The journal of John Stevens, containing a brief account of the war in Ireland, 1689-1691

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THE JOURNAL OF
JOHN STEVENS

THE JOURNAL OF
JOHN STEVENS

CONTAINING A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE

WAR IN IRELAND

1689-1691

EDITED BY

THE REV. ROBERT H. MURRAY

LITT.D.

AUTHOR OF 'REVOLnTIOHARlf IRELAND AND ITS SETTLEMEMI'
HELEN BLAKE SCHOLAR, TRINITY COLLEGE DUBLIN

OXFORD

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

191a

E.V-

^•^.^^7-^H

HENRY FROWDE, M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITV OF OXFORD

LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK, TORONTO

MELBOURNE AND BOMBAY

PREFACE

This first edition of the Journal of John Stevens has
had the advantage of the criticisms of two masters of
seventeenth-century history, Mr, R.Bagwell and Professor
C. H. Firth, who most kindly read through the manu-
script and proof-sheets. To Professor Fitzmaurice-Kelly's
special and intimate knowledge of Spanish literature

I owe not a little. Mr. A. C. Stewart, of the British
Museum, furnished me with valuable suggestions.
Messrs. MacmiUan & Co. have been good enough to
allow me to use the map of Limerick in my Revolu-
tionary Ireland and its Settlement. My thanks are
due to Dr. F. Elrington Ball and Mr. T. U. Sadleir, for
their readiness to advise me on difficult points, and also
to Major and Mrs. Lenox Conyngham, of Spring Hill,
for their kindness in lending me their copy of the
' Negociations ... en Irlande, 1689-90' by Comte
d'Avaux. It only remains for me to express my grati-
tude to my wife for the patience and judgement with
which she revised the proof-sheets.

ROBERT H. MURRAY.

I I Harcourt Terrace,

Dublin.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION page

§ I. The Life of John Stevens . . . ix
§ 2. Authorities on the Jacobite War . xvii

§ 3. The Journal of John Stevens . . xxviii
§ 4. The Condition of the Army . . . xxxix

§ 5. The Brass Money xlvi

§ 6. The Irish Divisions .... xlix

§ 7. The Social Condition of the Country . Ivi

The Dates of the Journal . . . Ixiv

THE JOURNAL OF JOHN STEVENS . . . i

APPENDIX 217

BIBLIOGRAPHY 220

INDEX 231

MAPS
Sieges of Limerick, 1690-91 . . Frontispiece
Ireland At end

INTRODUCTION

§ I. The Life of John Stevens

Of the life of John Stevens not many details remain, but
from his journal some facts emerge. Thus, he served three
years in the army in Portugal, he was in civil employment
in England, and at the time of the Revolution he was
collecting the excise and was stationed at Welshpool ; he
spent a year in Wales. He first saw Drogheda in 1685, and
Limerick in 1686, and when he lived in Dubhn he did so ' in
esteem and with splendour '. Twice in his journal he refers
to a book of his travels in Ireland, but this has disappeared.
In Singer's edition of the Clarendon correspondence occur
some references to him. In the Appendix to the first volume
is printed the Earl of Clarendon's list of the gentlemen of his
bedchamber, with remarks on their character. There Stevens
is described as ' an honest, sober, young fellow, and a pretty
scholar. His father is a page of the back-stairs to the Queen
Dowager, and has been so from her first landing : he waited
on my father in Spain. He is a Roman Catholic. They are
very good, quiet people. I would be glad to get a colours
for him.' The advent of Tyrconnel to power effectually
stopped all favour for any friend of Clarendon. On Octo-
ber 23, 1686, the latter wrote to Rochester :

' We have now fresh reports out of England that there are
speedily to be great alterations in the army ; and reports of
that kind having often proved true, I hope your Lordship
will forgive me, if by way of provision I take the liberty
upon the encouragement you have formerly given me, to
bespeak your Lordship's favour on behalf of some young
men who have depended upon me, and came over with me,
and to whom I would be very glad to do good. And, if

X INTRODUCTION

beggars may be choosers, your Lordship wiU give me leave
to mention the names of the persons and the employments
I could wish for them. . . . There are two others for whom
I would be very glad to provide : one De la Hyde, and one
Stevens. They are both Roman Catholics. . . . Stevens is
a very honest young man ; his father belongs to the Queen
Dowager. A colours would make him very happy.'

On November 17, 1686, he again wrote to Rochester :

' This bearer, Stevens, came over with me, one of my
gentlemen at large ; he is a very honest young man ; his
father is a page of the back-stairs to the Queen Dowager,
and did formerly wait upon my father at Madrid. I intended
to have done something for him, but so little interest has
a Lord Lieutenant at present, that he can provide for
nobody, which makes men think a little of themselves. His
father has sent over for him, in hopes to get him into some-
thing there ; if he have need of your help, let me beg you to
assist him. I am sure he will deliver a letter safe to you,
and therefore I will write of such things as are not fit to
mention by the post.'

Two days later he writes to the same correspondent :
' I have written to you by a servant of mine who goes hence
to-day for Chester ; one Stevens, who will deliver it safe
to you within a few days after this.' Stevens was an ardent
Jacobite, and therefore he fled to France on the nth of
January, 1689. On the 2nd of May, 1689, he landed at
Bantry, and took part in the war. The journal ceases in
the middle of an account of the battle of Aughrim. He was
not attainted until 1695 : his death occurred on October 26,
1726.

Before the Jacobite war he had paid some attention to
literature, but after the war he devoted himself to it. There
can be no doubt that Stevens knew Spanish well, but this
was not a very rare accomplishment in his time. Hence he
cannot be regarded as a pioneer. There is a steady produc-
tion of translations from Spanish dating back to the early
sixteenth century, when Lord Berners issued his versions
of San Pedro's Cdrcel de Amor and Guevara's Libro aureo.

THE LIFE OF JOHN STEVENS xi

It may, indeed, be contended that Berners's knowledge of
Spanish is questionable, and that his translations — so called
— are from a French rendering of the Spanish texts. This
is quite possible. But there is no doubt at aU that Sir
Thomas North knew Spanish, and to him is due a very
admirable translation of Guevara, published under the title
of The Diall of Princes in 1557. North, then, is a pioneer,
and the many men who made translations from the Spanish
between North's time and Shelton's are also pioneers.
Shelton is the author of the first translation of Don Quixote
(1612-20). He had the rare good fortune to translate
a masterpiece, and, though his version is full of little mis-
takes, it is in the grand manner. He had the advantage
of being a contemporary of Cervantes, and he renders his
author with an Elizabethan amplitude which atones for
incidental slips and negligences. His translation has an
individual savour that keeps it alive.

It is plain, then, that Stevens was not an explorer in an
unknown domain. He had many predecessors, and his work
is not on the same level as the work of the best of his prede-
cessors. His translations are not equal to North's Guevara,
to David Rowland's Lazarillo de Torme's, to Shelton's
Cervantes. And he had an unhappy trick of inviting
comparisons. Thus in 1706 he takes Shelton in hand,
and issues him revised and corrected, and so on. It is diffi-
cult not to resent this. It may be that Stevens corrects
some of Shelton's oversights, but in doing this he lowers
the tone of the translation, and all the sparkle goes out
of it. Again, take the volume published by Stevens in
1707, under the title of The Spanish Libertines. It con-
tains, amongst other things, a version of La Celestina.
A man who knows no Spanish might get some idea of the
original by reading this version, but it is a wan, pale tran-
scription indeed if one compares it with the vigorous, full-
blooded translation of La Celestina, issued by James Mabbe

xii INTRODUCTION

in the previous century. The fact that Stevens invites these
comparisons is distinctly unfortunate for him. He is not in
the same class with North, and Shelton, and Mabbe, nor
even on the same level as Rowland, or as Bartholomew
Young, the translator of the Diana. He lacks the lusti-
ness of L'Estrange, though he knew far more Spanish ;
in all respects he ranks below Southey ; and as a scholar
he is much inferior to Ticknor and Stirling-Maxwell.

From his numerous works nothing personal can be gleaned
about the writer : they are uniformly inscribed ' Captain
Stevens '. Even the dedications yield scanty information.
The translation of Sandoval's History of Charles V is dedi-
cated in 1705 to James, Duke of Ormonde, and runs as
follows : ' I should be whoUy at a loss how to accost your
Grace, did I present you a work of another nature ; but
the martial spirit that reigns throughout this whole book,
emboldens me to approach so noble a person, who has made
war his exercise and delight.' The subscribers to The History
of the Ancient Abbeys include peers, prelates, and clergy,
but with the exception of Sir John Vanbrugh their names
are not very well known. There are a few Irish subscribers,
such as Mr. Wilhamson of Dublin, merchant. From the
preface to this book it is evident that Stevens formed a high
impression of the value of his work. ' It is well known,' he
states, ' that Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World at the
first met with a very cold reception ; but time made its
value known. The Monasticon Anglicanum lay many years
before its fame had spread itself abroad. Many now
celebrated writers have been for some time as it were buried,
and unregarded. I do not mean to rank myself among
them ; but this I am fully convinced of, that as prejudice
shall begin to wear off I shall meet with a more favourable
entertainment.' His first publication was an abridged trans-
lation in three octavo volumes of Manoel de Faria e Sousa's
Europa Portugueza : it appeared in 1695. Three years after-

THE LIFE OF JOHN STEVENS xiii

wards he translated the same writer's History of Portugal
to 1640, which he continued to 1698 : it was dedicated
to Catherine, Queen Dowager of England, and daughter
of King John of Portugal. He also rendered into English
Francisco de Quintana's The most entertaining History of
Hifpolyto and Aminta, of which a second edition appeared
in 1727. His translation of Juan de Mariana's History of
Spain appeared in 1699 : it must be regarded as meant for
the general public. Scholars who. did not happen to know
Spanish would naturally turn to Mariana's Latin version
of his history, of which twenty-five books appeared in 1592,
while the whole thirty books appeared in 1605. The Spanish
version, also by Mariana, appeared at intervals during the
years 1601, 1608, 1617, 1623. It is obvious that the Latin
version preceded the Spanish one, but Mariana greatly
improved his work in the latter form, and Stevens did well
in choosing this as his basis. His translation does not convey
the stately archaism of Mariana's style, but no doubt it was
useful enough to a generation that was gradually growing
less famUiar with Spanish. In 1715 he published a transla-
tion of The History of Persia, written in Arabic by Mirkond ;
and an abridgement of the lives of the kings of Harmuz or
Ormuz, by Torunxa. Stevens gave a very free translation
of Antonio de Herrera's General History of the Vast Continent
and Islands of America, commonly called the West Indies ;
this was issued from 1725 to 1726, and was reprinted in 1740.
His plan of publishing in 1711 A New Collection of Voyages
and Travels deserves notice.

' As for the method here intended,' the advertisement
declares, ' it is to publish every month, as much as will make
a book of Z2d., or xM., according as it can be contrived,
without breaking off abruptly, to leave the relation maimed
and imperfect. . . . Now each month being sold stitched,
every buyer may afterwards bind them up when he has an
author complete. ... All the books shall be adorned with
proper maps and useful cuts.'

xiv INTRODUCTION

The Collection of Voyages and Travels consists of ' The
Description, &c., of the Molucca and Philippine Islands,
by L. de Argensola ' ; ' The Travels of P. de Cieza in Peru ' ;
' The Travels of the Jesiuts in Ethiopia ' ; ' The Captivity
of the Sieur Mouette in Fez and Morocco ' ; ' The Travels
of P. Teixeira from India to the Low Countries by Land ' ;
and ' A Voyage to Madagascar by the Sieur Cauche '. This
collection was republished in 1719.

A devout Roman Catholic, Stevens exhibited much
interest in ecclesiastical matters. In 1718 he published,
without putting the usual ' Captain Stevens ' on the title-
page, a foHo translation and abridgement of Dugdale's
Monasticon Anglicanum. Ralph Thoresby, a correspondent
of Stevens, attributed it to a Spanish priest. According to
him it is ' an useful book in its kind ', though ' there are
both typographical errors and others, besides some reflec-
tions upon the Revolution'.^ In 1722-3 Stevens published
The History of the Antient Abbeys, Monasteries, Hospitals,
Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, . . . being two additional
volumes to Sir WiUiam Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum.
In 1722 he issued anon3miously Monasticon Hibernicum ; or
the monastical History of Ireland. According to Stevens ' the
same is neither a translation nor his own compiling '. He
uses Louis Alemand's Histoire Monastique d'Irlande (Paris,
1690) extensively, and though ' this Monastical History of
Ireland is due to him, he having laid the foundations, and
found most of the materials, yet can it not be called a trans-
lation, on account of the many additions and alterations that
have been made to it '.^ Unlike his adaptation of Herrera, his
version of the VenerableBede's Ecclesiastical History of Britain
is so literal as to be obscure. Some of the notes were used by
W. Hurst in his translation published in 1814, while in 1840
Dr. Giles and the volume in Bohn's Antiquarian Library,

^ Diary, ed. Hunter, 12 November, 1719, 7 January, 1721.
" Cf. Thoresby's Diary, 5 September, 1723.

THE LIFE OF JOHN STEVENS xv

1847, made Stevens's translation the basis. From the French
he translated in 1712, for Lintot, part of Dupin : ^ this is
probably Louis EUie Dupin's Bihliotheque Universelle des His-
toriens. He rendered into English in 1722 P. J. D'Orleans's
Histoire des Revolutions en Angleterre sous la Famille des
Stuarts. This indefatigable worker also compiled A Brief
History of Spain, 1701 ; The Ancient and Present State of
Portugal, 1701, founded on Faria e Sousa's Asia Portugueza ;
The Lives and Actions of all the Sovereigns of Bavaria, 1706 ;
A Spanish-English and English-Spanish Dictionary, 1726 ;
and The Royal Treasury of England, or, an historical account
of all taxes, from the conquest to this present year, 1725 ;
and a second edition, 1733. There is no date of pubHcation
of ' The rule establish'd in Spain for the trade in the West
Indies ; being a proper scheme for directing the trade to the
South Sea, now by act of parhament to be establish'd in
Great Britain.' A careful perusal of this volume yields no
information on the workings of the mercantile policy, for it
is merely a technical trade manual of West Indian commerce.
Stevens translated it from a book by Don Joseph de Veitia
Linage, Knight of the Order of Santiago, and Treasurer and
Comptroller of the India House. Doubtless the manual
was useful to merchants, for it gives the laws, ordinances,
customs, practices, and, in fine, all that relates to the trade
of the West Indies : thus there is an account of the methods
of local courts, the table of duties, and the manner of
assaying.

AU the time these historical, ecclesiastical, and commercial
volumes were pouring forth Stevens was not forgetting his
literary studies. In 1697 was issued his version of Fran-
cisco Manoel de Mello's The Government of a Wife : it was
dedicated to Don Sen da Cunha, the Portuguese envoy.
In the same year Stevens published a version of Quevedo's
Fortune in her Wits, or the Hour of all Men. In 1707 he issued

' Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, iii. 298.

xvi INTRODUCTION

a translation of the collected comical works of Quevedo,
which was republished in 1709 and in 1742. A rendermg by
Stevens of Quevedo 's Pablo de Segovia, the Spanish Sharper,
formed the basis of the Edinburgh version of 1798, and was
reprinted in the second volume of ' The Romancist NoveMsts'
Library', edited by W. C. Hazhtt in 1841. The Edm-
burgh issue begins with a version of Quevedo's Suenos (i. e.
Visions), and this does not seem to be from the Spanish. It
seems that Stevens — or whoever the translator was — ^had
simply taken L'Estrange's translation, and touched it up.
L' Estrange himself did not translate from the Spanish, but
from a corrupt French version. Under the circumstances,
the rendering ascribed to Stevens need not be taken seriously.
On page 293, column a, of James Lyman Whitney's ' Cata-
logue of the Spanish Library and of the Portuguese Books
bequeathed by George Ticknor to the Boston Public Library '
(Boston, 1879), the following manuscript note is quoted from
Ticknor's copy : ' This translation is said by T. Roscoe
{Spanish Novelists, ii. 8, 1832) to be made by Stevens. . . .
The Visiones are a rifacimento of Sir Roger L'Estrange's
translation of them, rather than a new one.' Perhaps it is
worth remarking that Major Hume in his Spanish Influence
on English Literature states ^ that ' Captain Stevens also trans-
lated . . . The Life of Paul the Spanish Sharper, and evidently
some of Swift's most scathing satires are inspired by this and
others of Quevedo's works '. There is, however, no evidence to
support this view. Swift might, of course, have read Quevedo
in one of the poor English versions, but this is a very
different matter, and certainly cannot be proved. In spite
of his wide knowledge of Spanish, the translations of Stevens
from that language are not distinguished, and are often
careless. He did honest iourne57man's work in a rather
humdrum way, which was not whoUy bad, and perhaps
served its purpose at the time. It is fair to remember that

' p. 179-

THE LIFE OF JOHN STEVENS xvii

his translations of Quevedo are the basis of Pineda's version
published in 1743 ; that shows his influence to some degree,
though Pineda and his work are long forgotten. On the
whole, then, Stevens is not eminent as a Spanish scholar.

§2. Authorities on the Jacobite War
Thus our author's tale of work is long and not altogether
undistinguished. One example, however, remains to be con-
sidered, and it belongs to a class entirely different from all
the others. This is A Journal of My Travels since the Revolu-
tion, and it has not been pubhshed till now. This journal
begins on January 16, 1689, and abruptly closes on July i,
1691, while the writer is giving an account of the battle of
Aughrim; perhaps his copy fell out of his knapsack. As
this volume constitutes an important addition to the litera-
ture of the Revolution in Ireland it becomes necessary for
us to consider the authorities for that movement. In the
Royal Irish Academy, Dubhn, there are seven folio volumes
of much importance. These volumes begin with a proclama-
tion of 1671, and a list of goods sold by Arthur Gore on
June 19, 1676, and proceed to give a letter of Tyrconnel,
December 18, 1689, which informs us that the Derry
people ' continue obstinate in their rebellion '. They come
down to February, 1692, when they cease. Among them
are original letters from James to Hamilton, while the
latter was engaged in the siege of the maiden city. In
Trinity College, DubUn, is preserved the correspondence of
George Clarke, Secretary-at-war (1690-4). Clarke's thirteen
volumes are larger than the seven of the R. I. A., and they
deal with operations all over Ireland. This secretary pre-
served all letters sent to him, and from them an intelligible
view of the WiUiamite side of the war can be obtained. From
the Jacobite standpoint they can be supplemented by the
material in the Archives des Affaires 6trangeres, Paris.
Much trouble is caused to the student by the fact that these

1218 b

xviii INTRODUCTION

supplementary papers are in Dublin and Paris respectively,
for they afford the most valuable insight into the minds of
the generals. The Bodleian Library contains the Nairne
Papers (1689-1701) ; some of these have been printed by
J. Macpherson in his Original Papers. The papers of Sir
Robert and Edward Southwell, principal Secretaries of State
in Ireland, are now divided between the British Museum,
Trinity College, Dublin, and the Public Record Office of the
same city. These papers, however, are more valuable for the
rest of William's reign than for the early period. Dr. T. K.
Abbott's excellent Catalogue 0/ the MSS. of T. C. D. gives
particulars of such other sources as I. 6. 9, three volumes,
E. 2. 19, F. 4. 3, K. 4. 10. In the Pubhc Record Office,
Dublin, the letters written in 1690 to Edward Southwell
from Cork, Kinsale, and other towns (125/1), and those
written in 1690 and in 1690-3 to. Edward and Robert relat-
ing to French prisoners and French privateers and other
matters (125/3, 132, 138, 141/5, 142) deserve attention. As
yet aU these sources are unpubUshed.

Among the published authorities J. S. Clarke's Life of
James II ranks as a primary authority. James, like his
cousin Louis XIV, spent time in compiling an account of his
life. Before he sent his wife and child with Lauzun to a place
of safety in 1688 he secured his Memoirs, which he had kept
most carefuUy. James enclosed them in a box and gave it
to Terriesi, the Tuscan envoy. He sent to Terriesi one of
his most confidential servants at midnight with papers and
writings, requesting him to take charge of them as ' he knew
not where to place them in more honest hands '.

