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This first edition of the Journal of John Stevens has 
had the advantage of the criticisms of two masters of 
seventeenth-century history, Mr, R.Bagwell and Professor 
C. H. Firth, who most kindly read through the manu- 
script and proof-sheets. To Professor Fitzmaurice-Kelly's 
special and intimate knowledge of Spanish literature 

I owe not a little. Mr. A. C. Stewart, of the British 
Museum, furnished me with valuable suggestions. 
Messrs. MacmiUan & Co. have been good enough to 
allow me to use the map of Limerick in my Revolu- 
tionary Ireland and its Settlement. My thanks are 
due to Dr. F. Elrington Ball and Mr. T. U. Sadleir, for 
their readiness to advise me on difficult points, and also 
to Major and Mrs. Lenox Conyngham, of Spring Hill, 
for their kindness in lending me their copy of the 
' Negociations ... en Irlande, 1689-90' by Comte 
d'Avaux. It only remains for me to express my grati- 
tude to my wife for the patience and judgement with 
which she revised the proof-sheets. 


I I Harcourt Terrace, 




§ I. The Life of John Stevens . . . ix 
§ 2. Authorities on the Jacobite War . xvii 

§ 3. The Journal of John Stevens . . xxviii 
§ 4. The Condition of the Army . . . xxxix 

§ 5. The Brass Money xlvi 

§ 6. The Irish Divisions .... xlix 

§ 7. The Social Condition of the Country . Ivi 

The Dates of the Journal . . . Ixiv 




INDEX 231 

Sieges of Limerick, 1690-91 . . Frontispiece 
Ireland At end 


§ I. The Life of John Stevens 

Of the life of John Stevens not many details remain, but 
from his journal some facts emerge. Thus, he served three 
years in the army in Portugal, he was in civil employment 
in England, and at the time of the Revolution he was 
collecting the excise and was stationed at Welshpool ; he 
spent a year in Wales. He first saw Drogheda in 1685, and 
Limerick in 1686, and when he lived in Dubhn he did so ' in 
esteem and with splendour '. Twice in his journal he refers 
to a book of his travels in Ireland, but this has disappeared. 
In Singer's edition of the Clarendon correspondence occur 
some references to him. In the Appendix to the first volume 
is printed the Earl of Clarendon's list of the gentlemen of his 
bedchamber, with remarks on their character. There Stevens 
is described as ' an honest, sober, young fellow, and a pretty 
scholar. His father is a page of the back-stairs to the Queen 
Dowager, and has been so from her first landing : he waited 
on my father in Spain. He is a Roman Catholic. They are 
very good, quiet people. I would be glad to get a colours 
for him.' The advent of Tyrconnel to power effectually 
stopped all favour for any friend of Clarendon. On Octo- 
ber 23, 1686, the latter wrote to Rochester : 

' We have now fresh reports out of England that there are 
speedily to be great alterations in the army ; and reports of 
that kind having often proved true, I hope your Lordship 
will forgive me, if by way of provision I take the liberty 
upon the encouragement you have formerly given me, to 
bespeak your Lordship's favour on behalf of some young 
men who have depended upon me, and came over with me, 
and to whom I would be very glad to do good. And, if 


beggars may be choosers, your Lordship wiU give me leave 
to mention the names of the persons and the employments 
I could wish for them. . . . There are two others for whom 
I would be very glad to provide : one De la Hyde, and one 
Stevens. They are both Roman Catholics. . . . Stevens is 
a very honest young man ; his father belongs to the Queen 
Dowager. A colours would make him very happy.' 

On November 17, 1686, he again wrote to Rochester : 

' This bearer, Stevens, came over with me, one of my 
gentlemen at large ; he is a very honest young man ; his 
father is a page of the back-stairs to the Queen Dowager, 
and did formerly wait upon my father at Madrid. I intended 
to have done something for him, but so little interest has 
a Lord Lieutenant at present, that he can provide for 
nobody, which makes men think a little of themselves. His 
father has sent over for him, in hopes to get him into some- 
thing there ; if he have need of your help, let me beg you to 
assist him. I am sure he will deliver a letter safe to you, 
and therefore I will write of such things as are not fit to 
mention by the post.' 

Two days later he writes to the same correspondent : 
' I have written to you by a servant of mine who goes hence 
to-day for Chester ; one Stevens, who will deliver it safe 
to you within a few days after this.' Stevens was an ardent 
Jacobite, and therefore he fled to France on the nth of 
January, 1689. On the 2nd of May, 1689, he landed at 
Bantry, and took part in the war. The journal ceases in 
the middle of an account of the battle of Aughrim. He was 
not attainted until 1695 : his death occurred on October 26, 

Before the Jacobite war he had paid some attention to 
literature, but after the war he devoted himself to it. There 
can be no doubt that Stevens knew Spanish well, but this 
was not a very rare accomplishment in his time. Hence he 
cannot be regarded as a pioneer. There is a steady produc- 
tion of translations from Spanish dating back to the early 
sixteenth century, when Lord Berners issued his versions 
of San Pedro's Cdrcel de Amor and Guevara's Libro aureo. 


It may, indeed, be contended that Berners's knowledge of 
Spanish is questionable, and that his translations — so called 
— are from a French rendering of the Spanish texts. This 
is quite possible. But there is no doubt at aU that Sir 
Thomas North knew Spanish, and to him is due a very 
admirable translation of Guevara, published under the title 
of The Diall of Princes in 1557. North, then, is a pioneer, 
and the many men who made translations from the Spanish 
between North's time and Shelton's are also pioneers. 
Shelton is the author of the first translation of Don Quixote 
(1612-20). He had the rare good fortune to translate 
a masterpiece, and, though his version is full of little mis- 
takes, it is in the grand manner. He had the advantage 
of being a contemporary of Cervantes, and he renders his 
author with an Elizabethan amplitude which atones for 
incidental slips and negligences. His translation has an 
individual savour that keeps it alive. 

It is plain, then, that Stevens was not an explorer in an 
unknown domain. He had many predecessors, and his work 
is not on the same level as the work of the best of his prede- 
cessors. His translations are not equal to North's Guevara, 
to David Rowland's Lazarillo de Torme's, to Shelton's 
Cervantes. And he had an unhappy trick of inviting 
comparisons. Thus in 1706 he takes Shelton in hand, 
and issues him revised and corrected, and so on. It is diffi- 
cult not to resent this. It may be that Stevens corrects 
some of Shelton's oversights, but in doing this he lowers 
the tone of the translation, and all the sparkle goes out 
of it. Again, take the volume published by Stevens in 
1707, under the title of The Spanish Libertines. It con- 
tains, amongst other things, a version of La Celestina. 
A man who knows no Spanish might get some idea of the 
original by reading this version, but it is a wan, pale tran- 
scription indeed if one compares it with the vigorous, full- 
blooded translation of La Celestina, issued by James Mabbe 


in the previous century. The fact that Stevens invites these 
comparisons is distinctly unfortunate for him. He is not in 
the same class with North, and Shelton, and Mabbe, nor 
even on the same level as Rowland, or as Bartholomew 
Young, the translator of the Diana. He lacks the lusti- 
ness of L'Estrange, though he knew far more Spanish ; 
in all respects he ranks below Southey ; and as a scholar 
he is much inferior to Ticknor and Stirling-Maxwell. 

From his numerous works nothing personal can be gleaned 
about the writer : they are uniformly inscribed ' Captain 
Stevens '. Even the dedications yield scanty information. 
The translation of Sandoval's History of Charles V is dedi- 
cated in 1705 to James, Duke of Ormonde, and runs as 
follows : ' I should be whoUy at a loss how to accost your 
Grace, did I present you a work of another nature ; but 
the martial spirit that reigns throughout this whole book, 
emboldens me to approach so noble a person, who has made 
war his exercise and delight.' The subscribers to The History 
of the Ancient Abbeys include peers, prelates, and clergy, 
but with the exception of Sir John Vanbrugh their names 
are not very well known. There are a few Irish subscribers, 
such as Mr. Wilhamson of Dublin, merchant. From the 
preface to this book it is evident that Stevens formed a high 
impression of the value of his work. ' It is well known,' he 
states, ' that Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World at the 
first met with a very cold reception ; but time made its 
value known. The Monasticon Anglicanum lay many years 
before its fame had spread itself abroad. Many now 
celebrated writers have been for some time as it were buried, 
and unregarded. I do not mean to rank myself among 
them ; but this I am fully convinced of, that as prejudice 
shall begin to wear off I shall meet with a more favourable 
entertainment.' His first publication was an abridged trans- 
lation in three octavo volumes of Manoel de Faria e Sousa's 
Europa Portugueza : it appeared in 1695. Three years after- 


wards he translated the same writer's History of Portugal 
to 1640, which he continued to 1698 : it was dedicated 
to Catherine, Queen Dowager of England, and daughter 
of King John of Portugal. He also rendered into English 
Francisco de Quintana's The most entertaining History of 
Hifpolyto and Aminta, of which a second edition appeared 
in 1727. His translation of Juan de Mariana's History of 
Spain appeared in 1699 : it must be regarded as meant for 
the general public. Scholars who. did not happen to know 
Spanish would naturally turn to Mariana's Latin version 
of his history, of which twenty-five books appeared in 1592, 
while the whole thirty books appeared in 1605. The Spanish 
version, also by Mariana, appeared at intervals during the 
years 1601, 1608, 1617, 1623. It is obvious that the Latin 
version preceded the Spanish one, but Mariana greatly 
improved his work in the latter form, and Stevens did well 
in choosing this as his basis. His translation does not convey 
the stately archaism of Mariana's style, but no doubt it was 
useful enough to a generation that was gradually growing 
less famUiar with Spanish. In 1715 he published a transla- 
tion of The History of Persia, written in Arabic by Mirkond ; 
and an abridgement of the lives of the kings of Harmuz or 
Ormuz, by Torunxa. Stevens gave a very free translation 
of Antonio de Herrera's General History of the Vast Continent 
and Islands of America, commonly called the West Indies ; 
this was issued from 1725 to 1726, and was reprinted in 1740. 
His plan of publishing in 1711 A New Collection of Voyages 
and Travels deserves notice. 

' As for the method here intended,' the advertisement 
declares, ' it is to publish every month, as much as will make 
a book of Z2d., or xM., according as it can be contrived, 
without breaking off abruptly, to leave the relation maimed 
and imperfect. . . . Now each month being sold stitched, 
every buyer may afterwards bind them up when he has an 
author complete. ... All the books shall be adorned with 
proper maps and useful cuts.' 


The Collection of Voyages and Travels consists of ' The 
Description, &c., of the Molucca and Philippine Islands, 
by L. de Argensola ' ; ' The Travels of P. de Cieza in Peru ' ; 
' The Travels of the Jesiuts in Ethiopia ' ; ' The Captivity 
of the Sieur Mouette in Fez and Morocco ' ; ' The Travels 
of P. Teixeira from India to the Low Countries by Land ' ; 
and ' A Voyage to Madagascar by the Sieur Cauche '. This 
collection was republished in 1719. 

A devout Roman Catholic, Stevens exhibited much 
interest in ecclesiastical matters. In 1718 he published, 
without putting the usual ' Captain Stevens ' on the title- 
page, a foHo translation and abridgement of Dugdale's 
Monasticon Anglicanum. Ralph Thoresby, a correspondent 
of Stevens, attributed it to a Spanish priest. According to 
him it is ' an useful book in its kind ', though ' there are 
both typographical errors and others, besides some reflec- 
tions upon the Revolution'.^ In 1722-3 Stevens published 
The History of the Antient Abbeys, Monasteries, Hospitals, 
Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, . . . being two additional 
volumes to Sir WiUiam Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum. 
In 1722 he issued anon3miously Monasticon Hibernicum ; or 
the monastical History of Ireland. According to Stevens ' the 
same is neither a translation nor his own compiling '. He 
uses Louis Alemand's Histoire Monastique d'Irlande (Paris, 
1690) extensively, and though ' this Monastical History of 
Ireland is due to him, he having laid the foundations, and 
found most of the materials, yet can it not be called a trans- 
lation, on account of the many additions and alterations that 
have been made to it '.^ Unlike his adaptation of Herrera, his 
version of the VenerableBede's Ecclesiastical History of Britain 
is so literal as to be obscure. Some of the notes were used by 
W. Hurst in his translation published in 1814, while in 1840 
Dr. Giles and the volume in Bohn's Antiquarian Library, 

^ Diary, ed. Hunter, 12 November, 1719, 7 January, 1721. 
" Cf. Thoresby's Diary, 5 September, 1723. 


1847, made Stevens's translation the basis. From the French 
he translated in 1712, for Lintot, part of Dupin : ^ this is 
probably Louis EUie Dupin's Bihliotheque Universelle des His- 
toriens. He rendered into English in 1722 P. J. D'Orleans's 
Histoire des Revolutions en Angleterre sous la Famille des 
Stuarts. This indefatigable worker also compiled A Brief 
History of Spain, 1701 ; The Ancient and Present State of 
Portugal, 1701, founded on Faria e Sousa's Asia Portugueza ; 
The Lives and Actions of all the Sovereigns of Bavaria, 1706 ; 
A Spanish-English and English-Spanish Dictionary, 1726 ; 
and The Royal Treasury of England, or, an historical account 
of all taxes, from the conquest to this present year, 1725 ; 
and a second edition, 1733. There is no date of pubHcation 
of ' The rule establish'd in Spain for the trade in the West 
Indies ; being a proper scheme for directing the trade to the 
South Sea, now by act of parhament to be establish'd in 
Great Britain.' A careful perusal of this volume yields no 
information on the workings of the mercantile policy, for it 
is merely a technical trade manual of West Indian commerce. 
Stevens translated it from a book by Don Joseph de Veitia 
Linage, Knight of the Order of Santiago, and Treasurer and 
Comptroller of the India House. Doubtless the manual 
was useful to merchants, for it gives the laws, ordinances, 
customs, practices, and, in fine, all that relates to the trade 
of the West Indies : thus there is an account of the methods 
of local courts, the table of duties, and the manner of 

AU the time these historical, ecclesiastical, and commercial 
volumes were pouring forth Stevens was not forgetting his 
literary studies. In 1697 was issued his version of Fran- 
cisco Manoel de Mello's The Government of a Wife : it was 
dedicated to Don Sen da Cunha, the Portuguese envoy. 
In the same year Stevens published a version of Quevedo's 
Fortune in her Wits, or the Hour of all Men. In 1707 he issued 

' Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, iii. 298. 


a translation of the collected comical works of Quevedo, 
which was republished in 1709 and in 1742. A rendermg by 
Stevens of Quevedo 's Pablo de Segovia, the Spanish Sharper, 
formed the basis of the Edinburgh version of 1798, and was 
reprinted in the second volume of ' The Romancist NoveMsts' 
Library', edited by W. C. Hazhtt in 1841. The Edm- 
burgh issue begins with a version of Quevedo's Suenos (i. e. 
Visions), and this does not seem to be from the Spanish. It 
seems that Stevens — or whoever the translator was — ^had 
simply taken L'Estrange's translation, and touched it up. 
L' Estrange himself did not translate from the Spanish, but 
from a corrupt French version. Under the circumstances, 
the rendering ascribed to Stevens need not be taken seriously. 
On page 293, column a, of James Lyman Whitney's ' Cata- 
logue of the Spanish Library and of the Portuguese Books 
bequeathed by George Ticknor to the Boston Public Library ' 
(Boston, 1879), the following manuscript note is quoted from 
Ticknor's copy : ' This translation is said by T. Roscoe 
{Spanish Novelists, ii. 8, 1832) to be made by Stevens. . . . 
The Visiones are a rifacimento of Sir Roger L'Estrange's 
translation of them, rather than a new one.' Perhaps it is 
worth remarking that Major Hume in his Spanish Influence 
on English Literature states ^ that ' Captain Stevens also trans- 
lated . . . The Life of Paul the Spanish Sharper, and evidently 
some of Swift's most scathing satires are inspired by this and 
others of Quevedo's works '. There is, however, no evidence to 
support this view. Swift might, of course, have read Quevedo 
in one of the poor English versions, but this is a very 
different matter, and certainly cannot be proved. In spite 
of his wide knowledge of Spanish, the translations of Stevens 
from that language are not distinguished, and are often 
careless. He did honest iourne57man's work in a rather 
humdrum way, which was not whoUy bad, and perhaps 
served its purpose at the time. It is fair to remember that 

' p. 179- 


his translations of Quevedo are the basis of Pineda's version 
published in 1743 ; that shows his influence to some degree, 
though Pineda and his work are long forgotten. On the 
whole, then, Stevens is not eminent as a Spanish scholar. 

§2. Authorities on the Jacobite War 
Thus our author's tale of work is long and not altogether 
undistinguished. One example, however, remains to be con- 
sidered, and it belongs to a class entirely different from all 
the others. This is A Journal of My Travels since the Revolu- 
tion, and it has not been pubhshed till now. This journal 
begins on January 16, 1689, and abruptly closes on July i, 
1691, while the writer is giving an account of the battle of 
Aughrim; perhaps his copy fell out of his knapsack. As 
this volume constitutes an important addition to the litera- 
ture of the Revolution in Ireland it becomes necessary for 
us to consider the authorities for that movement. In the 
Royal Irish Academy, Dubhn, there are seven folio volumes 
of much importance. These volumes begin with a proclama- 
tion of 1671, and a list of goods sold by Arthur Gore on 
June 19, 1676, and proceed to give a letter of Tyrconnel, 
December 18, 1689, which informs us that the Derry 
people ' continue obstinate in their rebellion '. They come 
down to February, 1692, when they cease. Among them 
are original letters from James to Hamilton, while the 
latter was engaged in the siege of the maiden city. In 
Trinity College, DubUn, is preserved the correspondence of 
George Clarke, Secretary-at-war (1690-4). Clarke's thirteen 
volumes are larger than the seven of the R. I. A., and they 
deal with operations all over Ireland. This secretary pre- 
served all letters sent to him, and from them an intelligible 
view of the WiUiamite side of the war can be obtained. From 
the Jacobite standpoint they can be supplemented by the 
material in the Archives des Affaires 6trangeres, Paris. 
Much trouble is caused to the student by the fact that these 

1218 b 


supplementary papers are in Dublin and Paris respectively, 
for they afford the most valuable insight into the minds of 
the generals. The Bodleian Library contains the Nairne 
Papers (1689-1701) ; some of these have been printed by 
J. Macpherson in his Original Papers. The papers of Sir 
Robert and Edward Southwell, principal Secretaries of State 
in Ireland, are now divided between the British Museum, 
Trinity College, Dublin, and the Public Record Office of the 
same city. These papers, however, are more valuable for the 
rest of William's reign than for the early period. Dr. T. K. 
Abbott's excellent Catalogue 0/ the MSS. of T. C. D. gives 
particulars of such other sources as I. 6. 9, three volumes, 
E. 2. 19, F. 4. 3, K. 4. 10. In the Pubhc Record Office, 
Dublin, the letters written in 1690 to Edward Southwell 
from Cork, Kinsale, and other towns (125/1), and those 
written in 1690 and in 1690-3 to. Edward and Robert relat- 
ing to French prisoners and French privateers and other 
matters (125/3, 132, 138, 141/5, 142) deserve attention. As 
yet aU these sources are unpubUshed. 

Among the published authorities J. S. Clarke's Life of 
James II ranks as a primary authority. James, like his 
cousin Louis XIV, spent time in compiling an account of his 
life. Before he sent his wife and child with Lauzun to a place 
of safety in 1688 he secured his Memoirs, which he had kept 
most carefuUy. James enclosed them in a box and gave it 
to Terriesi, the Tuscan envoy. He sent to Terriesi one of 
his most confidential servants at midnight with papers and 
writings, requesting him to take charge of them as ' he knew 
not where to place them in more honest hands '. 

' So the King having just time to thrust them all con- 
fusedly into it, sent it to him, which he, imagining it to be 
jewels of great value, was exceeding careful of it ; tho' 
that imagination had like to have occasioned its miscarriage 
. . . An Italian servant of the envoy's conveyed it safe to 
Leghorn, as directed ; from whence the Grand Duke sent 
two galleys on purpose to convoy it into France, through 


which kingdom . it was brought likewise guarded up to 
St. Germains, all persons supposing it to be some great 
treasure : which tho' it was not of that nature which people 
imagined it, contained what in itself was much more 
valuable . . . nine tomes, writ in his own hand, and which . . . 
he appointed to be lodged in the Scotch College at Paris, 
where they will remain, not only an eternal, glorious monu- 
ment of his actions, but a standing model both to his own 
Royal Posterity and to all Christian Princes of the most 
perfect resignation while a subject, and the most generous 
moderation while a king.' 

While James was living at Saint-Germain he added notes 
upon later events. During the French Revolution the 
manuscript of the Memoirs was burnt. Tradition relates 
that it was brought to Saint-Omer with the intention of 
depositing it safely in England, but as it bore the arms of 
England and France fear of the revolutionary government 
caused its destruction. Though the Memoirs thus perished, 
yet a biography based upon them remained in existence. 
King James's son gave orders for a Life of his father soon 
after 1701. Ranke does not think that evidence exists to 
warrant the assumption that Innes, Principal of the Scots 
College, had the largest share in the composition, although 
James confided his Memoirs and papers to Innes a few 
months before his death. The ChevaUer de Saint-George 
read the Life, underlined passages in it, and bequeathed it 
to his family. In 1707 he sent for that part of the Memoirs 
which referred to the year 1678. After the death of the 
Duchess of Albany, the wife of Charles Edward, the Life 
passed into the hands of the Benedictines at Rome, and 
was purchased by the British Government. The Napoleonic 
wars placed obstacles in the way of its safe transmission. It 
came to Leghorn, then to Tunis, then to Malta, and at last, 
in 1810, to England. The Prince Regent, who had a regard 
for the Stuarts, requested his chaplain and librarian, 
J. Stanier Clarke, to edit it, and in 1816 two handsome 
volumes were issued. 



The Life is in four parts. The first, which is unimportant, 
goes down to the Restoration in 1660 ; the second, which is 
most valuable, to the accession of James II ; the third to his 
flight from England at the end of 1688 ; and the fourth 
embraces the rest of his life. Ranke ^ analyses the value of 
the four parts with his usual acuteness. It is clear that the 
original was written in a fragmentary manner — the most 
detailed portions by James, others compiled by his secretaries. 
Ranke did not use the Caryll Papers, which show that John 
Caryll, secretary to James's wife, Mary Beatrice, was working 
at the Life. Its originals are preserved at Windsor, with the 
other Stuart Papers, uncatalogued and inaccessible to the 
public.^ At Welbeck there is a MS. (folio) which successively 
belonged to Henri Oswald de la Tour d'Auvergne, Archbishop 
of Vienna, Augustus Frederick, Duke of Sussex, Sir Thomas 
Phillipps, who also owned the Journal of Stevens, and the 
Duke of Portland. The title of this MS. is ' Memoires de 
Jacques Second, Roy de la Grande Bretagne, etc. De 
glorieuse Memoire. Contenant I'histoire des quatre Cam- 
pagnes que sa Majeste fit, estant Due de York, sous Henry 
de la Tour D'Auvergne, Vicomte de Turenne, dans les 
Annees 1652, 1653, 1654 et 1655 . . . Traduits sur I'Original 
Anglois 6crit de la propre mainde sa dite Majeste, conserve par 
son ordre dans les Archives du College des Ecossois a Paris. 
Le tout certifie et atteste par la Reyne Mere et Regente 
de la Grande Bretagne, etc., mdcciv.' From his careful 
survey of the Memoirs Ranke concludes that the biography 
is not the work of James. The extracts, however, of Carte 
and Macpherson prove that it is based on autobiographical 
notes and other authentic material. When the biographer 
does not use these, his work possesses httle value : where he 
agrees with the extracts, there is little doubt that we have 

' History of England principally in the Seventeenth Century, vi. 29-45. 
* Campana di Cavelli ; Quarterly Review, December 1846 ; Gentleman's 
Magazine, No. 2, New Series, February i, 1866, by M. Woodward. 


genuine autobiographic material. The fourth part has much 
to say on the war in Ireland. James drew up several reports 
on this war and sent them to Louis ; these reports and the 
biography exhibit substantial agreement. In Macpherson's 
Original Papers there are passages identical with the words 
of the biography. 

In 1830 the British Foreign Office printed privately the 
Ne'gociaiions de M. le Comte D'Avaux en Irlande. These 
negotiations are concerned with the years 1689 and 1690, 
and cover over 750 pages. They are of the greatest value in 
revealing the motives of the inner policy of Louis XIV, the 
divisions among the Irish, the state of the army, and kindred 
problems. In the Memoirs of Sir J. Dalrymple there is 
printed a useful selection of letters. Mr. W. J. Hardy 
has edited the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series ; 
volumes i, ii, and iii cover the years 1689 to 1691. In the 
Record Office, London, the State Papers, Ireland, volumes 352 
and 353, the State Papers, Ireland, Signet Office, volume xii, 
and the State Papers, Ireland, Entry Books, volume i, are of 
the utmost importance. 

The author of A Light to the Blind is probably Nicholas 
Plunket, an able lawyer, member of a branch of the house 
of Fingall. Under the pseudonym of John Rogers he 
acted in 1713-14 as a secret agent in England and on the 
Continent, working zealously in the interests of James 
Francis Edward Stuart. Together with the secretary of 
James, David Nairne, he planned a Jacobite descent to 
make their master James III of England. The exact title 
of Plunket's volume is ' A Light to the Blind ; whereby 
they may see the dethronement of James the second, 
king of England : with a brief narrative of his war in 
Ireland : and of the war between the emperor and the 
king of France for the crown of Spain. Anno 171 1.' It 
begins with an account of James II before and after his 
accession to the crown, and furnishes details of the last 


days and death of that monarch in September 1701. 
There are three books, and the third discusses Continental 
affairs during the war of the Spanish Succession. A Light 
to the Blind is written from the standpoint of a firm believer 
in the Stuart cause. To Plunket, as to Stevens, James is 
the lawful king and William merely the Prince of Orange. 
The war is regarded as a revolt from the rule of the 
sovereign who ruled by right divine. Plunket, moreover, 
is persuaded that the Duke of Tyrconnel was a statesman 
of the first order. His death ' pulled down a mighty 
edifice — a considerable Catholic nation — for there was no 
other subject left able to support the national cause '. 
Towards Sarsfield the writer assumes an attitude of 
hostility, though he praises the ' noble feat ' of the 
destruction of the Williamite Artillery at BaUyneety. A 
Light to the Blind bestows much attention upon the schemes 
of Louis XIV, and indicates why the French monarch 
should support the Irish. Take the following passages : 

' Here (i.e. at Waterford) the Prince of Orange may say, 
as Julius Caesar did in his expedition of Zela, veni, vidi, vici; 
so many towns hath the Prince taken without resistance. 
Which if each of them had given. Orange had been undone. 
For the wars of Ireland would have been prolonged ; and 
consequently the Confederacy abroad would have been 
forced within two years at the farthest to make a peace 
with France for want of the assistance of England ; which 
was all employed against the Irish. By which peace all 
the power of France would fall upon poor England, to 
her chastisement for her frequent rebellion; and to the 
dethroning of that unnatural usurper ..." (p. 618). 

'The most Christian king (i.e. Louis) was altogether for 
preserving Limerick ; and that he doubted not of its 
baffling the enemy, as it did in the year antecedent. 
This sending of such considerable stores doth also indicate, 
that his Majesty was for continuing the war of Ireland ; 
and that for this end he would send a reinforcement to 
the Irish army in spring following. . . . The monarch of 
France had powerful motives for keeping on foot the 
Irish war. For thereby he would sooner dissolve the 


hostile Confederacy abroad, as retaining the power of 
England (on which the League much depended) here in 
Ireland employed ; and in the sequel thereof that Prince 
would be able to restore sooner the banished King of 
England. . . . 'Tis for these reasons, that the King of 
France conceived afterwards great indignation .at the 
surrender of Limerick ; because it frustrated his mighty 
expectations (pp. 775-6). . . . 'Tis therefore that Limerick 
must make provisos for the nation in general. She is 
encouraged thereunto by the knowledge of her own 
strength : which is so great, that she can force the enemy 
to raise his siege. By which the war is prolonged, at least 
to the end of the next campaign. At the beginning thereof, 
the Confederate Princes will be compelled, without dispute, 
to strike a peace with France, as not being able to hold 
out any longer thro' the want of England's army and 
money, which must be employed in the Irish war. Hence 
immediately follows the dethronement of Orange, and the 
restoration of the King. General Ginkell understood very 
well this affair by his granting better conditions to the 
garrison of Limerick than are given to any besieged town 
whatsoever : tho' he gave not so good, as might have 
been extorted from him, which was occasioned by the too 
easy compliance of the Irish Commissioners, who were 
appointed to treat with him (pp. 789-90). . . . The King of 
France made a false step in the politics, by letting the 
Irish war to fall : because that war was the best medium 
in the world for destroying soon the Confederacy abroad, 
by reason that the Confederate Princes could not prolong 
the foreign war without the army and money of England, 
which were employed in the war of Ireland ' (p. 828). 

It ought to be added that Sir John Gilbert issued a poor 
edition of A Light to the Blind, published under the title 
of A JacoUte Narrative of the War in Ireland (1689-91) ; 
it can also be read in the Tenth Report, Appendix, part v, 
of the Historical Manuscripts Commission (pp. 107-204). 

Colonel Charles O'Kelly (1621-95) in his Macariae 
Excidium, or The Destruction of Cyprus, writes from the 
point of view of one who fought on the side of King James. 
He had fought for the Stuarts from the days of Cromwell, 
and he finally sheathed his sword in 1691. He was an old 


man when he served under Sarsfield, but he was defeated 
by Captain Thomas Lloyd. After the conclusion of the 
war he retired to his residence at Aughrane, now Castle 
Kelly, where he spent his remaining days in writing his 
history of the Irish wars. It affects to be a history of the 
destruction of Cyprus (Ireland), written originally in 
Syriac by Philotas Phylocypres (O'Kelly). The author 
consistently substitutes appellations for the men and places 
of the time, as, for example : Cyprus for Ireland, Cilicia 
for England, Pamphilia for Scotland, Syria for France, 
and Egypt for Spain. Thus William becomes Theodore, 
Louis is Antiochus, James is Amasis, Avaux is Demetrius, 
Tyrconnel is Coridon, Sarsfield is Lysander, Lauzun, 
significantly enough, is Asimo. The fifty-fourth para- 
graph will give a fair idea of Colonel O'Kelly's book. 

' Non alia,' it runs, ' unquam urbs, licet omnium 
aetatum annales, populorumque omnium res gestas 
evolveris, aut acriori impetu oppugnata, aut pertinacio- 
ribus animis defensa, quam Paphus ea tempestate fuit. 
Nihil inausum, nihil intentatum reliquit Theodorus quod 
aut bellicarum artium peritia, aut experientia magni 
Ducis, aut veteranarum cohortium robur exequi posset, 
ut oppidum in suam potestatem redigeret : nee segniori 
conatu Cyprii quidquid spectata in adversis virtus et 
infracta malis constantia, aut agere poterat, aut pati, 
fortiter et impigre efficiebant, tolerabantque, quo locum 
tanto tamque acri nisu petitum non minori pervicacia 
defensarent : continui hinc vallo assultantium, inde portis 
erumpentium congressus, tam ex obsidentium quam ex 
praesidiariorum numero, ingentem fortissimorum virorum 
multitudinem absumebant : illos spes et partae ante 
victoriae in ipsa pericula praecipites agebant : hos 
imminens patriae excidium, rehgionis ardor, et in regem 
inconcussa fides ad ultima audendum succendebant. 
Undevicesima die Theodorus (qui ne pedem latum sine 
sanguine et vulneribus progredi poterat) strata muri parte 
per patentes ruinas impetum fecit : ubi ad tres integras 
horas dubio utrimque marte pugnatum est : et quanquam 
hostium alii ipsam urbem perrupissent, obstinatis tamen 
propugnatorum viribus exturbabantur, et in castra non 


sine magna militum jactura redigebantur. Postridie 
Theodorus cum aleam universae rei in medium conjicere, 
et omnibus copiis oppidum denuo aggredi statuisset, quan- 
quam Ducem se perterritis off arret, et discriminum socie- 
tatem non respueret, haud tamen evicit aut persuadere 
valuit, ut aut caeptis insisterent, aut expertam virtutem 
no vis conatibus irritarent. Unde accensus ira, dolore 
furens, et ignominiae impatiens degenerem suorum 
pavorem detestatus castra deserit, et cursu, quam potuit 
contentissimo Paleam pergit, ibique conscensa navi in 
Ciliciam revertitur. Interea exercitus, desperato rerum 
eventu, tumultuaria profectione, relicta Papho, in in- 
teriora regreditur.' 

' Never was a Town better attacked,' runs the old 
translation of this passage, , ' and better defended, than 
the city of Paphos (Limerick). Theodore (William) left 
nothing unattempted that the Art of War, the Skill of a 
great Captain, and the Valor of veteran Soldiers, could 
put in Execution to gain the place ; and the Cyprians 
(Irish) omitted Nothing that Courage and Constancy 
could practise to defend it. The continual Assaults of the 
One, and frequent Sallys of the Other, consuming a great 
many brave Men, both of the Army and Garrison. On 
the 19th Day, Theodore (after fighting for every Inch of 
Ground he gained), having made a large Breach in the 
Wall, gave a general Assault, which lasted for three Hours ; 
and tho' his Men mounted the Breach, and some entered 
the Town, they were gallantly repulsed, and forced to 
retire, with considerable Loss. Theodore, resolving to 
renew the Assault next Day, could not persuade his Men 
to advance, tho' he offered to lead them in Person ; 
whereupon, all in a Rage, he left the Camp, and never 
stopt till he came to Palaea (Waterford), where he took 
Shipping for Cilicia ; his Army in the mean Time retiring, 
by Night, from Paphos.' 

The internal evidence points to the conclusion that the 
Latin text is the original of O'KeUy's narrative. Unlike 
Plunket, he is not at all friendly to Tyrconnel, and is 
a warm partisan of St. Ruth. Making allowance for these 
prejudices, Macariae Excidium is a very able record. 

William King, the greatest archbishop of Dublin; wrote 
' The State of the Protestants of Ireland under the late 


King James's Government : in which their Carriage 
towards him is justified, and the absolute Necessity of 
their endeavouring to be freed from his Government, and 
of submitting to their present Majesties is demonstrated.' 
The title of this book indicates precisely its object : it is 
an apologia for the Revolution. With it may be compared 
Charles Leslie's ' Answer to a Book intituled The State of 
the Protestants in Ireland '. It is no injustice, however, 
to Leslie to say that King's book is incomparably superior. 
Moreover, the facts that King gives are correct, though 
now and then he uses rhetoric. His references to con- 
temporary events are faithful, though his inferences 
are occasionally open to comment. One case may be 
given. King is contrasting the state of Ireland before and 
after the Revolution, and here one might expect that his 
eloquence and indignation might overcome his regard 
for the truth. As a matter of fact they do not. Such 
manuscripts as Add. 21138, Add. 17406 and 2902 (British 
Museum) provide chapter and verse for every statement 
King makes. His correspondence in seventeen volumes 
is preserved in Trinity College, Dublin, and it covers the 
period from 1696 to 1727. This correspondence the present 
editor has read and re-read, and every fresh reading con- 
firms his respect for the accuracy and insight of King. Its 
evidential value stands high, for the letters he wrote to his 
numerous correspondents, gentle and simple, were written 
while the events were fresh. A man who has had good 
opportunities of learning the truth about public affairs, 
and has been in the habit of recording things as they 
happen, as King did, is an invaluable witness. It is 
interesting to observe the change in his attitude to public 
affairs. He was of Scots descent, and at first regarded 
events in Ireland from an external point of view, but as 
he grew older he became warmly interested in the stirring 
events of his day. The majority of his critics have judged 


King by his State of the Protestants of Ireland : they have 
not judged him by his singularly able and statesmanlike 
letters. The perusal of a letter such as that of January 
6, 1697 (197, f. 151, British Museum) is enough to convince 
the student that he is dealing with an authority of the 
highest value and impartiality. 

Among the published material it is difficult to find 
detailed accounts of the Jacobite War. Works like 
Dumont de Bostaquet's Me'moires ine'dits, Berwick's 
Me'moires, Schomberg's Diary, the Journal of MuUenaux, 
and Parker's Memoirs, give on the whole scanty detail. 
The few unpublished records resemble the published in this 
matter. Thus Ensign Cramond's diary (Add. 29878) gives 
no information of importance. It has no title, but begins 
' The Route of Colonel Wauchope's Regiment beginning 
the 15 of October, 1688.' Cramond served in the Low 
Countries and in Ireland from 1688 to 1691, but was clearly 
a man of action and nothing else. His diary follows 
immediately after the details of the number of miles 
marched each day ; and at the end of the slim volume 
there are money accounts. There are thirty-seven written 
leaves in it, besides almost the same number that are 
blank. Bonnivert's Journal (1033, British Museum) is 
somewhat more satisfactory, though it is also deficient in 
detail. It occupies only twelve written leaves, besides one 
leaf of drawings and two of medical receipts. It has no 
title, but begins ' I came out of London the 6 of June, 
1690.' On f. 5, according to Bonnivert, the Enniskilleners 
' are but middle sized men, but they are nevertheless brave 
fellows. I have seen 'em like masty dogs run against 
bullets.' F. 8 points out that at the battle of the Boyne 
the enemy ' drew up upon a line only, and our army was 
upon three.' The account of the battle is wretched : there 
are no particulars of the movements of the troops. Never- 
theless Bonnivert finds space to record the fact that his 


side wore green in their hats. F. lo describes Sarsfield's 
exploit at Ballyneety and places the success of the surprise 
upon the ' ill management of Captain Poultney, who 
having had the conduct of eight pieces of artillery and 
several other provisions unadvisedly ordered his detach- 
ment to unbridle and turn the horses to grass.' Both these 
diaries were obviously kept in the pockets of their owners. 
Cramond's diary measures 6| x 3 inches, and Bonnivert's 
5| X 3^ inches. 

§ 3. The Journal of John Stevens 

It is a satisfaction to turn from the meagre information 
of these two diaries to the comparatively ample account 
of John Stevens. His journal measures 8x4! inches 
and covers no less than 163 pages. The copy now edited 
lies in the British Museum (Add. 36296) . It was bought at 
the sale of the hbrary of Sir F. A. F. Constable, of Tixall, 
in 1899. It belonged previously to John Warburton, 
Somerset Herald, being lot 326 in the sale-catalogue of 
his library in 1759. The Biographies of English Catholics 
in the Eighteenth Century, by the Rev. John Kirk, D.D., 
edited by J. H. Pollen, S.J., and E. Burton, D.D., affords 
some additional information on the history of the manu- 
script from 1759 to 1899. Dr. Kirk was born in 1760 and 
died in 1851. He finished his work, which was a part of 
his projected continuation of Dodd's Church History, in 
1841, but it was not printed till 1909. The editors con- 
jecture that the majority of the Lives were written before 
1820. In a short notice of Stevens on p. 219, the writer 
refers to the Journal : 

' In the Ubrary of Burton Constable, I remember to 
have seen a MS. (M. 266) with this title : A Journal of my 
Travels since the Revolution. Containing a brief account 
of all the War in Ireland impartially related, and what 


I was an eye-witness to and deliver upon my own know- 
ledge distinguished from what I received from others.' 

He also mentions the printed slip which is pasted on the 
title-page of the British Museum copy. This newspaper 
cutting states that : 

' The Author of the above was Mr. John Stevens, 
a Roman Catholic, and before and at the Revolution, 
a Collector of the Excise in Wales : after which he followed 
the Fortunes of his Master, and became a Captain in the 
Army. He is well known to the learned World by his 
valuable Continuation of Dugdale's Monasticon, and 
numerous translations chiefly from the Spanish and 
Portuguese. — S. P.' 

At the end of the notice of Cuthbert Constable, formerly 
Tunstall, in Dr. Kirk's volume, there is a short list of 
manuscripts at Burton Constable, in which the Journal is 
included (p. 54) . But as Cuthbert Constable died in 1746, 
and as the Journal was in the Warburton sale in 1759, it 
must have been after his time that the Journal was 
acquired. The purchase at the Tixall sale in 1899 is 
intelligible, for Sir Thomas Hugh Clifford Constable, 
originally Clifford, succeeded both to Tixall and Burton 
Constable. It is interesting to note that the printed slip, 
pasted on the title page of Add. 36296 has evidently been 
taken from a sale-catalogue ; lots 1050 to 1054 are 
catalogued on the other side. The initials S. P. are those of 
Samuel Parker, bookseller and auctioneer. Though he 
sold the Warburton Library, this extract has not been 
taken from that catalogue, 1759. In the Warburton 
Catalogue, lots 318 to 327 are all Stevens's manuscripts. 
Lot 325 is ' A Diary or Account of my Life (Capt. Stevens's) 
and Actions, written by himself, 8vo.' Lot 326 is ' A 
Journal of my Travels since the Revolution ' — it is Add. 
36296 ; while lot 327 is ' A Journal of all my Travels since 
I left London, to follow our most merciful, most pious and 


most gracious Sovereign James II by the Grace of God, 
etc' — ' A Journal of my Voyage from London to Lisbon, 
etc.,' 4to. In the Phillipps sale, April 28, 1911, under 
lot 959 (three volumes folio) several of the sub-titles, 
e. g. The Miser Jilted, a novel, agree with those mentioned 
in lot 319 of the Warburton catalogue. 

A version of an introduction to the Journal will be 
found in Lansdowne MSS. 828, ff. 10, 10 b, 11, beginning, 
' I had been above a year in Wales, upon business, at the 
time when the never to be forgotten catastrophe, com- 
monly called the Revolution, happened . . .' and ending, 
' Perceiving I could expect no further security, I resolved 
to withdraw, sent for my horses over night, and left Poole 
the next morning early, being Monday.' On f. 10 b the 
writer, in stating the scope of his work, refers to himself 
as ' having in order to this constantly kept a journal, and 
often broke my rest, after much fatigue, rather than 
interrupt the series of my observations.' Though in 
general these three pages differ from Add. 36296 there 
are still obvious points of similarity. There is another 
version not merely of the introduction but of a large 
part of the Journal, and this was used by Ranke {History 
of England principally in the Seventeenth Century, vi, 
pp. 128-43). Ranke married an Irishwoman, a daughter 
of John Cosby Graves of Dublin, and in 1865 he went to 
Cheltenham in order to pay a visit to his brother-in-law, 
John Graves. Bishop Graves of Limerick was another 
brother-in-law. The well-known antiquary. Sir Thomas 
Phillipps, lived in the neighbourhood and permitted Ranke 
to use his famous collection (cf . ' Reminiscences of Leopold 
von Ranke ', by his son. General Friduhelm von Ranke, in 
Temple Bar, March 1906). Sir Thomas evidently on this 
visit gave the historian access to his copy of the Journal 
of Stevens. This copy and the British Museum one differ 
in some particulars, and the differences can be clearly 


seen by comparing two sections dealing with the same 
matter : 

The Philliffs Copy. 
The most sacred Majesty 
having, through the infinite 
goodness and providence of 
Ahnighty God, made his 
escape from Rochester, out 
of the hands of his ever 
rebelHous subjects, and most 
inhuman son-in-law, nephew, 
and enemy, WiUiam, Prince 
of Orange, and the most 
happy news of his safe arri- 
val and kingly reception in 
France, being spread all over 
England, the small remain- 
der of his loyal subjects, 
those few thousands, who 
had not bowed their knees to 
Baal, either in their person, 
or at least in their wishes, 
hastened to follow him. 
Some, through the great in- 
cmnbrance of their families, 
others through want, having 
been plundered of all their 
substance, others for fear of 
being burdensome to him in 
his exile, and lastly, some in 
hopes of being more service- 
able to him when providence 
should ordain his return, re- 
mained in their more than 
egyptian slavery, yet a very 
great number gathering to- 
gether the small remainder 
of their shipwreck, and lay- 
ing aside all worldly con- 
siderations, having only be- 
fore their eyes their duty and 
love to their sovereign, re- 
solved to follow him through 
all hazards, in hopes of being 

Add. 36296. 
His most sacred Majesty 
having, through the infinite 
goodness and providence of 
Almighty God, made his 
escape from Rochester, 

and the most happy news of 
his safe arrival, and kingly 
reception in France, being 
spread all over England, the 
small remainder of his loyal 
subjects, (those few thou- 
sands, who had not bowed 
their knees to Baal) either in 
their persons, or at least in 
their wishes hasted to fol- 
low him. Some through 
the great incumbrance of 
their families, others through 
want, having been plun- 
dered of all their substance, 
others for fear of being bur- 
densome to him in his exile, 
and lastly some in hopes of 
being more serviceable to 
him, when Providence should 
ordain his return, remained 
in their more than Egyptian 
slavery. Yet a very con- 
siderable number gathering 
together the small remainder 
of their shipwreck, and lay- 
ing aside all worldly con- 
siderations, having only be- 
fore their eyes their duty and 
love to their sovereign, re- 
solved to follow him through 
all hazards, in hopes of being 



instrumental in regaining his 
just right. I shall ever es- 
teem it the most glorious 
action of all my life, that 
I made myself one of this 
number, and cannot but be 
proud, that in all the hard- 
ships and misfortunes which 
attended this my tedious 
exile, I have never been dis- 
mayed, or given way to 
despair, but reUed always on 
the justice of our cause, and 
all our miseries have been 
easy to me, in consideration 
of the happiness of my return 

But to come to the in- 
tended matter, to wit, my 
transactions after his Majes- 
ty's departure, it is first to 
be observed, that though 
immediately resolved to fol- 
low, yet through the diffi- 
culty of getting passes, and 
many other impediments, I 
could not set out till Friday, 
January of 1688. Yet, be- 
fore I proceed, I cannot but 
look back as far as the 
original of all my country's 
and my own misfortunes, to 
wit, the time of the invasion, 
and, by way of introduction, 
make some remarks of what 
happened to me from that 
time till I left England, in 
short, as things have since 
occurred to me upon penning 
this part in haste. When the 
spirit of witchcraft or rebel- 
lion, which the scripture tells 
us are ahke, had well pos- 
sessed itself, and as it were 
fixed its abode in the hearts 

instrumental in regaining his 
just rights. I shall ever 
esteem it the most glorious 
action of my life that I made 
myself one of this number, 
and caimot but be proud 
that in all the hardships and 
misfortunes, which have at- 
tended this my tedious exile, 
I have never been dismayed, 
or given way to despair : but 
reUed always on the justice 
of our cause, and all miseries 
have been easy to me in con- 
sideration of the happiness 
of my return home. To come 
closer to the matter, 
to wit my transactions after 
his Majesty's departure, it is 
to be observed, that though 
I immediately resolved to 
foUow, yet through the diffi- 
culty of getting passes, and 
many other impediments, I 
could not set forward tiU 
Friday, January the nth, 
1688/9. Yet before I pro- 
ceed, I cannot but look back 
as far as the original of all 
this country's and my own 
misfortmies, to wit, the time 
of the invasion. And by 
way of introduction make 
some remarks of what hap- 
pened to me from that time, 
till I left England, in short 
as things have occurred to 
me upon penning this paper 
in haste. When the spirit 
of witchcraft, or rebeUion 
(which the Scriptxire teUs us 
are ahke) had well possessed 
itself, and as it were fixed its 
abode in the hearts of most 
of his Majesty's dissembling 


of most of his Majesty's 
dissembling enthusiastic sub- 
jects, through the mediation 
of their pharisaical teachers 
at the time when men began 
to lament the danger of losing 
their reUgion, who were never 
known to be possessed of or 
pretend to any, all this time 
was I employed in Wales, 
receiving of some of his 
Majesty's revenue there, be- 
ing in a public emplojmient, 
and keeping much company, 
I could not but easily discern 
how prone all were to mutter 
about breach of laws, and 
invading of religion, and it 
was plainly to discern, that 
many who said well thought 
very evil. This I found by 
long experience, yet the fear 
of punishment kept their 
tongues as well as hands 
within the limits of the law. 

enthusiasticsubjects, through 
the mediation of their Phari- 
saical teachers, at the time 
when men began to lament 
the danger of losing their 
religion, who were never 
known to be possessed of 
or pretend to any, at this 
time was I employed in 
Wales in receiving his Majes- 
ty's revenue of excise there. 
Being in a public employ- 
ment and keeping much com- 
pany, I could not but easily 
discern how prone aU were 
to mutter about breach of 
laws and invading of re- 
ligion, and it was plainly 
to be discerned, that many 
who said Well Well, thought 
very evil. This I found by 
long experience, yet the fear 
of punishment kept their 
tongues as -well as hands 
within the limits of the law. 

It would not appear that the two versions end at the same 
place. Ranke (vi. 143) seems to indicate that his version 
stops at July 30, 1690, whereas Add. 36296 continues to 
July 12, 1691. The British Museum manuscript appears 
to be an earlier version than that quoted by Ranke. The 
evidence, such as it is, seems to point to this conclusion. 
Reference, however, should be made to the erasures in 
Add. 36296. On f. 80 b, nine lines, which are not in Ranke, 
have been crossed out, and these lines are clearly utilized 
on ff. 81 b, 82 of the manuscript. This, though by no means 
conclusive, would, considering the similarity of the two 
versions, argue in favour of the priority of Add. 36296. It 
is true that there has been an alteration in the title of 
Add. 36296, which would go against the view suggested. In 
this case, on the other hand, it is evident that the alteration 

1218 C 


has not been made at the first time of writing, but at a later 
date, and it may therefore have been subsequent to the 
making of the second version. Ranke (vi. 143) appears to 
be summing up the rest of his manuscript when he writes 
that ' The author goes on to describe the disorders during 
the retreat up to the 30th of July, and inserts a few more 
details as to the battle itself. The manuscript ends abruptly 
in the middle of a sentence.' As he gives the beginning of 
it on p. 128 there is no reason otherwise for his mentioning 
the 30th of July. Though his head-lines on page 128 run 
' Extracts from the Diary of a Jacobite relating to the 
War in Ireland, 1689 and 1690 ', not much importance is to 
be attached to them, though they might perhaps be taken as 
a kind of negative evidence. 

The Journal (Add. 36296) cannot have been kept from 
day to day, but has been written up from notes that have 
been so kept. Clearly Stevens kept such a day-to-day 
journal, and he must have based the present work very 
closely upon it. But this work, viz. Add. 36296, cannot be 
that day-to-day journal, for it has certainly been written up 
afterwards. In the first place the appearance and the form 
of the work both afford proof of that. The Journal is 
divided into an introduction and two parts, a system of 
division which suggests that the writer had the end in sight. 
Apart, however, from questions of appearance and form, 
there are various passages where Stevens obviously general- 
izes and anticipates in a way which he could not have done 
had he been writing from day to day. A short list of such 
passages places this beyond doubt : the italics, of course, 
are the editor's : 

f . 14 b. 'I understood not this word then, but having 
afterwards found the benefit of it, think it not amiss in 
this place, to give an account of it, which is this.' 
f. 23. ' the following part of my exile wiU show I have not 
wanted my part in most sort of sufferings.' 


f. 40 a. ' Mr. Lazenby, afterwards a Captain.' 

f . 48 b. ' Of these several gave us at least as good a proof 
of their loyalty . . . when to punish theirs and our 
sins it pleased God to suffer his Majesty's forces to be 
defeated, and us to be reduced to the miseries I shall 
hereafter mention.' 

f . 65 b. Note his general remarks on the stay in Dublin. 

f . 81 b. Note the reference to the first siege of Limerick, 
with its implication that there had been a second. 

f . 84 a. 'I wonder I outhved the miseries of this dismal day, 
but that I have since found I was reserved to suffer 
many more and if possible greater.' 

f . 89 a. See the entry under July 16, 1690, and particularly 
f. 90 b, ' wherewith we afterwards held out so long, and 
at last purchased so good conditions.' Note on the 
same folio his reasons for giving a general description of 
Limerick. ' Limerick being the principal city at this 
time and long after that held out for the king, and 
consequently there being often occasion and that on 
account of many memorable occurrences to speak of it, 
I will endeavour to give a true and exact description 
of it.' 

f . 97 a. ' This day also the French forces departed for 
Galway to the great satisfaction not only of the inhabi- 
tants, but of aU the garrison that remained in town. 
They remained some time at Galway till ships came to 
carry them into France, thinking it impossible Limerick 
should hold out a siege, offering to lay wagers it would 
be taken in three days.' 

f. 114 b. ' These extremities endured as they were with 
courage and resolution are sufficient with any reasonable 
persons to clear the reputation of the Irish from the 
malicious imputations of their enemies ; and yet this 
is not aU that can be said for them. We have already 
seen them defend an almost defenceless town against 

c 2 


a victorious disciplined army, and we shall see them 
the following summer under all these hardships fight 
a battle with the utmost bravery.' 
f . 115 b. ' But I must not here anticipate upon what hap- 
pened so long after. The battle of Aughrim which is 
that I have made the last observation upon will be 
mentioned in its own place and with more particulars. 
Let us now return to our hard winter in Limerick.' 

F. 50 b illustrates the character of the work. ' As I do 
not pretend to write a history or give an account ', Stevens 
points out, ' of the particular transactions of the times, 
but only as far as I was concerned, or where I was present 
myself, so having spent much time in speaking of my private 
affairs, it will not be amiss to set down some few observations 
of the general state of affairs, during this my vacation from 
business though not from sufferings.' The reference on 
f. 118 b to f. 92 is also illustrative : ' This town and the 
road to it I shall not need to give any account of in this 
place, having said as much of it as is requisite before, when 
we passed the same way the first time towards Athlone, as 
is to be seen in this hook, i. 92.' 

The Journal, then, of Stevens was not kept from day to 
day. It thus lacks order ; dates are dropped into it or are 
left out of it as the purpose of the writer is best served. On 
the whole, though the Journal is barren of some personal 
details one wants to know, it is a very hmnan document 
indeed. It is plain that a scholar like the author did not 
rehsh his life as a soldier. He is conscious of the mistakes 
of his generals, of the loss of promotion, of the lack of pay, 
of the bhsters on his feet, and of the hunger in his stomach. 
Stevens sees and he makes the reader see. For the truth, the 
sincerity, and the reahty of his account of the Jacobite war 
much grumbling may be forgiven him. In interest his 
Journal is comparable to Mercer's Journal of the Waterloo 


Campaign. Both Mercer and Stevens were scholars and 
lovers of books. No doubt Mercer is an optimist, but he 
was on the winning side. Stevens is a pessimist, but was 
he not on the losing side ? He does not take mud, rain, toil, 
hunger, the peril of death, all as part of the day's work. 
There are curious omissions in the Journal. For example, 
there is no reference to Sarsfield's destruction of William's 
siege-train at Balljmeety, a feat that must have raised the 
spirits of the besieged to no common degree. The battles 
of the Boyne and of Aughrim, and the sieges of Limerick, 
arrest the attention of all readers, and their tale has been 
told over and over again. But what may be called the 
unrecorded marches and skirmishes of the campaign possess 
genuine interest ; and Stevens describes them with great 
vividness. He makes us see the rough material out of which 
the Irish army was formed ; for the men he has a hearty 
admiration, while for the officers, like most observers, he 
has nothing but contempt. An extract taken straight from 
his day-to-day Journal is simple, but he forgets this 
simplicity when he moralizes over the battle-field the 
next day. Then he makes deliberate — and, it may be 
added, unhappy — attempts at fine writing. He indulges in 
apostrophes to the reader, to posterity, and to his native 
country. He is, however, simple and direct when he has 
a line of conduct to describe or an actual tale of fighting to 
tell. Part of the value of the Journal lies in the insight it 
gives into the fortunes and sufferings of the Jacobites. Like 
the Macariae Excidium of Colonel O'Kelly, it makes the men 
who fought for the land of Ireland appear more human than 
they had been to the reader of other records. For Stevens 
renders it abundantly clear that the Irishmen of 1688 — and 
it may be added, the Irishmen of 19 12 — cared for two things, 
and two things only, and they are land and rehgion. The 
entries of the writer are most damaging to James, for he 
points out the incapacity of his generals, the immorality of 


the officers, and the prevalent thieving and drunkenness. 
When King made these charges he was considered partial, 
but a fervent Jacobite also makes them. He amply confirms 
King's view of the general corruption of the country. The 
Journal is interesting, because it brings back living pictures, 
as seen through living human eyes, of the battles of two 
centuries ago — battles, insignificant in themselves, which 
changed the current of the world's history. Thus the effects 
of the battle of the Boyne are deeply graven on the history 
of the world. For first it decided the fate of the lesser kiag- 
dom, then that of the greater, and finally that of Europe. On 
Irish soil William was fighting not merely for the kingdom, 
of England, but also for his fatherland as well as for his 
allies. Above all, he was fighting for the principle of liberty 
in the life of nations, the principle that the Grand AUiance 
had called into vigorous existence. On Irish soil James was 
in reality fighting, not for his own cause, but for that of his 
master, the King of France. William and James did not, as 
men have often said, represent the principles of Protes- 
tantism and Roman Catholicism ; they rather represented 
the eternal struggle between liberty and t5n:anny. The 
Boyne proved to the despotic power of Louis what Salamis 
was to Xerxes and Leipzig to Napoleon. It would have been 
well for the French monarch if the results of that skirmish 
had not been half hidden from his view by the victories of 
Beachy Head, Fleurus, and Staffarda. The Holy Roman 
Emperor and the Pope both rejoiced to hear the good news 
from Ireland, for GaUicanism had at last received a severe 
blow. While state religion had thus been checked, hberty 
had been allowed to develop more freely than before, and 
both these priceless blessings are the results of that memor- 
able July day. 


§ 4. The Condition of the Army 

Upon the commissariat of the army Stevens has somewhat 
to say, and the method of supplying clothing deserves 
attention. The pay of the soldier consisted of (i) subsistence 
money, the regulated rates being, for a trooper, two shillings 
out of his total of two and sixpence ; for a dragoon, one and 
twopence out of one and sixpence ; for a foot-soldier, six- 
pence out of eightpence, (ii) the gross off-reckonings, which 
were the difference between the whole pay and the sub- 
sistence, and (iii) the net off-reckonings, which were the 
balance of the gross off-reckonings .after all lawful deduc- 
tions. These net off-reckonings formed the clothing fund, 
and belonged to the colonel for that purpose. Out of the 
off-reckonings was deducted one shilling in the pound on 
the whole pay, besides one day's pay per annum, for Chelsea 
Hospital and other purposes. Take the case of a private 
foot-soldier : — 

I s. d. 

Total pay at 8(f. per day 12 3 4 

Deduct subsistence at 6d. . . . . .926 

Gross ofi-reckonings 3 o 10 

s. d. 

Deduct IS. per £ on annual pay . .122 

One day's pay for Chelsea . .08 

o 12 10 

Net off-reckonings 280 

These net off-reckonings belonged to the colonel, and out 
of them he was obhged to clothe his regiment. This amount 
was not excessive for each private, for in 1678 two pounds 
thirteen shillings was reckoned the proper cost of the annual 
clothing of an infantry soldier. Of course, allowance must 
be made for the saving effected by regimental contracts. 
Moreover, some clothing was not required because of casual- 
ties and non-effective men. When the regiment was on 
active service the colonel could not employ a contractor. 


and in this case the Commissariat procured the clothing and 
deducted the price from the pay of the troops. 

It is clear that the margin of profit to a just colonel was 
reduced to a vanishing point, yet it is common to find that 
the colonel received from £200 to £600 a year from the net 
off-reckonings. This money was of course stolen from the 
private soldier.^ Not only was he thus defrauded, but he 
also suffered in other ways. Even the subsistence money of 
sixpence a day was tampered with. In April 1686 Clarendon 
wrote to Rochester : ' And some (Irish) colonels told me 
they were offered £600 by tradesmen to have the clothing 
of their regiments, which they thought a very unconscionable 
thing, to get so much money into their own pockets out of 
the poor soldiers' bellies. I confess I thought it very hard 
that the King should allow 6d. a day, and the poor soldier 
have but 2d. of it.' It was easy to swindle the soldier, for 
the colonel appointed the regimental agents, through whose 
hands all the money passed. These agents bribed the com- 
manding officer, sometimes offering him so much as £600 for 
the year. Sometimes instead of a lump sum the colonel re- 
ceived a percentage on the contract. Sometimes the amount 
of the contract was increased and the colonel received 
the increase. These abuses were checked by the plan 
adopted by the colonel of the Irish Foot-Guards. He 
allowed each captain to arrange for his company, but this 
excellent method was not carried out by his successor. On 
the loth of April, 1686, Clarendon wrote to Rochester : 

' Speaking of the clothing of the army puts me in mind 
to tell you of a particvdar. My lord Arran (who loved to 
get money) left the clothing of the regiment of Guards to 
each particular captain to take care of his own company, 
which got him the perfect love of the officers. My Lord of 
Ossory has ordered it otherwise, and sent orders to the 
Receiver-General (at least it is come in his name) to pay the 
deductions no more to the captains, but that he wiU appoint 

' Cf. Shakespeare, i Henry IV, Act iv. Scene ii. 


one to take care of the clothing of the regiment. This makes 
a loud noise among the officers, and I doubt it will not be 
represented in England to his advantage.' 

Schomberg complained repeatedly in his dispatches of 
the neglect and cheating of the men by their officers, of the 
bad state of the men's clothing, and of the astonishing 
avarice of the colonels who thought of nothing beyond 
making an income out of their regiments. He characterized 
the officers of the artillery as ignorant, lazy, and timid.^ 
On the officers in general he made remarks in his letters to 
WiUiam on August 27 and September 20, 1689. The latter of 
these pointed out that ' il y a bien encore d'autres officiers 
que je voudrais qu'ils fussent en Angleterre. Je n'ai jamais 
vu de plus mechants et de plus interesses ; tout le soin des 
colonels n'est que de vivre de leurs "regiments, sans aucune 
autre application.' ' If the Irish colonels ', he writes, " were 
as capable and as eager for war as they are for sending 
forage parties to plunder the country . . . our affairs would 
stand better. The incapacity of the officers is indeed great, 
but their carelessness and laziness are still greater.' The 
ignorant and indolent officers delayed the erection of huts 
till it was too late to procure dry timber for the walls or dry 
straw for the roofs.^ On December 26, Schomberg wrote : 
' I never was in an army where are so many new and lazy 
officers. If aU were broke who deserved it on this account, 
there would be few left.' ^ If Schomberg had grounds for 
complaining of the character of his officers, Rosen and 
Lauzun had equally good grounds for complaining of the 
character of theirs. Mr. Osborne's paper of March 9 and 10, 
1689, states ' that for the Irish army, though their horses were 
good, yet their riders were but contemptible fellows, many of 

' Klopp, Der Fall des Hauses Stuart, v. 50- 

" Schomberg's dispatches, September 20, 27 ; October 3, 8, 12 ; Novem- 
ber 4, 1689. 
' Kazner, Leben Fnedrich von Schomberg oder Schoenburg, i. 300. 


them having been lately cowherds, &c.' Ireland's Lamenta- 
tion (p. 31) points out that ' those of their present army, 
both officers and soldiers, are mostly the very scmn of the 
country, cow-boys, and such trash, as tremble at the firing 
of a musket, much more will at many.' Stevens speaks in 
cordial terms of the usefulness of the private, ' but the 
officers were only those from the plough, from the following 
of cows, from digging potatoes, and such like exercises. 
Because they had a few men to foUow them, or bore the 
name of a good family, they were put into commissions, 
without experience, without conduct, without authority, 
and without even the sense of honour.' The estimate of 
Avaux coincides with that of Stevens. The Irish ' sont tres 
bien faits : mais il ne sont ny disciplinez ny armez, et de 
surplus sont de grands voleurs.' Upon the cavalry Avaux 
bestows some praise, but none upon the infantry. In a letter 
of September 20, 1689, to Louvois, he wrote : 

' La moiti^ des troupes n'est point habUlee, et n'a ny cein- 
turons ny bandoulieres ; la pluspart de mousquets des regi- 
mens qui viennent du nord et des autres provinces, sont hors 
d'estat de servir. . . . On a beaucoup plus de confience en la 
cavalerie, dont la plus grande partie est assez bonne ; on ne 
pent voir de meUleur regiment que celuy de Tirconnel et celuy 
de Galmoy; celuy de Parker, quoyque nouvellement leve, 
est bon aussi. Le Colonel Salsfield a amene d'assez bonne 
cavalerie, et il y a quelques regimens de dragons en fort bon 

In another letter of April 16/6, i68g, to Louvois he declared 
that ' la pluspart de ces regimens sont levez par des gentils- 
hommes, qui n'ont jamais este k I'armee, que ce sont des 
tailleurs, des bouchers, des cordonniers, qui ont forme les com- 
pagnies qui les entretiennent a leurs despens, et en les capi- 
taines.' Macaulay doubtless had this letter before him when 
he wrote that ' Their colonels were generally men of good 
family, but men who had never seen service. Their captains 
were butchers, tailors, shoemakers.' It is therefore necessary 


to point out that the statement of Avaux cannot be general- 
ized in the easy way that Macaulay generalizes. Five of the 
captains were peers, and many of the other officers, especially 
in the cavalry regiments, were the sons of peers. Many, too, 
were the sons of baronets, or heirs of the oldest families. 
Names like Butler, Burke, Dillon, Fitzgerald, French, 
Macarthy, Macmahon, Magennis, Nagle, Nugent, O'Brien, 
O'Byme, O'Donovan, O'Ferrall, O'More or Moore, O'Neill, 
O'Rourke, and Plunket, demonstrate the truth of this fact. 
Regarding the type of officer there are many references 
in Avaux, e.g. Avaux to Louvois, May 12, June 26, July 10; 
Avaux to Louis, August 30 ; Avaux to Louvois, September 20 ; 
Avaux to Louis, October 21. The letter of September 20 
pointed out that ' nous avons pen d'offieiers generaux sur 
qui Ton puisse compter ; les officiers subaltemes sont bien 
plus mauvais, et a la reserve d'un tres petit nombre, il n'y en 
a point qui ayt soin des soldats, des armes, de la discipline ; 
et j'aprehende beaucoup que les soldats ne se decouragent 
lorsqu'ils ne verront pas des officiers a leur teste qui les 
menent hardiment.' The letter of October 21 discloses an 
appalling lack of discipline : 

' II seroit bon aussy que le Roy voulust bien prendre soin 
de faire executer ce qu'il a resolu, et qu'il fist chatier les 
officiers qui manquent a leur devoir. II n'y a ny ordre, ny dis- 
cipline dans I'armee : les soldats mettent I'espee a la main 
contre leurs superieurs ; les officiers et les cavaliers qui ont 
este a la garde avancee, lorsque nous etions a une lieiie et 
demy du camp de M. de Schomberg, ont est6 trouvez 
presque toutes les nuits couchez sur de la paiUe et endormis, 
leurs chevaux dessellez et debridez ; on ne manquoit pas 
d'en faire des plaintes au Roy d'Angleterre qui disoit que 
cela estoit fort mal, et il n'en a jamais este autre chose. Les 
capitaines sont d'une tres grande negligence, et souffrent 
que leurs soldats gastent et brisent leurs mousquets ; de 
sorte que si on n'y apporte pas plus d'ordre, nostre Maieste 
auroit beau envoyer cinquante miUe mousquets de France, 
qu'il n'y en auroit pas dix miUe en estat de servir dans ces 
troupes cy, au bout de six mois.' 


When Macaulay therefore censures the bad clothing of the 
troops as due to the defective commissariat he is in error : 
it was really due mainly to the avarice of the colonels and 
slightly to the neglect of the captains. 

It is worthy of notice that the colonel and lieutenant- 
colonel had troops in the cavalry and companies in the 
infantry, and they drew pay as captains of these in addition 
to their pay as colonels and lieutenant-colonels. In foot 
regiments the major had always a company, but not in 
horse or dragoon regiments. The colonel, Heutenant- 
colonel, and major with the adjutant, quarter-master, and 
surgeon constituted the regimental staff. The other officers 
were divided into three grades, captain, lieutenant, and 
ensign in the infantry or cornet in the cavalry. Promotion 
as a rule went by selection on the colonel's recommendation, 
not by seniority or merit. From the autobiography of 
James II it appears that he bought the Earl of Macclesfield's 
first troop of Guards for the Duke of Monmouth in 1674.^ 
On June 22, 1686, Clarendon wrote to Sunderland : 

' My lord Tyrconnel told me, tho' I had nothing of it from 
your Lordship (which I should have been very glad to have 
known the King's mind in), that the King gave Col. Salkeld 
the command of the Horse Grenadiers as a recompense of 
his former services, in lieu of his employment of lieutenant- 
colonel, and in order to his disposing of it to his advantage. 
Though I know it is against his Majesty's resolution of not 
suffering commands in the army to be sold, yet, considering 
what has been told me, and that there can be no harm in 
making the proposition, I am desired by my Lord Ikerrin, 
that the King may be acquainted, that his Lordship and 
Col. Salkeld are agreed for that command of the Grenadiers ; 
but then my Lord Ikerrin hopes that the King will give him 
leave to surrender the company, which he now has, to 
a friend of his ; and he desires it may be to one Lieutenant 
John Roth. If his Majesty approve hereof, your Lordship 
will be pleased to let me know it, and to send over the 

' a. Otway, The Soldier's Fortune, 1681. 


On July 22, 1686, Clarendon wrote another letter to 
Sunderland, ' And now I must put your Lordship in mind of 
Captain Toby Caulfield, who was to have had Ridley's 
command ; the company which he formerly had, having 
been given to my Lord Ikerrin, which he has sold by the 
King's permission lately to one Rooth.' On December 18, 
1686, he wrote to Rochester, ' I seU no offices, I wish the 
officers of the army did not ; then there would not be so 
much sharking from the poor soldier, as there is.' The 
journal of John Stevens bears ample testimony that such 
conduct as Clarendon's was the exception, not the rule. The 
colonel regarded the places of the quarter-master, adjutant, 
and agent, as a source of pecuniary gain, for aU three were 
appointed by him. The officers followed the corrupt example 
set by the colonel. They secured to him the fresh sale or gift 
of their places ; they kept these vacant and drew the income 
of their holders. When a vacancy occurred the colonel con- 
cealed the fact as long as he could, and the salary of the officer 
still borne upon the muster-roUs went into his pocket. Ac- 
cording to the declared accounts, Chelsea Hospital, 1680-5, 
the following are examples of prices paid for commissions : 

I i 

Lieutenancy in the Irish Foot-Guards, prior to 1685 1,100 

Lieutenant-Colonel's commission ..... 3,440 
Captain's ,, • ■ • • 1,720 to 6,000 

Lieutenant's 600 to 1,075 

Cornet's ....... 2,100 

Ensign's ,, 400 to 610 

Quarter-master's ,, 1,000 

Stevens has a detailed description of the first siege of 
Limerick, and in it one matter calls for comment. ' I can 
affirm ', writes the Duke of Berwick, ' that not a single drop 
of rain feU for above a month before or for three weeks after ' ^ 
the siege. This statement is flatly contradicted by Stevens. 
On the 29th of August he writes : ' The night was extreme 
cold, dark, and rainy ' and the 3rd of September ' was 

1 p. 331 in the Mimoires (1839 edition). 


appointed a general day of review for the garrison in the 
King's Island, but the weather proving extreme foul it was 
put off.' The entry of the 29th shows in what sense he uses 
the word foul, for there he writes that ' the weather began to 
grow foul with extreme rain '. Dumont de Bostaquet^ and 
Story 2 confirm the accuracy of Stevens. Moreover, in the 
Clarke Correspondence (vol. ii, f. 116) occurs the significant 
statement : ' I wish that the inclemency of the weather does 
not incommode the progress of the siege of Limerick.' Though 
Corporal Trim was not an exact historian, there is no reason 
for disbelieving his recollection of the state of the weather, 
and he asserts, as all his readers remember, with emphasis, 
' besides, there was such a quantity of rain fell during the 
siege, the whole country was hke a puddle.' WUliamite and 
Jacobite authorities, then, agree that rain feU. The question 
that now awaits an answer is. Why did Berwick state the 
contrary ? He was so young that he gained no honour 
at the siege, and he was jealous of Sarsfield. The perplexing 
problem then occurs that a person who from the nature of the 
case must have known the truth does not tell it, even though 
it favours him. It is, however, not without parallel. When 
Napoleon occupied Moscow it was burnt. The Governor of 
Moscow, Count Rostopchin, at the time boasted that he 
had fired the town. Many years afterwards, when an exile 
from Russia, he denied that he had ordered the conflagration. 
Which is to be behaved, his early affirmation or his subsequent 
denial ? 

§ 5. The Brass Money 

Stevens had troubles due to the foul weather, but he had 

other troubles due to bad money. On ff. 39 b, 55 b, 62 b, 

71 a, 72 a, 95 a, 97 a, 113 b, and 117 a, he refers to the 

many difficulties caused by the new coinage of James. It 

^ p. 286, ' La pluie avoit tombe en telle abondance.' 
' P. 39, ' A storm of rain and other bad weather began to threaten us 
which fell out on Friday the 29th (of August) in good earnest.' 


is obvious from his remarks that at first the nominal and 
the real value of the brass money coincided, but when 
French silver began to circulate, depreciation ensued. To 
the political economist the cause is clear, for by Gresham's 
law bad currency tends to drive out good currency. The 
working of this law was recognized by Aristophanes,^ by 
Nicolas Oresme in a report to Charles V of France about 1366, 
by Copernicus in a report or treatise written for Sigismund I, 
King of Poland, about 1526, and by Sir Thomas Gresham 
in the middle of the sixteenth century. It proved a most 
unfortunate law for James, for the depreciation of the 
brass currency brought untold misery upon the country. 
On the 25th of March, 1689, James issued a proclamation 
which raised the value of English gold twenty per cent., 
and EngUsh silver a little over eight per cent., and foreign 
gold and silver money in proportion. On the i8th of June 
by another proclamation he made two sorts of money, of 
brass and copper metal. Though an enormous quantity 
of these coins was placed in circulation, it proved insufficient 
for the wants of the king. At first this money was not legal 
tender for mortgages, biUs, bonds, or obligations, debts due 
by record, and money left in trust, but by the proclamation 
of the 4th of February these exceptions were swept away. 
In order to supply the mint with metal Lord Melfort sent 
an order to Lord Mountcashel, master-general of the ord- 
nance, to dehver to the commissioners of the mint some old 
brass guns, which were in the castle-yard. All collectors of 
revenue — ^in this order Stevens would take deep interest — ■ 
were required to send up all the brass and copper in their 
respective districts. In order to encourage men to bring 
their plate to the mint to exchange it for this copper money, 
the commissioners gave sixpence in the pound in copper for 
all the silver and gold they received, and this silver and gold 
were to be taken at the current value and fuU weight allowed. 

» Frogs, 893-8. 


On the 28th of February the interest given on loans was 
six per cent., and on the 9th of June, 1690, it had advanced 
to ten per cent. On the 28th of March, 1690, penny pieces, 
half-penny pieces, and crown pieces were struck. In order 
to remedy the scarcity of money, to pay the army, and to 
enable the subject to contribute to the heavy expenses, 
a certain quantity of white mixed metal was ordered, by 
proclamation of the 21st of April, 1690, to be coined into 
crown pieces, to pass for five shillings each. The refusal of 
these pieces was to be ' punished according to the utmost 
rigour of the law ', and counterfeiters of them were adjudged 
guilty of high treason. Moreover, all persons who should 
discover ' such offender or offenders, so as he or they be 
brought to condign punishment ' were to be recompensed 
either by a reward of twenty pounds, or ' one moiety of the 
estate, real and personal ' of the offender. Heavy penalties 
were to be imposed on any persons who presmned ' either 
to import, into any part of this realm, or export into any 
other country whatsoever, any of the said coin or money 
of white mixed metal ', and rewards were offered for their 
discovery. As in the case of the pewter pence and half- 
pence, these crowns were not intended to ' continue for any 
long time ', and when they were ' decried and made nuU ' 
full value was to be given for them in gold and silver, and 
they were to be received in pa5anent of all debts due to the 
Crown. From an abstract (Madden MSS., T.C.D., F. 4. 4) it 
seems the whole sum coined amounted to £1,596,799 os. 6d. 
The account stands thus : 


£ s. d. 

/large shillings 245,879 17 o 

large half-crowns 443,498 10 o 

large shillings and half-crowns 689,378 7 o 

small sixpences 49,042 6 6 

small shillings 41,800 o o 

^ small half-crowns 127,200 o o 

389,724 2i i,S96,799 o 6 


Df Meta 













' into 






The records of Stevens are the best proof that such pro- 
clamations as James issued invariably fail in the end. On 
f . 62 b he remarks, ' The army was punctually paid, and the 
brass money passed as current, and was of equal value with 
silver.' When the French arrived they ' were paid in silver, 
which was no small damage and discouragement to the rest 
of the army who received none but brass money ' (f . 71 a) . 
Less than three months had sufficed to bring about this 
change in value. F. 95 a shows marked depreciation : 

' The brass money which our misfortunes had much 
lessened in the common esteem, the French made so con- 
temptible it was scarce of any value, for they being always 
paid in silver, had no regard for the brass, but would give 
half-a-crown of that coin for a silver three-halfpenny piece, 
and forty shillings for a silver crown whereupon all things 
were sold accordingly as a pair of shoes for forty shillings, 
stockings that used to be sold for ninepence or tenpence 
were now worth five shillings, ale ninepence or twelvepence 
the quart, wine four shillings brass or sevenpence silver, 
brandy ten shillings brass, or tenpence silver. In short all 
things were at this time according to this rate (for it grew 
worse and worse daily) , and we who were paid in brass had 
a miserable existence.' 

On f . 62 b Stevens gives prices before depreciation. Then 
ale was threepence a quart, whereas now it was ninepence or 
twelvepence, a rise of two hundred to three hundred per cent. 
In Dublin, too, ale was twelvepence a quart.^ 

§ 6. The Irish Divisions 
The confusion caused by the base money was a grave 
trouble, but far graver was that brought about by the 
divisions among the Irish themselves. On this point Clarke 
is clear : 

' Besides all these contradictions his Majesty had another 

to struggle with, which was discord and disunion amongst 

his own people, which are never failing concomitants of 

difficult and dangerous conjunctures. . . . But the King was 

^ Clarke Correspondence, i, f. 34. 

