la Pole. 
Surrey, E. of, see Howard, 

Sutton, Doctor, 165. 
Sutton, John, Alderman of 

London, 106, 134, 156. 
Swart, Martin, Fleming, 


Tallboys, William, E. of 

Kyme, 152. 
Talbot, John (i), E. of 

Shrewsbury, 70, 126, 

Talbot, John (ii), E. of 

Shrewsbury, 151. 
Talbot, John, Viscount 

Lisle, 130. 
Taunton, 173. 
Terouenne, siege of, 83, 

Tewkesbury, battle of, 168. 
Thetford, 87. 
Thomas, William, 35. 
Thwaites, Sir Thomas, 165. 
Thynne, Francis, antiquary, 

69 n. 
Todenham, Sir Thomas, 

Touchet, James, L. Audley, 

Tournay, 83, 181, 1 93. 
Towton, battle of, 167. 
Tracy, William, squire of 

Gloucestershire, 197. 


Trevisa, John de, 15. 

TroUope, Andrew, soldier, 
152, 167. 

Troys, Hans, 165. 

Tudor, Jasper, E. of Pem- 
broke, 143. 

Turpyn, JRichard, burgess 
of Calais, 30. 

Twine, Bryan, of Oxford, 

Tyndale, William, 196, 

Tyrrell, Sir James, 1 75. 

Tyrrell, Sir Thomas, 167. 

Tyrrell, William, 163. 

Urswyck, Christopher, Re- 
corder of London, 69-70. 

Vere, L. Aubrey, 163. 
Vere, John de, E. of Ox- 
ford, 163. 
Vergil, Polydore, 39, 41, 

Vowell (Hooker), John, of 

Exeter, 28. 
Villani, the, 37. 

Wakefield, battle of, 152, 

Wallingford, Castle of, 127. 

Wallop, Sir John, 191. 

Walsingham, 186. 

Walter, John, Mayor of 
Cork, 174. 

Warbeck, Perkin, 18, 32 «., 
172, 188. 

Warde, Thomas, 80, 165. 

Ware, 164. 

Warkworth, John, chron- 
icler, 19. 

Warwick, E. of, see Ne- 
ville, "Plantagenet. 

Waurin, Seigneur de, 
chronicler, 40. 

Waynflete, William of, B. 
of Winchester, 1 30. 

Wells, John de. Viscount, 

Wenlock, John, Baron 
Wenlock, 168. 

Whittington, Richard, 11. 

Willoughby de Broke, Sir 

Robert, 171. 
Wiltshire, E. of, see Butler. 
Winchester, 99, 125. 
Windsor Castle, 113, 147, 



Winnington (Wenyngton, 

Whytyngham, ' of Caen '), 

Robert, 124 and n. 
Wisbeach, 12 n. 
Wolfe, Richard, printer, 49. 
Wolsey, Thomas, 48, 84, 

88, 182, 183, 193, 196. 
Woodville, Sir Richard, E. 

of Rivers, 115, 123, 129. 

Worcester, 14, 35. 

Worcester, William, annal- 
ist, 19, 26. 

Worseley, William, Dean 
of St. Paul's 164-5. 

Wriothesley, Charles, 

chronicler, 40, 50. 

Wyche, Richard, priest, 
loi, 114. 

Wyfold, Nicholas, Mayor 

of London, 136. 
Wyndham, Sir John, 175. 

Yarmouth, 28, 91, 93, 94. 
York, 12 »., 34, 123. 

Oxford : Printed at the Clarendon Press by Horace Hart, M.A.