' So the King having just time to thrust them all con-
fusedly into it, sent it to him, which he, imagining it to be
jewels of great value, was exceeding careful of it ; tho'
that imagination had like to have occasioned its miscarriage
. . . An Italian servant of the envoy's conveyed it safe to
Leghorn, as directed ; from whence the Grand Duke sent
two galleys on purpose to convoy it into France, through

AUTHORITIES ON THE JACOBITE WAR xix

which kingdom . it was brought likewise guarded up to
St. Germains, all persons supposing it to be some great
treasure : which tho' it was not of that nature which people
imagined it, contained what in itself was much more
valuable . . . nine tomes, writ in his own hand, and which . . .
he appointed to be lodged in the Scotch College at Paris,
where they will remain, not only an eternal, glorious monu-
ment of his actions, but a standing model both to his own
Royal Posterity and to all Christian Princes of the most
perfect resignation while a subject, and the most generous
moderation while a king.'

While James was living at Saint-Germain he added notes
upon later events. During the French Revolution the
manuscript of the Memoirs was burnt. Tradition relates
that it was brought to Saint-Omer with the intention of
depositing it safely in England, but as it bore the arms of
England and France fear of the revolutionary government
caused its destruction. Though the Memoirs thus perished,
yet a biography based upon them remained in existence.
King James's son gave orders for a Life of his father soon
after 1701. Ranke does not think that evidence exists to
warrant the assumption that Innes, Principal of the Scots
College, had the largest share in the composition, although
James confided his Memoirs and papers to Innes a few
months before his death. The ChevaUer de Saint-George
read the Life, underlined passages in it, and bequeathed it
to his family. In 1707 he sent for that part of the Memoirs
which referred to the year 1678. After the death of the
Duchess of Albany, the wife of Charles Edward, the Life
passed into the hands of the Benedictines at Rome, and
was purchased by the British Government. The Napoleonic
wars placed obstacles in the way of its safe transmission. It
came to Leghorn, then to Tunis, then to Malta, and at last,
in 1810, to England. The Prince Regent, who had a regard
for the Stuarts, requested his chaplain and librarian,
J. Stanier Clarke, to edit it, and in 1816 two handsome
volumes were issued.

b2

XX INTRODUCTION

The Life is in four parts. The first, which is unimportant,
goes down to the Restoration in 1660 ; the second, which is
most valuable, to the accession of James II ; the third to his
flight from England at the end of 1688 ; and the fourth
embraces the rest of his life. Ranke ^ analyses the value of
the four parts with his usual acuteness. It is clear that the
original was written in a fragmentary manner — the most
detailed portions by James, others compiled by his secretaries.
Ranke did not use the Caryll Papers, which show that John
Caryll, secretary to James's wife, Mary Beatrice, was working
at the Life. Its originals are preserved at Windsor, with the
other Stuart Papers, uncatalogued and inaccessible to the
public.^ At Welbeck there is a MS. (folio) which successively
belonged to Henri Oswald de la Tour d'Auvergne, Archbishop
of Vienna, Augustus Frederick, Duke of Sussex, Sir Thomas
Phillipps, who also owned the Journal of Stevens, and the
Duke of Portland. The title of this MS. is ' Memoires de
Jacques Second, Roy de la Grande Bretagne, etc. De
glorieuse Memoire. Contenant I'histoire des quatre Cam-
pagnes que sa Majeste fit, estant Due de York, sous Henry
de la Tour D'Auvergne, Vicomte de Turenne, dans les
Annees 1652, 1653, 1654 et 1655 . . . Traduits sur I'Original
Anglois 6crit de la propre mainde sa dite Majeste, conserve par
son ordre dans les Archives du College des Ecossois a Paris.
Le tout certifie et atteste par la Reyne Mere et Regente
de la Grande Bretagne, etc., mdcciv.' From his careful
survey of the Memoirs Ranke concludes that the biography
is not the work of James. The extracts, however, of Carte
and Macpherson prove that it is based on autobiographical
notes and other authentic material. When the biographer
does not use these, his work possesses httle value : where he
agrees with the extracts, there is little doubt that we have

' History of England principally in the Seventeenth Century, vi. 29-45.
* Campana di Cavelli ; Quarterly Review, December 1846 ; Gentleman's
Magazine, No. 2, New Series, February i, 1866, by M. Woodward.

AUTHORITIES ON THE JACOBITE WAR xxi

genuine autobiographic material. The fourth part has much
to say on the war in Ireland. James drew up several reports
on this war and sent them to Louis ; these reports and the
biography exhibit substantial agreement. In Macpherson's
Original Papers there are passages identical with the words
of the biography.

In 1830 the British Foreign Office printed privately the
Ne'gociaiions de M. le Comte D'Avaux en Irlande. These
negotiations are concerned with the years 1689 and 1690,
and cover over 750 pages. They are of the greatest value in
revealing the motives of the inner policy of Louis XIV, the
divisions among the Irish, the state of the army, and kindred
problems. In the Memoirs of Sir J. Dalrymple there is
printed a useful selection of letters. Mr. W. J. Hardy
has edited the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series ;
volumes i, ii, and iii cover the years 1689 to 1691. In the
Record Office, London, the State Papers, Ireland, volumes 352
and 353, the State Papers, Ireland, Signet Office, volume xii,
and the State Papers, Ireland, Entry Books, volume i, are of
the utmost importance.

The author of A Light to the Blind is probably Nicholas
Plunket, an able lawyer, member of a branch of the house
of Fingall. Under the pseudonym of John Rogers he
acted in 1713-14 as a secret agent in England and on the
Continent, working zealously in the interests of James
Francis Edward Stuart. Together with the secretary of
James, David Nairne, he planned a Jacobite descent to
make their master James III of England. The exact title
of Plunket's volume is ' A Light to the Blind ; whereby
they may see the dethronement of James the second,
king of England : with a brief narrative of his war in
Ireland : and of the war between the emperor and the
king of France for the crown of Spain. Anno 171 1.' It
begins with an account of James II before and after his
accession to the crown, and furnishes details of the last

xxii INTRODUCTION

days and death of that monarch in September 1701.
There are three books, and the third discusses Continental
affairs during the war of the Spanish Succession. A Light
to the Blind is written from the standpoint of a firm believer
in the Stuart cause. To Plunket, as to Stevens, James is
the lawful king and William merely the Prince of Orange.
The war is regarded as a revolt from the rule of the
sovereign who ruled by right divine. Plunket, moreover,
is persuaded that the Duke of Tyrconnel was a statesman
of the first order. His death ' pulled down a mighty
edifice — a considerable Catholic nation — for there was no
other subject left able to support the national cause '.
Towards Sarsfield the writer assumes an attitude of
hostility, though he praises the ' noble feat ' of the
destruction of the Williamite Artillery at BaUyneety. A
Light to the Blind bestows much attention upon the schemes
of Louis XIV, and indicates why the French monarch
should support the Irish. Take the following passages :

' Here (i.e. at Waterford) the Prince of Orange may say,
as Julius Caesar did in his expedition of Zela, veni, vidi, vici;
so many towns hath the Prince taken without resistance.
Which if each of them had given. Orange had been undone.
For the wars of Ireland would have been prolonged ; and
consequently the Confederacy abroad would have been
forced within two years at the farthest to make a peace
with France for want of the assistance of England ; which
was all employed against the Irish. By which peace all
the power of France would fall upon poor England, to
her chastisement for her frequent rebellion; and to the
dethroning of that unnatural usurper ..." (p. 618).

'The most Christian king (i.e. Louis) was altogether for
preserving Limerick ; and that he doubted not of its
baffling the enemy, as it did in the year antecedent.
This sending of such considerable stores doth also indicate,
that his Majesty was for continuing the war of Ireland ;
and that for this end he would send a reinforcement to
the Irish army in spring following. . . . The monarch of
France had powerful motives for keeping on foot the
Irish war. For thereby he would sooner dissolve the

AUTHORITIES ON THE JACOBITE WAR xxiii

hostile Confederacy abroad, as retaining the power of
England (on which the League much depended) here in
Ireland employed ; and in the sequel thereof that Prince
would be able to restore sooner the banished King of
England. . . . 'Tis for these reasons, that the King of
France conceived afterwards great indignation .at the
surrender of Limerick ; because it frustrated his mighty
expectations (pp. 775-6). . . . 'Tis therefore that Limerick
must make provisos for the nation in general. She is
encouraged thereunto by the knowledge of her own
strength : which is so great, that she can force the enemy
to raise his siege. By which the war is prolonged, at least
to the end of the next campaign. At the beginning thereof,
the Confederate Princes will be compelled, without dispute,
to strike a peace with France, as not being able to hold
out any longer thro' the want of England's army and
money, which must be employed in the Irish war. Hence
immediately follows the dethronement of Orange, and the
restoration of the King. General Ginkell understood very
well this affair by his granting better conditions to the
garrison of Limerick than are given to any besieged town
whatsoever : tho' he gave not so good, as might have
been extorted from him, which was occasioned by the too
easy compliance of the Irish Commissioners, who were
appointed to treat with him (pp. 789-90). . . . The King of
France made a false step in the politics, by letting the
Irish war to fall : because that war was the best medium
in the world for destroying soon the Confederacy abroad,
by reason that the Confederate Princes could not prolong
the foreign war without the army and money of England,
which were employed in the war of Ireland ' (p. 828).

It ought to be added that Sir John Gilbert issued a poor
edition of A Light to the Blind, published under the title
of A JacoUte Narrative of the War in Ireland (1689-91) ;
it can also be read in the Tenth Report, Appendix, part v,
of the Historical Manuscripts Commission (pp. 107-204).

Colonel Charles O'Kelly (1621-95) in his Macariae
Excidium, or The Destruction of Cyprus, writes from the
point of view of one who fought on the side of King James.
He had fought for the Stuarts from the days of Cromwell,
and he finally sheathed his sword in 1691. He was an old

xxiv INTRODUCTION

man when he served under Sarsfield, but he was defeated
by Captain Thomas Lloyd. After the conclusion of the
war he retired to his residence at Aughrane, now Castle
Kelly, where he spent his remaining days in writing his
history of the Irish wars. It affects to be a history of the
destruction of Cyprus (Ireland), written originally in
Syriac by Philotas Phylocypres (O'Kelly). The author
consistently substitutes appellations for the men and places
of the time, as, for example : Cyprus for Ireland, Cilicia
for England, Pamphilia for Scotland, Syria for France,
and Egypt for Spain. Thus William becomes Theodore,
Louis is Antiochus, James is Amasis, Avaux is Demetrius,
Tyrconnel is Coridon, Sarsfield is Lysander, Lauzun,
significantly enough, is Asimo. The fifty-fourth para-
graph will give a fair idea of Colonel O'Kelly's book.

' Non alia,' it runs, ' unquam urbs, licet omnium
aetatum annales, populorumque omnium res gestas
evolveris, aut acriori impetu oppugnata, aut pertinacio-
ribus animis defensa, quam Paphus ea tempestate fuit.
Nihil inausum, nihil intentatum reliquit Theodorus quod
aut bellicarum artium peritia, aut experientia magni
Ducis, aut veteranarum cohortium robur exequi posset,
ut oppidum in suam potestatem redigeret : nee segniori
conatu Cyprii quidquid spectata in adversis virtus et
infracta malis constantia, aut agere poterat, aut pati,
fortiter et impigre efficiebant, tolerabantque, quo locum
tanto tamque acri nisu petitum non minori pervicacia
defensarent : continui hinc vallo assultantium, inde portis
erumpentium congressus, tam ex obsidentium quam ex
praesidiariorum numero, ingentem fortissimorum virorum
multitudinem absumebant : illos spes et partae ante
victoriae in ipsa pericula praecipites agebant : hos
imminens patriae excidium, rehgionis ardor, et in regem
inconcussa fides ad ultima audendum succendebant.
Undevicesima die Theodorus (qui ne pedem latum sine
sanguine et vulneribus progredi poterat) strata muri parte
per patentes ruinas impetum fecit : ubi ad tres integras
horas dubio utrimque marte pugnatum est : et quanquam
hostium alii ipsam urbem perrupissent, obstinatis tamen
propugnatorum viribus exturbabantur, et in castra non

AUTHORITIES ON THE JACOBITE WAR xxv

sine magna militum jactura redigebantur. Postridie
Theodorus cum aleam universae rei in medium conjicere,
et omnibus copiis oppidum denuo aggredi statuisset, quan-
quam Ducem se perterritis off arret, et discriminum socie-
tatem non respueret, haud tamen evicit aut persuadere
valuit, ut aut caeptis insisterent, aut expertam virtutem
no vis conatibus irritarent. Unde accensus ira, dolore
furens, et ignominiae impatiens degenerem suorum
pavorem detestatus castra deserit, et cursu, quam potuit
contentissimo Paleam pergit, ibique conscensa navi in
Ciliciam revertitur. Interea exercitus, desperato rerum
eventu, tumultuaria profectione, relicta Papho, in in-
teriora regreditur.'

' Never was a Town better attacked,' runs the old
translation of this passage, , ' and better defended, than
the city of Paphos (Limerick). Theodore (William) left
nothing unattempted that the Art of War, the Skill of a
great Captain, and the Valor of veteran Soldiers, could
put in Execution to gain the place ; and the Cyprians
(Irish) omitted Nothing that Courage and Constancy
could practise to defend it. The continual Assaults of the
One, and frequent Sallys of the Other, consuming a great
many brave Men, both of the Army and Garrison. On
the 19th Day, Theodore (after fighting for every Inch of
Ground he gained), having made a large Breach in the
Wall, gave a general Assault, which lasted for three Hours ;
and tho' his Men mounted the Breach, and some entered
the Town, they were gallantly repulsed, and forced to
retire, with considerable Loss. Theodore, resolving to
renew the Assault next Day, could not persuade his Men
to advance, tho' he offered to lead them in Person ;
whereupon, all in a Rage, he left the Camp, and never
stopt till he came to Palaea (Waterford), where he took
Shipping for Cilicia ; his Army in the mean Time retiring,
by Night, from Paphos.'

The internal evidence points to the conclusion that the
Latin text is the original of O'KeUy's narrative. Unlike
Plunket, he is not at all friendly to Tyrconnel, and is
a warm partisan of St. Ruth. Making allowance for these
prejudices, Macariae Excidium is a very able record.

William King, the greatest archbishop of Dublin; wrote
' The State of the Protestants of Ireland under the late

xxvi INTRODUCTION

King James's Government : in which their Carriage
towards him is justified, and the absolute Necessity of
their endeavouring to be freed from his Government, and
of submitting to their present Majesties is demonstrated.'
The title of this book indicates precisely its object : it is
an apologia for the Revolution. With it may be compared
Charles Leslie's ' Answer to a Book intituled The State of
the Protestants in Ireland '. It is no injustice, however,
to Leslie to say that King's book is incomparably superior.
Moreover, the facts that King gives are correct, though
now and then he uses rhetoric. His references to con-
temporary events are faithful, though his inferences
are occasionally open to comment. One case may be
given. King is contrasting the state of Ireland before and
after the Revolution, and here one might expect that his
eloquence and indignation might overcome his regard
for the truth. As a matter of fact they do not. Such
manuscripts as Add. 21138, Add. 17406 and 2902 (British
Museum) provide chapter and verse for every statement
King makes. His correspondence in seventeen volumes
is preserved in Trinity College, Dublin, and it covers the
period from 1696 to 1727. This correspondence the present
editor has read and re-read, and every fresh reading con-
firms his respect for the accuracy and insight of King. Its
evidential value stands high, for the letters he wrote to his
numerous correspondents, gentle and simple, were written
while the events were fresh. A man who has had good
opportunities of learning the truth about public affairs,
and has been in the habit of recording things as they
happen, as King did, is an invaluable witness. It is
interesting to observe the change in his attitude to public
affairs. He was of Scots descent, and at first regarded
events in Ireland from an external point of view, but as
he grew older he became warmly interested in the stirring
events of his day. The majority of his critics have judged

AUTHORITIES ON THE JACOBITE WAR xxvii

King by his State of the Protestants of Ireland : they have
not judged him by his singularly able and statesmanlike
letters. The perusal of a letter such as that of January
6, 1697 (197, f. 151, British Museum) is enough to convince
the student that he is dealing with an authority of the
highest value and impartiality.

Among the published material it is difficult to find
detailed accounts of the Jacobite War. Works like
Dumont de Bostaquet's Me'moires ine'dits, Berwick's
Me'moires, Schomberg's Diary, the Journal of MuUenaux,
and Parker's Memoirs, give on the whole scanty detail.
The few unpublished records resemble the published in this
matter. Thus Ensign Cramond's diary (Add. 29878) gives
no information of importance. It has no title, but begins
' The Route of Colonel Wauchope's Regiment beginning
the 15 of October, 1688.' Cramond served in the Low
Countries and in Ireland from 1688 to 1691, but was clearly
a man of action and nothing else. His diary follows
immediately after the details of the number of miles
marched each day ; and at the end of the slim volume
there are money accounts. There are thirty-seven written
leaves in it, besides almost the same number that are
blank. Bonnivert's Journal (1033, British Museum) is
somewhat more satisfactory, though it is also deficient in
detail. It occupies only twelve written leaves, besides one
leaf of drawings and two of medical receipts. It has no
title, but begins ' I came out of London the 6 of June,
1690.' On f. 5, according to Bonnivert, the Enniskilleners
' are but middle sized men, but they are nevertheless brave
fellows. I have seen 'em like masty dogs run against
bullets.' F. 8 points out that at the battle of the Boyne
the enemy ' drew up upon a line only, and our army was
upon three.' The account of the battle is wretched : there
are no particulars of the movements of the troops. Never-
theless Bonnivert finds space to record the fact that his

xxviii INTRODUCTION

side wore green in their hats. F. lo describes Sarsfield's
exploit at Ballyneety and places the success of the surprise
upon the ' ill management of Captain Poultney, who
having had the conduct of eight pieces of artillery and
several other provisions unadvisedly ordered his detach-
ment to unbridle and turn the horses to grass.' Both these
diaries were obviously kept in the pockets of their owners.
Cramond's diary measures 6| x 3 inches, and Bonnivert's
5| X 3^ inches.

§ 3. The Journal of John Stevens

It is a satisfaction to turn from the meagre information
of these two diaries to the comparatively ample account
of John Stevens. His journal measures 8x4! inches
and covers no less than 163 pages. The copy now edited
lies in the British Museum (Add. 36296) . It was bought at
the sale of the hbrary of Sir F. A. F. Constable, of Tixall,
in 1899. It belonged previously to John Warburton,
Somerset Herald, being lot 326 in the sale-catalogue of
his library in 1759. The Biographies of English Catholics
in the Eighteenth Century, by the Rev. John Kirk, D.D.,
edited by J. H. Pollen, S.J., and E. Burton, D.D., affords
some additional information on the history of the manu-
script from 1759 to 1899. Dr. Kirk was born in 1760 and
died in 1851. He finished his work, which was a part of
his projected continuation of Dodd's Church History, in
1841, but it was not printed till 1909. The editors con-
jecture that the majority of the Lives were written before
1820. In a short notice of Stevens on p. 219, the writer
refers to the Journal :

' In the Ubrary of Burton Constable, I remember to
have seen a MS. (M. 266) with this title : A Journal of my
Travels since the Revolution. Containing a brief account
of all the War in Ireland impartially related, and what

THE JOURNAL OF JOHN STEVENS xxix

I was an eye-witness to and deliver upon my own know-
ledge distinguished from what I received from others.'

He also mentions the printed slip which is pasted on the
title-page of the British Museum copy. This newspaper
cutting states that :

' The Author of the above was Mr. John Stevens,
a Roman Catholic, and before and at the Revolution,
a Collector of the Excise in Wales : after which he followed
the Fortunes of his Master, and became a Captain in the
Army. He is well known to the learned World by his
valuable Continuation of Dugdale's Monasticon, and
numerous translations chiefly from the Spanish and
Portuguese. — S. P.'