1218 d 


forced to work with such tools as he had, or such as were 
put into his hands, which required so much dexterity to 
hinder their hurting one another, and by consequence 
himself, as to draw any use from such ill-suited and jarring 
instruments.' ^ 

James found that two distinct, even contradictory, lines 
of policy were pressed upon him by his English and Irish 
supporters respectively. The features of the English 
Jacobite — Stevens was one— are well known, for they have 
been drawn by a succession of skilled artists, and in him 
is to be discerned the characteristic weakness of the House 
of Stuart — a greater regard for dynastic than for national 
interests. Stevens was so devoted to James that he could 
not condemn his conduct at the battle of the Boyne, but it 
is worthy of note he never mentions his king again. To 
him the sovereign meant everything, the state very little 
indeed. The Lord's anointed might commit iniquity, and still 
be able to rely upon the personal devotion of his liegeman. 
On the other hand, the features of the Irish Jacobite cannot 
be drawn in clear outline, for they are sometimes veiled in 
the shifting mists of variety, sometimes hidden in the dim 
shadows of uncertainty. His ancestors cared for the first 
James because they believed that he was descended from 
their own Milesian kings, but this attachment was not 
reciprocated, and the feeling passed away. The Celt wants 
to see a sovereign regularly in order to adore him. James I 
was never in Ireland, and the ministers he sent failed to 
develop the feehng of devotedness to his d5niasty. More- 
over, all the traditions of an Irish Jacobite were those of 
a man with ancestors in persistent opposition to the line 
of Stuart. His grandfather perhaps shared the flight of 
the earls to Spain. His father, it may be, had borne his 
part in the rebellion of 1641. He had been despoiled 
of some, if not all, of his family estate by Charles II. 
The romantic devotion of the Highlander to the name of 
' Vol. i, pp. 387-9. 


Stuart meant absolutely nothing to him. The Jacobite 
poetry of Scotland and the Jacobite poetry of Ireland offer 
a strange contrast — the former is dynastic and personal, 
the latter is neither ; it speaks almost exclusively of Ireland 
and exhibits a passionate devotion to it. The Highland 
loyal fervour was inconceivable to the Irish Celt, for to him 
the words sovereign and oppressor were convertible terms. 
He cared for James almost as little as a Williamite cared for 
James. In fact the attitude of Louis of France and of the 
Jacobite of Ireland to the fallen monarch was not widely 
different. They both used him for a definite purpose, and 
when this use was fulfilled they intended to pay but scant 
attention to the instrument they had employed. It was the 
intention of Louis that James should keep William busily 
engaged in order that he might have no leisure to thwart 
his Continental schemes. The Irish Jacobite aimed at 
recovering the land of his forefathers as the reward of his 
support of James. His grievances were mainly economic, 
and the year 1688 seemed to present a suitable opportunity 
for their redress. By supporting James he might secure the 
co-operation of France and thus pave the way to a restora- 
tion of his own ancient possessions, for the defeat of England 
would inevitably mean the disappearance of the colonist. 
He cared but little that James should recover his throne 
in England. In fact his interests and those of James were 
in direct opposition. If James were again King of England, 
he must pay heed to his subjects there, and this meant 
that he could not yield sufficient deference to the wishes of 
the Irish Jacobite, who wanted only the independence of 
his native island, with perhaps James reigning over him. 

To the English Jacobite these aspirations were largely 
incomprehensible. Stevens, for example, regarded Dublin as 
but one stage in the return journey to London. The English 
Jacobite was as much an exile in Dublin Castle as he 
had been at Saint-Germain. In fact, of the two courts 



he much preferred the latter, for there he met men whom he 
understood, and whose feehngs he could divine. Moreover, 
he perceived that, if his master yielded to the pressure of the 
Irish Jacobites, his hopes of crossing the Irish Sea to England 
were never destined to be realized. Whatever measures were 
proposed the thought could never be long absent from his 
mind. What will be the opinion of England about them ? 
He knew that if the Irish party despoiled the Protestants 
in Ireland, all his chances, as Stevens perceived, were 
doomed. If, on the other hand, the policy of James showed 
a broad-minded toleration to them, then his prospects of 
recall vastly improved. It is to the credit of James that he 
tried — for a time, at least — to hold the balance true. He 
drew up a proclamation assuring the colonists of their 
restoration to their estates and of their admission to office, 
but the Irish and French successfully opposed its publication. 
The dispatches of Tyrconnel and the Journal of John 
Stevens reveal the existence of the chasm that yawned 
between the two types of thought. The want of sympathy 
and the lack of understanding are plainly visible in every 
line they write. The prevaihng Irish sentiment can be seen 
in Bishop Molowny's letter to Bishop Tyrrel, March 8, 1689, 
wherein he warns his correspondent that a grave fallacy 
lurks in the theory that affairs in England must be arranged 
as an indispensable preliminary to their own restoration : 

' which is the same as to say at Doomsday : For never 
a Catholic or other Englishman wiU ever think or make 
a step for your restoration, but leave you as you were 
hitherto and leave your enemies over your heads to crush 
you at any time they please, and cut you off root and branch 
as they now publicly declare ; and blame themselves they 
have not taken away your lives along with your estates long 
ago ! . . . I dare aver, if Ireland were put upon such a foot 
by the King, he shall never fear any rebellion in England, 
especially if Scotland be faithful to him and France a friend ; 
all which can now be well contrived and concerted.' ^ 

' King, pp. 353-65. 


The last sentence gives an important clue to the policy 
pursued by the Irish Jacobites, for they followed Bishop 
Molowny's advice and placed implicit trust in France. Of 
course Avaux sympathized with the bishop, for though their 
aims were different, the measures they advocated were 
identical. Tyrconnel and the French were desirous of leading 
James in one path, while Melfort and the English wanted to 
conduct him along a road diametrically opposite. James saw, 
on the one hand, that he must continue to raise, in the Irish, 
the hopes raised by his own Lord Deputy ; on the other, 
that if he expected to be restored to England he must protect 
the colonists. The two lines of policy were absolutely incom- 
patible, but, standing hesitatingly at the parting of the ways, 
he tried to achieve the impossible, and effect a conciliation 
of divergent interests by a policy of mere oscillation. Thus 
at one time he urged the Protestant bishops to oppose the 
repeal of the Act of Settlement, at another he insisted on its 
speedy revocation. An extract from the journals of the 
proceedings in the Irish Parliament reveals the vacillating 
character of his policy. On the 28th of May, 1689, a motion 
of adjournment for a holiday was brought forward. The 
king asked, ' What holiday ? ' Answer, ' The restoration of 
his brother and himself.' He replied, ' The fitter to restore 
those loyal Cathohc gentlemen who had suffered with him 
and been kept unjustly out of their estates. The motion 
rejected.' James saw at the time and saw more clearly long 
afterwards, that his land policy must set the English faction 
against the Irish. Two passages in his Memoirs are highly 
significant. ' Nothing but his unwillingness ', he maintains, 
' to disgust those who were otherwise a:^ectionate subjects 
could have extorted his consent to the Irish pohcy from him. 
It had, without doubt, been more generous in the Irish not 
to have pressed so hard upon their prince when he lay so 
much at their mercy, and more prudent not to have grasped 
at regaining all before they were sure of keeping what they 


already possessed.' ' But the Irish, by reckoning them- 
selves sure of their game, when in reality they had the worst 
of it, thought of nothing but settling themselves in riches 
and plenty by breaking the Act of Settlement, and by that 
means raise new enemies before they were secure of master- 
ing those they had already on their hands.' He yielded to 
pressure, and, unfortunately for him, it became known that 
he would yield to pressure. Louis and Avaux at last 
triumphed, and James became as clay in the hands of the 
potter. The two Frenchmen discerned that the prospects of 
an English counter revolution were small indeed, while those 
of an Irish revolution were tolerably great. Ireland might 
possibly secure a nominal independence, but France would 
be the power behind the throne. The colonists could be 
expelled, the Roman CathoHcs restored, and their Church be 
made the established Church of the nation. Ireland would 
be linked to France by the strong tie of a common hostility 
to England. Louis might count on the Irish to fight his 
battles and their land to provision his troops. The harbours 
of the country, especially in the south, would afford support 
to his navy, whence his ships might issue forth to harass 
the trade of England. Little wonder that with these aims in 
view Avaux supported the Irish party so heartily. Louvois 
was dehghted to receive from his political agent such wel- 
come news. The best thing, Louvois replied, that King 
James could do would be to forget that he had ever reigned 
in Great Britain, and to think only of putting Ireland into 
a good condition, and of estabUshing himself firmly there. 
' Divide et impera' is a sound maxim under certain conditions, 
but in Ireland it proved fatal to the prospects of James in 
England. The differences between the two types of Jacobite 
became so acute that the Irish actually proposed to exclude 
from their party all Roman Catholics of English descent. 
The quarrel between the Irish Jacobites and the Enghsh in 
the parhament of 1689 became the feud between the Tjn-con- 


nelites and the Sarsfieldites, as Stevens found to his cost, 
at the siege of Limerick. The difference of the principles 
of the English Jacobites from those of the Irish meant to 
an ordinary Irishman that Tyrconnel held one view of a 
given policy while Sarsfiield maintained another. Inevitably 
the strife between principles became one between parties 
Of course these divisions ruined the king's cause in Ireland. 
That James was a humane man on the whole few would 
deny, still there is in the archives of D'Este the terrible 
letter of the 24th of February, 1689, to the Cardinal D'Este. 
' J'esp^re,' he wrote, ' que Sa Saintete croira que I'occasion qui 
se presente de detruire I'Eresie (i.e. in Ireland) avec une armee 
Catholique n'est pas de ceUes qu'on doit perdre.' His stay 
in Ireland, however, convinced him that such a plan would 
utterly defeat his projects. He shrank from such a cruel 
policy, but Avaux did not. The letter of Avaux of August 
the 14th, 1689, to Louis, and the king's reply of September 
the 6th, prove that the former urged James to put his pohcy 
into practice. The first letter runs thus : 

' Le Roy d'Angleterre m'avoit escoute assez paisiblement 
la premiere fois que je luy avois propose ce qu'il y auroit 
a faire contre les Protestans, lorsque quelques uns d'eux se 
seroient soulevez, et auroient attaque les Catholiques, mais 
comme il n'avoit rien determine, et que je luy ay demand6 
depuis cela ce qu'il luy plaisoit d'ordonner, il m'a respondu 
d'un ton fort aigre, qu'il ne vouloit pas egorger ses sujets, 
que c'estoit son peuple, et qu'on ne I'obUgeroit jamais a le 
traitter de la sorte. Je luy repartis que je ne luy proposois 
rien de fort inhumain, que je ne pretendois pas qu'on fist 
aucun mal aux Protestans qu'apres qu'on les verroit se 
soulever et que s'il en usoit autrement, la pitie qu'il auroit 
pour eux seroit une cruaute pour les Catholiques. Je le 
suppliay ensuitte de me dire quelle estoit son intention, et 
ce qu'il vouloit que les Catholiques de Kork fissent, s'ils 
voyoient que les Protestans de Bandon eussent massacre 
tons les Catholiques, et ainsi des autres villes : il me dit 
qu'ils attendoient a se deffendre quand les Protestans les 
attaqueroient. Je representay que les Protestans ne leur 
donneroient pas avis de ce qu'ils auraient dessein de faire, et 


qu'ils massacreroient tous les Catholiques les uns apres les 
autres ; il ne m'a respondu autre chose que " Tant-pis, 
Monsieur ".' 

The second letter shows that even Louis would not consent 
to such a proposal. 

' Je n'approuve pas cependant la proposition que vous 
f aites de faire main basse sur tous les Protestans du royaume, 
du moment qu'en quelque endroit que ce soit, ils se seront 
soulevez ; et outre que la punition d'une infinite d'innocens 
pour peu de coupables, ne seroit pas juste, d'ailleurs les 
represailles contre les Catholiques seroit d'autant plus 
dangereuse, que les premiers se trouveront mieux armez 
et soutenus de toutes les forces d'Angleterre.' 

The divisions of the Irish and English Jacobites hindered 
the return of James to England, but the advice of Avaux 
must irrevocably have destroyed any such prospect. Un- 
doubtedly Avaux intended by this universal armihilation of 
the Protestants to separate England and Ireland for ever, 
to place the two nations in a permanently hostile position in 
order that French interests might be advanced. 

§ 7. The Social Condition of the Country 
From f . 87 b to f . 88 b Stevens writes a tantalizingly short 
sketch of the social condition of the country, though here 
and there throughout the Journal he also affords interesting 
information. He notes that the people are ' the greatest 
lovers of milk I ever saw, which they eat and drink above 
twenty several sorts of ways, and what is strangest for the 
most part love it best when sourest '. Fynes Moryson 
(1600-3) agrees that ' they feed most on white meats, and 
esteem for a great dainty sour curds, vulgarly called by them 
Bonaclabbe (i.e. Bonny clabber) . And for this cause they 
watchfully keep their cows, and fight for them as for their 
religion and life ; and when they are ahnost starved, yet 
they will not kill a cow, except it be old and yield no milk. 
Yet will they upon hunger in time of war open a vein of 


the cow and drink the blood, but in no case kill or much 
weaken it. A man would think these men to be Scythians, 
who let their horses' blood under their ears, and for nourish- 
ment drink their blood, and, indeed (as I have formerly said), 
some of the Irish are of the race of Scythians.' ^ Dean Swift, 
in one of his ironical articles, entitled The Answer to the Crafts- 
man, wrote 'to which employment they (i.e. the Irish graziers) 
are turned by nature as descended from the Scythians, whose 
diet they are stiU so fond of. So Virgil describeth it : — 

Et lac concretum cum sanguine bibit equino.^ 
Which in English is Bonnyclabber.' According to Luke 
Gernon, in the baser cabins, in 1620, ' you shaU have no drink 
but Bonnyclabber, milk that is soured to the condition of 
buttermilk, nor no meat, but mullagham (mallabanne) , a kind 
of chokedaw cheese, and blue butter, and no bread at your 
first coming in, but if you stay half an hour you shall have 
a cake of meal unboulted, and mingled with butter baken 
on an iron called a griddle, like a pudding cake.' According to 
M. de la BouUaye le Gouz, who visited Ireland in 1644, ' The 
Irish gentlemen eat a great deal of meat and butter, but 
little bread. They drink milk, and beer into which they put 
laurel leaves, and eat bread baked in the English manner. 
The poor grind barley and peas between two stones and 
make it into bread, which they cook upon a small iron table 
heated on a tripod ; they put into it some oats, and this 
bread, which in the form of cakes they call Haraan, they 
eat with great draughts of buttermilk.' Fynes Moryson 
says ' their ordinary food for the common sort is of white 
meats, and they eat cakes of oats for bread, and drink not 
English beer made of malt and hops, but ale. . . . And for 
the cheese or butter commonly made by the English-Irish 
an Englishman would not touch it with his hps though he 

' Moryson is prejudiced against the Roman Catholic natives, and there- 
fore his evidence must be received with a certain amount of caution. 

^ ' And he drinks curdled milk with horse's blood ' — misquoted from 
Geoygio iii. 463. 


were half-starved ; yet many English inhabitants make 
very good of both kinds. In cities they have such bread 
as ours, but of a sharp savour, and some mingled with 
anice-seeds and baked like cakes, and that only in the houses 
of the better sort.' On the other hand, Le Gouz thought 
the butter, the beef, and the mutton better than in England, 
and he pronounced the beer good and the brandy excellent. 
Boisseleau was as unfavourable as Fynes Moryson, and to 
him Ireland was ' a country where there is no corn, no bread, 
no medicine, and where a wounded man is as good as dead.' 
During the Jacobite war there was marked deficiency in the 
supply of salt and saltpetre. Of course, meat could not be 
cured and gunpowder could not be manufactured on a proper 
scale. Fynes Moryson admits that ' the Irish aqua vitae, 
commonly called usquebaugh, is held the best in the world of 
that kind, which is made also in England, but nothing so 
good as that which is brought out of Ireland. . . . Neither 
have they any beer made of malt and hops, nor yet any ale — 
no, not the chief lords, except it be very rarely ; but they 
drink milk like nectar, warmed with a stone first cast into 
the fire, or else beef-broth mingled with milk.' Rosen 
complained that the beer was brewed so badly that it could 
not be drunk without producing dysentery, from which one 
man died out of ten. Perhaps Captain Gafney's cure for 
ague may be noticed. It is ' One ounce of cortex new, one 
dram of powder of snake weed, one dram of powder of nut- 
megs made up into an electuary, with a sufficient quantity 
of syrup of lemons, you are to take the bigness of a chestnut 
of it three or four times in the four and twenty hours, whilst 
it (i.e. the ague) lasts shaking, after it a glass of claret 
warmed mixed with brandy and sugar.' Fynes Moryson 
records the fact that ' they who are sick thereof, upon 
a received custom, do not use the help of the physician, but 
give themselves to the keeping of Irish women, who starve 
the ague, giving the sick man no meat, who takes nothing 


but milk and some vulgarly known remedies at their hand.' 
Sir William Brereton gives (in 1635) another medical recipe : 
' At my coming to Carrickfergus, and being troubled with 
an extreme flux, not as yet come to so great a height as 
a bloody flux, my hostess, Miss Wharton, directed me the 
use of cinnamon in burnt claret wine, as also the syrup and 
conserve of sloes well boiled, after they have been strained 
and mingled according to discretion with sugar, they are to 
be boiled with sugar until they be cleared, having been first 
boiled in water until they be softened and then strained.' 

Stevens points out that ' all smoke, women as well as men, 
and a pipe an inch long serves the whole family several years, 
and though never so black or foul is never suffered to be 
burnt. Seven or eight wiU gather to the smoking of a pipe, 
and each taking two or three whiffs gives it to his neighbours, 
commonly holding his mouth full of smoke till the pipe 
comes about to him again.' Le Gouz and Stevens agree 
in their description of Irish shoes. The former remarks, 
' Their shoes, which are pointed, they call brogues, with 
a single sole. They often told me of a proverb in English, 
" Airische brogues for English dogues " (Irish brogues for 
English dogs), " the shoes of Ireland for the dogs of Eng- 
land," meaning that their shoes are worth more than the 
English.' They also agree in their account of the cabins. 
They are, according to Le Gouz, ' four walls the height 
of a man, supporting rafters over which they thatch with 
straw and leaves. They are without chimneys and make 
the fire in the middle of the hut, which greatly incommodes 
those who are not fond of smoke. . . . They have little 
furniture, and cover their rooms with rushes, of which 
they make their beds in summer, and of straw in winter. 
They put the rushes a foot deep on their floors, and on 
their windows, and many of them ornament the ceilings 
with branches.' 

Other inmates of the cabin were more unpleasant than 


the smoke, as Stevens testifies. Fynes Moryson asserts that 
' in cities passengers may have feather beds, soft and good, 
but most commonly lousy, especially in the highways, 
whether that came by their being forced to lodge common 
soldiers, or from the nasty filthiness of the nation in general.' 
Even Le Gouz admits that ' the generality of them have 
no shirts, and about as many lice as hairs on their heads, 
which they kill before each other without any ceremony.' 
M. Bouridal describes the Irish soldiers, who landed in 
France in 1691, as ' shirtless, shoeless, hatless, and afflicted 
with vermin.' Travellers like Stanihurst, an Irishman, 
Spenser, Fynes Moryson, CueUar, Rinuccini, Eachard, Hartlib, 
and Le Gouz, all take as unfavourable a view of Irish civiliza- 
tion as John Stevens. Moreover, Stevens speaks of remote 
western parts beyond the control of England. 

In the course of his marches Stevens encountered the 
'creaghts'. Fynes Moryson shows that 'plenty of grass 
makes the Irish have infinite multitudes of cattle, and in the 
heat of the last rebellion the very vagabond rebels had great 
multitudes of cows which they still (like the nomads) drove 
with them whithersoever themselves were driven, and fought 
for them as for their altars and families.' These nomads 
were the creaghts. When James I endeavoured to give a 
system of administration to Ireland he met with the greatest 
difficulty from this pastoral population, accustomed to 
wander about without any fixed habitation after their herds 
of cattle, living largely on white meats, as the produce of 
their cows was called. At this period there was not, according 
to Sir John Davies, one fixed village in county Fermanagh.^ 
In a letter to the Earl of Salisbury, written during the first 
circuit ever held in Fermanagh, Davies mentions that the 
fixing a site for a jail and sessions house had been delayed 
until my Lord Deputy had resolved on a fit place for a market 
and corporate town ; for the habitations of this people are 

^ C. S. p., Ireland, 1608-10, p. 57. 


so wild and transitory, as there is not one fixed village in all 
this country.' Fynes Moryson describes their dwellings as 
made of wattles or boughs, covered with long turves or sods 
of grass, which they could easily remove and put up as they 
wandered from place to place in search of pasture, following 
their vast herds of cattle with their wives and children, and 
removing still to fresh lands as they had depastured the 
former, and living chiefly on the milk of their cows> The 
aggregate of families that in one body followed a herd was 
called a ' Creaght '. In Ulster, north and west of Lough 
Neagh, it seems that the whole population was formed of 
creaghts, living this wild and nomadic life. In other parts 
of Ireland there was the kindred custom of ' Boolying ', in 
which the owners of cattle and their families spent much 
of the year in the wilds and mountains with their cows, but 
they seem to have returned to fixed habitations. Edmund 
Spenser sets forth the evils of boolying, that it was difficult 
to enforce law, for such wandering peoples could scarcely be 
made responsible for offences. The government grappled 
with the matter, and in the Commission issued for the 
survey of Ulster, on the suppression of Tyrone's rebellion, 
dated July i6, 1605, the commissioners are directed to take 
order for building several towns and villages for settling such 
subjects as certain habitation, 'by reason whereof, 
the inhabitants of the same do for the most part wander up 
and down loosely, following their herds of cattle without 
any certain habitation.' ^ In a letter to the king, October 31, 
1610, complaining of some of the difficulties of the planta- 
tion, the Earl of Chichester says that, though the Irish of 
this territory had plentifully tasted of his Majesty's clemency 
and happy government to their great profit and comfort, yet, 
to alter their rude and uncivil customs, and to bring them 
to live by their labours on small portions of land by manuring 
and stocking it with goods of their own, was as grievous 
* Itinerary, 164. ^ Erck's Patent Rolls, Jac. ist, 182. 


unto them as to be made bond-slaves. With the Ulster 
Plantation appeared the definite appropriation of the lands 
among the new settlers, and with it disappeared the custom 
of creaght. 

The disappearance took time, but ultimately it came. The 
letter of January 26, 1653, states that 

'Upon serious consideration had of the inconveniency of 
permitting the Irish to live in creaghts after a loose and 
disorderly manner, whereby the enemy comes to be relieved 
and sustained, and the contribution (i. e. the monthly assess- 
ment) oft damaged ; we issued our order dated the nth of 
October last for the fixing such persons upon lands propor- 
tionable to their respective stock and enjoining them to 
betake themselves to tillage and husbandry, and in case of 
refusal to seize upon the cattle and stock of such persons, 
and appraising them upon oath to expose them to sale for 
the best advantage of the Commonwealth.' 

' We ' are the commissioners for the government of 
Ireland. They go on to complain of want of inteUigence, 
and require their officers to report how far they have gone 
in the execution of the order, and lay down that in fixing 
all such creaghts they take care that they be disposed at 
most distance from their friends and relations, to the end 
all relief may be the better debarred from the enemy. An 
army, whether Williamite or Cromwellian, was obliged to 
depend for support on supply raised by the assessment of 
a gross sum on each county, and then apportioned on the 
inhabitants according to their several stocks and crops. 
The difficulty of assessing such wanderers as the creaghts 
can easily be imagined, and was set forth in another order, 
by which fresh measures were directed for extinguishing 
them by ' unheading the creaghts ', that is, imprisoning the 
chief man of the creaght until the rest of it were certified to 
have transplanted themselves and taken up a fixed abode in 
Connaught. This order states : 

' 29 August, 1656. — Whereas the Lord Deputy has been 
informed by his Council that at this present there are some 


creaghts that have removed out of Ulster who, according 
to an ancient but barbarous manner of life, have no fixt 
place of habitation, but wander up and down with their 
families and substance to the prejudice and just offence 
of divers people, and to the defrauding of the public of the 
cess and duty which is legally due : His Excellency Lord 
Henry Cromwell thereby appoints persons to enquire what 
creaghts are in Meath or thereabouts, how long they have 
continued there, how called, from whence and by whose 
encouragement they came thither, and by what authority 
they practise that vagrant and savage life so contrary to 
Christian usage : And to the end such a lewd custom may 
be duly discountenanced and made exemplary, His Excel- 
lency thereby orders that the heads or chief persons of those 
creaghts be secured in some safe place, and the persons of 
the rest of the said wanderers kept likewise in restrain, 
until they shall give security for their speedy transplanting 
into Connaught. The heads of the said creaghts to remain 
in custody until the return of a certificate from the com- 
missioners at Loughrea that the said creaghts are actually 
removed with their stock and substance, and settled there. 
The persons who are to execute this order to take the names 
of the said creaghts and an inventory of such of their 
stock and goods as shall be judged fit to be reserved for the 
maintenance of such chief person secured as aforesaid.' 

Story saw some of the wild Irish near Newry in 1690, and 
writes : ' Some call them creaghts, from the little huts they 
live in, which they build so conveniently with hurdles and 
long twci, that they can remove them in summer towards 
the mountains, and bring them down to the valleys in 
winter.' ^ It is clear, however, that the historian confounds 
the Irish term creaghts with the English word crate, hurdle 
or wicker-work. His error is intelligible, for the word was 
applied to an Irish village or collection of those frail habita- 
tions, even though they were not intended to be moved. 
Stevens met creaghts, and Story may well have met them. 
In spite of law and in spite of orders traces of the creaghts 
persisted tiU the middle of the eighteenth century. 

1 P. 16. On the creaghts cf. C. S. P., Ireland, 1603-6, p. 44; ibid. 
1606-8, pp. 572, 574, 593 ; ibid, 1608-10, pp. 27, 65, 145, 176, 357-8 ; 
ibid. 1615-25, p. 412; ibid. 1633-47, pp. 670, 673. 



January 11 


September 6 

f. 4 b 

January 11 

f. lOb 

February i 

f. 18 a 

March 4 . 

f. 26 a 

April 3 . . . 




Dates cease 

f. 44 b 

August 20 . 

f. 60 a 

September 5 

f. 60 b 

October 4 

f. 62 a 

Dates cease 

f. 66 a 


May 19 

. f73b 

June I 

. f. 76 b 

July I . 

. f . 79 b 

August I . . 

. f . 97 a 

September i 

. f . 108 b 

Dates cease 

. f. 113 a 


April 20 . 

f . 116 a 

May 4 

f. 117 b 

June 2 

f. ii8a 

July I . 

f . 125 a 


-IE N( 


In compliance with a suggestion of Professor Firth, the notes have 
been re-arranged to avoid having too many on one page : the index 
of events and persons will f acihtate reference. Notes on well-known 
people, e.g. Schomberg, are short, while those on obscure people are 
necessarily longer. 

The spelUng of the Journal has been modernized. Names of places 
have also been modernized, e.g. when Stevens writes lerney the 
editor writes Ernee. Where there seems a doubt the spelliiig of 
Stevens has been given. 




A Briefe Account of all the War in Ireland 

impartially related, & what I was an Eye 

Witness to & deliver upon my own 

knowledge diftinguifhed from 

what I received from others 


Of all our Marches & other Memorable Passages 
wherein I bore a part, fince firft I had the honour 
of a Commiffion in his Ma"es Army 
in Ireland. 

There are added fome few remarks and other notable 
occurrences fuitable to the fubject. 

Olim meminijfe jmiahit . 





His Most Sacred Majesty having, through the infinite good- f. i b 
ness, and providence of Almighty God, made his escape from 
Rochester,^ and the most happy news of his safe arrival, and 
kingly reception in France,^ being spread all over England : 
the small remainder of his loyal subjects (those few thousands 
who had not bowed their knees to Baal) either in their persons, 
or at least in their wishes hasted to follow him. Some through 
the great incumbrance of their families, others through want 
having been plundered of all their substance, others for fear of 
being burdensome to him in his exile, and lastly some in hopes 
of being more serviceable to him, when Providence should 
ordain his return, remained in | their more than Egyptian f . 2 a 
slavery. Yet a very considerable number gathering together 
the small remainders of their shipwreck, and laying aside all 
worldly considerations, having only before their eyes their 
duty and love to their sovereign, resolved to follow him 
through all hazards, in hopes of being instrumental in regaining 
his just rights. I shall ever esteem it the most glorious action 
of my life that I made myself one of this number, and cannot 
but be proud that in all the hardships, and misfortunes, which 
have attended this my tedious exile, I have never been dis- 
mayed, or given way to despair ; but relied always on the 
justice of our cause, and all miseries have been easy to me in 
consideration of the happiness of my return home. To come 
closer to the matter, to wit my transactions after his Majesty's 

' James II fled from Rochester on the night of December 22, 1688. 

' Louis XIV received James and his Queen Mary of Modena with his 
usual generosity, granting them ;^45,ooo a year. Mdmoires du Markhal 
de Berwick, tome i, pp. 29-40 ; Clarke, James JI, vol. ii, pp. 205-27. 

1218 B 2 


departure, it is to be observed, that though I immediately 
resolved to follow, yet through the difficulty of getting passes, 

f. 2 b and many other impediments, | I could not set forward till 
Friday, January the nth, 1688/9. Yet before I proceed 
I cannot but look back as far as the original of all this country's 
and my own misfortunes, to wit, the time of the invasion. 
And by way of introduction make some remarks of what 
happened to me from that time, till I left England, in short 
as things have occurred to me upon penning this paper in 
haste. When the spirit of witchcraft, or rebellion (which the 
Scripture tells us are alike ^) had well possessed itself, and as 
it were fixed its abode in the hearts of most of His Majesty's 
dissembling ( enthusiastic subjects, through the mediation of 
their Pharisaical teachers,^ at the time when men began to 
lament the danger of losing their religion, who were never 
known to be possessed of, or pretend to any, at this time was 
I employed in Wales in receiving His Majesty's revenue of 

f. 3 a excise there. Being in a public employment | and keeping 
much company, I could not but easily discern, how prone all 
were to mutter about breach of laws, and invading of religion, 
and it was plainly to be discerned, that many who said Well 
Well, thought very evil. This I found by long experience, 
yet the fear of punishment kept their tongues as well as hands 
within the limits of the law. The first hardened piece of 
insolence that I observed, was upon the news of the Seven 
Bishops^ being released, at which time in Welshpool in 

^ Stevens is thinking of the passage in i Samuel xv. 23, where Samuel 
remarks that ' rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft '. One of the leading 
characteristics of the political thought of the seventeenth century is the 
unlawfulness of rebellion : authority ought not to be resisted. Statesmen of 
those days shrank from a belief in the right of revolution. This was shown 
in 1689, for then Parliament shrank from deposing James and solemnly 
declared that he had abdicated the throne. 

^ He may have in view such teachers as Algernon Sidney. Cf. Ill, §§ 11 
and 25 of his Discourses concerning Government. He cannot mean Ixjcke's 
two Treatises on Civil Government, for they were not published till 1689. 
Sidney declares that an unjust law is not law at all (III. § 11), and gives 
as examples the persecuting statutes of the Lancastrian period (§25). 

• The Seven Bishops petitioned James that they might not be asked to 
read the Second Declaration of Indulgence, and for this petition they were 
committed to the Tower. They were Sancroft of Canterbury, Lloyd of 
St. Asaph, Lake of Chichester, Ken of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely, 


Montgomeryshire where I commonly resided, and many other 
places about, were made public bonfires in contempt of His 
Majesty's proclamation forbidding the same, or rather in 
defiance of his authority, through which those incendiaries 
were committed, and again set loose, to blow up that fire 
they had before left concealed, and which has since raged 
through these three miserable kingdoms. No sooner had | 
these (to use His Majesty's own phrase) seven trumpets off- 3 b 
rebellion recovered their undeserved liberty, but they spread 
themselves through the kingdom, each taking his part, and 
sounding so loud that they drew after them, not only, their 
own insignificant flock, commonly distinguished by the name 
of Church of England men, but all the other herds of wild 
animals that ranged the vast forest of the English heresy and 
schism. So that it was wonderful to see so many monsters, 
so far different in nature, who but just before were devouring 
one another, in a moment so united, and linked together, only 
by the thirst and desire of satiating themselves with the blood 
of a king, and his few Catholic subjects. One of these seven 
champions of Satan, to wit Dr. Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph,^ 
took his progress through that part of the country where I was 
then employed, and it was most manifestly to be seen that 
every town he passed through received from him | the infec- f. 4 a 
tion he came to spread, and all sorts of people sucked in the 
poison so greedily, that the country which before laboured 
under but some small symptoms of sedition, and could easily 
have been recovered, was now grown drunk with rebellion, 
and swelled to that height with the venomous contagion, that 
no antidotes were of strength enough to restore it. It was, 
immedicabile vuluus, ense reddendum, only to be cured by 
cutting off the infected parts, to prevent the sound from par- 
taking in the contagion.^ This was the posture of affairs in 

White of Peterborough, and Trelawney of Bristol. As some of these be- 
came Nonjurors it is difficult to approve of Stevens's extravagant language. 
* Lloyd, like James I, had more learning than judgement. According to 
Clarendon, he tried to extract information from the Book of Daniel and 
from the Revelation of St. John on Innocent XI and Louis XIV. (See the 
Diary, May i6 and 17, 1688.) James took the petition of the bishops from 
him, Lloyd was not a Nonjuror, and the epithets of Stevens in his case 
are more intelligible. * Ovid, Metamorphoses, i. 190-1. 


Wales and generally throughout England, when I was obliged 
to go to London to settle my accounts. I found that city 
(which as it is the capital of the kingdom so has it ever been 
the head in all insurrections and treasons) no less modelled 
than its members, and most men either carried a tacit treason 
in their faces, or palliated in their words. Here I continued 

f . 4 b the space of three weeks, till the | news of the Dutch fleet 
having passed the Downs, and afterwards in sight of the Isle 
of Wight that ever accursed villain and ungrateful wretch, 
the Earl of Dartmouth, with the English fleet under his 
command never endeavouring to disturb or molest them.^ 
Alarmed with this news I thought fit to haste down to secure 
what part of His Majesty's interest I was entrusted with in 
Wales, and accordingly set out on Tuesday, the 6th of Sep- 
tember, in the Shrewsbury coach, and on Wednesday the yth 
at night I received a letter at Northampton, with the news 
of the Prince of Orange's landing at Torbay with 14,000 men 
on Monday the 5th of the eighth month. This made me the 
more earnest to be at my journey's end, yet arrived not at 
Welshpool till Monday the i2th, the coach having broken 
short of Shrewsbury, and keeping us a day extraordinary on 
the road. Being arrived I found the generality of the people 

f. S a began to be more open | hearted, and were not at all averse 
to the Prince of Orange or his designs, and thus it continued 
some days, the dispositions of the people being daily sounded 
by the leading men, and each preparing horse and arms under 
pretence of a militia for an insurrection. Till the false Lord 
Cornbury ^ having openly taken to himself the title of traitor, 

' Stevens is not fair to Lord Dartmoutli, for James ordered him merely 
to disturb the landing of William if this could be done successfully. When 
the wind shifted from east to north-west Dartmouth found it impossible 
to sail in the latter direction along the coast of Sussex. It is also to be 
noted that the Dutch had sixty ships of war while the English had merely 

' Lord Cornbury was grandson of the great Earl of Clarendon. He was 
commanding officer of a regiment of dragoons sent westward to oppose 
William. At Salisbury he tried to carry over three cavalry regiments to 
William, but the officers, suspecting his designs, questioned him so search- 
iugly that he was obliged to decamp accompanied by a few followers. His 
desertion proved fruitful in bringing about ' the general defection ' (Clarke, 
Life of James II, ii. 215). 


by going over to the enemy with such as he had prepared, 
or ensnared, gave courage to many to rise, as did in Wales 
the Lord Herbert of Cherbury^ and with him Sir John Price 
and many more of note, followed at first by a few of their own 
tenants, and servants. These first secured Ludlow with a 
small number, but were soon reinforced from all parts of the 
country, fathers sending their sons, and masters their servants 
with their best horses and arms, giving out for fear of any 
misfortune that they ran away from them. What money of 
the king's was in my hands before I had taken care to return 
to London, and it being time | now again to receive the fresh f. 5 b 
duty I ordered it to be deferred knowing well that the rebels 
seized the king's money wherever they found it, and being 
satisfied they had the same design upon me. And having 
intelligence there was a design to seize my horses, I sent them 
by means of one Mr. Jones of Welshpool to Mr. Vaughan of 
Lludiaths whom I suspected and he afterwards proved as 
great a rebel as the rest, but at that time such men's houses 
only were safe. Yet I resolyed to stay and see the extremity 
of things myself, knowing there were some under me, who 
designed to receive the king's duty, and wanted only my 
absence to authorize them in doing of it, and was resolved 
to expose myself rather than the king's authority should be 
made an instrument to receive his money to serve against 
himself. Which whilst I was in Welshpool was attempted in 
other parts of the country by one Search, a villain, who was 
supervisor under me, but I having timely notice by my letters 
prevented his malicious intent from taking effect. But I dwell 
too long upon | this subject, and to come closer to the point f. 6a 
in hand, I continued here till such time as all the country 
round was in open rebellion, having taken arms, plundered 
several houses and, among the rest, one of Duke Powis ^ at 

' Henry Herbert was fourth Baron Herbert of Cherbury ; he died in 
1 69 1. He supported the Duke of Monmouth in opposition to the Duke of 
York and approved of the Exclusion Bill. With his cousin, Henry Herbert, 
he favoured the Revolution. 

^ ' Duke Powis ' was William Herbert, first Marquess and titular Duke of 
Powis (1617-96). As a moderate Roman Catholic hQ, like James, did not 
favour Tyrconnel's attempts to repeal the Act of Settlement. He accom- 
panied James to Ireland and shared his exile as his lord steward and 


Buttington, a mile from Welshpool, and committed several 
outrages, especially in destroying chapels in most places. 
Finding it was impossible to do the king any further service 
being hourly in danger of being seized and imprisoned by the 
rebels, I thought it convenient in time to withdraw. Accord- 
ingly having sent for my horses overnight, I left Welshpool 
in the morning early, and went, that day being Monday, to 
Wrexham in Denbighshire, twenty-four miles from Welshpool, 
knowing the road to London was every way beset, and that it 
was impossible for me to avoid being examined and secured, 
both as being well known, and obliged in conscience not to 
deny my religion, which was cause enough then to rob, and 
secure me. The next day, Tuesday, I left Wrexham and went 
f . 6 b to Holywell in Flintshire, still northward and from | London, 
and finding the country very peaceable, and that no injury 
was offered to us, but the people continued in their obedience, 
without so much as a thought of rising at least in appearance, 
I continued four days with great satisfaction, hoping the 
king had yet some good subjects, and all was not lost. The 
last of these four days, being Saturday, came the news that 
His Majesty with the queen and prince, were privately with- 
drawn from Whitehall, and it was thought were gone into 
France. The company I then kept were four or five priests, 
and though at first we seemed not to believe, yet finding 
a confirmation from all hands of the truth of this report, we 
were as it were thunderstruck, till coming out of our amaze- 
ment every one began to consider which way best to shift for 
himself. One of the priests desired me to stay and he would 
secure himself and me among his friends in the country, but 
having taken a resolution immediately to follow His Majesty's 
fortunes, I prepared to take my journey next morning. Some 
hopes I had that Chester still held for the king, being told be- 
fore the Lord Molyneux^ had secured it with Gage's Regiment, 

chamberlain at Saint-Germain. When the Dauphiness heard that his title 
was only that of Marquess she refused to receive him with such a half-and- 
half sort of title, for only dukes could be admitted to her apartments. 
Therefore four days later James created him a duke. 

' Caryll Molyneux, third Viscount Maryborough (1621-99). During 
the Civil War he fought on the Royalist side and appeared in arms against 
William in 1688. 


and some Irish Dragoons | and that there were lately landed f- 7 a 
3,000 men out of Ireland, but I was soon undeceived and 
found Gage's Regiment and the Dragoons had been disarmed, 
the city being secured by the major for the Prince of Orange, 
and the Irish recruits being only many ships full of women 
and children that fled from Ireland for fear of chimerical 
massacres. I entertained thoughts of going over to Ireland 
to serve the king there, but was soon dashed with a false 
report, that the Lord Deputy had been seized upon, and 
delivered the sword to the Lords Granard,^ Mount joy,^ and 
others. So that the only way left was to London and thence 
follow His Majesty ; in order to which on Sunday morning 
I rode over the sands to Chester, which is thirteen miles 
from Holywell and fearing to be stopped there ordered one 
Mr. Cole, a Protestant, who went with me as a friend, not to 
call me by my own name. At Chester I alighted at the post- 
house, having found the gates of the city locked, and much 
difficulty to get in, but the first thing the Postmaster 
asked my friend was whether he knew one Mr. Stevens that 

' Sir Arthur Forbes was first Earl of Granard (1623-96). In the rebellion 
of 1641 his mother was besieged at Castle Forbes, but he raised the siege. 
He then served under Montrose in Scotland, and supported the Stuarts 
when their fortunes stood low. Unlike most supporters he was rewarded 
by Charles II. He was attached to the Presbyterian Church and procured 
for it the first grant of the regium donum (Kirkpatrick, Loyalty of Presby- 
terians, p. 384). When James found Lord Granard would not assist him 
in making Roman Catholicism dominant he removed him from his com- 
mand in the army. In the House of Lords he protested against the Acts 
of Repeal and Attainder, and then retired from public life until William 
landed. His last public act was the reduction of Sligo, which he accom- 
plished with five thousand men. 

' Sir William Stewart was first Viscount Mountjoy (1653-92). His 
regiment was quartered at Londonderry, but Tyrconnel ordered it to 
Dublin in order to replace the Irish troops sent to Hounslow Heath. This 
lax arrangement left Derry defenceless, thus giving the apprentices their 
opportunity of shutting the gates. He negotiated with the citizens of 
Derry and Knniskillen, and during these negotiations Tyrconnel recalled 
him to Dublin. The Lord Deputy felt afraid of Mountjoy's influence 
among Ulster men, and in order to get him out of his way he sent him with 
Sir Stephen Rice on an embassy to Louis XIV, January 10, 1688/9. Rice 
had secret orders to denounce his colleague, who was thrown into the 
Bastille. Though absent on the service of James he was included in the 
Act of Attainder, for he did not appear in Dublin on the appointed day. 
This conduct altered his view of the doctrine of passive obedience. As 
a volunteer he joined William's army, and was killed at Steinkirk, August 3, 


was employed in Montgomeryshire, meaning myself, and my 
f. 7 b friend as readily denied having any knowledge of me | yet this 
gave me cause to apprehend danger, and to avoid suspicion 
I thought fit not to leave the house, but dining there was 
known by some passengers who came out of Ireland yet they 
could not hit upon my name. Thus I spent the day with many 
apprehensions, being known by several, whom still I shifted 
off, and took a place in the coach for London by a false name, 
not daring ride my own horses for fear they should be taken 
from me on the road, and give occasion of securing me. On 
Monday morning having recommended my horses to my 
friend I set out in company with two women who fled from 
Ireland, and a disbanded heutenant of Colonel Gage's Regi- 
ment. This night we lay at Whitchurch, where as soon as 
alighted we were examined by some of the watchmen of the 
town who were in arms, and these were easily satisfied and 
left us ; but as the lieutenant and I (understanding our cir- 
cumstances to be ahke) were going to bed came up another 
parcel of the same sort of rabble governed by a hot-headed 
nonsensical young fellow who gave us much trouble, and could 
not be satisfied but that we were dangerous men and ought 
to be secured, till our landlord taking him down with difficulty 
f. 8 a convinced him by | the powerful argument of much ale and 
brandy. Tuesday morning early we set out and baited '^ at 
Newport, where we again suffered persecution at the hands 
of our ignorant examiners. Here we met with one that was 
a steward or some such sort of instrument to the Earl of 
Macclesfield,^ who, having seated himself among the rabble 
that came to examine us, perplexed us more than all the rest, 
and had quite daunted my fellow sufferer, and almost put me 
to a stand, till on a sudden he confessed he only asked those 

' Bait is food, refreshment, especially a feed for horses, or slight refresh- 
ment for travellers, upon a journey {(Oxford English Dictionary, i. 628). The 
word in this sense is quite old and occurs in Spenser's Faery Queene, 1. xii. 
35 ; it occurs, however, oply once in Shakespeare {Henry VIII, v. iv. 85), 
though in other senses it occurs quite often {Comedy of Errors, 11. i. 94 ; 
Twelfth Night, lu. i. 30 ; Henry VI, Second Part, v. i. 148). 

' Charles Gerard was first Earl of Macclesfield (d. 1694). He served with 
much distinction in the Civil War. He befriended the Duke of Monmouth 
and fled to the continent in 1685, returning with William in 1688. 


questions out of curiosity being no justice of the peace, which 
taking hold of I replied, he did very ill to put us to all that 
trouble without reason or authority, and that he must expect 
no further answer from me till he could show his authority 
to examine. Wine and ale reconciled our differences and all 
being well composed we set out with our new fellow traveller, 
whom at first I thought there was more reason to fear than our 
chance enemies on the road, but was soon rid of my appre- 
hensions. For no sooner were we seated in the coach, but our 
fugitive Irish zealots lamenting the imaginary calamities of 
their Protestant brethren in Ireland, he took thence occasion 
to rail at His Majesty's government, not naming him, | but 1 8 b 
stabbing his reputation, through the sides of his counsellors, 
to justify the Prince of Orange's invasion and extol the 
successful rebellion of His Majesty's ever perverse subjects. 
Not able to bear with so much insolence, and laying aside all 
thoughts of the danger I exposed myself to in opposing the 
prevailing party, I very freely replied to all he said, in such 
manner that though it be impossible without a miracle to 
convince an old hardened rebel as he was, yet I left him 
nothing more to say for his cause. At this time the rumour 
of the Irish burning and murdering all before them, which 
had been maliciously spread on purpose for the destruction 
of the Catholics, had prevailed, and people dreamed of nothing 
but blood and massacres, the very forgers of the lie having 
told it so often that they believed it themselves. My antago- 
nist was not void of his share in this fear, whereupon finding 
he could not prevail on me with his arguments he thought 
good to compound, and telling me he knew well I was a Papist, 
and that he loved no good man the worse for his religion, and 
therefore would agree, if I would defend him against the Irish 
in case we met them, he would carry me safe to London not- 
withstanding all the watches and guards that were on the 
road to examine passengers. Though I found this to be a 
very | advantageous offer to me being in continual danger of f. 9 a 
being stopped by every impertinent constable, or watchman, 
and knowing there is no surer way to avoid being robbed 
than to make a friend of the highwayman ; yet having found 


his blind side I would not show him mine, and therefore with 
much indifference I thanked him for his kind offer, telling him 
I stood not in need of any assistance to carry me through 
the world having done nothing that I was ashamed of, or 
afraid to answer, but that not being used to converse with the 
rabble, nor acquainted with the nonsense of their dialect, he 
would do me a favour to keep them from me, and to requite 
the obligation I engaged to protect and defend him against 
all the wild Irish in the kingdom. Thus agreed we came to 
the Four Crosses, where we lay this night, and it being a lone 
place where there are but three or four houses, we had no 
trouble from our learned examiners, the Mobile, under the 
title of Constable and Watch. Here I found the Earl 
of Castlemaine^ and Mr. Thomas Price of Llanvilling, a 
Montgomeryshire gentleman, with whom I had been before 
acquainted, they were both privately going to the house of the 
latter, thinking to be there private. I told them the danger 
i. 9 b the country being in arms, and showed no | safety could be 
expected there, yet they thought their own course best, but 
no sooner was I arrived at London, than I heard what I had 
told them proved true, which was that the said Earl was in 
Shrewsbury Gaol. Wednesday we baited at Castle Bromwich, 
and lay at Coventry meeting with no trouble for what there 
was, my fellow traveller according to contract took upon 
himself and answered to the mayor of the town for both. 
We heard some of the distressed unarmed Irish had been in 
this town on their way to Chester and kindly received by the 
inhabitants, but commanded back to London by order from 
the Prince of Orange. Thursday night we lay at Northampton, 

' Roger Palmer was Earl of Castlemaine (1634-1705). His wife was the 
mistress of Charles II. In order to propitiate her dislike of the Portuguese 
match the king raised her husband, to his intense disgust, to the Irish 
peerage by the title of Earl of Castlemaine. As a staunch Roman 
Catholic he issued The Catholique Apology, an eloquent defence of the 
loyalty of his co-religionists. James employed him as ambassador to 
Innocent XI, who gave him an exceedingly cool reception. For the Pope 
had no love of the Gallicanism of either Louis or James. When the latter 
fled Castlemaine withdrew to Whitehall, his country seat in Montgomery- 
shire. At Oswestry he was arrested on ' suspicion of treasonable practices ', 
also for ' endeavouring to reconcile this kingdom to the see of Rome '. On 
February 10, 1689/90, however, he was released. 


Friday at Dunstable, and Saturday came safe to London. 
At Highgate I first saw some of the Prince of Orange's 
foreigners, who quartered and kept guard there and next 
found them possessed of all the guards in London. I found 
the face of affairs quite altered, the usurper in quiet possession 
of the Royal Palaces, the rebellious subjects rejoicing in their 
new government, some stickling for their ever admired idol 
of a commonwealth, others to set up their Jeroboam and 
adore their Golden Calf, whilst the distressed loyalists either 
fled their barbarous country, or groaned under the slavery of | 
their inhuman governors. Nothing was more frequently f. to a 
heard than villanous reflections on their Most Sacred Majesties 
and Royal Highness to such a height of impudence, that the 
very relating of it would breed horror in a moral heathen 
much more in Christians, whom their faith obliges not only 
to obey but reverence their superiors, especially kings who 
are God's Vicegerents, who tell us By him they reign and 
decree justice, and not by authority of the rabble, as our new 
pseudo-evangelists would persuade us.^ The calamities of the 
royal party and an earnest desire of serving His Majesty made 
me impatient to quit the kingdom. Therefore never regarding 

' Declaration to be made by schoolmasters, &c. : ' I A. B. do declare 
that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take arms against 
the king, and that I do abhor that traitorous position of taking arms by his 
authority against his person or against those that are commissionated by 
him,' 14 Car. II. c. 4. The text, ' By me kings reign, and princes decree 
justice,' comes from Proverbs viii. 15. It was a poor defence for the 
theory of the divine right of kings compared with that put forward by Sir 
Robert Filmer in the Patriarcha, 1680. Sir Robert grounded the rights of 
kings on the patriarchal authority of Adam and his successors. For Adam 
had received from God absolute dominion over Eve and all his children 
and their posterity, to the most remote generations. The notion of non- 
resistance was universal in the seventeenth century. Bishop Jackson, in 
his treatise of Christian Obedience (Works, iii. 971), writes : ' The principle 
wherein the Romish Church, the Jesuits, and we agree is this ; that none 
may resist the higher powers ; that obedience, at least passive or sub- 
missive from the outward man of our bodies, lives, and estates is due to 
the higher powers.' The Presbyterian view is the same. In his Declaration 
of Discipline (p. 185) Cartwright declares that 'under the name of the 
Saints are contained all the rest of the Church, which do not exercise any 
public office or function therein, whose duty as in all others sometimes is 
only this, to suffer themselves to be ruled and governed by those whom 
God hath set over them '. Cf. Dudley Digges on The Unlawfulness of 
Subjects taking A rms against the Sovereign. 


the difficulties that obstructed his return, or the hardships 
and miseries I might endure in a country, where my sovereign 
was only upon courtesy, I resolved as soon as possible to leave 
father, friends, ease, and country to bear my part in his 
fortunes. | 


f. 10 b Friday the nth of January 1688/9 about two of the clock 
afternoon I embarked at Billingsgate stairs on a Deal hooker 
bound for Deal, the wind at north-west. There were on board 
between forty and fifty passengers, whereof about twelve or 
fourteen gentlemen, the rest private soldiers all on the same 
account, flying the Prince of Orange's usurpation, and our 
fellow subjects' most unparalleled rebellion. We had many 
spectators on the shore, but civiller than what others on the 
like occasion had found. Sailing down we had some scoffs 
cast upon us from other boats as we passed, but no stop or 
trouble till about seven at night, when we met with abundance 
of ice, and that very thick. Still we made the best of our way, 
the wind blowing a fresh gale, till about eight, when it grew 
very dark, and there being no seamen aboard, but the master 
who was almost blind, and a little boy, we ran aground about 
two miles within Gravesend, where we lay about three-quarters 
of an hour, and then the water flowing brought us off. We 
kept on with great difficulty by reason of the great flakes of 
ice the tide drove up and, having happily escaped being 
stopped or examined at Gravesend, by the help of the dark- 
ness were again aground about eleven of the clock three 
miles below the town, where we lay all night. 

Saturday the 12th in the morning at high water we floated 
again, and, nothing remarkable happening, cast anchor that 
night at the buoy in the Nore amidst the rebellious English 
fleet, the false Lord Dartmouth then riding admiral there. 
Within an hour the said lord sent his lieutenant aboard of us 

f. I : a to see our passes ; he was very civil, and not too exact | or 
rigid, and went away satisfied. However about twelve of the 
clock, though it was very dark, and somewhat rough, we 
thought it better to commit ourselves to the mercy of the 


sfea, than rely any longer on the courtesy of the rebellious 

Sunday the 13th : the morning proved excessive cold with 
much snow and the darkness was such that we knew not how 
to avoid the sands, and about three of the clock were the third 
time aground, about three leagues within Margate, on a hard 
sand with an ebbing water, so that there was little likelihood 
of getting off, and, the wind blowing very fresh, though not 
stormy, the vessel beat violently on the bank for near half an 
hour, to the great terror of us all, expecting either that or 
the next ebb at farthest to be lost. Thus we all betook our- 
selves to prayers. After a while one Mr. Usher that had been 
lieutenant at sea, spying the light of a ship at a great distance 
from I us, heaved all things out of our cockboat, and put her f. 1 1 b 
over the side of the vessel, pretending to go to the other ship 
to bring us assistance, and inquire where we were, for our 
master was wholly ignorant, and fancied it was Sandwich 
Bay, whereas next day we found we were not near it. But 
Mr. Usher's real intention was to save himself, and conse- 
quently leaped the first into the boat, three others presently 
following him ; I seeing all throng to the ship side, fearing 
the boat would be sunk, would not attempt to get into it, 
but resigned myself to God's Will, and resolved to take my 
fortune in the vessel. The fourth man leaping into the boat 
from the deck put her away from the side of the vessel, and 
she drove off without oars, or sail, the tide carrying her 
violently away in a minute, so that we gave them for lost, 
having only just heard them cry out for oars, when it was 
out of our power to assist them. How sadly we passed the 
rest of the night | may be imagined, between the compassion f. 12 a 
for our (as we imagined) lost companions, and the appre- 
hensions of being lost ourselves, yet compared with them we 
thought ourselves in much the better condition. When day 
appeared we found all about us for above a mile dry except 
some little channels not a foot deep : whereupon I advised 
the master to carry out an anchor before the water rise 
towards the channel, that might bring about the head of the 
vessel at high water, for the wind was almost in our stern. 

i6 THE JOURNAL i68^ 

and ahead high banks of sand, the channel on the starboard 
side and to windward so that without some help it was 
impossible to bring her about when she began to float. This 
advice as all other he slighted. About half flood the vessel 
began to beat on the sand, without any probability of getting 
off, but on the contrary was driven by the wind upon the 

f. 12 b higher banks which were right ahead of us. | Then the master 
began to wish his anchor had been out, but in vain, having 
no boat to carry it with, till one Captain Mullins, a passenger,, 
with much ado persuaded him to keep her head to windward 
with two very long oars there happened to be aboard, which 
with much pain and trouble at length brought her into the 
channel. This was no small joy to all the disconsolate com- 
pany, so we set sail, having now only the compassion for our 
lost companions to afflict us. When we had run about three 
leagues and were right against Margate, we spied a boat 
making towards us from a great ship that lay off ; our hearts 
dictated good hopes, and the boat coming aboard brought our 
four till then lost companions, whom having received with 
much joy we prosecuted our voyage. But the manner of their 
escape was by means of Mr. Usher, who being a seaman 
studied the means to drive the boat towards shore, but having 

f. 13 a neither oars nor sail, endeavoured | to pull up the seats, and 
failing of that, they being too fast, at length he found a broom- 
staff upon which as a mast he fixed his own coat, putting 
a cane one of the company had through the arms instead of 
a yard, one holding the broomstaff and two the ends of the 
coat, and thus he steered as much as he could towards the 
shore, till day appearing they discovered the aforesaid ship, 
which being hailed sent out her pinnace, carried them aboard, 
and treated them civilly, from whence spying our vessel they 
were sent to us as has been above related. About the North 
Foreland, notwithstanding all our persuasions, our blind 
pilot stood in so close to the shore, that having of our own 
accord cast the lead, we found but half a foot more water than 
the vessel drew, and were still standing in to the shoal water, 
where if we had touched all must inevitably have perished, 
so we stood off again ; and cast anchor before Deal about 


three in the afternoon. Here to our great | admiration, we f. 13 b 
were quietly received without the least affront or reflection 
thrown upon us. 

Monday the 14th : we continued at Deal, endeavouring to 
persuade the master of the same hooker that brought us to 
carry us to Calais ; we used all our endeavours, but could not 
at first prevail so that some of the company were for going 
to Dover, which I was utterly against, knowing what multitude 
of people flocked thither to be transported, and being informed 
of the barbarous usage most of them received there. At night 
having very well treated the master of the vessel and his wife, 
we agreed to find fifteen passengers, who should give him ten 
shillings a man for their passage in hand and he to make what 
he could besides, and to sail next day, which was the hardest 
to obtain, but at length we concluded on it. Yet I cannot but 
once more remark that though we continued there a whole 
day and walked about the town, we were | very civilly used f. 14 a 
everywhere without the least insolency being offered to us, 
as was to many others. 

Tuesday the 15th : we embarked about noon, the vessel 
being ashore, and about two sailed, the wind at north-west, 
that night came to an anchor in Calais road, not daring to 
venture in in the dark. The night proved very favourable, 
being calm but very cold, and the number of passengers was 
so great in proportion to the vessel that there was not room 
for us all to sit much less to lie under deck, and were forced 
to walk great part of the night in the cold air. Beside we had 
so Httle forecast as not to put aboard anything either to eat 
or drink, which proved no small punishment though the time 
was short, being most of us very hungry and thirsty. 

Wednesday the i6th (st. vet. and 26th st. no.) : ^ in the 
morning boats came off from Calais, it being then ebb so that 
the vessel could not get in. We went ashore being carried out 

' The 1 6th is the old style, the 26th the new. The English year then 
began on the 25th of March, instead of the ist of January, and, by reckon- 
ing the year at exactly 365^ days, or at 11 min. 14 sec. longer than its 
actual length, English time lagged ten days behind that of most other 
European countries, as well as the real solar time. On May 3, 1689, when in 
Ireland, Stevens uses the old style. 

121s C 

i8 THE JOURNAL 1689 

f. 14 b of the boats on men's backs, | and landed about a mile from 
the town. Without the Watergate we were stopped by the 
guard, and kept near two hours in the rain, for the town major 
to come to view us : at length he came.^ The first thing he 
proposed to us was to give in our names, the king having pro- 
vided that all soldiers should be put into Routes? I understood 
not this word then, but having afterwards found the benefit 
of it think it not amiss in this place to give an account of it, 
which is thus. When any parties march through the peaceable 
part of France, there is a Route assigned them, which is an 
order from the king specifying the number of soldiers and 
officers with their respective qualities ; every day's march is 
assigned and quarters allotted them in every town. Some- 
times their billets run for free quarter and in this case the 
king allows their landlords the established rates for maintain- 
ing every man in the taxes he is to pay and billets are received 
as money. In other places he gives them pay, and then only 

f. IS a lodging and dressing of meat | is required of the landlord : and 
lastly where towns are not capable of furnishing such numbers, 
the king has commissaries called Tapie's^ who are bound to 
furnish each soldier with a pound of flesh, one of bread, and 
a quart of wine ; ensigns have three men's allowance, lieu- 
tenants four, and captains six, and in many places forage for 
officers' horses. What the king allows in money to his own 

' Cardinal Richelieu built this gate in 1635. Hogarth introduces it into 
his well-known picture of the ' Calais Gate '. The town Stevens saw 
was built in the form of an oblong square with this gate towards the sea 
and one on the land side. 

' Route : ' Chemin et logement qu'on marque aux gens de guerre en 
voyage. Donner une route i. des troupes, Indemnite de route, Feuille de 
route ou, simplement, route, fecrit determinant le chemin que doit suivre 
et ce logement que doit occuper une troupe ou un militaire qui voyage 
isol§nient. Une feuille de route pour trente hommes. La feuille de route 
tient lieu de passe-port. Demander route se disait d'une troupe militaire 
qui demandait 4 Stre envoyee chez elle ' (Littr6). 

' 'fitapier. Celui qui est charg6 de fournir I'Stape ou provisions aux gens 
de guerre qui passent ' (Littrfe). 

' Etappier. ' One that contracts with a country, or territory, for fur- 
nishing troops in their march with provisions and forage. Etappiers are 
forbidden giving soldiers their Etappe in money. Sometimes the Etap- 
piers and Officers compound for a sum of money, and oblige the men to 
make two days' march in one, which is great harassing of men and horses, 
and a notorious fraud.' Military Dictionary, 1702, by an officer who served 
several years abroad. 

1689 THE ROUTE 19 

subjects I know not, but with us it was fivepence to a foot 
soldier, tenpence to horse, two shillings and one penny to an 
ensign, two shillings and sixpence a heutenant, and six shillings 
and eightpence a captain per diem, but upon free quarter 
or receiving meat this money is not allowed.^ The people, 
being much used to the rudeness of the French soldiers, 
I found very willing to be rid of us and would give a captain 
a crown to be rid of him though but for one night and so 
proportionable to all others, for a longer or shorter time, the 
custom being to make every third or at most each fourth day 
a day of rest. Thus much by way of digression as to the 
meaning of the Route. \ Not understanding this then andf. isb 
fearing that whosoever gave in his name was as good as listed 
into the French service, I would by no means hearken to it, 
my intention being only to follow my own sovereign's fortunes 
and by him to live and die. Hereupon I told the town major, 
there were several soldiers there might perhaps embrace his 
proposal, but there were about a dozen gentlemen of us there 
who desired to make the best of our way after the king at our 
own expense. We had much ado to satisfy him in this point, 
he pressing still to have us take the benefit of the Route, which 

' Add. 21 136 (The Southwell Papers), f. 45, gives the pay of the 
reformed officers of Lord Galway's Regiment of Horse and of Officers of 
Foot per day : 





s. d. 

Major 10 

Captain 1 


Lieutenant 7 


2 6 

Cornet 6 


2 6 

Nairne Papers give the rates allowed by James (D. N. 

, vol. i, 1 

Horse. Dragoons. 


s. d. s. d. 

s. d. 


90 70 



4 4 40 



3 4 30 


26 18 


10 10 

Private men 

06^ Si 


I 6 





Drummers and Privates 


C 2 

20 THE JOURNAL 1689 

we absolutely refused, being resolved not to give in our 
names till we had seen our king and received his commands. 
After keeping us an hour longer in the rain (though weary 
enough with our foregoing ill night's lodging), he would have 
conducted us through the town with a guard of musketeers, 
pleading his king's order for so doing, by reason of the great 
number of English that daily resorted thither. In fine he 
conveyed all the company into the lower town or suburb, 
except me and three more, who struck off from his guard 

f, x6aand took a lodging at an inn in | the town. The remainder 
of this day and 

Thursday the 27th (st. no.) I spent in vie\\ring the town, 
which is small and hath not anything very remarkable. The 
chief thing are the fortifications, which are in part new, and 
still more works carrying on. In the evening word was brought 
that the town major ordered all English gentlemen to retire 
into the suburbs, which I obeyed for that night in hopes of 
getting away the next morning by water to St. Omer, and 
so went out of town an extraordinary dirty way over a great 
field, which divides the town and suburb, which is also exces- 
sive dirty and has but little accommodation at best, much less 
then being very full of English. With much difficulty I found 
a lodging and lay there that night, but 

Friday the 28th : to go on with the style of the country, 
returning to town in the morning I was stopped by the sentry 
at the gate, there being many at the same time waiting there, 
and having stayed a while till an officer was called, he with 

f. 16 b difficulty let me and three other gentlemen in. We | spent 
most of our time in seeking conveniency to go to Paris, but 
such was the throng that coaches and horses were bespoke 
many days beforehand, and lodgings and provisions were 
risen to an excessive rate which made all men endeavour 
to fly the town the sooner. This night I continued in 

Saturday the 29th: meeting with the Lord Buchan^ and 
several other Scotch gentlemen, we agreed with a boat to 

' Thoma? Buchan (d. 1720), general of the Jacobite forces in Scotland, 
served in Ireland in 1689, and James appointed him Major-General. 


carry us the next day to St. Omer, and in order to it I lay 
that night in the suburb near the water side. 

Sunday the 30th : in the morning we went aboard a boat, 
carrying no provision as being told we had but eight leagues 
to St. Omer, and the boat to be drawn by horses. About 
half way we met much ice, and were told the channel was 
quite closed up a little farther. We were therefore obliged to 
strike off into the channel that comes from Dunkirk, which 
was clear, but by this means we had farther to go about than 
we had at first setting | out from Calais. That night we were f. 17 a 
forced to stay at a miserable village, where there were no beds 
but good clean straw, and scarce anything to eat, which made 
us very earnest to be gone the sooner, and accordingly 

Monday the 31st : we returned to the boat about three in 
the morning, and having gone about two leagues were again 
stopped, the floods having been so great that the water was 
too high at a bridge we came to for the boat to go through. 
The night being excessive cold I went ashore to seek some 
fire at two or three poor houses by the bridge, and the first 
there was neither fire nor fuel, and having with much difficulty, 
by reason of the darkness and dirtiness of the way, got over 
to another I found five or six poor women warming themselves 
at a little straw, having nothing else to burn. There we sat 
awhile to refresh our joints that were almost benumbed with 
cold, and when day appeared returned to the boat. The 
water falling a little, with much difficulty the boat was forced 
through. Having gone | about a league farther came to f. 17 b 
another bridge, which being also too full of water the boat's 
head struck against a piece of timber whereon the planks lay 
and broke it, which caused the neighbouring boors to stop 
the boat to pay for repairing the damage. After a long 
dispute and almost alarming the country they agreed, and 
so we went on for near two leagues when we struck out of this 
cut channel into the river of St. Omer, and then no longer 
could be drawn by horses, but hoisted sail, and as our good 
fortune ordered it the wind was fair, and we sailed till about 
three in the afternoon we arrived at Watou, and were forced 
to stop some time to satisfy the customhouse officers. Here 

22 THE JOURNAL 1689 

on the top of a hill stands the famous house and church of the 
English Jesuits of St. Omer, which we only saw from the 
bottom having no time to go up.^ We soon sailed again 
having two leagues to St. Omer, where we arrived just at 
night, and were carried before the major of the suburb, who 

f. 18 a was very obliging and directed us to the best inn | there, the 
gates of the town, being then shut. It is remarkable that 
all this way we came the country is very plain, and was for the 
most part overflowed and frozen over insomuch that many 
of the poor country people's houses were rendered inaccessible, 
the frost not being thick enough to bear. Some cottages were 
destroyed, and the most considerable houses had broken the 
ice, and had boats at their doors with ladders to their windows, 
their lower floors being full of water. 

Tuesday the ist of February (sti. no.) : I continued at 
St. Omer, which is a very fine city having large and handsome 
streets, the buildings generally good and several stately 
churches.^ Here the English Jesuits have a very magnificent 
college newly built of stone, but not yet quite finished. The 
great market place is large and beautiful ; the walls and 
outworks of the town of a considerable strength. The river 
runs up to the gates, on each side of which is a very fine quay 
for the vessels that come up. But the most remarkable thing 

f. i8b is that the | inhabitants of the one side can by no means be 
persuaded to marry or contract any alliance with those of the 
other ; nay, they will scarce trade or have any commerce 
with them, and yet they do not pretend to give any reason 
that ever I could learn for this.* Having in vain sought most 
part of this day for some conveniency to go to Amiens, all 
being taken up by the multitude of English that resorted to 

' Father Parsons founded this Jesuits' College for the education of 
Englishmen, but a seminary for the education of English and Irish Roman 
Catholics now replaces it. Some of the conspirators of the Gunpowder Plot 
were numbered among its pupils. Daniel O'Connell prepared here for the 

' These stately churches are the famous Benedictine Abbey Church of 
St.-Bertin and the Church of St. Sepulchre. Becket sought refuge within 
the walls of the Abbey. 

' The Claddagh people of Galway and the St. Omer people manifest 
a similar spirit. 


this town, and people of the best quality being content to 
give any rates for wagons. At length the Lord Buchan, 
Lieutenant Hickford, Lieutenant Usher, Lieutenant Macculla, 
Ensign Ferjuson and I agreed for twenty crowns for a cart 
to carry us the next day. 

Wednesday the 2nd of February (to go on with the style 
of the country) : about eight in the morning we saw a narrow 
long cart hooped over and covered with an oiled cloth, in 
which there was not room for us without our portmanteaus, 
so that to make room for them, after crowding four into the 
cart, two were forced to sit upon the horses that drew. In 
this manner we set out, and went three leagues of good way, 
most of it paved, to Aire, a small | but neat town, walled £. 19 a 
and well fortified, where we stayed no longer than to refresh 
ourselves, and then went on two or three of us always afoot, 
as we did till we came to Amiens. This night we lay at Auchel, 
a little village three leagues from Aire, where were only three 
poor inns, which not being capable of entertaining the great 
number of people that travelled that way, the greater part 
lay upon straw. These three leagues the way was very deep 
and hilly, the soil a stiff clay. 

Thursday the 3rd : went to St. Pol which is but four 
leagues, there being no conveniency to lodge farther, unless 
we went six leagues which, our way of travelling, could not be 
performed that day. This is a pretty good town now some- 
what decayed : it has been fortified, whereof at present only 
the memory remains in an old ruined wall. There are here 
four little churches. I went to see the monastery of the 
Carmelites, wherein I found nothing remarkable but that 
they received and treated us with much civility ; as did also 
a sort of religious women, who have here a house and church | f, 19 b 
and whose profession is to assist the sick. 

Friday the 4th : travelled six leagues to Doullens, a good 
little town ; but coming in at night I could remark nothing 
in it but one good church and the inn where I lodged, which 
was very magnificent in its rooms, being very large and 
extraordinary well furnished. The town in a bottom enclosed 
by very high hills. 


Saturday the 5th : we arrived at Amiens, which is eight 
leagues from Doullens, were conducted to the governors, who 
soon dispatched us. All this road from Aire is very bad, deep, 
and a stiff clay, insomuch that walking as for the most part 
I did, by reason of the smallness and uneasiness of our cart, 
so much dirt stuck to the shoes I could scarce many times 
lift my feet. For it is generally a very fat soil, yet mixed with 
a small sand, which binds it together like lime, the way all 
between arable land, but not separated by any hedges or 
otherwise, the country being all open without any distinction 
of fields or enclosures, not any banks, ditches or scarce 
a tree. Only about the towns and villages there is some wood, 

f. 20a but no more ground enclosed than just serves | for their 
gardens and orchards. The people for the most part are 
extremely poor, and consequently their villages very incon- 
siderable, and such as afford httle or no accommodation for 

At Amiens I continued Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, the 
6th, 7th and 8th. ,Most of which time was spent in seeing 
that city, to give a particular account whereof would require 
a much longer stay there and might afford matter for a par- 
ticular work. To be short it is a very fine city and much 
beyond any I have seen in England, except London, as are 
many other cities of France. The streets are large and well 
paved, the buildings lofty and sightly, the number of churches 
very considerable, whereof I saw many. The cathedral is 
very magnificent, large and well built, all the front covered 
with images of stone : there is an ascent of about twelve or 
fourteen steps to the gate.^ Just within on the right hand is 
an image of St. Christopher with our Saviour on his shoulders, 

f. 20 b of I a prodigious bigness. In this church I saw a skull, which 
is kept in great veneration, being esteemed to be that of 

' The Cathedral of Notre-Dame was begun in 1220, only two years 
later than that of Salisbury. This glorious building was designed and 
commenced by the architect Robert de Luzarches. Rows of statuettes 
supply the place of mouldings, so that the whole front is ' covered with 
images of stone ' ; a common arrangement in French Gothic, though rare 
in English. The cathedral is the largest in France, and is only surpassed 
by St. Peter's at Rome and that at Cologne. 


St. John the Baptist.^ The steeple is large, but the spire upon 
it so Httle that it is only remarkable for the disproportion it 
bears to so sumptuous a building.^ Just at the bottom of the 
steps of this church stands another dedicated to St. Joseph, 
but in it nothing remarkable. The nuns they call of the 
Paraclete have a church small and neat, but which deserves 
to be taken notice of as being very curiously painted both 
roof and walls, which they say was all done by the nuns. In 
the middle of the roof is our Saviour crucified, which seems 
to look upon a man below, whatever part of the church he 
stands in. There is a church of St. Denis, not worthy of note, 
but for its churchyard, which is a large square with a cloister 
about it ; on most of the graves are iron or wooden crosses 
and all about great heaps of skulls and | other bones. The f. 21 a 
Dominicans' church is large, but of no extraordinary structure, 
and so the rest. Here is an hospital that will contain above 
200 sick very well attended, but one much larger and fairer 
is building, and near finished. The citadel is not consider- 
able, nor did I here remark anything else fit for this place.' 

Wednesday the 9th : we set out for Paris, sixteen of us in a 
thing they call a coach ; in England it would pass for a wagon, 
only the covering is more like that of a coach. This day we 
travelled seven leagues to Breteuil, a good small town plentiful 
enough of all accommodations. The road though bad was not 
so deep as before, the country more enclosed, and pleasanter 
than the last we came through, but what added to it was that 
our coach was much easier than the cart we had to Amiens. 

Thursday the loth : we made seven leagues more to Cler- 
mont, a large and beautiful town, which I believe takes its 
name from its situation, being on a | high hill visible at f. 21b 
a great distance, and from the valley affords a very pleasant 
prospect ; the hill being very steep the ascent is round it, and 
the way at the bottom for a considerable space is narrow 
with a deep ditch on each side. 

' Since the French Revolution, the skull has become reduced to the 
frontal bone and upper jaw. Another head of St. John exists in the 
neighbouring Abbey of St.-Acheul. 

" This is no longer true, for the spire is an enormous superstructure. 

^ The citadel was built by Henry IV. 

26 THE JOURNAL 1689 

Friday the nth : seven leagues to Lucheux, which is a good 
small town and has convenient inns, though not like the 
last. The country about is hilly and this stands on a small 
hill. The road is pleasant, being gravelly, and on both sides 
are many vineyards, which produce good grapes, but yield 
a very small wine. 

Saturday the I2th : baited at St. Denis, seven leagues 
distant from Lucheux, and two from Paris. It is but a small 
town, but in it that most famous and stately church from 
which I believe the town takes its name, being the burial place 
not only of St. Denis the patron but of many kings of France, 
and most worthy of admiration for the unknown value of its 
treasure.^ The valley wherein it stands is very large, plain 
f. 22 a and beautiful, being full of many small but well built | towns, 
which render it extraordinary pleasant ; the road through it is 
all causeway, and the fields are so stored with partridges that 
they run in great numbers along by the road none daring to 
shoot or take them.^ This evening we arrived at Paris of which 
place I will not attempt to give any account, it being too great 
a subject for my pen, and my stay there too short to render 
me capable of it. Here I continued Sunday and Monday. 

' The Abbey Church has been the burial-place of the Kings of France 
from the days of Dagobert, 638. 

' Cf . Tocqueville, L'A ncien Regime et la Revolution, chap, i : ' Everywhere 
too the Seigneurs levied dues on fairs and markets. Throughout France 
they had the exclusive right of sporting. Generally they alone could keep 
dovecotes and pigeons. . . . Take him (i. e. the French peasant) as he is 
described in the documents I have quoted — so passionately enamoured of 
the soil, that he will spend all his savings to purchase it, and to purchase 
it at any price. . . . He possesses it at last ; his heart is buried in it with the 
seed he sows. This little nook of ground, which is his own in this vast uni- 
verse, fills him with pride and independence. But again these neighbours 
call him from his furrow, and compel him to come to work for them without 
wages. He tries to defend his young crops from their game ; again they 
prevent him." The peasant could not cut his corn when he wanted lest it 
might injure the partridges of his lord ; he could not destroy the seigneur's 
deer and rabbits that roamed at will over his fields and devoured his green 
corn. England stands in marked contrast, for game was so abundant that 
not much jealousy was felt of the sporting instincts of 'mean tenants and 
freeholders '. Foreigners, like the Duke of Stettin (his Diary, p. 47), were 
surprised that peasants were permitted to hunt with big dogs. But a suc- 
cession of statutes (i James I, c. 27 ; i James I, c. 11 ; 22-3 Charles II, 
c. 25 ; 4 William and Mary, c. 23) removed this privilege. Cf. A. H. 
Ha.mAton' s Quarter Sessions from Elizabeth to Anne, 'p^. 89, 162; Addison's 
Spectator, No. 122. 

1689 ST.-GERMAIN 27 

Tuesday the 15th : I took coach for St. Germains, where 
both their Majesties with the Prince of Wales then kept their 
court. It is four leagues from Paris, the way most sandy and 
causeway, but a little hilly. On the left of the road stands 
a house of the king's, called Madrid. St. Germains stands 
upon a hill, the ascent very steep, the town is capable of 
entertaining a great court, the palace large and beautiful, but 
not regular; many new buildings are begun about it.^ The 
gardens are divided into pleasant walks, but nothing extra- 
ordinary in them : the most remarkable is a | walk and horse f. 22 b 
way along the side of the hill about a mile long, where turning 
off upon the left the way leads into the forest, and there to 
a fine little pleasure house. ^ But this as all the other palaces 
of France have been already described by many and my 
intention is only a bare memoir of my travels, not a descrip- 
tion of the country. My life here was not so settled or pleasant 
to give me leisure or desire to view and give an account of what 
I saw, but such as can be imagined of a poor banished man, 
full of many cares and hardships, which I had been but little 
inured to before, having amidst all my misfortunes no other 
comfort but that of a just cause, remembering that ' Beati qui 
persecutionem patiuntur propter iustitiam ',^ and a sense 
of loyalty towards the best of princes, whom I saw flying the 
most general and barbarous rebellion the world has seen, 
except what the same people had shown in this unparalleled 
monarch's father's daj^, wherein he was so considerable a 
sufferer | being so many years banished, as is well known. The f. 23 a 
sufferings of my king in his exile, the dangers of my father 
mother and brethren whom I had left in the power of my 
inhuman countrymen, and my own condition in a strange 
country without any friends but such as were under my own 
circumstances, were causes sufficient to produce care and 
trouble to the most insensible of men. And if hitherto I seem 

' Louis did not care for the palace because the views from its windows 
embraced the church of St. Denis, the burial-place of his race. 

" Le Notre constructed the Terrasse, a magnificent walk or drive one 
and a half miles long and 1 1 5 feet wide. On the one side of this walk there 
is a wall, and on the other trees. At the back of the Terrasse the forest covers 
io,ooo acres, being one of the largest in France. " Matt. v. 10. 

28 THE JOURNAL 1689 

not to have endured much hardship and fatigue, the following 
part of my exile will show I have not wanted my part in most 
sort of sufferings. Here and in Paris I continued till 

Thursday the 24th of February : being the first Thursday 
in Lent, when finding most of my friends were gone before on 
their way to Brest, in several routes, I having stayed till this 
time in hopes of a bill of exchange from England. Finding none 
come and fearing to be left behind, when the rest were shipped 
for Ireland in order to serve the king there, I went this 
afternoon to Paris, where I took a place with the messenger, 
f. 23 b to go the I next day for Orleans, being in haste to overtake 
my friends that were gone before, and ambitious to be among 
the first that went over to serve His Majesty in Ireland. 

Friday the 25th : in the morning I left Paris in company 
with Major 0' Regan, Captain Fortescue and two more; on 
the road my Lord Hunsdon joined us and travelled this day 
fourteen leagues ; four to Orsay, four to Ernee, and six to 
£tampes, a good town where we lay this night.'- 

Saturday the 26th : we set out very early, and went through 
to Orleans being twenty leagues : six to Outarville,^ four to 
Toury, where we baited, four thence to Artenay, and thence 
six to Orleans. This road is generally deep in winter, wherefore 
for the conveniency of travellers there is a continued causeway 
from Paris to Orleans broad enough for coaches, and well 
kept in repair, but for horse great part of the way is good all 
the year. This manner of travelling with the messenger, 

' From the appendix to King's State of the Protestants we glean the 
names of the first and second Lieut.-Col. and of the Major in Lord 
Hunsdon's Regiment. On the 20th of June, 1689, the English House of 
Commons added Lord Hunsdon's name to the number of those charged 
with high treason. Unlike the Irish House, the English House of Lords 
desired to know the grounds upon which the names were inserted, instanc- 
ing the case of this peer. There were eighteen names in the English Act 
and over two thousand in the Lrish Act. It is evident that the Enghsh 
peers did not deem common fame, even in the case of merely eighteen men, 
sufficient ground of accusation. The House of Lords amended the BiU, 
omitting the names of Lord Hunsdon and four or five more, and inserting 
a few others. The policy of the peers and, above all, that of William 
defeated such measures, and no vast Act of Attainder ever appeared 
on the English Statute Book. 

" Stevens calls this place Tourville, but it is obviously Outarville. 
Probably he did not hear the first syllable of the place. 

1 689 ORLEANS 29 

I think, is not used anywhere but in France, and is without 
doubt one of the greatest conveniences in the world. | There f. 24 a 
are set rates so that they dare not ask the greatest stranger 
more than is appointed, and at that price the messenger is 
bound to furnish travellers with able horses, and if any fail 
on the road to find fresh ones : he is also to provide them diet 
and lodging, which is always ready at their common stages, and 
proportionable to the number of guests. There is a plentiful 
table, good wine, and as much as they will drink till the cloth 
is taken off, very good beds, rooms well furnished, and fire in 
winter. So that whoever travels this way needs be at no 
expense upon the road and is free from trouble, all things being 
provided as decent and plentifully as may satisfy the most 
curious and persons of most considerable quality. 

Sunday the 27th : I continued at Orleans, which is a very 
beautiful city, well built after the ancient manner. Here are 
many large churches, which I cannot much commend for their 
structure or ornament, the churches in France being generally 
inferior to those of Flanders. The cathedral is very large and 
well I built, but only part of the choir is in use, the rest f. 24 b 
having been defaced and almost ruined by the Huguenots, 
and not yet repaired.^ The Jesuits' is large and the richest 
for ornaments, the Dominicans' and Franciscans' large but 
mean. Over the river Loire is a beautiful stone bridge, 
adorned with a large crucifix, with the king kneeling on the 
right and Joan of Arc, comnionly called the Maid of Orleans, 
on the left, as a memorial of their success under her against 
the English, who burnt her as a witch, the French to this day 
paying reverence to her as a saint. 

Monday the 28th : after noon we embarked upon the Loire 
in large flat-bottomed boats, about 100 passengers in each. 
These vessels have no deck, but were covered over with slit 
deal set up like the ridge of a house. With us were put into 
every boat hogsheads of wine, beef boiled and roast, and 

' Henry IV furnished funds for the restoration and laid the first stone in 
1601. The work of rebuilding was continued by Louis XIII, Louis XIV, and 
Louis XV. As the Puritans occasionally did in England, the Huguenots 
turned the cathedral into a stable. 

30 THE JOURNAL 1689 

bread for four days. The river is very wide but extraordinary 
shallow, unless just the channel, which runs winding and is 
very difficult to hit, and our boats were so long and unwieldy, 
and had but two or three men each to manage them, that the 
two first days we made not much way, being very often run 

f. 25 a aground and spending much time | in getting off ; at night 
sometimes we anchored and sometimes made way. This 
river is one of the most dehghtful places in the world, at least 
far the pleasantest that ever I saw for so great an extent, 
what I saw from Orleans to Nantes being eighty-six leagues. 
There are several beautiful towns upon its banks as Blois, Tours, 
Saumur, [ ] and several other places of less note. I can 

give no account of them in particular, having only been 
ashore at Blois, and that not above one hour at midnight. In 
general they make a fine prospect to the water, and have very 
fair bridges over the river, under which the current is so rapid 
that it is dangerous to pass, especially for such unwieldy 
boats as ours were. The violence of the stream at the bridge 
of Saumur carried one of our boats in which were above 
100 passengers first against a stone wall, and then it struck at 
the bridge, which much disabled the vessel and gave such 
a crack that many of the passengers, thinking she would have 
sunk, leaped over, whereof the greatest part were drowned 

f. 25 b to the number of fourteen or fifteen, as was | thought, though 
none could tell the certain number. The country along the 
banks of the river is full of pleasant seats, and both sides so 
well peopled that it looks almost like one continued street for 
several leagues, only divided by pleasant gardens and vine- 
yards. But the most curious thing of all is to see many 
thousands of httle houses and some very considerable ones, 
dug out from the sides of the hills and rocks, there being 
scarce any materials used to the building of their walls but 
what nature herself has there placed, the rooms being cut out 
of the sides of the hills, the front only has some addition. Even 
with every floor and on the very tops of their houses are 
pleasant gardens and vineyards, and trees of a considerable 
bulk grow on them. Only the front of these houses generally 
is to be seen, the other parts being buried underground and 

1689 NANTES 31 

nothing but the tops of chimneys discernible on the hills. 
Monday the 28th : as was said before, we embarked upon 
this river, and continued Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and 
Friday; the day, the weather | being fair and the country so f- 26a 
diverting, passed away easily, but the nights were very cold, 
and we had no accommodation for lying. 

Friday the 4th of March : late at night with much difficulty 
we obtained leave to land at Nantes, where we continued 
Saturday and Sunday. This is a very good harbour and com- 
monly well stored with ships, its trade to most parts of 
Europe being very considerable, the most noted commodity 
which takes name from the place is brandy.^ The city reaches 
a great length along the water with very good buildings, being 
merchants', and storehouses. It has a good bridge, and many 
considerable churches, especially the cathedral, which is large 
and beautiful.^ It is a bishopric and university very plentiful 
of all provisions, and well stored with all things, either for 
necessary use or luxury, which it affords at moderate rates. 
This was the first place where I received the benefit of the 
Route, which was the same as free quarters, being diet and 
lodging, only the billet mentioned a captain's allowance not 
to exceed four livres or 6s. 8d. per diem, a lieutenant's | 35. 4^. f. 26 b 
and an ensign 2S. 6d., which rates, as provisions are there, are 
competent to live plentifully. Here I had a captain's billet 
and continued to be treated as such all the way, being entered 
as such by the king's order under Major Ingram, who com- 
manded a Route, and was my friend. Other boats came in on 
Saturday and Sunday, which well stocked the city with the 
king's subjects, and the country small towns not being fit to 
entertain so great a number, it was ordered we that came first 
should march on Monday, the others to follow in several 
bodies. This is the first town we were in of Brittany, and lies 
upon the very borders of that province. 

Monday the 7th : we marched to Savenay, seven leagues 
from Nantes, the leagues in Brittany are very long* and it 

1 Sugar-refining and the sardine industry are now the most important 
trades. " The Cathedral of St. Pierre dates from 1434. 

3 He makes the same complaint about the length of the Irish mile. 

32 THE JOURNAL 1689 

proved a tedious journey to many of us who were forced to 
march afoot and were but little accustomed to that way of 
travelling. The road was generally good and the weather 
very fair ; in some bottoms only we found boggy ground 
which tired us extremely. In all this way there is never a town, 
but two very poor villages, where nevertheless we found some 
refreshment. The way was so tedious or some of us such 
f. 27 a bad travellers that we made it ten | of the clock at night 
before we reached Savenay extremely tired, and very few 
had beds though it was my good fortune to get one. Our 
company being very great, and this but a mean place, most 
houses had four, six or eight quartered upon them, the houses 
were but ordinary, and the people generally poor. 

Tuesday the 8th : we marched two leagues to Donges ; this 
was very plain and good, about the middle of it is a small inlet 
from the sea, very wide, but runs not far up, so that there is 
a way about, and a shorter over a ferry. Not having time to 
recover the former day's weariness and my feet being very- 
sore, I found this day's march though so short extreme 
tiresome. Donges is so small that we were forced to lie 
twelve or fourteen in a house, with little accommodation, 
and had no provision but what the king's commissary, whom 
they call the Tapie, had made for us. The Tapie goes before 
all such as march by way of the Route, and, having an account 
of their number and quality, provides meat, bread and wine 
for them, allowing a captain six rations or men's proportion, 
f. 27 b a lieutenant | four, and an ensign three. This method is used 
either where provision is not to be found for such a number 
as the Route contains, or in privileged towns that are exempted 
from providing anything but lodging to such as quarterin them. 

Wednesday the 9th : to Herbignac seven leagues, where we 
continued Thursday the loth, as the general custom is after 
two or three days' march to make a sejour, or day of rest at 
the most convenient town on the road. Herbignac is a good 
town, but inferior to many in Brittany. 

Friday the nth : it was designed we should march to 
Ambon, but when we were within a league of it the com- 
missary, that always went with us, sent word the townspeople 


were all fled for fear of us and therefore ordered we should be 
dispersed into the neighbouring villages. Though the disorders 
committed by some of our men were great, yet I cannot con- 
ceive so considerable a place as this was should be left waste 
at the approach of two or three hundred unarmed, banished 
men, whose whole dependence was then | upon that country f. 33 a 
and their king. But these commissaries there as in all other 
countries make the most of their employments, so ours, it 
may be believed, for some good consideration from the town, 
gave out they were fled and scattered us to quarter in the 
country, for marching through next day we found all people 
undisturbed in their houses. Major Ingram's and Major 
Fountain's Routes in the first of which I was marched to 
a village called Kervoyal by the seaside, a very mean place 
being the abode of only a few poor fishermen. It rained 
violently from the time we halted till we came to this place, 
and it being a byway over fields was very dirty and slippery, 
which added much to our affliction, being most wet to the 
skin, tired, and then calling to mind all our past sufferings, 
and apprehending what were yet to come. For sorrow seldom 
comes alone, and one affliction either renews the memory of 
another or afflicts a man with the fear of future calamities. 
But to proceed — in this condition we came to a miserable | f. 28 b 
village, where to our greater vexation it was long ere we could 
find any that spoke French, many of the meaner sort of 
people in this country only speaking their own British lan- 
guage, which, as several of our authors affirm, so I then found 
it to be true, that it is very Hke our Welsh, both by some little 
insight I had in that language myself, having lived above 
a year in Wales, and much more by a Welsh gentleman that 
was in my company and had some sort of discourse with 
the people in that language, they understanding each other 
reasonably well. After all our trouble and fatigue I found 
much better quarters than I expected or the place promised, 
having good wine and a bed not at all contemptible. 

Saturday the 12th : being excessively tired and my feet sore 
I got upon one of the carts that carried our luggage and was 
drawn by oxen, and in this manner was carried four leagues 

1218 D 

34 THE JOURNAL 1689 

to Vannes, our next stage, which is a large beautiful town, 
f . 29 a the seat of a parliament,^ a bishopric | and university. Our 
entertainment was suitable to the place, which was very 
refreshing after our late fatigue. 

Monday the 14th : our appointed stage was but three 
leagues to Auray, so it was agreed by the commissary and 
captains of Routes to bum that town, as the phrase is, that is 
receive money for our quarters, and march through to Lande- 
vant three leagues farther, which was appointed for the next 
day. The country here is very pleasant full of rising hilly 
ground, but not rnountainous, with large delightful commons, 
wherein is store of hares. This town is not large, but well 
built, and has many wealthy inhabitants, who afforded us 
good quarters, but our stay was only for one night. 

Tuesday the 15th : three leagues to Hennebont a large 
town, has many good houses, and one great and handsome 
church ; but the worst contrived in the manner of its streets 
that ever I saw, there being not one good one in the whole, and 
one part of them steep as precipices, most very narrow, and 
f. 29 b short.^ Here we continued Wednesday | the i6th, at first to 
the great satisfaction of some of our young gallants, though 
they had afterwards leisure to repent. For in this as in most 
great towns of France there are many gentlewomen, who 
appear very splendid in apparel, and among them some of 
tolerable faces ; to some of our company a painted face with 
petticoats was an angel, and every one fancied if he walked 
but by the lady's side, and she happened to look that way, 
though it were but to spit, that he had won her heart, for 
I observed some of these courtiers spoke not one word of 
French, yet they followed the women about the town, and 
even to their chambers courting them with bows and grimaces, 
the custom of France and their civility to strangers or their 
design to ridicule them allowing this liberty. With the 
assistance of such as could stammer some French balls were 

1 The Breton Parlement sat at Vannes from 1675 to 1689. It seems extra- 
ordinary that it should do so, because these Parlements were nothing but 
great law courts, and only moved their seats for powerful reasons. Rennes 
was the proper place for it to meet. There was no university at Vannes. 

" According to tradition this church was built by the English. 


contrived, and nothing appeared among these youths but joy, 
as if all our miseries which were now beginning had been 
ended. In fine there was music, dancing, singing, feasting and,- 
to close up all, gaming, | so that the ladies and their country- f. 30 a 
men having found the weak place in the English and Irish- 
men's heads, kept such of them as held out longest a day after 
the Routes were marched, and then sent them on horseback 
after us with scarce as much money in their pockets, as would 
pay the hire of their horses. The whole pack was so well 
fleeced, that some were forced to sell part of their apparel, 
wherewith they thought to have purchased the ladies' hearts. 
It had been happy for them had they read and taken Solo- 
mon's advice in the Proverbs, viz. : ' Ne dederis mulieribus 
substantiam tuam.' ^ For he that treats or plays with women 
to win their hearts plays his money against dross. But it is 
time to go on five leagues farther. 

On Thursday the 17th : to Quimperle a town reputed much 
inferior to the last, but in my esteem equal to it or rather 
better were it not somewhat decayed. It has at the entrance 
a commendable river oh the one hand, and on the other 
a noble mansion house of the Duke Mazarin. The descent 
from a hill to the town yields a pleasant prospect thereof ; 
has one good | street, many fair houses, and one large church, f. 30 b 
not to speak of monasteries whose chapels as inconsiderable 
I commonly omit. The Duke Mazarin, being in town and 
commanding, ordered the Tapie or commissary of provisions 
to furnish us all with both fresh and salt fish, which had not 
been done in any other place it being now Lent time. 

On Friday the i8th, in the morning the duke invited us all 
to a most splendid breakfast he had provided for us, where 
was all variety of fish exquisitely dressed, with other sorts of 
dainties fit for the time, plenty of the best wines, and an 
inexpressible civility and courtesy shown by him to every 
individual person. I cannot but say I saw not in all France 
a more general or particular act of civility than this in all my 
progress through it. The entertainment ended, we set out and 
marched five leagues to a very poor small and much decayed 
' Proverbs xxxi. 3. 
D 2 

36 THE JOURNAL 1689 

town called Rosporden, where for want of more room we were 
forced to quarter all the officers of a Route in a house, yet so 
we fared not amiss, but where I was had all beds and good 

i- 31 a conveniency | for dressing our meat, which the Tapi6 provided, 
and good wine. 

Saturday the 19th : we marched four leagues to the famous 
and, by most of us that were some days in it, much beloved 
City of Quimper — Corentin, [in margin Quimpir] where we 
continued many days, wherefore I shall take the freedom to 
enlarge somewhat here, since time allows and the place 
deserves it. This city stands in a bottom, on the banks of 
a very pleasant navigable river, which runs through it : on all 
sides it is surrounded with high hills that overlook it, on the 
south side they are close to the town and very steep. The 
cathedral is very large and sumptuous, has a beautiful choir, 
and all round it many chapels well adorned :-^ the market-place 
wherein it stands is large and plentifully supplied with all 
sorts of fish, which it being then Lent constantly filled it. 
There are several other churches and chapels both without 
and within the town, and monasteries of religious men and 
women, which though not very sumptuous yet help to 
beautify and adorn the city, as does the bishop's house adjoin- 

f. 31b ing to the church | of a goodly structure. The streets are not 
very commendable being after the old fashion generally 
narrow, but in the suburbs which are very large the streets 
are wider ; the houses everywhere spacious though not very 
sightly, being ancient buildings. About a mile from the town 
is a pleasant house of the archbishop's not much to be com- 
mended for its greatness, yet valuable for its gardens divided 
into delightful walks and fishponds with much variety and 
several ornaments. Strangers here find very good entertain- 
ment, provisions being very cheap, their inns though not like 
those of England, yet well furnished with good beds, and 
meat cleanly and well dressed, variety of good wines and the 
common rate M. the bottle, and a good table for 15^. ordinary 
with a pint of wine a man. Here we may be said to have first 
breathed after our toils, resting sixteen or seventeen days, 
' The cathedral is a large and fine edifice of the fourteenth century. 


being well paid and having all things cheap, with good 
quarters, where we were entertained with all possible civility 
and liberality, the people being extremely courteous | and f. 32 a 
much more than many of our company deserved. There were 
among us many that made it their daily practice to commit 
new disorders, and preyed upon the poor people as if they 
had been in an enemy's country, whilst the government out 
of respect to our distressed king winked at their crimes, they 
grew the more insolent, and consequently made our name the 
more odious, the people admiring that men who pretended 
they suffered for conscience and loyalty should so little fear 
God and respect the king for whose honour they ought to 
carry themselves with all possible modesty. To be short 
there were thefts, uproars in the streets, insolences in quarters, 
and all sorts of disorders that could have been acted by 
a dissolute army in an enemy's country. Yet I cannot but 
admire that, since I have seen many of the greatest rascals in 
the company preferred to considerable posts, more by their 
impudence than merit, and they quite forgot their former 
despicable condition. Ease and plenty, the sources of luxury, 
made the more moderate wanton, so that all losses | seemed f. 32 b 
forgot, all sorrows drowned, and nothing appeared but mirth, 
drinking, gaming, courting of ladies, treating, and all youthful 
delights were reassumed, as if we had reached the promised 
land, and had not a wide desert of troubles to go through. 
Such as placed their delight in wine and good company had 
plentifully wherewithal to satisfy their appetites, which 
forwarded some evening quarrels, and what was worst some 
disturbances even with the watch of the town to our no small 
discredit. The gamester wanted not associates, and those of 
the fair sex, who had often the good quality to win the ready 
money and lose upon credit, which our gentlemen were too 
well bred to scruple, though they had afterwards reason and 
leisure to repent. The most general folly was the amours that 
were followed with as much eagerness as if we had fixed there 
never to remove. Every man was happy in his own conceit, 
master of his lady's affections, proposed and impatiently 
expected the hour of enjoying what he so much laboured for ; 

38 THE JOURNAL 1689 

whilst the crafty females admitted their addresses, refused 
not their treats, received their presents, and by several wiles 
drained their pockets, laughed at their ignorance, deceived 

f. 33 a them of their expectations | and sent them away without 
money or enjoyment, their pockets empty, and their hearts 
full of sorrow. This town wanted not nevertheless the seeds 
of vice, lewd women and debauched men. But what I cannot 
but mention and appeared the most scandalous, was a nionas- 
tery of nuns, who kept young gentlewomen boarders, yet with 
such liberty that the convent was the daily rendezvous of our 
most extravagant and disorderly young gentlemen, where 
though it were Lent and even Passion Week they spent whole 
days with such licentiousness as was a reproach to the place, 
a profanation of the time, and a general scandal to all men. 
As our stay in this town was considerable, so have I enlarged 
sufficiently upon it, and will now only add that it was a place 
of great refreshment to us all, every one having the divertisse- 
ment he desired, our pay being sufficient to keep us plentifully, 
and as there was much vice, which our coming was no small 
addition to, so was there all the encouragement imaginable to 
virtue, in the holiness of the time, the devotion of divine 
service in the churches and the good example of many of the 

f. 33 b inhabitants. | It is now time to take leave of this place and 
go forward on 

Palm Sunday, the 3rd of April, to Locronan three leagues, 
the weather was fair, the way good, for a large space a great 
road then a very wide open common, where we saw many 
of the country people well armed who had been mustering. 
On the road, a league from Locronan, is a small village, wherein 
is a pretty little church. Here as I was passing through looking 
into the church a woman came running and rung the bell, 
and inquiring into the occasion, we found some of our scatter- 
ing scoundrels were pillaging the poultry thereabouts, which 
caused the ringing the bell to alarm the neighbourhood, the 
people being abroad by reason of the muster and because it 
was Sunday. Coming out we saw six of our men running 
with their drawn swords after ten or twelve of the poor naked 
country men and women, who getting over a style faced about 



and crying Frapp6 Frapp6, that is strike or throw, sent such 
a shower of stones as made them retire having almost knocked 
down two of them, but their ammunition | faUing short the f. 34 a 
country people retreated again to another parcel of stones, 
and there made good their ground. Having seen this, and 
having no influence over those people to quiet them, I thought 
good to haste away lest the country rising should take me in 
as a party concerned in the fray, and came early to Locronan. 
This is a small town, very poor, and much decayed, where we 
were much straightened for quarters, and hard put for diet, 
fish being very scarce, and the Tapie providing only flesh, 
which we would not eat in the holy week. My landlord, 
who was an old lawyer, told me that town had always been 
exempted even in the present king's days from quartering 
soldiers, and that they had consented to it now only in kindness 
to us and upon promise that it should not be made a precedent. 

Monday the 4th : we had a long but not very tiresome march 
to Crozon six leagues, the weather was fair, the way good, and 
country very pleasant, full of rising fertile ground but no 
mountain or steep ascent. This town is somewhat larger and 
better than the last, seated high, the streets open, and has 
pleasant seats about it. | 

Tuesday the 5th : we marched a league to a little town upon f, 34 b 
the Bay of Brest called Le Faou, where the ships' boats took 
up, and carried us aboard the ships that lay there in order to 
carry us into Ireland. This bay makes one of the finest 
harbours in the world being at least three leagues over every 
way, enclosed round with high hills which shelter it much 
from storms, and make it very secure : the mouth of it, being 
very long and narrow, lies east and west, and is divided into 
two channels, a long ridge of rocks lying along the middle. 
The north channel is best and most used, both have much 
water but little room for a ship to tack which makes it the 
more difficult coming in and out. On the north side is a fort 
whereon are planted above fifty pieces of cannon, the lower 
tier almost level with the water. On the south side a lesser 
fort, each has the full command of its channel, and between 
both the passage is not to be forced. Opposite to the channel 

40 THE JOURNAL 1689 

is the citadel of Brest upon a high rock, large and till now of the 
ancient fortification, but at this time they were demolishing 
the old and making a new work of it after the modern manner, 
in which as well as the other works of the town we were told 

f. 35 a 10,000 men were daily employed. To furnish these men | the 
country all round the town for several miles is divided into 
a certain number of parts and each of these divisions sends in 
all their labouring men to such a number as is required, who 
continue at the work for eight days, being allowed bread, 
meat, and fourpence a day for their labour, and the eight 
days being expired are relieved by the next division, till it 
goes round. Within the citadel on the north-east of the bay 
is the town, the passage to it by the water is between two 
strong batteries well planted with large cannon pointing every 
way, the batteries not above a musket shot from each other ; 
this leads into the river of Brest which is narrow, but carries 
so much water that vessels of above 100 guns lie there, and 
this is one of the chiefest ports in France for laying up their 
great ships. A little way within the batteries is a strong 
boom across the river, which is no more open in day than just 
to allow room for a ship to pass in and out, and at night is 
closed up. At this time there lay here about a dozen men-of- 
war all I believe of the first rate. The principal part of the 
town is on the south side having nothing in it commendable, 
the churches mean, the streets narrow and foul, some good 

f. 35 b houses, many very indifferent ; the Jesuits | were building 
a new church and monastery, but neither finished. The best 
thing about the town is the hospital, which is beautiful and 
very well served, but not very large. The walls and other 
fortifications of the town were now a raising so that no 
account can be given of them, but that they are about a mile 
in circumference. On the north side is either a part of this, 
or another small town, with a good quay before it which on 
the other side is but small and here reaches all along. What 
is most remarkable here is the Royal Magazine and Stores, 
wherein are all sorts of arms and ammunition, in great 
quantity and kept with excellent order. Besides the general 
every great ship has a particular storehouse, wherein is all 


manner of rigging and necessaries for the said ships, and their 
names written over the doors. There are several docks for 
building of ships, great forges for making of anchors and other 
iron work, yards and houses for the rope and cable makers, 
carpenters' yards, stores of iron, hemp, masts, and in fine all 
things requisite for the sea service in great quantity. In one 
of the docks I saw a great old tattered vessel, which is there 
kept as a memorial of her having fought, as they say, thirty 
galleys and come off with honour. We continued here about 
five weeks, being told daily we should sail | with the first fair f. 36 a 
wind, but it was only to amuse us, for most of the ships were 
not arrived, or fitted till long after our coming to Brest, and 
the arms and ammunition were not put aboard till a few days 
before we left it. This report was given out in order to keep 
us aboard, for by reason of our extravagancies committed 
before in the country there were no quarters or allowance 
appointed for us ashore, but provision ordered in the ships. 
Some continued ashore most of this time, but all could not do 
it, the town being excessive dear and lodgings so scarce that 
we paid half a crown a night for an ordinary bed. The 
encouragement to stay aboard was but little, the French 
officers giving us no manner of respect, and scarce affording 
to speak to us. Our provision was bad meat, and worse fish, 
very nastily dressed and as nastily eaten for want of table 
linen, butter of several colours, and but little of any of them, 
the best thing there was the wine, and that little, and indif- 
ferent. For lodging we had the soft planks, without anything 
to cover us but our own clothes, or else some scurvy hammocks 
among the seamen, which they several times maliciously cut 
down in the night. For quietness' | sake I took my bed upon f. 36 b 
the lockers in the great cabin during the whole time of my 
stay aboard. Several times it was ordered that all should 
repair to the ships but few obeyed, so it was given out some- 
times that the wind was coming fair and we should sail, then 
all flocked aboard, but the next day they returned ashore. 
Thus we continued for about five weeks, as I said before, till 
Thursday the 5th of May : the wind coming to south-east 
the Admiral and all his squadron weighed, and fell down 




towards the mouth of the harbour, but the wind then calming 
cast anchor again, the rest of the fleet stirred not. I was at 
first with all the Route put aboard the Entreprenant, a ship 
of about 60 guns, where we continued till the Sunday before 
we sailed, when several of us were removed to the Oiseau, of 
45 guns, that was designed and under sail for the East Indies, 
but remanded, unladen, and fresh lading put in her to go 
with us. Before we leave the harbour it will not be amiss to 
give an account of what number of vessels our fleet consisted 
and their names. There were 25 men-of-war from 60 to 40 

L' Ardent commanded by M. de Chateau Renault, Admiral | 

f. 37 a Le St. Michel , 
Le Courageux 
Le Francois 
Le Vermandois 
Le Due 
Le Pendant 
Le Fort — 60 
Le Leger 
Le Pricieux 
Le Capable 
L' Arrogant 
Le Diamant 
Le Purieux 

„ M. Cabaret, Vice- Admiral 
,, M. Forraud, Rear- Admiral 

Le Faucon 

Le Modere 

V Entreprenant — 60 

Le Neptune 

VArc en Ciel 

L' Excellent 

Le Sage 


L' Oiseau — 45 


Le Sirieux 

Two frigates of 20, or 22 guns each, which the French do 
not call men-of-war, viz. 

La Tempete 

Le Bouffon 
Le Pitillant 
Le Maligne 
V Incommode 

f- 37 b Friday the 6th : 

La Presente 
Eleven fireships : 

Le Terneuvie {? ) 
Le Diguisi 
Le Gaillard 
La Catherine 
V Inconnv£ 
L'^veille \ 

in the morning the wind being at north- 
east the whole fleet weighed and sailed out, the wind held 



most part of the day at north-east and north by east ; at 
night it came to north, and blew hard, the night overcast 
with a very thick fog, we run to westward. 

Saturday the 7th : the wind blowing fresh at north-east 
we bore up north-north-west and north-west and by north, 
the night was fair but we made little sail. 

Sunday the 8th : the wind continued at north-east and we 
bore up north-north-west all day, the night fair, but made 
little way. This day we discovered one sail, which, a frigate 
having chased and brought up, proved an Englishman bound 
for France and was soon after discharged. A Portuguese 
bound for London sailed through the fleet, which having 
hailed made her way. We lay by about noon for a while, and 
some consultation was held aboard the Admiral, after which 
we held on our course. 

Monday the 9th : the wind continued and we lay close 
upon it to north-north-west and north-west, and by west 
about seven we discovered land and about noon came up 
within half a league of the shore, and found we were fallen 
ten leagues to leeward, the Admiral intending to have been | 
as far to windward, the shore we came up with was Castle- f. 38 a 
haven. We stood off again, and tacked to gain upon the wind. 
Towards evening on a sudden the Admiral fell off with the 
wind and steered west-soUth-west, then lay by and made 
little or no way all night. This morning a small vessel of 
Ostend was taken by one of our ships. Two English men-of- 
war were discovered and chased for some time, by which was 
guessed the fleet was not far off, which was the reason our 
Admiral changed his resolution of bearing up for Kinsale. 

Tuesday the loth : the wind still at north-east we continued 
our course west-south-west in sight of land till coming up with 
Berehaven or Bantry Bay, for two parts of it bear these several 
names, we bore to windward and stood in for about a league, 
anchored close under the shore four leagues from the bottom 
of the bay and town of Bantry. This afternoon intelHgence 
being brought that the English fleet was seen, the Admiral 
ordered all the English, Scotch and Irish to the number of 
about 1,500 with all the money, arms, and ammunition 

44 THE JOURNAL 1689 

brought from France, and four day's provision for each man, 
f. 38 b to be put aboard five fireships, the | two small frigates, and 
another small vessel, and so conveyed up the bay and landed. 
Which was accordingly put in execution, but the time being 
short, many were landed upon the rocks at midnight, none 
being permitted to stay aboard, although several pressed for 
it very earnestly. The night was spent in as much misery as 
can be imagined by them ashore upon the bare, uncouth 
rocks, it being very cold and no shelter to be had, and by us 
aboard the small vessels, which were so thronged there was 
scarce room to stand, much less to sit or lie down. 

Wednesday the nth, and ist of May (st. vet.) : for being 
come to shore I will hereafter follow this account, we weighed 
at break of day, the wind still at north-east, and the bay hes 
north-east and south-west, so we spent the whole day tacking. 
But at noon we discovered the English fleet making up to 
the French, who having before their anchors apeak weighed 
and met them, having the wind and tide with them. Particu- 
lars I cannot pretend to give an account of, but that we saw 
them near four hours hotly engaged, and then they fell down 
f. 39 a till we quite lost sight first of the English, then of the j French ; 
in the evening the latter returned and anchored where they 
were in the morning.^ Just at sunset the wind calmed quite 
where we were, and we were towed by our boats into the 
creek where Bantry stands. This is an extraordinary bay, 
being between four and five leagues in length, everjrwhere wide, 
but more or less as some points butt out. The largest ships 
may anchor anjrwhere close under the shore, there being for 
the most part within 100 yards of it fourteen or fifteen fathom 
water, at the entrance into the creek about seven and more 
within. All round the bay are high rocky mountains with 
some few scattering cottages. This night much against our 

' The Count de Chiteau-Renault (1652-1719) was a most distinguished 
seaman, and came with twenty-eight ships of the line, fifteen frigates, and 
fifteen fire-ships. He had an indecisive encounter with Admiral Herbert 
in Bantry Bay. Just before the capitulation of Limerick, on October 30, 
1691, he sailed up the Shannon in command of a fine French fleet with 
the largest quantity of stores and supplies that Louis ever sent to Ireland, 
including 30,000 stand of arms. He reached Brest between December 5 
and 7. See Avaux to Louis, May 16, 1689 ; Louvois to Avaux, June 13. 


will we continued aboard, yet had we known the entertain- 
ment we were to find ashore, as bad as it was in the ships, we 
had chosen to stay in them. 

Thursday the 2nd : we landed at Bantry, which is a miser- 
able poor place, not worthy the name of a town, having not 
above seven or eight little houses, the rest very mean cottages. 
The least part of us could not be contained in this place, so 
most were sent two or three miles round to no better cottages 
to quarter. | Two nights that we continued here I walked two f- 39 b 
miles out of town to lie upon a little dirty straw in a cot or 
cabin, no better than a hog-sty among near twenty others. 
The houses and cabins in town were so filled that people lay 
all over the floors. Some gentlemen I knew who took up their 
lodging in an old rotten boat that lay near the shore, and 
there wanted not some who quartered in a sawpit. Meat 
the country brought in enough, but some had not money to 
buy, and those who had for want of change had much diffi- 
culty to get what they wanted, the people being so extreme 
poor that they could not give change out of half a crown or 
a crown, and guineas were carried about the whole day and 
returned whole. Drink there was none, but just at our landing 
a very little wort hot from the fire, which nevertheless was 
soon drunk ; and good water was so scarce that I have gone 
half a mile to drink at a spring. About half a mile from this 
is the old town of Bantry, much like the new. Upon a hill 
over the town and creek is a fort built by Cromwell, now 
gone to decay but never of any considerable strength. 

Friday the 3rd : we continued in this miserable place. 
Both days were spent in landing | the arms and ammunition f. 40 a 
that came with us. The Earl of Clancarty's Regiment^ came 
to town, and during our stay had no better quarters than the 
open fields without tents. 

'■ Donogh M'Carthy, fourth Earl of Clancarty (1668-1734), was educated 
a Protestant by his mother, but became a Roman Catholic. At the age 
of eleven his uncle negotiated his marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of the 
Earl of Sunderland. In spite of the fact that he was under age he sat in 
the Parliament of Dublin, 1689. Avaux was not unwilling to accept him 
for service with Louis, though he notes he is '„un jeune fou et un petit 
debauche ' (Avaux to Louvois, October 21). John Evelyn called to see 
his mother 'to condole with her concerning her debauched and dissolute 

46 THE JOURNAL 1689 

Saturday the 4th : much of the morning was spent in 
looking for horses ; at last with much difficulty Mr. Lazenby.^ 
afterwards a captain in Colonel Butler of Kilcash's Regiment, 
bought a little nag, on which we laid his, Captain afterwards 
Major Price's,^ and my clothes in two portmanteaus, and 
having loaded our horse marched afoot driving him before us 
twelve miles to Dunmanway, a place consisting of only one 
gentleman's house and some scattering cabins. The road is 
all mountains very high, steep and rough, with few or scarce 
any houses near the way. Having sent before to take quarters 
we prevailed for money to get a good barn, where we made 
fire and had clean straw to lie on, conveniences that very 
many met not withal who were forced to stay all night in the 
open fields. 

Sunday the 5th : marched six miles to Enniskeen, the first 
three like the day before, the other much plainer. This is 
a tolerable town, and appeared much the better to us after 
f. 40 b coming | from the miserable places before mentioned. Here 
we only refreshed ourselves, and went on six miles farther to 
Bandon, a considerable walled town, where we found good 
entertainment, though at this time it was ill-inhabited many 
of the richest being fled, after the king had most graciously 
pardoned their unnatural rebellion in presuming to take up 
arms and shut out His Majesty's forces upon framed fears and 

Monday the 6th : marched twelve miles to Cork ; in all this 
way there is not so much as a village unless such as consist of 

son who had done so much mischief in Ireland '. When Marlborough 
returned to England in January, 1 691, he came back with 150 Irish officers, 
including the Earls of Clancarty and Tyrone, who were put in the tower. 
With the aid of his father-in-law Clancarty escaped in 1694 and commanded 
his troop in France till the peace of Ryswick, 1697. While paying a visit to 
his devoted wife he was captured, but she, his mother, and a loyal friend, 
Lady RusseU, obtained from William pardon and a pension of ;£30O per 
annum on condition of his leaving England and taking no further part 
in public affairs. He died in Germany in 1734. His regiment had a colonel, 
lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, seven lieutenants, seven 
ensigns, surgeon and chaplain. There were thirteen companies and 269 
men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men. 

' The roll of this regiment does not mention Mr. Lazenby. 

^ Price was probably a major in Colonel Thomas Butler's Regiment of 


ten or twelve poor cots or cabins, inhabited by the miserable 
country people, who live only upon their potatoes and sour -i^,, 
milk. The road is all rough mountain rocky way. Having 
marched these three days afoot I had great difficulty to reach 
Cork, both by reason of my weariness, as also the soreness of 
my feet, which kept me in excessive pain and anguish. I gave 
God thanks that I reached the town, where providence 
ordained we were stopped two days, by order to wit. 

Tuesday and Wednesday, the 7th and 8th : all the company 
before intending to take no rest till our arrival at Dublin, 
which was also my | earnest desire, but finding myself unfit f. 41 a 
to march I was glad to be stopped to rest. Neither could 
I well stay behind my company, having spent most of what 
money I brought out of England and being disappointed of 
a bill I expected at Paris, coming away in haste, so that after- 
wards I was beholden to Mr. Lazenby whom I have before 
spoken of, and who lent me money in my want, without any 
farther acquaintance than what we contracted at Quimper 
Corentin, when some that were my friends in England refused 
to assist me. It was not therefore without reason I called him 
brother, as also Major Price, to whom also I owe many obliga- 
tions we three having contracted a peculiar friendship and 
kept together from the beginning of our acquaintance with 
a true brotherly love, which we continued not only then but 
long after till the misfortunes of the times parted us. 

Thursday the 9th : we set out having hired a man and 
horse to carry our clothes, and marched with much difficulty, 
the way being hilly and my feet very sore to Rathcormack 
a little town, which was very full, yet afforded | us good f. 41 b 

Friday the loth : in the morning, we marched four miles 
to Kilworth, a small market town. Though the way was good, 
the excessive heat of the sun so overcame us that we were ^ 

forced to take two or three hours' rest here, when venturing 
to set forward we soon found ourselves in as bad or rather 
a worse condition, it being just the heat of the day, and having 
a vast high and rough mountain to pass over which held for 
^ Stevens travelled along the old coach road to Dublin. 

48 THE JOURNAL 1689 

four miles and so tired us that we were glad again to take 
shelter in a cottage at the foot of the hill till evening, which 
being cool we travelled on four miles farther and a much 
better way with woods and much shelter to Clogheen, a little 
town that has some good houses, and a clear brook runs through 
the middle of it. 

Saturday the nth : we found the way good, yet having 
marched but three miles to a village whose name I learned 
not, but a river runs through it and over it stands an old 
castle, I was so spent with heat and the continual fatigue 
that I had been left behind had I not with much difficulty 
hired a horse, the people being very fearful, because many 

i. 42 a upon pretence of hiring horses | for a few miles went quite 
away with them ; thus I rode five miles to Clonmel. This is 
one of the prettiest towns I have seen, though small. It is 
walled, and famous for the opposition it made against the 
former usurper, Oliver Cromwell ; the principal streets are in 
the form of a cross with a handsome town house much about 
the centre of it, the streets clean, and the houses well built, 
a navigable river running by the side of it next which are 
the ruins of a large old convent, then in possession of the 
Franciscan friars. Having found by experience that we could 
not march in the heat of the day, we resolved for the future 
to travel all or most part of the night, and rest the days, and 
accordingly we stirred not till the following evening, which was 
Sunday the 12th : and then set out about seven of the 
clock and marched a good rate till eleven, at which time we 
reached the nine mile house : the first five miles are plain good 
way, the other four hilly and very rough. This is a lone house, 
however we wanted not conveniency to rest here till break 
of day. 

f. 42 b Monday the 13th : early we marched five miles | to Callan, 
now a very poor place, but by its ruins appears to have 
been somewhat considerable, having refreshed ourselves here 
during the heat of the day, we went on in the evening six 
miles to Kilkenny.^ I will not here pretend to give any 

' Boate, in his Natural History of Ireland, classes Dublin, Galway, Water- 
ford, Limerick, and Cork in the first rank of towns, and classes such towns 



account of this place, though it well deserves it, having some 
notes of it in my former travels, which if it please God to 
restore me to my native country I may perhaps find and 
join to these, nor had I now time or ease to give a worthy 
description of this place. 

Tuesday the 14th : in the evening being all ready to set 
out, we loaded our small luggage on a car we bought in town, 
putting to it a large horse belonging to Captain Arnold ^ who 
here joined with us and had a boy to drive it, and being eased 
of that trouble I stopped in the street to speak with an 
acquaintance till all my company marched out of town 
before me, and thinking to overtake them I lost my way 
within a mile of the £own, till meeting with a countryman 
he put me again into the road, where I travelled alone three 
or four miles and then overtook one Mr. Brett,^ whom I had 
before known in | England. But he being afoot as well as I, f. 43 a 
a corpulent man and very lame, I could not prevail with 
him to go any farther than to a small farmer's house seven 
miles from Kilkenny, where having after much entreaty 
obtained admittance we found a good will in the people 
but no great refreshment, they having nothing to eat or 
drink but milk, a diet I was not yet used to, and clean straw 
to lie on. As it was we took our rest till about three of the 
clock on 

Wednesday the 15th : in the morning, when being earnest 
to find my company, we went on forgetting to inquire for 
them at Wells, a small village a mile from our place of rest, 
till we went two miles farther to Leighlinbridge, where is only 
a large stone bridge over the Barrow, two good houses of enter- 
as Kilkenny, Drogheda, and Bandon in the second. Tighe in his Statistical 
Account of Kilkenny states that in 1689 there were 507 houses, in 1777 there 
were 2274, in 1788 there were 2689, and when he wrote in 1802 there were 
2870 houses. Cf. Boate, chap, i ; Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs, pp. 86-90. 
Boate wrote his book in 1652. ' 

^ There was a Captain Clement Arnold in Colonel Sankey's Regiment 
(Vicars, Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland, p. 12). 

Of course the best authority for the life of an officer is J. D'Alton's 
King fames' s Irish Army List, 1689 (Dublin, 1861). D'Alton gives a mass 
of information which he has ill-digested. The index is very bad, e.g. he 
gives all the different Burkes under one title. 

'■ There was an Edward Brett, a Dublin merchant (Vicars, p. 53). 

1218 E 

50 THE JOURNAL 1689 

tainment and a few small cabins, I was much concerned after 
strict inquiry to hear no news of my company. Being thus 
restless having halted a little while I resolved to go on, and at 
our setting out a countryman informing us there was one 
Brett, a rich farmer, on the other side the river, and that it 
was as near a way to Carlow as that we intended to take, 

f . 43 b I was with difficulty persuaded | to take that way in hopes to 
get horses of the said farmer, only because my new com- 
panion's name was Brett. In fine we went, and though 
strangers for the name's sake found a kind reception, and had 
two horses lent us as far as Carlow and a boy to bring them 
back. It was early when we came to the town, and to my 
great satisfaction found my former company, and having 
resolved to go forwards at night, though I desired it my 
friend Mr. Brett would by no means part with the horses, 
but kept both them and the boy (not regarding his tears) with 
him till night, when we set out on promise to carry them 
but five miles farther, but being come to Castledermot, and 
finding the conveniency so great, we made bold with them 
for three miles more to Timolin, which we reached near 
midnight, and there rested till morning. 

Thursday the i6th : having dismissed ^he boy with the 
horses, we marched afoot seven miles to Kilcullen Bridge, 
and having there refreshed ourselves till evening, went on 
five miles farther to the Naas, a good town though at this 
time decayed, the walls of it as many other things are gone 
to ruin. About a mile from the town in some old walls is 
preserved the memory of a stately seat, intended though 

f . 44 a never finished | by the loyal Earl of Strafford when Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland. Here first of all we found difficulty in 
getting quarters, and, having got a billet of the sovereign on 
an inn, were refused not only beds, but fire and meat and 
drink for our money, till finding the perverseness of the 
people we possessed ourselves of a room, broke t)pen the 
cellar doors, and took out meat, wine, and whatever we found 
for our use ; our landlord having made his complaint to the 
sovereign, and, meeting a rebuke instead of redress, served, 
and attended us for the future with great diligence, and found 




all things necessary, which we paid for to his content, though 
for his rudeness he deserved it not, and it was left to our 
choice by the sovereign. The man being an Irishman and 
a Catholic made his ill carriage towards us appear the more 
strange, but his religion and country he thought would bear 
him out. This was the first violence in all my travels hitherto 
I offered to anybody, and the world may judge with how much 
justice I might force my way to meat, drink, and a bed for 
money, being hungry, dry and weary, and having the govern- 
ment to back me. 

Friday the 17th : being somewhat cool, we marched with 
ease six miles to Rathcoole, and having | rested a sufficient f. 44 b 
while, with great satisfaction marched the remaining six miles 
to Dublin, our so long wished for port.^ Yet was it not with- 
out some shame and trouble I entered the town afoot and all 
covered with dust, having lived there sometime before in 
esteem and with splendour, and fearing to meet with many 
that had formerly known me in a prosperous condition. And 
yet what greater glory or honour could I wish than to be seen 
and known a signal sufferer for my religion, my king, for justice 
and loyalty. But man's ambitions has always aspirations, and 
covets the grandeur of the world : it feeds not itself with the 

^ Add. 17406 (Brit. Mus.) gives the houses in Dublin in 1702, 1712, and 
1718 : they are 6604, 9162, and 10,004 respectively. The population of 
Dublin was 40,058 on January 10, 1695. There were 230 men and 144 
hearths in Trinity College. 

Houses in Dublin divided into 100 equal parts : 
Good almost 

Waste . ... 

People of Dublin divided into 100 : 

Men ..... 

Women .... 

Children I p' 

Servants \ -p' 

M., 46 ; F., 54- 
There were 5,999 houses in Dublin, and 29,220 hearths. 
W. Lloyd's Common Place Book, 1709 (K. 4. 10, T.C.D.), gives reasons 
for thinking that on January 10, 1695/6, there were 1,034,102 people in 
Ireland. Lloyd estimates the number of houses in Dublin to the rest of the 
kingdom as one to forty, and the number of people in Dublin to the rest 
of the kingdom as one to twenty-six. 







32 THE JOURNAL 1689 

true and inward knowledge of the honour due unto virtue, 
but is still greedy of outward appearances. For although the 
principal happiness of man ought to consist in the innocence 
of his conscience and justice of his actions : our weak nature 
is so much depraved that we value not what we are but what 
we are thought. Most men aspire not to be truly virtuous, 
but to be esteemed so, and even those who are endowed with 
any peculiar virtues do place the greatest satisfaction in 
having them known, and study how to make them shine the 
brighter in the eyes of the world. The scholar breaks his rest, 
flies company, lives retired, scarce allows himself time to eat 

f. 45 a or sleep, minds | nothing but his books, spends his days in 
reading and the nights in thinking, and this not to improve 
himself or instruct others, but that his works may be carried 
from hand to hand, his name honoured, and his memory 
preserved. The lawyer continually turns over his volumes, 
roars at the bar, takes in hand the wrongful as well as the 
righteous cause, and why but to gain applause, to be esteemed 
the great interpreter of the law, to rise in time and be seated 
on the tribunal, and to be gazed at and admired by the multi- 
tude. The soldier endures the scorching heat of the summer, 
and piercing cold of winter in the fields, lies on the ground, 
suffers hunger and thirst, and daily exposes himself to all 
dangers that his valour may be extolled, his sufferings 
recorded, and his magnanimity celebrated. It may perhaps 
be answered these and all others labour and toil to acquire 
riches, and merit preferment. But what is the use of riches 
only to shine brighter than others in the eyes of the people, 
and what is preferment but to stand a step above the rest, 
and be more seen and taken notice of : since the country 

f. 45 b gentleman of a moderate estate, eats, drinks, sleeps, | and 
indulges himself as well, or rather more than the greatest 
general, the ablest lawyer, the profoundest scholar or the 
mightiest monarch in the universe. And again for the practice 
of virtue and study of piety, none so free or so truly fitted as 
the man who, content in a middle estate, is not drawn away 
with the noise and profaneness of the soldier, not distracted 
with the subtleties and pride of the scholar, not involved in 


the cares and injustice of the lawyer, nor plunged in the 
abyss of thoughts, business, ambition and vanities that attend 
such as follow the court or converse in affairs of state and 
government. But I have made too long a digression did 
not my long continuance in Dublin allow of it, and since 
the occurrences during my residence there cannot merit 
a daily observation as hitherto in my travels, I will only 
make some general remarks and afterwards go on with my 
following misfortunes. 

As Paris or St. Germains was the first place of rest, where 
every one that followed the king intended to take the 
measures of his | future proceedings, so being commanded f. 46 a 
from thence and His Majesty residing in Dublin, that was the 
second harbour, where every one proposed to refit himself for 
the residue of his long voyage, and to weather the ensuing 
storms. Formerly in England peace flourishing there, and 
I being settled in a good civil employment had laid aside all 
thoughts of any military preferment, but now the king 
having more need of soldiers than receivers, and my design in 
following of him being to signalize my loyalty, and be service- 
able to him, not to seek my own ease, conveniency or interest, 
I resolved upon a soldier's life, at least till such time as it 
should please God to re- enthrone His Majesty. And though 
my experience in martial affairs could not entitle me to any 
considerable post, and consequently enable me to do any 
extraordinary service : yet I concluded in whatever capacity 
employed I might be useful, and doubted not but for the 
present my zeal would supply what was wanting in experience. 
The methods to be taken to be employed in the army were, 
first by immediate application to His Majesty either by word 
of mouth or by way of petition. | The former was the moref. 46 b 
general, for even kings in distress grow cheap, and their very 
friends usurp an unbecoming familiarity with them ; but 
nature and my education had engrafted in me such a reverence 
for Majesty that though I daily saw others (who had less 
right or pretensions than myself) boldly breathe their preten- 
sions in the king's ears, and that to such a degree of freedom 
that one who was but an ensign in England durst pull him 

54 THE JOURNAL 1689 

by the sleeve because he passed without taking notice of him ; 
yet I could never presume to give myself the liberty of speak- 
ing to him, and the excessive forwardness of others made me 
the more backward. The latter by petition was both modest 
and likely to succeed : but seeing him daily perplexed with 
the continual importunities of so many I concluded it more 
respectful to find out some other expedient, though not so 
advantageous to myself, than to add to his great burden of 
care. The second method was going to Londonderry then 
besieged by the king's forces, to serve there as a volunteer in 
some regiment till places should fall, and preferment become 
due. This suited best with my inclinations, but being destitute 
of money to subsist there, and having no horse to carry me 
down, I was forced to lay aside the thoughts of it, though it 
was the thing I most earnestly desired. These two mediums 
laid aside, the third and last was to try friends in order to be 
f. 47 a either assisted with | money or recommended to some regi- 
ment. But friendship was grown as rare in Ireland as loyalty 
in England. There were many who during my prosperity, 
when they thought I should have no occasion to make use 
of them, had made me great offers of service if occasion should 
offer, but with my condition their minds were changed. 
Among the rest I cannot but mention the Earl of Limerick ^ in 
whose ancient acquaintance with my father and the know- 
ledge he had of me I reposed no small confidence. The Lord 
Primate of Ireland, F. Dominick Macguire,^ with whom while 

' On the Restoration William Dungan, who had been a knight and a 
baronet, was created a viscount, and in 1669 had a gtant of Castletown- 
Kildrought, with the impropriate tithes of the parish and various other 
lands in Kildare, which were created the manors of Kildrought and Clare ; 
at the same time he passed a patent for lands and impropriations in Long- 
ford, Meath, Kilkenny, Carlow, Tipperary, Queen's County, and Dublin. 
He was raised to the Earldom of Limerick, and with his marriage on the 
continent his wife was naturalized by Act of Parliament (cf. Singer, I, 342, 
566, ii. 24). He attended the Parliament of 1689 ; he was Lord-Lieutenant 
of the County of Kildare. In 1691 he and his wife were attainted and their 
lands of 30,000 acres were given to Ginkell in 1693. He died in December, 
1 71 5. His son was Lord Dungan. 

' The Earl of Sunderland, writing from Whitehall as principal Secretary 
of State to the Earl of Clarendon, March 20, 1685/6, stated : ' My Lord, 
Doctor Dominick Maguire, the Roman Catholic Archbishop and Primate of 
Armagh, being now going for Ireland, his Majesty commands me to recom- 


chaplain to Don Pedro Ronquillo/ the Spanish Ambassador 
in England, I had a particular familiarity, and the Duke of 
Powis from whom in London and Wales I had received some 
assurances of favour. The first of these received me so coldly 
that I never made a second application to him. In the second 
I found not much more encouragement, and all I received was 
formal excuses. The third and last, after many fair words 

mend to your Excellency the said Archbishop, and also Dr. Patrick Tyrrell, 
Bishop of Clogher and Kilmore, and the rest of their brethren, the Arch- 
bishops and Bishops of the Roman Catholic communion in Ireland, for 
your patronage and protection upon all occasions, wherein they shall apply 
unto you, or stand in need thereof. . . . His Majesty would likewise have 
your excellency recommend it to the archbishops, bishops, sherifis, and 
justices of the peace there, not to molest the Roman Catholic clergy, in the 
exercise of their ecclesiastical functions, amongst those of their own com- 
munion.' Two days afterwards James granted Maguire a pension of ;^300 
per annum out of the Exchequer of Ireland, and on February 4, 1686/7, 
the king ordered that this pension should be free from poundage. On 
November 24, 1689, Avaux wrote to Louis : ' Nous apprismes une autre 
nouvelle a Drogheda, qui est que le Primat de Dublin, avec le chancelier, 
et generalement tous les Catholiques de la ville, avoient pris possessiop 
d'une des principales eglises, qui est une sainte chapelle. Je pris la liberte 
d'en parler au Roy, qui me declara que ce n'estoit point par son ordre, et 
qu'il trouvoit fort mauvais qu'on ne luy en eust pas escrit, parce qu'il 
avoit I'esolu de faire dire la premiere messe dans cette eglise, qu'ainsi il 
alloit ordonner qu'on la refermast et qu'il la feroit ouvrir ^ sou arrivee 
El. Dublin. Je luy representay que cela feroit encore un plus mauvais effet, 
et que les Protestans ne manqueroient pas de dire qu'il n'avoit pas trouve 
la premiere prise de possession assez solennelle, et qu'il I'avoit voulu rendre 
plus authentique ; qu'il n'y avoit point d'autre party i prendre que de 
laisser les choses comme elles estoient, ou de rendre I'eglise aux Protestans, 
pour ne la leur plus oster, mais que s'il prenoit le premier party, il estoit 
de la derniere necessity de faire escrire une lettre circulaire £t tous les 
evesques d'Irlande, pour leur deffendre d'en faire autant dans leurs dioceses, 
de se mettre en possession d'aucune eglise qui se trouveroit entre les mains 
des Protestans, sans luy en avoir escrit auparavant, et sans en avoir 
regu sa permission. C'est ce que Sa Maiest6 Britannique a fait.' 

' Don Pedro RonquUlo was sent as Spanish Ambassador to England in 
1675. He was strongly opposed to the designs of Louis XIV and stirred up 
opposition in the English Parliament against them, and in i68o he pro- 
cured the preparation of a treaty against France. He warned James not 
to go too far, nor to venture too much. ' Monsieur RonquiUo,' answered 
the king, ' I will either win all or lose all.' When riots broke out in London, 
after James lost all, Ronquillo's house was sacked and his fine library burnt. 
He informed his, court that, though the English laws against Popery might 
seem severe, they were so much mitigated by the prudence and humanity 
of the Government that they caused no annoyance to quiet people ; and he 
took upon himself to assure the Holy See that what a Roman Catholic 
suffered in London was nothing when compared with what a Protestant 
suffered in Ireland. He welcomed William on his arrival in 1688, and they 
discussed the war with France. 

56 THE JOURNAL 1689 

having endeavoured to incline me to apply myself to a civil 
employment, which I utterly refused, would propose or hear 
of nothing but riding in the guards, and finding by this he 
only strove to shift me off I consented to it only to try the 
utmost of his promises. But finding me comply with that he 
soon fell off, telling me none were to be admitted into the 

f. 47 b guards | but such as brought horses, which he well knew 
I could not, nor was there any such thing, for many even to the 
degree of footmen were afterwards received and the king 
mounted them. Forsaken thus by all I had put my confidence 
in, I passed many days in melancholy thoughts without 
making application to any, since I found there was no faith 
in the promises of the great ones, and friendship was but 
a mere name, there being in reality no such thing to be found 
among us. How much sorrow and afHiction I knew during the 
time I was without employment is not to be expressed or 
easily conceived by any but such as have had some share in 
the like misfortunes. For what greater calamity than to be 
in a strange country without money, destitute of friends, and 
this a man that had never known want and had only taken a 
voluntary exile for the love of his prince. Such as were able 
to relieve or assist me in the midst of plenty pleaded poverty, 
and either laid up for imaginary dangers of future want or 
else blinded with that ' Auri sacra fames ', could not or would 
not see my condition, or at least reach out their hands to lift 
me from the afHiction they saw me fallen into. It is true 
I made not my condition known to many, for not being used 
to want I blushed to think that any man should but imagine 
I was in necessity. It was then a common thing and many 

f. 48 a gentlemen laboured under as bad | circumstances as myself, 
but my proud heart could not be brought to confess poverty, 
but on the contrary endeavoured to hide and conceal it. Many 
had found shifts to maintain themselves, which I could not 
make use of as not just or honourable, and I thank God 
through all the course of my misfortunes I do not know that 
ever my thoughts dictated to me to strain my conscience to 
any unlawful or my reputation to any uncreditable action. 
Yet such was the course of the world that many who pre- 


tended to have followed His Majesty for honour and con- 
science by their base and unwarrantable proceedings not 
only were rendered scandalous themselves in the eyes of all 
men, but gave occasion to malicious reflections on His Majesty's 
most righteous cause from the foul mouths of his malicious 
enemies by its being asserted by such vile wretches. But 
let not the profane slanderers of the best of kings think this 
a justification of their traitorous aspersions. Christianity is 
not of the less value for the foul actions of such heretics and 
schismatics as they, the Catholic religion for having some ill 
livers, or His Majesty's cause for being defended by some 
libertines. Neither is this a reflection upon those truly 
honourable gentlemen, who through a true sense of loyalty | f. 48 b 
and love of their religion quitted their country and fortunes : 
or such strangers who upon the same motives resolved to 
expose themselves to all dangers and hardships in so just 
a cause. The libertines I speak of were such whose debts or 
scandalous lives attended by all manner of crimes had ren- 
dered England unsafe for, and therefore they laid hold of this 
opportunity to palliate shame or fear that drove them away : 
or such whose desperate fortunes hoped some better change 
in the common calamities, and for their private interest valued 
not the ruin of their country. Men who thought a good cause 
would justify all villanies, who esteemed it a Christian liberty 
to rob their brethren, and a meritorious act to plunder the 
wicked Egyptians or Protestants, without any allowance 
from God and contrary to the express commands of their 
prince. Of these several gave us at last as good a proof of 
their loyalty as they had done before of their virtues, by 
deserting and running over to the rebels, when to punish 
theirs and our sins it pleased God to suffer His Majesty's 
forces to be defeated, and us to be reduced to the miseries 
I shall hereafter mention. To name these objects of scorn 
and contempt is too tedious, nor do I think such as blotted 
themselves out of | the list of true loyalists ought to fill f. 49 a 
a place in this short compendium of loyal sufferings. Some 
did not blush to vex His Majesty with repeated petitions 
magnifying their losses, multiplying their sufferings and wants, 

58 THE JOURNAL 1689 

suing for relief till overcome by their perpetual importunities 
they forced him to lay out his small treasures to maintain 
their extravagances. Others more inhuman, though entrusted 
and entertained in the king's service, made use of the very 
power he had given them to sell him and betray his interest. 
As, not to instance any more, some did in the case of seizing 
serviceable horses to mount the guards and other troops ; 
when some of the highest rank protected for money the best 
horses though belonging to Protestants, and, others having 
bought many with the king's own money put into their hands 
for that use, sold them afterwards again for their own private 
advantage ; notwithstanding the urgent necessity of mount- 
ing the guards and other troops, and to the great detriment 
of His Majesty's service. To relieve my present necessities 
I sold what most conveniently I could spare by degrees as 
necessity pressed till I was obliged to part with some rings, 
f. 49 b among the rest one a particular token | of my father's, which 
much troubled me. But necessity has no law, for it brought 
me to part with the hilt and pommel of my sword, which were 
silver, and supply their place with brass ; that I might truly 
be said to live by my sword, though not then a soldier but in 
my wishes and resolutions. Having thus struggled long with 
my ill fortune, at length it pleased God to send me some 
present relief by the hands I least expected it from, to wit 
a Protestant, one Mr. Hunt,^ whom I had formerly known and 
been kind to when he was yeoman of the wineseller to the then 
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Earl of Clarendon.^ This man 
meeting and inviting me into a tavern perceived I suppose by 
my appearing somewhat dejected from whence it proceeded, 
and, very generously of his own accord without the least 

^ Cf. Vicars, pp. 241-2. 

^ Henry Hyde (1638-1709) was the son of the first Earl of Clarendon. 
From 1685 to 1687 he was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, but he was obliged 
to yield to the might of Tyrconnel. The latter remodelled the army and 
terrified the English. ' The turning out so many men in an instant,' writes 
Clarendon to Sunderland, ' taking in none but natives in their room, and 
the very indiscreet conduct of some of the new officers in declaring they will 
entertain no English, nor any Protestants, does frighten people ' {State 
Letters, i. 485). When Clarendon ceased to act as nominal viceroy, fifteen 
hundred families crossed to England with him. 


motion made by me, offered to lend me ;£'io upon my note, 
which he as freely performed the next morning. I cannot 
but think it a very worthy remark that in such times a man 
should so generously trust me, when the war, hindering a com- 
merce with England, took away the greatest probability of 
payment, when my life was so uncertain being resolved for 
the army, when Cathohcs would not assist one another, than 
for a Protestant unlooked for to offer relief to a Catholic 
and in fine when repeated promises of friendship were can- 
celled, I a slender and long interrupted acquaintance to takef. 50 a 
place and give them all an example of sincerity and justice. 
It has not been yet in my power (though I repaid the money) 
to requite the kindness, but God, who has given me a grateful 
heart to acknowledge, I hope, will, when our sins are sufficiently 
punished and His anger appeased, put me in a condition to 
make a competent return to such obligations. And if ever 
I live to see prosperity in this world it shall be my study to 
appear grateful to such as have been friends to me in my 
troubles. All this while I had no prospect of any employment, 
till the siege of Londonderry being raised,^ and the forces 
that were there dispersed into several garrisons, many of the 
officers flocked to court, and among the rest Mr. Ignatius 
Usher ^ whom I have before mentioned in my passage from 
England, and then a captain in the Right Honourable the Lord 
Grand Prior's Regiment. He, seeing me at court without any 
employment and knowing my resolution was to serve in the 
army, presented me to the Lord Grand Prior who immediately 
gave me the promise of a lieutenancy in his regiment, and 
a few days after delivered me the commission. Thus what all 
my pretended powerful friends would not effect in near three 
months was done with only one word in less than a week by 
him I least expected it from, and I was settled in a post to my 
own satisfaction for the present, not at all doubting very soon 
to reach preferment. f- sob 

As I do not pretend to write a history or give an account of 
the particular transactions of the times, but only as far as I was 

' The siege of Derry was raised on the ist of August, 1689. 
" Ignatius Usher was a captain in Fitz-James's Regiment. 

6o THE JOURNAL 1689 

concerned or where I was present myself, so having spent 
much time in speaking of my private affairs it will not be 
amiss to set down some few observations of the general state 
of affairs, during this my vacation from business, though not 
from sufferings. 

At my arrival in Ireland the face of affairs was such as 
seemed to promise a prosperous success to our undertakings, 
a speedy restoration to the king, and a glorious reward to all 
our sufferings.'^ Several small rebellions breaking out in the 
kingdom were suppressed, the rebels in many encounters 
worsted and forced to shut themselves up in garrisons, almost 
all the kingdom quietly settled under His Majesty's obedience, 
and Londonderry and Enniskillen seemed rather, despairing of 
pardon, to prolong the punishment due to their obstinacy than 

' Cf. a. letter of Tyrconnel, January 29, 1688/9, in the Leeds Official 
Correspondence (Add. 28053, f. 386, Brit. Mus.). It gives a careful review 
of the state of the four provinces and concludes that the prospects of James 
are eminently favourable. Leinster comes first under observation. ' The 
Catholics of Dublin may be guessed to be equal to in number all other 
religions there (not including the soldiers who are all Catholics). The 
Catholics in the rest of the province are forty to one of the people of all 
other persuasions.' In Munster he reckons the proportion of Roman 
Catholics to Protestants to be forty to one, and in Connaught to be 200 
to one. ' The Catholics of Ulster are not so considerable by reason of the 
greater number of Scotch Presbyterians there, yet may be thought to be 
as many as all the rest. All the Catholics are unanimous and most zealously 
affected to your Majesty's service.' Tyrconnel's satisfaction, however, does 
not extend to the non-Roman Catholic population, for he says ' amongst 
the Protestants generally tainted with the ill principles of England, there 
are not in the whole kingdom a hundred that may be relied on to serve 
your Majesty.' In the Memoirs of James II, ii. 327-8, on the other hand, 
we read : ' This was the condition of Ireland at his Majesty's landing, 
there was a great deal of good will in the kingdom, but little means to exe- 
cute it, which made the Prince of Orange slight it to that degree he did ; but 
as soon as he heard of the king's being gone thither (who he imagined would 
not come unprovided with what they most wanted) was hugely surprised.' 
The Jacobite Narrative, 47-9, gives an optimistic account of Irish resources. 
' For first,' it maintains, ' there were at least sixty thousand men of an army, 
of which a considerable proportion were veterans.' Of course this estimate 
is much too great. Cf. Abbe MacGeoghegan, tome iii, p. 733 : ' II ne 
manqua pas de soldats ; mais les soldats manquoient la plupart de tons 
nfecessaires 4 la guerre, hormis de courage et de bonne volonte ; et les 
Seigneurs qui avoient fait la premiere depense fetoient hors d'etat de la 
supporter long-temps ; les armes, les munitions, I'argent etoient rares dans 
un pays que la nation qui y dominoit avoit epuise de tout depuis si long- 
temps ; il y avoit meme pen d'Officiers qui S9ussent la discipline militaire, 
et il eut fallu plus de loisir que I'on ne s'en pouvoit promettre, pour disci- 
pliner de nouvelles levies.' 


to hope to withstand His Majesty's arms. Enniskillen was 
not looked upon as a place of consideration having received 
little addition of strength from art, and what it had from 
nature being only a great lough or lake wherein it is seated 
and all men concluded its fate depended wholly upon London- 
derry, and the conquest of the one would produce | the f . 5 1 a 
surrender of the other. Londonderry was reputed a place of 
no strength, having only a bare wall without any outworks to 
support it, the garrison was represented as raw undisciplined 
men, full of divisions and subject to no command, the multi- 
tude within great and provisions very short. In fine nothing 
was thought of could obstruct the speedy conquest of those 
so much contemned garrisons. In this assurance of our own 
strength and the enemy's weakness the English exile flat- 
tered himself with the thoughts of a speedy return to his 
country, and the Irish proprietor thought of nothing but 
entering upon his estate and driving out the new possessor, 
the statesmen new modelled the government of these king- 
doms, and the soldier divided the spoils of the country, and 
assigned himself the rewards of his labours. The event hath 
shown how wild these conceptions were, and reason might 
have informed any understanding person, whose passion or' 
mistaken zeal had not blinded him, that the posture of our 
affairs was far different from what was represented, and the 
methods then followed very unlikely to bring things to that 
issue every one expected. I make no pretence to the spirit of 
prophecy, yet scarce any misfortune has befallen us but 
what I I have foreseen and told several, who can bear me f. 5 1 b 
witness of this truth. Nor do I aspire to be esteemed a states- 
man or pohtician, and yet I could not but make some reflec- 
tions upon the manner of our proceedings and the then state 
of our mihtary and civil government. What our army either 
was or might be made is very hard to give an account of. 
The common computation was incredible, for most men 
reckoned the whole nation, every poor country fellow having 
armed himself with a skeine as they call it or dagger, or a 
ropery like a half pike, weapons fit only to please themselves, 
or else to put them in a posture of robbing and plundering 

62 THE JOURNAL 1689 

the whole country, under pretence of suppressing the rebellious 
Protestants. The insolences committed by this sort of people, 
commonly called Rapparees, were such that having over- 
stocked themselves with other men's cattle they destroyed 
millions throughout the kingdom only for their hides or tallow, 
and sometimes only to exercise their malice, leaving the 
carcasses to rot in the fields.^ To return to the point our 
muster-rolls run high, every officer being quartered near 
home the better to enable him to raise his men or rather to 
put it into his power to muster all the rabble of the country, 
which when he was to march towards the enemy either he 
f. 52 a had no right to command or else they | deserted. I am an 
eye-witness that regiments that mustered 700 and upwards 
at home came not into the field or even to Dublin 400 strong. 
It may be objected the army at first not being paid there was 
no reason for the officers to cheat, but I answer the daily 
expectation of receiving money from France made them fill 
up the muster-rolls though not the companies : besides the 
reputation of raising so many men was some encouragement, 
and the obligation they were under from their very commis- 

^ StoternWs,xii. 615,635; AvauxtoLouis, April 13/23, 1689; Desgrigny 
to Louvois, May 17/27, 1690. The picture drawn by James's Chief Justice 
Keating for him in May, 1689 is appalling. ' From the most improved and 
improving spot of earth in Europe ; from stately herds and flocks ; from 
plenty of money at seven or eight per cent, whereby trade and industry 
were encouraged, and all put upon the security of those Acts of Parliament ; 
from great and convenient buildings newly erected in cities and other 
corporations, to that degree that even the city of Dublin is, since the 
passing of these Acts, and the security and quiet promised from them, 
enlarged to double what it was ; and the shipping in divers ports were 
five or six times more than ever was known before, to the vast increase 
in your Majesty's revenue,' Ireland was ' reduced to the saddest and most 
disconsolate condition of any kingdom or country in Europe.' What 
Keating said in private he repeated in public. In his charge to the grand 
jury at the assizes of Wicklow, he says : ' There are such general and vast 
depredations in the country that many honest men go to bed possessed of 
considerable stocks of black and white cattle, gotten by great labour and 
pains, the industry of their whole lives, and in the morning when they arise 
not anything left them ; but, burned out of all, to go a begging, all being 
taken away by rebels, thieves and robbers, the sons of violence. ... It is 
come to that pass, that a man that loses the better part of his substance 
chooses rather to let that, and what he has besides, go, than come to give 
evidence. And why ? Because he is certain to have his house burnt and 
his throat cut if he appears against them. Good God, what a pass are we 
come to ! ' 


sions, which were given upon condition to furnish the number 
of men for the service. What was worst of all the people, 
greedy of novelties and ignorant of the dangers and hardships 
attending the military life, flocked to be soldiers as if their 
whole business had been to live at ease and rifle their enemies ; 
but when they perceived how dear they were to buy their 
bread and liberty, rather than expose their lives or undergo 
the labours and wants a soldier is often exposed to, they 
deserted in vast numbers, returning to their former security, 
slavery and beggary on the mountains. Yet if the strength 
of an army had consisted in multitudes, the number of 
regiments might have made some amends for their weakness. 
But the want of discipline and experience, which we conceited 
in our enemies, and which made us despise them, was the 
heaviest misfortune we | laboured under ourselves. Our men f. 52 b 
were newly brought from the mountains, used to live in 
slavery without the use of any weapon : the most of them had 
never fired a musket in their lives. A people used only to 
follow and converse with cows, so hard to be made sensible of 
the duty of a soldier or be brought to handle their arms 
aright, that it was difficult to make many of them understand 
the common words of command, much less to obey them. 
Besides their natural uncouthness, they are stubborn and 
conceited, to be governed with rigour and severity, not to 
be wrought upon with lenity and gentleness ; for by ex- 
perience I have found they not only fear, but respect and 
love the officer much more that beats them daily without 
mercy than him that cherishes and carries a light hand over 
them. They will follow none but their own leaders, many of 
them men as rude, as ignorant, and as far from understanding 
any of the rules of discipline as themselves.^ This was the 
utter ruin of the army, none fitter to raise men than he that 
had been ever bred in the mountains. When raised there was 

' The perpetual jealousies and quarrels among native chiefs and their 
tribesmen were among the chief reasons why. Ireland never became a 
nation. The inability to suppress private wrongs for public right, to sup- 
press feelings of revenge for petty disputes when great questions called for 
solution, destroyed the prospects of civijjzation in mediaeval times, and 
ruined the revolutionary movement in 1688. 

64 THE JOURNAL 1689 

no respect from soldier to officer, they were all fellow moun- 
f- 53 a taineers. The commissioned officer could not punish his | 
sergeant or corporal because he was his cousin or foster- 
brother, and they durst not correct the soldier lest he should 
fly in their face or run away. These officers had seen and 
knew no more than their men, and consequently understood 
as little how to exercise or train them ; every one thought 
himself qualified enough to bear a commission if he could 
march before his men, and repeat by rote the words of the 
common exercise. For want of arms most of the army was 
taught the little they learnt with sticks, and when they came 
to handle pike or musket they were to begin again ; though 
I knew a colonel who said his regiment could exercise to 
admiration before ever they had handled arms. Many 
regiments were armed and sent upon service who had never 
fired a shot, ammunition being kept so choice that they were 
never taught to fire, and it is hard to guess when these men 
were upon action whether their own or the enemy's fire was 
most terrible to them. And the commanders, it has been often 
observed, have not only wanted valour to lead on or conduct 
to post their men to advantage but through ignorance have 
run themselves into dangers and then cowardly and basely 
been the first that betook themselves to a shameful flight. | 
f. 53 b These miscarriages were so far from being punished that they 
were excused, and palliated ; the very reasons that ought to 
be urged as an aggravation of the crime, and consequently of 
the punishment, were offered and received as extenuations of 
the offence ; as the inequality of numbers, being surprised, 
the disadvantage of ground, want of ammunition, and the 
like. Nor was this all. The cowardice of the officers was 
retorted upon the soldiers, and I have known a commander 
preferred for quitting his post, when the poor soldier suffered 
for the same. Particularly in the defeat of the Lord Mount- 
casheP I observed some that never looked back till they 

' Justin Macarthy (d. 1694), Lord Mountcashel, was appointed Muster- 
Master-General of Artillery in Ireland. He was the third son of the first 
Earl of Clancarty by Elizabeth Butler and was first cousin of the Hamjltons. 
In a postscript to a letter of May 12 Avaux wrote to Lou vols : ' Sa Maiestfe 
Britanuique a donn§ A. M. de Makarty la charge de Grand Maistre de 


came to Dublin, and others that lay in ditches were more 
countenanced than those that had brought up the rear in 
some order ; nay those who had quitted their horses to tread 
the bogs and lost their very boots, shoes, pistols, and swords 
to run the lighter, were the men who carried it highest in 
Dublin. I do not design this to have it thought the private 
men were not faulty, they have given us too many examples 
of their baseness and want of courage ; but doubtless had 
their leaders been such as they ought many enterprises | had f. 54a 
met with better success. Nor is it a reflection on those worthy 
gentlemen, who understood their duty, had a sense of honour, 
had been abroad or served some time here. This will be found 

rArtillerie d'Irlaude que possedoit Mylord Monjoye, £l la reserve que cette 
charge ne dependra plus du Grand Maistre de I'Artaierie d'Angleterre, 
comme eUe faisoit auparavant; il m'a I'obligatioii de cette charge, mais je 
dois vous dire qu'avaut qu'il I'acceptast il m'est venu demander si cela ne 
I'empescheroit point de pouvoir aller en France, parce que si cela estoit il n'y 
songeroit pas. Comme cela ne rendra pas sa presence plus necessaire en ce 
pays cy, je luy ay respondu que les marques d'estime et de distinction que 
luy donneroit le Roy son maistre n'empescheroient pas les veues que vous 
pouvez avoir pour luy.' He was also Lord Lieutenant of the County of 
Cork, where he captured Castlemartyr and Bandon, and thus held the south 
for James (Clarke, ii. 327). In June, 1689, he was elevated to the peerage. 
At Newtown-Butler near Enniskillen he was severely wounded and his 
regiment was roughly handled. In May, 1690, he landed in France with 
the nucleus of the Irish Brigade. James did not like him. All the royal 
household was composed of Englishmen or Scotsmen — Dover, Howard, 
Melf ort, and Powis — and his generals, Buchan, Dorington, Maxwell, Sheldon, 
Sutherland, and Wauchope, belonged to the same nationalities. Mount- 
cashel, according to O'Kelly, ' was a man of parts and courage, wanting no 
quality for a complete captain, if he were not somewhat short-sighted.' 
Yet this short-sighted officer was appointed inspector of ordnance and 
arms (cf. Avaux to Louvois October 21). 