At the end of the notice of Cuthbert Constable, formerly
Tunstall, in Dr. Kirk's volume, there is a short list of
manuscripts at Burton Constable, in which the Journal is
included (p. 54) . But as Cuthbert Constable died in 1746,
and as the Journal was in the Warburton sale in 1759, it
must have been after his time that the Journal was
acquired. The purchase at the Tixall sale in 1899 is
intelligible, for Sir Thomas Hugh Clifford Constable,
originally Clifford, succeeded both to Tixall and Burton
Constable. It is interesting to note that the printed slip,
pasted on the title page of Add. 36296 has evidently been
taken from a sale-catalogue ; lots 1050 to 1054 are
catalogued on the other side. The initials S. P. are those of
Samuel Parker, bookseller and auctioneer. Though he
sold the Warburton Library, this extract has not been
taken from that catalogue, 1759. In the Warburton
Catalogue, lots 318 to 327 are all Stevens's manuscripts.
Lot 325 is ' A Diary or Account of my Life (Capt. Stevens's)
and Actions, written by himself, 8vo.' Lot 326 is ' A
Journal of my Travels since the Revolution ' — it is Add.
36296 ; while lot 327 is ' A Journal of all my Travels since
I left London, to follow our most merciful, most pious and

XXX INTRODUCTION

most gracious Sovereign James II by the Grace of God,
etc' — ' A Journal of my Voyage from London to Lisbon,
etc.,' 4to. In the Phillipps sale, April 28, 1911, under
lot 959 (three volumes folio) several of the sub-titles,
e. g. The Miser Jilted, a novel, agree with those mentioned
in lot 319 of the Warburton catalogue.

A version of an introduction to the Journal will be
found in Lansdowne MSS. 828, ff. 10, 10 b, 11, beginning,
' I had been above a year in Wales, upon business, at the
time when the never to be forgotten catastrophe, com-
monly called the Revolution, happened . . .' and ending,
' Perceiving I could expect no further security, I resolved
to withdraw, sent for my horses over night, and left Poole
the next morning early, being Monday.' On f. 10 b the
writer, in stating the scope of his work, refers to himself
as ' having in order to this constantly kept a journal, and
often broke my rest, after much fatigue, rather than
interrupt the series of my observations.' Though in
general these three pages differ from Add. 36296 there
are still obvious points of similarity. There is another
version not merely of the introduction but of a large
part of the Journal, and this was used by Ranke {History
of England principally in the Seventeenth Century, vi,
pp. 128-43). Ranke married an Irishwoman, a daughter
of John Cosby Graves of Dublin, and in 1865 he went to
Cheltenham in order to pay a visit to his brother-in-law,
John Graves. Bishop Graves of Limerick was another
brother-in-law. The well-known antiquary. Sir Thomas
Phillipps, lived in the neighbourhood and permitted Ranke
to use his famous collection (cf . ' Reminiscences of Leopold
von Ranke ', by his son. General Friduhelm von Ranke, in
Temple Bar, March 1906). Sir Thomas evidently on this
visit gave the historian access to his copy of the Journal
of Stevens. This copy and the British Museum one differ
in some particulars, and the differences can be clearly

THE JOURNAL OF JOHN STEVENS xxxi

seen by comparing two sections dealing with the same
matter :

The Philliffs Copy.
The most sacred Majesty
having, through the infinite
goodness and providence of
Ahnighty God, made his
escape from Rochester, out
of the hands of his ever
rebelHous subjects, and most
inhuman son-in-law, nephew,
and enemy, WiUiam, Prince
of Orange, and the most
happy news of his safe arri-
val and kingly reception in
France, being spread all over
England, the small remain-
der of his loyal subjects,
those few thousands, who
had not bowed their knees to
Baal, either in their person,
or at least in their wishes,
hastened to follow him.
Some, through the great in-
cmnbrance of their families,
others through want, having
been plundered of all their
substance, others for fear of
being burdensome to him in
his exile, and lastly, some in
hopes of being more service-
able to him when providence
should ordain his return, re-
mained in their more than
egyptian slavery, yet a very
great number gathering to-
gether the small remainder
of their shipwreck, and lay-
ing aside all worldly con-
siderations, having only be-
fore their eyes their duty and
love to their sovereign, re-
solved to follow him through
all hazards, in hopes of being

Add. 36296.
His most sacred Majesty
having, through the infinite
goodness and providence of
Almighty God, made his
escape from Rochester,

and the most happy news of
his safe arrival, and kingly
reception in France, being
spread all over England, the
small remainder of his loyal
subjects, (those few thou-
sands, who had not bowed
their knees to Baal) either in
their persons, or at least in
their wishes hasted to fol-
low him. Some through
the great incumbrance of
their families, others through
want, having been plun-
dered of all their substance,
others for fear of being bur-
densome to him in his exile,
and lastly some in hopes of
being more serviceable to
him, when Providence should
ordain his return, remained
in their more than Egyptian
slavery. Yet a very con-
siderable number gathering
together the small remainder
of their shipwreck, and lay-
ing aside all worldly con-
siderations, having only be-
fore their eyes their duty and
love to their sovereign, re-
solved to follow him through
all hazards, in hopes of being

XXXll

INTRODUCTION

instrumental in regaining his
just right. I shall ever es-
teem it the most glorious
action of all my life, that
I made myself one of this
number, and cannot but be
proud, that in all the hard-
ships and misfortunes which
attended this my tedious
exile, I have never been dis-
mayed, or given way to
despair, but reUed always on
the justice of our cause, and
all our miseries have been
easy to me, in consideration
of the happiness of my return
home.

But to come to the in-
tended matter, to wit, my
transactions after his Majes-
ty's departure, it is first to
be observed, that though
immediately resolved to fol-
low, yet through the diffi-
culty of getting passes, and
many other impediments, I
could not set out till Friday,
January of 1688. Yet, be-
fore I proceed, I cannot but
look back as far as the
original of all my country's
and my own misfortunes, to
wit, the time of the invasion,
and, by way of introduction,
make some remarks of what
happened to me from that
time till I left England, in
short, as things have since
occurred to me upon penning
this part in haste. When the
spirit of witchcraft or rebel-
lion, which the scripture tells
us are ahke, had well pos-
sessed itself, and as it were
fixed its abode in the hearts

instrumental in regaining his
just rights. I shall ever
esteem it the most glorious
action of my life that I made
myself one of this number,
and caimot but be proud
that in all the hardships and
misfortunes, which have at-
tended this my tedious exile,
I have never been dismayed,
or given way to despair : but
reUed always on the justice
of our cause, and all miseries
have been easy to me in con-
sideration of the happiness
of my return home. To come
closer to the matter,
to wit my transactions after
his Majesty's departure, it is
to be observed, that though
I immediately resolved to
foUow, yet through the diffi-
culty of getting passes, and
many other impediments, I
could not set forward tiU
Friday, January the nth,
1688/9. Yet before I pro-
ceed, I cannot but look back
as far as the original of all
this country's and my own
misfortmies, to wit, the time
of the invasion. And by
way of introduction make
some remarks of what hap-
pened to me from that time,
till I left England, in short
as things have occurred to
me upon penning this paper
in haste. When the spirit
of witchcraft, or rebeUion
(which the Scriptxire teUs us
are ahke) had well possessed
itself, and as it were fixed its
abode in the hearts of most
of his Majesty's dissembling

THE JOURNAL OF JOHN STEVENS xxxiii

of most of his Majesty's
dissembling enthusiastic sub-
jects, through the mediation
of their pharisaical teachers
at the time when men began
to lament the danger of losing
their reUgion, who were never
known to be possessed of or
pretend to any, all this time
was I employed in Wales,
receiving of some of his
Majesty's revenue there, be-
ing in a public emplojmient,
and keeping much company,
I could not but easily discern
how prone all were to mutter
about breach of laws, and
invading of religion, and it
was plainly to discern, that
many who said well thought
very evil. This I found by
long experience, yet the fear
of punishment kept their
tongues as well as hands
within the limits of the law.

enthusiasticsubjects, through
the mediation of their Phari-
saical teachers, at the time
when men began to lament
the danger of losing their
religion, who were never
known to be possessed of
or pretend to any, at this
time was I employed in
Wales in receiving his Majes-
ty's revenue of excise there.
Being in a public employ-
ment and keeping much com-
pany, I could not but easily
discern how prone aU were
to mutter about breach of
laws and invading of re-
ligion, and it was plainly
to be discerned, that many
who said Well Well, thought
very evil. This I found by
long experience, yet the fear
of punishment kept their
tongues as -well as hands
within the limits of the law.

It would not appear that the two versions end at the same
place. Ranke (vi. 143) seems to indicate that his version
stops at July 30, 1690, whereas Add. 36296 continues to
July 12, 1691. The British Museum manuscript appears
to be an earlier version than that quoted by Ranke. The
evidence, such as it is, seems to point to this conclusion.
Reference, however, should be made to the erasures in
Add. 36296. On f. 80 b, nine lines, which are not in Ranke,
have been crossed out, and these lines are clearly utilized
on ff. 81 b, 82 of the manuscript. This, though by no means
conclusive, would, considering the similarity of the two
versions, argue in favour of the priority of Add. 36296. It
is true that there has been an alteration in the title of
Add. 36296, which would go against the view suggested. In
this case, on the other hand, it is evident that the alteration

1218 C

xxxiv INTRODUCTION

has not been made at the first time of writing, but at a later
date, and it may therefore have been subsequent to the
making of the second version. Ranke (vi. 143) appears to
be summing up the rest of his manuscript when he writes
that ' The author goes on to describe the disorders during
the retreat up to the 30th of July, and inserts a few more
details as to the battle itself. The manuscript ends abruptly
in the middle of a sentence.' As he gives the beginning of
it on p. 128 there is no reason otherwise for his mentioning
the 30th of July. Though his head-lines on page 128 run
' Extracts from the Diary of a Jacobite relating to the
War in Ireland, 1689 and 1690 ', not much importance is to
be attached to them, though they might perhaps be taken as
a kind of negative evidence.

The Journal (Add. 36296) cannot have been kept from
day to day, but has been written up from notes that have
been so kept. Clearly Stevens kept such a day-to-day
journal, and he must have based the present work very
closely upon it. But this work, viz. Add. 36296, cannot be
that day-to-day journal, for it has certainly been written up
afterwards. In the first place the appearance and the form
of the work both afford proof of that. The Journal is
divided into an introduction and two parts, a system of
division which suggests that the writer had the end in sight.
Apart, however, from questions of appearance and form,
there are various passages where Stevens obviously general-
izes and anticipates in a way which he could not have done
had he been writing from day to day. A short list of such
passages places this beyond doubt : the italics, of course,
are the editor's :

f . 14 b. 'I understood not this word then, but having
afterwards found the benefit of it, think it not amiss in
this place, to give an account of it, which is this.'
f. 23. ' the following part of my exile wiU show I have not
wanted my part in most sort of sufferings.'

THE JOURNAL OF JOHN STEVENS xxxv

f. 40 a. ' Mr. Lazenby, afterwards a Captain.'

f . 48 b. ' Of these several gave us at least as good a proof
of their loyalty . . . when to punish theirs and our
sins it pleased God to suffer his Majesty's forces to be
defeated, and us to be reduced to the miseries I shall
hereafter mention.'

f . 65 b. Note his general remarks on the stay in Dublin.

f . 81 b. Note the reference to the first siege of Limerick,
with its implication that there had been a second.

f . 84 a. 'I wonder I outhved the miseries of this dismal day,
but that I have since found I was reserved to suffer
many more and if possible greater.'

f . 89 a. See the entry under July 16, 1690, and particularly
f. 90 b, ' wherewith we afterwards held out so long, and
at last purchased so good conditions.' Note on the
same folio his reasons for giving a general description of
Limerick. ' Limerick being the principal city at this
time and long after that held out for the king, and
consequently there being often occasion and that on
account of many memorable occurrences to speak of it,
I will endeavour to give a true and exact description
of it.'

f . 97 a. ' This day also the French forces departed for
Galway to the great satisfaction not only of the inhabi-
tants, but of aU the garrison that remained in town.
They remained some time at Galway till ships came to
carry them into France, thinking it impossible Limerick
should hold out a siege, offering to lay wagers it would
be taken in three days.'

f. 114 b. ' These extremities endured as they were with
courage and resolution are sufficient with any reasonable
persons to clear the reputation of the Irish from the
malicious imputations of their enemies ; and yet this
is not aU that can be said for them. We have already
seen them defend an almost defenceless town against

c 2

xxxvi INTRODUCTION

a victorious disciplined army, and we shall see them
the following summer under all these hardships fight
a battle with the utmost bravery.'
f . 115 b. ' But I must not here anticipate upon what hap-
pened so long after. The battle of Aughrim which is
that I have made the last observation upon will be
mentioned in its own place and with more particulars.
Let us now return to our hard winter in Limerick.'

F. 50 b illustrates the character of the work. ' As I do
not pretend to write a history or give an account ', Stevens
points out, ' of the particular transactions of the times,
but only as far as I was concerned, or where I was present
myself, so having spent much time in speaking of my private
affairs, it will not be amiss to set down some few observations
of the general state of affairs, during this my vacation from
business though not from sufferings.' The reference on
f. 118 b to f. 92 is also illustrative : ' This town and the
road to it I shall not need to give any account of in this
place, having said as much of it as is requisite before, when
we passed the same way the first time towards Athlone, as
is to be seen in this hook, i. 92.'

The Journal, then, of Stevens was not kept from day to
day. It thus lacks order ; dates are dropped into it or are
left out of it as the purpose of the writer is best served. On
the whole, though the Journal is barren of some personal
details one wants to know, it is a very hmnan document
indeed. It is plain that a scholar like the author did not
rehsh his life as a soldier. He is conscious of the mistakes
of his generals, of the loss of promotion, of the lack of pay,
of the bhsters on his feet, and of the hunger in his stomach.
Stevens sees and he makes the reader see. For the truth, the
sincerity, and the reahty of his account of the Jacobite war
much grumbling may be forgiven him. In interest his
Journal is comparable to Mercer's Journal of the Waterloo

THE JOURNAL OF JOHN STEVENS xxxvii

Campaign. Both Mercer and Stevens were scholars and
lovers of books. No doubt Mercer is an optimist, but he
was on the winning side. Stevens is a pessimist, but was
he not on the losing side ? He does not take mud, rain, toil,
hunger, the peril of death, all as part of the day's work.
There are curious omissions in the Journal. For example,
there is no reference to Sarsfield's destruction of William's
siege-train at Balljmeety, a feat that must have raised the
spirits of the besieged to no common degree. The battles
of the Boyne and of Aughrim, and the sieges of Limerick,
arrest the attention of all readers, and their tale has been
told over and over again. But what may be called the
unrecorded marches and skirmishes of the campaign possess
genuine interest ; and Stevens describes them with great
vividness. He makes us see the rough material out of which
the Irish army was formed ; for the men he has a hearty
admiration, while for the officers, like most observers, he
has nothing but contempt. An extract taken straight from
his day-to-day Journal is simple, but he forgets this
simplicity when he moralizes over the battle-field the
next day. Then he makes deliberate — and, it may be
added, unhappy — attempts at fine writing. He indulges in
apostrophes to the reader, to posterity, and to his native
country. He is, however, simple and direct when he has
a line of conduct to describe or an actual tale of fighting to
tell. Part of the value of the Journal lies in the insight it
gives into the fortunes and sufferings of the Jacobites. Like
the Macariae Excidium of Colonel O'Kelly, it makes the men
who fought for the land of Ireland appear more human than
they had been to the reader of other records. For Stevens
renders it abundantly clear that the Irishmen of 1688 — and
it may be added, the Irishmen of 19 12 — cared for two things,
and two things only, and they are land and rehgion. The
entries of the writer are most damaging to James, for he
points out the incapacity of his generals, the immorality of

xxxviii INTRODUCTION

the officers, and the prevalent thieving and drunkenness.
When King made these charges he was considered partial,
but a fervent Jacobite also makes them. He amply confirms
King's view of the general corruption of the country. The
Journal is interesting, because it brings back living pictures,
as seen through living human eyes, of the battles of two
centuries ago — battles, insignificant in themselves, which
changed the current of the world's history. Thus the effects
of the battle of the Boyne are deeply graven on the history
of the world. For first it decided the fate of the lesser kiag-
dom, then that of the greater, and finally that of Europe. On
Irish soil William was fighting not merely for the kingdom,
of England, but also for his fatherland as well as for his
allies. Above all, he was fighting for the principle of liberty
in the life of nations, the principle that the Grand AUiance
had called into vigorous existence. On Irish soil James was
in reality fighting, not for his own cause, but for that of his
master, the King of France. William and James did not, as
men have often said, represent the principles of Protes-
tantism and Roman Catholicism ; they rather represented
the eternal struggle between liberty and t5n:anny. The
Boyne proved to the despotic power of Louis what Salamis
was to Xerxes and Leipzig to Napoleon. It would have been
well for the French monarch if the results of that skirmish
had not been half hidden from his view by the victories of
Beachy Head, Fleurus, and Staffarda. The Holy Roman
Emperor and the Pope both rejoiced to hear the good news
from Ireland, for GaUicanism had at last received a severe
blow. While state religion had thus been checked, hberty
had been allowed to develop more freely than before, and
both these priceless blessings are the results of that memor-
able July day.

THE CONDITION OF THE ARMY xxxix

§ 4. The Condition of the Army

Upon the commissariat of the army Stevens has somewhat
to say, and the method of supplying clothing deserves
attention. The pay of the soldier consisted of (i) subsistence
money, the regulated rates being, for a trooper, two shillings
out of his total of two and sixpence ; for a dragoon, one and
twopence out of one and sixpence ; for a foot-soldier, six-
pence out of eightpence, (ii) the gross off-reckonings, which
were the difference between the whole pay and the sub-
sistence, and (iii) the net off-reckonings, which were the
balance of the gross off-reckonings .after all lawful deduc-
tions. These net off-reckonings formed the clothing fund,
and belonged to the colonel for that purpose. Out of the
off-reckonings was deducted one shilling in the pound on
the whole pay, besides one day's pay per annum, for Chelsea
Hospital and other purposes. Take the case of a private
foot-soldier : —

I s. d.

Total pay at 8(f. per day 12 3 4

Deduct subsistence at 6d. . . . . .926

Gross ofi-reckonings 3 o 10

s. d.

Deduct IS. per £ on annual pay . .122

One day's pay for Chelsea . .08

o 12 10

Net off-reckonings 280

These net off-reckonings belonged to the colonel, and out
of them he was obhged to clothe his regiment. This amount
was not excessive for each private, for in 1678 two pounds
thirteen shillings was reckoned the proper cost of the annual
clothing of an infantry soldier. Of course, allowance must
be made for the saving effected by regimental contracts.
Moreover, some clothing was not required because of casual-
ties and non-effective men. When the regiment was on
active service the colonel could not employ a contractor.

xl INTRODUCTION

and in this case the Commissariat procured the clothing and
deducted the price from the pay of the troops.

It is clear that the margin of profit to a just colonel was
reduced to a vanishing point, yet it is common to find that
the colonel received from £200 to £600 a year from the net
off-reckonings. This money was of course stolen from the
private soldier.^ Not only was he thus defrauded, but he
also suffered in other ways. Even the subsistence money of
sixpence a day was tampered with. In April 1686 Clarendon
wrote to Rochester : ' And some (Irish) colonels told me
they were offered £600 by tradesmen to have the clothing
of their regiments, which they thought a very unconscionable
thing, to get so much money into their own pockets out of
the poor soldiers' bellies. I confess I thought it very hard
that the King should allow 6d. a day, and the poor soldier
have but 2d. of it.' It was easy to swindle the soldier, for
the colonel appointed the regimental agents, through whose
hands all the money passed. These agents bribed the com-
manding officer, sometimes offering him so much as £600 for
the year. Sometimes instead of a lump sum the colonel re-
ceived a percentage on the contract. Sometimes the amount
of the contract was increased and the colonel received
the increase. These abuses were checked by the plan
adopted by the colonel of the Irish Foot-Guards. He
allowed each captain to arrange for his company, but this
excellent method was not carried out by his successor. On
the loth of April, 1686, Clarendon wrote to Rochester :

' Speaking of the clothing of the army puts me in mind
to tell you of a particvdar. My lord Arran (who loved to
get money) left the clothing of the regiment of Guards to
each particular captain to take care of his own company,
which got him the perfect love of the officers. My Lord of
Ossory has ordered it otherwise, and sent orders to the
Receiver-General (at least it is come in his name) to pay the
deductions no more to the captains, but that he wiU appoint

' Cf. Shakespeare, i Henry IV, Act iv. Scene ii.

THE CONDITION OF THE ARMY xli

one to take care of the clothing of the regiment. This makes
a loud noise among the officers, and I doubt it will not be
represented in England to his advantage.'