More excuse for the loss of the battle of Newton-Butler can be made than 
Stevens allows. Mountcashel drew up his men on a hill with a bog covering 
their front. When the Williamite foot had silenced the cannon commanding 
the pass across the bog, the Enniskillen horse rode swiftly to meet the 
enemy on the right. Mountcashel therefore ordered the regiment on the 
left to move to the right. In the confusion of the fight his of&cer com- 
manded the men not to face to the right, but to face right about and march. 
If we remember how a hasty ' retire ' almost brought about a panic among 
soldiers at Ahna, it is easy to imagine the ensuing confusion. When the 
Jacobite troops saw their comrades facing them, they concluded they were 
retreating. The panic-stricken Irish Dragoons fled in the direction of 
Wattlebridge and the cavalry soon followed them. Story, Impartial 
History, p. 5 ; History of the Most Material Occurrences in the Kingdom 
of Ireland during the Last Two Years : by an Eye-Witness (London, 1691) ; 
Light to the Blind, 624 ; Macariae Excidium, 315; Clarke, James II, 
ii. 368-9 ; Avaux to Louvois, August 14 ; Avaux to Louis, August 18. 

1218 F 

66 THE JOURNAL 1689 

for the most part to touch only those,, who from the plough, 
from following of cows, from digging potatoes and such-like 
exercises, because they had a few men to follow them, or bore 
the name of a good family, were put into commission without 
experience, without conduct, without authority and even 
without a sense of honour. Perhaps some may say this looks 
like an aspersion upon the king, who was then present, and 
by whose authority the army and kingdom were governed ; 
but I have always had so great a veneration for Majesty, as 
not to suffer my very thoughts to censure or judge of the 
least action of my sovereign. Princes are said to see and 
hear all things, but they see with other men's eyes and hear 
with other men's ears. They, and only they, were guilty of all 
miscarriages and oversights who recommended and preferred 
unworthy persons, who palliated base actions and stifled the 
truth for their own private advsfntage to the great detriment 
of the public. Such a considerable number of experienced 

i. 54 b officers had | followed the king out of England and France, as 
would have sufficiently supplied the want there was in the 
army, have well disciplined those raw men, and given them 
a good example of courage and resolution. These were laid 
aside and made useless upon pretence they had no interest in 
the country, that the people would not follow strangers, and 
that they were unacquainted with the manner of governing 
them. Lest so many gentlemen whose zeal had drawn them 
so far to serve His Majesty should perish for want of bread 
some expedient must be found, which was to give them sub- 
sistence as officers in second or reformed, that they might 
assist and instruct the effective, whose pride was such they 
would choose rather to live ever in their ignorance than owe 
their instruction to those who had learnt their experience with 
many labours and dangers. From this beginning sprung that 
multitude of seconds and reformados that the kingdom after- 
wards swarmed with. The officers of every regiment that was 
broken were put upon this list, nay any that could find no 
other way of maintenance and had but the least acquaintance 
with a field-officer was thrust in, and at last it came to that 

f. 55 a pass I that they were foisted upon regiments at a muster 


without king or general's knowledge. Not to speak of others, 
in the Right Honourable the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment 
wherein I serve, though but thirteen companies, we had at 
one time ninety-four officers. These supernumeraries, seconds, 
reforms or what you please to call them, were of no use to 
His Majesty's service, and a prodigious increase to the charge 
of the army. Having taken in hand to speak of the army, 
my proper sphere, I have dwelt long upon it, and will therefore 
only give some small remarks upon other occurrences and 
proceed. One of the things which lulled us asleep and sunk 
us in a deep security and confidence of our strength was the 
power of France, which was so extolled in all its particulars, 
and so magnified in the supplies they sent us and the success 
of their arms, as if the good fortune, riches, grandeur, and 
justice of the world had been centred there, and all the 
universe besides stripped and left naked to glorify that nation. 
It was not thought enough to cry up the advantage of the 
French at Bantry over a single squadron only of the English 
fleet into a complete and glorious victory, though never 
a ship taken or sunk or the pursuit followed. Every day 
supplied us with fresh fables of the | entire defeat of both f. ssti 
English and Dutch fleets, and with hyperbolical and mon- 
strous relations of the greatness of the French both as to the 
number and bigness of ships : whilst both the former, which 
for so many years had been the terror of the seas and found 
none to contend with about the sovereignty of them, but 
between themselves, were vilified to such a degree as if they 
had been but a few Algiers pirates or Newfoundland fisher- 
men. The incredible number of arms reputed to be brought 
from France would have furnished Xerxes' army and they, 
added to what were before in the kingdom, made not up 
50,000 men. The millions of money spoken of would have 
impoverished Croesus and broken the bank of Venice, if 
drawn from them, and the king, to supply the pressing necessity 
of the army, was forced to coin brass, authorizing it to pass 
current as silver or gold by proclamation with a promise 
to make it good at his restoration to the throne. The first 
of this money was shillings and sixpences, afterwards it came 

F 2 

68 THE JOURNAL 1689 

to half-crowns, and at last to crown pieces. As to the stamp, 
they were all alike as far as half-crowns, differing only in 
bigness and the mark of the value. On the one side the king's 
head and round it lacobus II Dei Gratia?- On the other the 

i. 56 a imperial cro"wn and cross | sceptres ; over the crown the value 
of the piece as vi, or xii, or xxx ; under the crown the month 
the piece was coined in, on the side of it ir, and round it 
MAG . BR . FRA . ET . HiB . REX . and the year of our Lord. 
On the one side of the crown pieces was the king on horseback 
and about it, iac . 11 . dei . gra . mag . bri . era , et . hib . 
REX. On the other side the arms of the four kingdoms in 
a cross as they are upon guineas with the crown in the centre, 
the words ano . dom . over the scutcheons of Scotland and 
Ireland and under them the year in figures, about it this motto, 
CHRiSTO viCTORE TRiVMPHO.^ Though we stood so much in 
need of French succours, and their aid and actions were so 
much extolled, yet the persons of some few Frenchmen were 
not acceptable to the Irish, and the English though never so 
loyal were suspected and hated. For as it is said of princes, 
that they love the treason but hate the traitor, so many here 
pretended to love the loyalty but abhorred the person of an 
Englishman. And notwithstanding there were but a few of 
both nations in the kingdom, especially near His Majesty, the 
clamour against English and French advice was no less than 
was on^e in England against popish councillors and French 
pensioners. To satisfy the humours of the people a parha- 

f. 56 b ment | was called,* which having sat many days granted the 
king a subsidy that never turned to any account, but the 

■ The motto ' Dei Gratia ' seems to have been first used by Charles le 
Chauve (844-77) on. deniers minted in Angers, Paris, Rennes, Soissons, 
Tours, and elsewhere. 

' On the gold coins of Philip IV (1285-1314) appears a similar form : 


used on French coins down to the year 1786, and may have suggested to 
James the form he employed. 

^ The king summoned Parliament to meet on the 7th of May, ' afin ', 
writes the Duke of Berwick, ' de trouver les fonds pour la guerre.' Colonel 
O'Kelly states (p. 34) : ' Amasis (James II), now finding his mistake of 
the good opinion he conceived of his subjects in Satrachus (Derry), retired 
back to Salamis (Dublin), where he convoked the states of the kingdom, 
and spent in vain consultations the whole summer season, which might be 


chief thing they did was to repeal the Act of Settlement.^ 

Nothing could be more pernicious, or a greater obstruction to 

better employed to go on more rigorously with the siege of Satrachus, the 
only considerable place in Cyprus (Ireland), that owned the authority of 
Prince Theodore (William). ' Parliament, however, was prorogued on the 
18th of July. On the attitude of James to the Act of Sfettlement (cf. Clarke, 
ii. 356-9 : ' It is certain that many of the wise and judicious Catholics 
thought such an accommodation very practicable ; that the great improve- 
ments had so enhanced the value ©f most estates, as wouH allow the' old 
proprietors a, share of equal income to what their ancestors lost, and yet 
leave a competency for the purchasers, who might reasonably be allowed 
the benefit of their own labours ; and in such turbulent times and difficult 
circumstances, it was just that all pretenders should recede (in some degree) 
from the full of their pretensions for the accommodation of the whole ; no 
side being so apt to grumble, when all men share in the burthen, especially 
it being of that consequence to prevent an universal discontent, both for 
the king's present necessities, the public quiet and general safety of the 
people. There is no doubt but the king's inclinations were the same ; he 
saw the distraction it would breed, how it would inflame the Protestants, 
and rob him of his most serviceable Catholics, ruin the trade, and sink the 
revenue, but he cast not his own interest into the balance, he sought to do 
what he conceived most just, and in order to get it informed himself the 
best he could what were their reasons and arguments, to get a true notion 
of the pretensions on both sides.' Contrast Barillon's letter to Louis, 
October i6,. 1687. Louis to Avaux, May 24, gives the king's comments on 
Irish parliamentary afEairs ; Avaux to Croissy, July 10, with a valuable 
second enclosure. On May 24 Louis wrote : ' Ce qu'ils (i.e. the new laws) 
contiennent me paroist juste et raisonnable, et d'ailleurs I'independance 
qu'on donne k ce Parlement, et I'entier detachement du Roy d'Angleterre, 
doivent faire esperer k celuy d'Ecosse de plus grands avantages s'il rentre 
dans son devoir, et ainsi donner encore plus de force aux bien intentionnez. 
Pour ce qui regarde la punition des coupables, on ne sjauroit trop luy 
faire connoistre que ce n'est plus que par la crainte qu'il pent reduire ses 
sujets rebelles, et qu'il est bon de faire main basse sur ceux qui seront 
trouvez les armes ci la main pour intimider les ajitres.' 

' The second clause of the Statute repealing the Acts, of Settlement and 
Explanation enacted that the heirs of , ' all manner of persons who were 
any way entituled to any lands, tenancies, or hereditaments, or whose 
ancestors were any way seized, possessed of, or entituled to any lands, 
tenancies, or hereditaments, in use, possession, reversion, or remainder in 
this kingdom of Ireland on the 22nd of October, 1641,' should be restored 
to their interests. This implied their release from all attainders and 
outlawries for treason or any other offence. It also implied that the 
adventurers or soldiers of Cromwell and all persons who had obtained land 
from them through ' blood, affinity, or marriage ', were to lose their lands, 
buildings, and improvements without compensation. Twenty^four years 
before, the expropriated landowners had received no equivalent, and they 
meted out the same treatment to the Cromwellians. Cf. Klopp, v. 45 : ' It 
was a decisive step on the road to separate Ireland from England. For that 
reason the Irish wished it, and with them the French envoy Avaux. . . . 
Avaux had previously complained to Versailles that James did not seize all 
the means which he could attain to by confiscating estates. James had 
replied that he could not undertake such confiscations except according to 
the law of the land, either by a judicial decree or Act of Parliament.' 

70 THE JOURNAL 1689 

the king's service than was this parliament. First it drew to 
and kept in Dublin all that time the nobility and principal 
gentry who before were dispersed at their posts, raising or 
encouraging and exercising their men or upon actual service. 
Secondly, the Act of Repeal being passed, private interest 
outweighing the public good, every one quitted his command 
to enter upon his estate, to settle his house, and improve his 
fortune. And the estated men not content to forsake the 
service themselves kept with them for their own use all the 
better sort of country people, so that none but the most rude 
and useless sort of mountaineers took to the army. Thirdly, 
the Protestants, who before might have perhaps stood neuter 
or hoped for some reconciliation, their estates being taken 
away, were in a manner necessitated to espouse the rebellion, 
which alone could restore them to their, although unjustly 
yet long enjoyed, fortunes. For it was not to be doubted that 
those men, who had rebelled for only the fear of losing a 
religion they were never in possession of, would prove the 
most incorrigible traitors, being actually deprived of those 
estates they had so long kept in their hands. Thus it appears 
f. 57 a by the sitting of this parliament | the army was much damaged 
and weakened, the king lost the assistance of many of his 
friends and gained a vast number of irreconcilable enemies. 
Lest I seem too much to intermeddle in affairs of state so far 
elevated above my station, I will pass by many things worthy 
to be noted in the management of the siege of Londonderry.^ 

^ In Derry there were 7,500 soldiers, and the volunteers increased their 
ranks : including the inhabitants there were no less than 20,000 inside the 
walls. But the strength of the city lay in the courage and determination 
of those who guarded its ramparts. According to the Duke of Berwick 
{Memoirs, i. 340-5) the besiegers amounted to about 6,000, but with 
additions they amounted to 10,000. They lacked heavy siege guns, but 
with mortars and cannon they kept up a brisk fire both by night and day. 
The efficient Pointis effectively alarmed the garrison by his explosive shells. 
When he rectified the faults of his material he set to work to bombard the 
city vigorously. In eighty-nine days he threw 587 bombs, of which 
326 were small and 261 large. Near Culmore a boom had been placed 
across the river, protected at each side by a strong fort ; and the French- 
man who had designed it wrote to Louis, assuring him that he intended 
to make another boom higher up the river, and then what he desired was 
that the English would come, so that he should have the pleasure of defeat- 
ing them. (C. S. P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 147-8). Also see a letter of Avaux. 


As that we sat down before it with not the fourth part of the 
number that was within, and, though supphes were continually 
marching down, the strength of the besiegers was not much 
increased, the numbers being so small they only made up for 
those that daily deserted. That for battery there were but 
two or three pieces which played only upon great days, and 
that with much moderation, ammunition being scarce and the 
charge of carrying it so far great. That the mouth of the 
lough or bay through which only relief could come to the 
town was not either choked by sinking some vessels in it or 
secured by a strong boom, but only a chain laid across it tied 
at both ends on the shores with some old ropes, which being 
rotted by the weather or not sound before gave way to the 
first small vessel that attempted the passage. Which vessel 
though stranded and very near our blind gunners could or 
would not hit, though they made several shots at her. | That f. 57 b 
having gathered all the rebellious Protestants of the country 
about, and placed them between the town and our trenches 
to force the besieged either to relieve them, which would put 
an end to their provisions, or to surrender rather than see all 

August 14/4, describing its construction : ' Beams, joined one to the other 
by (iron) bands ; each end of a beam is attached to the side of that one 
to which it is joined by two iron hooks, and I have run a rope along the 
length of the boom, from five to six inches thick, which is attached to 
the said beams by the iron hooks it passes. Care has been taken that 
the rope is attached to that part of the beams in the water, so as to 
take away the facility of cutting it.' C. S. P., Dom., 1689/90, June 17, 
pp. 154, 161 ; Jacobite Narrative, 64 ; cf. Dr. John Wallis's letter to the 
Earl of Nottingham, August 10 ; Walker, 136 ; Hist. MSS. Com., xii. 7, 
264-5 ; tbe long and important letter from Avaux to Louis, July 10, 
1689 ; London Gazette, Nos. 2476 and 2478. The Navy Treasurer's 
Accounts (P.O.D.A. 2333) give an entry of a gift of 10/. each to nine 
men " they being the boat's crew that cut the boom at the carrying 
the victualling ships to the relief of Londonderry ". The action of the 
crew of the Swallow in cutting the boom was of the highest importance. 
The Mountjoy did not steer through the opening, struck the boom, and 
drifted on to the mud : the Phoenix steered through it. The captain 
of the Swallow, Wolfran Comewall, gave each of the nine heroes a guinea, 
and he afterwards thriftily deducted this guinea from the \qI. each received. 
The men are Henry Breman, John Field, Alexander Hunter, James 
Jamison, Robert Kells, MUes Tonge, Jeremy Vincent, William' Welcome, 
and John Young ; their names deserve an honourable place beside those 
of the thirteen apprentice boys. These men towed the Mountjoy and the 
Phoenix to the quay. The former, though the largest of the victualling 
ships, was merely 135 tons.' 

72 THE JOURNAL 1689 

their friends perish, not only they were very soon dismissed 
with protections, but among them hundreds of useless people 
that came out of the town, which was a great relief to the 
besieged being eased of so many mouths, and a disreputation 
to the king's party as wanting resolution to go on with the 
enterprise undertaken or maturity in their counsels.^ To be 
short we were blind to see our own faults and had Argus eyes 
to discover the enemy's, or rather we looked for motes in their 
eyes not regarding the beams in our own. Next to London- 
derry, Belturbet defeat for the shame of it deserves to be 
buried in perpetual oblivion, and therefore I will say no 
more of it.* 

It is time to conclude this discourse, and with it put a period 
to this first part of my travels and journal from the time 
I left England till I departed Dublin to go to my command 
in the Right Honourable the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment.* 

' On the 2nd of July Rosen assembled hundreds of old men, women, 
and qhildren under the ramparts to the dismay of their relatives. For 
forty-eight hours the inhuman commander kept them there. Ash, June 26, 
July 3, 4 ; Aickin iv. 9 ; Mackenzie, June 30 ; Walker, June 30, July 2 ; 
Leslie, 138 ; C.S.P., Dom., July 11, 1689, p. 185 ; Jacobite Narrative, 79-80 ; 
Dangeau, ii. 1 54 ; Clarke, ii. 388. Avaux wrote to Louis : ' Le roy d'Angle- 
terre s'est extrgmement fdche de cette declaration (de Rosen) et n'a pas 
voulu qu'elle fust executee.' 

' At Belturbet the Irish cavalry threw the Williamite horse into con- 
fusion, but on the advance of the foot behaved disgracefully. The Irish 
infantry sometimes showed the white feather, but Newton-Butler and 
Belturbet are the only cases of their cavalry doing likewise. Charlemont 
was now the only fortress in Ulster still in the possession of James. C.S.P., 
Dom., 1689-90, pp. 485, 534-S ; Mimoires du Marichal de Berwick, 349-50. 

' Colonel Henry Fitz- James was the youngest of the five children of 
Arabella Churchill and James II and was bom in 1673. Like his father 
he was interested in the navy and had served as a midshipman. With 
his father he fled to France and with him he went to Ireland. At the age 
of sixteen he was appointed colonel of the regiment, thenceforward known 
by his name. He was not undistinguished at the siege of Derry and he 
headed his regiment at the battle of the Boyne, but retired with his father 
to France. His regiment was then commanded by Nicholas Fitzgerald, 
and distinguished itself greatly at the first siege of Limerick, notably at 
the assault of the 6th of September, 1690. From the report of Avaux 
February 1 1 , 1690 to Louis it is evident that he was adisagreeable and vicious 
man : ' II est arriv6 aujourdhuy une affaire entre un des enfans du Roy 
d'Angleterre, qu'on appelloit autrefois Fitz-Jem, et qui a presentement le 
titre de Grand Prieur d'Angleterre, et Mylord Dungan. Ce dernier estoit 
all6 disner avec quatre on cinq Irlandois ; comme ils estoient sortis de 
table, et qu'ils avoient encore le verre 4 la main El la mode du pays, le Due 
de Berwick et le grand prieur survinrent ; on leur presenta k chacun un 




The time of this my peregrination was about nine months, 
and the length of my travels mentioned in this part 1,146 
miles as will appear by the following computation. | 

The Distances from Town to Town are as follows f. 58 a 

From Welshpool to Wrexham ... 24 col. i 

Thence to Hol5rwell 
Thence to Chester 

Thence to Whitchurch . 
Thence to Newport 
Thence to Four Crosses 
Thence to Coventry 
Thence to Northampton 
Thence to Newport Pagnell 
Thence to Dunstable . 
Thence to St. Albans . 
Thence to Barnet 
Thence to London 
From London to Calais 




verre de vin, et comme un gentilhomme Irlandois fit quelque reproche au 
grand prieur de ce qu'il avoit fait casser un capitaine qu'il luy avoit donne, 
et que le grand prieur eut repondu assez aigrement, le Due de Berwick 
dit qu'il ne falloit pas parler de ces sortes de choses, et qu'il falloit boire a la 
sante de tous les bons Irlandois, et a la confusion de Mylord Melfort, qui avoit 
pense perdre le royaume. Le grand prieur dit que Mylord Melfort estoit un 
honneste homme et de ses amis, et que si quelqu'un beuvoit cette sante 
la il luy jetteroit son verre de vin au visage. Quelques Irlandois repon- 
dirent, et parlerent contre Mylord Melfort, et Mylord Dungan dit en riant, 
que M. le grand prieur ne se facheroit asseurement pas qu'ou beut cette 
sante, et fit une reverence au grand prieur, n'ayant pourtant rien dans son 
verre, sur quoy le grand prieur luy jetta son via dans le visage, et luy cassa 
le verre dans le nez, en sorte qu'il I'a coupe en deux endroits. On se mit 
aussitost entre eux deux, et Mylord Dungan dit qu'il estoit un enfant et 
le fils de son Roy. Sa Maieste Britannique vouloit que le grand prieur fist 
satisfaction, mais Mylord Dungan a cru qu'il luy estoit plus avantageux 
qu'ayant traittfe le grand prieur d'enfant, le Roy en usast de mesme. 
C'est le party que Sa Maieste Britannique a pris, et fera une bonne repri- 
mande 4 M. le grand prieur ; mais elle ne servira pas de grande chose. 
C'est un jeune homme fort debauch^, qui se creve tous les jours d'eau de vie, 
et qui a est6 tout cet est6 par ses debauches hors d'estat de monter a cheval.' 
Louis appointed him colonel-in-chief of the Marine Regiment. He was 
created Duke of Albemarle and benefited by Berwick's popularity, for he 
received a pension of 2,000 6cus in addition to his pay as Chef d'Escadron 
in the French navy. 




Thence to St. Omer 
Thence to Aire . 
Thence to Auchel 
Thence to St. Pol 
Thence to Doullens 
Thence to Amiens 
Thence to Breteuil 
Thence to Clermont 
Thence to Lucheux 
Thence to St. Denis 
Thence to Paris . 
Thence to St. Germains 
col. ii From Paris to Orsay 

Thence to Ernee 
Thence to Etampes 
Thence to Outarville 
Thence to Toury 
Thence to Artenay 
Thence to Orleans 
Thence to Nantes 
Thence to Savenay 
Thence to Donges 
Thence to Herbignac 
Thence to Kervoyal 
Thence to Vannes 
Thence to Auray 
Thence to Landevant 
Thence to Hennebont 
Thence to Quimperle 
Thence to Rosporden 
Thence to Quimper-Corentin 
Thence to Locronan 
Thence to Crozon 
Thence to Le Faou 
Thence to Brest . 
From Brest to Bantry Bay 
From tne mouth of the Bay to the town 































From Bantry to Dunmanway . . .12 f. 58 b 

Thence to Enniskeen . 

6 '=°'- ' 

Thence to Bandon Bridge . 


Thence to Cork . 


Thence to Rathcormack 


Thence to Kilworth . 


Thence to Clogheen . 


Thence to Clonmel 


Thence to Callan 

• 14 

Thence to Kilkenny . 


Thence to Leighhn Bridge . 


Thence to Carlow 


Thence to Castledermot 


Thence to Timolin 


Thence to Kilcullen Bridge . 


Thence to the Naas . 


Thence to Rathcoole . 


Thence to DubHn 


The distances between the most remarkable 

towns thus 

From Welshpool to Holywell ... 36 

From Holywell to Chester . 


From Chester to London 


From London to Calais 


From Calais to Amiens 


From Amiens to Paris 


From Paris to St. Germains 


From Paris to Orleans 


From Orleans to Nantes 

172 col. ii 

From Nantes to Brest 


From Brest to Bantry Bay 


From the mouth of the Bay to the 



From Bantry to Cork 


From Cork to Dubhn . 


In all 1,226^ 

The total is 1,230 miles. 

76 THE JOURNAL 1689 

Which is the sum of the distance of the straight 
roads allowing but two miles to a league from 
Calais till you come to Nantes, though in and near 
the low Countries the leagues are longer, and in 
Brittany where they are very large three miles to 
a league, the same upon sea. But the miles in 
England and Ireland are set down according to 
the known and generally allowed computation. 
This is too great a space of ground for so short a com- 
pendium, and much more might be expected to be 
said of so many remarkable places and occurrences, 
but my misfortunes gave me not leisure to enlarge 
myself. | 

i. 59 a Thus I have run through this first part of my pilgrimage, 
and what is this but a shadow to the remaining part of my 
toils, sufferings, and afflictions. Yet since the heathen said 
Dulce pro patria mori, I may well add Dulcius pro fide, et rege 
pati. And though these kingdoms have been the causers 
of all the calamities that have befallen them through their 
heresy, rebellion, and multiplicity of other sins, as the Jews 
through their idolatry and other vices, so I cannot but lament 
with the prophet Jeremiah the ruin of the country, the banish- 
ment of my king, the desolation of his dominions, the extir- 
pation of the true religion, and persecution of the faithful. 
What the said prophet Jeremiah saith in the Lamentations 
may be well applied to our countries, c^p. i, v. 8 Peccatum 
peccavit Hierusalem propterea instdbilis fetcta est ; and cap. 2, 
V. 14 Prophetae tui viderunt tibi falsa et stulta, nee aperiebant 
iniquitatem tuam. A text very suitable to the wicked doctrines 
preached and taught by the infamous Protestant parsons, and 
their blasphemous incendiary bishops. Our nobility are like 
those of whom Isaiah, cap. i, v. 23, saith, Principes tui infideles 

t. 59 b socii jurum. And I wish | God has not pronounced against 
these perverse kingdoms the judgement formerly against 
Samaria by the mouth of the prophet Amos, cap. 13, v. i. 
Pereat Samaria quoniam ad amaritudinem concitavit deum, 
in gladio pereant, parvuli eorum elidantur, et foetae eorum 


discindaniur} God grant afflictions may humble our hearts, 
that we may join in prayer with the prophet Jeremiah and 
say. Recordare domine quid accident nobis, intuere et respice 
opprobrium nostrum. Hereditas nostra versa est ad alienos ; 
domus nostrae ad extraneos? 

' Stevens's memory played him false : the reference is Hosea xiii. 1 6. 
' Lamentations v. 2. 



Quien se muda, Dios le ayuda. God helps him that changes, 
saith the Spanish proverb. It hath not been my fortune to 
verify this saying, for though I have changed from a civil to 
a military life, my fortune hitherto hath been retrograde and 
gone in diminution. Yet no man has more reason to bless 
and praise the infinite goodness of God, who has brought me 
safe out of all dangers, and preserved me in entire health in 
all the hardships I have gone through. This I look upon to 
be Melioris tessera fati, and hope God has reserved me for 
some better fate that I may see my sovereign victorious and 
partake of the fruits of peace, as I have borne my part in the 
calamities of war, and that such as shall see me happy and 
peruse this compendium of my sorrows may say, Dulcia quam 
meruit, qui tam gustavit amara. 

Having received my commission I made all the haste my 
want would admit of to go to the regiment, and being fur- 
nished with a good horse by Major Price, I set out from 
Dublin on 

Tuesday the 2oth of August, and went that night to 
Drogheda where the regiment was then in quarters. Here 
I continued some days, and hoping to return soon into 
England, where I had left a collection of my former travels 
f. 6ob and in it some description of this town, I forbore to 1 take 
any notes, and shall only add that it is twenty miles from 
Dublin. There happened nothing remarkable, nor did we 
stir till 

Thursday, September the 5th, when we marched out and 
encamped, many regiments in number but most very weak, 
on the south side the town. We spent several days here 
exercising and furnishing the men with what necessaries 
the time would allow of. The army daily increased in num- 


bers and expressed a great alacrity and readiness to march 
towards the enemy, though most of the men were very raw 
and undisciplined, and the generality almost naked or at 
least very ragged and ill shod.^ The only creditable and hope- 
ful part of the army were the horse, who were for the most 
part good men, well armed and mounted, but their number 
not very great. 

Saturday the 14th : ^ advice being given that the rebels 

' On the state of the troops see the letters of Avaux to Louvois, March 23, 
1689 ; Avaux to Louis, March 26 ; Avaux to Louvois, May 6 — there is 
a careful account of the expenditure annexed ; Avaux to Louvois, May 1 2 ; 
Avaux to Louis, May 27 ; Avaux to Louvois, June 7, with a list of the 
price of clothes ; Avaux to Louis, June 26 ; Avaux to Louvois, June 26 ; 
Avaux to Louis, July 10 ; Louvois to Avaux, June 13 ; Avaux to Louvois, 
July 10 ; Avaux to Croissy, July 26 ; Avaux to Louvois, July 26 ; Avaux 
to Louis, July 28 ; Avaux to Louvois, July 28, with details of the equip- 
ment ; Avaux to Louvois, August 9.; Escots to Avaux, August 29 ; Avaux 
to Louis, September 20 ; Avaux to Louvois, September 20 ; Avaux to 
Louvois, October 21 ; Avaux to Louis, October 31 ; Avaux to Louvois, 
October 30 ; Avaux to Louis, November 24 ; Avaux to Croissy, Novem- 
ber 24 ; Avaux to Louvois, November 26 and November 27 ; Avaux to 
Seignelay, November 27 ; Avaux to Louvois, December 6 ; tlie addenda 
also give valuable details. The following quotation is from the letter of 
Avaux to Louvois, September 20 : ' Mais, Monsieur, quoyqu'il soit vray que 
les soldats paroissent fort resolus A, bien faire, et qu'ils soieut fort animez 
contre les rebelles, neantmoins il ne suffit pas de cela pour combattre, et 
nous manquons de beaucoup de choses : nous avons pen d'officiers generaux 
sur qui Ton puisse compter ; les ofificiers subalternes sont bien plus mauvais, 
et k la reserve d'un tres petit nombre, il n'y en a point qui ayt soin des 
soldats, des armes, de la discipline ; et j'aprehende beaucoup que les soldats 
ne se decouragent lorsqu'ils ne verront pas des officiers a leur teste qui les 
menent hardiment ; d'ailleurs beaucoup de soldats ne sont point armez, les 
autres le sont mal, et de ceux qui le sont bien, il y en a une partie qui n'ont 
jamais tir6, on n'oseroit mesme leur donner de la poudre pour les exercer, 
parce que nous n'en avons i, I'armee que soixante et dix barils, le reste estant 
4 Athlone, a Lymerick, et ^ Kork, sans que le Roy sceust ou estoit une 
partie de ces munitions, dont on n'a eu connoissance que depuis quelques 
jours. La negligence. Monsieur, a este si grande, qu'il y a encore dans le 
magazin de Dublin, huit mille fers a picques que vous avez envoy^s, sans 
qu'on en ayt monte pas un ; il est vray. Monsieur, qu'on fait a cette heure 
beaucoup de diligence, soit pour remettre Tartillerie, soit pour habiller les 
soldats, mais il n'est pas possible de faire tout en si peu de temps, parce 
qu'on ne trouve pas mesme des draps suf&samment, ny des ouvriers pour 
travailler. L'artUlerie est en plus mauvais ordre que tout le reste ; nous' 
n'avons que dix petites pieces, dont il y en a six qui ne seroient propres qu'a 
mettre k la teste d'un bataillon ; point de canonniers, et le commissaire 
d'artillerie qui nous reste, fort ignorant, k ce que m'ont dit les of&ciers 
generaux.' On the state of Schomberg's troops see Kazner, i. 310. 

" Kazner, ii. 30^. On the 13th and 14th and 19th of September Schom- 
berg notes that ' il ne s'est rien passe de nouveau '. These entries also 
occur on the 28th, 29th and 30th of September, and on the ist of October. 

'80 THE JOURNAL 1689 

advanced from Dundalk, the whole army marched through 
Drogheda to Ardee, which is eight miles : a rich and fertile 
country, a good way the weather being dry, and we marching 
over the green fields. We encamped on the south side the 
river along the sides of the hills, having the town on the left. 
Many regiments lay this night in the open air for want of 
tents, it being too late to build huts. The night was, though 
fair, extreme cold, but our forward hopes made all things easy. 

Sunday the 15th : detachments were drawn out to fetch 
wood and straw, and the rest of the day spent in building the 
huts. The post of our regiment was the left of the second line, 
f- 61 a there being but three elder regiments in the | field. About 
midnight the alarm beat furiously, the whole army was under 
arms very readily, and having continued so a while returned, 
it being a false alarm given on purpose to try how quick the 
men could be drawn up in case of any surprise. 

Monday the i6th : His Majesty in person with a great body 
of horse marched to discover the enemy's motion, and, finding 
they kept close having met no opposition upon the way, sent 
orders for the army to march,^ which was not done till the 
next day, being 

' Kazner, i. 310-1 1. ' James's army which was so considerably superior 
had now advanced nearer them and was endeavouring by every means to 
entice Schomberg's from its advantageous position and to bring about an 
engagement. At one time they attacked his outposts so that the whole 
army might come to their help, at another detachments of them approached 
his lines to cause sallies to be made or to favour desertions which they 
sought to encourage by scattering abroad patents of pardon. On the 
2 1st the whole Irish army, almost two cannon-shots in width, were seen 
before the English camp in full battle array. But because Schomberg knew 
how difficult it was to keep in order people who had never been in similar 
circumstances, when once the action had begun, so he commanded that no 
cannon should be fired till the enemy was within musket-shot. ' Let them 
be,' Schomberg calmly answered his eager officers who wished to fight 
immediately, ' we will see what will become of them.' And in fact they, 
when they perceived this demeanour, retired on the 6th of October to 
Ardee, entrenched themselves there likewise and began to succumb to their 
own strength. That is, they had in the hope of a speedy engagement laid 
waste everything in the neighbourhood, and by this means made it impos- 
sible to provide properly for such a number of men who had joined the 
camp more to get their own maintenance than to render actual service.' 
James wanted a battle before his troops were scattered by the bad season, 
while Schomberg counselled delay till troops arrived from Scotland. 
' C'est la mSme raison,' the latter maintains, ' qui empgche les ennemis de 
pouvoir m'obliger i une bataille, puisqu'il faut qu'ils viennent a moi par 


Tuesday the 17th : when the whole army decamped, and, 
the ground taken up to encamp being bare of trees, every 
soldier was obliged to carry some of the wood for building of 
their huts, which, notwithstanding, many would drop by the 
way rather than carry so far, though afterwards they found 
the want of it, being forced to he that night without shelter, 
and the next day to go far for wood. This day's march was 
about six miles, the king's quarters at a village near Fane 
Bridge, where His Majesty lay in a little thatched cabin, there 
being never a better house near. The whole army encamped 
in two lines along the fields on the left of the village as far as 
Allardstown Bridge,^ having the river before them for a 
defence, and our outguards upon the passes. This is about 
four miles from Dundalk, on all sides a pleasant and fruitful 
country, though not so beautified with good fences as it 
deserves or is usual in England. Here we lay still and nothing 
remarkable happened till 

Saturday the 2ist : by break of day the whole army | was f. 61 b 
drawn out and marched in two columns, the one over Fane,^ 

deux ou trois grands chemins seulement, le reste etant entrecoupe de marais, 
qui m'empeche aussi d'aller a eux, ayant une petite rividre et quelques 
montagnes devant eux (Ibid. ii. 326-7). Kazner, i. 313 ; Nairne Papers, 
D.N. i, f. 42, James to Lord Waldegrave : ' on the 6th of September, we 
came with them within three miles of Dundalk, where Schomberg lies 
encamped. Since which time we have often offered him occasions of 
battle. We have omitted nothing that might provoke him to it by excur- 
sions of parties to his out guards, by foraging near his camp, and consuming 
with fire what we could not transport ; yet he continues within his trenches 
without accepting a battle or even a fair skirmish, although his parties 
have been often much superior in number to ours.' 

^ Avaux to Seignelay, December 6, 1689. 

' 'Le Roi y etoit arrive, et par les soins du Due de Tirconel il avoit 
ramasse une armee de vingt-deux mille hommes assez mal armes : il resolut 
de se porter en avant ; Jet en effet nous marchames a Afiane, a trois milles 
de Dundalk, ou Schomberg etoit campe avec toute son armee, composee de 
vingt mille hommes. Peu de jours aprfes, le Roi mit I'armee en bataille 
dans une plaine a la vue des ennemis, pour leur offrir le combat j mais 
ils demeurerent dans leur poste, et nous dans notre camp, jusqu'a la fin 
d'Octobre que nous nous retir^mes en quartiers d'hiver.' On the 27th of 
September, 1689, Schomberg wrote to William : ' Ce que je puis juger de 
I'etat de I'ennemi, est que le Roi Jacques ayant ramasse en ce royaume 
tout ce qu'il a pu, vou droit bien en venir a une bataille avant que ses 
troupes se pussent dissiper par la mauvais saison dans laquelle nous allons 
entrer. ... In the hope of provoking Schomberg to battle James did not go 

1218 G 

82 THE JOURNAL 1689 

the other over Allardstown Bridge, up to the face of the 
enemy's camp with intention to draw them to a battle, some 
of our horse and dragoons making up very close to the passes 
upon the river that covered the enemies, who kept themselves 
very close, not appearing at all without their entrenchments, 
which were strong and well backed with cannon and lined 
with musketeers. Having stood there a considerable time 
and there being no possibility of forcing their works, nor our 
condition enforcing us to press too far being both more healthy 
and better supplied than were the rebels, we returned to our 
camp. Great was the general satisfaction of all men ^ that 
we had braved the enemy in their works, and not so much as 
upon our retreat received the least token of their inclination 
to fight. This was no small confirmation of what we had been 
informed before that many were ready and willing to desert, 
who only wanted the opportunity, and therefore it was sup- 
posed Schomberg^ kept his men close in the trenches to 
prevent the possibility of making their escape. Nor was this all 
our intelligence gave us to understand, and it was afterwards 
confirmed that the flux raged amongst them whereof vast 
numbers died daily. The weather continued very various, 
sometimes great rains, then very sharp weather, then foggy 
and mizzling. From this time there happened nothing worth 
relating till 
f. 62 a Friday the 27th : the rebels fired all their great | guns 
three times and several volleys of small shot, which they 
performed with incomparable exactness not one shot falling 
out of time. This we were informed was for joy of some 
advantage gained by the rebels at Sligo, which they repre- 
sented as very considerable to keep up the hearts of their 

into winter quarters till the 3rd of November. Mimoires de Berwick, i. 63-4 ; 
Dalrymple, ii, part ii, book iv, appendix, 33-4, 36, 43, 55 ; Macpherson, 
i. 312-13 ; Clarke, ii. 378-84. 

' Kazner, ii. 307 : James advanced ' environ k deux portSes de canon 
de notre camp ' and withdrew. ' Nous ne penetrons pas encore son dessein. 
S'il est venu pour combattre il a fait un vilain pas, de s'en retourner sans le 
faire. Mais peut-6tre pent il avoir d'autres desseins. Nous entendions le 
Houssay de ses troupes partout oti il passoit.' 

" Schomberg was born in 161 5 and died in 1690. 


fainting men, yet afterwards it was found to be a mere 

Saturday the 28th : passed without anything of note, and 
Sunday the 29th was only remarkable for a most violent 
storm of wind and rain, which lasted the whole day but 
ceased at night. The next day proved fair, and very cold 
with a northerly wind. The three days following warmer but 
very wet. 

Friday and Saturday, the 4th and 5th of October : the 
weather was more favourable. The first of these days was 
sent out a detachment towards the mountains, the design as 
was said to rescue some prisoners that were kept under a 
slight guard at Carlingford. They returned the day following 
without effecting anything, the enterprise being discovered 
to the enemy, of whom meeting some small party in the 
mountains they had killed fourteen without any loss on our 
side. This last night also orders were given to march at break 
of day. Whilst the army continued encamped in this place 
it suffered no want of anything that was necessary. There 
was plenty of forage for the horse, besides what was destroyed 
to endamage the enemy, which was a great quantity that lay 
close under their camp, and which they never made any 
attempt to defend, though our parties burnt it in open day 
to see to draw them out. | The country abounded with straw f. 62 b 
and corn which served both to lie upon and cover our huts 
wherewith we supplied the want of tents, there being very 
few in the army, and even such as had them made huts as 
being both warmer, and drier. The army was punctually 
paid, and the brass money passed as current and was of 
equal value with silver,^ which made the camp so plentiful of 

'■ Kazner, i. 306, ii. 310. It was not a mere fiction, for five hundred 
Inniskillings gained a victory near Sligo. They crossed the Curlew moun- 
tains and astonished the outposts of Colonel O'Kelly by their vigorous 
attack. Over two hundred and fifty were killed, three hundred captured, 
including Colonel O'Kelly, and eight thousand head of cattle taken. 
Schomberg was so delighted with this success that he paraded the regiment 
at Dundalk, the veteran riding along the whole line with head uncovered. 
Avaux to Louvois, November 24 and November 26 ; Avaux to Louis, 
November 28 ; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6. 

' Avaux to Louvois, March 29, 1689 : ' car il est a remarquer que tout 


84 THE JOURNAL 1689 

provisions that I have seen a good carcass of beef sold for 
eight (shiUings), and commonly for ten or twelve, good mutton 
for twelve or thirteen pence a quarter, geese for six or eight 
pence a piece, and so proportionably of all sorts of provision.^ 
At the head-quarters French wines and brandy were at 
twelvepence the bottle, and at several sutlers throughout the 
camp at one shilling and sixpence. The scarcest thing was 
ale, and yet no great want of it at threepence per quart. The 
camp was a daily market plentifully furnished,^ unless some 

I'argent se peze en Irlande ' ; Avaux to Louvois, April 14 and July 10 (two 
letters of this date) ; Avaux to Louis, November 24 ; Louvois to Avaux, 
November 11 ; Avaux to Louvois, February i, 1690; Avaux to Louis, 
February 11 ; Louvois to Avaux, January 5. 

• Avaux to Louvois, July 10, 1689 ; Avaux to Louis, October 21 ; 
Avaux to Louis, November 24. In the second letter Avaux writes : 
' Comme les Protestans ont remporte en Angleterre une bonne partie des 
marchandises qui estoient en ce pays cy, et que Ton y a consume le reste, et 
que toutes les denrees, comme vin, sel, et autres choses, venant des pays 
estrangers, sont aussy consumees, tout est icy dans une cherte epouvantable : 
il n'y a presque plus de sel, d'eau de vie, ny de vin, et la piece de vin de 
Bourdeaux, qui vaut en France, 4 ce que je croy, quatorze ou quinze frans, 
et que Ton vendoit en ce pays cy (tous les droits du Roy et toutes les 
encheres payees), vingt ou vingt escus, ne se pent avoir a cette heure que 
pour quatre vingt ; et s'il n'en vient point de France, il n'y a pas de vin 
pour deux mois dans tout Dublin. II n'y a plus de drap pour habiller les 
troupes, et encore moins de toile ; de sorte qu'il n'y a pas le quart des 
soldats de I'armee qui ayent de chemises, et ceux qui en ont n'en ont 
qu'une." In the last letter Avaux writes : ' Le Roy d'Angleterre est done 
arrive ^ Dublin, le 1 8 de ce mois, oti nous avons trou ve les choses tellement 
rencheries, que je ne scay comment les gens de mediocre condition pourront 
subsister ; le bled qui valloit douze ou treize chelins le baril en coute trente 
cinq, le vin est triple de prix, et on ne peut en avoir que par amis ; ce qu'on 
avoit de bois et de charbon pour un escu en coute quatre, et il faut envoyer 
bien loin a la campagne pour en pouvoir trouver ; il n'y a ny estoffe, ny 
drap, ny toilles, dans cette ville (i. e. Dublin), ny aucunes marchandises de 
France ; une once de soye s'y vend jusques a deux ecus. Si cela continue, 
il sera impossible qu'on y puisse subsister ; la monnoye de cuivre a este la 
premiere chose qui a tout fait encherir ; mais la principale est la consuma- 
tion qui s'est faite de tout ce qu'on apportoit icy, principalement d'Angle- 
terre ; I'avidite des marchands qui veulent se prevaloir de I'occasion y a 
quelque part, aussi bien que I'impunite de ceux qui' excedent, comme on 
a veu en ce qui regarde la cherte du pain, car on a decouvert la friponnerie 
de quelques boulangers qui faisoient eux mesmes vendre le bled au marche 
et I'achetoient fort cher, demandant ensuitte au maire que le pain fust tax6 
sur le prix courant.' Cf. C.S.P., Dom., 1693, 348, 371. 

' Yet see Kazner, i, footnote on p. 310. ' Only by exemplary punish- 
ments of all insults offered to country people had Schomberg brought it 
about that as it were an open market was held in his camp by means of 
which a check was placed on the imposition of the victuallers and the 
most urgent necessities were provided for.' 


few days when the extremity of bad weather permitted not 
the country people to travel. There may be assigned three 
reasons of this resort of provisions to the army. First the 
want of buyers in the market towns most of the Protestants 
being fled, and the Catholics being either in the army or 
retired for fear of the rebels and even of our own men. 
Secondly the natural inclination of the people towards the 
army that restrained the enemy from making roads into the 
country. And thirdly the good order observed, ' whereby 
the soldiers were restrained from committing any outrages 
upon the people, which made them have recourse to us the 
more freely. 

Sunday the 6th : at break of day we fired all | the huts, and f . 63 a 
the wind blowing the same way we were to march carried 
such a cloud of smoke along with it, the thickness of the 
weather keeping it down, that it blinded us for a considerable 
space, and thereby several battalions were put into such 
disorder that it appeared more like a flight than the retreat 
of an army that had laid so long to brave its enemies, and 
had they been near enough to make use of the opportunity 
they had with little danger put us into a great consternation. 
Had the rebels but stirred the least in order to molest us upon 
our march, there happened another accident which might have 
been of a very fatal consequence, and this was that not only 
the foot but all the horse and dragoons were marched above 
two miles, leaving behind not only His Majesty's baggage 
but his person in his quarters with only, his troop of guards, 
notwithstanding some regiments of horse and dragoons 
had been ordered to attend him, who nevertheless marched 
away after the rest till General Rosen himself came up and 
caused the whole army to halt and face about. His Majesty 
being come up we continued our march to Ardee, where 
we encamped on the north side of the river having the 
town on our left. In this encampment our lines were 
not very regular by reason of the ill disposition of the 

Monday the 7th : we continued in the same place. At 

86 THE JOURNAL 1689 

night received orders for Sir Charles Kearney's'- brigade to 
f. 63 b remove the next morning. This brigade consisted | of the regi- 
ments of the Lord Grand Prior and Colonel Thomas Butler 
of Kilcash, which were joined, and Colonel Dillon's, which 
contained two battalions. The reason of their removal was 
because the ground they were in was very low, and the season 
being extreme wet there was danger of the water rising so as 
to come into their huts, and no dry space before them to 
draw up. 

Tuesday the i8th : the aforesaid brigade marched to [ ] 
upon a high ground about three miles from Ardee, on the 
right of all the army and towards the seaside upon the road 
that goes from Dundalk to Drogheda. Here we encamped, 
and the Earl of Clanricarde's^ and Cormuck O'Neill's regi- 
ments of foot joined us; the latter consisted of two battalions, 
and on the left we had the Lord Dungan's Dragoons. All the 
horse were quartered in the neighbouring villages and country 
houses. Many days we lay here without any manner of action, 
the enemy keeping close in their quarters notwithstanding 
our horse drew daily near to provoke them. The extremity 
of the weather brought many inconveniences and bred much 
sickness in our camp. For the most part the rains were so 
violent that neither huts nor tents could keep out the water, 
and the earth was so soaked that we were not only wet in the 

'■ Before Schomberg landed Sir Charles Kearney was sent to Coleraine 
with one or two regiments, and another sent higher up the Bann ; but when 
he landed at Bangor Kearney retired ' for fear of being cut off by the 
enemy ' (Clarke, ii. 372, 397). At the battle of the Boyne he commanded 
the reserve. 

' The Earl of Clanricarde's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, fourteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, sixteen ensigns, chaplain, 
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 735 men (Brit. Mus. list). 
Avaux gives 350 men. 

The Earl of Clanricarde sat in the House of Lords in 1689. When Louis 
wanted to receive Irish soldiers for service in France letters were written 
to him, Viscount Clare, and Viscount Dillon, proposing that each regiment 
should consist of sixteen companies of a hundred men each. Clanricarde 
raised his regiment, but he did not want to send his son and heir with it to 
France. For his share in the articles of Limerick, James attacked him, for 
he, ' considering with others nothing but their own security, made haste 
to surrender it.' Clamricarde, however, had lost his two sons, for one was 
slain and the other a prisoner, although he afterwards recovered his liberty. 
Moreover, he lost the majority of his followers at Aughrim. 

1689 THE BAD HUTS 87 

day but had no conveniency of lying dty the night, many 
of the soldiers' huts being a foot deep in water, till by making 
breaches without them some remedy was applied to that 
inconveniency. What small intervals of fair weather there 
were, being not sufficient to dry the earth, and the winds at 
those times for the most part so boisterous that they were | 
almost as prejudicial and offensive as the rains, which had f. 64 a 
also caused a scarcity of fuel, the turf bogs being overflowed 
and though there was some wood the army being ill furnished 
with conveniences for cutting of it. This rigour of the season 
brought with it other inconveniences, for it much hindered 
the recourse of the country people with provisions, and in 
this particular the officers suffered more than the soldiers, 
who ranging about either bought ' or stole cattle and had 
ammunition bread, which was not allowed the officers. But 
flesh was the least of our wants, most laying in provision when 
it was to be had for time of want ; the scarcest things were 
drink, bread among the officers, and salt in general,^ whereof 
the want was great. The lying cold and wet and too much 
eating of flesh, which the new raised men were not used to, 
and that half boiled or broiled on the coals without salt, bred 
much sickness in the army whereof many died, and a much 
greater number was daily sent away, besides what went off 
without leave, either sick or weary of these hardships. 

Tuesday the 29th : a strong party of the enemy marched 
as far as one of our advanced posts, which was at Tallants-. 
town, a house of the Earl of Louth's^ with a court before it 
encompassed with a stone wall, whither were sent from the 
army weekly a captain, two lieutenants, and an ensign with 
sixty men, whereof twenty with an officer were detached to 
a bridge about a furlong from the house, where was an old mill 

1 It was most difi&cult to obtain salt in any part of Ireland. Add. 36914 
<Brit. Mus.) ; 9 Anne, c. 23 (Brit.) ; 12 Anne, c. 14 (Brit.). 

^ The Earl of Louth was Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Mayo and 
a. captain in the Jacobite army. In 1691 he was outlawed, but when he 
surrendered the island of Bophin to Sir Henry Bellasis, Governor of Galway, 
his attainder was reversed, in 1698, and a full pardon granted in 1700. His 
first wife was Lady Mary Burke, elder daughter of the sixth Earl of 
Clanricarde, his second Bridget, eldest daughter of Colonel John Browne 
of Westport. 

88 THE JOURNAL 1689 

with loopholes to fire through, but the river was fordable in 
several places. The enemy coming up, our men quitted 

f. 64 b their | post at the bridge and retired to the house, the rebels 
advancing only took prisoner a sergeant that had remained 
without, and drove away some cattle, but, a small number 
approaching the house, a lieutenant of theirs was killed and 
two men wounded, they left the dead body behind and retired. 
Had the main body of the enemy been upon the back of that 
party and pursued the enterprise the event could not but 
have been fatal to us. For upon the news of that post being 
attacked the alarm being beaten, not the fourth part of our 
men could be found at their arms, the rest, the day being 
fair, were ranging the country for provisions, straw, or other 

Saturday the 2nd of October : I was commanded to the 
advanced guard at Tallantstown, with a captain of Colonel 
Butler of Kilcash's Regiment,^ a lieutenant of the same, an 
ensign of ours, and sixty men. Having relieved the guard, 
and sent the lieutenant with twenty men as usual to the 
bridge, about midnight we were alarmed by a shot from the 
said bridge, and stood at arms about the wall all night but saw 
none of the enemy. This night also came to us a lieutenant 
with twenty men with orders to relieve us, the army being 
to decamp the next morning. His orders were for us to 
march immediately, but by reason of the alarm it was deferred 
till morning. 

Sunday the 3rd : at break of day we marched in good order, 
and with lighted matches some part of the way, lest any of 
the enemy, having passed the house by night, might be in the 
way, but we met none and coming to the camp found the 

f. 65 a army was | marched, whom we followed with speed towards 
Drogheda. The captain that commanded the detachment 
being well mounted left us ordering every man to make the 

' Colonel Thomas Butler's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,, 
major, fifteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, sixteen ensigns, and a chap- 
lain. There were thirteen companies and 428 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux 
gives 300 men. There were only three Butler ofi&cers. Colonel Butler 
raised this regiment for James and was taken prisoner at the battle of 


best of his way, upon which they all dispersed, and I being on 
foot and not able to travel so fast was left behind, and could 
reach no farther this night than Castlelumney, a poor miser- 
able village four miles from Drogheda, consisting of about 
half a score little cottages. Into one of these I was forced to 
take up amongst forty or fifty poor country wretches, with 
near twenty sick soldiers, scarce any fire, and no straw nor so 
much as room to lie down. This made three nights together 
that I passed without sleep, and the day following the third 
day of marching afoot, a hardship too great for one so little 
accustomed to those toils, and rather to be attributed to 
a particular providence of God that carried me through it than 
my own strength, for as the Spaniards say, No hizo Dios a quien 
desamparar, God made nobody with a design to forsake him. 

Monday the 4th : I took my way along the hills and came 
about noon to Drogheda. The great rains had made the ways 
almost impassable, the horse road which is most old causeway 
being broken up and quite out of repair, and the footway in 
the fields very boggy with abundance of ditches at that time 
full of water. It was extreme tiresome to me marching afoot, 
but to avoid the inconveniences and toils of the camp at 
such an unseasonable time of the year all things appeared 
more easy. In Drogheda we continued till 

Thursday the 14th, when the Grand Prior's Regiment | 
being appointed to quarter in Dubhn, we marched and, within f. 65 b 
a mile of Ballough dividing the regiment for conveniency of 
quarters, one part went on to Ballough and the other, in which 
I was, struck off to the left towards the sea to the town of Lusk, 
where we had very good quarters. 

Friday the 15th : the regiment joined again on the road, 
and marched without any considerable halt to Dubhn, each 
day's march being ten miles. Our quarters were assigned us 
in the college,^ where the scholars being turned out another 

1 The College Register, T.C.D., gives the following entries : 
' March 12, 1688/9. — King James landed in Ireland ; and upon the 24th 
of the same month, being Palm Sunday, he came to Dublin. The College, 
with the Vice-chancellor, waited upon him, and Mr. Thewles made a speech, 
which he seemed to receive kindly, and promis'd 'em his favour and pro- 
tection ; but upon the i6th of September, 1689, without any offence as 

90 THE JOURNAL 1689 

regiment had been quartered before, and where the soldiers 
during the whole winter suffered many inconveniences. One 
of the greatest was the want of firing, which this winter was 
extreme dear in Dublin, the great supply of the city being the 
English and Welsh coals, and the traffic with England being 
cut off they had no other fuel but turf and some wood, both 
which the expense of the city being great were brought very 
far and consequently sold very dear. And the soldiers not 
able to buy did much mischief by night breaking up waste 
houses for timber, cutting all the trees and destroying the 
hedges near the town. When this relief was taken from them 
by prohibition upon severe penalties and setting sentinels 
upon waste houses, after long suffering the governor of Dublin, 
that was then Simon Luttrell,^ gave an allowance of turf for 

much as pretended, the College was seized on for a garrison by the King's 
order, the Fellows turned out, and a Regiment of Foot took possession 
and continued in it. 

' July 24. The Vice-Provost and Fellows, with consent of the Vice- 
Chancellor, sold a peace of plate weighing about 30 ounces for subsistence 
of themselves and the scholars that remained. 

' September 6. The College was seized on for a Garrison by the King's 
order and Sir John FitzGerald took possession of it. Upon Wednesday the 
I ith, it was made a prison for the Protestants of the City, of whom a great 
number were confined to the upper part of the Hall. Upon the i6th the 
Scholars were all turned out by souldiers, and ordered to carry nothing with 
'em but their books. But Mr. Thewles and some others were not permitted 
to take their books with 'em. Lenan, one of the Scholars of the House, was 
sick of the small-pox, and died, as it was supposed, by removing. At the same 
time the King sent an order to apprehend six of the Fellows and Masters 
and commit 'em to the main guard, and all this without any provocation or 
crime as much as pretended : but the Bishop of Meath, our Vice-Chancellor, 
interceded with the King, and procured the last order to be stopt. 

' October 2 1 . Several persons, by order of the Government, seized upon 
the Chappel and broke open the Library. The Chappel was sprinkled and 
new consecrated and Mass was said in it ; but afterwards being turned into 
a storehouse for powder, it escaped all further damage. The Library and 
Gardens and the Provost's lodgings were committed to the care of one 
Macarty, a Priest and Chaplain to y« King, who preserved 'em from the 
violence of the souldiers, but the Chambers and all other things belonging 
to y« College were miserably defaced and ruined.' 

' Simon Luttrell (d. 1698) was appointed Governor of Dublin (Clarke, ii. 
378), and in the Parliament of 1689 he represented the County of Dublin. 
He ejected the Fellows and Scholars of Trinity College and allowed no three 
of them to meet together. When Schomberg sent ten or twelve vessels into 
the Bay of Dublin Luttrell was able to preserve the capital for his master. 
Avaux wrote concerning Simon's brother Henry to Louvois, October 21, 
' II devroit pourtant voir I'effet qu'a produit k Dublin, le soin et I'exacti- 
tude d'un colonel de dragons, nomm6 Lutterel, qu'il y a laisse. Cet ofScier 


the use of the Grand Prior's Regiment in the college, which 
was so small that it came not to above a turf to each man in 
a day. Being returned to Dubhn I will as in the first part 
make some general remarks of what happened during our | 
abode there, the actions of this winter being very incon- f. 66 a 
siderable and my purpose to speak in particular only of such 
things as I had part in or at least whereof I can give a most 
certain relation. 

The happy success of this campaign,^ so far victorious as 
that the enemy had refused the battle, and that it was credibly 
reported through sickness and the hardships of the camp they 
had lost 10,000 men, had not only given a great reputation to 

y a mis un si bon ordre qu'il a sauv§ cette capitale lorsque les vaisseaux 
Anglois sont entrez dans la rade, et ont commence d'y faire descente, 
esperant un soulevement des Protestans mais il a seen contenir ceux cy 
dans le devoir, et chasser les antres ; il seroit k souhaitter que I'ordre 
qu'il a estably dans Dublin, fust suivy lorsque le Roy y sera.' He covered 
the Duke of Berwick's retreat from the Boyne to the city. With Henry 
Simon formed part of a deputation which went to France to solicit aid 
from Louis. After 1691 the French king gave Simon command of the 
Dublin regiment. The Luttrells lived at Luttrellstown from 1400 to 1798, 
exhibiting a rare continuity of ownership in one family. 

' On the position of affairs see Avaux to Croissy, August 6 ; Avaux 
to Louis, August 9 ; Avaux to Louvois, August 18 ; Avaux to Louis, 
August 30 and October 21 ; Avaux to Louvois, October 21 and Novem- 
ber 26 ; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6, a most valuable letter. The 
conclusion of it runs as follows : ' Le Comte de Schomberg s'est retire de 
cette sorte dans le nord d'Irlande, du coste de Belfast, avec le reste de son 
armee, diminuee de plus de la moitie, tant par les maladies qui s'y sont 
mises, que par le manque d'une partie de choses qui estoient necessaires 
pour la subsistance, quoyqu'il eut des vaisseaux, la mer libre, et une 
grande province derriere luy. 

' Le peu de succez que ce general a eu dans cette expedition, et tons les 
evenemens de cette campagne se sont trouvez bien esloignez de ce qu'il s'en 
estoit promis, et bien differens de I'esperance qu'il avoit donnee a ses 
troupes, de les faire hyverner dans Dublin, et de leur partager, comme fit 
Cromwel, les terres de ceux qui n'estoient pas de son party. II ne doutoit 
nuUement qu'avec les forces qu'il avoit menees en Irlande, et avec I'assis- 
tance des rebelles, il ne se rendist maistre de tout le royaume avant la fin 
de la campagne, sans quoy il n'auroit pas entrepris une invasion de cette 
importance, et ne se seroit pas expose au hazard de voir comme il fait 
£l cette heure, son honneur et sa reputation en grand danger.' 

Avaux to Seignelay, October 21, 1689 : ' Nous avons este campez trois 
semaines a une lieiie et demye de M. de Schomberg, et nous nous sommes 
presentez en bataUle devant luy, sans qu'il ayt ose paroistre, et apres avoir 
consume les fourages de toute cette contr^e, et brusle ceux qui estoient 
devant M. de Schomberg, nous nous sommes retirez en ce lieu cy (a Ardee), 
pour mettre I'armee un peu plus a son aise.' Avaux to Louis, November 24 
and December 6. 

92 THE JOURNAL 1689 

His Majesty's affairs, but lifted the hearts of all true loyalists 
to an assured hope of extraordinary success the next summer. 
And even the remaining part of the winter it was thought 
might be employed to great advantage not only in refitting 
the army against spring and other necessary preparations, 
but in keeping a good correspondence in England preparatory 
to His Majesty's coming thither, and gaining some advan- 
tageous posts in the north of Ireland either through the 
weakness of the rebels or their incHnation to embrace His 
Majesty's mercy; they being daily represented to be so 
weakened as not to be able to maintain their garrisons, and 
in such despair of relief from their miseries that they would 
upon any conditions return to their obedience. This too 
great confidence of the good posture of our affairs produced 
in all men such a security as proved without doubt very 
prejudicial to our interest in the end. Every one laying aside 
the care of the public wholly devoted himself either to his 
private affairs or to his pleasure and ease. The main business 
of recruiting and disciplining the army was for a long time 
laid aside, and instead thereof the forces that were on foot 
i. 66 b suffered to disperse about the country to live at ease | without 
restraint, without exercise and without order. For the benefit 
of the officers the muster-rolls were always full, though to the 
great damage of the public ; the regiments continued really 
in the same posture of weakness they came from the camp. 
As an example may be produced the regiment of Colonel 
Thomas Butler of Kilcash which mustering always upwards 
of 600 men could not at any other day bring into the field 
above 200.^ Men were either so wicked or so ignorant that 
they strove to make their harvest of His Majesty before his 
affairs were ripe. This and their country affairs was their 
chief study, till having gathered a sufficient quantity of money 
they were in a condition to appear at court ; so that notwith- 
standing His Majesty's repeated orders for all officers to repair 
to their commands the city swarmed with them, the greatest 
part not blushing to give the king daily testimonies of their 

' In Lauzun's biography from his notes we learn that he had 18,000 fit 
for war shortly after he landed, but their pay was reckoned as for 50,000. 


disobedience by presuming to appear in his presence. But 
what is worse if worse can be than disobeying and cheating 
our sovereign, the money ill gotten was as ill spent in all 
manner of debauchery, luxury, and riot.^ Oaths, curses, and 
blasphemies were the one-half of the common familiar dis- 
course, the other part very often containing nothing but the 
repetition of past enormities or the plotting and contriving 
of some fresh piece of extraordinary lewdness. Drunkenness 
was so eagerly prosecuted that no liquors were strong, nor no 
days long enough to satiate some overhardened drunkards, 
whilst others, not so seasoned, by often sleeps supplied the 
weakness of their brain. The women were so suitable to the 
times that they rather enticed men to lewdness than carried 
the least face of modesty, in so much that in every corner of 
the town | might be said to be a public stew.^ In fine, Dublin f. 67 a 
seemed to be a seminary of vice, an academy of luxury or 
rather a sink of corruption, and living emblem of Sodom. 
Neither their own faculties nor their frauds practised against 
the king being sufficient to supply the prodigaUties of some 
officers, having forced a credit as far as it would go, they 
stuck not to support their extravagances by oppression of the 
country, open violence, and rapine, not to speak of such as 

1 Macariae Excidium, p. 41 : ' And now the winter season, which should 
be employed in serious consultations, and making up the necessary prepara- 
tions for the ensuing campaign, was idly spent in revels, and gaming, and 
other debauches, unfit for a Delphian (i.e. Roman Catholic) court.' Ibid., 
p. 40 : ' But the young commanders were in some haste to return 
to Salamis (Dublin), where the ladies expected them ; so that Amasis 
(James II), being once more persuaded to disband the new levies, and 
raising his camp a little of the soonest, dispersed his men too early into 
winter garrisons, having spent that campaign, vainly expecting that his 
Martanesian (Protestant) subjects of Cilicia (England), who were in the 
camp of Nisias (Schomberg), would come over to him.' C.S.P., Dom., 
1689/90, pp. 279-80 ; Kazner, i, footnote on p. 314. 

' "The testimony of Fynes Moryson agrees with this account : ' The 
children of the English-Irish, and much more of the mere Irish, are brought 
up with small or no austerity, rather with great liberty, yea licentiousness. 
And when you read of the foresaid frequent divorces, and generally of the 
women's immoderate drinking, you may well judge that incontinency is 
not rare among them.' Le Gouz records that ' In this city (i. e. in Limerick) 
there are great numbers of profligate women ; which I could not have 
believed, on account of the climate.' Gedeon Bonnivert comments 
adversely on the modesty of the women. This lax state of morality has 
passed away. The effects of the Penal Laws were evil, but perhaps the 
sufierings they involved purified morals. 

94 THE JOURNAL 1689 

lived by false dice, and such-like underhand deceitful practices. 
Nor was it to be admired that in so general a contempt of the 
express commandments of God, the precepts of the church 
should pass unregarded, the holy time of Lent and other fasts 
as to the practice being wholly forgot, only the memory of 
the name remaining. And yet amidst these enormities every 
mouth was full of religion and loyalty, every one promising a 
happy success to the rightful cause, as if that had authorized 
us in the practice of all sorts of villanies. As if the wickedness 
of our lives had not equalled if not surpassed the guilt of our 
enemy's rebellion. And as if God had not raised and supported 
them for a scourge of our impieties, as he did the Assyrians 
and Babylonians to punish his chosen people's infidelities, 
and the Mohammedans to chastize the general profanations of 
Christendom. Some perhaps may say these reflections are 
either too severe or not so becoming the pen of a soldier as 
of a friar. To the first I answer that as I exempt not myself 
from my part in the very crimes I inveigh against, so I desire 
f. 6^ b every man to | appropriate no more to himself of this charge 
than what his conscience shall accuse him of, and when every 
one has taken his proportion they may leave the remainder 
at my door. And for the latter part I think none fitter to 
comment upon vice than he that has seen most of it or to 
declaim against a wicked life than he that ought always to be 
provided for death. 

Our intelligence in England for a long time seemed to carry 
a favourable aspect, some little vessels running often from 
Dublin to the coast which, returning always safe, filled us with 
the news of the good disposition of affairs there towards His 
Majesty's service. But neither in this particular was there 
used that secrecy and caution that became a business of that 
consequence. It was not enough that every one knew when 
a vessel was to sail for England, but that at her return the 
common discourse of the town was what business she went 
upon and what success she had met with, who rnanaged the 
intelligence on the other side, to whom commission was given 
to dispose and provide men, what number of men were in 
readiness, where and in what manner horses and arms were 

1 68 9 LEAKAGE OF NEWS 95 

kept and provided for the service, what Protestants had 
engaged to assist and second the enterprise ; to be short the 
whole series of the transactions was related as if each man 
had been entrusted with the management thereof between the 
king and his correspondents. These reports whether true or 
false could not but be very obnoxious to His Majesty's designs. 
If true, His Majesty's intentions being made public were easily 
to be prevented from taking any effect, and the lives of those | 
persons he held correspondence with were brought into an f. 68 a 
almost unavoidable danger. If false, with the enemy they 
might carry some opinion of truth, and at least serve for 
a pretence to oppress and disarm such as they but suspected 
to have any inclination to His Majesty's service, to the general 
ruin of the Catholics of England, and endangering those few 
Protestants that had any sparks of loyalty still surviving 
in them. Neither were these discourses carried in private 
between Catholics, but they had so much indiscretion as to 
make their boasts of their intelligence to the Protestants, who 
generally knew better than ourselves what things were in 
agitation. All the king's goodness and clemency was not of 
any force to reclaim the hardened heart of one of the bigot 
rebellious Protestants ; so far from it that they attributed all 
His Majesty's mercy to fear, and in their obstinacy and malice 
despised all dangers and perils to keep a settled correspon- 
dence with their rebel brethren in arms. Great was the 
secrecy wherewith these people managed their villanous 
practices ; they knew the privacies of the king's counsel, and 
it could never be found who betrayed him any further than 
mere surmises. They gave account of all passages and acci- 
dents to the enemy receiving the like from them, and yet no 
messenger of theirs either discovered or was surprised ; all 
that could be perceived was that some people as well from 
Dublin as other parts made their escape, who were never so 
mad as to return. On the contrary some persons that the 
king sent into England were apprehended, not without mani- 
fest tokens of being betrayed by intelligence given from 
Dundalk being abandoned by the rebels greatly confirmed 

96 THE JOURNAL 1689 

the credit of their vast losses in that place by sickness, for 
f. 68 b besides the infinite number of graves | a vast number of dead 
bodies was found there unburied, and not a few yet breathing 
but almost devoured with lice and other vermin.^ This 
spectacle not a little astonished such of our men as ventured 
in amongst them, seeing that raging with hunger some had 
eaten part of their own flesh and having yet their speech 
begged as a charity to be killed, and yet among all these 
examples of God's vengeance could I never hear of any that 
showed the least signs of repentance, but died in their hard- 
ness of heart and impenitence. Such was the stench of the 
place as at first was thought would have rendered it unin- 
habitable, yet afterwards it was cleansed, garrisoned, and 
fortified. The recovery of this place made more assured the 
hopes of further advantages, it being the general belief that 
weakness or despair would obhge the rebels to quit many 

' C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 367-9 — this letter to the king is very 
valuable ; Story, p. lo ; Kane ; London Gazette, December 1689 and 
January 1690 ; Kazner, i. 310, 313-15, 321 ; Clarke Correspondence, 
T.C.D., vol. i, f. 25 ; Macariae Excidium, 329-30. 
Total of the Army in Camp ...... 14,000 

Loss — Died at Dundalk 1,700 

Died on board ship in course of removal 

from Dundalk to Belfast . . . 800 

Died in hospital at Belfast . . . 3,800 6,300 


Brigadier Kane writes : ' More than two-thirds of our English were carried 
off by distemper. ' Schomberg's dispatches, September 20 and 27 ; October 
3, 8, and 12 ; November 4 ; and December 26. The incapacity of the 
men in command was demonstrated by the piteous plight of the camp. 
The unusually heavy rains descended on the low-lying soil. The ignorant 
and indolent officers delayed the erection of huts till it was too late to 
procure dry timber for the walls or dry straw for the roofs. The men did 
not renew the fern for their beds, and they did not drain the soil. To the 
miseries of insufficient food were added exposure and dirt. Fevers com- 
pleted the work that these had begun. The Enniskillen men and the 
Jacobites, accustomed to the climate, and the Dutchmen, inured to 
dampness, survived, but the peasants of Yorkshire and Derbyshire were 
unable to resist the combination of evils. There were few doctors, and 
their medicines were for the cure of wounds, not for the removal of pesti- 
lence. The chief cause of all the disasters lay in the lack of organization, 
notably seen in the fact that there was no efficient commissariat transport 
train. Even when large supplies of beef and brandy, bread and coal had 
been provided, the high death-roll continued and increased. James's 
peasants suffered severely also, for out of a total of forty thousand, about 
fifteen thousand died. 


other posts and retire again all their force to Londonderry 

and Enniskillen, and some there were so forward as to imagine 

even those places would not secure their fears, but they would, 

having destroyed all the north, withdraw themselves into 

England and Scotland. The Protestants, that were amongst 

us being better informed of the strength and resolution of 

their brethren, laughed at these devices, and not without 

reason. God's and our enemies were not so weakened as to 

be driven to abandon what they had so dearly purchased, 

for allowing as was reported they had lost 10,000 men, yet 

by the common consent of all men, Schomberg at first had in 

his army 22,000 men besides the Enniskillingers and other 

rabble of the country, so that according to this computation 

there still remained 12,000, not reckoning the aforesaid 

northern spawn. With this | strength might have well been f. 69 a 

entertained a defensive summer war fortifying their best 

holds, much more the unseasonable time of winter not fit for 

any action in the field. It was vain to think God's judgements 

should produce any despair or remorse in the rebels, their 

hearts, like Pharaoh and his Egyptians, were hardened with 

punishment.^ The nature of an Englishman is to be tenacious 

of the opinion he has once conceived, to be positive in his 

own conceits, to be firm in his resolutions, to this being joined 

a genuine boldness of spirit, a contempt of danger, and 

a disdain of being outdone by another, he will rather perish 

than not go through with what he has once undertaken. 

Without suspicion of flattering England I may say of its 

people as once St. Gregory, Angli quasi Angeli, for whilst the 

true religion flourished among them no nation was more 

beautified with learned, heroic and godly men, and even in 

this corruption of times among such true sons of the church 

as have weathered the storms of persecution may be discerned 

the relics of that lustre which once glorified the whole island. 

But it is a true maxim in philosophy that, Corruptio optimi 

1 The Jacobite Secretary for War, Nagle, observing the grievous con- 
dition of the English, tried to induce them to desert, comparing their 
sufferings to those inflicted by God on the host of Sennacherib. Nagle's 
Letters, 2ii-z ; Macariae Excidium, 326-30 ; Jacobite Narrative ; Kazner, 
ii. 305. 

121s H 

98 THE JOURNAL 1689 

pessima, so those most noble spirits, the angels, blest with the 
beatific vision of the Almighty, when through their pride and 
rebellion they were cast down from heaven, of the most pure, 
most innocent, and most sublime creatures of God's creation 
they became the most loathsome, most malicious and most 
vile objects of His eternal wrath and indignation. Even so 
the English, who were once the pattern of piety, the mirror 
of religion and pillars of God's church, being fallen into 

f . 69 b apostasy, became the very | advocates of vice, the great 
example of profaneness, and the chief support of heresy, 
schism, irreligion, and atheism. Neither is it ignorance, but 
that natural obstinacy I mentioned before, that retains them 
in this deplorable estate ; they see the grossness of their error, 
and yet such is their pride they cannot submit to acknowledge 
it. They were not deluded or drawn into this rebellion 
against their sovereign, no it was mahce and perverseness of 
heart that forced that universal consent ; the fear of being 
obliged to confess their rebeUion against the church made 
them also traitors to their king. No oppression at home, no 
miseries abroad, no punishments of men or judgements of 
God, are able to enforce them to the least act of remorse ; the 
more they are scourged the more they persist, the nearer they 
see their fault the farther they are from owning it, they kick 
against the spur, and though they feel the smart yet they 
cover the sore. To conclude, such is the perverseness, obstinacy, 
pride, malice, and impenitence of an English rebel and 
heretic, that the one rather than submit to his king will 
venture to be hanged, and the other sooner than beg pardon 
of God himself will inevitably be damned. Both Irish and 
Scotch, in respect of those of their nations who bear part in 
the rebellion against God and the king, and who have drunk 
plentifully of this poison, I believe may apply this at home. 
To return where I left off, the horror of the place fatal to so 
many, the stench of the dead bodies, and the diseases that 
never ceased to rage, made the rebels quit Dundalk. After- 

t. 70 a wards being refreshed in other garrisons | by breathing 
a sweeter air, and God's wrath giving some respite to their 
miseries, they not only endeavoured to maintain their garri- 


sons, but made many incursions into our frontiers. What 
wants were among them, if any such, were plentifully supplied 
out of England, both as to provisions and recruits of men, 
besides that most of the north country rebels having been 
long in Londonderry and Enniskillen were well used to handle 
arms, but returned then I suppose to take possession of their 
houses and lands, which for fear of the king's army or love 
of their darling treason they had quitted. 

During the whole winter season till we took the field there 
happened nothing considerable but the defeat at Cavan ^ and 
the loss of Charlemont.^ To Cavan had been sent a strong 
detachment of the best men of several regiments, not without 
great expectation of their performing some very considerable 

• C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 485, 534-5- 

' Avaux to Seignelay, December 6 ; Avaux to Louis, January 25 and 
February 18, 1690 ; Kazner, i. 328-9, ii. 347 ; Lauzun to Louvois, May 10-20, 
1690, MinistSre de la Guerre ; Great News from Ireland. A letter from 
Lisnagarvey, March 20, 1690 (London, 1690, Thorpe) ; Story, 11 ; Clarke, 
ii. 385-90; C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 320, 444; C.S.P., Dom., 1690/91, 
pp. 5,13: ' Charlemont has surrendered from want of provisions.' Ibid., 
p. 14 : ' Letters from Ireland of the i8th say that the garrison of Charle- 
mont was forced to eat horse hides.' Ibid., p. 15 : ' They marched out 
with 600 men, bag and baggage, but very miserable creatures, being 
reduced to the utmost extremity, for when we entered the place there was 
but half a salted horse found, and that in the governor, Teague O'Regan's 
house, for his own use.' Light to the Blind, 585 : ' It was easy in the winter 
to send provisions into that town for a much longer siege : yet it was not 
done. You shall meet with more of those failures before the war ends.' 
Among the wounded was Captain Rapin, who wrote the History of England. 

Teague O'Regan was a hot-headed Irish ofiEicer in charge of the fortress 
of Charlemont with a garrison of about three hundred men. (C.S.P., Dom., 
1690/1, pp. 5, 13-15 ; C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 320, 444; Light to the 
Blind, 585 ; Kazner, i. 329, ii. 347 ; Lauzun to Louvois, May 10-20, 1690, 
MinistSre de la Guerre; Story, 11 ; Clarke, ii. 385-90.) After a stout 
defence O'Regan, who seems to have been a sort of Charles Napier, sur- 
rendered on the 1 2th of May from lack of provisions, but marched out with 
the honours of war. Schomberg came to meet the late governor, who cut 
a most extraordinary figure. The last time the two commanders had met, 
the latter had served as a lieutenant of the Scots gendarmes under the 
former. The duke asked how it was that with the garrison so straitened for 
food, so many women and children should have been retained in the place. 
The Irish officers replied that their soldiers would desert unless they had 
their wives and sweethearts with them. ' Well,' retorted the veteran 
warrior, ' there seems certainly to be a good deal of love in it, but also 
a good deal of foolishness ; ' and he at once ordered a loaf to be given to 
each man. The colonel of the Brandenburg regiment expressed his dis- 
appointment with the appearance of the men who resisted him. It is 
strange to note that friends and foes alike expressed a certain contempt for 
the Irish soldiers. 


100 THE JOURNAL 1689 

piece of service. The event answered not the opinion con- 
ceived of them, for scarce were they arrived there, sooner than 
put to the rout with great infamy, having scarce seen the face 
of their enemies, nor had the slaughter been less had the rebels 
been as forward to make use of their advantage as they were 
fortunate to gain it. With much industry the greatest part 
were persuaded to fly to the fort, others fled whither their fear 
dictated, some few were killed or taken, the most of these 
officers. Some men's fear gave them wings to bring this news 
to Dublin, which was variously represented first according to 
the terror of the relators as a general slaughter, then smothered 
and palliated with the name of a retreat ; but the Protestants 
had still the true intelligence, and our detachments returning 
f. 70 b home with shame, the whole matter | was known. I mean the 
sum of the defeat, loss, and disgrace were known, for to par- 
ticulars no credit could be given, every one relating what his 
fear first and then the case of his own credit suggested, scarce 
any two agreeing in their account, but all joining to frame 
excuses to cover an inexcusable shame. Charlemont whilst 
in our possession was not only accounted very considerable 
for its strength and situation, but esteemed the key of the 
north; their stores of ammunition, and provision greatly 
magnified, and the incursions made by the garrison were no 
small matter of discourse in Dublin. Schomberg, being better 
informed of the condition of the place, took his opportunity 
when 600 men had carried in a small supply of provisions to 
sit down before it, enclosing at the same time the convoy, 
whose relief was not sufficient to maintain themselves, much 
less to be any succour to the garrison. Knowing the scarcity 
of provisions must soon oblige the governor to surrender, 
whose courage if attacked would have held the place to the 
last, Schomberg after the usual summons was content to block 
it up till hunger should open that way, which all his force 
could scarce have done without great loss. After suffering all 
sorts of extremities having not only eaten the horses but their 
hides, the constancy of Thady 0' Regan the governor was 
forced to submit to necessity, and having obtained honourable 
conditions delivered the garrison, and upon his arrival at 


court in token of His Majesty's grace was knighted. Though 
it was well known the town was in no possibility to hold out, 
nothing was attempted for the relief of it ; but when lost, as 
much as the importance conveniency and strength of it had 
been magnified before, so much was it then contemned and 
despised. | 

In the spring arrived at Cork the French fleet, bringing f. 71 a 
besides wheat and ammunition eight battalions of foot well 
clothed, armed, and disciplined, in return whereof they 
received a like number of unarmed, ragged, and inexperienced 
men.^ These forces being landed and well refreshed at Cork 
and all about the country, by easy marches came to Dublin to 
the great satisfaction of all good men, and no less vexation of 
the rebellious party. These men raised a great expectation of 
themselves in every one's thoughts, and not without reason, 
they being the very flower of the foot of the army. M. de 
Lauzun had the command of them ; ^ they brought twelve 

^ Lauzun landed with seven thousand three hundred men at Kinsale, and 
Louis insisted that he must receive an equal number of Irish to replace 
them. Accordingly four Irish regiments, under Mountcashel, sailed for 
France : these formed the nucleus of the famous Irish Brigade. Rousset, 
Histoire de Louvois, 4, 382, 422 ; Dangeau's Journal, December 29 ; 
Louvois to Avaux, November i-ii, 1689 : ' 341 officers and 6,751 soldiers. 
There came also sixty-one artillery-men, six commissariat officers, twenty- 
seven surgeons, and hospital attendants.' 

" Lauzun (1633-1 723) when a young man was the favourite of Louis XIV, 
and the accepted lover of that monarch's cousin, the Princess de Montpen- 
sier. The King, however, refused his consent to the marriage, and offered 
to make him Duke, Marshal of France, and Governor of Provence, pro- 
vided he would give up his pretensions to the lady. This he declined to do 
and Louis cast him into prison in the Castle of Pignerol, but the princess 
bribed the Duke of Mayenne with the principality of Dombes to obtain 
his release. He escaped to England and when the Queen and the Prince of 
Wales fled to France Lauzun was their escort (Campana de Cavelli,ii. 461 ; 
Klopp, iv. 269 ; Rousset, iv. 151 ). In the summer of 1689 Louis superseded 
Rosen and appointed Lauzun as commander and sent with him 6,000 
veterans. He arrived in Dublin with his forces well armed and clothed, 
and issued an order to his men by which he ' forbade their taking anything 
but what they paid for, and also prohibited their molesting Protestant 
assemblies ' (Southwell MSS.). After the defeat of the Boyne he advised 
James to retire to France (Clarke, ii. 214). He retired to Limerick, but 
pronounced the town untenable {Macariae Excidium, p. 65). ' It is 
unnecessary,' he maintained, ' for the English to bring cannon against such 
a place as this. What you call ramparts might be battered down with 
roasted apples.' After the raising of the siege of Limerick, Lauzun and 
Tyrconnel embarked at Galway. Lauzun was disgraced by Louis, and, 
but for the solicitations of James, he would have ended his days in that 

102 THE JOURNAL 1689 

field-pieces, and were paid in silver, which was no small 
damage and discouragement to the rest of the army who 
received none but brass money, for by that means this sort of 
coin lost much of its former value. Brass money for some 
time passed at the full rate as current as silver, till some 
people going to France, and others, wanting silver to trade 
there, began to give above the rates of the proclamation for 
silver and gold coin, and it being considerably improved the 
French failed not to lay hold of the opportunity and make 
their advantage, till pistoles came to be sold for three pounds 
apiece in brass, and so proportionably for other lesser coin. 
Hence proceeded that excessive dearness of provisions and 
all manner of necessaries, not from any scarcity but from the 
contempt of the coin, which was very prejudicial to the whole 
army who lived upon bare subsistence without any other 
advantages. Especially those in Dublin suffered much, being 
quartered (except the guards) in waste houses, and such 
f. 71 b places where they | had no help of housekeepers as formerly 
in quarters, and the prices of all things extraordinary. I do 
not lay this down as the effect of the French being paid in 
silver, for as I have said above, this took beginning and was 
well improved before their coming, though they added much 
to it. Besides for some days before their arrival the regiments 
in Dublin had been quartered upon the citizens, and upon the 
coming of the French were removed to the skirts of the city 

home of fallen favourites, the Bastille. He had " won the confidence of 
the Queen of England to the point that she considered him the only 
statesman, the only general, the only diplomat, the only administrator ; 
in a word, the universal, necessary, and tutelary genius ' (Rousset, 
ii. 193). On the other hand the Marquis de la Fare pronounced him 
the most insolent little man who had been seen for a century {Mimoires, 
ser. ii, vol. Ixv, p. i8o), and Saint-Simon, his brother-in-law, accounted 
him a low and base courtier (Mimoires, xix. i86). Voltaire, however, men- 
tions him and Vardes as the only friends Louis ever possessed {Sidcle de 
Louis XIV, CEuvres, vol. xiii, p. 572). In the opinion of Louvois he was 
' a contemptible fellow ' and ' a poltroon ', and ' the first French general 
to prevent the army under his orders from fighting '. Hoffman notes that 
till he arrived in Ireland he had never done military service anywhere 
except in a fortress (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 289). Like Louvois, Avaux 
hated him and described him with reason as ' lazy, generally disliked,, and 
dishonest '. Berwick maintained that he had ' quite forgotten all his 
military knowledge if he ever possessed any '. In the Caractires La Bruyfere 
sketches his character under the title of Stratton. 


and neighbouring villages. Whosoever was the first contriver 
of quartering soldiers in waste houses and such-like places 
without doubt had more prospect of interest than love to the 
army. Every housekeeper that would be exempted was 
obliged to purchase a protection, which besides all underhand 
charges cost him one, two or more featherbeds with necessary 
good blankets, or in default of" such beds two, three or four 
pounds according to the value of his house or humour of 
them that were to impose the rate. By this means were levied 
above five hundred good beds, besides a vast sum of money, 
all as was pretended to furnish conveniences for soldiers in 
waste houses that they might not be burdensome to the 
inhabitants. In truth all this served only to enrich some few 
private persons through whose hands it went and who made 
a prey of the city under colour of easing it. For except some 
few old beds that were sent to the hospital, no account was 
ever had of the above-mentioned number, and all the poor 
soldiers had of that great quantity of money raised were some 
poor straw beds, and those so scarce that they served not one- 
half .of the men, those who had them | lying little better than f. 72 a 
upon the floor, through the thinness of the straw, almost naked 
by reason of the badness of their clothes and the blankets, 
and starved for want of firing, having none but what they 
stole with the utter ruin of many good houses, and of all the 
hedges, bushes, and trees about Dublin. 

Money, like blood in the body of man, ought to have its 
circulation, and passing from one hand to another be as it 
were in a continual motion, from the subject to the king, from 
the king to the soldier, from the soldier to the tradesman, 
from the tradesman to the merchant, from the merchant to the 
countryman, from the countryman to the gentleman, and 
from every one again to the king. The distempers that the 
kingdom laboured under had stopped this circulation in such 
manner that though it continued its course in some measure 
through the body of the people, the recourse to the king, the 
head, was almost quite diverted. All the branches of His 
Majesty's revenue were so sunk that the receipt scarce turned 
to any account, and a subsidy granted when the parliament 

104 THE JOURNAL 1689 

sat was near lost in the very collecting. This obliged His 
Majesty to continue the coining a vast quantity of brass, 
having no other means left to support his army. Not only all 
the old brass and copper that could be found in Dublin or the 
country was consumed, but many of the largest brass guns 
were melted down, and the want still continuing it was to 
be feared all the cannon of that sort of metal in the kingdom 
were in danger. To supply in some measure this necessity 
i. j2 b the new half-crowns were made smaller, and all | the old large 
ones called in, which being new stamped passed for crowns. 
Another remedy was also designed, which was to make crown 
pieces of pewter or block tin, some few of these were coined 
being in all respects Hke the brass, only that on the outward 
edge in the manner of the English milled money was this 
motto, MELiORis TESSERA FATi, and the year of His Majesty's 
reign, and in the middle was fixed as it were riveted in a small 
piece of brass, but this money was never made current. 

Summer drawing on the preparations for the campaign 
began to be hastened, and the war which the winter seemed 
to have lulled asleep being awakened, every man was em- 
ployed in furnishing himself for the field.^ Every regiment 

' Tyrconnel's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, eight captains, nine lieutenants, eight cornets, eleven quarter- 
masters, adjutant, surgeon, chaplain, with two other officers and five 
French officers d la suite. There were nine companies and 250 men. 
Tyrconnel wrote to Mary Beatrice, James's queen, on January 29, 1688/9, 
(Add. 28053, i- 386, Brit. Mus.), and from this letter his plans for new 
modelling the army in Ireland and his preparations for the coming contest 
are clear. He asks his correspondents in France ' to send me besides the 
8,000 firearms already sent 6,000 matchlocks more and 5,000 firelocks. To 
send me at least 12,000 swords. To send me 2,000 carbines, and as many 
cases of pistols and holsters. To send me a good number of officers to 
train' (i.e. to train the Irish volunteers). In the course of the letter 
Tyrconnel makes a passionate appeal for immediate succour, showing that 
he had many men but little money for them. In the army there are ' four 
regiments of old troops, and one battalion of the Regiment of the Guards, 
three Regiments of Horse^ with one troop of Grenadiers on horseback. 
I have lately given out commissions for nearly forty regiments, four 
Regiments of Dragoons, and two of Horse, all which amount to near 40,000 
men, who are all unclothed and the greater part unarmed, and are to be 
subsisted by their several officers until the lapt of February next, out of 
their own purses, to the ruin of most of them ; but after that day I see 
no possibility for arming them, clothing them, or subsisting them for the 
future, but abandoning the country to them ; but after all, if I may be 
supplied by the last of March with those succours that are necessary which 


in its quarters was mustered and reviewed, an account given 

of all their wants, arms, cloths, and tents delivered, and 

nothing omitted for the well furnishing and equipping the 

army. The Grand Prior's Regiment consisted of twenty-two 

companies, but none of them full, it was therefore reduced 

to thirteen, and with the broken new companies were filled up 

the old ones. But as it commonly happens among those 

people, the captains had no long joy of this recruit, for soon 

after they were taken from under the command of their own 

idol officers they began to desert, their old ofl&cers not only 

conniving but encouraging the men to quit the service, laying 

aside the care of the public good for a private malice, though 

all the officers were continued in pay as reformed or seconds. 

The dearness of the time and smallness of our pay kept the 

officers low, and of consequence their equipage for the camp 

was the easier provided. Each captain of the Grand Prior's 

had a tent allowed | him, and every two subalterns, being f. 73 a 

a soldier's tent raised one breadth of cloth from the ground, 

I press in my letters, I doubt not but I shall preserve this kingdom eptirely 
ior your Majesty '. When James landed at Kinsale on the 14th of March, 
1688, Tyrconnel met him at Cork and was able to say ' that he had sent 
down Lieut.-General Hamilton with about 2,500 men, being as many 
as he could spare from Dublin, to make head against the rebels in 
Ulster, who were masters of all that province except Charlemont and 
Carrickfergus ; that most part of the Protestants in other parts of the 
kingdom had been up ; that in Munster they had possessed themselves of 
Castlemartyr and Bandon, but were forced to surrender both places 
and were totally reduced in those parts by Lieut.-General Macarthy, and 
were in a manner totally suppressed in the other two provinces ; that the 
bare reputation of an army had done it, together with the diligence of 
the Catholic nobility and gentry, who had raised above fifty regiments 
of foot and several troops of horse and dragoons ; that he had distributed 
amongst them about 20,000 arms, but most were so old and unserviceable 
that not above one thousand of the firearms were found afterwards to be 
of any use ; that the old troops consisting of one battalion of Guards, 
together with Macarthy's, Clancarty's, and Newcomen's Regiments, were 
pretty well armed, as also seven companies of Mountjoy's which were with 
them, the other six having stayed in Derry, with Colonel Lundy and 
Gustavus Hamilton, the lieutenant-colonel and major of that regiment ; 
that he had three regiments of horse — Tyrconnel's, Russell's, and Galmoy's 
— and one of dragoons ; that the Catholics of the country had no arms, 
whereas the Protestants had that plenty, and the best horses in the king- 
dom ; for great artillery he had but eight small field-pieces in a condition 
to march, the rest not mounted, no stores in the magazines, little powder 
and ball, all the officers gone to England, and no money in cash '. Cf. Clarke, 
James II, ii. 327-8 ; Avaux to Louis, from Cork, March 29, 1689, pp. 36-8 ; 
Macpherson, i. 177-8. 

io6 THE JOURNAL 1689 

the tent given, the additional part to be deducted out of their 
pay. Upon the same account every one had liberty to take up 
red cloth, white lining, and pewter buttons to make regimental 
coats. All this was had out of the stores and never paid for. 

As I have made general remarks upon the times, and not 
forbore to expose the errors of others, so before I proceed 
I cannot but reflect upon my own course of life (though in 
very few words) during this season. Dime con quien andas, 
direte quien eres} ' Tell me your company I'll tell you your 
manners,' saith the Spaniard. When the air is infected with 
pestilential vapours, every man endeavours to fortify himself 
against it with some antidotes or preservatives. But when 
the wickedness of the times carries an infectious contagion 
to annoy the souls of men, few are those who have recourse 
to the true mediums to preserve themselves against the pesti- 
lence of vice. I was neither more wise nor more holy than the 
rest of the world to know how to avoid the danger of too much 
company. It is the general error of youth that to prevent or 
divert melancholy or care they embrace all sorts of society, 
and the consequence of it is excess of drinking and other vices. 
I wanted not my share in this distraction being young and 
having little employment to take up my time, my thoughts 
were much subject to melancholy for the loss of my friends, 
and for wants, which, not being used to, were the more 
grievous to me. My course to disperse these thoughts was 
not such as it should be; the duties of my post were not enough 
to take up the least part of my time, and instead of employ- 
f. 73 b ing I the remaining part in such studies or exercises as might 
not only have been delightful at present, but in process of 
time advantageous to me, I employed myself wholly in 
following the court, in walking the town, in superfluous visits, 
in keeping company, and what is worse in drinking and such- 
like idle and foolish divertisements of youth. I do not pretend 
to so much reservedness or zeal as wholly to condemn these 
pastimes, which used with moderation are in themselves 
innocent enough ; I reprehend in myself the excessive use of 

' Cf. Ormsby's edition of Don Quixote, ii. 10, 23. Cf. Garay, Carta 4, 
Portuguese, Dirte he que manhas has. 




them, and that I was so wholly devoted to them as that they 
seemed to be my sole business during my stay in Dublin. All 
things that have a face of moderation seem to bear a show 
of virtue according to the received maxim, In medio consistit 
virtus, and all extremes though in things that seem innocent 
are vicious, since the Scripture tells us, Eccles. vii. 17, Noli 
esse iustus multum: neque plus sapias quam necesse est, ne 
obstupescas. I wish my future life may carry such a tem- 
perature (since I cannot so much as aim at the perfection of 
a Christian life) that profitable studies may be the slackening 
of my cares, and innocent pleasures the divertisement from 
study, that I may be happy in that true mixture mentioned 
by the poet, Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci} 1690 

Monday, May the 19th, 1690 : the Lord Grand Prior's 
Regiment,^ having the day before received what clothes, and 

' Horace, Ars Poetica 343. 

" The Lord Grand Prior's Regiment was one of infantry. It was com- 
manded by Colonel Henry Fitz- James. The lieutenant-colonels were 
Thomas Corbet and Edward Nugent. The major was one Porter. As 
this was Stevens's regiment the list of all the other officers is given. 

Walter ' Tirrell ' 
Hugh McMahon 
John Sutton 
Christopher Sherlock 
John Wogan 
Alexander Knightley 
John Pan ton 
William Moore 
Le Sieur Corridore 
Thomas Justie 
Patrick Kendelan 
George Corridons, 

Lieut.-Col. Clonshinge 

Ignatius Usher 

— Savage 

— Rourke 

— Talbot 

— Mac Swyny 

— Mac Gowran 

— Walsh 

— O'Brien 

— Dempsey 

James ' Barnwell ' 
John Stevens 

— Catalier 
Garrett Plunkett 
Christopher Bellew 
Charles Deguent 
Bartholomew White 

— King 

— Neale 
John Heme 
Claudius Beauregard 
Walter Grace 
Walter Usher 

— Dobin 

— Rourke 

— Mortimer 

— Mac Swyny 


Phill Mownson 
Bartholomew Read 
Daniel O'Daniel 

— Tyrrell 

— Morgone 
Matthew Wale 
Francis Borre 

— Wolverston 

Blaghan Kendelan 

Edward Rigney 

Oliver Grace 

— Muschy 

— Rourke 

— Conway 

— Doherty 

— Neale 

— O'Brien 

— Dunn 

Rev. — Neale, Chaplain 
— Kennedy, Surgeon 
There were thirteen companies and 754 men (Brit. Mus. list). 


io8 THE JOURNAL 1690 

arms they wanted, was drawn up in Oxmantown Green,^ 
where it was first viewed by the king, and then marched away 

f. 74 a towards the north. This night | we encamped about half 
a mile beyond Swords, which is six miles from Dublin. The 
town of Swords is but mean and has nothing in it remarkable 
but the ruins of an ancient great church, where I suppose was 
also formerly a considerable monastery ; about the town also 
is as much as can preserve the memory of its having been 
walled. It being the first night, and I, as yet somewhat 
unprovided to lie in the field, ventured with leave to go about 
two miles from the regiment to a place called Saucerstown, 
a village consisting of only a few scattered cottages, where 
I found one tolerable, and in it good quarters. 

Tuesday the 20th : about five of the clock in the morning 
I returned to the regiment and found them ready to march. 
It was ordered that neither officer nor soldier should quit the 
ranks which was no small fatigue, the weather being hot and 
the road excessive dusty to that degree that we were almost 
stifled and blinded, and so covered with dust that we scarce 
knew ourselves, all which fell most grievously upon such as 
marched afoot, whereof I was one. From Swords to Ballough 
is four miles, thence to Balrothery two, both of them poor 
villages, these last two miles of the longest I have seen. Hence 
to Gormanstown three miles, not worthy the name of a town, 
but at best only a tolerable village, most remarkable for 
giving title to a lord, who has a good house in the place, but 

f. 74 b poorly provided at that time, as some of our officers | found 
by experience, who went to it only to get any sort of drink, 
there being then none to be had for money. Here we made 
a halt for about two hours, but found no refreshment, but 
what we brought with us unless the cool air and grass. Hence 

gives 200 men. Cf. Jacobite Narrative, 229. There there are recorded no 
less than nineteen officers d la suite. Cf. Avaux to Louvois, September 5, 
September 20 ; Avaux to Croissy, November 24 ; Avaux to Louvois, 
November 26 ; Avaux to Louis, February 11, 1690. According to M. d'Es- 
cot's report of August 29, 1689, there were 200 men at Drogheda and of 
these 120 were armed. 

' Oxmantown Green was then on the skirts of Dublin and troops were 
often paraded there. The Green was also used for playing bowls and 


we marched two miles farther to Jenkinstown Bridge, where 
we drew up in a large field in order to pitch our tents, but 
before the ground was marked out orders came to march to 
Drogheda, three miles from this place, and we were quartered 
in the city, where we found one battalion of His Majesty's 
Foot Guards, the Earl of Tyrone's Regiment of Foot,^ and 
100 of the Life Guards.^ All the country between this 
city and Dublin is very pleasant, and a good soil, having 
great store of corn some good pasture, the road in summer 
very good, but in winter extreme deep unless helped by an 
old broken causeway full of holes. Drogheda is the capital of 
the county of Louth, and according to the ancient division of 
Ireland, the first and chief of the whole province of Ulster, 
which in ancient times comprehended the whole county of 
Louth, and was divided from Leinster by the river Boyne, but 
in a later division the said county of Louth is added to the 
province of Leinster. The Boyne divides the city, the principal 
part whereof as is before said stands in the county of Louth, 
the remainder on the south side of the river in the county of 
Meath, most part whereof is demolished ever since Cromwell 
besieged it, he having made his breach on the south-east side, 
where he also ruined an ancient church. On this side also is 
the mount, not so large | as capable of being made strong, f. 75 a 
and has the full command of the whole city. Both parts are 
joined by a wooden bridge, as high as which close to the quays 
ships of considerable burden have water enough, but the river 
though deep is narrow. About the year 1685, when first I saw 
this city it was in a flourishing condition, well inhabited and 

'■ The Earl of Tyrone's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, sixteen captains, seventeen lieutenants, fourteen ensigns, chaplain, 
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 874 men (Brit. Mus. list). 
Avaux gives 400 men. It suffered severely at the battle of the Boyne. 

In 1673 Richard Power, the lineal male representative of the Lords of 
Curraghmore, was created Viscount Decies and Earl of Tyrone. In i68i 
he was suspected of being concerned in the Popish Plot {Memoirs of Ireland, 
1716, p. 34), but in 1687 he received a pension of ;£300 per annum. He sat 
in the Parliament of 1689, and in September 1690 negotiated with Churchill 
for the surrender of Cork. In January 1691 he was thrown into the Tower 
and died shortly after : he was a man of no principle. 

' The Guards had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, three majors, sixteen 
captains, twenty lieutenants, and nineteen ensigns. There were three 
officers d la suite {Jacobite Narrative, 216-17). 


had a considerable trade at sea. Since this rebellion it is 
totally ruined, its trade lost, most of the inhabitants fled, and 
the buildings ready to fall to the ground. We continued here 
in quarters till 

Saturday the 24th : a detachment of His Majesty's Horse 
Guards, then two battalions of the foot guards, then the Lord 
Grand Prior's Regiment, and, to close up the rear, a troop of the 
Lord Dungan's Dragoons ; in this manner we marched about 
three or four miles to Mellif ont, as to the village very inconsider- 
able. But what makes the place anything known is a large but 
now much decayed house in a bottom enclosed with wooded 
hills and a very fair park, all of the estate of the infamous Earl 
of Drogheda, infamous both as a rebel and notorious coward.^ 
On a ridge of hills to the northward of this place we encamped 
the horse and foot guards on the left, it being next to the 
general's quarters, the Grand Prior and two troops of Colonel 
Sutherland's Horse ^ on the right, leaving in the centre a large 
interval for other regiments to encamp. 

' Henry, the third Earl of Drogheda, assumed the surname of Hamilton 
as heir to the Earl of Clanbrassil. In the reign of Charles II he was a cornet 
of horse; in 1679 he was made Custos Rotulorum of the counties of Louth 
and Meath, in 1684 a member of the Privy Council, and in 1686 Custos 
Rotulorum of Meath and Queen's County. In 1689 he was attainted by 
the Irish Parliament and had his estate sequestrated. William appointed 
him and the Earl of Roscommon colonels to raise men. At the capture 
of Carrickfergus he commanded a regiment of foot and with his men was 
present at the battle of the Boyne. When proceeding to the first siege 
of Limerick he led the advance guard and drove the enemy under the 
walls. On the 27th of August, 1690, at the assault, his grenadiers entered 
the breach, and were actually in the town, but the regiments appointed to 
second them, having no orders to proceed farther than the counterscarp, 
stopped there. That year he was sworn a member of the Privy Council 
and he signed the proclamation forbidding any trade to be carried on 
with France or any correspondence to be held with Louis or his subjects. 
He sat in the Parliament of 1692 and was a commissioner of the forfeited 
estates. In 1675 he married Mary, second daughter of Sir John Cole. 

' Colonel Hugh Sutherland's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant- 
colonel, major, four captains, six lieutenants, six comets, six quarter- 
masters, and an adjutant. There were six companies and 184 men (Brit. 
Mus. list). Avaux gives 135 men. 

Colonel Hugh Sutherland was, during the siege of Derry, dispatched 
with two regiments of infantry, one of dragoons, and two troops of horse, 
to ' straiten ' Enniskillen in the direction of Belturbet. He was to co- 
operate with Sarsfield. But when he arrived at Belturbet, Rosen, then at 
Derry, ordered him to proceed to Omagh to protect the Irish blockading 
army in that neighbourhood. Berwick joined him at Omagh and they 


Sunday the 25th : Colonel M'EUicott's Regiment encamped 
on the left of us.^ They marched in about 550 strong, besides 
officers and sergeants, very well armed and clothed. ( 

Monday the 26th : in the morning the Earl of Tyrone's f. 75 b 
Regiment joined us, and encamped on the right of the guards, 
about 500 and odd strong. Soon after them came up Colonel 
Parker's Regiment of Horse, consisting of eight troops in all, 
300 men complete ; they marched through, and took their 
ground about a quarter of a mile from the head of our line. 
A troop of the Lord Dungan's Dragoons marched in with this 
last regiment, but neither these nor those before mentioned 
encamped with us. These two days we had very foul weather, 
towards evening it cleared a little. 

Tuesday the 27th : though the weather was extreme foul 
with a continual violent rain all the foot were drawn out and 
kept at arms all day only to satisfy the impertinent curiosity 
of some ladies, who appeared in a coach towards evening, and 
whom we were commanded to receive with the same respects 
as are used to be paid to the king, though there were few there 
who did not curse them in their hearts and even some with 
loud voices. For although we were obhged to obey our 

■ cut ofi several of their sentries, and pushed a great many of the rebels' 
party with such vigour as they beat with thirty dragoons three troops of 
horse of theirs, which were drawn up at a distance from us ' (E. 2, 19, 
T.C.D.). He fought and was wounded at the Boyne, where his men 
suffered little ' having to do only with the enemy's horse, which he soon 
repulsed ' (Clarke, ii. 400). 

' Colonel Roger M'EUicott's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, eleven captains, thirteen lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. There 
were thirteen companies and 793 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 
450 men. 

Colonel Roger M'Ellicott was a member for Ardfert in the Parliament 
of 1689. On May 6, 1689, Avaux wrote to Seignelay : ' En attendant, 
Monsieur, que j'aye I'honneur de faire scavoir celuy que j'auray choisy, 
vous pouvez ordonner aux maistres des bastimens qui porteront des lettres, 
de les donner a M. Mac Elligott, gouverneur de Kinsale, c'est un fort hon- 
neste homme de mes amis, et qui me les fera tenir fort ponctuellement.' 
M'Ellicott was Governor of Cork when Churchill besieged it in September, 
1690. According to James the Governor ' showed more courage than 
prudence, in refusing the good conditions which were offered him at first '. 
Berwick had so little thought of its sustaining a siege that he ordered 
M'Ellicott to burn the town, and retire with his garrison into Kerry. At the 
end of five days he was obliged to surrender, and was imprisoned in the 
Tower of London. In June 1694 he was exchanged and went to France, 
where Louis appointed him colonel of the regiment of Clancarty. 

112 THE JOURNAL 1690 

superiors, who, as may appear by the course of our misfortunes, 
were generally better courtiers than soldiers, yet we could not 
but resent being fatigued a whole day at arras when the rain 
ran through our clothes the most part of the time as if we had 
been kept standing in a river up to the neck, and had no 
retreat but our poor tents, nothing of the king's service or 
martial discipline requiring this hardship to be imposed on 
us, but rather the drawing out of so many battalions 
of armed men in such unseasonable weather was to surprise 
the fortress of those (I doubt not overwell fortified) ladies' 
hearts. This night we received orders for marching the next 
morning. | 
f. 76 a Wednesday the 28th : the general beat at three, all the line 
was at arms at four, and began at five to march off from the 
left. First the horse guards, then two troops of Colonel 
Sutherland's, next the two battalions of foot guards and other 
regiments successively, and lastly the Lord Grand Prior's ;, 
after them followed the ammunition and baggage and Colonel 
Parker's Horse, which doubtless was designed to close the rear, 
but on the sudden without much order they marched off 
and left us. The country here is very open, the first mile and 
half a broad road between cornfields, then a common above 
a mile over very thick of fern, thence to Ardee about four 
miles. We marched through three miles farther and encamped 
at night between Stormanstown and Cookstown, both little 
more than the ruins of two gentlemen's houses. The line was 
extended near a mile in length, the guards taking the right, 
the Lord Grand Prior the left, the rest in the centre being in 
all but six battalions, leaving intervals for such battalions as 
were designed to fill up the line. The horse guards held the 
right and Colonel Parker's Horse the left, the Lord Dungan's 
Dragoons on the right of the guards. The line lay along the 
side of a pleasant hill, all the fields about full of grass, but 
very little corn. 

Thursday the 29th : joined us eight complete troops of 
Quarter-Master General Maxwell's Regiment of Dragoons, 
being 400 men well armed and mounted. They encamped 
on the left of Parker's Horse. 


Friday the 30th : the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of Foot ^ 
encamped on the right next the Grand Prior's, their muster- 
rolls and computation amounted to near 800, but after a dili- 
gent search.and inquiry I could not find above 550 private men. 

Saturday the 31st : in the morning two women were | 
hanged as spies by order of Major-General L6ry,^ the com- f. 76 b 
mander-in-chief. In the afternoon the Earl of Westmeath's 
Regiment * about 550 strong encamped on the right of Antrim. 
These two days' provisions of all sorts were very scarce and 

' The Earl of Antrim's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, eleven captains, fourteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, and one 
officer d la suite. There were 549 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 634. 
This is the only case where the French estimate exceeds the English. 

Alexander Macdonnell was third Earl of Antrim and succeeded his 
brother in 1683. He took part in the rebellion of 164 1. At the Restoration 
he represented Wigan at intervals from 1660 to 1683, and he attended the 
Irish Parliament of 1689. Tjrconnel ordered him to occupy Derry, but 
the citizens refused to admit his regiment of Roman Catholics. He re- 
covered his very large estates, valued at ;^5,ooo a year, by the articles of 
Limerick, but died in 1696 before his outlawry was reversed. 

' Lery, Marquis de Girardin, came with Rosen as Brigadier of cavalry. 
Under Lauzun he was appointed second in command with the rank of 
Lieut.-General, for he was a fine cavalry leader. He thought the battle 
of the Boyne was lost because the road north of Bundalk was not held 
by James (Klopp, v. 143). ' The enemy,' writes Berwick, ' by a short 
march towards his right by way of Armagh could have reached the plain 
south of Dundalk. Therefore it was resolved to give up Duudalk, to 
retreat and to take up a firm position on the right bank of the Boyne.' In 
other words, the Jacobites gave up a strong position without a battle 
in order to retire to a weaker one. Cf. Schomberg, July 4, in the 
K. K. Archives : ' Nous aurons le dimanche pour faire nos dispositions, 
en cas que les ennemis nous attendent k Drogheda, comme ils font 
courir le bruit ; mais je ne croys pas qu'ils nous attendent k la rivifire de 
Boyne, ayant quitte le poste le plus advantageux et qui estoit impossible 
pour nous de passer.' (Cf. Hoffmann's report, July 11 ; Burnet, iii. 52-3 ; 
Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, fols. 34, 47 ; Macariae Excidium, 343-6.) 
After July i, 1690, L6ry returned to France. There are references to 
Lery in the Avaux Correspondence : Avaux to Louis, April 23, May 6, 
1689 ; Avaux to Louvois, May 6, May 14, August 14, August 18 ; Avaux 
to Croissy, August 30 ; Avaux to Louvois, January 26, 1690. 

' The Earl of Westmeath's Regiment, formerly Colonel Francis Toole's, 
had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, five lieutenants, 
four ensigns, chaplain, surgeon, and one captain d la suite. There were 
fifteen companies and 814 men (Avaux). 

Thomas Nugent, fourth Earl of Westmeath (1656-1752), married when 
about sixteen years of age. After this he followed the usual custom of those 
days and went abroad on the grand tour, and when he returned he was 
given command of a regiment of infantry. In 1689 James raised him to 
the peerage, although he was under age and his elder brother Richard was 
still alive. His name is intimately connected with the sieges of Limerick. 

1218 I 

114 THE JOURNAL 1690 

dear ; the badness of the weather contributing much thereto, 
by reason the country about us was bare, and all necessaries 
brought far, which was difficult to the poor people in bad 

Sunday the ist of June : nothing of note. 

Monday the 2nd : a party of horse and dragoons sent out 
returned at night, having marched about nine miles and scarce 
seen any human creature but an old woman dying for want 
in the church at Carrickmacross, and two men on the road by 
whom they understood there was no body of the enemy near. 

Friday the 6th : the Earl of Louth's Regiment ^ came up 

Tjrrconnel tried to procure the condemnation of Simon Luttrell for having 
allowed the British troops to turn a. bridge over the Shannon, but Lord 
Westmeath warmly pleaded his cause on the ground that Brigadier Clifiofd 
was in charge of the bridge and Luttrell was in Limerick Castle at the time. 
Lord Westmeath succeeded his brother in 17 14. 

' Lord Louth's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, no major, 
twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. There were 
thirteen companies and 603 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men. 
On April 6, 1689, Pusignan wrote from Dungannon to Avaux and referred 
to this regiment. This letter gives much information on the position of 
affairs : ' L'on ne m'a tenu parole sur rien de tout ce qu'on m'avoit promis, 
pas mesme sur I'establissement de chevaux de poste que j'avois demand^ 
si souvent, il faut que je fasse partir cet officier en arrivant icy pour rendre 
compte que de neuf pieces de canon qu'il y a 4 Charlemont tant bonnes 
que mauvaises, il n'y a pas un affus pour les mener en campagne, et que 
pour en faire faire deux par les ouvriers que j'ay amenez de Dublin en 
attendant ceux de Pointis, ils me demandent douze jours, encore ne sayje 
s'ils feront bien, ne pouvant y estre pour les faire travailler, ny M. Doe non 
plus qui n'est pas sans besogne pour son fait, comme moy pour le mien, 
car il n'y a pas seulement des fours en ce pays, c'est k dire icy et k Charle- 
mont, mais l'on luy fait esperer qu'il ne manquera pas de bled, nous en 
avons desja assez considerablement, mais pour ce qui est des munitions de 
guerre je n'en ay trouv6 nulle part sur ma route, ny mesme n'y en a-t-il 
point k plus de vingt milles 4 la ronde ; il n'y a a Charlemont, que vingt 
boulets pour une piece de canon d'environ quatorze a quinze livres de bale, 
et six d'environ sept qui est le calibre des autres. Vous voyez bien. Mon- 
sieur, que cela ne vaut pas la peine de mener du canon en campagne, 
cependant mes charons travaillent aux deux affus que je leur ay commande. 
Ayez la bont§ de penser a moy, les gens de M. de Pointis, me feroient le 
plus grand plaisir du monde si vous pouviez me les envoyer, et des affus de 
canon s'il s'en trouvoit de faits, afin de gagner du temps. ... J 'ay veu les 
regimens de Bellew, de Gormeston et de Louths qui n'ont pas une espSe, et 
fort peu de mousquets, les compagnies sent plus fortes en piques qu'en 
mousquets dont tres peu seront en estat de tirer ; enfin je ne saurois assez 
vous exagerer tout ce qu'il manque en ce pays, depuis deux jours je n'ay 
mang6 que de tres mauvais beure sur du pain d'avoine, car tout men petit 
faix est demeurfe derriere, vostre surtout est rompu deux fois par la piece 
principale qui est I'essieu, et tons ces gens cy ne savent ce que c'est que de 
manger quelque chose de nostre goust, et encore moins de I'offrir.' 


to us and encamped on the right of Sir Michael Creagh. The 
same night His Majesty's second troop of guards joined the 
detachments that were with us before. The three foregoing 
days nothing of note happening are therefore omitted, as also 
the following being the 7th. 

Sunday the 8th : a party of horse and dragoons under the 
command of Brigadier Maxwell returned, having been within 
two or three miles of Armagh, and hardly seen any living 
creature all the way. Four deserters came to us from the 

Monday the 9th : four troops of Brigadier Maxwell's 
dragoons that were behind joined the regiment, making up 
twelve complete troops and near 600 men well accoutred and 

Tuesday the loth : the camp was alarmed by a report of 
some body of the enemy being seen between us and Dundalk. 
The horse and dragoon pickets mounted, horses were taken 
from grass, and some parties | went out, but it proved a very f. n a 
groundless alarm. 

Wednesday the nth : two of Sir Michael Creagh's men,^ 
being taken six or seven miles from the camp, were shot as 
deserters. The weather till now having continued very cold, 
wet, and raw, became on a sudden extreme hot. 

Thursday, Friday, and Saturday nothing of note but that 
this last day being appointed a general muster ; there being 
but one commissary of the foot only the two battalions of 
guards mustered. 

Sunday the 15th all the other foot regiments mustered 
beginning from the right. The Earl of Clare's Regiment of 
Foot joined the army. 

Tuesday the 17th : the general beat between two and three 
o'clock in the morning, about an hour after, the troop, with 
orders to decamp, the army marched off from the right 
towards Dundalk. First to Tallantstown Bridge near which 

' Sir Michael Creagh's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
twelve captains, eighteen lieutenants, and thirteen ensigns. On the list 
of the staff were the chaplain, adjutant, quarter-master, and surgeon. 
There were 633 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 547 men. According 
to a French report, for one good musket ten were bad. 


ii6 THE JOURNAL 1690 

stands a house of the Lord Louth's, not at all considerable 
though once a garrison of ours, it being half thatched. Thence 
cross the ground we had encamped on the year before, where 
we found standing the entrenchments we had then made. We 
passed through Louth, a very poor inconsiderable village, 
without so much as the remains of any former grandeur, which 
in many parts of Ireland is to be seen in the considerable ruins 
that are about small places. From this poor hole does this 
county, esteemed one of the best in Ireland, take name. This 
day's march was ten miles, the country very pleasant and 
a rich soil, but most lying waste since this rebellion broke out 
into open war. It is generally hilly without any large plain, 
not much enclosed or rather most enclosures thrown down 
f. 77 b these times, [ and there being no stocks of cattle to eat it up 
the fields were plentifully stored with grass. Our head- 
quarters were at Castle Bellew, a house of the lord of the 
same name^ and colonel in His Majesty's army, about a mile 
from Dundalk. The army encamped on the side of a hill on 
the left of the head-quarters, facing towards Newry. The 
town of Dundalk, as was said before, within a mile of the 
right, the river at a considerable distance before us. The day 
proved excessive hot and the march long, for these are not 
like the ordinary miles of England. But what was most tire- 
some was our regiment's bringing up the rear, which is often 
forced to run when the van walks at ease, and is often made 
more uneasy through the indiscretion of commanding ofl&cers, 
especially when they take not good measures in marching 
through defiles. Upon all halts the rear is marching up while 
the front rests, so that they have scarce a breathing before the 
drum beats to march ; unless general officers will be so kind 
to their men, where no danger is near, as to let them halt in 

• James raised John Bellew to the peerage and appointed him a Privy- 
Councillor and Lord-Lieutenant of County Louth. At Aughrim he was 
captured and so severely wounded that he died in January 1692. Colonel 
Charles O' Kelly, the author of Macariae Excidium, had a son Denis, who 
married Lady Mary Bellew, a daughter of one of Queen Mary's maids 
of honour, and neglected her when he had spent her fortune. One of the 
daughters of Denis — ' Miss Kelly a very pretty girl — and the beaux 
showed their good taste by liking her ' — was a correspondent of Dean 
Swift, and Sir Walter Scott mentions her. 

i«9o A FALSE ALARM 117 

columns as they march, and not oblige them still to draw up 
in a line. 

Wednesday the i8th : the Duke of Tyrconnel's and Lord 
Galmoy's^ Regiments of Horse came into the field, and 
encamped, the first on the right, the other on the left of the 
first line. 

Thursday the 19th : the general beat at three, all the foot 
were at arms between five and six. About an hour after, 
the Earls of Westmeath and Antrim's Regiments marched 
and took the left of the Lord Grand Prior's, then the three 
regiments marched about half a mile towards Newry road, 
where we halted in the fields, and heard mass after which was 
an alarm. All the horse and dragoons mounted, the | foot f. 78 a 
guards had before marched down and were posted at a dis- 
tance on the right, now the horse and dragoons advanced. 
Several parties were sent out to the Four-mile Bridge, but it 
proving a false alarm, the horse and dragoons soon returned 
to the camp, but the foot continued at arms in the fields till 
nine o'clock at night. 

Friday the 20th : the French and other regiments coming 
up, the whole army decamped, the first line pitching their 
tents on the top of the hill, which before were not so 
regular along the sides of it, and stretched out the line 
a considerable space on the left. The second line also 
moved, several regiments being removed from the first into 
the second. 

Saturday the 21st : a strong detachment of firelocks was 
sent out to a castle on the Newry road. At night 200 chosen 
men out of five regiments, being 40 of each, were sent to lie 

" Lord Galmoy's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, a first and second 
lieutenant-colonel, major, eight captains, eleven cornets, eleven quarter- 
masters, adjutant, surgeon, chaplain, with two barrack-masters and four 
French captains and five lieutenants d la suite. The first lieutenant- 
colonel was Laurence Dempsey whom Stevens mentions. Denis O'Kelly, 
son and heir of Colonel Charles O'Kelly, of Screen, County Galway, 
the author of Macariae Excidium, was a captain in it. There were eight 
companies and 338 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 250 men. The 
Jacobite Narrative gives ' Estat d^s troupes du roy d'Angleterre en Irlande, 
1689', pp. 201-41 : the numbers simply are those of the British Museum 
list (Add. 9763). In all cases more officers d la suite are given : thus in 
this regiment eleven are enumerated. Cf . Avaux to Louvois, September 20. 

ii8 THE JOURNAL 1690 

upon Newry road upon intelligence of some party of the 
enemy advancing. 

Sunday the 22nd : a party of horse under the command of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Dempsey/ advancing towards Newry, fell 
into a body of the enemy and, being overpowered, retreated ; 
till coming to the above said detachment of 200 foot under 
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel FitzGerald * and finding 
them receive the enemy vigorously, they rallied. The rebels 
made no great resistance, our foot firing hotly, but fled towards 
Newry, the horse pursuing them a considerable space. Of the 
rebels above sixty were killed, of ours a few wounded and 
fewer killed, among which was Lieutenant-Colonel Laurence 
f. 78 b Dempsey, shot through the | shoulder whereof he died. I was 
not present at this action but had the account from some who 
were. This day was taken one who received pay as sergeant 
in our regiment, deserting to the enemy and hanged at the 
head of the battalion. Three others who together with the 
former, being all Scotchmen, had served in Dumbarton's 
Regiment ' and made their escape from Flanders into France 

' Lieut.-Colonel Laurence Dempsey was first lieutenant-colonel in 
Lord Galmoy's Horse. He belonged to an old family of King's and 
Queen's Counties. On June 22, 1690, James gained success in a 
skirmish. ' It being observed,' writes Clarke, ' that every night the 
latter (i.e. William) sent a psirty to a pass called the Half-way Bridge, to 
press a guard of Horse and Dragoons, which King James had there, 
between Dundalk and Newry, this king ordered out a party of horse 
and foot, under the command of Colonel Dempsey and Lieut.-Colonel 
FitzGerald, to lie in ambuscade, and if possible to surprise them ; which was 
performed with such success, that the enemy's force of 200 foot and 60 
dragoons fell into it at break of day, and were most of them cut off ; the 
four captains that commanded and most of the subalterns being either 
killed or taken prisoners, with the loss of a few common men. On the 
king's side, only Colonel Dempsey himself was wounded ; but he died in 
two or three days after." 

* Sir John FitzGerald's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, eleven ensigns, and a surgeon. 
There were 638 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 193 men. 

Colonel Sir John FitzGerald had been suspected at the time of the Popish 
Plot, and in 1680 he was arrested and conveyed to England. James 
appointed him lieutenant-colonel of the infantry regiment of Colonel 
Justin Macarthy, Lord Mountcashel, and in 1689 colonel of another 
infantry regiment. He served at the siege of Derry and for a time he 
held Ginkell in check while advancing to Athlone. After 1691 he went 
to France and perished at Oudenarde. 

' Lord Dumbarton had commanded a regiment in the English army, 
and he brought to Saint-Germain a hundred Irish soldiers from a disbanded 


and thence sent over to us, went away to the rebels, which 
caused a reasonable suspicion that they and some of the same 
stamp that were among us came over as spies rather than to 

Monday the 23rd : the whole army prepared to march early 
in the morning, and moved about noon. Men were detached 
from each regiment to receive salt meat and bread at the 
stores at Dundalk, but it being known the king designed to 
abandon that place, the soldiers in a disorderly manner fell 
to plundering the stores, which caused no small confusion, 
every one there laying hold of what he could, and running 
a several way. We marched back about nine miles in such 
manner as looked more like a flight than deliberate retreat, 
and encamped on the north side of Ardee. 

Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday nothing of note hap- 
pened, but we continued in the same place and spent the two 
last days in exercise, and teaching the men to fire, which 
many of them had never been accustomed to before. | 

Friday the 27th : we decamped and leaving Ardee on the f. 79 a 
right marched about five miles and encamped. This place 
fared no better than Dundalk, being plundered by our own 
men and left almost desolate. Before the Rebellion it was an 
indifferent good town, but most of the inhabitants fied from 
their homes and allegiance, and the rest either dead or left 
worth nothing. Here we understood the enemy'was advancing. 

Saturday the 28th : we marched again about five miles and 
encamped within three of Drogheda, near a small village, 
along cornfields, gardens, and meadows, the river Boyne in 
the rear. This night no word was given, but about midnight 
in great hurry ammunition delivered out, then orders to take 
down all tents and send away the baggage. This done the 
whole army drew out without beat of drum and stood at their 
arms the whole night, expecting the approach of the enemy. 

Sunday the 29th : about break of day no enemy appearing, 
the army began to march in two columns, the one through 

corps. He commanded two regiments of Irish Roman Catholics, one of foot 
and one of horse, and a third one of Irish dragoons, but his discipline was 
lax. His troops came with the fleet of the Count of Chateau-Renault. 

120 THE JOURNAL 1690 

Drogheda, the other over the river at Oldbridge, and encamped 
again in two lines in very good order on the south side of the 
Boyne, between two and three miles from Drogheda, the river 
running along the whole front; the design being to make 
good the passes of it against the enemy, who were too strong 
to be engaged in plain field till we were reinforced or they 
f. 79 b obliged to fight at disadvantage, | it being very easy to keep 
the passes of the river, and the rebels being in some distress 
for want of provisions. But no human policies are sufficient to 
stop the course of fate.^ 

Monday the 30th : early in the morning the enemy appeared 
on the tops of the hills beyond the river, some of the poor 
country people flying before them. They marched down 
and spread themselves along the sides of the hills where 
they encamped, but so as we could not discover them all, 
a great part being covered by the higher grounds. Part of our 
cannon was carried down and planted on the pass or ford, 
which from thence played upon some regiments of theirs, and 
did some but not considerable execution. After noon they 
began to play upon us with their cannon and some mortars, 
but no considerable damage was received on either side. 

Tuesday the ist of July : very early the tents were thrown 
down, the baggage sent away, but the soldiers ordered to 
carry their tents, some of which were afterwards together 
with their snapsacks laid in heaps in the fields with some 

' James and Lauzun had chosen their position well. A deep river lay 
in front, beyond the river stretched a morass, and beyond it again 
rising ground, high and steep. The enemy could not see how many regi- 
ments lay hidden in the dips of the ground. Breastworks had been erected 
along the edge of the river ; these and the fences of the field afforded 
shelter for the defending force. Even if the Williamites succeeded in 
fording the river, the successive rises in the ground gave many opportunities 
for making fresh stands. The stone house at Oldbridge had been en- 
trenched and loopholed ; the rest of the village also had been entrenched 
and was held by foot and Tyrconnel's Dragoons. The Irish army possessed, 
therefore, a fine front and a sure retreat through Duleek. Note that 
James concerned himself with the defensive, not with the offensive. The 
authorities for the battle — Kane, MuUenaux, Richardson, Parker, Story, 
and the author of Wars in Ireland — were all at Oldbridge, and hence they 
give detailed accounts of events there. This means that little attention is 
bestowed upon the right wing and the English regiments. Clarke Corre- 
spondence, T.C.D., July 20, vol. i, f. 55, W. Blathwayt. Stevens was not 
at Oldbridge : he was at Duleek. 


few sentinels, the rest thrown about as they marched, but in 
conclusion, as the fortune of the day was, all lost. We had this 
morning received advice that the enemy marching by night 
had beaten off a regiment of our dragoons that guarded the 
bridge of Slane and possessed themselves of it, and now we 
saw them marching off from their right towards it. We on 
the other side marched from the left, the river being between 
both : for a considerable space we marched under the enemy's | 
cannon, which they played furiously without any intermission, f. 80 a 
yet did but little execution. We continued marching along 
the river till coming in sight of the enemy who had passed it 
and were drawing up, we marched off to the left as well to 
leave ground for them that followed to draw up, as to extend 
our line equal with theirs, and finding them still stretching out 
towards their right we held on our march to the left. Being 
thus in expectation of advancing to engage, news was brought 
us that the enemy, having endeavoured to gain the pass we 
had left behind, were repulsed with considerable loss on both 
sides, the Lord Dungan, a colonel of dragoons, and many brave 
men of ours being killed. This latter part was true, the 
former so far from it that they gained the ford, having done 
much execution on some of our foot that at first opposed them 
and quite broke such of our horse as came to rescue the foot, 
in which action the horse guards and Colonel Parker's Regi- 
ment of Horse behaved themselves with unspeakable bravery,^ 
but not being seconded and overpowered by the enemy after 

' The Irish horse, under the spirited Parker, charged fiercely through the 
Williamite French soldiers — who had no pikes to receive cavalry — and 
Ruviguy's son, Caillemotte, fell mortally wounded. Schomberg sprang 
forward to take the place of the fallen officer, but a bullet in the neck laid 
the old commander low. The behaviour of the Irish horse here and at 
Platiu House merits a comparison with the devotion of the Austrian 
cavalry at Koniggratz. Parker's and Tyrconnel's troops suffered the 
severest losses. ' Nous ne laissames pas de charger et recharger dix fois,' 
writes the Duke of Berwick, and Zurlauben bears similar testimony. This 
great half-hour's struggle saved James's army from complete destruction. 
The defeat could not be turned into a rout, which might have ended the 
war at a single blow. Had the Irish foot shown the same determination 
as the cavalry the issue of the day might have been different. Though 
there was no complete rout, and their gallant cavalry had given them time 
to make fresh dispositions, the infantry could not be rallied in the hedge- 
rows at Donore, but retreated in much disorder to Duleek. It is worthy 
of note that to July 1690 Stevens devotes most space. 

122 THE JOURNAL 1690 

having done what men could do they were forced to save 

their remains by flight, which proved fatal to the foot. For 

the horse in general, taking their flight towards the left, broke 

the whole line of the foot, riding over all our battalions. The 

Lord Grand Prior's wherein I served was then in Duleek Lane, 

enclosed with high banks, marching ten in rank. The horse 

came on so unexpected and with such speed, some firing their 

pistols, that we had no time to receive or shun them, but all 

supposing them to be the enemy (as indeed they were no 

f. 80 b better to us) took to their heels, no officer being | able to stop 

the men even after they were broken, and the horse past, 

though at the same time no enemy was near us or them that 

fled in such haste to our destruction. This I can afiirm, having 

stayed in the rear till all the horse were past, and looking 

about I wondered what madness possessed our men to run 

so violently nobody pursuing them. What few men I could 

see I called to, no commands being of force, begging them to 

stand together and repair to their colours, the danger being 

in dispersing ; but all in vain, some throwing away their arms, 

others even their coats and shoes to run the lighter. The 

first cause I had to suspect the rout at the ford was that the 

Duke of Berwick,'- whose command was with the horse, came 

to us and discovering a party of horse at a distance, thinking 

they were the enemy, commanded our musketeers to line the 

side of the bank over which they appeared, till finding they 

were our own men we continued our march. This first made 

' The Duke of Berwick (1670-1734) was the eldest son of Arabella 
Churchill, sister of the Duke of Marlborough, and James II. His youth 
accounts for his weak government at Limerick. He was a cautious general 
of the type of Turenne and Moreau whose genius shone in sieges and 
defensive operations. Montesquieu in the iloge prefixed to his Memoirs 
compares him to Turenne. ' Tons deux ils avoient laiss6 des desseins,' he 
writes, ' interrompus, tous les deux une arm^e en peril ; tons les deux 
finirent d'une mort qui intSresse plus que les morts communes ; tous les 
deux avoient ce merite modeste pour lequel on aime i s'attendrir, et que 
Ton aime ^ regretter.' Montesquieu also remarks, ' Telle fut I'etoile de 
cette Maison de Churchill qu'il en sortit deux hommes, dont I'un, dans le 
mgme temps, fut destine k ebranler, et I'autre i soutenir, les deux grandes 
monarchies de I'Europe.' Avaux describes Berwick as ' a very brave man, 
but a bad officer, and with no common sense '. In his Memoirs Berwick 
states his belief that Aughrim would not have been a victory even if 
St.-Ruth had lived, and he makes it clear that he was disgusted at the 
endless divisions of the Irish parties (335). 


me apprehend all was not well, and was soon confirmed, hearing 
it whispered among the field officers, but in conclusion what 
I have before related put us all beyond | doubt. I shall not f. 81 a 
presume to write all the particulars of this unfortunate day's 
transactions, the confusion being such that few can pretend 
to do it. I will therefore proceed to what followed as far as 
I can assert for truth. I thought the calamity had not been 
so general till viewing the hills about us I perceived them 
covered with soldiers of several regiments, all scattered like 
sheep flying before the wolf, but so thick they seemed to cover 
the sides and tops of the hills. The shame of our regiment's 
dishonour only afflicted me before ; but now all the horror of 
a routed army, just before so vigorous and desirous of battle 
and broke without scarce a stroke from the enemy, so per- 
plexed my soul that I envied the few dead, and only grieved 
I lived to be a spectator of so dismal and lamentable a tragedy. 
Scarce a regiment was left but what was reduced to a very 
inconsiderable number by this, if possible, more than panic 
fear. Only the French can be said to have rallied, for only 
they made head against the enemy, and a most honourable 
retreat, bringing off their cannon, and marching in very good 
order after sustaining the shock of the enemy, who thereupon 
made a halt, not only to the honour of the French but the 
preservation of the rest of the scattered army. Nor ought any 
part of this glory to be attributed to the Count de Lauzun, 
or La Hoguette,^ who at first left their men, but only to 
the valour and conduct of M. Zurlauben, colonel of the Blue 

'■ The Marquis de la Hoguette, an extremely brave general, accompanied 
Lauzun as Martehal de Camp. After the battle of the Boyne he wrote 
to Louvois on July 14 : ' je n'ay pas le temps de vous faire le destails de 
desastre qui est arrive k I'armee du Roy d'Angleterre, lequel vient de me 
dire tout presentement qu'il vouloit partir tout ct I'heure. J'aurai I'honneur 
de vous en fecrire par la premifere occasion. Je vous diray seulement 
que nous n'avons pas etS battu mais que les ennemies ont chass6 devant 
eux les troupes irlandaises comme les moutons, sans avoir essaye un seul 
coup de mousquet. . . . J'espfere que le Roi ne d^sapprouvait de ma conduite. 
. . . Sa Majeste sera toujours maitre de ma vie, mais non pas de m'envoyer 
t la guerre avec de pareils generaux ' (vol. 960). In October he sent another 
report of the battle from Galway from which it is evident that he was 
amongst those driven before the enemy like sheep. Zurlauben reports that 
' M. de Lauzun prit la partie de nous abandonner avec Messieurs de La 
Hoguette, Famechon, Chamerade, et Merode '. At Passage Hoguette found 

124 THE JOURNAL 1690 

Regiment, who with unparalleled bravery headed and brought 
off his men, whereas the other two fled and more especially 

f. 81 b Hoguette was in such a | consternation that the next day 
when he was above thirty miles from the enemy he caused 
a bridge to be broken for fear of pursuit, though at the same 
time the river was passable for foot both above and below the 
said bridge, so great is the infatuation of a coward when no 
danger is near but what his weak imagination suggests. The 
Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, but a little before consisting 
of 1,000 men including all officers, now gathered to about 400, 
and the most part of those in such posture as promised rather 
the repeating their late shame than the revenging of it on 
their enemies. Some had lost their arms, others their coats, 
others their hats and shoes, and generally every one carried 
horror and consternation in his face. Many officers were not 
exempt from having their part of the disgrace with the soldiers, 
above half being missing when we endeavoured to rally, some 
were not heard of till we met in Limerick, and some stayed in 
Dublin till the coming of the enemy, who showed them no 
other favour than to make them all prisoners. Of those who 
appeared several had thrown away their leading staves, others 
their pistols they were before observed to carry in their girdles, 
and even some for lightness had left their swords behind them, 
and I can affirm it as a truth being an eyewitness I saw an 
ensign had cast off his hat, coat and shoes to make the better 
use of his heels, which he also did the second time at Limerick 
when the great assault was made the first siege. I could give 
a hst of many of their names but that I think them too 
infamous to fill up any place here, yet I have since seen 
several of them and even that ensign above mentioned pre- 

f. 82 a ferred and in esteem, when others have been put by | their 
right for no other reason given but because they were wounded 
in the service, and those men have carried themselves with 
such insolence as if there had been no witnesses left of 
their cowardice. This, as well for number as goodness of men, 
was esteemed one of the best regiments of foot in the army, 

a St. Malo privateer of twenty-eight guns, named the ' Lauzun ', and he 
persuaded the captain to convey James to France on July 13. Louis sent 
Hoguette to Savoy to succeed Saint- Ruth and he was killed at Marsaglia. 


and being such may sufficiently declare what became of the 
rest. Brigadier Wauchope/ who commanded our brigade, 
and whose greatest confidence was in our regiment, finding 
them in no disposition for service, commanded to march up 
the hill. I, being the eldest lieutenant then present, led the 
second division of shot, and perceived, as we marched, the first 
to open to the right and left and begin to disperse, whereupon 
I commanded to close and keep their ranks, but they answered 
they had none to lead them, the brigadier and colonel being 
a little advanced to the top of the hill to view the enemy below, 
and the captains on what pretence I know not having all 
quitted their post. I soon reduced the men and for a while 
marched at the head of them till some captains returning 
I went back to my own post. What with the ill example of 
the officers and what with the terror that had seized the whole 
army, when we had reached the top of the hill in despite of all 
commands or persuasions the men instantly slunk away, so 
that within half an hour or little more we had scarce eighty 
left together. We held on our march all day our men dis- 
persing in such manner that we could hardly keep twenty 
with the colours. The like small remains of many other 
regiments bore us company. By the way some few of the 
Lord Dungan's dragoons^ joined us, who were in no less 

' John Wauchope as brigadier served at Derry, commanded at Cavan 
in 1690, and was Governor of the Castle of Athlone when Ginkell captured 
the town. After the second siege of Limerick he and Sarsfield settled the 
terms of surrender to Ginkell. His friends and kinsmen, the Drummonds 
and Lord Middleton, aided him in his career, and Berwick placed much 
confidence in his judgeiment. With Sarsfield he used his persuasive power 
in order to induce the Irish to enter the French service after 1691. While 
heading his brigade he was killed at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693. 

' Lord Dungan's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant- 
colonel, major, twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, thirteen cornets, 
twelve quarter-masters, and six officers reformis. There were twelve 
companies and 539 men. Avaux gives 360 men. The lieutenant-colonel, 
Francis Carroll, afterwards became full colonel of a distinct regiment of 
dragoons. Richard Bellew, second son of Lord Bellew, who formed an 
infantry regiment, was a captain in it. The CarroUs, like the Purcells, were 
a family of fighting men. Four served in this regiment, and the name also 
appears in Lord Galway's Regiment, in the Earl of Westmeath's, in Lord 
Bellew's, Lord Gormanstown's, Charles Moore's, Sir Michael Creagh's, 
Colonel Heward Oxburgh's, and in Lord Galmoy's Horse. 

To Lord Dungan there are references in Clarendon's Correspondence 

126 THE JOURNAL 1690 

if. 82 b confusion than the foot. This day's flight was attended | with 
all the fear and confusion that may be imagined in men sur- 
rounded with the greatest of dangers, though ours through the 
providence of God and valour of the French had none to 
pursue or offend them. For the enemy finding the French 
stand and some of our horse to make head never pursued their 
victory or improved their advantage,^ which if they had done 
a small party might have cut us off, so that none had been left 
to make head again and but few of those present to lament 
the misfortune of the day. Whether treason, cowardice, or ill 
conduct had the greatest share in the shame and losses of this 
day with many remains in dispute, nor can be decided by 
me not being privy to the counsels nor in a post to see all 

(i- 343. 566 ; ii. 24). In a letter to the king, March 27, Avaux refers to him : 
' Le neveu de Mylord Tirconnel est un des Catholiques avec qui j'ay eu 
quelque conference. Je scay qu'il en a estfe fort content, et qu'il souhaitte 
fort de faire une estroite liaison entre Mylord Tirconnel et moy.' He sat 
in Parliament in 1689 as a member for Naas, and on the tenth day of the 
session James sent him with important dispatches to Derry (E. 2. 19, 
T.C.D.). He was slain at the battle of the Boyne by one of the first 
cannon shots (Clarke, ii. 399). On October 21 Avaux wrote to 
Louvois : ' J'ay parle aussy au Roy, de Mylord Dungan, pour un des 
colonels. C'est un jeune homme fort vif et plein de bonne volont6. II est 
colonel des dragons, et fils de Mylord Limrick, et neveu de Dungan qui 
a servy en France. Ce jeune homme meurt d'envie d'y aller. Je I'ay 
demande au Roy, qui m'a repondu qu'il ne le vouloit pas, et que je voulois 
prendre tons ses ofl&ciers.' 

' The Irish had retired in fairly good order, and William did not know 
the character of the regiments of militia James had raised in Dublin. {True 
and Perfect Account of the Affairs in Ireland since his Majesty's Arrival 
in that Kingdom. By a Person of Quality. 1690). Drogheda, too, remained 
untaken. Moreover, William could not overlook the fact that his recruits 
had not met the French veterans in the fight ; there they had encountered 
the Irish. The soldiers were too tired to engage in active pursuit of the 
enemy (Dalrymple, iii. 150). William himself was thoroughly wearied : 
for thirty-five hours out of forty he had been in the saddle. His siege train 
had not arrived. Above all, there was the vital consideration thatr^iis 
commissariat was not with the army, and the land was so exhausted that 
no resources could be derived from it. Story, 23, 89 ; Clarke, ii. 400 ; 
Mtmoires du Marichal de Berwick, i. 70-2 ; Villare Hibernicum, 8 ; Burnet, 
ii. 59, 64, says : — ' After James's army was broken up William was of the 
opinion that the Irish would scatter and then surrender. A sharp pursuit 
would have accordingly brought about only a useless defeat. And he always 
had a horror of that.' Light to the Blind, 604, says : — ' But the Prince of 
Orange observing the king's army to make so good a countenance, thought it 
more prudent to halt, and suffer them to march away.' On general reasons 
for non-pursuit cf. The Nation in Arms, by Von der Goltz {362-3), and 
A Staff Officer's Scrap-Book, by Sir Ian Hamilton (i. 117). 


particulars, or be a competent judge of the actions of generals.^ 
The soldier blamed the officer, the officer the general, some 
were accused as traitors, others as unskilful of their duty, but 
the greatest, imputation was of want of valour. But if it be 
lawful for me to give my sentiments on the matter in my 
opinion much may be laid upon mismanagement, but much 
more upon cowardice, and am apt to believe all the clamour 
of treason was raised by some who had given the most eminent 
signs of fear to cover theirs and the general disgrace. To 
prove there was treachery it was given out that the cannon 
which commanded the ford upon the enemy's coming down 
to force that pass was first forbidden to be fired and then 
drawn off ; that several regiments appointed by the king to 
make good the said ford were commanded away unknown by 
whom, and that when the enemy had possessed | themselves f. 83 a 
of the ditches about it the horse were sent down to charge 
them, it being the duty of the foot, whereby many of those 
horse were lost and the remainder put to the rout. It is agreed 
on all hands the action at the ford was ill managed, but not 
having been present I will not speak to particulars, [or] only 
in general what is allowed by all. That there was not a 
sufficient number of foot left to maintain it, and even most 
of those that were came down too late, and as was said 
before the horse were put to repulse the enemy's foot who 
had before possessed themselves of the ditches. As touching 
the cannon it was doubtless time to draw it off when, had it 
stayed but never so little, it must have fallen into the hands 
of the enemy. I cannot but think it was some oversight to 
march the most of the foot, who were to engage the enemy 
that came over at Slane Bridge, along the sides of the hills by 
the river under the enemy's cannon, when there was a way 
above shorter and out of the reach of their shot. Having 
passed that and extending to make an equal line with the 
enemy towards the left we were again marched through lanes 

' It is remarkable that James took no part in the fight, for he watched 
it from Donore. This conduct is singular when the fact is recalled that he 
had at stake everything men hold dear and that the Prince of Conde said 
that if ever there was a man without fear, it was the Duke of York. 

128 THE JOURNAL 1690 

when there were plain open fields both in front and rear. No 
general officer above a brigadier was seen among us, and, which 
is very rare, no word given to us. Nor is it to be forgot that His 
Majesty, having appointed brandy to be distributed to each 
regiment so that each man might receive a small proportion, 
in order to cheer them for the fatigue of the day, it was never 
delivered till we were marching, when the soldiers, quitting 
their ranks for greediness of the liquor, not having time to 
stay, beat out the heads of the hogsheads and dipped into them 
f. 83 b the kettles they | had to boil their meat, drinking so extrava- 
gantly that I am sure above 1,000 men were thereby rendered 
unfit for service, and many were left dead drunk scattered 
about the fields. But, to come to our last point, it was certainly 
an unparalleled fright that caused our own horse to ride over 
the greatest part of our first line of foot and break ten or 
twelve of our battalions, firing upon them as enemies, and yet 
I must confess some of these were the men that with great 
bravery had sustained the shock of the enemy's horse, and 
were outdone by numbers not by valour, I mean Colonel 
Parker's Regiment.^ There is no place of excuse for the 

' Colonel John Parker's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant- 
colonel, two majors, seven captains, nine lieutenants, six cornets, eight 
quarter-masters, and a surgeon. Four officers were French. There were 
eight companies and 431 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men. 
Cf . Avaux to Louvois, September 20. 

Colonel John Parker (fl. 1676-1705) was a descendant of John 
Parker, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, 1552. On August 26, 1689, James 
resolved to meet Schomberg and he brought with him to Drogheda two 
hundred of Parker's Horse and a hundred of his own Horse-Guards. 
Parker's regiment fought most gallantly at the battle of the Boyne. 
Parker was wounded. The lieutenant-colonel, Greene, Major James 
Doddington and many other officers were killed : ' of the two squadrons 
of that regiment there came ofi only about thirty sound men ' (Clarke, 
i'- 373 > Graham's Derriana, 31). He must be distinguished from Captain 
Robert Parker, who fought on the WiUiamite side. Robert's Memoirs 
were published in Dublin in 1 746 and they conclude thus : ' Here I choose 
to retire from the noise and hurry of life, in which I have so long been 
engaged ; though, had I continued in the army, I might have expected 
promotion equal with them with whom I was then on a level. But, how- 
ever that may have been, I would not have arrived at any preferment, 
which would have afforded me the true satisfaction and content, which 
I enjoy in my retirement ; not envying any, and (as I believe) not envied 
by any. Here I have an opportunity of making an atonement for the 
follies of youth, and of exercising my mind, with a thankful remembrance 
of the wonderful mercies of Providence.' He was concerned in the assassina- 


dragoons, especially the Earl of Clare's,^ (commonly known by 

the name of Yellow Dragoons, being the colour of their clothes) 

who were the first that fled having scarce seen the enemy, 

and that with such precipitation that several of them carried 

the news the next day to Limerick, and some not thinking 

themselves safe there with the same speed into the remotest 

parts of the county of Clare, their native soil, being above 

100 miles from the Boyne. Neither does the baseness of the 

foot appear less notorious, for some regiments being broken 

by our own horse, others though untouched took the flight 

for company, and neither the one nor the other could ever be 

prevailed with to make head against the enemy and second 

the French (who were in danger to be cut off), nor so much as 

to form their battalions and march off with their colours in 

good order. To the contrary though the action was not till 

noon several foot soldiers made such haste that they were 

seen in Dublin before three of the clock, having in that short 

time run near twenty miles, which perhaps might have had 

some colour of excuse had the enemy | been at their heels, but f. 84 a 

there was none to hurt and it was only their own fear pursued 

them. The weight of our misfortunes made me forget many 

particulars, and yet methinks I have said too much and dwelt 

too long on a subject of so much shame, God of his goodness 

make all men sensible of their dishonour that they may resolve 

to live victorious or at least die honourably. In the condition 

I have before mentioned we marched or rather fled till it was 

tion plot of 1693, escaped from the Tower, 1694 ! was confined in the 
Bastille for offending Mary of Modena, 1702 ; and on his return made 
overtures to the English Government. 

^ Lord Clare's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, ten captains, twelve lieutenants, twelve cornets, thirteen quarter- 
masters, adjutant, chaplain, and surgeon. Neither the British Museum 
list nor Avaux records the number of companies or of men. 

Lord Clare (d. 1690) was Daniel O'Brien, son of the second Viscount, 
and there were seven of his name serving in the regiment. There w ere also 
O'Briens in the following regiments : Galmoy's, Sarsfield's, Abercorn's, 
Sutherland's, and Tyrconnel's Horse ; Clifford's Dragoons ; Mount- 
cashel's, Tyrone's, Thomas Butler's, the Grand Prior's, Kilmallock's, Sir 
Michael Creagh's, and Boisseleau's. From the facing of the uniform this 
regiment was known as the Dragoons ' buy ' (yellow). As a rule it fought 
bravely, but at the Boyne it behaved shamefully. Lord Clare was a Privy 
Councillor in 1684, and was Lord Lieutenant of the county of Clare. He 
served under Catinat in 1692, and was killed at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693. 

1218 K 

130 THE JOURNAL 1690 

quite dark, when the Duke of Berwick ordered to halt in 
a field about five miles from Dublin, there being now left 
together the colours of only five or six regiments and at first 
halting not above 100 men in all, though before morning we 
were much increased, sentinels being placed on the road to 
turn all soldiers in to the field. In this place we took some 
rest on the grass till break of day. As to my own particular 
I wonder I outlived the miseries of this dismal day, but that 
I have since found I was reserved to suffer many more and if 
possible much greater. Grief (though the greatest) was not 
my only burden, marching from three in the morning afoot till 
dark night, the excessive heat of the sun, and a burning thirst 
proceeding from the aforesaid causes, which was so vehement 
I could not quench it though drinking at every ditch and 
puddle, were all together sufficient to have conquered a much 
stronger body. But God who gave the cross gave me strength 
to carry it, that I might have part in the remainder of our 
chastisement and I hope in His mercy, when our sins by our 
sufferings shall be expiated and His anger appeased. He will 
also grant me the blessing of seeing my sovereign restored to 
his throne victorious. | 
f. 84 b Wednesday the 2nd : at break of day those few drums 
there were beat as formally as if we had been a considerable 
body, but it was only mere form and we scarce the shadows of 
regiments, the bodies being dispersed and gone. What was 
left in dismal manner marched as far as Dublin, where when 
each commanding officer came to view his strength, shame 
of marching in such case through the city we not long before 
had filled with expectation of our actions and hopes of gather- 
ing part of the scattered herd caused us to halt in the fields 
without the town. The colours of each regiment being fixed 
on eminences that all stragglers might know whither to repair, 
in the space of near three hours each regiment had gathered 
a small number, the Grand Prior's as one of the most consider- 
able being then 100 strong. Thus we marched through the 
skirts of the city, passing over the river at the Bloody Bridge, 
which is the farthest off in the suburbs, being now only 
the remains of four regiments, the others being either quite 

1690 THE ROUT 131 

dispersed or gone other ways, we halted again in a field at 
Kilmainham, a hamlet adjoining to the city. The general 
opinion was that we were to encamp in the park till such time 
as our men came up, and what forces had not been in the rout 
as also the militia should join us, and then either maintain the 
city, or, if it were judged expedient, give the enemy battle, 
which gave occasion to some of our small number to steal 
away into town thinking they might soon be back with us. 
But about noon we were all undeceived, the other three 
regiments having orders to march, and ours only left there 
without any or knowing whence to expect them. Being thus 
left by all our lieutenant-colonel marched us away, which we 
did not hold above a quarter of an hour when we were reduced 
to only twenty men with the colours. On the road we over* 
took the Lord Kilmallock's Regiment, which was untouched, 
being quartered in Dublin when the defeat at the Boyne.^ The 
whole day was a continual series of false alarms, the greatest 
reached us within two miles of the Naas, where Kilmallock's 

^ Lord Kilmallock's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
nineteen captains, thirteen lieutenants, twelve ensigns, chaplain, and 
surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 720 men (Brit. Mus. list). 
Avaux gives 500 men. Hugoliu Spenser, a grandson of Edmund Spenser, 
"was a lieutenant in this regiment. 

Dominick Sarsfield was fifth Viscount of Kilmallock. He was colonel 
of an infantry regiment, member of the Privy Council, sat in the House 
of Lords in 1689, played a distinguished part at the first siege of Limerick 
and was present at the battle of Aughrim. On October 30, Avaux wrote 
to Louvois : ' J'ay demande un autre colonel, qui s'appele Mylord Kilmaloc 
{i. e. to go to France with the Irish Brigade) : c'est un jeune homme pour qui 
j'ay eu toutes les peines du monde d'obtenir la permission de former un 
regiment, il y a trois mois. Mais parce qu'il a este tres assidu et tres applique, 
et qu'il ne s'est occupy qu'd maintenir son regiment en bon estat, on est 
a cette heure content de luy, et on n'a pas voulu me le donner. Ce Mylord 
auroit parfaitement reussi en France, et je croy, Monsieur, que vous 
I'estimerez par I'endroit que j'ay cru qu'il meritoit de I'estre, et par lequel 
neantmoins on I'a fort meprise au commencement en ce pays cy ; c'est 
qu'estant Irlandois Catholique, et depouille de tons ses biens, il changea de 

nom, et alia porter le mousquet dans le regiment de ; son capitaine 

luy trouvant de la valeur et de I'application, le fit sergent. Mylord Kilmaloc 
ue voulut pas dire qui il estoit, et exerca cet employ pendant quelques 
ann^es, jusques a ce qu'il soit revenu en Irlande avec le Roy d'Angleterre, 
et il a este remis par le Parlement en possession de son bien, qui va i ce 
qu'on dit, a plus de cinquante mille frans par an.' Lord Kilmallock lost 
his estates in the rebellion of 1641, and after the Restoration they were not 
returned to him. He then enlisted under an assumed name in the English 
Guards, and reached the rank of sergeant by merit. 


132 THE JOURNAL 1690 

officers attempting to draw up their men to line the hedges, 
the confusion and terror of the soldiers who had never seen the 
enemy was such they were forced in all haste to march away, 
f. 85 a It was ridiculous to see the brother of the traitor | O'Donnell/ 
who had the name of lieutenant-colonel reformed in our 
regiment, pretend to take authority upon him here, and order 
us to Hne the hedges, when at that time our whole strength 
was but six musketeers, eight pikes, four ensigns, and one 
lieutenant besides myself, to this was that but the day before 
hopeful regiment reduced, and yet not one of the number 
killed, unless they perished who were left drunk when we fled 
which were four or five. For our comfort no enemy was within 
twenty miles of us, but fear never thinks itself out of danger. 
We followed Kilmallock's men with such speed it had been 
hard for an enemy to overtake us, and that regiment though 
till then untouched was in such a consternation that when 
they came to the Naas they were not 100 strong. Here being 
quite spent with marching two days without rest or food 
I used my utmost endeavours to persuade O'Donnell, who as 
I said pretended to act as lieutenant- colonel, to take up 
quarters for the few men that were left, to refresh them that 
night, and be the better able to march next morning, but all 
in vain. The general infection had seized him and he fancied 
each minute he stayed was to him time lost and an oppor- 
tunity given to the enemy to gain ground upon us. Therefore 
following the dictates of his fear he hasted away command- 

' Macariae Excidium records : ' The loss of Cythera (Galway), without 
any resistance, was seconded with the desertion of Leogones (O'Donnell). . . , 
It seems he had a friend in the Cilician (English) camp, by whose procure- 
ment Ororis (Ginkell) writ him a letter, importing his willingness to serve 
a person of his honour and worth, who behaved himself so well in the 
Egyptian (Spanish) service ; that he was not ignorant of the ill-treatment 
he received since his coming into Cyprus (Ireland) ; and that now he had 
an opportunity offered, to be revenged of his enemies, and advance his 
own fortune. . . . Leogenes (O'Donnell) . . . having given cause enough to 
suspect his fidelity, and apprehending a design of his own men to secure 
his person, retired by night out of Cerbia (Sligo) ; and ... he hastily 
concluded the treaty that very day, and, thereby revolting from his natural 
Prince, he unhappily joined with the sworn enemies of his country.' On 
Baldearg O'Donnell, cf. Story 8, 123-4, 145-6,182-3; Clarke, ii. 43 4 ; Clarke 
Correspondence, October 28, November 4, 1690 ; Mimoire donnS par un 
homme du Comte O'Donnel d M. d'Avaux, 735. 



ing all to follow him, but necessity pressing more than his 
usurped authority, I stayed a while in the town with an ensign 
who had a lame horse, and having refreshed ourselves with 
bread and drink which was all the town afforded, we followed 
both on the same lame creature five miles to Kilcullen Bridge, 
where we could hear no news of our men, though they lay 
there that night. So inconsiderable was a regiment grown 
that it could not be heard of in a town where there are not 
above twenty or thirty houses and but three good ones. Here 
we took up for the remaining part of the night in a waste 
house, and rested the best we could till break of day. 