Schomberg complained repeatedly in his dispatches of
the neglect and cheating of the men by their officers, of the
bad state of the men's clothing, and of the astonishing
avarice of the colonels who thought of nothing beyond
making an income out of their regiments. He characterized
the officers of the artillery as ignorant, lazy, and timid.^
On the officers in general he made remarks in his letters to
WiUiam on August 27 and September 20, 1689. The latter of
these pointed out that ' il y a bien encore d'autres officiers
que je voudrais qu'ils fussent en Angleterre. Je n'ai jamais
vu de plus mechants et de plus interesses ; tout le soin des
colonels n'est que de vivre de leurs "regiments, sans aucune
autre application.' ' If the Irish colonels ', he writes, " were
as capable and as eager for war as they are for sending
forage parties to plunder the country . . . our affairs would
stand better. The incapacity of the officers is indeed great,
but their carelessness and laziness are still greater.' The
ignorant and indolent officers delayed the erection of huts
till it was too late to procure dry timber for the walls or dry
straw for the roofs.^ On December 26, Schomberg wrote :
' I never was in an army where are so many new and lazy
officers. If aU were broke who deserved it on this account,
there would be few left.' ^ If Schomberg had grounds for
complaining of the character of his officers, Rosen and
Lauzun had equally good grounds for complaining of the
character of theirs. Mr. Osborne's paper of March 9 and 10,
1689, states ' that for the Irish army, though their horses were
good, yet their riders were but contemptible fellows, many of

' Klopp, Der Fall des Hauses Stuart, v. 50-

" Schomberg's dispatches, September 20, 27 ; October 3, 8, 12 ; Novem-
ber 4, 1689.
' Kazner, Leben Fnedrich von Schomberg oder Schoenburg, i. 300.

xlii INTRODUCTION

them having been lately cowherds, &c.' Ireland's Lamenta-
tion (p. 31) points out that ' those of their present army,
both officers and soldiers, are mostly the very scmn of the
country, cow-boys, and such trash, as tremble at the firing
of a musket, much more will at many.' Stevens speaks in
cordial terms of the usefulness of the private, ' but the
officers were only those from the plough, from the following
of cows, from digging potatoes, and such like exercises.
Because they had a few men to foUow them, or bore the
name of a good family, they were put into commissions,
without experience, without conduct, without authority,
and without even the sense of honour.' The estimate of
Avaux coincides with that of Stevens. The Irish ' sont tres
bien faits : mais il ne sont ny disciplinez ny armez, et de
surplus sont de grands voleurs.' Upon the cavalry Avaux
bestows some praise, but none upon the infantry. In a letter
of September 20, 1689, to Louvois, he wrote :

' La moiti^ des troupes n'est point habUlee, et n'a ny cein-
turons ny bandoulieres ; la pluspart de mousquets des regi-
mens qui viennent du nord et des autres provinces, sont hors
d'estat de servir. . . . On a beaucoup plus de confience en la
cavalerie, dont la plus grande partie est assez bonne ; on ne
pent voir de meUleur regiment que celuy de Tirconnel et celuy
de Galmoy; celuy de Parker, quoyque nouvellement leve,
est bon aussi. Le Colonel Salsfield a amene d'assez bonne
cavalerie, et il y a quelques regimens de dragons en fort bon
estat.'

In another letter of April 16/6, i68g, to Louvois he declared
that ' la pluspart de ces regimens sont levez par des gentils-
hommes, qui n'ont jamais este k I'armee, que ce sont des
tailleurs, des bouchers, des cordonniers, qui ont forme les com-
pagnies qui les entretiennent a leurs despens, et en les capi-
taines.' Macaulay doubtless had this letter before him when
he wrote that ' Their colonels were generally men of good
family, but men who had never seen service. Their captains
were butchers, tailors, shoemakers.' It is therefore necessary

THE CONDITION OF THE ARMY xliii

to point out that the statement of Avaux cannot be general-
ized in the easy way that Macaulay generalizes. Five of the
captains were peers, and many of the other officers, especially
in the cavalry regiments, were the sons of peers. Many, too,
were the sons of baronets, or heirs of the oldest families.
Names like Butler, Burke, Dillon, Fitzgerald, French,
Macarthy, Macmahon, Magennis, Nagle, Nugent, O'Brien,
O'Byme, O'Donovan, O'Ferrall, O'More or Moore, O'Neill,
O'Rourke, and Plunket, demonstrate the truth of this fact.
Regarding the type of officer there are many references
in Avaux, e.g. Avaux to Louvois, May 12, June 26, July 10;
Avaux to Louis, August 30 ; Avaux to Louvois, September 20 ;
Avaux to Louis, October 21. The letter of September 20
pointed out that ' nous avons pen d'offieiers generaux sur
qui Ton puisse compter ; les officiers subaltemes sont bien
plus mauvais, et a la reserve d'un tres petit nombre, il n'y en
a point qui ayt soin des soldats, des armes, de la discipline ;
et j'aprehende beaucoup que les soldats ne se decouragent
lorsqu'ils ne verront pas des officiers a leur teste qui les
menent hardiment.' The letter of October 21 discloses an
appalling lack of discipline :

' II seroit bon aussy que le Roy voulust bien prendre soin
de faire executer ce qu'il a resolu, et qu'il fist chatier les
officiers qui manquent a leur devoir. II n'y a ny ordre, ny dis-
cipline dans I'armee : les soldats mettent I'espee a la main
contre leurs superieurs ; les officiers et les cavaliers qui ont
este a la garde avancee, lorsque nous etions a une lieiie et
demy du camp de M. de Schomberg, ont est6 trouvez
presque toutes les nuits couchez sur de la paiUe et endormis,
leurs chevaux dessellez et debridez ; on ne manquoit pas
d'en faire des plaintes au Roy d'Angleterre qui disoit que
cela estoit fort mal, et il n'en a jamais este autre chose. Les
capitaines sont d'une tres grande negligence, et souffrent
que leurs soldats gastent et brisent leurs mousquets ; de
sorte que si on n'y apporte pas plus d'ordre, nostre Maieste
auroit beau envoyer cinquante miUe mousquets de France,
qu'il n'y en auroit pas dix miUe en estat de servir dans ces
troupes cy, au bout de six mois.'

xliv INTRODUCTION

When Macaulay therefore censures the bad clothing of the
troops as due to the defective commissariat he is in error :
it was really due mainly to the avarice of the colonels and
slightly to the neglect of the captains.

It is worthy of notice that the colonel and lieutenant-
colonel had troops in the cavalry and companies in the
infantry, and they drew pay as captains of these in addition
to their pay as colonels and lieutenant-colonels. In foot
regiments the major had always a company, but not in
horse or dragoon regiments. The colonel, Heutenant-
colonel, and major with the adjutant, quarter-master, and
surgeon constituted the regimental staff. The other officers
were divided into three grades, captain, lieutenant, and
ensign in the infantry or cornet in the cavalry. Promotion
as a rule went by selection on the colonel's recommendation,
not by seniority or merit. From the autobiography of
James II it appears that he bought the Earl of Macclesfield's
first troop of Guards for the Duke of Monmouth in 1674.^
On June 22, 1686, Clarendon wrote to Sunderland :

' My lord Tyrconnel told me, tho' I had nothing of it from
your Lordship (which I should have been very glad to have
known the King's mind in), that the King gave Col. Salkeld
the command of the Horse Grenadiers as a recompense of
his former services, in lieu of his employment of lieutenant-
colonel, and in order to his disposing of it to his advantage.
Though I know it is against his Majesty's resolution of not
suffering commands in the army to be sold, yet, considering
what has been told me, and that there can be no harm in
making the proposition, I am desired by my Lord Ikerrin,
that the King may be acquainted, that his Lordship and
Col. Salkeld are agreed for that command of the Grenadiers ;
but then my Lord Ikerrin hopes that the King will give him
leave to surrender the company, which he now has, to
a friend of his ; and he desires it may be to one Lieutenant
John Roth. If his Majesty approve hereof, your Lordship
will be pleased to let me know it, and to send over the
commissions.'

' a. Otway, The Soldier's Fortune, 1681.

THE CONDITION OF THE ARMY xlv

On July 22, 1686, Clarendon wrote another letter to
Sunderland, ' And now I must put your Lordship in mind of
Captain Toby Caulfield, who was to have had Ridley's
command ; the company which he formerly had, having
been given to my Lord Ikerrin, which he has sold by the
King's permission lately to one Rooth.' On December 18,
1686, he wrote to Rochester, ' I seU no offices, I wish the
officers of the army did not ; then there would not be so
much sharking from the poor soldier, as there is.' The
journal of John Stevens bears ample testimony that such
conduct as Clarendon's was the exception, not the rule. The
colonel regarded the places of the quarter-master, adjutant,
and agent, as a source of pecuniary gain, for aU three were
appointed by him. The officers followed the corrupt example
set by the colonel. They secured to him the fresh sale or gift
of their places ; they kept these vacant and drew the income
of their holders. When a vacancy occurred the colonel con-
cealed the fact as long as he could, and the salary of the officer
still borne upon the muster-roUs went into his pocket. Ac-
cording to the declared accounts, Chelsea Hospital, 1680-5,
the following are examples of prices paid for commissions :

I i

Lieutenancy in the Irish Foot-Guards, prior to 1685 1,100

Lieutenant-Colonel's commission ..... 3,440
Captain's ,, • ■ • • 1,720 to 6,000

Lieutenant's 600 to 1,075

Cornet's ....... 2,100

Ensign's ,, 400 to 610

Quarter-master's ,, 1,000

Stevens has a detailed description of the first siege of
Limerick, and in it one matter calls for comment. ' I can
affirm ', writes the Duke of Berwick, ' that not a single drop
of rain feU for above a month before or for three weeks after ' ^
the siege. This statement is flatly contradicted by Stevens.
On the 29th of August he writes : ' The night was extreme
cold, dark, and rainy ' and the 3rd of September ' was

1 p. 331 in the Mimoires (1839 edition).

xlvi INTRODUCTION

appointed a general day of review for the garrison in the
King's Island, but the weather proving extreme foul it was
put off.' The entry of the 29th shows in what sense he uses
the word foul, for there he writes that ' the weather began to
grow foul with extreme rain '. Dumont de Bostaquet^ and
Story 2 confirm the accuracy of Stevens. Moreover, in the
Clarke Correspondence (vol. ii, f. 116) occurs the significant
statement : ' I wish that the inclemency of the weather does
not incommode the progress of the siege of Limerick.' Though
Corporal Trim was not an exact historian, there is no reason
for disbelieving his recollection of the state of the weather,
and he asserts, as all his readers remember, with emphasis,
' besides, there was such a quantity of rain fell during the
siege, the whole country was hke a puddle.' WUliamite and
Jacobite authorities, then, agree that rain feU. The question
that now awaits an answer is. Why did Berwick state the
contrary ? He was so young that he gained no honour
at the siege, and he was jealous of Sarsfield. The perplexing
problem then occurs that a person who from the nature of the
case must have known the truth does not tell it, even though
it favours him. It is, however, not without parallel. When
Napoleon occupied Moscow it was burnt. The Governor of
Moscow, Count Rostopchin, at the time boasted that he
had fired the town. Many years afterwards, when an exile
from Russia, he denied that he had ordered the conflagration.
Which is to be behaved, his early affirmation or his subsequent
denial ?

§ 5. The Brass Money

Stevens had troubles due to the foul weather, but he had

other troubles due to bad money. On ff. 39 b, 55 b, 62 b,

71 a, 72 a, 95 a, 97 a, 113 b, and 117 a, he refers to the

many difficulties caused by the new coinage of James. It

^ p. 286, ' La pluie avoit tombe en telle abondance.'
' P. 39, ' A storm of rain and other bad weather began to threaten us
which fell out on Friday the 29th (of August) in good earnest.'

THE BRASS MONEY xlvii

is obvious from his remarks that at first the nominal and
the real value of the brass money coincided, but when
French silver began to circulate, depreciation ensued. To
the political economist the cause is clear, for by Gresham's
law bad currency tends to drive out good currency. The
working of this law was recognized by Aristophanes,^ by
Nicolas Oresme in a report to Charles V of France about 1366,
by Copernicus in a report or treatise written for Sigismund I,
King of Poland, about 1526, and by Sir Thomas Gresham
in the middle of the sixteenth century. It proved a most
unfortunate law for James, for the depreciation of the
brass currency brought untold misery upon the country.
On the 25th of March, 1689, James issued a proclamation
which raised the value of English gold twenty per cent.,
and EngUsh silver a little over eight per cent., and foreign
gold and silver money in proportion. On the i8th of June
by another proclamation he made two sorts of money, of
brass and copper metal. Though an enormous quantity
of these coins was placed in circulation, it proved insufficient
for the wants of the king. At first this money was not legal
tender for mortgages, biUs, bonds, or obligations, debts due
by record, and money left in trust, but by the proclamation
of the 4th of February these exceptions were swept away.
In order to supply the mint with metal Lord Melfort sent
an order to Lord Mountcashel, master-general of the ord-
nance, to dehver to the commissioners of the mint some old
brass guns, which were in the castle-yard. All collectors of
revenue — ^in this order Stevens would take deep interest — ■
were required to send up all the brass and copper in their
respective districts. In order to encourage men to bring
their plate to the mint to exchange it for this copper money,
the commissioners gave sixpence in the pound in copper for
all the silver and gold they received, and this silver and gold
were to be taken at the current value and fuU weight allowed.

» Frogs, 893-8.

xlviii INTRODUCTION

On the 28th of February the interest given on loans was
six per cent., and on the 9th of June, 1690, it had advanced
to ten per cent. On the 28th of March, 1690, penny pieces,
half-penny pieces, and crown pieces were struck. In order
to remedy the scarcity of money, to pay the army, and to
enable the subject to contribute to the heavy expenses,
a certain quantity of white mixed metal was ordered, by
proclamation of the 21st of April, 1690, to be coined into
crown pieces, to pass for five shillings each. The refusal of
these pieces was to be ' punished according to the utmost
rigour of the law ', and counterfeiters of them were adjudged
guilty of high treason. Moreover, all persons who should
discover ' such offender or offenders, so as he or they be
brought to condign punishment ' were to be recompensed
either by a reward of twenty pounds, or ' one moiety of the
estate, real and personal ' of the offender. Heavy penalties
were to be imposed on any persons who presmned ' either
to import, into any part of this realm, or export into any
other country whatsoever, any of the said coin or money
of white mixed metal ', and rewards were offered for their
discovery. As in the case of the pewter pence and half-
pence, these crowns were not intended to ' continue for any
long time ', and when they were ' decried and made nuU '
full value was to be given for them in gold and silver, and
they were to be received in pa5anent of all debts due to the
Crown. From an abstract (Madden MSS., T.C.D., F. 4. 4) it
seems the whole sum coined amounted to £1,596,799 os. 6d.
The account stands thus :

Value.

£ s. d.

/large shillings 245,879 17 o

large half-crowns 443,498 10 o

large shillings and half-crowns 689,378 7 o

small sixpences 49,042 6 6

small shillings 41,800 o o

^ small half-crowns 127,200 o o

389,724 2i i,S96,799 o 6

Weight

Df Meta

1.

Pound.

Ounces.

62,422

4

110,308

15

172,731

4

coined

14,080

3

' into

8,914

iif

21,267

oi

THE BRASS MONEY xlix

The records of Stevens are the best proof that such pro-
clamations as James issued invariably fail in the end. On
f . 62 b he remarks, ' The army was punctually paid, and the
brass money passed as current, and was of equal value with
silver.' When the French arrived they ' were paid in silver,
which was no small damage and discouragement to the rest
of the army who received none but brass money ' (f . 71 a) .
Less than three months had sufficed to bring about this
change in value. F. 95 a shows marked depreciation :

' The brass money which our misfortunes had much
lessened in the common esteem, the French made so con-
temptible it was scarce of any value, for they being always
paid in silver, had no regard for the brass, but would give
half-a-crown of that coin for a silver three-halfpenny piece,
and forty shillings for a silver crown whereupon all things
were sold accordingly as a pair of shoes for forty shillings,
stockings that used to be sold for ninepence or tenpence
were now worth five shillings, ale ninepence or twelvepence
the quart, wine four shillings brass or sevenpence silver,
brandy ten shillings brass, or tenpence silver. In short all
things were at this time according to this rate (for it grew
worse and worse daily) , and we who were paid in brass had
a miserable existence.'

On f . 62 b Stevens gives prices before depreciation. Then
ale was threepence a quart, whereas now it was ninepence or
twelvepence, a rise of two hundred to three hundred per cent.
In Dublin, too, ale was twelvepence a quart.^

§ 6. The Irish Divisions
The confusion caused by the base money was a grave
trouble, but far graver was that brought about by the
divisions among the Irish themselves. On this point Clarke
is clear :

' Besides all these contradictions his Majesty had another

to struggle with, which was discord and disunion amongst

his own people, which are never failing concomitants of

difficult and dangerous conjunctures. . . . But the King was

^ Clarke Correspondence, i, f. 34.

1218 d

I INTRODUCTION

forced to work with such tools as he had, or such as were
put into his hands, which required so much dexterity to
hinder their hurting one another, and by consequence
himself, as to draw any use from such ill-suited and jarring
instruments.' ^

James found that two distinct, even contradictory, lines
of policy were pressed upon him by his English and Irish
supporters respectively. The features of the English
Jacobite — Stevens was one— are well known, for they have
been drawn by a succession of skilled artists, and in him
is to be discerned the characteristic weakness of the House
of Stuart — a greater regard for dynastic than for national
interests. Stevens was so devoted to James that he could
not condemn his conduct at the battle of the Boyne, but it
is worthy of note he never mentions his king again. To
him the sovereign meant everything, the state very little
indeed. The Lord's anointed might commit iniquity, and still
be able to rely upon the personal devotion of his liegeman.
On the other hand, the features of the Irish Jacobite cannot
be drawn in clear outline, for they are sometimes veiled in
the shifting mists of variety, sometimes hidden in the dim
shadows of uncertainty. His ancestors cared for the first
James because they believed that he was descended from
their own Milesian kings, but this attachment was not
reciprocated, and the feeling passed away. The Celt wants
to see a sovereign regularly in order to adore him. James I
was never in Ireland, and the ministers he sent failed to
develop the feehng of devotedness to his d5niasty. More-
over, all the traditions of an Irish Jacobite were those of
a man with ancestors in persistent opposition to the line
of Stuart. His grandfather perhaps shared the flight of
the earls to Spain. His father, it may be, had borne his
part in the rebellion of 1641. He had been despoiled
of some, if not all, of his family estate by Charles II.
The romantic devotion of the Highlander to the name of
' Vol. i, pp. 387-9.

THE IRISH DIVISIONS li

Stuart meant absolutely nothing to him. The Jacobite
poetry of Scotland and the Jacobite poetry of Ireland offer
a strange contrast — the former is dynastic and personal,
the latter is neither ; it speaks almost exclusively of Ireland
and exhibits a passionate devotion to it. The Highland
loyal fervour was inconceivable to the Irish Celt, for to him
the words sovereign and oppressor were convertible terms.
He cared for James almost as little as a Williamite cared for
James. In fact the attitude of Louis of France and of the
Jacobite of Ireland to the fallen monarch was not widely
different. They both used him for a definite purpose, and
when this use was fulfilled they intended to pay but scant
attention to the instrument they had employed. It was the
intention of Louis that James should keep William busily
engaged in order that he might have no leisure to thwart
his Continental schemes. The Irish Jacobite aimed at
recovering the land of his forefathers as the reward of his
support of James. His grievances were mainly economic,
and the year 1688 seemed to present a suitable opportunity
for their redress. By supporting James he might secure the
co-operation of France and thus pave the way to a restora-
tion of his own ancient possessions, for the defeat of England
would inevitably mean the disappearance of the colonist.
He cared but little that James should recover his throne
in England. In fact his interests and those of James were
in direct opposition. If James were again King of England,
he must pay heed to his subjects there, and this meant
that he could not yield sufficient deference to the wishes of
the Irish Jacobite, who wanted only the independence of
his native island, with perhaps James reigning over him.

To the English Jacobite these aspirations were largely
incomprehensible. Stevens, for example, regarded Dublin as
but one stage in the return journey to London. The English
Jacobite was as much an exile in Dublin Castle as he
had been at Saint-Germain. In fact, of the two courts

d2

lii INTRODUCTION

he much preferred the latter, for there he met men whom he
understood, and whose feehngs he could divine. Moreover,
he perceived that, if his master yielded to the pressure of the
Irish Jacobites, his hopes of crossing the Irish Sea to England
were never destined to be realized. Whatever measures were
proposed the thought could never be long absent from his
mind. What will be the opinion of England about them ?
He knew that if the Irish party despoiled the Protestants
in Ireland, all his chances, as Stevens perceived, were
doomed. If, on the other hand, the policy of James showed
a broad-minded toleration to them, then his prospects of
recall vastly improved. It is to the credit of James that he
tried — for a time, at least — to hold the balance true. He
drew up a proclamation assuring the colonists of their
restoration to their estates and of their admission to office,
but the Irish and French successfully opposed its publication.
The dispatches of Tyrconnel and the Journal of John
Stevens reveal the existence of the chasm that yawned
between the two types of thought. The want of sympathy
and the lack of understanding are plainly visible in every
line they write. The prevaihng Irish sentiment can be seen
in Bishop Molowny's letter to Bishop Tyrrel, March 8, 1689,
wherein he warns his correspondent that a grave fallacy
lurks in the theory that affairs in England must be arranged
as an indispensable preliminary to their own restoration :

' which is the same as to say at Doomsday : For never
a Catholic or other Englishman wiU ever think or make
a step for your restoration, but leave you as you were
hitherto and leave your enemies over your heads to crush
you at any time they please, and cut you off root and branch
as they now publicly declare ; and blame themselves they
have not taken away your lives along with your estates long
ago ! . . . I dare aver, if Ireland were put upon such a foot
by the King, he shall never fear any rebellion in England,
especially if Scotland be faithful to him and France a friend ;
all which can now be well contrived and concerted.' ^

' King, pp. 353-65.

THE IRISH DIVISIONS liii

The last sentence gives an important clue to the policy
pursued by the Irish Jacobites, for they followed Bishop
Molowny's advice and placed implicit trust in France. Of
course Avaux sympathized with the bishop, for though their
aims were different, the measures they advocated were
identical. Tyrconnel and the French were desirous of leading
James in one path, while Melfort and the English wanted to
conduct him along a road diametrically opposite. James saw,
on the one hand, that he must continue to raise, in the Irish,
the hopes raised by his own Lord Deputy ; on the other,
that if he expected to be restored to England he must protect
the colonists. The two lines of policy were absolutely incom-
patible, but, standing hesitatingly at the parting of the ways,
he tried to achieve the impossible, and effect a conciliation
of divergent interests by a policy of mere oscillation. Thus
at one time he urged the Protestant bishops to oppose the
repeal of the Act of Settlement, at another he insisted on its
speedy revocation. An extract from the journals of the
proceedings in the Irish Parliament reveals the vacillating
character of his policy. On the 28th of May, 1689, a motion
of adjournment for a holiday was brought forward. The
king asked, ' What holiday ? ' Answer, ' The restoration of
his brother and himself.' He replied, ' The fitter to restore
those loyal Cathohc gentlemen who had suffered with him
and been kept unjustly out of their estates. The motion
rejected.' James saw at the time and saw more clearly long
afterwards, that his land policy must set the English faction
against the Irish. Two passages in his Memoirs are highly
significant. ' Nothing but his unwillingness ', he maintains,
' to disgust those who were otherwise a:^ectionate subjects
could have extorted his consent to the Irish pohcy from him.
It had, without doubt, been more generous in the Irish not
to have pressed so hard upon their prince when he lay so
much at their mercy, and more prudent not to have grasped
at regaining all before they were sure of keeping what they

liv INTRODUCTION

already possessed.' ' But the Irish, by reckoning them-
selves sure of their game, when in reality they had the worst
of it, thought of nothing but settling themselves in riches
and plenty by breaking the Act of Settlement, and by that
means raise new enemies before they were secure of master-
ing those they had already on their hands.' He yielded to
pressure, and, unfortunately for him, it became known that
he would yield to pressure. Louis and Avaux at last
triumphed, and James became as clay in the hands of the
potter. The two Frenchmen discerned that the prospects of
an English counter revolution were small indeed, while those
of an Irish revolution were tolerably great. Ireland might
possibly secure a nominal independence, but France would
be the power behind the throne. The colonists could be
expelled, the Roman CathoHcs restored, and their Church be
made the established Church of the nation. Ireland would
be linked to France by the strong tie of a common hostility
to England. Louis might count on the Irish to fight his
battles and their land to provision his troops. The harbours
of the country, especially in the south, would afford support
to his navy, whence his ships might issue forth to harass
the trade of England. Little wonder that with these aims in
view Avaux supported the Irish party so heartily. Louvois
was dehghted to receive from his political agent such wel-
come news. The best thing, Louvois replied, that King
James could do would be to forget that he had ever reigned
in Great Britain, and to think only of putting Ireland into
a good condition, and of estabUshing himself firmly there.
' Divide et impera' is a sound maxim under certain conditions,
but in Ireland it proved fatal to the prospects of James in
England. The differences between the two types of Jacobite
became so acute that the Irish actually proposed to exclude
from their party all Roman Catholics of English descent.
The quarrel between the Irish Jacobites and the Enghsh in
the parhament of 1689 became the feud between the Tjn-con-

THE IRISH DIVISIONS Iv

nelites and the Sarsfieldites, as Stevens found to his cost,
at the siege of Limerick. The difference of the principles
of the English Jacobites from those of the Irish meant to
an ordinary Irishman that Tyrconnel held one view of a
given policy while Sarsfiield maintained another. Inevitably
the strife between principles became one between parties
Of course these divisions ruined the king's cause in Ireland.
That James was a humane man on the whole few would
deny, still there is in the archives of D'Este the terrible
letter of the 24th of February, 1689, to the Cardinal D'Este.
' J'esp^re,' he wrote, ' que Sa Saintete croira que I'occasion qui
se presente de detruire I'Eresie (i.e. in Ireland) avec une armee
Catholique n'est pas de ceUes qu'on doit perdre.' His stay
in Ireland, however, convinced him that such a plan would
utterly defeat his projects. He shrank from such a cruel
policy, but Avaux did not. The letter of Avaux of August
the 14th, 1689, to Louis, and the king's reply of September
the 6th, prove that the former urged James to put his pohcy
into practice. The first letter runs thus :

' Le Roy d'Angleterre m'avoit escoute assez paisiblement
la premiere fois que je luy avois propose ce qu'il y auroit
a faire contre les Protestans, lorsque quelques uns d'eux se
seroient soulevez, et auroient attaque les Catholiques, mais
comme il n'avoit rien determine, et que je luy ay demand6
depuis cela ce qu'il luy plaisoit d'ordonner, il m'a respondu
d'un ton fort aigre, qu'il ne vouloit pas egorger ses sujets,
que c'estoit son peuple, et qu'on ne I'obUgeroit jamais a le
traitter de la sorte. Je luy repartis que je ne luy proposois
rien de fort inhumain, que je ne pretendois pas qu'on fist
aucun mal aux Protestans qu'apres qu'on les verroit se
soulever et que s'il en usoit autrement, la pitie qu'il auroit
pour eux seroit une cruaute pour les Catholiques. Je le
suppliay ensuitte de me dire quelle estoit son intention, et
ce qu'il vouloit que les Catholiques de Kork fissent, s'ils
voyoient que les Protestans de Bandon eussent massacre
tons les Catholiques, et ainsi des autres villes : il me dit
qu'ils attendoient a se deffendre quand les Protestans les
attaqueroient. Je representay que les Protestans ne leur
donneroient pas avis de ce qu'ils auraient dessein de faire, et

Ivi INTRODUCTION

qu'ils massacreroient tous les Catholiques les uns apres les
autres ; il ne m'a respondu autre chose que " Tant-pis,
Monsieur ".'

The second letter shows that even Louis would not consent
to such a proposal.

' Je n'approuve pas cependant la proposition que vous
f aites de faire main basse sur tous les Protestans du royaume,
du moment qu'en quelque endroit que ce soit, ils se seront
soulevez ; et outre que la punition d'une infinite d'innocens
pour peu de coupables, ne seroit pas juste, d'ailleurs les
represailles contre les Catholiques seroit d'autant plus
dangereuse, que les premiers se trouveront mieux armez
et soutenus de toutes les forces d'Angleterre.'

The divisions of the Irish and English Jacobites hindered
the return of James to England, but the advice of Avaux
must irrevocably have destroyed any such prospect. Un-
doubtedly Avaux intended by this universal armihilation of
the Protestants to separate England and Ireland for ever,
to place the two nations in a permanently hostile position in
order that French interests might be advanced.

§ 7. The Social Condition of the Country
From f . 87 b to f . 88 b Stevens writes a tantalizingly short
sketch of the social condition of the country, though here
and there throughout the Journal he also affords interesting
information. He notes that the people are ' the greatest
lovers of milk I ever saw, which they eat and drink above
twenty several sorts of ways, and what is strangest for the
most part love it best when sourest '. Fynes Moryson
(1600-3) agrees that ' they feed most on white meats, and
esteem for a great dainty sour curds, vulgarly called by them
Bonaclabbe (i.e. Bonny clabber) . And for this cause they
watchfully keep their cows, and fight for them as for their
religion and life ; and when they are ahnost starved, yet
they will not kill a cow, except it be old and yield no milk.
Yet will they upon hunger in time of war open a vein of

THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY Ivii

the cow and drink the blood, but in no case kill or much
weaken it. A man would think these men to be Scythians,
who let their horses' blood under their ears, and for nourish-
ment drink their blood, and, indeed (as I have formerly said),
some of the Irish are of the race of Scythians.' ^ Dean Swift,
in one of his ironical articles, entitled The Answer to the Crafts-
man, wrote 'to which employment they (i.e. the Irish graziers)
are turned by nature as descended from the Scythians, whose
diet they are stiU so fond of. So Virgil describeth it : —

Et lac concretum cum sanguine bibit equino.^
Which in English is Bonnyclabber.' According to Luke
Gernon, in the baser cabins, in 1620, ' you shaU have no drink
but Bonnyclabber, milk that is soured to the condition of
buttermilk, nor no meat, but mullagham (mallabanne) , a kind
of chokedaw cheese, and blue butter, and no bread at your
first coming in, but if you stay half an hour you shall have
a cake of meal unboulted, and mingled with butter baken
on an iron called a griddle, like a pudding cake.' According to
M. de la BouUaye le Gouz, who visited Ireland in 1644, ' The
Irish gentlemen eat a great deal of meat and butter, but
little bread. They drink milk, and beer into which they put
laurel leaves, and eat bread baked in the English manner.
The poor grind barley and peas between two stones and
make it into bread, which they cook upon a small iron table
heated on a tripod ; they put into it some oats, and this
bread, which in the form of cakes they call Haraan, they
eat with great draughts of buttermilk.' Fynes Moryson
says ' their ordinary food for the common sort is of white
meats, and they eat cakes of oats for bread, and drink not
English beer made of malt and hops, but ale. . . . And for
the cheese or butter commonly made by the English-Irish
an Englishman would not touch it with his hps though he

' Moryson is prejudiced against the Roman Catholic natives, and there-
fore his evidence must be received with a certain amount of caution.

^ ' And he drinks curdled milk with horse's blood ' — misquoted from
Geoygio iii. 463.

Iviii INTRODUCTION

were half-starved ; yet many English inhabitants make
very good of both kinds. In cities they have such bread
as ours, but of a sharp savour, and some mingled with
anice-seeds and baked like cakes, and that only in the houses
of the better sort.' On the other hand, Le Gouz thought
the butter, the beef, and the mutton better than in England,
and he pronounced the beer good and the brandy excellent.
Boisseleau was as unfavourable as Fynes Moryson, and to
him Ireland was ' a country where there is no corn, no bread,
no medicine, and where a wounded man is as good as dead.'
During the Jacobite war there was marked deficiency in the
supply of salt and saltpetre. Of course, meat could not be
cured and gunpowder could not be manufactured on a proper
scale. Fynes Moryson admits that ' the Irish aqua vitae,
commonly called usquebaugh, is held the best in the world of
that kind, which is made also in England, but nothing so
good as that which is brought out of Ireland. . . . Neither
have they any beer made of malt and hops, nor yet any ale —
no, not the chief lords, except it be very rarely ; but they
drink milk like nectar, warmed with a stone first cast into
the fire, or else beef-broth mingled with milk.' Rosen
complained that the beer was brewed so badly that it could
not be drunk without producing dysentery, from which one
man died out of ten. Perhaps Captain Gafney's cure for
ague may be noticed. It is ' One ounce of cortex new, one
dram of powder of snake weed, one dram of powder of nut-
megs made up into an electuary, with a sufficient quantity
of syrup of lemons, you are to take the bigness of a chestnut
of it three or four times in the four and twenty hours, whilst
it (i.e. the ague) lasts shaking, after it a glass of claret
warmed mixed with brandy and sugar.' Fynes Moryson
records the fact that ' they who are sick thereof, upon
a received custom, do not use the help of the physician, but
give themselves to the keeping of Irish women, who starve
the ague, giving the sick man no meat, who takes nothing

THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY lix

but milk and some vulgarly known remedies at their hand.'
Sir William Brereton gives (in 1635) another medical recipe :
' At my coming to Carrickfergus, and being troubled with
an extreme flux, not as yet come to so great a height as
a bloody flux, my hostess, Miss Wharton, directed me the
use of cinnamon in burnt claret wine, as also the syrup and
conserve of sloes well boiled, after they have been strained
and mingled according to discretion with sugar, they are to
be boiled with sugar until they be cleared, having been first
boiled in water until they be softened and then strained.'

Stevens points out that ' all smoke, women as well as men,
and a pipe an inch long serves the whole family several years,
and though never so black or foul is never suffered to be
burnt. Seven or eight wiU gather to the smoking of a pipe,
and each taking two or three whiffs gives it to his neighbours,
commonly holding his mouth full of smoke till the pipe
comes about to him again.' Le Gouz and Stevens agree
in their description of Irish shoes. The former remarks,
' Their shoes, which are pointed, they call brogues, with
a single sole. They often told me of a proverb in English,
" Airische brogues for English dogues " (Irish brogues for
English dogs), " the shoes of Ireland for the dogs of Eng-
land," meaning that their shoes are worth more than the
English.' They also agree in their account of the cabins.
They are, according to Le Gouz, ' four walls the height
of a man, supporting rafters over which they thatch with
straw and leaves. They are without chimneys and make
the fire in the middle of the hut, which greatly incommodes
those who are not fond of smoke. . . . They have little
furniture, and cover their rooms with rushes, of which
they make their beds in summer, and of straw in winter.
They put the rushes a foot deep on their floors, and on
their windows, and many of them ornament the ceilings
with branches.'

Other inmates of the cabin were more unpleasant than

Ix INTRODUCTION

the smoke, as Stevens testifies. Fynes Moryson asserts that
' in cities passengers may have feather beds, soft and good,
but most commonly lousy, especially in the highways,
whether that came by their being forced to lodge common
soldiers, or from the nasty filthiness of the nation in general.'
Even Le Gouz admits that ' the generality of them have
no shirts, and about as many lice as hairs on their heads,
which they kill before each other without any ceremony.'
M. Bouridal describes the Irish soldiers, who landed in
France in 1691, as ' shirtless, shoeless, hatless, and afflicted
with vermin.' Travellers like Stanihurst, an Irishman,
Spenser, Fynes Moryson, CueUar, Rinuccini, Eachard, Hartlib,
and Le Gouz, all take as unfavourable a view of Irish civiliza-
tion as John Stevens. Moreover, Stevens speaks of remote
western parts beyond the control of England.

In the course of his marches Stevens encountered the
'creaghts'. Fynes Moryson shows that 'plenty of grass
makes the Irish have infinite multitudes of cattle, and in the
heat of the last rebellion the very vagabond rebels had great
multitudes of cows which they still (like the nomads) drove
with them whithersoever themselves were driven, and fought
for them as for their altars and families.' These nomads
were the creaghts. When James I endeavoured to give a
system of administration to Ireland he met with the greatest
difficulty from this pastoral population, accustomed to
wander about without any fixed habitation after their herds
of cattle, living largely on white meats, as the produce of
their cows was called. At this period there was not, according
to Sir John Davies, one fixed village in county Fermanagh.^
In a letter to the Earl of Salisbury, written during the first
circuit ever held in Fermanagh, Davies mentions that the
fixing a site for a jail and sessions house had been delayed
until my Lord Deputy had resolved on a fit place for a market
and corporate town ; for the habitations of this people are

^ C. S. p., Ireland, 1608-10, p. 57.

THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY Ixi

so wild and transitory, as there is not one fixed village in all
this country.' Fynes Moryson describes their dwellings as
made of wattles or boughs, covered with long turves or sods
of grass, which they could easily remove and put up as they
wandered from place to place in search of pasture, following
their vast herds of cattle with their wives and children, and
removing still to fresh lands as they had depastured the
former, and living chiefly on the milk of their cows> The
aggregate of families that in one body followed a herd was
called a ' Creaght '. In Ulster, north and west of Lough
Neagh, it seems that the whole population was formed of
creaghts, living this wild and nomadic life. In other parts
of Ireland there was the kindred custom of ' Boolying ', in
which the owners of cattle and their families spent much
of the year in the wilds and mountains with their cows, but
they seem to have returned to fixed habitations. Edmund
Spenser sets forth the evils of boolying, that it was difficult
to enforce law, for such wandering peoples could scarcely be
made responsible for offences. The government grappled
with the matter, and in the Commission issued for the
survey of Ulster, on the suppression of Tyrone's rebellion,
dated July i6, 1605, the commissioners are directed to take
order for building several towns and villages for settling such
subjects as have.no certain habitation, 'by reason whereof,
the inhabitants of the same do for the most part wander up
and down loosely, following their herds of cattle without
any certain habitation.' ^ In a letter to the king, October 31,
1610, complaining of some of the difficulties of the planta-
tion, the Earl of Chichester says that, though the Irish of
this territory had plentifully tasted of his Majesty's clemency
and happy government to their great profit and comfort, yet,
to alter their rude and uncivil customs, and to bring them
to live by their labours on small portions of land by manuring
and stocking it with goods of their own, was as grievous
* Itinerary, 164. ^ Erck's Patent Rolls, Jac. ist, 182.

Ixii INTRODUCTION

unto them as to be made bond-slaves. With the Ulster
Plantation appeared the definite appropriation of the lands
among the new settlers, and with it disappeared the custom
of creaght.

The disappearance took time, but ultimately it came. The
letter of January 26, 1653, states that

'Upon serious consideration had of the inconveniency of
permitting the Irish to live in creaghts after a loose and
disorderly manner, whereby the enemy comes to be relieved
and sustained, and the contribution (i. e. the monthly assess-
ment) oft damaged ; we issued our order dated the nth of
October last for the fixing such persons upon lands propor-
tionable to their respective stock and enjoining them to
betake themselves to tillage and husbandry, and in case of
refusal to seize upon the cattle and stock of such persons,
and appraising them upon oath to expose them to sale for
the best advantage of the Commonwealth.'

' We ' are the commissioners for the government of
Ireland. They go on to complain of want of inteUigence,
and require their officers to report how far they have gone
in the execution of the order, and lay down that in fixing
all such creaghts they take care that they be disposed at
most distance from their friends and relations, to the end
all relief may be the better debarred from the enemy. An
army, whether Williamite or Cromwellian, was obliged to
depend for support on supply raised by the assessment of
a gross sum on each county, and then apportioned on the
inhabitants according to their several stocks and crops.
The difficulty of assessing such wanderers as the creaghts
can easily be imagined, and was set forth in another order,
by which fresh measures were directed for extinguishing
them by ' unheading the creaghts ', that is, imprisoning the
chief man of the creaght until the rest of it were certified to
have transplanted themselves and taken up a fixed abode in
Connaught. This order states :

' 29 August, 1656. — Whereas the Lord Deputy has been
informed by his Council that at this present there are some

THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY Ixiii

creaghts that have removed out of Ulster who, according
to an ancient but barbarous manner of life, have no fixt
place of habitation, but wander up and down with their
families and substance to the prejudice and just offence
of divers people, and to the defrauding of the public of the
cess and duty which is legally due : His Excellency Lord
Henry Cromwell thereby appoints persons to enquire what
creaghts are in Meath or thereabouts, how long they have
continued there, how called, from whence and by whose
encouragement they came thither, and by what authority
they practise that vagrant and savage life so contrary to
Christian usage : And to the end such a lewd custom may
be duly discountenanced and made exemplary, His Excel-
lency thereby orders that the heads or chief persons of those
creaghts be secured in some safe place, and the persons of
the rest of the said wanderers kept likewise in restrain,
until they shall give security for their speedy transplanting
into Connaught. The heads of the said creaghts to remain
in custody until the return of a certificate from the com-
missioners at Loughrea that the said creaghts are actually
removed with their stock and substance, and settled there.
The persons who are to execute this order to take the names
of the said creaghts and an inventory of such of their
stock and goods as shall be judged fit to be reserved for the
maintenance of such chief person secured as aforesaid.'