Thursday the 3rd : we were roused out of a dead sleep, pro- 
ceeding from excessive weariness not from the easiness of the 
beds which were no other than the planks, at break of day by 
a great number of dragoons and others riding through the 
town as fast as their horses could carry them, and crying 
the enemy was within a mile of them. Being awaked and our 
lodging nothing pleasant we set out on our lame horse and 
having travelled five or six miles | were overtaken by thef. sjb 
Duke of Tyrconnel ^ and his family, some whereof challenged 

^ Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel (1630-91), was the man who made 
Ireland the inevitable refuge for James. On May 17, 1689, Avaux wrote to 
Louis : ' Mylord Due Tirconnel est malade, autant de chagrin que 
d'autre chose ; 11 volt avec d§plaisir que Mylord Melfort prend trop 
d'ascendant sur I'esprit du Roy, et qu'il gouverne presque toutes choses 
dans ce pays-cy ; vostre Maieste perdroit infiniment si cat homme venoit 
a manquer, et si c'estoit un Francois qui fust Viceroy d'lrlande, il ne seroit 
pas plus zele pour les interests de vostre Maieste.' He was on good terms 
with Lauzun, but on bad terms with St.-Ruth and Sarsfield. The corre- 
spondence of Avaux teems with references to the rivalry existing between 
him and Melfort : Avaux to Louis, May 12 and May 27, cleverly contrasts 
the two rivals. The remarks of Colonel O'Kelly and Stevens about the 
gaiety of Dublin receive confirmation from the parties given by the Duchess 
of Tyrconnel. Three of her daughters married respectively Viscount Rosse, 
Viscount Kingsland, and Henry, Viscount Dillon. The verdict of the Light 
to the Blind is : ' Thus this great man fell, who in his fall pulled 
down a mighty edifice, videlicet a considerable Catholic nation, for there 
was no other subject left able to support the national cause.' Berwick sums 
him up as ' a man of very good sense, very obliging, but immoderately vain 
and full of cunning. He had not military genius, but he possessed much 
courage. From the time of the battle of the Boyne he sank prodigiously, 
being become as irresolute in mind as unwieldy in his person.' On the 
Irish divisions, cf. Berwick, i. 359-62 ; Macpherson, i. 232 : ' There were 
factions between the French and the Irish, and between the Irish and 
themselves ; when the enemy gave them respite, their whole business was 

134 THE JOURNAL 1690 

the horse, and indeed he had the king's mark, they being too 
strong for us to cope with, for then might was the greatest 
right. They carried him away leaving us afoot weary, and 
without friends, or money. In this condition being desperate 
we attacked a village with design to force away a horse under 
the colour of pressing, but in reality was not much better than 
robbing. But the women of the village, setting up the cry, 
soon gave the alarm to all the men that were abroad, who 
flocking in with their roperies or half pikes had put us to the 
rout again, but that I had my leading staff which being longer 
than their weapons terrified and made them give way where 
I came, but whatever was gained I was forced to lose to 
protect my companion, who having no weapon but his sword 
was too hard set, and doubtless had he been furnished with 
a half-pike we had got the better of the whole village and 
forced away two horses. As the case stood we were obliged 
to quit our pretensions and march off without horses, but 
not without some peals of curses for our good intentions and 
the good bangs I had given some of the men in the skirmish. 
Thus disappointed we struggled with weariness in hopes to 
reach Athy, when a great shower of rain falling increased our 
misfortune, making the ground so slippery we could scarce 
draw our tired limbs along. Now again in extremity it pleased 
God to relieve us, for a friend of mine, one Mr. Dowdall,^ over- 
taking of us well mounted took me up behind him and 
a cornet of Luttrell's Regiment^ my companion, I having 

to fight among themselves." Thus Rosen advised the king to go to Derry, 
but Tyrconnel opposed this. M^hen Schomberg landed Rosen wanted to 
retire to Athlone, but Tyrconnel proposed Drogheda. Rosen opposed the 
march of the army from Drogheda to Ardee, while Tyrconnel counselled it. 

'■ Sir Luke, Patrick, and Edward Dowdall were captains in the king's 
Regiment of Infantry : another Edward Dowdall and Joseph were quarter- 
master and ensign respectively in Lord Louth's Regiment ; two held com- 
missions in Colonel Richard Nugent's, John was promoted to a majority in 
Lord Bellew's, and another was chaplain in Lord Abercorn's Horse. Launce- 
lot Dowdall's name was returned for the shrievalty of the county of Meath 
(Singer, i. 286). John was a representative of Dundalk in the parliament 
of :689, and Henry was Recorder of Drogheda. Sir Luke belonged to 
Old Connaught, county of Dublin. Cf. Tyrconnel's remark to him, March 
11, 1688/9, f- 102, 917 (Brit. Mus.). Cf. Vicars, 142. 

^ Colonel Simon Luttrell's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieu- 
tenant-colonel, major, nine captains, eight lieutenants, nine cornets, and 


long refused to ride unless he were mounted, thus they carried 
us four miles to Athy. Hoping the rain would cease we stayed 
till almost evening refreshing ourselves, and it being then 
too late to travel took up our quarters at Shanganagh, a small 
village a mile from Athy, and found the best entertainment 
we had met with since the unhappy rout. Athy is part in the 
county of Kildare and part in the Queen's county, divided by 
a small river, which parts the town and two counties, which 
are again joined here by a good stone bridge. Th; town is 
pretty large and well built after the ancient manner, | though f. 86 a 
not equal with the cities, yet not inferior to most towns of 
that country. 

Friday the 4th : meeting a servant to one of our lieutenants 
I borrowed a horse he had, and pressed or forced away another 
about a mile from our quarters, but without saddle or bridle, 
which was very uneasy, but anything more tolerable than 
going afoot, and thus mounted we got about noon to Kilkenny, 
which is sixteen miles.^ To do justice I restored the horse to 
his owner before entering the town, contrary to the advice of 
all present, but as it was unjust to detain the horse without 
any other pretension but force so it was inhuman to do it 
after the poor man had followed sixteen miles afoot upon my 
promise of restitution. Nor was the manner of taking the 
horse unpleasant, for at least twenty of the poor people flock- 
ing to his defence with several weapons. I frighted away and 
kept them all oft by presenting a matchlock I had taken from 
the lieutenant's man, though without powder, ball, or so much 
as a match. All the shops and public-houses in the town were 
shut, and neither meat nor drink to be had though many were 
fainting through want and weariness. Hunger and thirst put 
me forward to seek relief, where nothing but necessity could 
have carried me, but the invincible power of want hides all 
blushes, so hearing the stores at the castle were broken up 
and much bread and drink given out, I resolved to try my 

only one quarter-master. There were seven companies and 374 men (Brit. 
Mus. list). Avaux gives 1 50 men. This regiment must be distinguished 
from Colonel Henry Luttrell's Regiment of Horse. 

'■ There is no known reason for the detour Stevens now makes. 

136 THE JOURNAL 1690 

fortune there and found drink carried out in pails, and many 
of the rabble drunk with what they had got ; yet upon my 
approach I perceived some officers whom want had carried 
thither as well as me but were somewhat more forward, so ill 
treated by Brigadier Wauchope first and next by the Duke of 
Tyrconnel, who gave a heutenant a thrust on the breast with 
his cane, that I went away resolved rather to perish than run 
the hazard of being ill used. As soon as we were drove away 
the town and stores were sold for ;^30o, which a great officer 
of ours put into his own pocket, when good men were perishing 
with hunger and weariness, and what was left to the enemy 
might have plentifully relieved their wants. Our colours and 
some officers were now in town but no soldiers, so the ensigns 
were ordered to strip their colours, and thus we set out on our 
jb way to Limerick, my ensign having met me there, and | fur- 
nished me with a mare he had taken up upon the road. A 
troop of Dublin militia marched this day for Limerick. We set 
out five in company, and having travelled about six miles over 
the mountain found night drawing on, and therefore struck 
down to a small village in the famous bog of Monelly. Here 
are the ruins of an ancient monastery, and is therefore to this 
day called the monastery of Kilcooly. There is nothing left of 
it but the ruined walls divided into two or three little tene- 
ments, the churchyard enclosed, the church walls are standing 
which show it to have been large and beautiful, there are 
several tombs, round one of which belonging to some of the 
Butlers are still the twelve Apostles and upon one of the walls 
a crucifix and image of our blessed lady at the foot of it, all 
of marble. The bog of Monelly by some is reported to be 
sixty, by others thirty miles in length. I cannot find it to 
be so much as the lesser computation, but at that time being 
a dry summer it looked more like a pleasant plain than bog, 
being full of cornfields, meadows, castles and villages, enclosed 
all round with high mountains to which it yields a delightful 
prospect. It is very level and they say in winter most over- 
flowed, and in time of great rains the villages almost inac- 
cessible, but even in the hottest season some parts are im- 
passable, This place is eight miles from Kilkenny ; in it we 


found good entertainment for ourselves and horses, which was 
all the comfort left amidst so many fatigues and misfortunes. 

Saturday the 5th : on our march we passed by Clonamicklon, 
a house of the Lord Ikerrin ^ about a mile from Kilcooly, and 
rested five miles farther at Killenaule, a small poor village on 
the mountain, whence we travelled to Cashel which is six 
miles. It is an archbishopric and the metropolitan see of 
Munster, and one of the ancientest in the kingdom. The 
cathedral seems not so beautiful as ancient and stands like 
a castle on the top of a rocky hill out of town, I thought it 
not worth time to go up to see it, being satisfied with the 
outward appearance. All manner of refreshment was hard 
to be had here but necessity overcame all difficulties. Hence 
we travelled five miles to a gentleman's house upon the road, 
where was plenty of all provisions. Some few of our stray 
officers, being got in before, endeavoured to make good the 
house against us, the confusion of the time which ought | the f. 87 a 
more to have endeared us to each other, being fellow sufferers 
in the same cause, making some men rather inhuman and 
barbarous to those they should reheve and support. Inso- 
much that one who was within the house would not admit 
his own brother who came with me to the gate, and where such 
near ties of blood could not prevail, it is not to be thought our 
being fellow officers in the same regiment could have any 
influence. Fair means being of no effect, necessity obhged us 
to use violence, and with much difficulty we forced our way 
into the house, where was such plenty as might have contented 
an entire regiment, much more about a dozen that we were in 
all, and yet those few first possessors thought all too little for 

Sunday the 6th : we travelled four miles to Cullen a small 
town, where we heard mass the church being then in the 
possession of the Catholics. Hence is seven miles to Cahir- 
conlish, a small village, where was assembled a great number 
of the country people armed with roperies to receive the Duke 

^ Stevens gives the name of this peer as Vickeries, but there is no such 
peer. His ear was bad and he probably heard ' Vick ' where his informant 
said 'Ik'. 

138 THE JOURNAL 1690 

of Tyrconnel, thence a mile to Carrig, and from this four miles 
to Liftierick. In the suburbs we met some of our fellow 
officers who acquainted us there was no accommodation in 
the town for man or horse, whereupon we turned back and 
took quarters at a good farm-house a mile from the town, 
where we found good entertainment and, what was very 
pleasing, civil reception, in this place as many others, which 
was a dainty, the best drink was milk and water. The reason 
no room could be had in town was that most of the best was 
taken up by the principal officers, and they that came first 
had taken possession of whatever small places the great ones 
had rejected. We continued here Monday and Tuesday 
suffering hourly and furious assaults on our quarters from all 
who passed that way, which with much difficulty we made 
good. Some, but few, of our regiment came up during this 
time ; but vast numbers of all sorts of people flocked to town. 
Hitherto all things remained in confusion no resolutions being 
taken and consequently all left to their liberty without any 
command, till at length. 

Wednesday the 9th : orders were given to all officers to 
endeavour to. gather the remains of their regiments, and to 
f. 87 b ours in | particular to march four miles to the westward of 
Limerick ^ to a village called Carrigogunnell and the adjacent 
places, there to quarter till the rest of our dispersion came up 
and we received fresh orders. The most remarkable thing 
in this march was that the number of officers exceeded that of 
the private men, and yet not one-half of the former were 
present. These quarters proved very refreshing after our 
long fatigue, the people being generally very kind, as some 
thought partly for love, but in my opinion most through fear. 
For most certain it is few are fond of such guests as soldiers 
are upon free quarter, especially such as ours were ravenous 
and unruly, but it is the wisest course to make a virtue of 
necessity, and offer that freely which otherwise would be 
extorted forcibly. We had here plenty of meat and barley 

' All the Jacobites, after the battle of the Boyne, seemed by a sort of 
instinct to move to Limerick, where they determined to hold out. Macariae 
Excidium, 55-6, 360-1. 


bread baked in cakes over or before the fire and abundance of 
milk and butter, but no sort of drink. Yet there this is 
counted the best of quarters, the people generally being the 
greatest lovers of milk I ever saw, which they eat and drink 
above twenty several sorts of ways, and what is strangest for 
the most part love it best when sourest. They keep it in sour 
vessels and from time to time till it grows thick, and sometimes 
to that perfection it will perfume a whole house, but generally 
speaking they order it so that it is impossible to boil it without 
curdling four hours after it comes from the cow. Oaten and 
barley bread is the common fare, and that in cakes, and 
ground by hand. None but the best sort or the inhabitants 
of great towns eat wheat, or bread baked in an oven, or 
ground in a mill. The meaner people content themselves with 
little bread but instead thereof eat potatoes, which with sour 
milk is the chief part of their diet, their drink for the most part 
water, sometimes coloured with milk ; beer or ale they seldom 
taste unless they sell something considerable in a market town. 
They all smoke, women as well as men, and a pipe an inch long 
serves the whole family several years and though never so 
black or foul is never suffered to be burnt. Seven or eight 
will gather to the smoking of a pipe and each taking two or 
three whiffs gives it to his neighbour, commonly holding his 
mouth full of smoke till the pipe comes about to him again. 
They are also much given | to taking of snuff. Very little 
clothing serves them, and as for shoes and stockings much f. 88 a 
less. They wear brogues being quite plain without so much 
as one lift of a heel, and are all sowed with thongs, and the 
leather not curried, so that in wearing it grows hard as a board, 
and therefore many always keep them wet, but the wiser that 
can afford it grease them often and that makes them supple. 
In the better sort of cabins there is commonly one flock bed, 
seldom more, feathers being too costly ; this serves the man 
and his wife, the rest all lie on straw, some with one sheet and 
blanket, others only their clothes and blanket to cover them. 
The cabins have seldom any floor but the earth, or rarely so 
much as a loft, some have windows, others none. They say 
it is of late years that chimneys are used, yet the house is 

140 THE JOURNAL 1690 

never free from smoke. That they have no locks to their 
doors is not because there are not thieves but because there 
is nothing to steal. Poverty with neatness seems somewhat 
the more tolerable, but here nastiness is in perfection, if per- 
fection can be in vice, and the great cause of it, laziness, is 
most predominant. It is a great happiness that the country 
produces no venomous creature, but it were much happier in 
my opinion did it produce no vermin. Whether nastiness or 
the air be the cause of it I know not, but all the kingdom, 
especially the north, is infected with the perpetual plague of 
the itch. In fine unless it be the Scotch no people have more 
encouragement to be soldiers than these, for they live not at 
home so well at best as they do at worst in the army both for 
diet and clothes, and yet none will sooner murmur and com- 
plain of hardship than they. It is not through prejudice I give 
this account, but of love to truth, for few strangers love them 
better or pity them more than I do. And therefore to do 
them justice, I cannot but say it is not to be admired they 
should be poor having been so long under the heavy yoke of 
the Oliverian English party, whose study it was always to 
oppress and if possible to extirpate them. Poverty is a source 
from whence all other worldly miseries proceed, it makes them 
ignorant not having wherewithal to apply themselves to 
studies, it enervates the spirits and makes them dull and 
slothful and so from race to race they grow more and more 
degenerate, wanting the improvements of a free and ingenu- 
! b ous I education, and being still brought up in a sort of 
slavery and bondage. This may be easily evinced by such 
of their gentry who having been abroad become very accom- 
plished men either in learning warlike affairs or the more 
soft and winning arts of the court. Though the Scotch abroad 
be not inferior to them, yet at home they are as poor, as 
ignorant, more brutish and more nasty without any excuse for 
it, having never been oppressed or kept under as the others by 
a foreign yoke. This I have found by long and dear-bought 
experience and thought it not unworthy observation in these 
few days of respite from labour, having nothing else to divert 
my melancholy thoughts during this small breathing after so 


great a series of misfortunes. Our scattered forces daily 
gathered to Limerick being thence directed each regiment to 
their respective quarters.^ 

Saturday the i2th : in pursuance of the orders received the 
night before, we rendezvoused at the head-quarters to the 
number of about 150 men, some with arms fixed, others 
unfixed, and others without any arms. Thus we marched to 
Limerick, and halted there a considerable time without the 
town, to receive bread, where about fifty more joined us. 
Hence we marched three miles to the eastward of the city and 
encamped in a plain on the left of the Royal Regiment of Foot 
Guards, which here made two small battalions not equal to 

'■ On arrival at Limerick fierce dissensions broke out. ' These animosities 
indeed amongst themselves,' observes James, ' were come to so grgat 
a pitch, that now when the enemy gave them some respite, their whole 
attention was to make war upon one another ' (Clarke, ii. 421). Sarsfield, 
actuated by strong national pride, was resolute in advising the sternest 
resistance. The Light to the Blind says (p. 623) : 'What these caballing 
gentlemen can say for continuing the war against the sentiment of the 
Duke (i.e. Tyrconnel), is reduced to three points : that they have a sufifi- 
ciency of men ; that they have courage enough ; and that they will have 
out of France a consummate general to govern their army ; and therefore 
they will likely have a happy end. The truth of the three premised points 
I cannot deny ' (ibid. 626). On the other hand, after the battle of the 
Boyne, Tyrconnel considered that all was over. He ' observed that the 
great army at first raised was disbanded to almost the moiety ; he con- 
sidered the ill success of the remaining army at Derry ; their miscarriage 
at the Boyne ; by which the province of Leiuster and the best part of 
Munster was lost : that the king returned to France : that the French 
brigade was going away : that the brass money . . . was brought to no 
value : that there was no stores of provisions : that the province of Con- 
naught . . . was not able to maintain the army and the vast multitudes of 
people entered thither from Munster, Leinster, and Ulster : that Limerick 
was a very weak town, yet was their chief defence against the enemy : 
that, if the Prince of Orange should be beaten in a pitched battle, England 
with the assistance of Holland, would send another army, and another 
after that, rather than be at the mercy of the king, if he should be restored 
by the Irish : that the most Christian Monarch was not in a state to send 
them competent aids, by reason that he had so many enemies, as kept 
all his armies at work : that, while the Catholic army was entire, it was the 
proper time to get advantageous conditions from the Prince of Orange, 
who would readily grant them, for to secure his crown ; that in fine it was 
not prudence in the abovesaid circumstances, by a strained undertaking 
to run the risk of destroying the lives of the people, the expectations of 
their estates, and the hopes of enjoying their religion ' (Light to the Blind, 

July 2 I 

V. 622). La Hoeuette to Louvois, -^- — -^ — , 1690 : Lauzun to Louvois, 
^ ' " August 10 

Galway, ^ ^1 MinistSre de la Guerre ; Macariae Excidium,-p. 370. 

September 3 

142 THE JOURNAL 1690 

one good one, having before made three complete and large 

Sunday the 13th was spent in building huts, it being too 
late the night before and all our tents lost the unfortunate day 
at the Boyne, as was most of the baggage of the army. The 
tents were most thrown about the fields or left in heaps with 
the soldiers' snapsacks before the rout. The officers' baggage 
was all sent away with a guard towards Dublin before we 
marched, but upon the defeat much plundered by those who 
were appointed to preserve it, and most of what they left 
ransacked by our own dragoons, and even by some of our 
officers who being well mounted were swiftest to overtake it. 
As afterwards appeared by many who were discovered and 
convicted of the fact, and, among others for an instance, our 
captain-lieutenant was found wearing the clothes and linen 
of a considerable officer of horse and refusing upon demand 
) a to make restitution, tried | for the same by a court-martial, 
where he could give no account how he came by them, and 
was accordingly found guilty of the fact, commanded to 
restore all that was challenged, and by favour of the times only 
imprisoned during some few days. By this disorder of our 
own men though the enemy got but little, very many of us 
were left almost naked, not having so much as a shirt to 
change. In which condition being a stranger and without 
friends I continued many days, for money was as scarce as 
clothes and what we had only brass, which was then of very 
little or no value, till I met an Englishman who had but three 
shirts yet taking compassion of me gave me one, which was 
the first relief I had after losing all. One comfort was I did 
not want companions in misery, though few reduced to so 
great extremity as myself, the Irish being in their own country, 
and though perhaps many far from home yet few but had 
some friend to assist them ; and most of the Enghsh officers 
were then withdrawn from the regiment. 

Monday the 14th : we were reviewed by Brigadier Wau- 
chope, and our regiment found to consist of 150 men with 
arms fixed, 50 unfixed, and almost 100 without arms. A dis- 
mal and most shameful sight, the king a fortnight before giving 


pay and bread to 800 men in this regiment all well armed and 
clothed, and now reduced to this without firing one shot at or 
scarce seeing the enemy. The calamity was general and no 
one regiment could upbraid another, their circumstances were 
so much alike. It was proposed and threatened to shoot 
some of the unarmed men for an example to terrify others 
from throwing away their arms, but the numbers being so 
very great it was only declared to them how well they had 
deserved to die. A strict charge was given to the officers to 
see the fixed arms well kept, to fix such as were broken, and 
use all possible endeavours to find more, and keep the men 
under discipline. 

Tuesday the 15th : nothing remarkable happened, but 
many of our men came up and joined their regiments. 

Wednesday the i6th : in the morning we decamped, and 
the regiments being so very weak as I said before they were 
joined by two and two, to us was joined the Lord Slane's.^ 
The whole day was spent in marching to Limerick, though 
it was not full four miles. In the city | were left all the French, f- 89 b 
the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's, Major 
General Boisseleau ^ and Sir John FitzGerald's, the rest 

' Lord Slane's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, and a chaplain. 
There were thirteen companies and 594 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 
300 men. 

Lord Slane sat in the Parliament of 1689, fought at the battle of the 
Boyne, and was captured at Aughrim. 

' When James landed he appointed Major-General Boisseleau commander 
in Cork in place of Lord Mountcashel. The names of the of&cers in the 
regiment he raised prove that the majority came from the neighbourhood 
of the southern city. When the king, in November 1689, broke up his 
camp at Ardee, he left six battalions of foot and fifty horse there, under 
Boisseleau (Clarke, vol. ii, 383). He attacked Newry, but was repulsed. 
He was present at the battle of the Boyne, and at the first siege of Limerick 
he played no inconsiderable part. His engineering skill proved invaluable 
to the Jacobites. As governor of the town his garrison consisted of fourteen 
regiments of infantry, with three of horse and two of draigoons. Berwick, 
Boisseleau, and Sarsfield did not agree with the policy of Tjrrconnel in sur- 
rendering the city. From the 9th to the 31st of August, Boisseleau offered 
a stout resistance, especially on the 27th, when no less than 2,148 of his 
best troops were killed or wounded. According to him the men of the 
Grand Prior's Regiment on this occasion behaved with the utmost gallantrj'. 
On his return to France Louis gave him an audience, raised him to the rank 
of brigadier, and bestowed upon him a pension of 500 crowns. 

144 THE JOURNAL 1690 

marched through and encamped. This day was to have been 
put in execution a design before projected and contrived by 
some of our most active officers, but that accidentally dis- 
covered to and prevented by his grace the Duke of Tyrconnel, 
which was thus. A council being held by the Duke and other 
leading men to consult what was to be done in this desperate 
state of our affairs, his grace was of opinion all was lost, and 
therefore thought convenient to make the best conditions 
with the enemy and surrender before it was too late. This 
advice was so far from being approved that it moved much 
indignation in some of the hearers, and that with just cause, 
and it was unanimously resolved to suffer the utmost extremi- 
ties rather than submit to the usurper, and to hold out what 
was left to the last. Hereupon the duke thinking it impossible 
to keep the field, and, running from one dangerous extreme to 
another no less prejudicial, declared himself for hamstringing 
all the horses, and bringing the men with what provisions 
could be gathered into the garrisons, a proposal no less 
dangerous in the consequences if followed than cruel in the 
execution. These opinions caused great heats and animosities, 
all men in general exclaiming against them, and those in 
particular who were of a contrary faction to the duke laying 
hold of this opportunity to make him odious to the army, and 
if possible to remove him from the government, as was after- 
wards attempted by sending commissioners into France to 
that effect. The duke being thus lessened in the public esteem, 
though he retained the character, and all orders run in 
his name as Lord Lieutenant, yet was there not the due 
subordination to him, and many private cabals were held not 
only without his knowledge, but to oppose his authority, and 
among the rest this whereof I now speak. It consisted of 
many field officers of the contrary faction to the duke, among 
others the Luttrells, the O'Neills,^ and, though inferior in post, 

^ Colonel Sir NeillO'NeiU'sRegimentof Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant- 
colonel, major, eleven captains, nine lieutenants, nine cornets, ten quarter- 
masters, adjutant, chaplain, and surgeon. Four O'Neills were officers in 
this regiment. There were eleven companies and 539 men (Brit. Mus. list). 
Avaux does not mention this regiment in the list of dragoons on p. 452. 

Sir Neill O'Neill (1658-90) was the eldest son of Sir Henry O'Neill of 


Connel, then lieutenant-colonel to the LordSlane, had a princi- 
pal part as being a young active man and well beloved among 
the foot. They, finding that the French intended to leave us 
and embark themselves and their cannon for France, and 
considering that thereby we were | not only weakened in men, f. 90 a 
whereof they feared not so much the want, but in so many 
good arms at that time so scarce among us.^ The French 
being then quartered in the city and the Irish forces encamped, 
as was said before, they agreed on this day to send orders to 
the camp, as from the Duke of Tyrconnel, though unknown 
to him, for the forces to march to Limerick, in appearance as 
if to march through and encamp on the other side, but the 
officers privy to the design being ready, they should suffer all 
to march in till such time they had filled all the streets, and 
the French not suspecting any design on them, but being 
dispersed and unarmed they were on a sudden upon a sign 
given to seize the gates of the city, and then by beat of drum 
to command the French to march out leaving their arms 
behind them, and not suffer them anywhere to come to a head 
with arms, but thus naked to ship them with all convenient 
speed for France, and distribute their arms among our men 
that wanted. This project was carried on with such secrecy 
and so well laid it had certainly taken effect had not one of the 
managers ignorantly, as thinking him a party, opened it to the 
then colonel, after major-general, Mark Talbot, who having got 
an inkling soon dived to the bottom of the contrivance, and 
immediately made it known to the Duke of Tyrconnel, who 
found no difficulty to break all their measures, though he 
caused the army to march as they had designed, but he parted 
the managers, and they finding themselves discovered had 

Killellagh in Kilultagh, who had been created a baronet in 1666. James, 
on May 10, 1689, sent him north and his regiment distinguished itself in 
Down and Antrim (E. 2, 19, T. C. D.). Sir Neill was present at the siege 
of Derry. He went to Sligo to check the movements of Schomberg's 
detachments, and at the Boyne he disputed the passage of the river at 
Rosnaree, where he was mortally wounded. The other O'NeUls, Cormuck, 
Gordon, and Felix, have been sketched. 

' Clarke Correspondence, August 14, 1690, vol. i. f. 93 : ' The French 
leave Limerick and betake themselves to Galway ; a very great help to 
the speedy ending of the war in Ireland.' 

1218 L 

146 THE JOURNAL 1690 

no opportunity to execute their design. The duke showed 
much prudence in this action, for though he prevented the 
execution, he would not seem to know anything of the design, 
and it was so hushed that it never came to the knowledge of 
many, which was a great happiness, for had the French been 
sensible of any such attempt it might have proved fatal both 
to them and us. It was no less our good fortune, in my 
opinion, that it did not succeed, for although the cabal had 
designed to send commissioners into France to estimate and 
excuse the fact by urging the absolute necessity there was 
of keeping those arms, yet I doubt they would have found 
no favourable reception, nor indeed could the action be well 
justified, but would doubtless have incensed the court of 
France against us, | and we had been left to perish for want 
f. 90 b of those small supplies wherewith we afterwards held out so 
long, and at last purchased so good conditions. Though all 
seemed hushed and quiet yet there was some confusion 
among the heads, which occasioned that we had no quarters 
assigned us this night, but, after standing till dark night 
at arms, were dismissed to shift for ourselves till next 

Thursday the 17th : quarters were assigned us, in some 
houses one, in some two companies. Limerick, being the 
principal city at this time and long after that held out for the 
king, and consequently there being often occasion and that 
on account of many memorable occurrences to speak of it, 
having been long quartered in it during that season, I will 
endeavour to give a true and exact description of it, but as 
brief as the small compass of this journal requires. Limerick 
is seated in a plain on the banks of the river Shannon, a branch 
whereof runs through and divides it into two, the one called 
the English, the other the Irish town, and encompasseth the 
former together with a considerable spot of ground without 
the walls called the King's Island, and so falls again into the 
main body of the river as appears in the map,^ to which 
recourse may be had in relation to all that shall occur hereafter, 

^ His map has been lost : mine owes not a little to the kindness of 
Dr. G. Fogerty, R.N., and Mr. Morony, B.E. 


all remarkable places being marked with letters or figures 
and those explained on the map. The English town, by some 
as being the principal distinguished by the name of the city, 
is seated within the island made by the Shannon. It is 
encompassed by a stone wall in most places four, in some 
but three, foot thick. The houses are most of stone strong 
built and generally high, the whole consists but of one large 
street, the rest being all narrow lanes. Within the walls are 
two churches and two chapels. Our Lady's Church, which is 
the cathedral, is large and has a high tower, and was in the 
hands of the Catholics all the time of our residence there, 
and the body of it towards the latter end made a magazine of 
meal. St. Munchin's, over against the bishop's house, small 
and inconsiderable, before our time decayed, first made by 
us a place for gunsmiths to work in, after a magazine of war- 
like stores. The Dominicans had built a new chapel in the 
place called St. Dominic's Abbey in the upper part of the 
city, the Augustines had another | on the river near Ball's f. 91 a 
Bridge. On the east side without the walls down to the water 
was a large suburb, and in it St. Francis's Abbey at that time 
possessed by the Franciscans, the most part ruined, but the 
body of the church which was very large then in use, the other 
ruined parts being cut off. On the west side is the quay, 
though narrow in compass yet considerable for that upon 
high tide vessels of two hundred tons come up to it. Without 
the island gate stood a house of entertainment with a bowling- 
green and pleasant gardens. At our coming there were only 
the ruins of a small fort in the island, the rest being partly 
a common walk for the citizens and let out for grazing, this 
land being of the perquisites belonging to the constable of 
the King's Castle. Over the Shannon is a very large stone 
bridge called Thomond Bridge, at the end whereof was 
another considerable suburb and a hill that overlooks all the 
city and renders it not tenable if that be possessed by an 
enemy. Within the city adjacent to the bridge is the King's 
Castle, the walls thereof like to those of the city, but strength- 
ened with square towers or bulwarks whereon were several 
good pieces of cannon. This castle, the bridge, and walls of 


148 THE JOURNAL 1690 

the city were the work of King John. Over that branch of 
the Shannon which compasses the island is Ball's Bridge, of 
stone but small, the river being narrowest there ; this joins the 
two towns and leads into the principal street of the Irish, the 
rest as in the other being all but narrow lanes. From the 
bridge this street runs to St. John's gate, the principal entrance 
of the town, joining to which is the citadel ; to the cityward it 
is square of small compass and has two small platforms, with- 
out it makes a half -moon ; the whole work of stone but weak, 
and was then furnished with only a few small pieces of artillery. 
On the other hand not far from the gate is St. John's Church, 
the parish, wherein nothing worthy of note. Between this 
and Mungret Gate was the Capuchin's chapel, so new it never 
was completely finished. The whole length of the east side 
under the wall was all tanyards, besides many more in the 
island, the tanning trade being here very considerable. In 
f. 91 b the angle made by the | great street and Mungret Lane stands 
Thom Core Castle, reported to be built by the Danes, but in 
reality is nothing but a high stone house, in nothing that I 
could perceive differing from many others of the town. The 
walls of this town are everyivhere four foot thick strengthened 
with several towers ; there are four gates Mungret, East and 
West Water, and St. John's. Without this was a very large 
suburb the main street whereof reached to Cromwell's fort, 
which is near a quarter of a mile southward, and the road to 
Kilkenny. It runs also a considerable way to the eastward 
and on the other side westward, till it joined that of Mungret 
Gate and came almost down to the body of the Shannon, so 
that it compassed almost the whole town. In digging this 
latter part for the fortifications were found vast numbers of 
skulls and other bones of men, but I could not meet any could 
give an account how they came there. Though the buildings 
of the suburbs were not for the most part equal to those within 
the walls, yet there were many very fine houses and I believe 
the suburbs on all sides were larger and contained more 
inhabitants than both the towns within the walls. Yet all 
these at our first coming, except that small part about St. 
Francis's Abbey in the island, were laid level with the ground 


for the better defence of the place and all the gardens and 
orchards utterly destroyed.^ Nor did the ruin stop at the 
suburbs, for upon the approach of the enemy our dragoons 
burnt all round, far and near, and at several times the country 
before very well peopled and improved was almost turned to 
a desert, the fury of war destroying in one year the improve- 
ments of many years' peace, but hereof I shall speak more in 
the proper place. I shall only add that when first I saw this 
city, about four years before, it was inferior to none in Ireland 
but Dublin and not to very many in England and have lived 
to see it reduced to a heap of rubbish, the greatest and best 
part utterly demolished and scarce a house left that sustained 
not some damage. Such are the effects of war and such the 
fruits of rebellion. To return to the course of our proceedings, 
the French were employed in demolishing the suburbs, which 
they performed with such wonderful dexterity, it was almost 
incredible so much could have been razed in so short a time, 
but their 1 talent lay in destroying. There being no outworks f. 92 a 
to the town but only the bare wall, it was resolved to cast up 
such as the shortness of the time would permit, the main part 
whereof was only a covered way round the walls with three 
or four little works within like bastions but very small and 
inconsiderable, with slight lines of communication between 
them. Before Mungret Gate to take in a rising ground that 
might annoy the town was cast up a large but slight hornwork. 
On the east side at a little distance from each other, almost, 
opposite to the south-east angle, two small redoubts, and 
another of only stones heaped one upon another opposite to 
St. John's Gate. In order hereunto this day the Lord Gormans- 
town's and Lord Bellew's Regiments, which were joined and 
amounted to near 1,200 men, mounted the work. 

Friday the i8th : the Lord Grand Prior's to which were 

• Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, f. 78-80. Solmes's letter on f. 80 is 
valuable; cf. f. 81 ; Ranelagh to Clarke, August 7, 1690; Marlborough 
to Clarke, August 12 ; Relation de la levee du si6ge de Limerick (in the 
Jacobite Narrative, 260-7 > Macariae Excidium, 368-9 ; Klopp, v. 169 ; 
Louvois to Lauzun, Versailles, July §g, MinistSre de la Guerre ; Avaux 
to Louvois, October fi- ; Lauzun to Louvois, August J^ and August J|, 
Ministfere de la Guerre. 




joined the Lord Slane's and major-general Boisseleau's 
mounted the work, with a detachment of the Foot Guards. 
The French besides levelling the suburbs undertook to throw 
down the parapet of the citadel, which was of stone and not fit 
for service, and instead thereof raised a strong sod work 
capable of six or seven cannon and of force against the enemy's 
batteries. All the timber of the houses was ordered to be 
preserved and carried into town. 

Saturday the 19th : Colonel Talbot with all the Grenadiers 
of the camp prepared the pahsades. Gordon O'Neill and 
O'Donovan's Regiments^ were at the work with all their 

* Colonel O'Donovan's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, five captains, and only one lieutenant recorded. The O'Donovan 
family papers enumerate eighteen other officers, but they are not classified 
according to rank. There were thirteen companies and 400 men (Avaux). 

Daniel O'Donovan was the eldest son of Donell O'Donovan, and in 
1638 he was inaugurated chief of Clancahill. He was Portreeve in King 
James's new charter to Baltimore, and represented it in Parliament in 1689. 
On March 6, 1688, he received for the use of his regiment sundry guns, 
swords, pistols, muskets, and one small fusee musket. On March 16, he 
received a further order for 413 muskets and 650 swords, and on July 9 one 
of his captains, James Goolde, received 42 muskets, 60 belts, and 35 swords ; 
and on the 14th 55 muskets, 75 swords, and 76 belts. On July 25, 1689, 
Melfort ordered him to keep all the supernumerary companies of his 
regiment over and above thirteen till further orders for the disposing 
thereof, and to send an account of their number with a view to providing 
for their subsistence. On August i , James Gallwey, the agent for clothing 
the regiment, states his charges as follows : — 

For frieze coating, lining, and ' dying ' for each man 

For making the coat and ' britches ' 

Hat and hat-band .... 

Pair of shoes and buckle 

Shirt and making . 

Cravat . 

' Swash ' 

Pair of ' Stockens ' 

' Wascoate ' . 









;£l 4 O 
In a petition to the king after Melfort's order, O'Donovan set forth that he 
' by commission, raised about Christmas last a regiment of foot, and ever 
since kept them, without any subsistence or relief (from Government), and 
notwithstanding your Majesty's orders and patent at Cork for quarters, 
arms, and subsistence, your petitioner could not at all to this day procure 
any, whereby he was exposed to the censure of those he engaged in his 
regiment, and they discouraged, being informed the regiment was dis- 
banded, which could not be otherwise imagined, by the usage your petitioner 
had from time to time.' The relief at last came, for a memorandum of 
October 28 acknowledged the receipt of £500, and states allowances : — 


officers. The brigadiers of each brigade were appointed to 
view all the officer's horses, such as were fit for service to be 
priced and taken for the king's use, the officers of suchregiments 
as were to continue in town commanded to dispose of the rest. 

Sunday the 20th : Gormanstown's and Bellow's Regiments 
at the work. 

Monday the 2ist : the days being long and very hot it was 
found the men could not hold out with vigour from sunrise 
to sunset, it was therefore thought expedient to keep them 
close whilst at it and have them relieved ; accordingly Hamil- 
ton's Regiment, mounted first, were relieved by Kilmallock's 
and they again by Burke's^ | 

Tuesday the 22nd: The Grand Prior's, Bellew's, and f. 92 b 
Gormanstown's Regiments, commanded by the Lord Slane, 
marched about five miles into the county of Clare towards 
Brian's Bridge to a wood near the river to bring palisades, 
which were there ready cut. Gordon O'Neill was at the work 
in the town. 

Wednesday the 23rd : Athlone having been some days 
besieged and by Colonel Grace the governor well defended, 
it was thought fit to send him some relief, the enemy being 
only on the Leinster side of the river and Connaught side open. 
Here upon this day one battalion of the guards, the Grand 
Prior, Slane and Boisseleau's detachments making another 
battalion, Gormanstown and Bellew a third, Hamilton and 
Sir Maurice Eustace ^ a fourth, and the French detachments, 

i s. d. 
To Captain Regan's soldiers, sergeant and six men, that 

guarded the money from Dublin . . . . i lo 6 

To Lieutenant Falvey and Ensign Gregson, that came for 

the money 7 i6 o 

For the barrel to put the money in . . . .016 
For a bag and to a porter 056, &c. 

'■ The scanty muster of Colonel Walter Burke's Regiment includes 
merely two captains and three lieutenants. This regiment had no swords 
and no powder or ball. 

Colonel Walter Burke belonged to the Turlough branch of his dis- 
tinguished family. To his regiment was entrusted the custody of the old 
Castle of Aughrim on the day of the decisive battle there, but it was taken. 
After the treaty of Limerick he went to France and Louis appointed him 
colonel of the regiment of Athlone. 

' Sir Maurice Eustace was a Privy Councillor and held command of an 
infajitry regiment. On May 10, 1689, James sent ten of his companies 

152 THE JOURNAL 1690 

two other small battalions, marched out of Limerick and lay 
this night at Killaloe, the men without tents or quarters in 
the gardens. The officers were quartered in the town, the 
great ones taking up the best houses which are not many, the 
inferior were crowded into very poor cabins that only served 
barely to cover them from the weather. These eight miles 
from Limerick is part of the county of Clare and is all very 
bare, there being in this way scarce any corn or meadow, 
but only a hilly common in some places boggy, everywhere 
covered with fern and rushes, which is all it produces. The 
road is hard and pleasant for the most part open and often 
■ crossed by small brooks and springs, near a mile at first is 
a large causeway over a bog, not unlike to the old Roman 
ways being raised high because of the floods. A little above 
the midway is the wood whence we had the palisades, it is not 
large nor produces any large timber. Killaloe is a bishopric, 
but as to the town the meanest I ever saw dignified with that 
character, except St. David and St. Asaph in Wales, having 
but very few houses that are anything tolerable, the rest and 
even those in no very great number are thatched cabins or 
cottages, in fine it has nothing beyond many villages in 
England, nor is it equal to some, except the church be reckoned 
which indeed is large, and so all is said of it, having nothing else 
beautiful or commendable. The bishop's house like the rest 
has nothing worthy observation. The Shannon runs by the 
f. 93 a town, and in this place is so | rocky it is not navigable, so that 
all goods must be carried from Limerick till above the town 
by land, and being embarked there the river is again navigable 
iot many miles. The most remarkable thing here was that the 
protestant bishop of the place continued then and long after 
in his diocese under his Majesty's government.^ 
Thursday the 24th : we marched first along the side of the 

to Hamilton then besieging Derry {King James's Letters, E. 2, 19, T. C. D.)- 
In the Parliament of 1689 he sat as member for Blessington. With his 
cousin, Morgan Kavanagh, he reached Rochefort on July 20, 1691, with 
a view to service with Louis. 

Sir Maurice Eustace's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, fifteen captains, fifteen lieutenants, seventeen ensigns, and surgeon. 
There were 783 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 454 men. 

^ John Roane was Bishop of Killaloe from 1675 to 1693. 


mountain near the Shannon, which about this place makes a 
very large lough or lake. This way is very close and woody but 
lasts not long, as soon as out of it the rest is across the barren 
hills till we came to a small village called Tomgraney, which is 
five Connaught miles from Killaloe, and the miles here are of an 
excessive length. We halted a little farther at another village 
called Scarriff, neither of these places worth the naming but 
for some iron mills that were there before the war. Close by 
these two places is a large stone bridge which joins, or rather 
the river that runs under it parts, the counties of Clare and 
Galway, the same being also the bounds of the provinces of 
Munster and Connaught. At Scarriff begins one of the most 
desert wild barbarous mountains that ever I beheld and runs 
eight miles outright, there being nothing to be seen upon it 
but rocks and bogs, no corn, meadow, house or living creature, 
not so much as a bird. Nothing grows there but a wild sedge, 
fern, and heath. In wet winters this way is absolutely im- 
passable, in dry summers it is a soft way, but at best in many 
places very boggy, so that at no time cannon or heavy carriages 
can pass that way.^ This day we marched about four miles 
of the mountain, a violent rain falling most part of the time, 
which made the way extreme toilsome afoot the long sedge 
twisting about the feet, and the bog sucking them up, as 
that which immediately draws in the water being naturally 
soft and yielding. For our comfort at night we had a bare bog 
to lie on without tents or huts or so much as the shelter of 
a tree, hedge, or bank. The rain held most part of the night, 
and scarce any firing to be had the place being furnished but 
with a few and those small scattered trees, and we tired and 
without any tools to cut wood. Meat was as scarce as other 
necessaries, but that we might not be destitute of all, Provi- 
dence had furnished a small brook which, though | foul and f. 93 b 
ill tasted by reason of the rain and bog, afforded us plenty 
of drink. 

Friday the 25th : with the day began our march over the 

' These tracks resembled that road of historic fame in Virginia on which 
the Federal of&cer, reconnoitring it, observed that the road was there, but 
he ' guessed the bottom had fallen out '. 

154 THE JOURNAL 1690 

remaining part of this barbarous mountain, just at the end 
■whereof is a wood very thick the trees coarse and misshapen 
and as the others affords no large timber. It was a great 
satisfaction to us from the tops of the mountains to discover 
at a distance ploughed land, pasture and some few scattered 
cottages. At length having passed what was left of the solitude 
we came to a small place the English call Woodford and the 
Irish Graig, where it being St. James's Day we halted and 
heard mass.^ Then marched four miles farther through a 
more tolerable country, but not over fertile or well improved 
to a poor village called Duniry, where we were drawn up in 
the fields early enough to have hutted had there been neces- 
saries for building.^ Wood there was but scarce anything 
wherewith to cut it, yet for form the soldiers were obliged to 
break boughs the best they could and make the shape of huts, 
which there being no straw or other thing to cover them with, 
was merely for show and not conveniency, so that in fine we 
lay without any other covering than the canopy of heaven. 
I know not whether a true devotion wherewith soldiers are 
seldom overstocked or whether it were not rather superstition 
to which they are subject enough, that prevailed with our 
men to spare a few trees, that stood in the front of our bat- 
talion. The country people, whether as a received tradition 
or to the intent to save them, teUing some story of a saint 
who had lived there and after his death visibly punished some 
one who had presumed to destroy the trees. The story I 
understood not well, nor ever before or since heard of the 
saint, but many such are usually related there. 

Saturday the 26th : the news of raising the siege of Athlone 
being come to the Duke of Berwick who commanded in chief, 
though the news was not made known, yet why kept secret is 
a mystery, the Irish forces continued here, but the French 
detachments marched back to Limerick to our great satis- 

' Lloyds' Posi-sheanchas calls Woodford ' hamlet (graig) of the iron 

' Cf. Duanaire Finn, 105. St. Brendan is mentioned a few lines later 
in the poem. At Duniry the Leabhar Breac was written by the MacEgans 
who had a school there. Cf. O'Donovan, Hy Many, 169, and Introduction 
to facsimile of the Leabhar Breac : it is the greatest hagiologicaJ collection 
in the Irish language. 


faction, for of late these who were sent to assist us were grown 
if possible a worse enemy than those we were in arms against, 
which was occasioned by our misfortune at the Boyne in this 
manner. Since that most unhappy day (when as the Scripture 
has it, we fled nobody pursuing of us ^) | the army like sheep f . 94 a 
without a shepherd having dispersed themselves all over the 
country lived upon the spoil of the people they ought to have 
defended from their enemies. When we began again to make 
head at Limerick, both in camp and in the town the soldiers 
were forbidden upon pain of death to plunder, to quit their 
colours marching, and several severe punishments threatened 
to all manner of offences, but nothing at all put in execution. 
The soldiers, who (like a wild horse that has once got his head 
is not easily to be checked or stopped) had tasted the sweet 
of living at discretion on the public, and were grown proud 
of being under no command, were not easily to be curbed 
without some very severe examples, which were so far from 
being made that the men began to believe their officers durst 
not punish them. Nay some stuck not to say they were dis- 
banded and consequently under no command, which notion 
they had taken from some timorous officers, who at or near 
Dublin ordered their men to shift for themselves, notwith- 
standing the colours of most were marched flying to encourage 
the men to repair to them, and only Sir Michael Creagh's 
Regiment^ was formally disbanded by their major in Dublin, 
the colonel being too swift to stay for that ceremony, and by 
what authority the major dismissed them is hard to find, but 
fear is unaccountable. In fine the dread and consternation of 
some officers had debauched the whole army and the time 
hardly allowed a speedy redress to these abuses. But to come 
to the cause of this reflection, the French improving this 
opportunity were run to that height of insolence that they 

'■ Prov. xxviii. i. 

' Sir Micliael Creagh owned much house property in Dublin, and was 
Lord Mayor of that city in 1688 and its representative in Parliament in 1689. 
His regiment served at Derry, at Dundalk against Schomberg, at the 
Boyne, and continued in the service until the last year of the war. Sir 
Michael and WUliam Creagh of Ennis were attainted in 1691. For one good 
musket in his regiment there were ten bad, and the swords were wretched 
and of unequal length. 

156 THE JOURNAL 1690 

were more terrible to the country and offensive to the army 
than our very enemies. They generally contemned the Irish, 
esteeming them all as cowards for the disgrace at the Boyne, 
and were much the more confirmed in their opinion, because 
all their insolences passed unpunished, the government wink- 
ing at their crimes, and each particular person, I know not 
through what infatuation, putting up peaceably with whatever 
indignities they were pleased to heap on them. From ill 
language they came to worse actions, often beating even the 
soldiers and forcing from them and from their officers whatever 
they liked, and very rare that they met with any check, but 
i. 94 b still if any opposition | were made they carried all before them, 
not because they really were superior in any respect, but 
because the others had, as I believe, conceived some such 
opinion of them, like horses that are ridden because they 
know not how much they are stronger than their rider. 
A passage I saw under the walls of Limerick may serve for 
an instance how much they stood in awe of the French. When 
the first works were carrying on about the town, there lay 
heaps of timber and boards of the ruined houses. Three soldiers 
coming to one of the heaps would have carried away some 
piece for firing, but a Frenchman, a person of no command 
as being only an ofiicer's servant, not only hindered but gave 
them very ill language first, and then fell upon and beat them 
severely, which caused a great disturbance among the other 
soldiers who were at the work. Whereupon the officer of the 
guard at St. John's Gate, which was just by, sent a sergeant 
with a file of musketeers to secure the Frenchman, who seeing 
them come for him was so far from submitting that he drew 
and drove them all back to their guard. And yet the fellow was 
not so desperate but that an officer coming up to him with 
his sword drawn, he submitted and went peaceably to the 
guard, but his countrymen were not sparing of their reflec- 
tions upon an insignificant fellow's driving with only his sword 
a halberd and so many muskets. Wherever they marched 
they plundered the country without any distinction of friend 
or enemy, and their own officers were so far from curbing that 
it is rather to be believed they were sharers with them, and 


consequently not only connived at but encouraged these dis- 
orders. Their colonels and general ofl&cers having all quitted 
them at the Boyne except Zurlauben,^ who brought them off 
with honour and failed not to give some of their characters to 
the French court, though favour there as well as in others 
covered their indelible stains. As for our officers they paid 
them not the least respect, and this very march some of them 
shot a lieutenant of the Grand Prior's Regiment only for 
challenging a saddle they had stolen, of which wounds he died 
two days after, and some of our men having taken the mur- 
derer, they forcibly rescued him so that this barbarous action 
passed unpunished as all the rest. True it is many were made | f- 95 a 
officers, whose want of sense and honour and even of the mien 
of gentlemen, brought a contempt upon all, and the ignorance 
of their duty or licentiousness of the time caused many gross 
errors against niartial discipline, so the abovesaid lieutenant 
was ranging the country when he ought to have been marching 
in his post and met a dishonourable and deserved death, 
though not from that hand, the extravagances of officers 
though generally an example and encouragement being no 
justification of the insolences and barbarities of the soldiers. 
These villanies caused all people to fly before us as we marched 
and all provisions were hidden from us wherever we came, so 
that we suffered much, and sometimes necessity obliged us to 
be cruel and force from the poor people what they hid from 
others. The brass money which our misfortunes had much 
lessened in the common esteem the French made so contemp- 
tible it was scarce of any value, for they being always paid 
in silver, had no regard for the brass, but would give half a 
crown of that coin for a silver three-halfpenny piece and 

^ Zurlauben had fought under Turenne, and his regiment formed part 
of the Swiss contingent, the Mite of the French army. In his report of 
the battle of the Bo}me he draws attention to the abandonment of the 
army by Lauzun, Hoguette, Famechon, Chamerade, and Merode, and points 
out that these colonels put the regimental colours in their pockets. Accord- 
ing to him his regiment, seconded by the Irish cavalry, covered the retreat 
from Duleek. Louis gave him an audience at Versailles and he was the 
only officer who received from the king in person his thanks. The Irish 
lords ofiered him their best soldiers to fill the ranks of his depleted regiment. 
He fought at the battle of Blenheim. 

158 THE JOURNAL 1690 

forty shillings for a silver crown. Whereupon all things were 
sold accordingly, as a pair of shoes for forty shillings, stockings 
that used to be sold for nine or tenpence were now worth five 
shillings, ale nine or twelvepence the quart, wine four shillings 
brass or sevenpence silver, brandy ten shillings brass or ten- 
pence silver. In short all things were at this time according 
to this rate (for it grew worse and worse daily) and we who 
were paid in brass had a miserable sustenance. The people 
shut up their shops and followed no trade and the French 
soldiers engrossed the whole into their own hands at their own 
rate. But to return to our march : 

Sunday the 27th : we marched to Loughrea six miles, all 
the country hitherto is wild, mountainous and in my judge- 
ment may be called barren, but some people are so blinded 
with affection they will not allow the worst of soils to be called 
barren, because it produces fern and wild sedge, which the 
miserable cattle having no better are forced to feed upon, 
and yet some will maintain that to be a rich soil, which all the 
art of man cannot improve so as to bear anything but oats 
and potatoes. At the town begins a valley which extends 
some miles in length and breadth. It is not very plain, but has 
f. 95 b several old ruins of castles and gentlemen's houses | and there 
being many enclosures from the mountains it looks like an 
exceeding pleasant and fertile place, but coming to view all 
this near it is only ruins and a barren soil, wherein are some 
scattered cornfields, some coarse pasture and the rest nothing 
but fern and rushes. The town is like the country, promises 
well at a distance, but when near you find only the remains of 
a formerly indifferent place with some memory of walls, the 
gates yet standing. There is also little more than the ruins of 
a very considerable house belonging to the Earls of Clanric- 
arde. Adjoining to the town is a great lough or lake out of 
which runs a small river, and from the lough I suppose the 
town takes its name. Here every company had a house 
assigned for quarters. 

Monday the 28th : we continued here. Brigadier Sarsfield ^ 

' Avaux speaks in high terms of Patrick Sarsfield (d. 1693). Avaux to 
Louvois, October 21 : ' J'ay demande, Monsieur, au Roy d'Angleterre, un 


marched away with the horse under his command who had 
quartered in the neighbourhood. At our setting out of 
Limerick there marched also four pieces of cannon and a body 
of horse and dragoons, all which took the way of Loughrea 
for the conveniency of the road which is hard and fit for 
draught, whereas the way the foot took (as I said before) was 
unfit for heavy carriages, but being the shorter was judged 
best for the foot, both for their ease and that they might the 
sooner relieve Athlone, which was thought to be pressed and 
in danger and by their coming might be strengthened the 
better to expect farther relief. But upon the news of the 
enemies quitting the siege, the foot marched back the easiest 
though the longest way, and where they could have quarters 
to refresh them. 

nomme Sarsfield pourun des colonels qui iront en France, et pour com- 
mander aussy ce corps l£l. Sarsfield n'est pas un homme de la naissance de 
Mylord Gallouay, ny de Makarty, mais c'est un gentilhomme distingue par 
son merite, qui a plus de credit dans ce royaume qu'aucun homme que je 
connoisse ; il a de la valeur, mais surtout de Thonneur et la probit6 k toute 
epreuve, et c'est un homme sur qui le Roy pourroit compter, et qui ne 
quitteroit jamais son service. II a servi en France en quality d'enseigne 
dans le regiment d'Hamilton, et depuis a este lieutenant des gardes du 
corps du Roy en Angleterre, et est le seul qui ait combattu pour son service 
contre le Prince d'Orange ; et lorsque Sa Maieste Britannique fut arrivee 
en Irlande, j 'eus toutes les peines du monde ci le faire faire brigadier, quoyque 
M. Tirconnel s'y employast fortement, sans que j'y parusse, le Roy disant 
que c'estoit un fort brave homme, mais qui n'avoit point de teste. Mylord 
Tirconnel ne laissa pas de I'envoyer dans la province de Connaught avec 
une poignee de gens. II a leve pres de deux mille hommes par son credit, 
et avec ces troupes la il a conserve toute la province de Connaught au Roy, 
qui en est si content, que quand je luy ay demande Sarsfield, il me dit que 
je luy voulois oster tous ses officiers, et qu'il ne me le donneroit pas ; que 
j 'estois deraisonnable, et fis trois tours de chambre fort en colere .... c'est 
un homme seroit toujours ^ la teste des troupes, et qui en auroit grande 
soin.' James's lack of judgement is shown by his estimate of Sarsfield : 
' C'estoit un fort brave homme, mais qui n'avoit point de tdte.' Berwick 
was equally at fault, for he said, ' Sarsfield imagined himself to be a great 
general." At the request of Avaux, James made him a brigadier. He 
distinguished himself at the battles of Steinkirk a,nd Landen, where he 
was mortally wounded. Luxemburg appreciated his worth. ' The Earl 
of Lucan was also with me (i.e. at Steinkirk),' he wrote, ' and his courage 
and intrepidity, of which he had given proof in Ireland, were very note- 
worthy. I can assure your Majesty he is a very good and capable officer.' 
Sarsfield's Regiment of Horse had a, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
seven captains, ten lieutenants, seven cornets, eight quarter-masters, 
adjutant, and a ' Maal [PMarechal] des Logis r^forme '. Two officers were 
French, Renfe de Came and Rene Mazandier. There were nine companies 
and 396 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 250 men. 

i6o THE JOURNAL 1690 

Tuesday the 29th proved an excessive hot day, yet we 
marched nine miles of that country (which are the longest I 
ever saw) without halting, then rested a while near Gort,^ 
a very small inconsiderable village upon a very rocky river, 
over which is a stone bridge, and adjoining to it a very large 
house. The road hither is along one end of the bottom I spoke 
of before, and partakes much of the hills and barrenness. After 
a short halt we marched three miles farther to a mill about 
a mile from the place called Toberreendony, famous for a clear 
spring dedicated to our blessed lady, as the name imports in 
Irish, and held in great veneration by all the neighbouring 
people.* Part of this way is through lanes, the rest very stony 
and hilly. Upon the road advice was brought that the enemy 
had approached to Limerick and it was feared they would 
attempt to pass the Shannon, which if they had compassed 
might have been the loss of us all, we being but a small 
96 a number of foot | and without horse or dragoons. Hereupon 
ammunition was distributed and both officer and soldier 
ordered upon pain of death not to stir from their post but to 
lie down upon their arms and take some rest till such time 
the general should beat, which was appointed within two hours, 
having halted about ten at night to march again at twelve. 
And though we had marched with only half an hour's rest from 
morning till this time at night and at a great rate yet could we 
the whole day make but twelve miles. I cannot but observe 
how little confidence was then to be reposed in our men, for 
notwithstanding the severe orders the fear of the enemy pre- 
vailed so much more over them than that of punishment, or 
any sense of honour, or their safety in standing by each other, 
that it appeared with the light at least one half of them were 
stolen away in the dark, those that were left being ready upon 
the first alarm to follow the example set them by their 

Wednesday the 30th : between twelve and one in the 
morning the general beat, and again ordered that no man 

• Stevens calls Gort Gortenshegure : it is also called Gortenshegury and 
Gort-Inshi-Guare from Guaine, King of Connaught, who commenced his reigu 
in the year 604 and held the sceptre thirty-eight years (Colgan, 248). 

" Toberreendony means the well of the King of Sunday. 

1690 THE CREAGHTS i6i 

upon pain of death should stir from his post in marching. We 
marched through a very thick wood and extraordinary rough 
stony way long before the least light appeared, and the road 
being so uncouth was exceeding troublesome in the dark. We 
had many falls and that sometimes in the water, some stony 
brooks crossing the wood and nobody seeing where they set 
their feet. When day appeared we were out of the wood and 
in a better way. Soon after day we halted to gather our 
scattered men and march again with some lighted matches. 
Now it appeared very many of our men had left us and among 
them some who had the reputation of being very brave, many 
of which upon occasions of danger I have found to be the 
backwardest of all, and that they gained a name only by being 
mutinous troublesome fellows, always in private broils, yet 
durst not look upon the common enemy. Having marched 
seven miles this morning we made a considerable halt to refresh 
the men at Quin, a small village, where are some considerable 
remains of an ancient church and abbey, then possessed by 
the Franciscan friars. Whilst we halted some men of each 
regiment were sent with officers to look out for provisions in 
the neighbourhood to bring to the men, who were commanded 
to pay for what they had. There was no other neighbourhood 
to seek anything, but those they call the creaghts,^ which are 
much like the Tartar hordes, being a number of people some | 
more some less, men, women and children under a chief or f. 96 b 
head of the name or family, who raiige about the country with 
their flocks or herds and all the goods they have in the world, 
without any settled habitation, building huts wherever they 
find pasture for their cattle and removing as they find occasion. 
This is a custom much used in Ireland, especially in time of 
war as now, when thousands of all sorts fled from the dominion 
of the usurper and had no other manner of living but this. 
But the custom I believe is immemorial and was doubtless in 
use among them before the conquest by the English. They 
have small cars and garrons or Httle horses to carry their 

^ Cf. Four Masters, iv. 1224, note ; Annals of Ulster, iii. 63 ; Oxford 
English Dictionary, ii. 11 48-9; Avaux to Louvois, December 6, 1689; 
Avaux to Louis, January 25, 1690 ; Avaux to Louvois, January 25 ; lettre 
d'un Religieux, sans signature, k M. d'Avaux, September 22, 1689. 

1218 M 

i62 THE JOURNAL 1690 

necessaries and live most upon the milk of their cows. With 
what they can spare they buy bread and other necessaries, 
or in these times of confusion make no scruple of taking where 
they find it. Particularly in gathering cattle they are in- 
dustrious, for many who came from their habitations in 
Ulster with only one or two cows by the time they came to 
the neighbourhood of Limerick were increased some to fifty, 
some a hundred, and some more head of black cattle. They 
examine not whose ground they encamp in, and when they 
march drive all the cattle that comes in their way, and in 
some places I have heard them complained of as more grievous 
and burdensome to the country than the army, which seemed 
to me improbable and almost impossible, but that the country 
people affirmed the robberies and insolences of the soldiers 
were much inferior to the extravagant barbarities of those 
people. In short if they came first they left nothing for the 
army, and where they came after they carried away whatever 
the army had left. And though the irreconcilable hatred 
between Ulster and Munster be cause enough for those people 
eternally to reproach and slander each other,^ and that they 
are never wanting in that part, yet certain it is the creaghts 
were worse to the country than the professed enemy or their 
costly friends, the king's army, and even in this the two pro- 
vinces strove to be upon equal terms, the one always railing and 
the other always giving fresh occasion to rail. But it must be 
observed there were creaghts of the other provinces as well as 
Ulster though not so numerous, yet whatever was done the 
Ulster had the name of it. The design was to have marched 
through this day to Limerick, which was twelve miles from this 
place, a great march though the county of Clare miles be not 
altogether so long as those of Connaught. But being informed 

' It is worth noticing that North and South do not agree, e. g. North and 
South England, the Highland and Lowlands of Scotland, the northern and 
southern states of United States, North and South France, North and South 
Portugal, Prussia and Baden, North and South Italy. Cf. the editor's 
Revolutionary Ireland and its Settlement, 377-81. Shakespeare, with 
his usual insight, notes the difference between northern and southern 
peoples : from this standpoint Othello and Romeo can be contrasted with 
Hamlet. Sellings (Confederation and War, iii. ii) refers to "that antient 
and everlasting difference between Leagh Cuin and Leagh Mow" (i.e. 
North and South Ireland). 

i69o THE CREAGHTS 163 

there was no danger of the enemy we only marched half-way to 
Sixmilebridge, which is | an indifferent good town and takes its f. 97 a 
name from its distance from Limerick and a small bridge over 
a little river that runs through it, and thence into the Shannon, 
yet we were quartered three or four companies in a house. 

Thursday the 31st : we marched to Limerick which is six 
large miles, almost half the way over a high steep and stony 
mountain, the rest plain and most part lanes, cornfields and 
meadows on both sides, all enclosed as in England. There is 
another way to avoid the mountain but farther about : I shall 
speak of it when I come to travel it. From our setting out 
till our return to Limerick we suffered much for want of 
provisions and above all of bread, for no ammunition bread 
was given and scarce any could be bought, only very rarely 
some few cakes of oats or bere, a grain much like to though not 
the same but bigger and coarser than barley, whereof all 
their beer and ale is made, little or none of their land producing 
the true barley. The city being filled with the chief officers, 
both civil and military, the guards and French, we were 
quartered in the Irish town one or two companies in a house. 

Friday the ist of August : all the regiments were drawn out 
and reviewed in the King's Island in order, as was given out, 
to receive money and bread and have quarters regulated. 
After standing at arms till about two of the clock we were 
dismissed without any thing, only orders that an officer of 
a company should make a true return of their arms fixed and 
unfixed, and of the number of their men present. 

Saturday the 2nd : most of our horse and dragoons, some 
on the one side of the river some on the other, marched towards 
Athlone. This day also the French forces departed for Galway 
to the great satisfaction not only of the inhabitants, but of all 
the garrison that remained in town. They remained some 
time at Galway till ships came to carry them into France, 
thinking it impossible Limerick should hold out a siege, 
offering to lay wagers it would be taken in three days.^ 

^ William expected that all would be ended in fourteen days. Cf. Hoff- 
mann's report, Klopp, v. 169. Tyrconnel summoned a meeting of the 
general officers of the Irish army at Galway, and read to them a letter 


i64 THE JOURNAL 1690 

Immediately upon their departure His Grace the Duke of 
Tyrconnel ordered it to be proclaimed that no person should 
presume to ask above thirty shillings for a pistole, thirty-eight 
shillings for a guinea and seven and sixpence for a crown in 
silver, pistoles before being sold for five pounds in brass and 
silver crowns for thirty or forty shillings. Nay this day the 
French marched out some of them gave a crown for each 
silver three-halfpenny piece. | 
t 97 b Sunday the 3rd : nothing of note, but that advice was 
brought of the approach of the enemy, and all preparations 
for their reception hastened accordingly. 

Monday and Tuesday, the 4th and 5th : most part of these 
two days the foot, who were encamped on the east side of the 
town, marched through into the King's Island, carrying with 
them all the materials for building their huts, and encamped 
there. The small works about the town not being finished, the 
men were kept at work incessantly day and night. 

Wednesday the 6th : there was nothing remarkable, but 
a review being taken of the Lord Grand Prior's regiment it 
was found to consist of 446 private men, besides corporals, 
sergeants and commissioned officers, making in all 543. Of 
these many sick and absent, but many more without arms. 
Though there was the name of many regiments in the garrison 
yet very few of them were near this number and fewer equal 
in goodness of men. I speak it not out of affection or vanity 
because I served in it, but because it was one of the oldest 
in the kingdom, giving their precedence only to the Guards and 
disputing the right with Hamilton's, all others yielding to it. 

from James giving orders to such of the military of&cers as pleased to take 
advantage of the French fleet then riding in Galway Bay to join him in 
France, and permitting the men of inferior rank to submit to the Prince of 
Orange and to make for themselves the best terms in their power (Macariae 
Excidium, 54-5). Sarsfield, however, resolutely maintained that when 
the king wrote the letter he could not have been aware of the true state 
of affairs, and that it never would have been written had His Majesty 
known that there was a considerable army still in the field, able and 
willing to fight to the last man, and that the province of Counaught could 
easily hold out until relief would have time to arrive (Macariae Excidium, 
67-8, 380-1). To this he added that, let others do as they might, he was 
determined not to turn his back on his country in this hour of danger. 
His word and bis deeds turned the scale against Tyrconnel, who with 
himself and Lauzun returned to the beleaguered city. 


Thursday the 7th : on the works mounted by brigades at 
noon went the Lord Grand Prior and Hamilton^ and the regi- 
ments joined to them, which made a large brigade and had not 
as at other times a particular brigadier, but were commanded 
by him wlj,ose day it was. The enemy encamped within three 
miles of the town and our dragoons retired, burning all the 
country as they went. The devastation spread on all sides, and 
quite round might be seen some villages, and many farms, 
and considerable gentlemen's country houses in flames. Our 
negligence at first was cause that our works, though mean 
and inconsiderable, were not yet finished, so that no inter- 
mission could be allowed. Gordon and Felix O'Neill^ with 
other regiments joined to them relieved the work in the 
evening to continue all night till break of day. 

Friday the 8th : Gormanstown ' and Bellew,* &c., mounted 
the work and were relieved at noon by the Grand Prior, &c. 
This morning the enemy's horse and dragoons came up within 
half a mile of the town, showing themselves on the rising 

'■ Richard Hamilton was the fifth son of Sir George Hamilton of Dona- 
long, and uncle of James, sixth Duke of Abercorn. He was banished from 
France because he aspired to the hand of the Princess de Conti, the natural 
daughter of Louis XIV. On coming to Ireland as the friend of William, he 
yielded to the advice of Tyrconnel. He won at the rout of Dromore, forced 
the pass at Cladyford, and besieged Derry. He advised James to station 
Sir Neill O'Neill with his dragoons at the ford of the Boyne near Slane, 
where he fought gallantly, but was taken prisoner. Louvois did not think 
highly of his work at Derry, and deemed it too important work to be 
given to an of&cer in a foot regiment ' and not very distinguished in that '. 
He served with distinction in the French army both before and after his 
coming to Ireland. Avaux mentions the fact that he was suspected of 
being in communication with the WUliamite leaders, and in a letter to 
Queen Mary, April 1689, Tyrconnel denies this, rumour, adding that ' the 
thing in itself bespeaks the ridiculousness of it '. 

' The muster of Colonel Felix O'Neill's Regiment merely gives the 
colonel, lieutenant-colonel, one captain, and one lieutenant. 

Colonel Felix O'Neill was the son of Turlough O'Neill, an active 
supporter of Charles I. At first he was a barrister and became a Master in 
Chancery, but in 1689 he doffed his gown and buckled on his sword. 
He was killed at the battle of Aughrim (Story, pt. ii, 285, 291). 

^ Lord Gormanstown's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
eleven captains, fourteen lieutenants, and fourteen ensigns. There were 
thirteen companies and 578 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men. 

* Lord BeUew's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
thirteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, fourteen ensigns, adjutant, chaplain, 
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 878 men (Brit. Mus. list). 
Avaux gives 350 men. 

i66 THE JOURNAL 1690 

f. 98 a grounds, and having taken | a view of all posts returned 
to their camp. A party of Colonel Luttrell's Horse being 
abroad, a small skirmish happened between them and some 
of the most advanced of the enemies. There was nothing in it 
considerable, only two of the enemy being taken and three or 
four killed, of ours only one wounded. 

Saturday the 9th: the Prince of Orange invested the 
town, enclosing with his army all that is not surrounded by 
the Shannon.^ Detachments of our foot, supported by the 
dragoons, disputed every field with the enemy, lining the 
hedges and retiring orderly from one to another after several 
volleys and some execution till they came within shelter of our 
cannon or outworks, and there they continued in small bodies 
in the ditches and kept their ground all night. In this skirmish- 
ing we lost but very few men, nor indeed could we spare them 
so that it was done only for form and to amuse the enemy. 
Giving way still as they pressed upon us, there was never an 
officer killed but Sir Maurice Eustace had his horse shot under 
him in the midst of us, and Fitzpatrick's major his in a field 
below us, but neither they nor any of us hurt. I will not be too 
exact in affirming what garrison we had, I know both to 
encourage us and terrify the enemy we were given out to be 

' The description of the siege by Corporal Trim seems to have been 
taken by Sterne from an old soldier who had been present : ' We were 
scarce able to crawl out of our tents at the time the siege of Limerick was 
rjiised, and had it not been for the quantity of brandy we set fire to every 
night, and the claret and cinnamon and geneva with which we plied our- 
selves, we had both left our lives in the trenches. . . . The city of Limerick, 
the siege of which was begun under His Majesty King WiUiam himself, 
lies in the midst of a devilish wet swampy country ; it is surrounded 
with the Shannon, and is by its situation one of the strongest fortified 
places in Ireland ; it is all cut through with drains and bogs ; and besides, 
there was such a quantity of rain fell during the siege, the whole country 
was like a puddle ; 'twas that and nothing else which brought on the 
flux. Now, there was no such thing after the first ten days, as for a soldier 
to lie dry in his tent, without cutting a ditch round it to draw off the 
water ; nor was that enough for those who could afford it, without setting 
fire every night to a pewter dish full of brandy, which took off the damp 
of the air, and made the inside of the tent as warm as a stove.' Dumont de 
Bostaquet and Story confirm the truth that heavy rain fell, yet the Duke 
of Berwick writes : ' I can af&rm that not a single drop of rain fell for above 
a month before or three weeks after I ' Stevens, in his entry on August 29, 
flatly contradicts this statement. As the siege lasted more than three 
weeks, Berwick's account means that no rain fell for more than ten weeks. 


15,000 strong, but I can be positive that to my knowledge we 
were not in all 10,000, including the unarmed men which were 
a considerable number.^ This day the Grand Prior with the 
regiments joined, which I shall no more repeat, mounted the 
hornwork, Hamilton the east side trenches, Maxwell's Dra- 
goons ^ from the south-east to the south-west tower, on the 
west side Bellew and Gormanstown. Detachments mounted 
the redoubts, the walls and Enghsh town being posts of less 
consequence, and never falling to these that were the best 
regiments, except the walls when the siege grew hot ; I shall 
make no mention of them, not being able to give a general 
account of all places, being constantly tied to the duties of my 
post, which being in a regiment of such repute was commonly 
where there was most probability of service. I shall be brief 
in my relation of the siege, affirming only what I saw or 
received from eyewitnesses of credit, for considering my post 
at that time very much cannot be expected, and I had rather 
be brief with truth and omit small passages than by pretend- 
ing 1 to more particulars than I can afHrm deliver falsehoods f. gg b 
or at least uncertainties. There was within the hornwork 
a small stone half-moon that covered Mungret Gate, now 

* William's force was only 20,000. Its strength had been diminished 
by the numerous garrisons. Klopp, v. 169. 

' Brigadier Thomas Maxwell's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, 
lieutenant-colonelj major, ten captains, twelve lieutenants, eleven cornets, 
eight quarter-masters, and an adjutant. There were twelve companies and 
649 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 360 men. Singer's Correspondence 
of Lord Clarendon enumerates twelve companies with 600 men (ii. 512). 
Cf. Somers State Tracts, xi. 399. 

Brigadier Thomas Maxwell was unable to oppose the landing of Schom- 
berg at Bangor and was present at the battle of the Boyne and at the 
siege of Limerick. He advised the Duke of Berwick to agree to send 
a deputation to Louis and to send with it a secret agent of his own explain- 
ing the Anglo-Irish standpoint. The Duke sent Maxwell, who gave his 
own version of the situation to Louis, and his gloss was accepted. A ser- 
geant and ten men from his regiment behaved with the utmost gallantry 
at the Bridge of Athlone. Maxwell gave up his sword to Mackay when he 
entered the breach in the wall at Athlone. According to Macariae Exci- 
dium and the Light to the Blind, Maxwell had an understanding with 
Ginkell. Colonel O' Kelly did not like him ; for he was a friend of Tyr- 
connel. After 1691 he went to France and Louis gave him the command of 
the Royal regiment, and he perished at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693. There 
are references to him in the Avaux negotiations : Avaux to Louvois, 
August 14, August 30, September 4 ; Avaux to Louis, October 21 ; Avaux 
to Louvois, November 26 ; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6. 

i68 THE JOURNAL 1690 

quite made up. This place was appointed for a party of horse 
and here constantly stood about thirty of Luttrell's regiment 
ready upon all occasions. 

Sunday the loth : one battalion of the Royal regiment of 
Foot Guards relieved the hornwork, Gordon ^ and Felix O'Neill 
the east side, Luttrell's Dragoons St. John's Gate, FitzGerald 
and Kilmallock the west. The enemy fired most part of the 
day some field pieces from Cromwell's fort and the hill opposite 
to the south-west commonly called the Ball tower. They did 
no execution though two or three balls went through the 
Capuchins' chapel in time of mass. Our cannon answered 
upon all occasions though to as little effect, only that we 
looked on the enemy's losses through multiplying glasses 
their loss could not be much, but some there was. 

Monday the nth : the Grand Prior mounted the east side 
where the O'Neills were, the second battalion of guards 
relieved the first and the rest in order. The Grand Prior also 
relieved the two redoubts of the south-east angle. The cannon 
played hot on both sides till the enemy's on a sudden gave 
over, it was thought ours had dismounted or at least en- 
damaged some of their pieces. Some battalions of the enemy's 
being encamped within sight and reach of our guns, they played 
through them so smartly, that they were obliged to remove. 

Tuesday the I2th : the wprks were relieved as before. We 
heard nothing of the enemy all day they continuing very quiet, 
as was thought being busy in the wood cutting of faggots, 
wherever they could be perceived to move in any body within 
reach on cannon continually played on them.^ 

^ Colonel Gordon O'Neill's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, ten captains, with only one lieutenant and one ensign recorded. 
There were 425 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men. 

Colonel Gordon O'Neill (d. 1704) was one of the representatives of 
the county of Tyrone, and was lord-lieutenant of that county. He was 
the son of the celebrated Sir Phelim O'Neill of Caledon in Tsrrone. His 
regiment served at Derry, the Boyne, and Aughrim. At the last engage- 
ment he was left as dead on the field, but the following day some Scots 
officers recognized him through his likeness to his mother, a Gordon. They 
had him nursed till he recovered from his wounds. After the treaty of 
Limerick he went to France, where Louis gave him the colonelcy of the 
Charlemont Regiment of Infantry. 

' It is extraordinary to find that Stevens omits all notice of Sarsfield's 
remarkable exploit in destroying the Williamite siege train at Ballyneety 


Wednesday the 13th : we mounted the same place, all other 
posts were relieved as usual, for the whole strength of the 
garrison even now at first consisted but of one relief, so that 
we were on duty every other day and were besides subject to 
all accidents of alarms which were frequent, and towards the 
latter end our duty was continual. This day before mounting 
was a review of all that were not upon duty. The unarmed 
men | were continually kept at work, the chief part whereof f. 99 a 
was in the King's Island, where was raised a square foirt with 
four bulwarks, on one of them a small platform for three or 
four guns to play over the branch of the river that makes the 
island, where it was thought the enemy designed to raise 
a battery, having made some odd shots from thence. There 
were besides some breastworks cast up at such places as the 
river was most easy to be forded. This day passed without 
any molestation from the enemy. 

Thursday the 14th : all the works relieved as usual. The 
enemy lay very still till about two or three of the clock, at 
which time they began to play furiously with four pieces of 
cannon on our platform of the citadel, and so continued very 
hot for about two hours, when on a sudden they gave over. 
Our cannon the meanwhile was not idle, but answered them 
so smartly both from that platform and above within the 
citadel that by their sudden ceasing as well as other signs 
which we could perceive, it was concluded we had done some 
considerable damage to their battery. On our side only 
a lieutenant lost an arm, seven or eight killed, and as many 

Friday the 15th : we mounted as before. The enemy's 
cannon played at our platforms and did little or no hurt. 
Only on the north side some few men were hurt and two or 
three killed by the cannon balls which rebounded back from 
the stone wall. 

Saturday the i6th : the works relieved as usual. All our 
unarmed men were continually kept at work, some fortifying 

on Monday the nth. Clarke Correspondence, August 12, 1690, vol. i, 
f . 90 ; Theo. Harrison to the Rev. John Strype, August 23, Dublin (Ellis 
Correspondence) ; Rawdon Papers, No. 143 ; Burnet, ii. 58 ; Clarke, ii. 416 ; 
Dumont MSS. 

170 THE JOURNAL 1690 

the King's Island, others beating down the battlements on 
the walls, which were very high, took up much of the wall 
and did much harm when struck by the enemy's shot, 
f. 99 b because being of stone they flew about and | wounded all 
that stood near. 

Sunday the 17th : having reheved the works the whole day 
continued very quiet. About midnight the enemy advanced 
on the south and south-east sides of the town. Not far from 
the south-east angle were two small redoubts and a third 
opposite to St. John's Gate on the south side. This last they 
attacked, which though made up only of loose stones laid one 
upon another was vigorously maintained by Hamilton and 
Eustace's Grenadiers, who behaved themselves so well that 
they repulsed the rebels and kept their ground till ordered to 
retire, that poor work being no longer tenable. A detachment 
of the Grand Prior's men, who were in the remotest of the 
two redoubts opposite to the south-east angle behaved them- 
selves so ill that they quitted their post at the first charge and 
fled, some to the other redoubt and some to the trenches, with 
such precipitation that they lost their arms, the officers com- 
manding there being the first, as it afterwards appeared, that 
gave the example to the soldiers of running, which they so 
readily followed that not one shot was spent in defence of the 
post. Lieutenant-Colonel Connel^ of the Lord Slane's Regi- 
ment advanced out of the trenches, endeavouring to encourage 
the men to retrieve their honour by regaining the redoubt, 
f. 100 a but 1 the enemy being in possession and our men in a con- 
sternation nothing was effected, only that with some small 
reinforcement he put himself into the other redoubt, which 
secured it for that time he continuing there till we were 
reheved. The enemy after this success attempted not to 
proceed any farther, but were heard to work all the remaining 
part of the night and the next day, being 

^ Colonel Maurice Connel felt keenly the loss of Athlone, and as St.-Ruth 
had been identified with the faction of Tyrconnel, the latter forfeited stUl 
more of his already dwindling popularity. It was said that Tyrconnel's 
friend, Brigadier Maxwell, had an understanding with Ginkell, and it was 
further rumoured that Connel ordered the viceroy to leave. Connel fell 
at Aughrim. Maoariae Excidium calls him a stout tribune (p. 133). 


Monday the i8th : it appeared they had raised a new 
battery upon Cromwell's Fort, so called for that it was raised 
by that usurper in the former rebelhon when he besieged 
Limerick. It stands on a hill which overlooks the town about 
a quarter of a mile distant from it, the redoubt we lost the 
last night on the south side lying in the mid way to it. As 
soon as day appeared they began to play from that new 
battery with four pieces of cannon upon our small platform 
that covered the south-east angle, but with little success, 
some few balls being buried in it, others flying quite over the 
town, and some after glancing along the wall falling into our 
trenches, whereof one broke the legs of three men and a piece 
of another killed one man, but we retiring our men under 
shelter received no further damage. At the usual time we 
were relieved by first battalion of the Royal Regiment of Foot 
Guards, who were afterwards to be relieved by their second 
battalion, that post being taken from us, either because it 
being the most | exposed and consequently most honourable f. jgob 
seemed of right to belong to the Guards or else silently to 
reproach us for the loss of the redoubt. This night the enemy 
advanced and attacked that redoubt we were still masters of 
near the south-east angle, and having made some show of 
attempting the trenches retired without gaining anything, 
their assault being but weak and of no continuance. The 
town took the alarm and all the garrison that was within 
continued the whole night, either on the walls or at arms, in 
the streets ready upon all occasions, 

Tuesday the 19th : a strong detachment of the best men 
with firelocks and swords, for it is to be observed we had 
but few of those sorts of arms, was drawn out of the best regi- 
ments that relieved the trenches. The Grand Prior's with 
Colonel Moore's Regiment^ mounted the hornwork where' 

* Colonel Charles Moore's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
twelve captains, three lieutenants, four ensigns, quarter-master, chaplain, 
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 794 men (Brit. Mus. list). 
Avaux gives 400 men. 

Colonel Charles Moore was the only son of the celebrated Rory O'More 
of 1641, and as such was chief of the O'Mores of Leix. He married Margaret, 
Lady Brittas, second daughter of the eighteenth Lord Kerry, by whom 
he had no issue. Hamilton and Berwick left his regiment to garrison 

172 THE JOURNAL 1690 

the Regiment of Guards did duty before they were removed 
to the trenches on the east side. The hornwork is on the west 
side enclosing a small old stone half-moon before Mungret Gate 
now made up ; in this half-moon stood continually a troop 
of horse ready upon all occasions. The hornwork was large 
to cover a hill which commands the greatest part of the town. 
The Grand Prior's battalion covered the south and west parts 
of the hornwork, Moore's the north or rather the north-west. | 

f. loi a The detachment before mentioned was advanced before the 
trenches on the east to have secured the redoubt of the south- 
east angle, if attacked, but the enemy attempted it not, and 
contented themselves with drawing a trench parallel to ours 
from the redoubt they had taken towards the river, our 
advanced men never endeavouring to disturb them, whereas 
they might easily have obstructed their work and done good 
execution upon them. Nothing else happened of moment, 
but whereas before we relieved the works in the morning now 
it was put off till the evening. 

Wednesday the 20th : the enemy played from their battery 
on Cromwell's Fort, and from another they had newly raised 
on the redoubt they took from us opposite to the south-east 
angle. In the afternoon they vigorously attacked the redoubt 
we still maintained on the same side not far from their new 
battery. Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly of the Guards commanded 
there and twice repulsed the rebels,^ but the third time the 
post was abandoned without any apparent reason for it, the 
defendants having sustained no loss and the enemy giving 
way ; only the fear of our men, and, as I heard, the ill example 

f. loi b of some officers, who | first quitted the post putting them to 
flight. An unfortunate sally was made after the loss of the 
redoubt at the east Watergate by all our horse, a party of 

Coleraine, and afterwards it was dispatched to Sligo (Clarke, U. 382). On 
May 4, 1 69 1, with four other regiments it encountered the Williamite forces 
near Castle-Cufie. Colonel Moore and his lieutenant-colonel fell at the 
battle of Aughrim (Story, pt. ii, 138). This regiment suffered so cruelly 
at this battle that only Major John Burke, two captains, one lieutenant, 
and four ensigns remained to be committed by GinkeU to the custody of 
the Dutch Provost-Marshal. 

' This may be Colonel Charles O'Kelly (1621-95) or his brother Colonel 
John O'Kelly. See Macariae Excidium, xi-xix. 


dragoons afoot, and a body of foot. The loSs of our horse for 
their number was great, many of them being killed and 
wounded. The foot behaved not themselves so well as was 
expected, but the dragoons advanced boldly and did much 
execution among the enemy's horse till being overpowered 
they retired in very good order, still firing as they gave way. 
Our loss was considerable and among the rest were killed 
Colonel Purcell^ and his Lieutenant-Colonel Power,^ and 

' Colonel Nicholas Purcell's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant- 
colonel, major, ten captains, eleven lieutenants, eleven cornets, seven 
quarter-masters, and a chaplain. There were twelve companies and 
419 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 360 men. In the Somers Collection 
of Tracts (xi. 411) we find this cavalry regiment classed as dragoons and 
its strength is given as twelve troops with 720 men. The majority of the 
soldiers belonged to Tipperaxy. The Purcells were a famous family of 
fighters. In this regiment besides the colonel there were six of the name. 
The name also appears in Lord Mountcashel's Infantry, in Colonel Edward 
Butler's, in the King's Own, in Sir Michael Creagh's, in Colonel Dudley 
BagnaU's, Lord Clare's Dragoons, Lord Galmoy's Horse, and there is 
a PurceU a colonel in the infantry. 

Colonel Nicholas PurceU became a Privy Councillor in 1686 and in 
1689 he sat as a member for the county of Tipperary. James sent his 
dragoons to Belturbet and the Duke of Berwick commended them. PurceU 
was present at the battle of the Boyne where the tactics of James prevented 
his doing much. He was a zealous friend of Sarsfield. With the two 
LuttreUs, Henry and Simon, Macclesfield, and the Roman Catholic Bishop 
of Cork he went on a deputation to Louis in order to ask him to send men 
and arms and an important French general to act as generalissimo. 
Berwick sent Brigadier Maxwell with counter-instructions and orders to 
detain Henry Luttrell and PurceU. These two were also bitterjf opposed 
to Tyrconuel and they are also joined in a more sinister connexion, for they 
were suspected of treason at Aughrim. At Limerick he acted as a com- 
missioner for the Irish and persuaded them to go to France. Stevens was 
misinformed, for PurceU survived the siege. 

' John Power was lieutenant-colonel in Lord KilmaUock's Infantry. 
He sat in the Commons as a representative of Waterford, and was attainted 
in 1691. In 1703 John, ' commonly called Lord Power,' petitioned Queen 
Anne, setting forth that during the late calamitous times he was kind and 
serviceable to divers Protestants, especially in Limerick during the siege, 
he being then mayor of the city ; that he had gone to France and was in 
the army there, when encouragement having been given to him by the 
late King William, he quitted that country, though offered a major- 
generalsMp if he remained ; that the sudden death of that king retarded 
his interest, but Her Majesty having given him licence to return, he gave 
up his son to be educated a Protestant, the queen allowing a yearly main- 
tenance for his education ; and that she gave himself an appointment to 
go and serve the King of Portugal, her ally. That, during his absence 
from the kingdom, he was outlawed as for treason, though, as he replied, 
he had neither real nor personal property that could accrue to the Crown 
by his outlawry. That, however, by a recent Act of Parliament such 
attainder could not be cleared away, but only by another Act, the benefit 

174 THE JOURNAL 1690 

Lieutenant-Colonel Mockler.^ The enemy lost a great number 
of officers and soldiers.^ In the evening we were relieved, but 
to as little rest as at other times, for 

Thursday the 2ist : about one or two in the morning we 
were alarmed and continued at arms in the street and on the 
walls till about six when we were again dismissed. All the day 
the enemy continued their work, having every day brought 
great quantities of faggots, which now they employed in 
securing and carrying on their trenches towards the river. 
In the evening the posts were all relieved according to custom 
and this night we received no disturbance from the enemy. | 
f. 102 a Friday the 22nd : with the day the enemy began to batter 
the tower on the south-east angle with four pieces of cannon 
and continued it hotly without any intermission till about 
noon or somewhat after the upper part of it fell to the ground, 
the remaining part being still as high as the wall. After this 
they slackened in their fury of firing, but gave not wholly 
over continuing to make some shots at the same tower and 
some at another in the middle of the east wall. It was now 
ordered we should relieve at one of the clock the time the 

of which he therefore prayed. Stevens seems to be in error here, for the only 
lieutenant-colonel of Colonel Purcell's Regiment was Robert Purcell. 

' Sir James Mockler was the lieutenant-colonel in Henry Luttrell's 
Regiment of Horse. In 1691 he was attainted. He is, in all probability, 
Colonel Sir James Moakland. 

^ On the 20th William ordered an attack upon the strong redoubt close 
to St. John's Gate. Cutts' Grenadiers and the Eighteenth Foot led the way. 
The grenadiers threw in their grenades and, following their missiles, after 
a sharp struggle they mastered the fort. The Irish sallied forth to retake 
it and were repelled by the Sixth Dragoon Guards and some French horse. 
There were over 300 of the Irish killed, and when they begged for quarter 
the soldiers replied that they should have just such quarter as the wagoners 
at Ballyneety received (Theo. Harrison to the Rev. J. Strype, August 23, 
1690, Dublin (Ellis Correspondence) ; Hist. MSS. Com. xii. 7. 29:). One 
great advantage of the capture was that it enabled the besiegers to 
erect a battery nearer the walls. The king witnessed the whole fight and 
was distressed to learn that he had 79 men killed and 192 wounded. 
Boisseleau to Lou vols. Limerick, August §^, 1690, Minist6re de la Guerre ; 
Clarke Correspondence, vol. ii. f. 102 : 

lulled wounded 
English Cavalry . . . .21 52 

English Infantry . . . .58 140 

79 192 

English Horses .... 64 57 


enemy relieved their trenches. This was the first night for 
a week that we were not alarmed in town, yet our men on the 
walls continued till day firing upon the enemy, who were 
carrying on their approaches on the east side, and threw many 
bombs and carcasses^ into the town which they had not done 
before, yet they did no considerable execution. 

Saturday the 23rd : they spent the whole day battering the 
east wall next the tower they had ruined the day before, 
playing incessantly with six pieces of cannon planted on 
a battery they had raised in the first redoubt they took from 
us directly opposite to the south-east angle. They | also f. 102 b 
made many shots at the citadel by St. John's Gate. The stones 
that flew from the wall and splinters of balls which broke 
against those hard stones killed some and wounded many of 
our men, because the narrowness of our works afforded no 
shelter and the ruins of the walls could not be avoided in the 
straightness of the trenches. The citadel and south wall 
received little or no damage, but on the east side the top of the 
wall was shaken. After noon there was a cessation of arms 
for about two hours to bury the dead, which lay above ground 
since the day we lost the last redoubt and made the unfor- 
tunate sally. Then the works were relieved. A detachment of 
100 men out of several regiments was sent to join the guards in 
the trenches on the east side where the enemy pushed on their 
approaches and had their chief battery. I was ordered with 
this detachment and we were posted in the north end of the 
trench next the river, that being the most exposed place of 
all the works because all the enemy's cannon that played 
upon the wall drove clouds of stones and rubbish upon it which 
flew with great violence and wounded many. Besides it was | 
thought the enemy would make an attack upon that place f. 103 a 
because it was the weakest and even naked at low water. 
The officers had positive orders if attacked to kill any soldier 
that should offer to fly, and it was also declared death for any 
officer to quit his post though never so hard pressed. However 
we only essayed the fury of the cannon which played day and 
night, for the enemy attempted not the post. They were all 
1 Carcasses are shells made partly of iron. 

176 THE JOURNAL 1690 

night at work our men from the wall incessantly firing upon 
them. This night also they threw a considerable number of 
bombs and carcasses into the town, but had no extraordinary 
effect besides the beating down two great houses and firing 
some thatched stables which abroad made show of a great fire.^ 
Sunday the 24th : with the day we discovered the enemy 
had advanced their trenches within fifty paces of our counter- 
scarp on^the east side, and were raising a battery in the 
redoubt they last gained of us. All the day they played hotly 
from the other on the wall which was much damaged thereby. 
Nothing else remarkable happened this day. The works were 
relieved as usual except our detachment which through the 
negligence of the major continued on till night. | 
f. 103 1) Monday the 25th : the enemy began very early and con- 
tinued all day playing hotly from two batteries, the one of 
twelve pieces of cannon against the intended breach in the 
east wall. The other was of four newly raised in the bottom 
near the bog opposite to the middle tower of the east wall, 
whence they made many shots at the Franciscans' chapel, 
standing near the east gate of the English town where we had 
three pieces of cannon that flanked their trenches. They also 
played them at Ball's Bridge which joins the English and Irish 
towns, being built over that arm of the Shannon which encloses 
the English town and King's Island. About noon both sides 

'■ The author of Macariae Excidium describes the general character of 
the struggle : ' Never was a town better attacked and defended than the 
city of Paphos (Limerick). Theodore (William) left nothing unattempted 
that the art of war, the skill of a great captain, and the valour of veteran 
soldiers could put into execution to gain the place ; and the Cyprians (the 
Irish) omitted nothing that courage and constancy could practise to defend 
it. The continued assaults of the one, and the frequent sallies of the other, 
consumed a great many brave men of the army and garrison.' Hist. MSS. 
Com. xii. 7. 288 : ' At the action in taking the lower town a soldier who 
was an apprentice to a butcher here in Leadenhall Market had the courage 
before the king to go up to the very mouths of two cannon of the enemy's 
with a sword in one hand and a musket in the other and killed both the 
gunners. The other soldiers followed close after, beat the rest ofE and 
kept possession. For this His Majesty sent for him the next day and gave 
him 200 guineas and a captain's place.' William, according to an eyewit- 
ness, ' is almost all day long in the trenches and exposes his person on every 
occasion, as much as a private exposes, and is obliged to expose, his. A few 
days ago a squadron of the enemy might easily have carried him off ' 
{Notes and Queries, August i8, 1877). 


relieved their works. Many of the enemy's balls from the east 
side flew over the town into the hornwork, they aiming high 
to bring down the top of the wall by degrees. After night 
they threw many bombs and carcasses which did no great 
hurt, but one firing a thatched mill near the citadel made 
without the show of a great fire at which the rebels shouted, 
but their joy was soon extinguished with the flame. This was 
all the harm done this night. 

Tuesday the 26th : the day began as usual ^ith | the noise f- 104 a 
of the cannon from all the enemy's batteries. This day they 
perfected their intended work, having made a breach in the 
southernmost part of the east wall near twenty paces wide, 
and though somewhat high yet easy of ascent, the vast 
quantity of rubbish beaten from the upper part of the wall 
and tower having almost filled the counterscarp so that there 
was no difficulty in mounting. Their cannon also levelled the 
glacis of the covered way and, having beat down the palisades, 
opened a plain passage to the breach and that gave a fair 
invitation to assault the town. This night they threw but 
few bombs and fewer carcasses seeming to be sparing of both. 
None of them did any damage worth mentioning.^ 

Wednesday the 27th : the enemy's batteries played 
furiously, the farthest off being the least at Ball's Bridge, the 
great one at the breach till they had laid it open above thirty 
paces and made the ascent plainer on their side than it was 
from the town. About noon the trenches were to be relieved 
which in part was done, only the Grand Prior's to which, as 
was said before, because of the weakness of regiments were 
joined Slane's and Boisseleau's,^ stood at arms in the street 
in order to have relieved | the hornwork. It had been before f. 104 b 
ordered that as they reheved one regiment should still stand 
at arms till another came in. It was our good fortune to 

'■ On August 24 the Williamite trenches were only twenty yards from the 
ditch of the town. Six batteries were now playing upon the walls, and 
storms of shot, shell, and red-hot balls fell within Limerick. 

' Major-General Boisseleau's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
no major, thirty captains, thirty-one lieutenants, and thirty-one ensigns. 
There were twelve captains and five lieutenants a la suite. Of the former 
nine were French and three Irish ; of the latter three were French and two 
Irish. The British Museum list gives 1,286 men, and Avaux 1,178. 

1218 N 

178 THE JOURNAL 1690 

attend then when on a sudden we were commanded to light 
our matches and that scarce done to march towards St. John's 
Gate and man the walls, but before we could reach it our 
governor, Major-General Boisseleau, came running and, order- 
ing us to the left, led to the breach. Before we could come 
up the running we perceived the breach possessed by the 
enemy, a great number came down into the retrenchment 
made within it and above twenty of them were got into the 
street. Having heard no firing of small shot before, we at the 
first sight thought they had been our guards retiring out of the 
counterscarp, they being all in red coats, till we discovered 
the green boughs in their hats which was the mark of distinc- 
tion worn by the rebels, whereas ours was white paper. Besides 
an officer on the breach brandishing his sword called upon his 
men to follow, crying the town was their own. Our guards, 
who were in the counterscarp, upon the first appearance of the 
enemy abandoned their post without firing a shot, flying with 
such precipitation that many of them forced their way through 
our dragoons, who were posted on the right of them towards 
St. John's Gate. These dragoons behaved themselves with [ 
f. 105 a much bravery presenting their pieces upon such of the guards 
as had not pierced through them, which obliged many to stand 
as did some of their officers ashamed of the infamous flight of 
their men. With these few that stood by them the dragoons 
made good their post during the whole time of the action. 
Meanwhile the Grand Prior's Regiment had well lined the 
retrenchment within the breach and, being undeceived that 
the enemy and not our own men were those that rushed in so 
impetuous, the word was given to fire, which was performed 
so effectually that a considerable number of the rebels dropped, 
and our men renewed their charges with such vigour that in 
a very short space they had not left one enemy within the 
breach, though still nothing daunted they pressed over, fresh 
men succeeding those that were killed or wounded. This sort 
of fight was continued near an hour, our battalion alone 
making good their ground against that multitude of enemies 
which being still backed with new supplies was all that while 
insensible of its losses. During this dispute most of the 


inhabitants of the Irish town giving it for lost fled into the 
English town, as did also the regiment of Colonel Butler of 
Ballyraggett'^ to which three others were joined, and all ordered 
to support us that bore the brunt at the breach. The guards 
that were | upon the gate of the English town at Ball's Bridge f. 105 b 
shut it against these regiments, which by that means were 
again formed and marched to the breach, but not till the heat 
of the action was over the enemy having been beaten from it, 
which was in this manner. Our continual fire having made 
a great slaughter among the rebels and they beginning to 
abate of their first fury, M. de Beaupr6,^ a Frenchman, and 
Lieutenant-Colonel to Boisseleau our Governor, leaped over 
our retrenchment making to the breach. Most men strove to 
be foremost in imitating so good an example, so that being 
followed by a resolute party he soon recovered the top of the 
breach. Here the fight was for some time renewed and con- 
tinued with sword in hand and the butt end of the musket. 
Our other men upon the walls were not idle this while, some 
firing and others casting stones upon the enemy beneath, which 

' Piers Butler, Lord Galmoy (1652-1740), became a member of the Privy 
Council in May 1686 (Singer's Correspondence, vol. i, p. 400), and lord- 
lieutenant of the county of Kilkenny. The Enniskilleners repulsed him 
when he besieged the Castle of Crom, and he was taken prisoner at the 
siege of Derry (Graham's Derriana, 188). He is Colonel Butler of BaUy- 
raggett. He was Irish commissioner at the capitulation of Limerick and 
was included in the amnesty. He retired to France and James created him 
Earl of Newcastle. His English estates were forfeited and he was attainted 
in 1697. Louis appointed him colonel of the second Queen's Regiment of 
Irish Horse. His only son was killed at Malplaquet. On his retreat from 
Belturbet he stained his name by an act of gross treachery. One of his 
captains, Brian Maguire, had been captured at Crom, and Galmoy offered 
to exchange Captain Dixie for him. The proposal was accepted and 
Maguire released. When Dixie came to Belturbet, Galmoy tried him 
and another prisoner, Charleton, on the charge of high treason. The 
two were offered life and liberty if they became Roman Catholics and 
followed the Jacobite banner. They scornfully rejected these infamous 
terms, and were hanged from a signpost in Belturbet. This faithless deed 
embittered the whole contest and made many men determined not to give 
or receive quarter from a Jacobite. 

' Beaupre was lieutenant-colonel in Boisseleau 's Regiment of Infantry. 
At two in the afternoon of September 6, the WUliamites attacked the 
counterscarp of Limerick, and the regiments of the Grand Prior and 
Boisseleau gallantly defended it. Beaupre, several officers, and about 
two hundred men were killed in this part of the fight, which lasted about 
four hours. 


i8o THE JOURNAL 1690 

did no small execution, but the greatest havoc was made by 
two pieces of cannon playing from the citadel and two others 
from the King's Island, as also two others from the Augustine 
chapel near Ball's BridgCj which last scoured all along our 
counterscarp then filled with rebels, and the other four swept 
them in their approach on the south and east sides. The 
enemy thus cut off on all sides came on faintly, and a barrel 
of powder which lay near the south-east tower accidentally 

f. 106 a taking fire and blowing up some that ( were near it, the rest 
conceived it had been a mine and fled, neither fair words nor 
threats of officers prevailing to bring them back. The action 
continued hot and dubious for at least three hours, and, above 
half an hour after, went in diminution till the enemy wholly 
drew off. A great slaughter was made of them : deserters and 
prisoners who spoke the least, affirming above 3,000 were 
killed and wounded but others spoke of much greater numbers, 
and I am apt to believe by what we afterwards found unburied 
there could not be much less than 3,000 killed. On our side 
the dead and wounded amounted not to 500, among the first 
were Lieutenant-Colonel Beaupr6 before mentioned and 
Colonel Barnewall^ who had no post there but being under 
some imputation of cowardice came to clear his honour at the 
expense of his life ; among the latter a French major of the 
regiment of Boisseleau and others of less note, as also Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Smith,^ captain of a company of foot guards 
killed, and Sir James Mockler, Lieutenant-Colonel of Dragoons 
wounded. It was God's providence that the enemy attacked 
not the hornwork at the same time as the breach, for those 
regiments that were in it, though never assaulted apprehending 

f. 106 b the town was lost quitted it, and fled | down to the river 
without reflecting there was no way for them there to escape 
and that their only security was in their arms ; but God had 

^ The British Museum list sets down Peter Barnewall as lieutenant - 
colonel of Lord Gormanstown's Infantry. This name was also commissioned 
in the King's Own Infantry, in the infantry regiments of the Earl of 
Westmeath, Fitz- James, Lord Slaue, and Colonel Charles Moore, and in 
Tyrconnel's Horse and Simon Luttrell's Dragoons, 

' Henry Smith was a lieutenant in O'Neill's Infantry. Smiths were also 
commissioned in Clifford's Dragoons, Galmoy's Horse, Thomas Butler's, 
and Lord BeUew's Infantry. Cf. Vicars, 429-31. 


not ordained the town should be lost at this time. After the 
enemy was wholly withdrawn from the attack the guards 
repossessed themselves of the counterscarp. Those who had 
made good the breach continued in arms about it all the night 
without receiving any molestations from the enemy, unless 
the firing now and then of a cannon, as it had been to keep us 
waking, and the casting a few bombs and carcasses which had 
little or no effect.^ 

Thursday the 28th : the enemy played their cannon very 
hot at the breach to enlarge it towards the south angle, and 
to beat down a small part of that tower which sheltered our 
men on the south wall from their shot, and had been preju- 
dicial to them mounting the breach. The first they performed 
as to laying the breach wider open, but their design on the 
remaining part of the tower took no effect. From their lower 
battery next to the bog they plied the bridge so warmly it 
was very dangerous to pass. This, as was remarked before, is 
not the great bridge over the main body of the Shannon, but 
a small one over a branch of it, and joins the English and 
Irish towns ; the communication between which they laboured 
to cut off, which if effected must | have proved fatal to us, 1 107 a 
but the damage they did was inconsiderable. In the morning 

^ In the afternoon at half-past three the WUliamite grenadiers rushed 
from their trenches to the counterscarp and entered the breach. Under 
the fire of their muskets and the throwing of their grenades they dashed 
on, and the Irish fell back, vigorously pursued by the foe. Had the five 
hundred grenadiers been properly supported Limerick must have fallen. 
Unfortunately for the English the order of attack had been not to storm 
the city but to attack the counterscarp. If William had been on the spot 
he would not have hesitated for a moment to change the order, but the 
precious opportunity was allowed to slip away. The supporting battalions 
did not follow the grenadiers into the town, and when the Irish saw the 
attack was not followed up they rallied and overpowered the gallant 
grenadiers. Behind cover the Irish fight excellently, and they rarely 
fought better than now. As at Derry the women shared in the contest; 
and with deadly effect pelted the assailants with stones and broken bottles. 
The other troops now came to the aid of the grenadiers ; the Brandenburgers 
entered the terrible breach and were mounting the Black Battery when 
the magazine there blew up. They wavered, and Boisseleau, seizing the 
golden moment, charged with all his reserves. The murderous struggle of 
three hours' duration was over and Limerick still was untaken. Five 
hundred English, including fifty of&cers, had been kUled and above a 
thousand wounded. The Irish suffered sevarely, but naturally less than 
the besi^ers. 

i82 THE JOURNAL 1690 

early the Grand Prior's regiment was relieved with orders to 
refresh only for four hours and then to be at arms again, which 
being done, 250 men were drawn in five detachments of 
50 each and posted in several places. That which I com- 
manded was ordered to the middle tower on the east wall 
which was much shaken and still battered, where we continued 
all the rest of the day and night following. Several were this 
day killed in the counterscarp by the stones that flew from 
the wall. 

Friday the 29th : the enemy's cannon played as before and 
enlarged the breach to above forty paces. At the bridge one 
shot cut both the chains of the drawbridge and did some other 
damage but not of much moment, because the enemy's battery 
had not a full view of it, and their shot came slanting towards 
one end, yet the passage was very dangerous. The Grand 
Prior's detachments were all relieved this afternoon except 
that where I commanded, which continued in the same place 
till night, when being relieved we only marched into the street, 
and having joined the rest of the regiment to the trenches on 
the south-west side of the town, where we continued all night 
expecting an attack. The night was extreme cold, dark and 
rainy and we almost spent for want of rest.^ For my own 
particular as appears by this relation I had had none at all for 
three nights before this and but very little during the whole 
f. 107 b siege, nor indeed was | it possible to have much being upon 
duty every other day and continually alarmed when we 
expected to rest. Our cannon and small shot fired the whole 
night round the walls, and much railing was betwixt our men 
and the enemies, for we were so closed up on all sides that 
though the night was stormy we could easily hear one another. 
Saturday the 30th : in the morning we observed there was 
great silence in the enemy's works and day appearing we could 
not perceive any body in them, which at first was looked upon 
as a stratagem to draw us out of our works, but some few 
being sent out to discover returned and brought the news 
that all abroad was clear. Immediately the word was carried 

'■ Clarke Correspondence, vol. ii, f . 1 16 : 'I wish the inclemency of the 
weather does not incommode the progress of the siege of Limerick.' 


about all our works that the rebels had raised the siege and 
stole away in the dead of night, which at first seemed incredible 
to many. In a short space our men could not be contained 
within the works but running out found the enemy's trenches 
and batteries abandoned, and their dead lying everywhere in 
great numbers unburied, being those that were killed at the 
assault. All that had anything they stripped but the plunder 
was very poor, the clothes being old and coarse and having 
lain two days and upwards in the dirt and rain upon those 
carcasses. There were found above one thousand pickaxes, 
shovels and spades, many bales of fine flax which they used 
instead of woolpacks to cover their workmen with wooden 
frames to support them, some | frames with iron hooks to f. 108 a 
hang out lights upon^ and some but not many arms. Though 
the enemy had abandoned their works yet they were not gone 
far and had still three small pieces of cannon at Cromwell's 
Fort which played towards St. John's Gate, and we could see 
great bodies of them marching at a small distance ; besides 
in many places the ditches were lined not far from our works 
whence they fired upon such as ventured out. A detachment 
of ours sallying out of the hornwork drove some of them from 
their ditches, but relief coming down to them our men were 
forced to retire. The guns at Cromwell's Fort continued long 
firing, but at length were drawn off and we repossessed our- 
selves of all the posts we had lost during the siege, destroying 
as much as we could all the enemy's works. Our men were 
very disorderly and could by no means be restrained from 
straying abroad, which if the enemy had returned upon us 
must doubtless have put us into much confusion if not en- 
dangered the town, many of our men being but little disci- 
plined, and our former misfortunes having rendered them too 
apprehensive of danger especially when not foreseen. The 
works were relieved about noon after the usual manner and 
the enemy encamped within three or four miles of the town. 
This day about noon marched | into town 1,500 men, being all f. 108 b 
firelocks sent to recruit the garrison from the army in Con- 
naught ; a small supply, had the siege continued, considering 
there was but one relief in the town and all that were quite 

i84 THE JOURNAL 1690 

spent with continual fatigue, but such as the relief was it came 
not till the enemy were gone. 

Sunday the 31st : the enemy continued encamped in the 
same place. All our works were mounted as before, the Grand 
Prior's regiment at the breach. Several detachments and all 
the unarmed men were put to work to bring in the faggots 
the enemy had gathered in great numbers, and about thirty 
gabions they left behind, which were placed upon the breach. 

Monday September the ist : our men continued bringing 
in the faggots, demolishing the enemy's works and removing 
the rubbish from before the breach. The prisoners we had 
were sent out with a guard to bury the enemy's dead that lay 
very thick about the town and began to grow noisome. All 
posts were relieved, but the Grand Prior's men continued for 
want of orders all day at the breach and were drawn off 
towards evening. 

Tuesday the 2nd : the enemy lay still in the same place, but 
we received intelligetice that they had sent away their sick 
and wounded men, as also their artillery and heavy baggage. 
It was hereupon ordered that for the future only seventy men 
of each battalion should do duty instead of the whole. 

Wednesday the 3rd : was appointed a general day of review 
f. 109 a for the garrison in the King's Island, but the | weather proving 
extreme foul it was put off.^ 

Thursday the 4th : all the foot drew out into the King's 
Island and were reviewed by the Duke of Berwick, then 
Lieutenant-General and General Governor of Ireland. I de- 
signed to have taken a particular account of the strength of 
all regiments, but the weather proving very foul we were 

Tuesday the 9th : in the morning arrived at Limerick 
Lieutenant-Colonel Boismeral,^ who had been sent with 
100 foot and 100 dragoons to garrison Kilmallock. He 
returned this day with all his men disarmed, having to his 
eternal infamy delivered up that place and his arms, without 

' This entry, too, contradicts Berwick's statement that no rain fell for 
three weeks after the raising of the siege. See the entry for the 29th August. 

' Francis Boismeral was nominated second lieutenant-colonel of Carroll's 


firing a shot, to a small body of horse, notwithstanding the 
town was enclosed with a good stone wall, yet he only asked 
leave to depart when shame might have obliged him never 
to return. All his excuse was that the enemy threatened to 
bring foot and cannon, the very name whereof, though there 
was no probability of the execution, frighted him into such 
a shameful surrender. 

Sunday the 14th : I walked out to view the ground where 
the enemy encamped, in one part whereof where their forges 
had stood were found ten or twelve tons of Kilkenny coals, 
and under ground above 400 bombs and carcasses with a great 
quantity of cannon ball of all sizes, which upon their raising 
the siege they had buried. | But the most remarkable thing f. 109 b 
was a spectacle of horror near this place, for here were to be 
seen the ruins of a hospital built by them for their wounded 
men, which at their departure they most inhumanly burnt 
full as it was of those miserable wretches, whereof many were 
consumed to ashes, others lay within half burnt, and others 
that had more strength or were nearer crept out at the three 
doors, and soon failing for want of relief dropped down and 
lay dead about the field. A piece of barbarity we have not 
heard of amongst the most savage nations.^ There might be 
destroyed in this inhuman manner about 300 men, for so many, 
deserters told us, there were in the hospital, and the carcasses 
and limbs that lay about unconsumed were very numerous. 
I cannot but observe here that all about the city, but more 
especially in this place last mentioned, there were infinite 
numbers of crows and ravens, which seemed to have resorted 
from all parts of the country to prey upon the dead bodies 

' Stevens's strictures are not too severe if the hospital had been pur- 
posely set on fire, but the evidence goes to show that the fire was accidental. 
Cf. Dalrymple, O'Halloran, and Lenihan, 248. De Burgho's account 
in Hibernia Dominicana is incredible from all our other knowledge of 
William's character. De Burgho relates that William, in his haste to 
decamp, left a vast number of sick and disabled in hospital. He was asked 
by such of the generals as dared to approach him, what was to be done 
with the sick and wounded. De Burgho gives the reply — ' With fury in his 
eyes, and rage consuming him, roaring out, he said " Let them be burnt ", — 
" let them be set fire to " ; and forthwith the hospital was enveloped in 

i86 THE JOURNAL 1690 

which lay everywhere unburied. They were with the plenty 
of food grown excessively fat, which made them appear above 
the common size, and so tame that they walked among men 
familiarly, as homebred fowl do. All being quiet about us 
nothing worth observing occurred till 

Monday the 29th, when four battalions of foot marched out 
of Limerick, and encamped about a quarter of a mile from 
the town, and not far from Cromwell's Fort. The regiments [ 
f. 1 10 a being very weak, several of them were put together to make 
up battalions. Those that encamped were the Grand Prior's 
to which were joined Slane's and Boisseleau's, Butler^ joined 
by Sir Michael Creagh, Westmeath and Grace, the two Mac- 
Mahons,^ and Iveagh composed the third battalion, and Gordon 
and Felix O'Neill the fourth. The third of these battalions 
had no arms at all, the other three for the most part were 
armed, but not completely ; this is to be understood of firearms, 
for very few had swords. This day the weather began to 
grow foul with much rain and great storms of wind, which 
continued all the while we lay encamped here. The fields we 
lay in were very green, and we wanted not wood, an orchard 
at hand supplying us plentifully, but there was no straw in 

* Colonel Edward Butler's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, thirteen captains, fifteen lieutenants, ten ensigns, quarter-master, 
chaplain — a Capuchin — and surgeon. There were 746 men (Brit. Mus. 
list). Avaux gives 368. 

' Colonel Art MacMahon's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
major, nine captains, twelve lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. In its ranks 
were eleven MacMahons, fourteen O'Reillys, and four Bradys. No other 
details are forthcoming. 

Of Colonel Hugh MacMahon's Regiment we have a list of the colonel, 
lieutenant-colonel, major, one captain, and one lieutenant. 

The sept of MacMahon ranked as Princes of Monaghan and territorial 
lords of Famey from a very remote time. In the reign of James II Father 
Gelasius MacMahon was the head of the sept, but his clerical character 
prevented his fulfilling the duties of his station. His younger brother. 
Colonel Art MacMahon, was styled ' oge '. Colonel MacMahon was 
lord-lieutenant for the county of Monaghan, his deputy-lieutenants 
being Brian and Hugh MacMahon, who represented that county 
in Parliament in 1689. Hugh was a captain in the regiment of the 
Grand Prior, and was afterwards lieutenant-colonel in the regiment of 
Charlemont. The regiment of Hugh MacMahon relieved the fort of 
Charlemont when it was besieged by Schomberg, and was in Limerick 
during the first siege. Colonel Art was killed at the battle of Aughrim, 
and after the treaty of Limerick Father Gelasius retired to the Continent 
(Story, pt. ii, p. 108). 


all the country about, unless what the enemy had left, which 
was not fit for use so that the poor soldiers' huts had scarce 
any covering, and the poor men lay on the wet ground. 

Tuesday the 30th : we received the news of the loss of 
Cork,^ which, though afterwards contradicted, proved true. 
The manner of it I do not undertake to relate, as not having 
been present, and the relations we had differing very much. 

Saturday October the 4th : marched out of Limerick 
towards the county of Kerry Brigadier MacGillicuddy,^ and 
the Lord Kenmare's Regiments ^ of Foot. 

Sunday the 5th : the Lord Slane's Regiment, which till now 
had been joined to the Grand | Prior's, marched away from f. nob 
the camp. 

Monday the 6th : the Horse Guards, the second 
Battalion of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's Regiment 
to which were joined Boisseleau's, as was said before, 
and FitzGerald's instead of Slane's, and Butler of Bally- 
raggett's Regiment joined by those, of Creagh and Grace,* 

' Cork was captured by John Churchill on the 28th. Light to the Blind, 
642 : The governor ' was forced to yield the town, and the garrison, to be 
prisoners of war, for want of powder : which the enemy knew the day 
before — a strange neglect in business of highest consequence ; and an 
usual defect in the management of this war, as I have often mentioned ' . 
The capture of Cork and Kinsale removed a very convenient means of 
holding frequent communication with France. It lessened the danger 
from French privateers and threw control of the south into the hands of 
Ginkell. All Munster, except Limerick, was lost to the Jacobites, and 
indirectly the capture of this town had been begun when the southern 
harbours passed under English rule. 

' The muster of Colonel Denis MacGillicuddy's Regiment gives only the 
colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major. 

The name of MacGillicuddy was the distinctive title of the head of an 
ofishoot of the O'Sullivans. Of the regiment which Colonel Denis Mac- 
GUlicuddy raised there remains only the name of the major, John Butler. 

' Lord Kenmare's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, and ten ensigns. There were thirteen 
companies and 796 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 450 men. 

* Colonel Grace's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
ten captains, nine lieutenants and six ensigns. There were thirteen 
companies and 580 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 150 men. 

As Douglas approached Athlone the garrison set fire to English Town, 
and, breaking down the bridge, they retired to Irish Town. The river 
Shannon is extremely rapid, but there is a ford a little below the bridge 
passable on foot in dry summers. English Town and Irish Town were 
surrounded by walls of defence, but the fortifications were in unsound 
condition. On July 17 Douglas summoned the governor, Colonel Richard 

i88 THE JOURNAL 1690 

marched and lay that night at the Sixmilebridge in the county 
of Limerick, where there are only some poor thatched cottages, 
so that some lay in the field, and some crowded into those 
poor huts ; the night was very boisterous. I having been ill 
for some days had leave and was advised to stay in Limerick, 
and indeed was in no good condition to march, especially 
afoot, having no horse, and in such bad weather. However 
I could not live from my regiment, which was all the home 
I had and all the friends. Besides that I was ashamed to stay 
when the regiment was going where there was some talk of 
service, and therefore followed the best I could, and being, as 
I said, afoot and somewhat weak could go but four miles, 
and lay at night at a fair house but very bare, as having been 
plundered, as was all the country about. The last inhabitant 
of it was one Croker a Protestant,^ who went away with the 
enemy, the ancient proprietor then in possession one Burke. 
f. Ill a Tuesday the 7th : I set out with the day | and joined our 
forces at the Bridge. We marched thence three miles to 
Bruff, a small but not contemptible town, where we halted 
awhile, and found, contrary to report we had heard before, no 
want of entertainment, but what was caused by the shyness of 
the poor people and the too much eagerness of the soldiers, 
whose pressing necessities were a sufficient excuse of their 
rudeness. Yet it had been given out that the country was 
quite destroyed, and neither meat nor drink to be found on 
all the way to Cork. After this little halt, we marched on 
three miles farther to Kilmallock. Notwithstanding the 

Grace, to surrender (Clarke Correspondence, Wolseley's letter, August lo, 
1690, vol. i, f. 87. It gives a vague account of the number of the enemy). 
Firing his pistol in the air, Grace bade the trumpeter tell his master that 
' those were the terms he was for ', and that ' when his food was all gone he 
woiUd defend Athlone until he had eaten his boots '. Douglas had fetched 
a weak siege train : he had only two twelve-pounders, ten smaller guns, 
and two small ' mortars, and insufficient powder for them. Besides, his 
suppUes of bread and provisions also commenced to run short and his 
soldiers were compelled to plunder (Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, f. 70). 
At dawn on July 25 the siege was raised, and Douglas, by skilful marches, 
led his men to Limerick to rejoin WiUiam. In 1691 Ginkell surprised 
Athlone, and the London Gazette records that the body of Grace was found 
among the slain. Grace maintained severity of discipline and was beloved 
by his men. 

' Cf. Vicars, 112. 


rains we had before this road was good, there being a causeway 
throughout betwixt the two towns, and the paths within the 
fields being sound, as not much beaten, few people travelling 
at that time. Kilmallock lies in a bottom just under a high 
hill, which quite overlooks it, and is surrounded with a stone 
wall after the old manner with battlements, but not broad 
enough for two men to walk on it abreast. The ruins show it 
to have been a good town, the houses being of stone, lofty 
and large, but most of them ruined, and but few of those that 
remain inhabited, both parties having been in the place, and 
the greatest part of the inhabitants fled or at least had 
removed their best effects. Here are also some remains of 
a large church ; a small river runs by the walls. The Grand 
Prior's battalion, as well officers as soldiers, quartered in one 
large house. There was no provision | to be found here but f. mb 
only butter and some small quantity of drink, which was soon 
spent. We had brought with us six days' bread, and all the 
gardens were full of cabbages, which subsisted the men. 

Wednesday the 8th : a subaltern officer of each battalion 
was sent out with a detachment to bring in spades, shovels, 
and pickaxes from the country. The Duke of Berwick, who 
came to town the night before, went out with the horse, and 
returned without meeting any enemy. Towards evening 
marched into the town Colonel Nugent's Regiment of Foot, 
called the Caps, because they all wore them like Grenadiers, 
as being more easily to be had than hats.^ 

Thursday the 9th : nothing happened of note, but whereas 
we expected some works would have been carried on with the 
tools taken up the day before, they were only ordered to be 
left at the general's quarters. 

Friday the loth : the four battalions of foot were drawn 
out upon the hill over the town, where the Duke of Berwick 
took a view of them, and they returned to their quarters. 

' Colonel Richard Nugent's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, 
no major, eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, and eleven ensigns. No less 
than thirteen Nugents served in this regiment. There were thirteen com- 
panies and 659 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men. Dragoons 
wore a sort of cap as well as hat, and they and the horse grenadiers were 
the only troops to whorn both were issued. 

igo THE JOURNAL 1690 

Saturday the nth : in the morning the foot drew out again 
on the hill and marched away, having left detachments who 
burnt Kilmallock, the horse doing the same to Charleville, 
having before wasted the country round about and fired 
several villages. This morning we marched back three miles 

f. 112 a to Bruff, and with us the Horse Guards | and Duke of 
Tyrconnel's Regiment of Horse. These last encamped in the 
gardens of a great house near Bruff belonging to one Evans, 
which, being very large and built after the manner of a castle 
with large stone walls and battlements, had been burnt by 
our army : the place was called Ballygrennan. All the Foot 
and the Horse Guards quartered in the town, which being but 
small they were much thronged, and to straighten our quarters 
a house accidentally took fire, and the wind being very high 
burnt down five or six others that contained a considerable 
number of men. All the morning whilst we were drawn up 
on the hill and marched, there continued a most violent 
storm of wind and rain, which cleared up when we came to 
Bruff but it fatigued us extremely on the march. All the 
country about Bruff is very pleasant, being a large valley and 
good land well peopled and improved. The town is small and 
has nothing in it worth observing. There was corn and cattle 
enough, plenty of cabbages in the gardens, and what was the 
great support of the people and soldiers, large fields of 
potatoes, yielding prodigious quantities of them, and all little 
enough considering the vast consumption, for they often serve 
instead of bread, and the soldiers would be feeding on them 
all the day. 

f. 112 b We continued here all Sunday the i2th, | and Monday the 
13th and Tuesday the 14th, without anything worth observing, 
unless the bringing in of six or seven prisoners and two 
deserters ; but this night about midnight, by the mistake of 
our advanced guards, we were alarmed and continued under 
arms above an hour. The night was favourable being very 
fair and moonlight, when finding our mistake we returned to 
our quarters with orders to be ready upon beat of drum. 

Wednesday the 15th: at the same time the tattoo was beat- 
ing we received orders to be in readiness, and so continued all 


night. The guards were doubled and our horse and dragoons 
drawn out and ready all night, which proved very dismal for 
wind and rain. What occasioned the alarm I cannot tell, but 
it much hai-assed the men and proved a false one. But we 
were very subject to mistake, to watch when no danger was 
near and sleep when it hung over our heads. All this while 
the weather was very foul, our quarters bad, and provisions 
scarce because of the soldiers' rudeness, so that it was now 
come to pass that a man must either rob with the rest or 
starve by himself. 

Thursday the i6th : we returned to Limerick. Here I con- 
tinued in quarters with the regiment all the winter, during 
which time there happened very little or nothing of note, for 
our forces being very inconsiderable and much harassed, 
there | was no possibility of gaining any advantage upon the f. 113 a 
enemy, who at the same time made no other of our weakness 
but to live the more at ease. The weather it must be confessed, 
for the most part, was not fit for any action, yet considering 
how much they were superior to us they might without much 
difficulty have taken opportunities to straighten us in our 
quarters, which in a small time must have reduced us to 
extremity, and would consequently have saved the expense 
of another campaign, and the lives of many men they lost in it. 
But they seemed to be stupefied or wholly devoted to their 
ease, leaving us in quiet possession of the whole province of 
Connaught, besides the entire county of Kerry and the greatest 
part of the county of Limerick. These counties maintained 
the greatest part of our small army especially with flesh and 
potatoes, for all sorts of grain was very scarce. In Limerick, 
which was the head-quarters, we lived most of the winter 
upon salt beef allowed out of the stores, had one while ammu- 
nition bread made of all sorts of corn put together allowed in 
a small quantity, but for the most part instead of bread we 
received half a pint of wheat for officers, and the soldiers the 
same quantity of barley or oats in grain, to make our own 
bread. Of salt | beef the allowance was half a pound a day. f. 113b 
As for pay a small part of the winter we received subsistence 
money in brass, which was equivalent almost to nothing, for 

192 THE JOURNAL 1690 

a captain's subsistence which was a crown a day would yield 
but one quart of ale and that very bad, whereas for four Irish 
halfpence there was much better drink to be had. Wine and 
brandy bore prices proportionable and so everything else in 
that coin, for with silver necessaries might be had at reasonable 
rates, but there were few who had any of that metal. To 
instance something more of the value of brass money we gave 
a crown for a loaf of bread very little bigger than a London 
penny loaf when corn is cheap. I gave five pounds in brass 
for a pair of shoes, nor could I have purchased them at that 
rate, but that the shoemaker was allowed a wretched garret to 
lie in the house where my company quartered ; for it is to be 
observed that most of the garrison was quartered by companies 
or greater numbers in empty houses, only the officers quarter- 
ing in those that were inhabited. After this having got cloth, 
lining, and buttons out of the king's store to make me a suit 
of clothes, and employing a soldier who was a tailor and 
managed all things the most frugal way to make it, the 
expense of making or the tailor's bill came to eighteen 
pounds, and yet was there not a needleful of silk in the suit, 
I. 114 a all the seams being sewed with | thread, and the buttonholes 
wrought with worsted. But to proceed, before Christmas all 
the brass was consumed, so that nothing remaining to coin 
money, and there being no duties or taxes to be raised because 
the small territory we had was in no capacity of paying any, 
the army from that time never received any pay whatsoever, 
and to say the truth they were better satisfied without it 
than with such as they had before, for the brass was accounted 
to them as if it had been gold or silver, and at the same time 
was worth nothing, whereas now as they received nothing so 
they had nothing to account for. It is really wonderful, and 
will perhaps to after ages seem incredible, that an army 
should be kept together above a year without any pay, or if 
any small part of it they received any it was, as has been said, 
equivalent to none. And what is yet more to be admired the 
men never mutinied nor were they guilty of any disorders 
more than what do often happen in those armies that are best 
paid. Nor was this all they might have complained of. In 


Limerick as has been said all the garrison lay in empty houses, 
where they had neither beds nor so much as straw to lie on, 
or anything to cover them during the whole winter, and even 
their clothes were worn to rags, insomuch that many could 
scarce hide their nakedness in the daytime, and abundance 
of them I were barefoot or at least so near it that their f. 114b 
wretched shoes and stockings could scarce be made to hang 
on their feet and legs. I have been astonished to think how 
they lived and much more that they should voluntarily choose 
to live so, when if they would have forsaken the service they 
might have been received by the enemy into good pay and 
want for nothing. But to add to their sufferings the allowance 
of meat and corn was so small that men rather starved than 
lived upon it. These extremities endured as they were with 
courage and resolution are sufficient with any reasonable 
persons to clear the reputation of the Irish from the malicious 
imputations of their enemies ; and yet this is not all that can 
be said for them. We have already seen them defend an almost 
defenceless town against a victorious disciplined army, and 
we shall see them the following summer under all these hard- 
ships fight a battle with the utmost bravery, though overcome 
by numbers rather than valour. Let not any mistake and 
think I either speak out of affection or deliver what I know 
not ; for the first I am no Irishman to be anjrway biased, 
and for the other part I received not what I write by hearsay 
but was an eyewitness. As for the city of Limerick, which 
I said was almost defenceless, it had no other but an old stone 
wall made against bows and arrows, I mean the first siege, 
and a poor covered way we made in a | month's time. The f- 1 1 s a 
enemy delayed coming to attack us, for when we came to the 
place it was all encompassed for a great way with suburbs and 
gardens, and had no other work but the bare wall I have 
mentioned. All the works there were we made in that short 
space of time by which any man may judge what they were, 
and the better to satisfy such as cannot form a true notion of 
them, they must understand that the French regiments we 
had with us at the Boyne, and who assisted in raising these 
very works, when they heard that the enemy drew near, 

1218 o 

194 THE JOURNAL 1690 

utterly refused to stay in the town and stand a siege, alleging, 
and with good reason, that the place was not tenable, and this 
because they had seen fortified towns and by their strength 
were sensible of the weakness of this, whereas the Irish who 
had never seen a place well fortified thought this an impreg- 
nable fortress, and I have heard almost as much said by Irish 
officers, some of whom in private I undeceived as having 
been abroad and knowing more of that particular than 
they. As for the battle in which I say the Irish were over- 
come by numbers, this I can positively affirm, having myself 
taken the numbers of each regiment when drawn out, that we 
did not make 17,000 in all horse, foot and dragoons, and that 
in all places we had three to two against us. This I am sure 
of : in the foot and in the horse I believe the odds was much 
f. 115 b greater. | But I must not here anticipate upon what happened 
so long after. The battle of Aughrim which is that I have made 
the last observation upon will be mentioned in its own place 
and with more particulars.^ Let us now return to our hard 
winter in Limerick, where the poor men, besides all the other 

' The strength of the two armies at Aughrim was fairly even. Ginkell 
possessed some slight numerical advantage, but this was counterbalanced 
by the fact that he was the attacking party. The list of the English army 
gives the following numbers, reckoning the cavalry regiments at 300 and 
the infantry at 550, their effective strength, and allowing for two regiments 
of English and two of foreigners for the protection of the camp : — 

English —Horse 6 regiments at 1 ^^ ^ 

Dragoons 3 „ „ J •^ '' 

Foot 15 „ „ 550=8,250 


Foreigners-Horse 1 300=3,600 

Dragoons / " >> J J' 

Foot 8 „ „ 550=4,400 


19,000 (circa) 
Story says that Ginkell had only 17,000. He thinks that the Irish had the 
advantage of 1,000 men, but possibly he means the strength of their position 
was as good as 1, 000 men extra. Elsewhere he writes that they had 20,000 
foot and 5,000 horse. According to Macariae Excidium they had 10,000 
foot and 4,000 horse. 'The truth is,' writes Colonel Henderson (Life of 
Stonewall Jackson, i. 259), ' that in war, accurate intelligence, especially 
when two armies are in close contact, is exceedingly difficult to obtain.' 


difficulties they had to struggle with of hunger, nakedness, 1691 
&c., in the severest of all the season for rain and storms were 
set to work upon repairing the breach and raising a new bas- 
tion without it. I was myself three weeks with every day 
a fresh detachment upon this work, and the season was so 
bad that we never had a dry day, and accordingly the work 
advanced. At the end of this time I obtained to be myself 
relieved and by reason of the bad weather within a few days 
after, the breach being made up with stone taken from a 
quarry just at the foot of it, the work ceased without, there 
being no possibility of carrying it on. In February following 
engineers being come from France, the work was resumed 
all round the town by a great number of men. The soldiers 
were promised three pence, ensigns fifteen pence, lieutenants 
twenty pence, and captains half a crown a day in silver for 
their work, that is the soldiers to work and officers to inspect 
them, which made all willing to undertake the task, having 
no other pay and being in such want as has been already 
mentioned. The engineers being all French and not speaking | f- 116 a 
any English such officers were made choice of to attend the 
work as could speak French, of which number I was one, and 
continued at the work daily, not excepting Sundays from 
the middle of February till the 20th of April. The first three 
weeks we were justly paid according to promise, without any 
deduction, but then the rest of the time, being about six weeks 
they let run on, and when at last we came to be paid, they 
lowered the captain's pay to twenty pence and the lieutenant's 
to fifteen pence besides deducting for half days and the like, 
so that the officer's pay falling so short I refused to follow the 
work any longer, and chose rather than be so imposed upon 
to do my regimental duty for nothing with the rest. Besides 
the chief engineer and I had some words,- he presuming that 
small pay would have made me more submissive to him, but 
I freely told him I would attend the work no more, and as 
positively performed it, though he sent some of the under 
engineers and officers of our regiment to court me to return, 
and even when the regiment marched out to take the field 
he sent to offer to get leave for me to stay all the summer in the 


196 THE JOURNAL 1691 

town at the work, which I refused, though much more for my 
safety, ease and profit, but neither did I like the man nor 
could I ever be persuaded to forsake my regiment, or had it 
been proper for a man that valued his reputation to stay from 
f. 1 16 bit when marching against the enemy, | These works round 
the town consisted of six great bastions, curtains, and covered 
way enclosing all the Irish town, being that which lies on the 
south side of an arm of the river Shannon, that divides it from 
the English town seated in the island formed by the said river, 
and called the King's Island. This part lay most exposed 
to the enemy and was therefore best fortified. However an 
entrenchment or covered way was made about the King's 
Island to secure it from all attempts, and in the middle of it 
a Fort Royal with four bastions and a line of communication 
to the English town. All these particulars may be seen in the 
map ^ and therefore I shall not spend more time in describing 
them. But to return to the men, I must observe, lest I seem 
to conceal anything that was intended for their advantage, 
that to comfort them in their miseries there was a very small 
quantity of tobacco and brandy allowed them weekly out of 
the stores. As for the brandy I believe they scarce ever tasted 
it, of the tobacco, which for the most part was rotten, some 
very inconsiderable quantity was distributed among them, 
all the brandy and remaining part of the tobacco being by 
the majors, who were entrusted to distribute it, converted 
to their own use, it is likely, by the consent of their superiors 
f. 117 a who doubtless shared the profit | with them. These things 
were so visible that the meanest soldiers were sensible of them 
though they bore them with great patience, yet I who always 
used that freedom that might not give occasion of scandal 
did not fail betwixt jest and earnest to tell the major of our 
regiment my opinion of that proceeding, who from that time 
forward ever allowed me as much of both or rather more than 
was my due, and I might have had much more would I have 
asked it, for to give him his due he did not want for good 
nature though interest blinded him as well as the rest ; and 
for myself I was never very covetous of either brandy or 
' Cf. foot-note on p. 146. 


tobacco. Having said enough of these particulars, I must 
here take notice, which should have been done before, that 
on the 26th of January 1690/1 the value of brass money 
was pretended to be settled by proclamation, but that 
availing nothing on the first of February following it was 
cried down, which might have been done long before or not 
at all, because as has been already shown, it was of no value. 

On the i8th of April, 1691, arrived an express from France, 
with the news of the taking of Mons by the French ; for 
which on the 19th Te Deum was sung in the church of 
St. Mary being the cathedral.^ The cannon was also three 
times discharged, and as many volleys of small shot, and there 
were bonfires and other | demonstrations of joy. f- 117 b 

May the 4th : marched out of Limerick a detachment of 
fifty men of a regiment, more of the Guards, and Burke's 
company of two hundred Fusiliers, in all about eight hundred 
men. They marched to Lough Gur, seven miles from Limerick; 
to fortify a pass there, which when finished they all returned, 
except Burke's company left to make good that place. 

May the 9th : arrived in the river Shannon a French 
squadron of men-of-war, having sent some ships to Galway, 
and about noon landed the French general M. St. Ruth,^ who 
was received with real demonstrations of joy. The 17th was 
a general muster of the garrison of Limerick, and the i8th 
and 19th the regiments were particularly reviewed, delivered 

■ The Cathedral of St. Mary is, with St. Canice's at Kilkenny, the only 
mediaeval cathedral still standing and in use besides St. Patrick's and 
Christ Church in Dublin. 

^ St.- Ruth had served for twenty years in the wars in Holland, Flanders, 
and Germany. In 1691 Louis appointed him to command the forces in 
Ireland, and on May 8 he arrived in Limerick with 146 o&cets, 150 cadets, 
300 English and Scots, 24 surgeons, 180 masons, 2 bombardiers, 18 can- 
noniers, 800 horses, 19 pieces of cannon, 12,000 horse-shoes, 6,000 bridles and 
saddles, 16,000 muskets ; uniforms, stockings and shoes for 16,000 men, 
some lead and balls, and a large supply of biscuit. There was, as the 
London Gazette was careful to note, neither men nor money. He came with 
a favourable opinion of Irish soldiers, for on September 21, 1690, Dangeau 
writes : ' St.-Ruth reports that in the late battle in Savoy the Irish troops 
had done wonders (fait des merveilles).' Moreover, he was extremdy 
popular with the Mountcashel Brigade. Berwick remarks that he was 
' by nature very vain '. As a commander he was incomparably superior 
to Lauzun and even Rosen. He was gravely hampered in his work by the 
fact that he could speak no English. 


in their unfixed arms and received others. The last of these 
days Brigadier Talbot, natural son to the Duke of Tyrconnel, 
was declared colonel of the regiment, which till then had been 
the Grand Prior's, in which, as has been said, I served. 
On the i8th also Sir John FitzGerald's Regiment of Foot 
marched into Limerick and encamped, on the 20th Colonel 
Connel's, on the 2ist MacGilHcuddy's, and on 23rd Power's 
Regiment without arms, and the same morning marched out 
Gordon O'Neill and Nugent's Regiments towards Athlone. 
The 24th they were followed by the first battalion of Guards 
and Felix O'Neill's Regiment, on the 26th by MacGillicuddy, 
f. iiSaConnel and Macguire,^ | on the 27th by the second battalion 
of Guards, Saxby and Sir John FitzGerald, on the 29th by 
the Lord Slane, and Colonel FitzGerald, and on the 30th by the 
Lord Iveagh, O'Donnell, the Lord Kenmare, and Macarthy.^ 
This same day Art MacMahon's regiment entered Limerick 
unarmed. The 31st the Lord Enniskillen's Regiment marched 
away for Galway, and the same day Hugh MacMahon's 
came to Limerick unarmed. 

June the 2nd : Purcell's Regiment of Horse,^ Carroll's * 

' Roger Macguire was Lord Ermiskillen and lord-lieutenant of the countj- 
of Armagh : he sat as a peer in the Parliament of 1689. At first he was 
a captain in the Earl of Antrim's Infantry, but ultimately commanded 
a regiment he had raised. He fought at Aughrim. After 1691 he went to 
France, but as Louis assigned to him no regiment he retired to St.-Germain, 
where he died in 1708, aged 67. 

According to King's State of the Protestants Colonel Cuconaught 
Macguire had a regiment. The regiment mentioned by Stevens was either 
Roger's or Cuconaught's. 

' Lord Mountcashel's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
twelve captains, fifteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, chaplain, and surgeon : 
its old name was Colonel Justin Macarthy's Regiment. It had th&teen 
companies and 395 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men. 

' Of Colonel James Purcell's Regiment we have merely the list of colonel, 
lieutenant-colonel, and major. 

' Colonel Francis Carroll's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieu- 
tenant-colonel, major, nine captains, eleven lieutenants, eleven comets, 
ten quarter-masters, and an adjutant. There were ten companies and 
353 men (Avaux). This regiment was formerly Colonel Thomas Trant's, 
formerly Sir James Cotter's. 

Before Colonel Francis Carroll commanded a regiment he had been 
lieutenant-colonel of Lord Dungan's Dragoons. He attacked Enniskeen, 
but was driven ofiE by Colonel Ogleby (Story, p. 65). After 1691 he 
went to France and became major-general, and he and Lieutenant-General 
Thomas Maxwell were each placed in command of a regiment of dis- 


Dragoons, and the two MacMahons' Regiments of Foot 
marched out of Limerick towards the camp. 

The 3rd: came to Limerick Cormuck O'Neill's Regiment of 
Foot consisting of about nine hundred men as likely, clever, 
lusty, well-shaped fellows, as ever eyes beheld. 

Thursday the 4th of June : marched out of Limerick 
Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, which was before the Grand 
Prior's, in which I served. It was then about four hundred 
strong. We halted a considerable time beyond Thomond 
Bridge, till one small field piece and one cart laden with 
ammunition joined us, and then we marched without any 
other stop to the camp at Killaloe, eight miles from Limerick, 
where we pitched our tents on the left of the Guards, all on 
the south side of the town, but without any order. This 
town and the road to it I shall not need to give any account 
of in this place, having said as much of it as is requisite 
before when | we passed the same way the first time towards f. 1 18 b 
Athlone, as is to be seen in this book, folio 92. This night 
the soldiers passed with much inconveniency for besides that 
we had but four tents to a company there were neither tent- 
poles nor pins ; some few made what shift they could to set 
them up, the rest lay about under the hedges. The day was fair 
and pleasant to march, but the night extraordinary wet and 
cold, considering the season of the year. In this place we found 
fifteen battalions of foot, whereof two were of the Guards. 

Friday the 5th : two hundred men were detached to bring 
wood, and the whole day spent in building huts, which were 
covered with turf or long sods cut off the face of the earth, 
very thin and four or five feet long, which in Ireland they call 
strauths-. The reason of this shift was because there was no 
straw left in the country or other sort of thatch to be had, 
and we were obliged to hut because, as was said above, each 
company had but four tents, one of which was taken for the 

mounted dragoons; Maxwell's was the Royal Regiment and Carroll's 
the Queen's. Each of these numbered 558 ofi&cers and men. At Marsaglia 
both officers were killed. ' Ces deux regiments de dragons,' wrote Catiuat, 
' qui etaient dans le centre de la ligne, ont fait des choses surprenantes de 
valeur et de bon ordre dans le combat. lis ont renverse des escadrons 
r6p6e £L la main, les chargeant tSte par tSte.' 

200 THE JOURNAL 1691 

officers, and though our companies were thin, ten huts 
would scarce contain them by reason of the great number 
of women and children always following the camp. Nor 
was this evil to be remedied under our circumstances, foras- 
much as most of the army consisted of soldiers of other 
provinces then in the enemy's hands, and those poor wretches 
had no other home but the army, and must perish without it. 

Saturday the 6th : part of the day was spent in exercise, 

wherein I found our old men as imperfect, through the want 

of use, as the new. We received six days' bread late at night, 

f. 119 a twelve I bullocks for the regiment, and orders to march the 

next morning. 

Sunday the 7th : Brigadier Talbot's, Saxby's, and Fitz- 
Gerald's Regiments of Foot marched^ at three of the clock 
in the morning. First to Tomgraney, five miles, a little 
ruined town, within half a mile of which is Scarriff, neither 
of them worth the noting but for the iron mills there formerly, 
now gone to decay. The road is all mountain with a wood 
along the Shannon. Hence we marched to Graig or as the 
English call it Woodford, eight miles over an uncouth barbar- 
ous mountain full of bogs and covered only with wild sedge, 
fern, and heath, without one house, cottage or so much 

' Cf. Route for the Sixth Foot from Limerick to Dublin, 1699 (Marching 
Orders, DubUn State Papers) : — 

1 August, KiUaloe . . ... 11 miles 

2 „ Nenagh . .... 12 „ 

3 „ Roscrea ... . 16 „ 

4 „ Aghade) 

5 „ Athy J JJ .. 

6 „ Rest 

7 „ KillcuUenbridge . . . . 11 ,, 

8 ,, Naas .... . 6 ,, 

9 ,, Dublin 16 • „ 

9 days (8 marching) .... 105 „ 

Route for the Twenty-third Foot from Carlingford to Dublin : 

28 July, Dundalk . . . . . .12 miles 

29 ,, Garlandstown ■) 

30 „ Rest I 17 .. 

31 ,, Drogheda J 

1 August, Balrothery and Ballagh . . . 10 „ 

2 „ Dublin 18 ,, 

6 days (5 of marching) . . . . • 57 >, 


as a living creature of any sort to be seen. In winter this 
way is impassable when the season is wet, but in a dry 
summer good, yet at best boggy in some places. The miles 
are long and the day was very hot without the least breath 
of wind, tiresome to the soldiers and to me so much that 
had we not made a halt two miles beyond Graig, I had not 
been able to go farther, being afoot and quite spent with the 
fatigue. Nor is it to be admired that officers should be afoot 
when we were cooped up in a corner of the country where 
horses were grown very scarce, the army having been so long 
without pay, as was mentioned before miserably poor, and 
I as a stranger particularly wanting many helps which the 
natives had. At Woodford there is an iron work in the 
bottom upon a small river that falls into the Shannon : the 
town stands on the hill above it. | The bridge at Tomgraney f. 119 b 
joins, or rather the river that runs under it parts, the county 
of Clare from that of Galway, the same being also the bounds 
of the provinces of Munster and Connaught. To add to our 
weariness we were marched an English mile beyond the town 
and, there being no convenient ground to encamp, were obliged 
to march back through the town, where we encamped on the 
side of a hill, but with much confusion and disorder, as well in 
the manner of our drawing up as pitching the ground. Here 
some bullocks were slaughtered and divided to the soldiers. 

Monday the 8th : the general beat at four, but we stirred 
not in two hours after, then set forward and marched seven 
miles, which in this country are the longest in Ireland, though 
none there be short. The first part of this way is mountain, 
then a pleasant bottom, most good pasture land. We struck 
two miles into this valley and ought to have kept along the 
sides of the hills, but none knowing the way went astray near 
two miles, for after four hours' march we were at the abbey, 
which is but two miles from Woodford. Thence three miles 
along a pleasant country till we came to Portumna Park, 
which is very pleasant and delightful, and a full mile through 
it, and just under it the town of Portumna, small yet better 
than many of the country towns in that province. We made 
no halt, but marched a mile farther and encamped on a rising 

202 THE JOURNAL 1691 

ground. The day was hot, and though the number of miles 
f. 1 20 a small I the way seemed long and tiresome. Some small 
allowance of beef was here given to the soldiers. 

Tuesday the gth : nothing of note, but that one small 
bullock was divided among all the officers of the regiment, 
a very poor allowance, and all they received since they left 

Wednesday the loth : the general beat at five in the 
morning, yet we stirred not till towards noon, then marched 
five miles to Meelick. The country is pleasant, being diversi- 
fied with cornfields, pasture land, and some underwood and 
brakes. From the time we left Limerick till we came to this 
place I did not see ten head of any sort of cattle, but what 
was with the army, either horses, cows, or sheep, very few 
people and nothing but ruined villages. At Meelick in the 
small islands the river Shannon there makes the people had 
secured some small flocks of sheep and a few black cattle. 
This place consists of a few scattering cottages, one gentle- 
man's house in an island and an old castle in another little 
island, upon one of the passes of the Shannon, which pass 
is convenient enough for travellers with a guide ; but not 
for an army, the ford being narrow with several windings and 
f. i2ob dangerous on both sides. Here is also | the residence of a few 
Franciscan friars only remarkable for the poverty of their 
house and chapel which are nothing but long thatched 
cabins. The walls of a handsome chapel designed by these 
friars are standing, but never roofed or further finished than 
the raising of them to their full height. All round is a very 
delightful plain, the soil good, but inclining to bog in wet 

Thursday the nth : a review of the brigade was taken by 
Brigadier Talbot ; ^ the general beat at noon in order to march, 

" Maxk Talbot was a representative of Belfast in the Parliament of 1689 
and became a lieutenant-colonel in the Earl of Antrim's Infantry. He 
signalized himself by a gallant sally at the first siege of Limerick. ' Le 
Brigadier Talbot,' writes Berwick, ' qui se trouvoit alors dans I'ouvrage a 
comes avec cinq cents hommes, accourut par dehors le long du mur, et les 
chargeant par derrifere, les chassa, et puis rentra par le breche, oft U se 
posta.' He was taken prisoner at the battle of Aughrim and was outlawed 
in 1691. The Montgomery MSS. style him ' a bastard of Tyrconnel '. 


yet nothing was moved. Here the Shannon divides itself into 
several branches and forms many islands. 

Friday the i2th : four deserters came over to us, who gave 
an account that the enemy were 13,000 strong at Ballyboy in 
horse, foot and dragoons. We had before received information 
that they were 15,000 between Athlone and Mullingar, and 
had taken Ballymore, a place of very considerable strength, in 
less than forty-eight hours.^ Here we lay still, without any- 
thing remarkable happening till 

Friday the 19th, when, about three in the morning an 
express came with orders pursuant to which we decamped and 
marched immediately five miles to a place whose name, if 
it has any, I could not learn, there being no village, house 
or place of note near it. The first mile of this way is a large 
beaten road as bad at this time with the continual rain 
as if it had been the depth of winter, where stands the much 
noted house in Connaught called Eyre's Court, being a pleasant 
seat built by one Mr. Eyre and much celebrated in the | 
country, but by what I could perceive in marching by it f. 
nothing answerable to what fame reports. All that can be 
said, it is a pretty gentleman's seat, the house large with 
a pleasant wood on the back of it ; but no good prospect any 
way, nor any river near it. Round about is hilly ground, 
which, with the improvements and the convenient neigh- 
bourhood of a small village, make it delightful enough. The 
land hither is most enclosed, though some of it full of shrubs 
and wild. The next two miles is all common, covered with 
fern, heath, much sedge and some patches of good grass and 
several bogs. No dwelling is in this way, but at the end of 
the two miles an old house or castle, where begins for the 
following two miles to be some enclosures and much more bog 
and shrubby land. At the end of our march we found fifteen 
battalions of foot encamped in a line, the horse and dragoons 

^ Ballymore was defended by about a thousand men under Colonel Ulick 
Bourke with only two cannon, which were Turkish pieces mounted on 
cart-wheels. After a brave display of resistance the garrison surrendered 
to Ginkell on June 8. Clarke Correspondence, Ulick Bourke to Ginkell, 
June II, 1691 ; Clarke, James II, ii. 452 ; An Exact Journal of the Victorious 
Progress of their Majesties' Forces under the Command of General Ginckle 
this Summer in Ireland (1691). 

204 THE JOURNAL 1691 

at a distance from them in several places, without order. We 
pitched in the rear of the other line, being four regiments of 
foot, a long narrow ridge of rising ground running between us 
and the other foot, so narrow and beaten that it looks as if 
made by hand, yet is really a small work of nature. The reason 
of our march was to form a body with the other troops, the 
enemy having sat down before Athlone. We heard much 
firing and detachments of the first fifteen regiments were sent 
f. 121 b Saturday the 20th : we marched but two miles | through 
a pleasant hilly country, and then encamped, twenty battalions 
of foot, besides horse and dragoons, in the same manner as 
the day before, the latter whose number was increased, all 
scattered, and four battalions of foot, which were the begin- 
ning of a second line divided from the first by a ridge of 
rising ground. About the first every way it is all hilly, and 
in the rear of the second line a spacious beautiful valley, 
as far as a man's sight could extend, but most of it boggy, 
and I believe is overflowed in winter by the river Suck, 
which lay behind us. On our left was the town or village of 
Ballinasloe, or according to the Irish pronunciation Ballinas- 
louagh. We heard the cannon at Athlone firing hotly all the 
day. After noon marched thither Major-General Hamilton's, 
and the Lord Galway's Regiments of Foot, with all the 
officers in second of the army. 

Sunday the 21st the army decamped and marched through 
Ballinasloe seven miles, and encamped on an eminence, 
about two miles or better from Athlone.^ Ballinasloe is but 
a mean ruinous place, with some remains of a remarkable 

' On the siege of Athlone, cf. Diary of the Siege of Athlone, by an 

Engineer of the Army, a Witness of the Action, 1691 ; Add. 33, 264 (Brit. 

Mus.) for the part Mackay played ; Story, 94-8, 102-3, 106-10 ; Macariae 

June 28 
Excidium, 121-2, 129-30, 419-21, 423-8 ; Fumeron to Louvois, "-rp-j — -, 

July 8 

and 4-T ; M&moires du Mardchal de Berwick, i. 97-8 : Rawdon Papers, 

July 10 
344-9; C.S.P., Dom., 1690-1, 429; Jacobite Narrative, 132-4; Clarke, ii. 
453-5 > Burnet, ii. 78-9 ; Memoirs of Captain Parher, 25. St.-Ruth and 
the French officers believed that it was impossible to force the river. Of 
Ginkell the French commander remarked : ' His master should hang him 
for trying to take Athlone, and mine ought to hang me if I lose it." 

1 691 NEAR ATHLONE 205 

house or castle as they call it which seems to have been 
formerly a pleasant seat. The river here runs in two branches 
over which there are as many stone bridges. The first is about 
140 of my paces in walking in length ; much about that 
distance from it is the other, in length 250 of the same paces, 
which shows the breadth of the river, and that in great floods 
swells beyond the extremities of the bridges, and in the 
interval | between both, wherein also stands a considerable! 122! 
part of the village somewhat to the southward, and to the 
northward the castle. The first mile of this day's march 
was on a broad road much like some of the wide by-ways in 
England, and after that all is wild common, some boggy, 
some stony, and full of shrubs, and one small spot of a 
wood. The ground we encamped on was very high, rough, 
and full of shrubs, which made our camp very irregular, 
there being in many places scarce flat enough to pitch 
the tents for stones and bushes. The army spread out 
all in length, Colonel Talbot's Regiment on the left of 
all the foot, four regiments were upon duty in the town 
and trenches, eight more encamped without the town, and 
several others at small distances betwixt the town and the 
grand camp. 

Monday the 22nd : very early Brigadier Talbot's and the 
Lord Iveagh's Regiments^ of Foot relieved the trenches on 

' Of Lord Iveagh's Regiment tlie names of the colonel, the first and 
second lieutenant-colonels, a captain, no lieutenants, and an ensign are 
recorded. No details of companies or men are forthcoming. 

Bryan Magennis, Lord Iveagh, was involved in the troubles of the 1641 
rebellion and was outlawed in 1642. He sat in the Parliament of 1689 and 
his outlawry was then reversed. He was appointed lord-lieutenant of 
Down, and two other Magennises were his deputy-lieutenants. Lord 
Iveagh and his sept furnished James with two regiments, one of dragoons, 
and the other of infantry. At the end of the war he entered the Austrian 
service with a choice battalion of 500 men. He married Lady Margaret 
de Burgh, daughter of WiUiam, seventh Earl of Clanricarde. In July 
1690 he held Drogheda with a garrison of 1,300 men, but he surrendered 
the town on condition that his men were not made prisoners of war. 
Lord Iveagh was among the negotiators of the Articles of Limerick. 
WiUiam III hoped that the departing Irish would take service with Leopold, 
and this peer was one of the few who did so. He reached Hungary for 
service against the Turks, but he and his regiment died of plague (C.S.P., 
Dom., 1691/2, January 9, 1692, 91, 136 ; S.P. Ireland, King's Letter Book, 
i. 281, 295). 