Story saw some of the wild Irish near Newry in 1690, and
writes : ' Some call them creaghts, from the little huts they
live in, which they build so conveniently with hurdles and
long twci, that they can remove them in summer towards
the mountains, and bring them down to the valleys in
winter.' ^ It is clear, however, that the historian confounds
the Irish term creaghts with the English word crate, hurdle
or wicker-work. His error is intelligible, for the word was
applied to an Irish village or collection of those frail habita-
tions, even though they were not intended to be moved.
Stevens met creaghts, and Story may well have met them.
In spite of law and in spite of orders traces of the creaghts
persisted tiU the middle of the eighteenth century.

1 P. 16. On the creaghts cf. C. S. P., Ireland, 1603-6, p. 44; ibid.
1606-8, pp. 572, 574, 593 ; ibid, 1608-10, pp. 27, 65, 145, 176, 357-8 ;
ibid. 1615-25, p. 412; ibid. 1633-47, pp. 670, 673.

THE DATES OF THE JOURNAL

1689

January 11

f.2b

September 6

f. 4 b

January 11

f. lOb

February i

f. 18 a

March 4 .

f. 26 a

April 3 . . .

f.33b

Mays

f.36b

Dates cease

f. 44 b

August 20 .

f. 60 a

September 5

f. 60 b

October 4

f. 62 a

Dates cease

f. 66 a

1690

May 19

. f73b

June I

. f. 76 b

July I .

. f . 79 b

August I . .

. f . 97 a

September i

. f . 108 b

Dates cease

. f. 113 a

1691

April 20 .

f . 116 a

May 4

f. 117 b

June 2

f. ii8a

July I .

f . 125 a

T]

-IE N(

3TES

In compliance with a suggestion of Professor Firth, the notes have
been re-arranged to avoid having too many on one page : the index
of events and persons will f acihtate reference. Notes on well-known
people, e.g. Schomberg, are short, while those on obscure people are
necessarily longer.

The spelUng of the Journal has been modernized. Names of places
have also been modernized, e.g. when Stevens writes lerney the
editor writes Ernee. Where there seems a doubt the spelliiig of
Stevens has been given.

JOURNALL

OF MY TRAVELS
SINCE THE RESOLUTION

CONTAINING

A Briefe Account of all the War in Ireland

impartially related, & what I was an Eye

Witness to & deliver upon my own

knowledge diftinguifhed from

what I received from others

WITH AN ACCOUNT

Of all our Marches & other Memorable Passages
wherein I bore a part, fince firft I had the honour
of a Commiffion in his Ma"es Army
in Ireland.

There are added fome few remarks and other notable
occurrences fuitable to the fubject.

Olim meminijfe jmiahit .

7?

AN

INTRODUCTION TO THE

JOURNAL

His Most Sacred Majesty having, through the infinite good- f. i b
ness, and providence of Almighty God, made his escape from
Rochester,^ and the most happy news of his safe arrival, and
kingly reception in France,^ being spread all over England :
the small remainder of his loyal subjects (those few thousands
who had not bowed their knees to Baal) either in their persons,
or at least in their wishes hasted to follow him. Some through
the great incumbrance of their families, others through want
having been plundered of all their substance, others for fear of
being burdensome to him in his exile, and lastly some in hopes
of being more serviceable to him, when Providence should
ordain his return, remained in | their more than Egyptian f . 2 a
slavery. Yet a very considerable number gathering together
the small remainders of their shipwreck, and laying aside all
worldly considerations, having only before their eyes their
duty and love to their sovereign, resolved to follow him
through all hazards, in hopes of being instrumental in regaining
his just rights. I shall ever esteem it the most glorious action
of my life that I made myself one of this number, and cannot
but be proud that in all the hardships, and misfortunes, which
have attended this my tedious exile, I have never been dis-
mayed, or given way to despair ; but relied always on the
justice of our cause, and all miseries have been easy to me in
consideration of the happiness of my return home. To come
closer to the matter, to wit my transactions after his Majesty's

' James II fled from Rochester on the night of December 22, 1688.

' Louis XIV received James and his Queen Mary of Modena with his
usual generosity, granting them ;^45,ooo a year. Mdmoires du Markhal
de Berwick, tome i, pp. 29-40 ; Clarke, James JI, vol. ii, pp. 205-27.

1218 B 2

4 AN INTRODUCTION

departure, it is to be observed, that though I immediately
resolved to follow, yet through the difficulty of getting passes,

f. 2 b and many other impediments, | I could not set forward till
Friday, January the nth, 1688/9. Yet before I proceed
I cannot but look back as far as the original of all this country's
and my own misfortunes, to wit, the time of the invasion.
And by way of introduction make some remarks of what
happened to me from that time, till I left England, in short
as things have occurred to me upon penning this paper in
haste. When the spirit of witchcraft, or rebellion (which the
Scripture tells us are alike ^) had well possessed itself, and as
it were fixed its abode in the hearts of most of His Majesty's
dissembling ( enthusiastic subjects, through the mediation of
their Pharisaical teachers,^ at the time when men began to
lament the danger of losing their religion, who were never
known to be possessed of, or pretend to any, at this time was
I employed in Wales in receiving His Majesty's revenue of

f. 3 a excise there. Being in a public employment | and keeping
much company, I could not but easily discern, how prone all
were to mutter about breach of laws, and invading of religion,
and it was plainly to be discerned, that many who said Well
Well, thought very evil. This I found by long experience,
yet the fear of punishment kept their tongues as well as hands
within the limits of the law. The first hardened piece of
insolence that I observed, was upon the news of the Seven
Bishops^ being released, at which time in Welshpool in

^ Stevens is thinking of the passage in i Samuel xv. 23, where Samuel
remarks that ' rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft '. One of the leading
characteristics of the political thought of the seventeenth century is the
unlawfulness of rebellion : authority ought not to be resisted. Statesmen of
those days shrank from a belief in the right of revolution. This was shown
in 1689, for then Parliament shrank from deposing James and solemnly
declared that he had abdicated the throne.

^ He may have in view such teachers as Algernon Sidney. Cf. Ill, §§ 11
and 25 of his Discourses concerning Government. He cannot mean Ixjcke's
two Treatises on Civil Government, for they were not published till 1689.
Sidney declares that an unjust law is not law at all (III. § 11), and gives
as examples the persecuting statutes of the Lancastrian period (§25).

• The Seven Bishops petitioned James that they might not be asked to
read the Second Declaration of Indulgence, and for this petition they were
committed to the Tower. They were Sancroft of Canterbury, Lloyd of
St. Asaph, Lake of Chichester, Ken of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely,

THE SEVEN BISHOPS 5

Montgomeryshire where I commonly resided, and many other
places about, were made public bonfires in contempt of His
Majesty's proclamation forbidding the same, or rather in
defiance of his authority, through which those incendiaries
were committed, and again set loose, to blow up that fire
they had before left concealed, and which has since raged
through these three miserable kingdoms. No sooner had |
these (to use His Majesty's own phrase) seven trumpets off- 3 b
rebellion recovered their undeserved liberty, but they spread
themselves through the kingdom, each taking his part, and
sounding so loud that they drew after them, not only, their
own insignificant flock, commonly distinguished by the name
of Church of England men, but all the other herds of wild
animals that ranged the vast forest of the English heresy and
schism. So that it was wonderful to see so many monsters,
so far different in nature, who but just before were devouring
one another, in a moment so united, and linked together, only
by the thirst and desire of satiating themselves with the blood
of a king, and his few Catholic subjects. One of these seven
champions of Satan, to wit Dr. Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph,^
took his progress through that part of the country where I was
then employed, and it was most manifestly to be seen that
every town he passed through received from him | the infec- f. 4 a
tion he came to spread, and all sorts of people sucked in the
poison so greedily, that the country which before laboured
under but some small symptoms of sedition, and could easily
have been recovered, was now grown drunk with rebellion,
and swelled to that height with the venomous contagion, that
no antidotes were of strength enough to restore it. It was,
immedicabile vuluus, ense reddendum, only to be cured by
cutting off the infected parts, to prevent the sound from par-
taking in the contagion.^ This was the posture of affairs in

White of Peterborough, and Trelawney of Bristol. As some of these be-
came Nonjurors it is difficult to approve of Stevens's extravagant language.
* Lloyd, like James I, had more learning than judgement. According to
Clarendon, he tried to extract information from the Book of Daniel and
from the Revelation of St. John on Innocent XI and Louis XIV. (See the
Diary, May i6 and 17, 1688.) James took the petition of the bishops from
him, Lloyd was not a Nonjuror, and the epithets of Stevens in his case
are more intelligible. * Ovid, Metamorphoses, i. 190-1.

6 AN INTRODUCTION

Wales and generally throughout England, when I was obliged
to go to London to settle my accounts. I found that city
(which as it is the capital of the kingdom so has it ever been
the head in all insurrections and treasons) no less modelled
than its members, and most men either carried a tacit treason
in their faces, or palliated in their words. Here I continued

f . 4 b the space of three weeks, till the | news of the Dutch fleet
having passed the Downs, and afterwards in sight of the Isle
of Wight that ever accursed villain and ungrateful wretch,
the Earl of Dartmouth, with the English fleet under his
command never endeavouring to disturb or molest them.^
Alarmed with this news I thought fit to haste down to secure
what part of His Majesty's interest I was entrusted with in
Wales, and accordingly set out on Tuesday, the 6th of Sep-
tember, in the Shrewsbury coach, and on Wednesday the yth
at night I received a letter at Northampton, with the news
of the Prince of Orange's landing at Torbay with 14,000 men
on Monday the 5th of the eighth month. This made me the
more earnest to be at my journey's end, yet arrived not at
Welshpool till Monday the i2th, the coach having broken
short of Shrewsbury, and keeping us a day extraordinary on
the road. Being arrived I found the generality of the people

f. S a began to be more open | hearted, and were not at all averse
to the Prince of Orange or his designs, and thus it continued
some days, the dispositions of the people being daily sounded
by the leading men, and each preparing horse and arms under
pretence of a militia for an insurrection. Till the false Lord
Cornbury ^ having openly taken to himself the title of traitor,

' Stevens is not fair to Lord Dartmoutli, for James ordered him merely
to disturb the landing of William if this could be done successfully. When
the wind shifted from east to north-west Dartmouth found it impossible
to sail in the latter direction along the coast of Sussex. It is also to be
noted that the Dutch had sixty ships of war while the English had merely
thirty-three.

' Lord Cornbury was grandson of the great Earl of Clarendon. He was
commanding officer of a regiment of dragoons sent westward to oppose
William. At Salisbury he tried to carry over three cavalry regiments to
William, but the officers, suspecting his designs, questioned him so search-
iugly that he was obliged to decamp accompanied by a few followers. His
desertion proved fruitful in bringing about ' the general defection ' (Clarke,
Life of James II, ii. 215).

THE WELSH REVOLUTION 7

by going over to the enemy with such as he had prepared,
or ensnared, gave courage to many to rise, as did in Wales
the Lord Herbert of Cherbury^ and with him Sir John Price
and many more of note, followed at first by a few of their own
tenants, and servants. These first secured Ludlow with a
small number, but were soon reinforced from all parts of the
country, fathers sending their sons, and masters their servants
with their best horses and arms, giving out for fear of any
misfortune that they ran away from them. What money of
the king's was in my hands before I had taken care to return
to London, and it being time | now again to receive the fresh f. 5 b
duty I ordered it to be deferred knowing well that the rebels
seized the king's money wherever they found it, and being
satisfied they had the same design upon me. And having
intelligence there was a design to seize my horses, I sent them
by means of one Mr. Jones of Welshpool to Mr. Vaughan of
Lludiaths whom I suspected and he afterwards proved as
great a rebel as the rest, but at that time such men's houses
only were safe. Yet I resolyed to stay and see the extremity
of things myself, knowing there were some under me, who
designed to receive the king's duty, and wanted only my
absence to authorize them in doing of it, and was resolved
to expose myself rather than the king's authority should be
made an instrument to receive his money to serve against
himself. Which whilst I was in Welshpool was attempted in
other parts of the country by one Search, a villain, who was
supervisor under me, but I having timely notice by my letters
prevented his malicious intent from taking effect. But I dwell
too long upon | this subject, and to come closer to the point f. 6a
in hand, I continued here till such time as all the country
round was in open rebellion, having taken arms, plundered
several houses and, among the rest, one of Duke Powis ^ at

' Henry Herbert was fourth Baron Herbert of Cherbury ; he died in
1 69 1. He supported the Duke of Monmouth in opposition to the Duke of
York and approved of the Exclusion Bill. With his cousin, Henry Herbert,
he favoured the Revolution.

^ ' Duke Powis ' was William Herbert, first Marquess and titular Duke of
Powis (1617-96). As a moderate Roman Catholic hQ, like James, did not
favour Tyrconnel's attempts to repeal the Act of Settlement. He accom-
panied James to Ireland and shared his exile as his lord steward and

8 AN INTRODUCTION

Buttington, a mile from Welshpool, and committed several
outrages, especially in destroying chapels in most places.
Finding it was impossible to do the king any further service
being hourly in danger of being seized and imprisoned by the
rebels, I thought it convenient in time to withdraw. Accord-
ingly having sent for my horses overnight, I left Welshpool
in the morning early, and went, that day being Monday, to
Wrexham in Denbighshire, twenty-four miles from Welshpool,
knowing the road to London was every way beset, and that it
was impossible for me to avoid being examined and secured,
both as being well known, and obliged in conscience not to
deny my religion, which was cause enough then to rob, and
secure me. The next day, Tuesday, I left Wrexham and went
f . 6 b to Holywell in Flintshire, still northward and from | London,
and finding the country very peaceable, and that no injury
was offered to us, but the people continued in their obedience,
without so much as a thought of rising at least in appearance,
I continued four days with great satisfaction, hoping the
king had yet some good subjects, and all was not lost. The
last of these four days, being Saturday, came the news that
His Majesty with the queen and prince, were privately with-
drawn from Whitehall, and it was thought were gone into
France. The company I then kept were four or five priests,
and though at first we seemed not to believe, yet finding
a confirmation from all hands of the truth of this report, we
were as it were thunderstruck, till coming out of our amaze-
ment every one began to consider which way best to shift for
himself. One of the priests desired me to stay and he would
secure himself and me among his friends in the country, but
having taken a resolution immediately to follow His Majesty's
fortunes, I prepared to take my journey next morning. Some
hopes I had that Chester still held for the king, being told be-
fore the Lord Molyneux^ had secured it with Gage's Regiment,

chamberlain at Saint-Germain. When the Dauphiness heard that his title
was only that of Marquess she refused to receive him with such a half-and-
half sort of title, for only dukes could be admitted to her apartments.
Therefore four days later James created him a duke.

' Caryll Molyneux, third Viscount Maryborough (1621-99). During
the Civil War he fought on the Royalist side and appeared in arms against
William in 1688.

THE IRISH RUMOURS 9

and some Irish Dragoons | and that there were lately landed f- 7 a
3,000 men out of Ireland, but I was soon undeceived and
found Gage's Regiment and the Dragoons had been disarmed,
the city being secured by the major for the Prince of Orange,
and the Irish recruits being only many ships full of women
and children that fled from Ireland for fear of chimerical
massacres. I entertained thoughts of going over to Ireland
to serve the king there, but was soon dashed with a false
report, that the Lord Deputy had been seized upon, and
delivered the sword to the Lords Granard,^ Mount joy,^ and
others. So that the only way left was to London and thence
follow His Majesty ; in order to which on Sunday morning
I rode over the sands to Chester, which is thirteen miles
from Holywell and fearing to be stopped there ordered one
Mr. Cole, a Protestant, who went with me as a friend, not to
call me by my own name. At Chester I alighted at the post-
house, having found the gates of the city locked, and much
difficulty to get in, but the first thing the Postmaster
asked my friend was whether he knew one Mr. Stevens that

' Sir Arthur Forbes was first Earl of Granard (1623-96). In the rebellion
of 1641 his mother was besieged at Castle Forbes, but he raised the siege.
He then served under Montrose in Scotland, and supported the Stuarts
when their fortunes stood low. Unlike most supporters he was rewarded
by Charles II. He was attached to the Presbyterian Church and procured
for it the first grant of the regium donum (Kirkpatrick, Loyalty of Presby-
terians, p. 384). When James found Lord Granard would not assist him
in making Roman Catholicism dominant he removed him from his com-
mand in the army. In the House of Lords he protested against the Acts
of Repeal and Attainder, and then retired from public life until William
landed. His last public act was the reduction of Sligo, which he accom-
plished with five thousand men.

' Sir William Stewart was first Viscount Mountjoy (1653-92). His
regiment was quartered at Londonderry, but Tyrconnel ordered it to
Dublin in order to replace the Irish troops sent to Hounslow Heath. This
lax arrangement left Derry defenceless, thus giving the apprentices their
opportunity of shutting the gates. He negotiated with the citizens of
Derry and Knniskillen, and during these negotiations Tyrconnel recalled
him to Dublin. The Lord Deputy felt afraid of Mountjoy's influence
among Ulster men, and in order to get him out of his way he sent him with
Sir Stephen Rice on an embassy to Louis XIV, January 10, 1688/9. Rice
had secret orders to denounce his colleague, who was thrown into the
Bastille. Though absent on the service of James he was included in the
Act of Attainder, for he did not appear in Dublin on the appointed day.
This conduct altered his view of the doctrine of passive obedience. As
a volunteer he joined William's army, and was killed at Steinkirk, August 3,
1693.

10 AN INTRODUCTION

was employed in Montgomeryshire, meaning myself, and my
f. 7 b friend as readily denied having any knowledge of me | yet this
gave me cause to apprehend danger, and to avoid suspicion
I thought fit not to leave the house, but dining there was
known by some passengers who came out of Ireland yet they
could not hit upon my name. Thus I spent the day with many
apprehensions, being known by several, whom still I shifted
off, and took a place in the coach for London by a false name,
not daring ride my own horses for fear they should be taken
from me on the road, and give occasion of securing me. On
Monday morning having recommended my horses to my
friend I set out in company with two women who fled from
Ireland, and a disbanded heutenant of Colonel Gage's Regi-
ment. This night we lay at Whitchurch, where as soon as
alighted we were examined by some of the watchmen of the
town who were in arms, and these were easily satisfied and
left us ; but as the lieutenant and I (understanding our cir-
cumstances to be ahke) were going to bed came up another
parcel of the same sort of rabble governed by a hot-headed
nonsensical young fellow who gave us much trouble, and could
not be satisfied but that we were dangerous men and ought
to be secured, till our landlord taking him down with difficulty
f. 8 a convinced him by | the powerful argument of much ale and
brandy. Tuesday morning early we set out and baited '^ at
Newport, where we again suffered persecution at the hands
of our ignorant examiners. Here we met with one that was
a steward or some such sort of instrument to the Earl of
Macclesfield,^ who, having seated himself among the rabble
that came to examine us, perplexed us more than all the rest,
and had quite daunted my fellow sufferer, and almost put me
to a stand, till on a sudden he confessed he only asked those

' Bait is food, refreshment, especially a feed for horses, or slight refresh-
ment for travellers, upon a journey {(Oxford English Dictionary, i. 628). The
word in this sense is quite old and occurs in Spenser's Faery Queene, 1. xii.
35 ; it occurs, however, oply once in Shakespeare {Henry VIII, v. iv. 85),
though in other senses it occurs quite often {Comedy of Errors, 11. i. 94 ;
Twelfth Night, lu. i. 30 ; Henry VI, Second Part, v. i. 148).

' Charles Gerard was first Earl of Macclesfield (d. 1694). He served with
much distinction in the Civil War. He befriended the Duke of Monmouth
and fled to the continent in 1685, returning with William in 1688.

THE RUMOURED MASSACRES ii

questions out of curiosity being no justice of the peace, which
taking hold of I replied, he did very ill to put us to all that
trouble without reason or authority, and that he must expect
no further answer from me till he could show his authority
to examine. Wine and ale reconciled our differences and all
being well composed we set out with our new fellow traveller,
whom at first I thought there was more reason to fear than our
chance enemies on the road, but was soon rid of my appre-
hensions. For no sooner were we seated in the coach, but our
fugitive Irish zealots lamenting the imaginary calamities of
their Protestant brethren in Ireland, he took thence occasion
to rail at His Majesty's government, not naming him, | but 1 8 b
stabbing his reputation, through the sides of his counsellors,
to justify the Prince of Orange's invasion and extol the
successful rebellion of His Majesty's ever perverse subjects.
Not able to bear with so much insolence, and laying aside all
thoughts of the danger I exposed myself to in opposing the
prevailing party, I very freely replied to all he said, in such
manner that though it be impossible without a miracle to
convince an old hardened rebel as he was, yet I left him
nothing more to say for his cause. At this time the rumour
of the Irish burning and murdering all before them, which
had been maliciously spread on purpose for the destruction
of the Catholics, had prevailed, and people dreamed of nothing
but blood and massacres, the very forgers of the lie having
told it so often that they believed it themselves. My antago-
nist was not void of his share in this fear, whereupon finding
he could not prevail on me with his arguments he thought
good to compound, and telling me he knew well I was a Papist,
and that he loved no good man the worse for his religion, and
therefore would agree, if I would defend him against the Irish
in case we met them, he would carry me safe to London not-
withstanding all the watches and guards that were on the
road to examine passengers. Though I found this to be a
very | advantageous offer to me being in continual danger of f. 9 a
being stopped by every impertinent constable, or watchman,
and knowing there is no surer way to avoid being robbed
than to make a friend of the highwayman ; yet having found

13 AN INTRODUCTION

his blind side I would not show him mine, and therefore with
much indifference I thanked him for his kind offer, telling him
I stood not in need of any assistance to carry me through
the world having done nothing that I was ashamed of, or
afraid to answer, but that not being used to converse with the
rabble, nor acquainted with the nonsense of their dialect, he
would do me a favour to keep them from me, and to requite
the obligation I engaged to protect and defend him against
all the wild Irish in the kingdom. Thus agreed we came to
the Four Crosses, where we lay this night, and it being a lone
place where there are but three or four houses, we had no
trouble from our learned examiners, the Mobile, under the
title of Constable and Watch. Here I found the Earl
of Castlemaine^ and Mr. Thomas Price of Llanvilling, a
Montgomeryshire gentleman, with whom I had been before
acquainted, they were both privately going to the house of the
latter, thinking to be there private. I told them the danger
i. 9 b the country being in arms, and showed no | safety could be
expected there, yet they thought their own course best, but
no sooner was I arrived at London, than I heard what I had
told them proved true, which was that the said Earl was in
Shrewsbury Gaol. Wednesday we baited at Castle Bromwich,
and lay at Coventry meeting with no trouble for what there
was, my fellow traveller according to contract took upon
himself and answered to the mayor of the town for both.
We heard some of the distressed unarmed Irish had been in
this town on their way to Chester and kindly received by the
inhabitants, but commanded back to London by order from
the Prince of Orange. Thursday night we lay at Northampton,

' Roger Palmer was Earl of Castlemaine (1634-1705). His wife was the
mistress of Charles II. In order to propitiate her dislike of the Portuguese
match the king raised her husband, to his intense disgust, to the Irish
peerage by the title of Earl of Castlemaine. As a staunch Roman
Catholic he issued The Catholique Apology, an eloquent defence of the
loyalty of his co-religionists. James employed him as ambassador to
Innocent XI, who gave him an exceedingly cool reception. For the Pope
had no love of the Gallicanism of either Louis or James. When the latter
fled Castlemaine withdrew to Whitehall, his country seat in Montgomery-
shire. At Oswestry he was arrested on ' suspicion of treasonable practices ',
also for ' endeavouring to reconcile this kingdom to the see of Rome '. On
February 10, 1689/90, however, he was released.

PASSIVE OBEDIENCE 13

Friday at Dunstable, and Saturday came safe to London.
At Highgate I first saw some of the Prince of Orange's
foreigners, who quartered and kept guard there and next
found them possessed of all the guards in London. I found
the face of affairs quite altered, the usurper in quiet possession
of the Royal Palaces, the rebellious subjects rejoicing in their
new government, some stickling for their ever admired idol
of a commonwealth, others to set up their Jeroboam and
adore their Golden Calf, whilst the distressed loyalists either
fled their barbarous country, or groaned under the slavery of |
their inhuman governors. Nothing was more frequently f. to a
heard than villanous reflections on their Most Sacred Majesties
and Royal Highness to such a height of impudence, that the
very relating of it would breed horror in a moral heathen
much more in Christians, whom their faith obliges not only
to obey but reverence their superiors, especially kings who
are God's Vicegerents, who tell us By him they reign and
decree justice, and not by authority of the rabble, as our new
pseudo-evangelists would persuade us.^ The calamities of the
royal party and an earnest desire of serving His Majesty made
me impatient to quit the kingdom. Therefore never regarding

' Declaration to be made by schoolmasters, &c. : ' I A. B. do declare
that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take arms against
the king, and that I do abhor that traitorous position of taking arms by his
authority against his person or against those that are commissionated by
him,' 14 Car. II. c. 4. The text, ' By me kings reign, and princes decree
justice,' comes from Proverbs viii. 15. It was a poor defence for the
theory of the divine right of kings compared with that put forward by Sir
Robert Filmer in the Patriarcha, 1680. Sir Robert grounded the rights of
kings on the patriarchal authority of Adam and his successors. For Adam
had received from God absolute dominion over Eve and all his children
and their posterity, to the most remote generations. The notion of non-
resistance was universal in the seventeenth century. Bishop Jackson, in
his treatise of Christian Obedience (Works, iii. 971), writes : ' The principle
wherein the Romish Church, the Jesuits, and we agree is this ; that none
may resist the higher powers ; that obedience, at least passive or sub-
missive from the outward man of our bodies, lives, and estates is due to
the higher powers.' The Presbyterian view is the same. In his Declaration
of Discipline (p. 185) Cartwright declares that 'under the name of the
Saints are contained all the rest of the Church, which do not exercise any
public office or function therein, whose duty as in all others sometimes is
only this, to suffer themselves to be ruled and governed by those whom
God hath set over them '. Cf. Dudley Digges on The Unlawfulness of
Subjects taking A rms against the Sovereign.

14 AN INTRODUCTION 1689

the difficulties that obstructed his return, or the hardships
and miseries I might endure in a country, where my sovereign
was only upon courtesy, I resolved as soon as possible to leave
father, friends, ease, and country to bear my part in his
fortunes. |

THE JOURNAL

f. 10 b Friday the nth of January 1688/9 about two of the clock
afternoon I embarked at Billingsgate stairs on a Deal hooker
bound for Deal, the wind at north-west. There were on board
between forty and fifty passengers, whereof about twelve or
fourteen gentlemen, the rest private soldiers all on the same
account, flying the Prince of Orange's usurpation, and our
fellow subjects' most unparalleled rebellion. We had many
spectators on the shore, but civiller than what others on the
like occasion had found. Sailing down we had some scoffs
cast upon us from other boats as we passed, but no stop or
trouble till about seven at night, when we met with abundance
of ice, and that very thick. Still we made the best of our way,
the wind blowing a fresh gale, till about eight, when it grew
very dark, and there being no seamen aboard, but the master
who was almost blind, and a little boy, we ran aground about
two miles within Gravesend, where we lay about three-quarters
of an hour, and then the water flowing brought us off. We
kept on with great difficulty by reason of the great flakes of
ice the tide drove up and, having happily escaped being
stopped or examined at Gravesend, by the help of the dark-
ness were again aground about eleven of the clock three
miles below the town, where we lay all night.

Saturday the 12th in the morning at high water we floated
again, and, nothing remarkable happening, cast anchor that
night at the buoy in the Nore amidst the rebellious English
fleet, the false Lord Dartmouth then riding admiral there.
Within an hour the said lord sent his lieutenant aboard of us

f. I : a to see our passes ; he was very civil, and not too exact | or
rigid, and went away satisfied. However about twelve of the
clock, though it was very dark, and somewhat rough, we
thought it better to commit ourselves to the mercy of the

1689 THE SHIPWRECK 15

sfea, than rely any longer on the courtesy of the rebellious
fleet.

Sunday the 13th : the morning proved excessive cold with
much snow and the darkness was such that we knew not how
to avoid the sands, and about three of the clock were the third
time aground, about three leagues within Margate, on a hard
sand with an ebbing water, so that there was little likelihood
of getting off, and, the wind blowing very fresh, though not
stormy, the vessel beat violently on the bank for near half an
hour, to the great terror of us all, expecting either that or
the next ebb at farthest to be lost. Thus we all betook our-
selves to prayers. After a while one Mr. Usher that had been
lieutenant at sea, spying the light of a ship at a great distance
from I us, heaved all things out of our cockboat, and put her f. 1 1 b
over the side of the vessel, pretending to go to the other ship
to bring us assistance, and inquire where we were, for our
master was wholly ignorant, and fancied it was Sandwich
Bay, whereas next day we found we were not near it. But
Mr. Usher's real intention was to save himself, and conse-
quently leaped the first into the boat, three others presently
following him ; I seeing all throng to the ship side, fearing
the boat would be sunk, would not attempt to get into it,
but resigned myself to God's Will, and resolved to take my
fortune in the vessel. The fourth man leaping into the boat
from the deck put her away from the side of the vessel, and
she drove off without oars, or sail, the tide carrying her
violently away in a minute, so that we gave them for lost,
having only just heard them cry out for oars, when it was
out of our power to assist them. How sadly we passed the
rest of the night | may be imagined, between the compassion f. 12 a
for our (as we imagined) lost companions, and the appre-
hensions of being lost ourselves, yet compared with them we
thought ourselves in much the better condition. When day
appeared we found all about us for above a mile dry except
some little channels not a foot deep : whereupon I advised
the master to carry out an anchor before the water rise
towards the channel, that might bring about the head of the
vessel at high water, for the wind was almost in our stern.

i6 THE JOURNAL i68^

and ahead high banks of sand, the channel on the starboard
side and to windward so that without some help it was
impossible to bring her about when she began to float. This
advice as all other he slighted. About half flood the vessel
began to beat on the sand, without any probability of getting
off, but on the contrary was driven by the wind upon the

f. 12 b higher banks which were right ahead of us. | Then the master
began to wish his anchor had been out, but in vain, having
no boat to carry it with, till one Captain Mullins, a passenger,,
with much ado persuaded him to keep her head to windward
with two very long oars there happened to be aboard, which
with much pain and trouble at length brought her into the
channel. This was no small joy to all the disconsolate com-
pany, so we set sail, having now only the compassion for our
lost companions to afflict us. When we had run about three
leagues and were right against Margate, we spied a boat
making towards us from a great ship that lay off ; our hearts
dictated good hopes, and the boat coming aboard brought our
four till then lost companions, whom having received with
much joy we prosecuted our voyage. But the manner of their
escape was by means of Mr. Usher, who being a seaman
studied the means to drive the boat towards shore, but having

f. 13 a neither oars nor sail, endeavoured | to pull up the seats, and
failing of that, they being too fast, at length he found a broom-
staff upon which as a mast he fixed his own coat, putting
a cane one of the company had through the arms instead of
a yard, one holding the broomstaff and two the ends of the
coat, and thus he steered as much as he could towards the
shore, till day appearing they discovered the aforesaid ship,
which being hailed sent out her pinnace, carried them aboard,
and treated them civilly, from whence spying our vessel they
were sent to us as has been above related. About the North
Foreland, notwithstanding all our persuasions, our blind
pilot stood in so close to the shore, that having of our own
accord cast the lead, we found but half a foot more water than
the vessel drew, and were still standing in to the shoal water,
where if we had touched all must inevitably have perished,
so we stood off again ; and cast anchor before Deal about

1689 ARRIVAL AT CALAIS 17

three in the afternoon. Here to our great | admiration, we f. 13 b
were quietly received without the least affront or reflection
thrown upon us.

Monday the 14th : we continued at Deal, endeavouring to
persuade the master of the same hooker that brought us to
carry us to Calais ; we used all our endeavours, but could not
at first prevail so that some of the company were for going
to Dover, which I was utterly against, knowing what multitude
of people flocked thither to be transported, and being informed
of the barbarous usage most of them received there. At night
having very well treated the master of the vessel and his wife,
we agreed to find fifteen passengers, who should give him ten
shillings a man for their passage in hand and he to make what
he could besides, and to sail next day, which was the hardest
to obtain, but at length we concluded on it. Yet I cannot but
once more remark that though we continued there a whole
day and walked about the town, we were | very civilly used f. 14 a
everywhere without the least insolency being offered to us,
as was to many others.

Tuesday the 15th : we embarked about noon, the vessel
being ashore, and about two sailed, the wind at north-west,
that night came to an anchor in Calais road, not daring to
venture in in the dark. The night proved very favourable,
being calm but very cold, and the number of passengers was
so great in proportion to the vessel that there was not room
for us all to sit much less to lie under deck, and were forced
to walk great part of the night in the cold air. Beside we had
so Httle forecast as not to put aboard anything either to eat
or drink, which proved no small punishment though the time
was short, being most of us very hungry and thirsty.

Wednesday the i6th (st. vet. and 26th st. no.) : ^ in the
morning boats came off from Calais, it being then ebb so that
the vessel could not get in. We went ashore being carried out

' The 1 6th is the old style, the 26th the new. The English year then
began on the 25th of March, instead of the ist of January, and, by reckon-
ing the year at exactly 365^ days, or at 11 min. 14 sec. longer than its
actual length, English time lagged ten days behind that of most other
European countries, as well as the real solar time. On May 3, 1689, when in
Ireland, Stevens uses the old style.

121s C

i8 THE JOURNAL 1689

f. 14 b of the boats on men's backs, | and landed about a mile from
the town. Without the Watergate we were stopped by the
guard, and kept near two hours in the rain, for the town major
to come to view us : at length he came.^ The first thing he
proposed to us was to give in our names, the king having pro-
vided that all soldiers should be put into Routes? I understood
not this word then, but having afterwards found the benefit
of it think it not amiss in this place to give an account of it,
which is thus. When any parties march through the peaceable
part of France, there is a Route assigned them, which is an
order from the king specifying the number of soldiers and
officers with their respective qualities ; every day's march is
assigned and quarters allotted them in every town. Some-
times their billets run for free quarter and in this case the
king allows their landlords the established rates for maintain-
ing every man in the taxes he is to pay and billets are received
as money. In other places he gives them pay, and then only

f. IS a lodging and dressing of meat | is required of the landlord : and
lastly where towns are not capable of furnishing such numbers,
the king has commissaries called Tapie's^ who are bound to
furnish each soldier with a pound of flesh, one of bread, and
a quart of wine ; ensigns have three men's allowance, lieu-
tenants four, and captains six, and in many places forage for
officers' horses. What the king allows in money to his own

' Cardinal Richelieu built this gate in 1635. Hogarth introduces it into
his well-known picture of the ' Calais Gate '. The town Stevens saw
was built in the form of an oblong square with this gate towards the sea
and one on the land side.

' Route : ' Chemin et logement qu'on marque aux gens de guerre en
voyage. Donner une route i. des troupes, Indemnite de route, Feuille de
route ou, simplement, route, fecrit determinant le chemin que doit suivre
et ce logement que doit occuper une troupe ou un militaire qui voyage
isol§nient. Une feuille de route pour trente hommes. La feuille de route
tient lieu de passe-port. Demander route se disait d'une troupe militaire
qui demandait 4 Stre envoyee chez elle ' (Littr6).

' 'fitapier. Celui qui est charg6 de fournir I'Stape ou provisions aux gens
de guerre qui passent ' (Littrfe).

' Etappier. ' One that contracts with a country, or territory, for fur-
nishing troops in their march with provisions and forage. Etappiers are
forbidden giving soldiers their Etappe in money. Sometimes the Etap-
piers and Officers compound for a sum of money, and oblige the men to
make two days' march in one, which is great harassing of men and horses,
and a notorious fraud.' Military Dictionary, 1702, by an officer who served
several years abroad.

1689 THE ROUTE 19

subjects I know not, but with us it was fivepence to a foot
soldier, tenpence to horse, two shillings and one penny to an
ensign, two shillings and sixpence a heutenant, and six shillings
and eightpence a captain per diem, but upon free quarter
or receiving meat this money is not allowed.^ The people,
being much used to the rudeness of the French soldiers,
I found very willing to be rid of us and would give a captain
a crown to be rid of him though but for one night and so
proportionable to all others, for a longer or shorter time, the
custom being to make every third or at most each fourth day
a day of rest. Thus much by way of digression as to the
meaning of the Route. \ Not understanding this then andf. isb
fearing that whosoever gave in his name was as good as listed
into the French service, I would by no means hearken to it,
my intention being only to follow my own sovereign's fortunes
and by him to live and die. Hereupon I told the town major,
there were several soldiers there might perhaps embrace his
proposal, but there were about a dozen gentlemen of us there
who desired to make the best of our way after the king at our
own expense. We had much ado to satisfy him in this point,
he pressing still to have us take the benefit of the Route, which

' Add. 21 136 (The Southwell Papers), f. 45, gives the pay of the
reformed officers of Lord Galway's Regiment of Horse and of Officers of
Foot per day :

Horse.

Foot.

s.

d.

s. d.

Major 10

Captain 1

5

Lieutenant 7

6

2 6

Cornet 6

Ensign

2 6

Nairne Papers give the rates allowed by James (D. N.

, vol. i, 1

Horse. Dragoons.

Foot.

s. d. s. d.

s. d.

Captain

90 70

6

Lieutenant

4 4 40

2

Cornet

3 4 30

Quarter-master

26 18

Corporal

10 10

Private men

06^ Si

Ensign

I 6

Serjeant

8

Corporal

6

Drummers and Privates

4

C 2

20 THE JOURNAL 1689

we absolutely refused, being resolved not to give in our
names till we had seen our king and received his commands.
After keeping us an hour longer in the rain (though weary
enough with our foregoing ill night's lodging), he would have
conducted us through the town with a guard of musketeers,
pleading his king's order for so doing, by reason of the great
number of English that daily resorted thither. In fine he
conveyed all the company into the lower town or suburb,
except me and three more, who struck off from his guard

f, x6aand took a lodging at an inn in | the town. The remainder
of this day and

Thursday the 27th (st. no.) I spent in vie\\ring the town,
which is small and hath not anything very remarkable. The
chief thing are the fortifications, which are in part new, and
still more works carrying on. In the evening word was brought
that the town major ordered all English gentlemen to retire
into the suburbs, which I obeyed for that night in hopes of
getting away the next morning by water to St. Omer, and
so went out of town an extraordinary dirty way over a great
field, which divides the town and suburb, which is also exces-
sive dirty and has but little accommodation at best, much less
then being very full of English. With much difficulty I found
a lodging and lay there that night, but

Friday the 28th : to go on with the style of the country,
returning to town in the morning I was stopped by the sentry
at the gate, there being many at the same time waiting there,
and having stayed a while till an officer was called, he with

f. 16 b difficulty let me and three other gentlemen in. We | spent
most of our time in seeking conveniency to go to Paris, but
such was the throng that coaches and horses were bespoke
many days beforehand, and lodgings and provisions were
risen to an excessive rate which made all men endeavour
to fly the town the sooner. This night I continued in
town.

Saturday the 29th: meeting with the Lord Buchan^ and
several other Scotch gentlemen, we agreed with a boat to

' Thoma? Buchan (d. 1720), general of the Jacobite forces in Scotland,
served in Ireland in 1689, and James appointed him Major-General.

^689 ARRIVAL AT ST.-OMER 21

carry us the next day to St. Omer, and in order to it I lay
that night in the suburb near the water side.