2o6 THE JOURNAL 1691 

the north side of the town upon the fords of the river, where 
they lay all that day and night without anything worth note 
happening, but spent the night pleasantly in raillery with the 
enemy on the other side.^ The enemy's batteries of cannon 
and mortars played very warmly, the first all day till late at 
night firing incessantly upon the castle, and broke down some 
of the wall, but did no other considerable execution. The 
latter threw bombs day and night, which did some execution 
but not considerable. It was supposed their chief bombardier 
was either killed or wounded, because a shot being levelled 
£. 122 b at I him the firing ceased for a considerable time, and after 
that their bombs fell not within so narrow a compass as 

Tuesday the 23rd : we continued in the same post all the 
day much of which was spent in a sort of voluntary cessation 
on the banks of the river, where the guards on both sides 
discoursed familiarly till some general of the enemy's coming 
down broke off the communication, and we fell to firing 
at one another for a short space, and then ceased without 
any harm done on either part. The enemy's cannon and 
mortars played at the castle, but not so hot as the day before. 
In the morning before day appeared we heard the noise 
of carriages, and when it grew light saw some bodies of the 
enemy marching. This day came to our camp eight field- 
pieces with ammunition and other necessaries. At night 
Gordon O'Neill's Regiment relieved us in the trenches ; but 
we only drew back, and lay all night upon the bivouac on 
the bog under the hills, which are the road to Athlone near 
the river. 

Wednesday the 24th : at the first dawning of the day we 
marched off, and returned to the camp. From the camp to the 
town, for above a Connaught mile, is through the shrubs and 
bushes, till within a large mile of the town is a small bridge 
over a little brook, and from thence forward a plain hard 

^ Ginkell found considerable trouble in securing provisions for his men ; 
but he at least was in sole command while the imperious St.-Ruth suffered 
cruelly from the interference of Tyrcoimel. Sarsfield and his followers 
felt more bitterly indignant than ever against the Viceroy. 


road along the sides and tops of the hills, and on the right 
a large bog, everywhere dry and passable in summer ; on the 
left I is a hilly dry ground, but close by the town a large spot f. 123 a 
of bog. The enemy continued playing from their batteries on 
the town. 

Thursday the 25th : there was a general muster in the 
morning ; soon after we had orders to be all ready in half 
an hour, and presently again to decamp ; which was done, 
and we marched down about a mile nearer to the town, where 
we encamped on a ground much like the last, but far from 
water. The enemy had now'mounted more cannon and played 
most violently without intermission on the castle. Here we 
were new formed into brigades, and ours made up of Colonel 
Talbot's, the Lord Slane's, Colonel Dillon's,^ the Lord Bophin's,^ 
and Colonel O'Brien's Regiments. 

Friday the 26th : the enemy's fire at the castle continued 
very hot all the day, but nothing else of note happened. 

Saturday the 27th : the enemy having made some attempt 

■ Colonel Henry Dillon's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
twenty-five captains, twenty-seven lieutenants, and twenty-eight ensigns. 
The staff consisted of the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major with an 
adjutant, a ' Maal (see p. 159, note) des Logis ', chaplain, and surgeon. There 
were four — evidently Irish — officers d la suite. Nineteen Dillons were officers 
in this regiment. There were twenty-two companies and 500 men (Avaux). 
Besides these nineteen Dillons there was another in Lord Abercom's Horse, 
in Sir Neill O'Neill's, in Lord Gormanstown's Infantry, in Lord Galway's, 
in Colonel O'Gara's, and in the Earl of Clanricarde's. 

Colonel Henry Dillon was the eldest son of the seventh Viscount DUlon. 
He sat in Parliament as a member for County Westmeath, and married 
a daughter of the Duchess of Tyrconnel. He was governor of Galway 
when Ginkell took it and assisted at the negotiations in Limerick in i6gi. 

" The regiment of Lord Bophin (Colonel John Burke) had a colonel, 
lieutenant-colonel, major, fourteen captains, thirteen lieutenants, and 
thirteen ensigns. There were four Burkes, nine Lynches, six Blakes, three 
Frenches, three Flahertys, three Martins and two Kirwans serving in it. 
There were thirteen companies and 215 men (Avaux). 

Lord Bophin was the second son of William, Earl of Clanricarde, and 
James elevated him to the peerage in 1689. Some of his men went to aid 
Lord Dundee in Scotland, and the remainder was routed by the Ennis- 
kiUeners at Newton-butler. After these losses he enrolled Irish recruits, and 
his regiment fought during the campaigns of 1 690 and 1 69 1 . At Aughrim he 
was taken prisoner and sent to England. He was attainted on Inquisition, but 
his children were allowed their respective remainders and by an Act passed 
in the first year of the reign of Queen Anne he was cleared of all treasons 
and attainders, and he and his children restored to their blood and estate. 

308 THE JOURNAL 1691 

ufwn the bridge, Brigadier Talbot's Regiment was com- 
manded down, having lain about an hour near the town 
to second those in the trenches in case of an assault. 
The enemy's bodies, which before appeared, dispersing, we 
marched back, but before we could reach the camp met the 
general who remanded us back again. All the afternoon we 
lay by the bridge a mile from the town, and in the evening 

f. 123 b marched on | just to the entrance of the town, where we lay 
till it was dark, not being well able to enter sooner because 
the enemy's batteries would have had a full view of us. 
At night we marched in and relieved the trenches on the 
left of the bridge, which was defended by several companies 
of Grenadiers. 

Sunday the 28th : continued playing incessantly. About 
one in the morning the enemy; creeping over their barricades 
of faggots on the bridge, made up the broken arch with planks, 
both sides plying their small shot and hand grenades without 
intermission ; yet they did their work and retired. No 
sooner was it done than five or six of our men, getting over our 
work of faggots on the bridge, notwithstanding the enemy's 
continual fire, took up the planks, and throwing them into the 
river, returned in safety. The great and small shot never 
ceased firing, and some time before noon the enemies with 
their grenades fired our faggots on the bridge, which, being 
very dry and not covered with earth, burnt most furiously. 
I was commanded with a detachment of forty men of our 
regiment, and other officers of the other regiments in the town 
with proportionable numbers of their men to put a stop to 
the fire, which notwithstanding all our endeavours raged so 
violently that it took hold of the houses adjoining to the 
bridge. The enemy in the meanwhile bent thirty pieces of | 

f. 124 a cannon and all their mortars that way, so that what with 
the fire and what with the balls and bombs flying so thick 
that spot was a mere hell upon earth, for the place was 
very narrow which made the fire scorch, and so many cannon 
and mortars incessantly playing on it there seemed to be no 
likelihood of any man coming off alive. However we threw 
down one house, and the men, being hasty to run off with 


the timber for their own security, that gave a stop to the 
progress of the fire, which then began to decHne till it quite 
ceased. We had very many men killed here of the detach- 
ments that came to work, and the rest being gone off, a French 
major we had in our regiment, besides the Irish, commanded 
me back to my post. And this I think was the hottest place 
that ever I saw in my time of service.^ The fire being quite 
put out, a new traverse of faggots was raised where it stopped. 
Many who had served long in France said they had never seen 
such furious firing for so long a time, and, besides the bombs, 
the enemy threw out of their mortars a vast quantity of 
stones ; besides that the place being so close the cannon balls 
which struck against the castle walls beat off abundance of 
stones from them, which did as much mischief as the others. 
The whole action continued^ | about four hours, most of the f. 124 b 
men who once got away returning no more, which made 
the work the longer for those who were forced to continue at 
it. By this means only seven of my detachment were killed 
and nineteen wounded out of forty, and I received no hurt 
myself. Yet returning to my post in the trenches I was 
knocked down with a stone that flew from the castle wall, 
which only stunned me, a good beaver I had on saving my 
head. Another stone from the wall gave me a small hurt 
on the shin, which was not considerable. At night most of the 
officers standing about a barrel of powder to be distributed 
among the men, a bomb fell in the midst of us, but we all 
lying down, it pleased God it took not the powder, and we 
all escaped unhurt. About midnight we were relieved by 
Colonel Nugent's Regiment, and lay the remainder of the night 
on the bivouac in the ditch of the castle. 

Monday the 29th : with the dawning of the day we 
marched to the camp. This morning some of the enemy's 
Grenadiers advancing were so well received that we heard they 
lost above a hundred. Two officers and five soldiers of ours, 
venturing up to the enemy's faggots on the bridge, set them 

^ The French officers were compelled to admit that they had never seen 
more grim determination, and that the Irish were as brave as lions (Rawdon 
Papers, 346-8). 

1218 p 

210 THE JOURNAL 1691. 

f. 125 a on fire, and the wind favouring us destroyed them all. | Four 
of the seven returned safe. After this the enemy fired only 
some odd shot all the day, and continued as quiet the night.^ 
Tuesday the 30th : most of the day passed in silence. In the 
afternoon on a sudden the whole camp was alarmed, and we 
marched down to the bridge within a mile of Athlone where 
we understood the town was taken, the enemy having entered 
both at the bridge and ford without the least opposition made 
on our side. The Regiments of O'Gara,* Cormuck O'Neill,* 
and others that were in the works, quitting them at the first 
onset without firing a shot, so that there was no time for 
any relief to enter the place. Some of the enemy who 
ventured without the castle were driven back without any 
loss whereupon they retired and secured themselves within, 
whilst our men who had quitted the town ran in great 
confusion over the bog. All our army stood at arms near the 
place but could do nothing, the castle being strong on the 

' During this siege of eleven days the English had, according to Story, 
fired away 12,000 cannon balls, and nearly 50 tons of powder, besides 
A great many tons of stones discharged from mortars. 

* Colonel Oliver O'Gara's Regiment, formerly Colonel Iriel Farrell's, 
had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, fourteen captains, twelve lieu- 
tenants and fourteen ensigns. The British Museum list does not give the 
names of those commissioned, and Avaux gives no details. 

The O'Garas were the ancient territorial lords of Moy-Gara and 
Coolavin in the county of Sligo. Colonel Oliver O'Gara was a member 
for the county of Sligo in the Parliament of 1689. He married 
Lady Mary Fleming, daughter of Lord Slane. The careers of his four 
sons illustrate the dispersion of the Irish after 1691. The three elder sons 
entered the Spanish service ; the first became a brigadier, the second 
colonel of the Regiment of Hibemia, the third lieutenant-colonel of the 
Regiment of Irlandia, and the fourth equerry to the sons of Leopold Joseph, 
Duke of Lorraine. Colonel O'Gara raised his regiment at his own expense. 
In September 1689 he went with Sarsfield to Connaught to retard the 
advance of the Enniskilleners. He witnessed the Articles of Limerick, 
and then sailed to France, where Louis appointed him Colonel of the 
Queen's Dragoons. 

" Cormuck O'Neill's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, 
twenty-seven captains, thirty lieutenants and twenty-six ensigns. The 
staff consisted of the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, adjutant, chaplain, 
quarter-master and surgeon. Fourteen O'Neills, eight O'Hagans, five 
O'Cahans, three O'Haras, three Stewarts and two O'Doghertys were among 
its officers. There were twenty-two companies and 1,273 "leii (Brit. Mus. 
list). Avaux gives 550 men. 

Colonel Cormuck O'NeUl resided at Broughshane in Antrim, was sheriff 
of the county in 1687, and one of its representatives in the Parliament of 


land side. In this posture we continued till towards night 
with manifest tokens of fear in most men's faces, as if utter 
ruin had been hanging over us upon the loss of that place, 
though the army was untouched, and, except the defence of 
the Shannon, no loss sustained.^ At night we returned to the 
camp, threw down our tents and made all ready to march. 

Wednesday the first of July : before day we marched about 
two or three miles, and encamped on a | plain about the same f. 125 b 
distance from Athlone. This march was performed with 
great confusion and disorder, such a panic fear having 
seized our men that the very noise of ten horsemen would 
have dispersed as many of our battalions, above half the 
soldiers scattering by the way without any other thing but 
their own apprehensions to fright them. This, was a general 
thing in ten regiments of foot that marched, and so great 
was the terror that in Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, one of 
the eldest and best in the army, there were but 190 men left 
when we came to encamp, our last muster amounting to 400 
and upwards. We lay here the remaining part of the day 
without any disturbance, many men dropping in to us, their 
fear somewhat abating by our encamping so near the enemy. 
The weather was extreme wet and provisions very scarce 
this day, all the servants being gone to Ballinasloe with what 
little necessaries every man had. 

Thursday the 2nd : the general beat at four in the morning, 
and our little army soon after marched and encamped three 

' Brigadier Kane remarks : ' Here the old proverb was verified, that 
security dwells next door to ruin. St.-Ruth thought it impossible for us 
to pass the river before he could be done with the army, and it is most 
certain nothing but neglect of their duty (by the officers) was the occasion 
of it • for they, seeing their general secure in himself, thought all was safe, 
which made them neglect keeping their men strictly to their duty, and 
having a vigilant eye on us. Had they done thus, it would have been 
impossible for us to march, but they might easily see us from the castle, 
and give timely notice to their general, which would have prevented 
what followed. The great oversight St.-Ruth committed in leaving the 
works on the back part of the town standing, was the only motive that 
induced our general to pass the Shannon at this place.' Captain Parker 
agrees : ' Had he (i. e. St.-Ruth) destroyed these works, we should never 
have been able to defend the town against the whole army, especially as 
the castle, which still held out, was crowded with men ; for though we had 
battered down that face of it which lay to the water, yet the other parts 
remained entire, and had a number of men in them.' 


212 THE JOURNAL 1691 

tniles from that place on the bog and sides of hills, two miles 
from Ballinasloe, with a bog in front, impassable for horse, 
only by a narrow causeway through a thick impenetrable 
underwood. Here we first encamped regularly in two lines 
with the horse on both wings, the regiment of foot guards in 
the centre, which was the first time that had been practised 
among us. | 
£. 126a Friday the 3rd: we marched again three miles, two to 
Ballinasloe and one beyond it, and encamped on the sides of 
the hills near a village called Aughrim ^ far from water and 
fire, without any other thing worth observing. 

Saturday the 4th : nothing remarkable. 

Sunday the 5th : a party of our horse and dragoons 
advancing to discover the enemy met a small squadron of 
about thirty-six of them near the place on which we encamped 
before, of whom they killed about twenty and took five 
prisoners, pursuing the rest till within a mile or two of 
Athlone. Every regiment was this day reviewed by its 

Monday the 6th : returns were given in by the commanding 
officers of each regiment of their men and arms, the commanders- 
in-chief having to that purpose taken another review. 

Tuesday the 7th : the general beat at break of day with 
directions not to stir tent or baggage till further order, but 
to keep in a readiness to march. Thus we continued most 
part of the day, and after noon it was declared we were not to 
march. This day was broken at the head of the picket guards, 
drawn together for that purpose, Lieut.-Col. James O'Neill^ 
of the Regiment of Cormuck O'Neill, and obliged to carry 
a musket in the same regiment for quitting his post and 
running away shamefully at Athlone, which either was the 
cause or contributed much to the losing of that town, | 
f. 126 b the whole regiment by his example basely abandoning the 

' On the battle of Aughrim cf. Story, 123-41 ; Macariae Excidium, 
439-61, 450-7, 132-3 ; Jacobite Narrative, 138 ; Klopp (v. 304) shows 
that Ginkell did not intend to fight at once ; Bumet, ii. 79 ; Jacobite 
Narrative, 274, gives the order of battle ; Clarke ii. 456-8 ; Add. 33264 
(Brit. Mus.) ; Light to the Blind, 689 ; C.S.P,, Dam., 1690-1, 444-5. 

2 James O'Neill was attainted in 169 1. 


works and flying in such disorder that they lost a considerable 
number of their arms. Five captains of the same regiment 
were then also suspended. 

Wednesday the 8th : the army began to march early, but 
the rear stirred not till noon, and we moved but a mile from 
the place, encamping on a plainer, pleasanter ground than 
the last. This day was very remarkable, first for the violent 
scorching heat of the sun, which I then thought so excessive 
as to exceed what I had felt in three years I lived in Portugal ; 
but the reason might (be) because in that country I was never 
much exposed to it whereas here I marched afoot without 
any better place to refresh in after all than a small soldier's 
tent ; next for the prodigious thunder, which during three 
hours it continued at a great distance all men took for hot 
firing of cannon till coming near it lasted about an hour 
longer in monstrous claps so great as are seldom heard, and 
all ended in such a violent shower of rain as ran through the 
tents as if there had been none. Here our artillery encamped 
in the front of the first line. 

Thursday the 9th : this morning returned to the camp 
a party of our horse, who having met some of the enemy's 
advanced guards beyond Ballinasloe, killed nine and took 
five prisoners. 

Friday the loth : the whole body of the enemy | advanced, f- 127 a 
their horse driving ours before them even to our camp. 

Saturday the nth : the enemy encamped near Ballinasloe, 
their horse advancing even to the hills opposite to our camp, 
which were divided from us only by the bog, and on them 
they kept their videttes. Both parties lay still all day, nothing 
remarkable happening, only preparing to engage the next 
day, which was 

Sunday the I2th : when the enemy moved from their 
camp betimes and appeared on the hills opposite to us about 
eight of the clock. Then they began to open to the right and 
left, still stretching out all day insomuch that we had cause 
to fear they would be able to fiank as well as face us. They 
brought down their cannon, and played it from the most 
advantageous posts, but to little effect by reason of good 

214 THE JOURNAL tegi 

■ground we were possessed of ; they also threw some bombs, 
but to as little purpose. In the meantime we were not idle ; 
the army was drawn out, and the small artillery we had placed 
to the best advantage to gall them. Detachments went down 
from our right to skirmish with the enemy as they came down 
from the hills and opened their left towards our right.^ ] 

f.i28a AN ACCOUNT^ 

FRIDAY JUNE THE iqth, 1690 

First on the right the Lord Dungan's regiment of dragoons 
consisting of eight troops at fifty men in a troop, 400 men.^ 

2. His Majesty's first troop of Guards under the command 
of the Earl of Dover, consisting of 200 private gentlemen, 
2 lieutenants, i cornet, i guidon, 4 exangs,* [ ] brigadiers, 
and 8 sub-brigadiers. 

3. The second troop of Guards under the command of 
[ ] in all respects answerable to the first. 

f. 128 b 4. The Duke of Tyrconnel's | Regiment of Horse, nine 
troops, 50 men each, in all 450.^ 

^ i.6,io(Southwell Correspondence, T. CD.)- Letter from the Right Hon. 
Richard Cox, Governor of Cork, giving an account of the campaign, 
October 8, 1691 : 'As for the battle of Aughrim there was nothing more 
strange in it than that the enemy made a braver resistance than they were 
wont, to which, nevertheless, they were encouraged by the situation of 
the place, and the strength of their entrenchments. And after all they 
found more security in the darkness of the night than either in their 
fortifications or their valour, so that if the battle had begun two hours 
sooner, that day had made an end of the war, and as it was, their loss was 
exceeding great, viz., one general, three major-generals, seven brigadiers, 
twenty-two colonels, seventeen lieutenant-colonels, and about seven thou- 
sand private soldiers. 

' The consequences of this great victory was the surrender of Limerick. 
The King and Queen of England will weaken all they can this rebel genera- 
tion by methods honest and discreet, without making it a war of reUgion.' 

^ The strange position of this Account afiords another proof that the 
Journal is not the one kept from day to day. 

* Originally there were twelve companies and 539 men. Avaux gives 
360 men. 

* ' Exangs ' may be ensigns. 

* Originally there were nine companies and 250 men (Avaux). 


5. The Royal Regiment of Foot Guards being twenty-six 80 
companies 80 in a company, 2,080 private men, besides officers. — 
All well armed, clad in red lined with blue, their colours the 160° 
royal colours of England St. George's cross and the arms of 2080 
the four kingdoms.^ 

6. The Earl of Antrim's Regiment. Thirteen companies, This regi- 

50 per company, 650 private men. Clothed in white ^^°^*J^^f^°°/_ 

lined with red. Their colours a red cross in a green field, fectivemen, 

in each quarter of the field a hand proper coming out asisobserved 

of the clouds, holding a cross of Jerusalem or cross- p. i, in this 

crosslet gold, in the centre of the colours the Irish harp book, and the 
. , . .,.,,. , , . same may be 

With a crown imperial with this motto In hoc signo supposed of 

vinces? others. 

7. The Lord Bellew's Regiment, thirteen companies, 62 
62 men each, 806 private men. Their clothes red, lined -11 
in orange tawny. Their colours bendy black, and gj 
tawny or filamot on the top. Next the spear, a crown | 806 
imperial, and round it this motto Tout D'En Haut. In f- 129 a 
the centre the Irish harp and crown imperial. The 
colonel's colours has a small red cross pat6e for distinction.^ 

8. Gordon O'Neill's Regiment, thirteen companies, 62 men 
each, 806 private men. Clothed in red, lined white, faced red. 
The colours white in the centre, a bloody hand round it, this 
motto Pro Rege et Patria pugno, the colonel's next, the spear 
a red cross patee for distinction.* 

9. The Lord of Louth's Regiment, thirteen companies as 

the last, I clothed white lined and faced filamot, the colours f. 129 b 
filamot plain the colonel, the others with a blue cross in the 
centre, a crown imperial with this motto Festina lente} 

' Originally there were twenty companies and 1,564 men. Avaux 
gives 1,200. 

" Originally there were 549 men. Avaux this time exceeds the estimate 
of the British Museum list and gives 634 men. A cross-crosslet is simply 
a cross with the ends crossed, so : -^ 

' Originally there were thirteen companies and 878 men. Avaux gives 
350 men. A cross patee is a Maltese cross, emblem of the Knights of St. John 
of Jerusalem. Filamot is the colour of a faded leaf, the derivation being 
from ' feuille morte ', which is the spelling usually found in heraldry. 

' Originally there were 425 men. Avaux gives 200 men. 

' Originally there were thirteen companies and 603 men. Avaux gives 
200 men. 

2i6 THE JOURNAL 1691 

806 10. The Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, thirteen companies 

39 at 62 men each, 806 men, 39 corporals, 26 sergeants, 12 ensigns, 

j2 13 lieutenants, 11 captains, i major, 2 lieutenant-colonels, 

13 besides [sic] officers in commission that have no companies, and 

" such as are reformed, in all, [ ]. Clothed in red lined white, 

2 all but the drums, who are blue with white and [ ] loops. 

910 The Grenadier's white and red loops, their caps with a flaming 

.1 130 a city, and this [ motto. The fruits of Rebellion. The colonel's 

colours white, the other two with the same device and motto 

as the Grenadiers' caps.^ 

These seven battalions of foot, with eight of French in all 
fifteen, made up the first line. 
First line 

dragoons two regiments ..... 800 

horse ........ 1,700 

foot fifteen battaUons at 600 .... 9,000 

The second line equal to the first .... 11,500 

The reserve equal to half one of the lines . . . 5,250 


■ Originally there were thirteen companies and 754 men. Avaux gives 
200 men. 


In Lambeth Library there is a MS., 711, no. 4, entitled 
The Irish Villany | Feelingly represented | By the Baron of 
Courthuy Rousele | With an exact account of all his Troubles, 
Sufferings, Losses and Dangers | During the Irish Wars 
And how Miraculously | He has Escap'd Hanging With 
many Remarkable and pleasant Passages Concerning the 
Irish And their Babylonicall Cover* I Written in Dublin 
A° 1692. I And Dedicated to y^ Hon'^i^ Trustees A" 1700. | It 
is beautifully written on foolscap size paper. Rousele begins 
his narrative with an account of his marriage in St. James' 
Church, London, in July 1686, to Mary Carteret, and he 
notes that his bride came to him ' without a penny of portion '. 
He tells how he settled first at Castle-hacket and then at 
Shrule in Mayo. On p. 16 there is a paragraph beginning 
' Tis very well known that the. Irish are a wild, stubborn, 
malicious, and cunning temper and constitution (the horses 
and cows are so too),' a passage recalling Plato's description 
of the conduct of animals under a democratic government. 
Rousele declares that ' Those that have described the humours 
of the natives would speak of the Irish in this manner. They 
are naturally strong, very nimble, haughty of spirit, silly in 
their discourses, careless of their lives, great admirers of their 
foolish and superstitious religion, which they neither under- 
stand nor follow, according to the canons of the Church of 
Rome : they are patient in cold and hunger, implacable in 
enmity, constant in love, light in belief, greedy of glory, great 
flatterers and dissemblers, stubborn as mules, great cheats 
in their dealings, ready to take an oath on all occasions, 
commonly great thieves, very barbarous when they have 
the upper hand, of a bloody temper, very unjust to their 
neighbours, breakers of their trust, mortal enemies to all 
those that are not of the Romish Religion, and ready to rebel 
against the English on all occasions. A fine description 
indeed of a nation '. In reading this account we must remem- 
ber the fact that the writer complains (p. 25) that he had 
been wronged and abused by Arthur French, Mayor of Galway, 
Captain Richard Martin, Sarsfield, and Lord Dillon : his 


wrongs and abuses give a distinct bias to his narrative. His 
kindness to the WilHamite prisoners in Galway deserves 
mention, for they acknowledge that he ' did supply us daily 
with meat and drink, besides half an ounce of tobacco to each 
man every day, to prevent the loathsome smell of the dungeon 
and gave us very often money besides. And tho' he was an 
enemy to the civil government he did venture to intercede 
for us to col. Macdonnell, then governor, and got us the 
privilege that the protestants of the town might bring us 
their charity, and yet nevertheless his own abated not.' 

Like a great contemporary who hated mankind but liked 
individual men, Rousele liked individual Roman Catholics 
though he hated their communion. When near Ross in 
County Wexford he described what he labelled ' Ignorance 
and superstition of the Irish * : — 

' I could not forbear (seeing) so many unworthy and base 
actions which were daily committed against the poor English 
who lived quietly and inoffensively. I remember that some- 
times after mass I did speak to them (i.e. the Irish) in this 
manner, Gentlemen you know very well King James by his 
Proclamations will have the English protected, and therefore 
you are obliged to use them well for your King's sake, and 
not wrong and affront them whenever you can. You take 
away all their substance, you make them to be rebels, as 
you call them, if they will or not, seeking all sorts of inventions 
to make them leave their habitations, that by those means, 
without making any opposition, you may make yourselves 
masters of what they have. And when they answered me 
that it was lawful to destroy disaffected people and Huguenots, 
I endeavoured as modestly and as civilly as I could to show 
them how much they were mistaken, and that their priests 
should burn in hell upon their account, because they did not 
thunder against them in their meetings, to make them 
sensible of their barbarous injustices, which great sin, I said, 
no priest could absolve without making restitution. If you 
were overpowered by the English, said I, and that they 
should use you as you use them now, would you not damn 
and curse them, and call them all the rogues and villains ? 
I am sure you would not fail to say " quod tibi non vis fieri, 
alteri ne feceris " ; and why then, said I, are you so cruel and 
unjust to your fellow Christians, who do nothing either to 
offend or provoke you ? . . . 

' This discourse and several others of the same nature, made 
one Mr. Wall (who was a very sensible man), say ... I have 
heard our friars of Ross say that the Irish are the greatest 


thieves in the world, but that they do not trouble their heads 
with restitution 

' I asked one day a good rich farmer, How many gods there 
were ? He mused and said nothing. Well, said I, how many 
persons are there ? He looked upon the ground still remaining 
silent, which made me say. Is it not a great shame for a man 
of your age to be so ignorant ? Sure you have heard often 
enough that there is but one God and Three Persons. To 
which he replied in a sudden (taking me by the sleeve) I knew 
well enough that there was one on one side and three on 
another, but I could not for my life join them together. 

'This innocent creature knew no more of the Christian 
religion than a wild Indian, and when I complained of this 
insufferable ignorance to one of the Franciscan friars of Ross, 
he said, I hope God will pardon him and others, because since 
Cromwell's time the poor people have had but very little 
instruction, and we may thank the English for it.' Cf . Arch- 
bishop King's ' Quaedam Vitae Meae Insigniora ' ; 'I heard 
scarcely anything concerning religion which I understood 
before my tenth year; then (i.e. 1660) schools being estab- 
lished I made a commencement in letters, but learned little 
concerning religion, neither had I known nor heard any one 
praying to God in secret, nor anything concerning the public 
or private worship of God, nor of the Catechism, Sacraments, 
Creed, Ten Commandments, nor of worship on the Lord's 
Day. I have said before, that I entered school in 1659 with 
many schoolfellows, but there was not one out of all, as far 
as I remember, who once offered private prayer to God, nor 
could it well happen that they should do so, for when all forms 
of prayer were abolished, it could scarcely happen that rude 
and illiterate youths should conceive prayers of their own. 
So all secret prayers ceased, nor were the boys taught to pray, 
as the custom had been, from their cradles, and to resort to 
prayers, privately, morning and evening. Thus, I confess 
that I heard nothing sacred, nor knew that such a duty was 
incumbent on me before I entered college, nor do I remember 
that it was done by any one.' 



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A ccount of a late, horrid and bloody Massacre in Ireland ... by the Lord 

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Account of the Transactions in the North of Ireland, l6<)l, with Colonel 

Mitchelburne's Account of the Capture of Sligo. London, 1692. 
Account of the Transactions of the late King James in Ireland. London, 

Account of the Persecutions and Oppressions of the Protestants in France. 

Account of the Cruelties exercised on the Protestants of France. London, 

Address to King James by the Archbishop of Dublin, London, 1690. 
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vol. xi ; also in Haliday Tracts. 
Apology for the Failures charged on the Rev. Dr. George Walker's printed 

Account (of the Siege of Derry). London, 1689. 
Apology for the French Refugees. Dublin, 1712. 
Appeal of the Irish Protestants to the King. London, 1689. 
A rgument of the Letters concerning Toleration stated and answered. London, 

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Case of Persecution charged on the Church of England. London, I689. 
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in box 109, four in box 113, two in box 116, four in box 117, and two 

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Concise View of the Origin, Constitutions, and Proceedings of the Hon. 

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Dalrymple, Sir J. Memoirs. 3 vols. London, 1790. 

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(De la Brune, G. ?) Histoire de la Revolution d' Irlande arrivie sous 

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Diary of the several Reports daily spread throughout the Nation from Sep- 
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Massacre. 1704. 
Diary of the Siege of Athlone by an Engineer of the Army, a Witness of the 

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Diary of the Siege of Limerick. Thorpe Tracts. London, 1692. 
Diary of the Siege and Surrender of Lymerick, with the Articles at large. 

London, 1692. 
Discourse of Taxes and Contributions . . . the same being frequently applied 

to the State and Affairs of Ireland. 1689. 
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Exact Journal of Victorious Progress of their Majesties' Forces under the 
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of a great and signal Victory which the Protestants there have most 

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Great and Popular Objection against the Repeal of the Penal Laws. London, 

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Journal of the Proceedings of the Parliament of Ireland. London, 1689. 
Journal of all the Transactions of their Majesties' Forces and those of the 

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Letter written by Mien heer Fagel, pensioner of Holland, to Mr. James 

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Letter from Duke Schomberg' s Camp. London, 1689. 
Liberty of Conscience vindicated by a learned Country Gentleman. London, 

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Present French King demonstrated an Enemy to the Catholic as well as to 
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Reflections on a Paper pretending to be an Apology for the Failures of Walker. 

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Relation of what most remarkably happened during the last Campaign in 

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True A ccount of the whole Proceedings of Parliament in Ireland. London, 

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True and Impartial Account of the most remarkable Passages in Ireland 

since December, 1688. London, 1689. Ascribed to Captain Bennet 

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True Account of the Murders, S-c, perpetrated on the Protestants in Ireland. 

London, 1690. 
True Account of the Present State of Ireland, &c. By a person that with 

great difficulty left Dublin, June 8, i68g. Loudon, 1689-90. 
True Representation . . . to the King how matters were carried . . . in Ireland' 

by the late King James. London, 1689. 
True Account of the Present State of Ireland, with a full Relation of the 

new Establishment made by King James. London, 1689. 
True History of the Occurrences in Ireland during the last Two Years. By 

an Eye-Witness. London, 1691. 
True and Perfect Account of the Affairs in Ireland since his Majesty's 

Arrival in that Kingdom. By a Person of quality. Loudon, 1690. 
True and Impartial Account of their Majesties' Army in Ireland since the 

Embarking and Landing of His Grace The Duke of Schomberg, &c. 

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Tyrconnel's Proceedings in Ireland, and motion in Council, as to the burning 

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Weighty Queries relating to the past, present, and future state of Ireland. 

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Agnew, D. C. a. Life of Henry de Ruvigny, Earl of Galway. Edin- 
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Vol. vi, No. 3. The Irish Pensioners of William Ill's Huguenot 

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Aliens in England and Ireland, i6q^-lJ00. 

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Ancient and Present State of the County and City of Cork. Dublin, 

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Ulster Journal of Archaeology. Belfast, 1853, &c. 
Vol. i. French Settlers in Ireland. 
Vol. ii. Biographical Notes on the Rev. George Walker. 
Vol. iv. Two Unpublished Diaries connected with the Battle of the 

Vol. V. Richard Talbot, Duke of Tyrconnel. 

Vicars, Sir A. Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland, zjj6-l8lO. 
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Wilde, Sir W. R. The Beauties of the Boyne. Dublin, 1850. 
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Abbott, Dr. T. K., xvui. 

Abercorn, Duke of, 165 n. 

Abercorn's Regiment, 129 n., 134 n., 
207 n. 

Aire, 23-4, 74. 

Albany, Duchess of, xix. 

Alemand, Louis, xiv. 

Allardstown Bridge, 81-2. 

Ambon, 33. 

Amiens, 22-5, 74-5. 

Angers, 68 n. 

Anne, Queen, 173, 207 n. 

Antrim, 113. 

Antrim, Alexander Macdonnell, 
Earl of, 113 n. 

Antrim's Regiment, 1 1 3, 1 17, 198 n., 
202 n., 215. 

Ardee, 80, 85-6, gin., 112, 119, 
134 n., 143 n. 

Ardfert, iii n. 

Argensola, L., xiv. 

Aristophanes, xlvii. 

Armagh, 113 n., 115. 

Army, State of, xxxix-xlvi, 62-7, 
78-9, 86-7, 90-4, 96 n., 98, 104 n., 
115 n., 119, 155 n., 193, 195-6, 

Arnold, Captain, 49. 

Arran, Lord, xl. 

Artenay, 28, 74. 

Asaph, St., 152. 

Athlone, xxxvi, 79 n., 118 n. ,125 n., 
13411., 151, 154, 159, 163, 167 n., 
170 n., i87n.-i88n., 198-9,203-4, 

Athlone, Earl of (General Ginkell), 
xxiii, 54 n., 118 n., 125 n., 132 n., 
i67n., I70n., I72n., i87n.-i88n., 
i94n., 203n.-204n., 2o6n.-207n., 
212 n. 

Athlone, Siege of, 206-11. 

Athy, 134-5- 
Attainder, Act of, 28 n. 
Auchel, 23, 74. . 

Aughrim, x, xvii, xxxvi-vii, 86 n., 
88n., Ii6n., I22n., I3in., I43n., 
I5in.,i6sn., i68n.,i7on., I72n.- 
173 n., i86n., 194, 198 n., 202 n., 
207 n., 214. 

Aughrim, Battle of, 212-4. 
Augustine Chapel, Limerick, 180. 
Auray, 34, 74. 
Authorities on the Jacobite War, 

Avaux, Count of, xxi, xxiv, xlii-iii, 

liii-vi, 45 n., 69 u., 102 n., 159 n. 

Bagnall's Regiment, 173 n. 

Bait, ID n. 

Ballinasloe, 204, 211-13. 

Ballough, 89, io8. 

Ball's Bridge, Limerick, 148, 176-7, 

Ball Tower, Limerick, 168. 
Ballyboy, 203. 
Ballygrenan, 190. 
Ballymore, 203. 
Ballyneety, xxii, xxviii, xxxvii, 

168 n., 174 n. 
Balrothery, 108. 
Baltimore, 150 n. 
Bandon, Iv, 46, 49 n., 65 n., 75 n., 

105 n. 
Bangor, 86 n., 167 n. 
Baun, The, 86. 
Bantry, x, 44-5, 67, 74-5. 
Barnet, 73. 

Barnwell, Colonel, i8o. 
Barrow, The, 49. 
Bastille, The, 9 n., 102 n., 129 n. 
Beachy Head, xxxviii. 
Beaupr^, de, Lt.-Col., 179-80. 
Becket, Thomas, 22 n. 
Bede, xiv. 

Belfast, 96 n., 202 n. 
Bellasis, Sir Henry, 87 n. 
Bellasis, Major John, 87 n. 
Bellew Castle, 116. 
Bellew, Lady Mary, 1 16 n. 
Bellew, Lord, n6n. 
Bellew, Richard, 125 n. 
Bellew's Regiment, Ii4n., 125 n., 

134 n., 149, 151, 16s, 167, 180 n., 

Belturbet, 72, no n., 173 n., 

179 n. 
Berehaven, 43. 
Berners, Lord, x. 



Berwick, Duke of, xxvii, xlv-vi, 
72 n.-73 n., 91 n., 102 n., no n.- 
III n., 122, 12511., 130, 1430., 
154, IS9 n., 167 n., 171 n., 173 n., 
184, 189. 

Billingsgate, 14. 

Blenheim, Battle of, 157 n. 

Blessington, 152 n. 

Blois, 30. 

Bloody Bridge, Dublin, 130. 

Boismeral, Lt.-Col., 184. 

Boisseleau, Iviii, 143 n., 178-9, 
181 n. 

Boisseleau's Regiment, 129 n., 143, 
150-1, 177, 179 n., 180, 186-7. 

Bonaclabbe. See Milk, Sour. 

Bonnivert, Gedeon, xxvii-viii. 

Boolying, Ixi. 

Bophin Island, 87 n. 

Bophin, Lord, 207 n. 

Bophin's Regiment, 207. 

Bostaquet, Dumont de, xxvii, xlvi. 

Bouridal, M., Ix. 

Bourke, XJlick, 203 n. 

Boyne, The, xxxvii-viii, 1, 72 n., 
86 n., loi n., 109 n., no n.- 
III n., 113 u., 119, 123 n., 126 n., 
128 n., 129, 131, 133 n., 138 n., 
I4in., I42n.-I43n., 1450., 155-7, 
165 n., i67n.-i68n., 173 n., 193. 

Boyne, Battle of the, 120-30. 

Boyne, Lord, 105 n. 

Breman, H., 71 n. 

Brendan, St., I54n. 

Brereton, Sir William, lix. 

Brest, 28, 39-42, 44. 74-5- 

Breteuil, 25, 74. 

Brett, Mr., 49. 

Brett, Mr., 50. 

Brian's Bridge, 151. 

Brigade, Irish, loi n. 

Brittas, Lady, 171 n. 

Bromwich Castle, 12. 

Broughshane, 210 n. 

Browne, Bridget, 87 n. 

Browne, Colonel J., 87 n. 

Brufi, 188, 190. 

Buchan, Thomas, 20, 22. 

Burgh, de. Lady Mary, 205 n. 

Burke, Major John, 172 n. 

Burke, Lady Mary, 87 n. 

Burke, Walter, 151 n. 

Burke's Regiment, 151, 197. 

Burton, Constable, xxviii-ix. 

Burton, E., xxviii. 

Butler, John, 187 n. 

Butler, Piers. See Galmoy, Lord. 

Butler's Regiment. See Galmoy's 

Butler, Thomas, 88 n. 
Butler's Regiment, 46, 86, 88 n., 

129 n., 180 n. 
Buttington, 8. 

Cahirconlish, 137. 

Caillemotte, 121 n. 

Calais, 17, 21, 73, 75-6. 

Caledon, 168 n. 

Callan, 48, 75. 

Capuchins' Chapel, Limerick, 148. 

Carlingford, 83. 

Carlow, 50, 75. 

Carrickfergus, 105 n., 1 10 n. 

Carrickmacross, 114. 

Carrig, 138. 

Carrigogunnell, 138. 

Carroll, Francis, 125 n., 198 n. 

Carroll's Regiment, 184 n., 198. 

Carte, Thomas, xx. 

Carteret, Mary, 217. 

Cartwright, Thomas, 1 3 n. 

Caryll, John, xx. 

Cashel, 137. 

Castledermot, 50, 75. 

Castle-hacket, 217. 

Castlehaven, 43. 

Castlelumney, 89. 

Castlemaine, Earl of, 12. 

Castlemartyr, 65 n. 

Catherine, Queen, xiii. 

Catinat, 129 n. 

Caulfield, Captain Toby, xlv. 

Cavan, 99, 125 n. 

Cervantes, Miguel de, xi. 

Chamerade, 123 n., 157 n. 

Charlemont, 72 n., 99-100, 105 n., 

ii4n., 186 n. 
Charles I, 165 n. 
Charles II, 1, 9 n., 12 n. 
Charles le Chauve, 68 n. 
Charles V, xlvi. 
Charleton, Mr. 179 n. 
Charleville, 190. 
Chateau-Renault, Admiral, 41-3, 

44 n., 67, ii9n. 
Cheltenham,' xxx. 
Chester, x, 8-9, 12, 73, 75. 
Chichester, Earl of, Ixi. 
Churchill, Arabella, 72 n., 107 n., 

122 n. 



Churchill, John. See Marlborough. 

Claddagh, The, 22 n. 

Cladyford, 165 n. 

Clancarty, Donogh M'Carthy, Earl 

of, 45 11.-46 n. 
Clancarty 's Regiment, 45, 46 n., 

105, III. 
Clare, Daniel O'Brien, Earl of, 86 n., 

129 n. 
Clare's Regiment, 115, 129, 173 n. 
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 

5 n.-6 n. 
Clarendon, Henry Hyde, Earl of, son 

of the preceding, ix, S4n., 58n. 
Clanricarde, Earl of, 86 n. 
Clanricarde's Regiment, 86, 207 n. 
Clarke, George, xvii. 
Clarke, J. S., xviii-ix. 
Clermont, 25, 74. 
Clifford, Brigadier, ii4n. 
Clifford's Regiment, 129 n., 180 n. 
Clogheen, 48, 75. 
Clonamicklon, 137. 
Clonmel, 48, 75. 
Cole, Mary, 1 10 n. 
Cole, Sir John, no n. 
Cole, Mr., 9. 
Coleraine, 86 n., 172 n. 
Cond6, 127 n. 
Connaught, Old, 134 n. 
Connel, Colonel Maurice, 145, 170. 
Connel's Regiment, 198. 
Constable, Cuthbert, xxix. 
Constable, Sir F. A., xxviii. 
Constable, Sir T. H. C, xxix. 
Conti, Princess de, 165 n. 
Cookstown, 112. 
Copernicus, xlvi. 
Corbet, Thomas, 105 n. 
Cork, xviii, Iv, 46-7, 48 n., 75, 

79 n., lOi, 105 n., 109 n., inn., 

143 n., 150 n., 187-8, 214. 
Combury, Lord, 6. 
Coventry, 12, 73. 
Cramond, Ensign, xxvii-viii. 
Creagh, Sir Michael, 115, i55 n- 
Creagh's Regiment, 115 n-, 125 n., 

129 n., 155, 173 n-7 186-7. 
Creagh, William, iS5 n. 
Creaghts, The, Ix-iii, 161-2. 
Croker, Mr., 188. 
Crom Castle, 179 n- 
Cromwell, Henry, xii-iii. 
Cromwell, Oliver, xxiii, 45, 48, 

91 n., log. 

Cromwell's Fort, Limerick, 148, 

i68, 171-2, 183, 186. 
Crozon, 39, 74. 
Cuellar, Ix. 
Cufie Castle, 172 n. 
CuUen, 137. 
Culmore, 70 n. 
Cunha, Sen da, xv. 
Curlew Mountains, 83 n. 

Dagobert, 26. 

Dartmouth, Lord, 6, 14. 

David, St., 152. 

Davis, Sir John, Ix. 

Deal, 14, 16-17. 

Dempsey, Colonel Laurence, iiy n., 

Derry, xvii, 9 n., 54, 59-61, 68 n., 
70-2, 97, 99, 105 n., 1 10 n., 1 1 3 n., 
Ii8n.,i25n.-I26n.,i34n., 141 n., 
I45n., I52n., i55n., i65n., 168 u., 
179 n., 181 n. 

D'Este, Cardinal, Iv. 

D'Orleans, P. J., xv. 

Digges, D., i3n. 

Dillon, Colonel Henry, 207 n. 

Dillon's Regiment, 86, 207. 

Divisions, Irish, xlix-lvi. 

Dixie, Captain, 1 79 n. 

Doddington, Major James, 128 n. 

D06, M., ii4n. 

Dominic's, St., Limerick, 147. 

Donalong, 165 n. 

Donges, 32, 74. 

Donore, 121 n., 127 n. 

Dorington, General, 65 n. 

Douglas, General, i87n.-i88n. 

DouUens, 23-4, 74. 

Dowdall, Mr., 134. 

Dowdall Family, 134 n. 

Downs, The, 6. 

Dover, 17. 

Dover, Henry Jermyn, Lord, 65 n., 

Drogheda, ix, 49, 78, 80, 86, 88-9, 
108 n., 109, 113 n., 119, 126 n., 
128 n., 134 n., 205 n. 

Drogheda, Earl of, 1 10. 

Dromore, 165 n. 

Dublin, ix, xvii-viii, xxvi, xxxv- 
xlix, li, 9 n., 47, 48 n., 51, 53, 65, 
68 n., 72, 75, 78, 84 n., 89, 91, 
93-5, 100-5, 107-9, 11411., 124, 
126 n., 128 n., 129-31, 142, 149, 
156, 217. 



Dugdale, Sir William, xiv, xxix. 
Duleek, I20n.-i2in., 15711. 
Dumbarton, Lord, n8 n. 
Dundalk, 80-1, 83 n., 86, 95, 96 n., 

98, 113 n., 115-16, 118 n., 119- 

20, 13411., 155 n., 214. 
Dundee, Viscount, 207 n. 
Dungan, Lord, 54 n., 72 n.-73 n., 

121, 125 n.-i26u. 
Dungan's Regiment, 86, 1 10-12, 

125, 198 n., 214. 
Dungaunon, 1 14 n. 
Duniry, 154. 
Dunkirk, 21. 
Dunmauway, 46, 75. 
Dunstable, 13, t^. 
Dupin, Louis E., xv. 

Eachard, Ix. 

East Water Gate, Limerick, 148. 
Englishman, Nature of, 97-8. 
English Town, Limerick, 147, 167, 

176, 178-9, 196. 
Enniskeen, 46, 75, 198 n. 
Enniskillen, 9 n., 60-1, 97, 99, 

Enniskillen, Roger Macguire, Lord, 

198 n. 
EnniskUlen's Regiment, 198. 
Ern6e, 28, 74. 
Etampes, 28, 74. 

Eustace, Sir Maurice, 151 n., 166. 
Eustace's Regiment, 151, 170. 
Evans, Mr., 190. 
Evelyn, John, 45 n. 
Exclusion Bill, 7 n. 
Eyre, Mr., 203. 

Famechon, 123 n., 157 n. 

Fane Bridge, 81. 

Fare, Marquis de la, 102 n. 

Ferjuson, Ensign, 23. 

Field, J., 71 n. 

Filmer, Sir Robert, 13 n. 

FitzGerald, Colonel Sir John, 90 n., 

FitzGerald 's Regiment, Ii8n., 143, 

168, 187, 198, 200. 
Fitzgerald, Nicholas, 72 n. 
Fitz James, Henry (Lord Grand 

Prior), 59, 72 n.-73 n., 107 n., 

Fitzjames's Regiment, 59, (>t, 72, 

86, 89, 91, 105, 107, no, 1 12-13, 

117, 122, 124, 129 n., 130, 142-3, 
149, 151, 157, 164-5, 167-8, 
170-2, 177-8, 179 n., i8on., 
181-2, 184, 186-7, 189, 198-9, 

Fitz James, James. See Berwick, 
Duke of. 

Fleet, French, 42. 

Fleming, Lady Mary, 210 n. 

Fleurus, Battle of, xxxviii. 

Flux, The, 82, 166 n. 

Forbes Castle, 9 n. 

Foreland, North, 16. 

Forraud, Rear-Admiral, 42. 

Fortescue, Captain, 28. 

Fountain, Major, 33. 

Four Crosses, 12, 73. 

Franciscan Abbey, Limerick, 147-8, 

French, Arthur, 217. 

Gabaret, Vice-Admiral, 42. 
Gafney, Captain, Iviii. 
Galmoy, Piers Butler, Lord, 179. 
Galmoy's Regiment, 105 n., 117, 
1x8 n., 125 n., 129 n., 173 n., 
180 n., 187. 
Galway, xxxv, 48 n., loi n., 123 n., 

145 n., 163, 197-8, 207 n., 217. 
Galway, Lord, 159 n. 
Galway's Regiment, 125 n., 204, 

207 n. 
Gaming, Seigneurial, 26 n. 
Gernon, Luke, Ivii. 
Gilbert, Sir John, xxiii. 
Giles, John A., xiv. 
Ginkell. See Athlone, Earl of. 
Girardin, Marquis de, 113. 
Gore, Arthur, xvii. 
Gormanstown, 108. 
Gormanstown's Regiment, Ii4n., 
125 n., 149, 151, 165, 167, 180 n. 

Gort, 160. 

Gouz, Boullaye le, Ivii-x. 

Grace, Colonel Richard, 151, 188 n. 

Grace's Regiment, 186-7. 

Granard, Arthur Forbes, Earl of, 9. 

Graves, Bishop, xxx. 

GrStves, J., xxx. 

Graves, J. C, xxx. 

Gravesend, 14. 

Greene, Colonel, 128 n. 

Grenadiers, 150, 216. 

Gresham, Sir Thomas, xlvi. 

Guards, 105 n., 115, 197-9, 214-15. 



Guards, Foot, 10911., no, iiz, 141, 
143,150, 168, 171-2, 187, 190,215. 

GuEirds, Horse, no, 112, 128 n., 187, 

Guards, Life, 109. 

Guevara, x-xi. 

Gur, Lough, 197. 

Hamilton, Gustavus. See Boyne, 

Hamilton, Richard, xvii, 105 n., 

152, 165 n., 171 n. 
Hamilton's Regiment, 151, 159 n., 

164-5, 167, 170, 204. 
Hardy,. Mr. W. J., xxi. 
Hartlib, Samuel, xl. 
Hazlitt, W. C, xvi. 
Hennebont, 34, 74. 
Henry IV, 25 n., 29 n. 
Herbert, Admiral, 44 n. 
Herbert, Lord, 7. 
Herbignac, 32, 74. 
Herrera, Antonio de, xiii-iv. 
Hickford, Lieutenant, 23. 
Highgate, 13. 
Hoffmann, 102 n. 
Hogarth, William, 18 n. 
Hoguette, Marquis de la, 123-4, 

157 n- 
Holywell, 8-9, 73. 75- 
Hounslow Heath, 9 n. 
Huguenots, The, 29 n. 
Hume, Martin A. S., xvi. 
Hunsdon, Lord, 28. 
Hunt, Mr., 58-9. 
Hunter, A., 71 n. 
Hurst, W., xiv. 
Hyde, De la, x. 

Ikerrin, Lord, 137. 

Ingram, Major, 31, 33. 

Innes, Principal, xix. 

Innocent XI, xxxviii, Iv, 5 n., I2n. 

Irish Town, Limerick, 146, 148, 163, 

178, 196. 
Iveagh, Bryan Magennis, Lord, 205n. 
Iveagh's Regiment, 186, 198, 204. 

Jackson, Bishop, 13. 

Jacobite, English and Irish, 1-ii. 

James I, Ix-i, 5 n. 

James II, xvii-xxiv, xxx-iii, xxxvii, 
xl, xliii-iv, xlvi-vii, xlix-lvi, 3, 
6n., 7n., 8, 9n., 11, 12 n., 13-14, 

27. 53-4, 55 n-> 57-8. 60 n., 65 n., 
66-8, 69 n., 70, 72 n.-73 n., 79 n., 
80-1, 82 n., 85, 86 n., 88 n.-9l n., 
93 n., 95, loi n., 104, 105 n., 
107 n., inn., 113 n., 118 n., 
I20n., I22n.-I23n., I25n., I27n.- 
128 n., 133 n., 143 n., 145 n., 
151 n., 158 n.-i59 n., 164 n.- 
165 n., 173 n., 179 n., 205 n., 
207 n., 214 n. 

Jenkinstown, 109. 

Jesuits, The, 13 n., 40. 

Joan of Arc, 29. 

John, King, 148. 

John, King of Portugal, xiii. 

John's Church, St., Limerick, 148. 

John's Gate, St., Limerick, 148-9, 
156, 168, 170, 174 n., 175. 178. 

Jones of Welshpool, 7. 

Kavanagh, Morgan, 152 n. 
Kearney, Sir Charles, 86 n. 
Kearney's Regiment, 86. 
Keating, John, Chief Justice, 62 n. 
KeUs, R., 71 n. 
Kelly, Colonel, 172. 
Ken, Bishop, 4 n. 
Kenmare, Lord, 187, 198. 
Kenmare's Regiment, 187, 198. 
Kerry, Lord, 171 n. 
Kervoyal, 33, 74. 
Kilcooly, 136-7. 
Kilcullen, 50, 75, 133. 
Kilkenny, 48-9, 75, 135-6, 148. 
Killaloe, 152-3, 199. 
Killelagh, 145 n. 
Killenaule, 137. 
Kilmainham, 131. 
Kilmallock, 184, 188-90. 
KilmaUock, Dominick Sarsfield, 

Lord, 131 n. 
Rilmallock's Regiment, 129 n., 131- 

2, 151, 168, 173 u. 
Kilultagh, 145 n. 
Kilworth, 47, 75. 
King, WiUiam, xxv-vii, xxxviii. 
King's Castle, Limerick, 147. 
King's Island, Limerick, 3dvi, 146, 

163-4, 169-70, 176, 180, 184, 196. 
Kingsland, Lord, 133 n. 
Kinsale, xvui, 43, 101 n., 10$ n., 

inn., 187 n. 
Kirk, John, xxviii-ix. 
Koniggratz, 121 n. 



La Bruyfere, 102 n. 

Lake, Bishop, 4 n. 

Landen, 15911. 

Landevant, 34, 74. 

Lauzun, xviii, xxiv, xli, 92 n., loi, 
113 n., 120 n., 123, 13311., 157 n., 
16411., 197 n. 

Lazenby, Mr., 46-7. 

L'Estrange, Sir Roger, xii, xvi. 

Le Faou, 39, 74. 

Le Notre, 27 n. 

Leghorn, xviii-ix. 

Leighlinbridge, 49, 75. 

Lenan, Mr., 90 n. 

Leopold I, xxxviii, 205 n. 

Lfery. See Girardin, Marquis de. 

Leslie, Charles, xxvi. 

Limerick, ix, xxii-iii, xxv, xxxv, 
xxxvii, xlv-vi, Iv, 44 n., 48 n., 
72 n., 79 n., 93 n., loi n., no n., 
11311.-11411., 122 n., 124, 12511., 
129, 131 n., 136, 138, 141, 143, 
145-9, 152, 154-6, 159-60, 162, 
17311., 17911., 187-8, 191, 193-4, 
197-9, 202, 207 n., 214. 

Limerick, Articles of, 86 n., 113 n., 
151 n., 168 n., 205 n., 210 n. 

Limerick, Siege of, 163-86. 

Limerick, William Dungan, Earl of, 
54, 126 n. 

Linage, Joseph de V., xv. 

Literature, Spanish and English 
compared, x-xvii. 

Lloyd, Bishop, 4 n., 5. 

Lloyd, Captain Thomas, xxiv. 

Locke, John, 4 n. 

Locronan, 38-9, 74. 

Loire, 29-31. 

London, xxi, 7, 9-10, 12-13, 24. 43. 
73. 75. 217- 

Loughrea, 158-9. 

Louis XIII, 29 n. 

Louis XIV, xviii, xxi-iv, xxxviii, 
xliii, li, liv-vi, 3n., sn., 9n., I2n., 
27n., 29n., 33. 45n-. 55 n-. 70n., 
73n., 86 n., ioin.-i02n., iion.- 
II in., I24n.,i4in., 143 n., isin.- 
I52n., I57n., i65n., i67n.-i68n., 
I73n., 179 n., I97n.-i98n., 2ion. 

Louis XV, 29 n. 

Louth, 116. 

Louth, Earl of, 87 n. 

Louth's Regiment, 114, 134 n., 215. 

Louvois, xliii-iv, 102 n. 

Lucbeux, 26, 74. 

Ludlow, 7. 

Lundy, Robert, 105 n. 

Lusk, 89. 

Luttrell, Henry, 90 n., 173 n. 

Luttrell's Regiment, 135 n., 166, 

168, 174 n., 180 n. 
Luttrell, Simon, 90-91 n., 113 n., 

114 n. 
Luttrell's Regiment, 134. 
Luxemburg, Francis Henry, Duke 

of, 159 n. 
Luzarches, Robert de, 24 n. 

Mabbe, James, xi-xii. 

Macarthy, Justin. See Mount- 

cashel. Viscount. 
Macarthy's Regiment, 105 n., I29n., 

173 n., 19711., 198. 
Macarty, Father, 90 n. 
Macaulay, Lord, xliii. 
Macclesfield, Earl of, 10, 173 n. 
Macculla, Lieutenant, 27. 
Macdonnell, Alexander. See Antrim, 

Earl of. 
Macdonnell, Colonel, 218. 
M'EUicott, Colonel Roger, inn. 
M'Ellicott's Regiment, inn. 
MacGiUicuddy, Colonel Denis, 187. 
MacGiUicuddy's Regiment, 198. 
Macguire, Colonel C, 198 n. 
Macguire's Regiment, 198. 
Macguire, F. Dominick, 54. 
Mackay, General Andrew, 167 n., 

204 n. 
MacMahon, Art, 186 n. 
MacMahon's (Art) Regiment, 186, 

MacMahon, Brian, 186 n. 
MacMahon, Gelasius, 186 n. 
MacMahon, Hugh, 186 n. 
MacMahon's (Hugh) Regiment, 186, 

Macpherson, J., xviii, xx-i. 
Maguire, Captain Brian, 179 n. 
Malplaquet, Battle of, 179 n. 
Margate, 15-16. 
Mariana, P. Juan de, xiii. 
Marlborough, Duke of, 46 n., 107 n., 

109 n., inn., 122 n., 187 n. 
Marsaglia, Battle of, I24n.-i25 n., 

129 n., 167 n., 199 n. 
Martin, Richard, 217. 
Mary of Modena, xviii, xx, 3 n., 

8, 13, 27, loi n.-io2 n., 104 n., 

129 n., 165 n., 214 n. 



Mary's Cathedral, St., Limerick, 

147, 197- 
Maxwell, Thomas, 65 ri., 1 1 5, 167 n., 

17011., 173 n., 198 n. 
Maxwell's Regiment, 112, 115, 167, 

198 n. 
Mayenne, Duke of, loi n. 
Mazarin, 35. 
Meelick, 202. 
Melfort, John Drummond, Lord, 

xlvii, liii, 73 n., 133 n., 150 n. 
Mellifont, no. 
Mello Francisco, M. de, xv. 
Mercer, xxxvi-vii. 
Merode, 123 n., 157 n. 
Middletou, Lord, 125 n. 
Milk, Sour, Ivi-vii, 47, 49, 139. 
Mockler, Sir James, 174, 180. 
Molowny, Bishop, lii-iii. 
Molyneux, Lord, 8. 
Monelly, Bog of, 136. 
Money, Brass, xlvi-ix, 6j, 83, 102, 

104, 142, 157-8, 164, 191-2, 197- 
Monmouth, James, Duke of, xliv, 

7, ion. 
Mons, 197. 
Montesquieu, 122 n. 
Montpensier, Princess of, lOi n. 
Montrose, James Graham, Marquess 

of, 9 n. 
Moore, Colonel C, 171 n. 
Moore's Regiment, 125 n., 171-2, 

180 n. 
Moreau, 122 n. 

Moryson, Fynes, Ivi-viii, Ix-i. 
Moscow, xlvi. 
Mountcashel, Viscount, xlvii, 64, 

65n., loin., I05n., ii8n., I43n., 

159 n. 
Mountjoy, William Stewart, Vis- 
count, 9, 65 n. 
Mountjoy's Regiment, 105 n. 
MuUenaux, Samuel, xxvii. 
MuUingar, 203. 
MuUins, Captain, 16. 
Munchin's Church, St., Limerick, 


Naas, 50, 75, 126 n., 131-2. 
Nagle, Sir Richard, 97 n. 
Naime, David, xxi. 
Nantes, 30-2, 74-6. 
Napoleon, xxviii, xlvi. 
Newcomen's Regiment, 105 n. 
Newport, 10, 73. 

Newry, Ixiii, 116, n8, 143 n. 

Newton-Butler, 65 n., 72 u., 207 n. 

Nore, The, 14. 

North, Sir Thomas, xi-ii. 

Northampton, 6, 12, 73. 

Nugent, Colonel, 107 n. 

Nugent's Regiment, 134 n., 189, 

198, 209. 
Nugent, Richard, 113 n. 

O'Brien's Regiment, 207. 
O'Connell, Daniel, 22 n. 
O'Donnell, Lieutenant-Colonel, 132. 
O'Donnell's Regiment, 198. 
O'Donovan, Colonel Daniel, 1 50 n. 
O'Douovan's Regiment, 150. 
O'Gara, Oliver, 210 n. 
O'Gara's Regiment, 207 n., 210. 
O'Kelly, Colonel Charles, xxiii-v, 

xxxvii, Ii6n., 167 n. 
O'Kelly, Denis, Ii6n.-ii7n. 
O'More, Rory, 171 n. 
O'Neill, Cormuck, 145 n., 210 n. 
O'Neill's Regiment, 86, 199, 210, 

O'Neill, Felix, 145 n., 165, 168. 
O'Neill's Regiment, 165 n., 168, 

186, 198. 
O'Neill, Gordon, 145 n., 151, 165, 

O'Neill's Regiment, 150, 168, 186, 

198, 206, 215. 
O'Neill, Sir Henry, 144 n. 
O'Neill, James, 212. 
O'Neill, Sir Neill, 144 n., 165 n. 
O'Neill's Regiment, 144 n., 207 n. 
O'Neill, Sir Phelim, 168 n. 
O'Neill, Turlough, 165 n. 
O'Regan, Major, 28. 
O'Regan, Thady, 99 n., 100. 
Officers, Type of, xliii, 64. 
Ogleby, Colonel, 198 n. 
Oldbridge, 120. 
Omagh, no n. 
Oresme, Nicolas, xlvii. 
Orleans, 28-30, 74-5. 
Ormonde, Duke of, xii. 
Orsay, 28, 74. 
Osborne, Alexander, xli. 
Ossory, Lord, xl. 
Oswestry, 12 n. ■ 
Oudenarde, 1 18 n. 
OutarvUle, 28, 74. 
Oxburgh's Regiment, 125 n. 
Oxmantown, 108. 



Paris, xvii-xx, 20, 25-9, 47, 53, 
68 n., 74-5. 

Parker, Colonel John, 1 28 n. 

Parker's Regiment, xliii, 111-12, 
121, 128. 

Parker, John (Master of the Rolls), 
128 n. 

Parker, Captain Robert, xxvii, 1 28 n. 

Parker, Samuel, xxix. 

Parliament of 1689, liii-iv, 45 n., 
54 n., 68-70, 90 n., 103, 109 n- 
III n., 113 n., 125 n., 131 n., 
I34n., 143 n., 150 n., 152 n., 
155 n., 173 n., 186 n., 198 n., 
202 n., 205 n., 209 n.-2io n. 

Parliament of 1692, 1 10 n. 

Parsons, Father, 22. 

Passage, 123 n. 

Pay of Soldier, xliv-v, 19 n. 

Phillipps, Sir Thomas, xx, xxx. 

Pignerol, loi n. 

Pineda, xvii. 

Plunket, Nicholas, xxi-ii, xxv. 

Pointis, 70 n., 114 n. 

Pollen, Father, xxviii. 

Popish Plot, 118 n. 

Porter, Major, 107 n. 

Portland, Duke of, xx. 

Portumna, 201. 

Poultney, Captain, xxviii. 

Poverty at Bantry, 45. 

Power, Colonel, 173. 

Power's Regiment, 198. 

Powis, Marquis and afterwards 
Duke, 7, 55. 

Price, Sir John, 7. 

Price, Major, 46-7, 78. 

Price, Thomas, 12. 

Prices, 36, 84-5, 90, 102, 150 n., 

Prior, Lord Grand. See Fitz James, 

Provisions, 85, 87, 113, 163, 191-2, 

PurceU, Colonel, 173. 

Purcell's Regiment, 173 n., 198. 

Puritans, The, 29 n. 

Quevedo, xv-vii. 
Quimper, 36, 47, 74. 
Quimperi6, 35, 74-' 
Quin, 161. 
Quintana, Manuel Jos6, xiii. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, xii. 

Ranke, L. von, xx, xxx, xxxiii-iv. 

Rapin, Captain, 99 n. 

Rapparees, 62. 

Ra-thcoole, 51, 75. 

Rathcormack, 47, 75. 

Rebellion of 1641, 9 n., 1 1 3 n., 131 n., 

205 n. 
Regent, The Prince, xix. 
Regiments : — 

Abercorn, Duke of, 129 n., 

134 n., 207 n. 
Antrim, Earl of , 1 1 3, 1 1 7, 1 98 n. , 

202 n., 215. 
Bagnall, Dudley, 173 n. 
Bellew, Lord, 114 n., 125 n., 

134 n., 149, 151, 16s, 167, 

180 n., 215. 
Boisseleau, Major - General, 

129 n., 143, 150-1, 177, 

179 n., 180, 186-7. 
Bophin, Lord, 207. 
Burke, Walter, 151, 197. 
Butler, Edward, 173 n., 186. 
Butler, Piers (Galmoy). 
Butler, Thomas, 46, 86, 88 n., 

92, 129 n., 180 n. 
Carroll, Francis, 184 n., 198. 
Clancarty, Earl of, 45, 46 n., 

105 n.. III. 
Clanricarde, Earl of, 86, 207 n. 
Clare, Earl of , 115, 129, 173 n. 
Clifford, Robert, 129 n., 180 n. 
Connel, Maurice, 198. 
Creagh, Sir Michael, 115 n., 

125 n., 129 n., 155, 17311., 

Dillon, Henry, 86, 207. 
Dungan, Lord, 86, 110-12, 125, 

198 n., 214. 
Enniskillen, Lord, 198. 
Eustace, Sir Maurice, 151, 

FitzGerald, Sir John, n8 n., 

143, 168, 187, 198, 200. 
FitzJames, Henry (Lord Grand 

Prior), 59, 67, 72, 86, 89, 91, 

105, 107, no, 112-13, 117, 

122, 124, 129 n., 130, 142-3, 

149, 151. 157, 164-5, 167-8, 

170-2, 177-8, 179 n., 180 n., 

181-2,184, 186-7,189, 198-9, 

Galmoy, Lord, 105 n., 117, 

118 n., 125 n., 129 n., 173 n., 

i8on., 187. 



Regiments (continued) — 

Galway, Lord, 125 n., 204, 

207 n. 
Gormanstown, Lord, 1 14 n., 

12511., 149, 151, 165, 167, 

180 n., 215. 
Grace, John, 186-7. 
Grenadiers, 150, 216. 
Guards, 105 n., fij, 197-9, 

Guards, Foot, 109 n., no, 112, 

141, 143. 150, 168, 171-2, 

187, 190, 215. 
Guards, Horse, no, 112, 128 n., 

187, 190. 
Guards, Life, 109. 
Hamilton, Richard, 151, 159 n., 

164-S, 167, 170, 204. 
Iveagh, Lord, 186,198, 204. 
Kearney, Sir Charles, 86. 
Kenmare, Lord, 187, 198. 
Kilmallock, Lord, 129U., 131-2, 

151, 168, 173 n. 
Louth, Earl of, 114, 134 n., 215. 
Luttrell, Henry, 135 n., 166, 

168, 174 n., 180 n. 
Luttrell, Simon, 134. 
Macarthy, Justin (Mount- 

cashel), 105 n., 129 n., 173 n., 

197 n., 198. 
M'EUicott, Roger, inn. 
MacGiUicuddy, Denis, 198. 
Macgnire, Cuconaught, 198. 
MacMahon, Art, 186, 198. 
MacMahon, Hugh, 186, 198. 
Maxwell, Thomas, 112, 115, 

167, 198 n. 
Moore, Charles, 125 n., 171-2, 

180 n. 
Mountjoy, Lord, 105 n. 
Newcomen, 105 n. 
Nugent, Richard, 134 n., 189, 

ig8, 209. 
O'Brien, Daniel (Clare), 207. 
O'Donnell, 198. 
O'Donovan, Daniel, 150. 
O'Gara, Oliver, 207 n., 210. 
O'Neill, Cormuck, 86, 199, 210, 

O'Neill, Felix, 165 n., 168, 186, 

O'Neill, Gordon, 150, 168, 186, 

198, 206, 215. 
O'Neill, Sir Neill, 144 n-. Z07 n. 
Qxburgh, Sir Heward, 125 n. 

Regiments (continued) — 

Parker, John, xliii, 1 1 1-12, 121, 

Power, 198. 

Purcell, Nicholas, 173 n., 198. 
Russell, 105 n. 
Sankey, 49 n. 
Sarsfield, Patrick, xliii, 129 n., 

159 n. 
Saxby, 198, 200. 
Slane, Lord, 143, 150-1, 170, 
177, 180 n., 186-7, 1981 206. 
Sutherland, Hugh, no, 112, 

129 n. 
Talbot, Mark, 199-200, 204, 

206, 208, 211. 
Tyrone, Earl of, 109, in, 

129 n. 
Tyrconnel, Duke of, xliii, 
I04n.-i05n., 117, 120 n., 
180 n., 190, 214. 
Westmeath, Earl of (Colonel 
Francis "Toole), 117, 125 n., 
180 n., 186. 
Regium Donum, 9 n. 
Reunes, 68 n. 
Repeal, Act of, 70. 
Rice, Sir Stephen, 9 n. 
Richelieu, 18 n. 
Rinuccini, Giovanni B., Ix. 
Roane, John, 152 n. 
Rochefort, 152 n. 
Rochester, xxxi, 3. 
Ronquillo, Don Pedro, 55. 
Roscommon, Earl of, 1 10 n. 
Rosen, Count of, xli, 72 n., 85, 
loi n., non., 113 n., 134 n., 
197 n. 
Rosnaree, 145 n. 
Rosporden, 36, 74. 
Ross, 218-19. 
Rosse, Lord, 133 n. 
Rostopchin, Count, xlvi. 
Rousele Courthuy, Baron of , 2 1 7- 1 9. 
Route, The, 18-19, 31-6, 42. 
Rowland, David, xi-xii. 
Russell, Lady, 46 n. 
Russell's Regiment, 105 n. 
Ryswick, Peace of, 46 n. 

St. Albans, 73. 

St. Denis, 26, 74. 

St.-Germain, xviii, li, 8 n., 27, 53, 

74-5, 118 n.,, 198 n. 
St.-Omer, 20-2, 74. 



St.-Pol, 23, 74. 

St.-Ruth, XXV, 12411., 13311., 170 n., 
197, 20411., 206 n., 211 n. 

St. Simon, 102 n. 

Salisbury, 6 n. 

Salkeld, Colonel, xliv. 

Salt, 87. 

Sancroft, Archbishop, 4 n. 

Sandoval, xii. 

Sandwich Bay, 15. 

Sankey's Regiment, 49 n. 

San Pedro, x. 

Sarsfield, Patrick, xxii, xxiv, xxvii, 
xxxvii, xlvi, Iv, iion., 125 n., 
133 n., 141 n., 143 n., 158, 159 n., 
164 n., 173 n., 206 n., 210 n., 217. 

Sarsfield's Regiment, xliii, 129 n., 
159 n. 

Saucerstown, 108. 

Saumur, 30. 

Savenay, 32, 74. 

Saxby's Regiment, 198, 200. 

ScarrifE, 153, 200. 

Schomberg, Frederick, Count of, 
afterwards Duke, xxvii, xli, xliii, 
79 n.-84 n., 86 n., 90 n.-gi n., 
93 n., 97, 9911., 100, I2in., 
128 n., 134 n., 155 n., 167 n., 
186 n. 

Screen, 117 n. 

Search, Mr., 7. 

Settlement, Act of, 7 n., 69. 

Shakespeare, William, 10 n., 162 n. 

Shanganagh, 135. 

Shannon, 44 n., 114 n., 146-8, 152-3, 
160, 163, 166, 176, 181, 187 n., 
196-7, 200-3, 211. 

Sheldon, General, 65 n. 

Shelton, Thomas, xi-xii. 

Shrewsbury, 6, 12. 

Shrule, 217. 

Sidney, Algernon, 4 n. 

Sixnulebridge, 163, 188. 

Slane, 121, 127, 165 n. 

Slane, Lord, 143 n., 145, 151. 

Slane's Regiment, 143, 150-1, 170, 
177, 180 n., 186-7, 1981 206. 

Sligo, 9 n., 82, 83 n., 145 n., 172 n. 

Smith, Colonel, 180. 

Social Conditions, Ivi-lxiii. 

Soissous, 68 n. 

Sousa, Manoel de Faria y, xii-xiii, 


Southey, Robert, xii. 
Southwell, Edward, xviii. 

Southwell, Sir Robert, xviii. 
Spenser, Edmund, Ix-lxi, 10 n., 

131 n. 
Spenser, Hugolin, 131 n. 
StafFarda, xxxviii. 
Stanihurst, Richard, Ix. 
Steinkirk, Battle of, 9. 
Stevens, John, ix-xvii. 
Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William, xii. 
Stormanstown, 112. 
Story, George, xlvi, Ixiii. 
Strafiord, Thomas Wentworth, Earl 

of, 50. 
Style, Old and New, 17 n. 
Suck, River, 204-5. 
Sunderland, Earl of, 54 n., 58 n. 
Sussex, Duke of, xx. 
Sutherland, Colonel, 65 n., 1 10 n. 
Sutherland's Regiment, no, 112, 

129 n. 
Swift, Jonathan, xvi, Ivii. 
Swords, 108. 

Talbot, Colonel, 150. 

Talbot, Mark, 145, 198, 202. 

Talbot's Regiment, 199-200, 204, 
206, 208, 211. 

Tallanstowu, 87-8, 115. 

Tapi6, The, 18 n., 32, 35-6, 39. 

Terriesi, xviii. 

Thewles, Mr., 89 n.-90 n. 

Thom Core Castle, Limerick, 148. 

Thoresby, Ralph, xiv. 

Ticknor, George, xii, xvi. 

Timolin, 50, 75. 

Toberreendony, 160. 

Tomgraney, 153, 200-1. 

Tonge, M., 71 n. 

Torbay, 6. 

Tours, 30, 68 n. 

Toury, 28, 74. 

Trelawney, Bishop, 5 n. 

Trinity College, Dublin, 89, 90 n. 

Tunis, xix. 

Turenne, xx, 122 n., 157 n. 

Turner, Bishop, 4 n. 

Tyrconnel, Duke of, ix, xvii, xxii, 
xxiv-v, xliv, lii-iii, Iv, 7 n., 9, 58 n., 
60 n., 81 n., loi n., I04n.-I05 n., 
Ii3n.-ii4n., 126 n., 133, 134 n., 
136, 138, 141 n., 143 n., 144-6, 
159 n., 163 n., 164, 165 n., 167 n., 
170 n., 173 n., 198, 202 n., 206 n. 

Tyrconnel's Regiment, I04n.-i05n., 
117, 120 n., 180 n., 190, 214. 



T5Tconnel, Duchess of, 133 n. 
Tjnrone, Eaxl of, 46 n., 109 n. 
Tyrone's Regiment, 109, 1 1 1, 129 n. 
Tyrrel, Bishop, lii. 

Usher, Ignatius, 59, 107 n. 
Usher, Lieutenant, 23. 
Usher, Mr., 15-16. 

Vanbrugh, Sir John, xii. 
Vannes, 34, 74. 
Vardes, 102 n. 
Vaughan of Lludiaths, 7. 
Versailles, 157 n. 
Vincent, J., 71 n. 
Voltaire, 102 n. 

Wages, 40. 

Wales, Prince of, xviii-ix, xxi, 8, 

13, 27, loi n. 
Wall, Mr., 218. 
Warburton, John, xxviii. 
Waterford, xxv, 48 n., 173 n. 
Watou, 21. 
Wattlebridge, 65 n. 
Wauchope, J6hn,65 n., 125, 136, 142. 
Welbeck, xxi. 
Welcome, W., 71 n. 

Wells, 49. 

Welshpool, ix, 4, 6-8, 73, 75. 

Westmeath, Earl of, 113 n. 

Westmeath's Regiment, 117, 125 n., 
180 n., 186. 

West Water Gate, Limerick, 148. 

Wharton, Miss, lix. 

Whitchurch, 10, 73. 

White, Bishop, 5 n. 

Whitehall, 8. 

Whitney, James L., xvi. 

Wigan, 1 1 3 n. 

Wight, Isle of, 6. 

William III, xxii-v, xxxi, xxxvii- 
viii, xli, li, 6, 8 n., 9, ion., 11-12, 
28 n., 46 n., 55 n., 60 n., 69 n., 
96n., lion., Ii8n., I26n., 141 n., 
I59n., i63n.-i66n., I73n.-I74u., 
I76n., 181 n., i85n., i88n.,204n.- 
205 n. 

Windsor, xx. 

Woodford, 154, 200-1. 

Wrexham, 8, 73. 

Young, Bartholomew, 71 n. 
Young, J., xii. 

Zurlauben, Colonel, 123, 157. 



8vo, with five maps, los. net 

Oxford : Horace Hart, M.A., Printer to the University 





The Journey to Dublin - — 
The Journey to Limerick — ■ 

I S H 










C 0_ N N 





'^"'^''° J" \hGmnanstown_^ 

B o / tA oSalbriqqafT 
Balratneryo<L ^^ 



Werg ^ 
oMenagh \ > 

O'Briens Br. J ^^.„.^^eeper 

Six Mile Bridge 

^ Castleconnell 

Carrif^Lij^ierick ^ 




'al lygre nnan 
llinallock ^■^^ ^J" „;> 

















A. Ireton's Fort (Mackay's) 

B. Old Church Fort 

C. Cromwell's Fort (Nassau's) 

D. Other British Works and 


E. Irish Advanced Works 

F. Pontoon Bridges 

G. Ball's Bridge 

H. Thomond Bridge 
K. The Castle 
L. East Watergate Sallyport 
M. Black Battery 
N. John's Gate 
O. Citadel 

P. The Breach 1690 
Q. The Breach J69I 
R. The Devil's Tower 
S. Mungret Gate 
T. Thorn Core Castle 

a. The Abbey 

b. John's Church 

c. Capuchin Church in Irish- 

town 1688 

d. Augustinian Convent 

e. St. Mary's Church 

f. Franciscan Convent 
g. St. Dominick's Abbey 
h. St. Munchin's Church 

From Trafee 

To Cork To Waterford 



Eng. Miies