Sunday the 30th : in the morning we went aboard a boat,
carrying no provision as being told we had but eight leagues
to St. Omer, and the boat to be drawn by horses. About
half way we met much ice, and were told the channel was
quite closed up a little farther. We were therefore obliged to
strike off into the channel that comes from Dunkirk, which
was clear, but by this means we had farther to go about than
we had at first setting | out from Calais. That night we were f. 17 a
forced to stay at a miserable village, where there were no beds
but good clean straw, and scarce anything to eat, which made
us very earnest to be gone the sooner, and accordingly

Monday the 31st : we returned to the boat about three in
the morning, and having gone about two leagues were again
stopped, the floods having been so great that the water was
too high at a bridge we came to for the boat to go through.
The night being excessive cold I went ashore to seek some
fire at two or three poor houses by the bridge, and the first
there was neither fire nor fuel, and having with much difficulty,
by reason of the darkness and dirtiness of the way, got over
to another I found five or six poor women warming themselves
at a little straw, having nothing else to burn. There we sat
awhile to refresh our joints that were almost benumbed with
cold, and when day appeared returned to the boat. The
water falling a little, with much difficulty the boat was forced
through. Having gone | about a league farther came to f. 17 b
another bridge, which being also too full of water the boat's
head struck against a piece of timber whereon the planks lay
and broke it, which caused the neighbouring boors to stop
the boat to pay for repairing the damage. After a long
dispute and almost alarming the country they agreed, and
so we went on for near two leagues when we struck out of this
cut channel into the river of St. Omer, and then no longer
could be drawn by horses, but hoisted sail, and as our good
fortune ordered it the wind was fair, and we sailed till about
three in the afternoon we arrived at Watou, and were forced
to stop some time to satisfy the customhouse officers. Here

22 THE JOURNAL 1689

on the top of a hill stands the famous house and church of the
English Jesuits of St. Omer, which we only saw from the
bottom having no time to go up.^ We soon sailed again
having two leagues to St. Omer, where we arrived just at
night, and were carried before the major of the suburb, who

f. 18 a was very obliging and directed us to the best inn | there, the
gates of the town, being then shut. It is remarkable that
all this way we came the country is very plain, and was for the
most part overflowed and frozen over insomuch that many
of the poor country people's houses were rendered inaccessible,
the frost not being thick enough to bear. Some cottages were
destroyed, and the most considerable houses had broken the
ice, and had boats at their doors with ladders to their windows,
their lower floors being full of water.

Tuesday the ist of February (sti. no.) : I continued at
St. Omer, which is a very fine city having large and handsome
streets, the buildings generally good and several stately
churches.^ Here the English Jesuits have a very magnificent
college newly built of stone, but not yet quite finished. The
great market place is large and beautiful ; the walls and
outworks of the town of a considerable strength. The river
runs up to the gates, on each side of which is a very fine quay
for the vessels that come up. But the most remarkable thing

f. i8b is that the | inhabitants of the one side can by no means be
persuaded to marry or contract any alliance with those of the
other ; nay, they will scarce trade or have any commerce
with them, and yet they do not pretend to give any reason
that ever I could learn for this.* Having in vain sought most
part of this day for some conveniency to go to Amiens, all
being taken up by the multitude of English that resorted to

' Father Parsons founded this Jesuits' College for the education of
Englishmen, but a seminary for the education of English and Irish Roman
Catholics now replaces it. Some of the conspirators of the Gunpowder Plot
were numbered among its pupils. Daniel O'Connell prepared here for the
priesthood.

' These stately churches are the famous Benedictine Abbey Church of
St.-Bertin and the Church of St. Sepulchre. Becket sought refuge within
the walls of the Abbey.

' The Claddagh people of Galway and the St. Omer people manifest
a similar spirit.

1689 JOURNEY TO AIRE 23

this town, and people of the best quality being content to
give any rates for wagons. At length the Lord Buchan,
Lieutenant Hickford, Lieutenant Usher, Lieutenant Macculla,
Ensign Ferjuson and I agreed for twenty crowns for a cart
to carry us the next day.

Wednesday the 2nd of February (to go on with the style
of the country) : about eight in the morning we saw a narrow
long cart hooped over and covered with an oiled cloth, in
which there was not room for us without our portmanteaus,
so that to make room for them, after crowding four into the
cart, two were forced to sit upon the horses that drew. In
this manner we set out, and went three leagues of good way,
most of it paved, to Aire, a small | but neat town, walled £. 19 a
and well fortified, where we stayed no longer than to refresh
ourselves, and then went on two or three of us always afoot,
as we did till we came to Amiens. This night we lay at Auchel,
a little village three leagues from Aire, where were only three
poor inns, which not being capable of entertaining the great
number of people that travelled that way, the greater part
lay upon straw. These three leagues the way was very deep
and hilly, the soil a stiff clay.

Thursday the 3rd : went to St. Pol which is but four
leagues, there being no conveniency to lodge farther, unless
we went six leagues which, our way of travelling, could not be
performed that day. This is a pretty good town now some-
what decayed : it has been fortified, whereof at present only
the memory remains in an old ruined wall. There are here
four little churches. I went to see the monastery of the
Carmelites, wherein I found nothing remarkable but that
they received and treated us with much civility ; as did also
a sort of religious women, who have here a house and church | f, 19 b
and whose profession is to assist the sick.

Friday the 4th : travelled six leagues to Doullens, a good
little town ; but coming in at night I could remark nothing
in it but one good church and the inn where I lodged, which
was very magnificent in its rooms, being very large and
extraordinary well furnished. The town in a bottom enclosed
by very high hills.

24 THE JOURNAL 16S9

Saturday the 5th : we arrived at Amiens, which is eight
leagues from Doullens, were conducted to the governors, who
soon dispatched us. All this road from Aire is very bad, deep,
and a stiff clay, insomuch that walking as for the most part
I did, by reason of the smallness and uneasiness of our cart,
so much dirt stuck to the shoes I could scarce many times
lift my feet. For it is generally a very fat soil, yet mixed with
a small sand, which binds it together like lime, the way all
between arable land, but not separated by any hedges or
otherwise, the country being all open without any distinction
of fields or enclosures, not any banks, ditches or scarce
a tree. Only about the towns and villages there is some wood,

f. 20a but no more ground enclosed than just serves | for their
gardens and orchards. The people for the most part are
extremely poor, and consequently their villages very incon-
siderable, and such as afford httle or no accommodation for
travellers.

At Amiens I continued Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, the
6th, 7th and 8th. ,Most of which time was spent in seeing
that city, to give a particular account whereof would require
a much longer stay there and might afford matter for a par-
ticular work. To be short it is a very fine city and much
beyond any I have seen in England, except London, as are
many other cities of France. The streets are large and well
paved, the buildings lofty and sightly, the number of churches
very considerable, whereof I saw many. The cathedral is
very magnificent, large and well built, all the front covered
with images of stone : there is an ascent of about twelve or
fourteen steps to the gate.^ Just within on the right hand is
an image of St. Christopher with our Saviour on his shoulders,

f. 20 b of I a prodigious bigness. In this church I saw a skull, which
is kept in great veneration, being esteemed to be that of

' The Cathedral of Notre-Dame was begun in 1220, only two years
later than that of Salisbury. This glorious building was designed and
commenced by the architect Robert de Luzarches. Rows of statuettes
supply the place of mouldings, so that the whole front is ' covered with
images of stone ' ; a common arrangement in French Gothic, though rare
in English. The cathedral is the largest in France, and is only surpassed
by St. Peter's at Rome and that at Cologne.

1689 THE TOWN OF AMIENS 25

St. John the Baptist.^ The steeple is large, but the spire upon
it so Httle that it is only remarkable for the disproportion it
bears to so sumptuous a building.^ Just at the bottom of the
steps of this church stands another dedicated to St. Joseph,
but in it nothing remarkable. The nuns they call of the
Paraclete have a church small and neat, but which deserves
to be taken notice of as being very curiously painted both
roof and walls, which they say was all done by the nuns. In
the middle of the roof is our Saviour crucified, which seems
to look upon a man below, whatever part of the church he
stands in. There is a church of St. Denis, not worthy of note,
but for its churchyard, which is a large square with a cloister
about it ; on most of the graves are iron or wooden crosses
and all about great heaps of skulls and | other bones. The f. 21 a
Dominicans' church is large, but of no extraordinary structure,
and so the rest. Here is an hospital that will contain above
200 sick very well attended, but one much larger and fairer
is building, and near finished. The citadel is not consider-
able, nor did I here remark anything else fit for this place.'

Wednesday the 9th : we set out for Paris, sixteen of us in a
thing they call a coach ; in England it would pass for a wagon,
only the covering is more like that of a coach. This day we
travelled seven leagues to Breteuil, a good small town plentiful
enough of all accommodations. The road though bad was not
so deep as before, the country more enclosed, and pleasanter
than the last we came through, but what added to it was that
our coach was much easier than the cart we had to Amiens.

Thursday the loth : we made seven leagues more to Cler-
mont, a large and beautiful town, which I believe takes its
name from its situation, being on a | high hill visible at f. 21b
a great distance, and from the valley affords a very pleasant
prospect ; the hill being very steep the ascent is round it, and
the way at the bottom for a considerable space is narrow
with a deep ditch on each side.

' Since the French Revolution, the skull has become reduced to the
frontal bone and upper jaw. Another head of St. John exists in the
neighbouring Abbey of St.-Acheul.

" This is no longer true, for the spire is an enormous superstructure.

^ The citadel was built by Henry IV.

26 THE JOURNAL 1689

Friday the nth : seven leagues to Lucheux, which is a good
small town and has convenient inns, though not like the
last. The country about is hilly and this stands on a small
hill. The road is pleasant, being gravelly, and on both sides
are many vineyards, which produce good grapes, but yield
a very small wine.

Saturday the I2th : baited at St. Denis, seven leagues
distant from Lucheux, and two from Paris. It is but a small
town, but in it that most famous and stately church from
which I believe the town takes its name, being the burial place
not only of St. Denis the patron but of many kings of France,
and most worthy of admiration for the unknown value of its
treasure.^ The valley wherein it stands is very large, plain
f. 22 a and beautiful, being full of many small but well built | towns,
which render it extraordinary pleasant ; the road through it is
all causeway, and the fields are so stored with partridges that
they run in great numbers along by the road none daring to
shoot or take them.^ This evening we arrived at Paris of which
place I will not attempt to give any account, it being too great
a subject for my pen, and my stay there too short to render
me capable of it. Here I continued Sunday and Monday.

' The Abbey Church has been the burial-place of the Kings of France
from the days of Dagobert, 638.

' Cf . Tocqueville, L'A ncien Regime et la Revolution, chap, i : ' Everywhere
too the Seigneurs levied dues on fairs and markets. Throughout France
they had the exclusive right of sporting. Generally they alone could keep
dovecotes and pigeons. . . . Take him (i. e. the French peasant) as he is
described in the documents I have quoted — so passionately enamoured of
the soil, that he will spend all his savings to purchase it, and to purchase
it at any price. . . . He possesses it at last ; his heart is buried in it with the
seed he sows. This little nook of ground, which is his own in this vast uni-
verse, fills him with pride and independence. But again these neighbours
call him from his furrow, and compel him to come to work for them without
wages. He tries to defend his young crops from their game ; again they
prevent him." The peasant could not cut his corn when he wanted lest it
might injure the partridges of his lord ; he could not destroy the seigneur's
deer and rabbits that roamed at will over his fields and devoured his green
corn. England stands in marked contrast, for game was so abundant that
not much jealousy was felt of the sporting instincts of 'mean tenants and
freeholders '. Foreigners, like the Duke of Stettin (his Diary, p. 47), were
surprised that peasants were permitted to hunt with big dogs. But a suc-
cession of statutes (i James I, c. 27 ; i James I, c. 11 ; 22-3 Charles II,
c. 25 ; 4 William and Mary, c. 23) removed this privilege. Cf. A. H.
Ha.mAton' s Quarter Sessions from Elizabeth to Anne, 'p^. 89, 162; Addison's
Spectator, No. 122.

1689 ST.-GERMAIN 27

Tuesday the 15th : I took coach for St. Germains, where
both their Majesties with the Prince of Wales then kept their
court. It is four leagues from Paris, the way most sandy and
causeway, but a little hilly. On the left of the road stands
a house of the king's, called Madrid. St. Germains stands
upon a hill, the ascent very steep, the town is capable of
entertaining a great court, the palace large and beautiful, but
not regular; many new buildings are begun about it.^ The
gardens are divided into pleasant walks, but nothing extra-
ordinary in them : the most remarkable is a | walk and horse f. 22 b
way along the side of the hill about a mile long, where turning
off upon the left the way leads into the forest, and there to
a fine little pleasure house. ^ But this as all the other palaces
of France have been already described by many and my
intention is only a bare memoir of my travels, not a descrip-
tion of the country. My life here was not so settled or pleasant
to give me leisure or desire to view and give an account of what
I saw, but such as can be imagined of a poor banished man,
full of many cares and hardships, which I had been but little
inured to before, having amidst all my misfortunes no other
comfort but that of a just cause, remembering that ' Beati qui
persecutionem patiuntur propter iustitiam ',^ and a sense
of loyalty towards the best of princes, whom I saw flying the
most general and barbarous rebellion the world has seen,
except what the same people had shown in this unparalleled
monarch's father's daj^, wherein he was so considerable a
sufferer | being so many years banished, as is well known. The f. 23 a
sufferings of my king in his exile, the dangers of my father
mother and brethren whom I had left in the power of my
inhuman countrymen, and my own condition in a strange
country without any friends but such as were under my own
circumstances, were causes sufficient to produce care and
trouble to the most insensible of men. And if hitherto I seem

' Louis did not care for the palace because the views from its windows
embraced the church of St. Denis, the burial-place of his race.

" Le Notre constructed the Terrasse, a magnificent walk or drive one
and a half miles long and 1 1 5 feet wide. On the one side of this walk there
is a wall, and on the other trees. At the back of the Terrasse the forest covers
io,ooo acres, being one of the largest in France. " Matt. v. 10.

28 THE JOURNAL 1689

not to have endured much hardship and fatigue, the following
part of my exile will show I have not wanted my part in most
sort of sufferings. Here and in Paris I continued till

Thursday the 24th of February : being the first Thursday
in Lent, when finding most of my friends were gone before on
their way to Brest, in several routes, I having stayed till this
time in hopes of a bill of exchange from England. Finding none
come and fearing to be left behind, when the rest were shipped
for Ireland in order to serve the king there, I went this
afternoon to Paris, where I took a place with the messenger,
f. 23 b to go the I next day for Orleans, being in haste to overtake
my friends that were gone before, and ambitious to be among
the first that went over to serve His Majesty in Ireland.

Friday the 25th : in the morning I left Paris in company
with Major 0' Regan, Captain Fortescue and two more; on
the road my Lord Hunsdon joined us and travelled this day
fourteen leagues ; four to Orsay, four to Ernee, and six to
£tampes, a good town where we lay this night.'-

Saturday the 26th : we set out very early, and went through
to Orleans being twenty leagues : six to Outarville,^ four to
Toury, where we baited, four thence to Artenay, and thence
six to Orleans. This road is generally deep in winter, wherefore
for the conveniency of travellers there is a continued causeway
from Paris to Orleans broad enough for coaches, and well
kept in repair, but for horse great part of the way is good all
the year. This manner of travelling with the messenger,

' From the appendix to King's State of the Protestants we glean the
names of the first and second Lieut.-Col. and of the Major in Lord
Hunsdon's Regiment. On the 20th of June, 1689, the English House of
Commons added Lord Hunsdon's name to the number of those charged
with high treason. Unlike the Irish House, the English House of Lords
desired to know the grounds upon which the names were inserted, instanc-
ing the case of this peer. There were eighteen names in the English Act
and over two thousand in the Lrish Act. It is evident that the Enghsh
peers did not deem common fame, even in the case of merely eighteen men,
sufficient ground of accusation. The House of Lords amended the BiU,
omitting the names of Lord Hunsdon and four or five more, and inserting
a few others. The policy of the peers and, above all, that of William
defeated such measures, and no vast Act of Attainder ever appeared
on the English Statute Book.

" Stevens calls this place Tourville, but it is obviously Outarville.
Probably he did not hear the first syllable of the place.

1 689 ORLEANS 29

I think, is not used anywhere but in France, and is without
doubt one of the greatest conveniences in the world. | There f. 24 a
are set rates so that they dare not ask the greatest stranger
more than is appointed, and at that price the messenger is
bound to furnish travellers with able horses, and if any fail
on the road to find fresh ones : he is also to provide them diet
and lodging, which is always ready at their common stages, and
proportionable to the number of guests. There is a plentiful
table, good wine, and as much as they will drink till the cloth
is taken off, very good beds, rooms well furnished, and fire in
winter. So that whoever travels this way needs be at no
expense upon the road and is free from trouble, all things being
provided as decent and plentifully as may satisfy the most
curious and persons of most considerable quality.

Sunday the 27th : I continued at Orleans, which is a very
beautiful city, well built after the ancient manner. Here are
many large churches, which I cannot much commend for their
structure or ornament, the churches in France being generally
inferior to those of Flanders. The cathedral is very large and
well I built, but only part of the choir is in use, the rest f. 24 b
having been defaced and almost ruined by the Huguenots,
and not yet repaired.^ The Jesuits' is large and the richest
for ornaments, the Dominicans' and Franciscans' large but
mean. Over the river Loire is a beautiful stone bridge,
adorned with a large crucifix, with the king kneeling on the
right and Joan of Arc, comnionly called the Maid of Orleans,
on the left, as a memorial of their success under her against
the English, who burnt her as a witch, the French to this day
paying reverence to her as a saint.

Monday the 28th : after noon we embarked upon the Loire
in large flat-bottomed boats, about 100 passengers in each.
These vessels have no deck, but were covered over with slit
deal set up like the ridge of a house. With us were put into
every boat hogsheads of wine, beef boiled and roast, and

' Henry IV furnished funds for the restoration and laid the first stone in
1601. The work of rebuilding was continued by Louis XIII, Louis XIV, and
Louis XV. As the Puritans occasionally did in England, the Huguenots
turned the cathedral into a stable.

30 THE JOURNAL 1689

bread for four days. The river is very wide but extraordinary
shallow, unless just the channel, which runs winding and is
very difficult to hit, and our boats were so long and unwieldy,
and had but two or three men each to manage them, that the
two first days we made not much way, being very often run

f. 25 a aground and spending much time | in getting off ; at night
sometimes we anchored and sometimes made way. This
river is one of the most dehghtful places in the world, at least
far the pleasantest that ever I saw for so great an extent,
what I saw from Orleans to Nantes being eighty-six leagues.
There are several beautiful towns upon its banks as Blois, Tours,
Saumur, [ ] and several other places of less note. I can

give no account of them in particular, having only been
ashore at Blois, and that not above one hour at midnight. In
general they make a fine prospect to the water, and have very
fair bridges over the river, under which the current is so rapid
that it is dangerous to pass, especially for such unwieldy
boats as ours were. The violence of the stream at the bridge
of Saumur carried one of our boats in which were above
100 passengers first against a stone wall, and then it struck at
the bridge, which much disabled the vessel and gave such
a crack that many of the passengers, thinking she would have
sunk, leaped over, whereof the greatest part were drowned

f. 25 b to the number of fourteen or fifteen, as was | thought, though
none could tell the certain number. The country along the
banks of the river is full of pleasant seats, and both sides so
well peopled that it looks almost like one continued street for
several leagues, only divided by pleasant gardens and vine-
yards. But the most curious thing of all is to see many
thousands of httle houses and some very considerable ones,
dug out from the sides of the hills and rocks, there being
scarce any materials used to the building of their walls but
what nature herself has there placed, the rooms being cut out
of the sides of the hills, the front only has some addition. Even
with every floor and on the very tops of their houses are
pleasant gardens and vineyards, and trees of a considerable
bulk grow on them. Only the front of these houses generally
is to be seen, the other parts being buried underground and

1689 NANTES 31

nothing but the tops of chimneys discernible on the hills.
Monday the 28th : as was said before, we embarked upon
this river, and continued Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and
Friday; the day, the weather | being fair and the country so f- 26a
diverting, passed away easily, but the nights were very cold,
and we had no accommodation for lying.

Friday the 4th of March : late at night with much difficulty
we obtained leave to land at Nantes, where we continued
Saturday and Sunday. This is a very good harbour and com-
monly well stored with ships, its trade to most parts of
Europe being very considerable, the most noted commodity
which takes name from the place is brandy.^ The city reaches
a great length along the water with very good buildings, being
merchants', and storehouses. It has a good bridge, and many
considerable churches, especially the cathedral, which is large
and beautiful.^ It is a bishopric and university very plentiful
of all provisions, and well stored with all things, either for
necessary use or luxury, which it affords at moderate rates.
This was the first place where I received the benefit of the
Route, which was the same as free quarters, being diet and
lodging, only the billet mentioned a captain's allowance not
to exceed four livres or 6s. 8d. per diem, a lieutenant's | 35. 4^. f. 26 b
and an ensign 2S. 6d., which rates, as provisions are there, are
competent to live plentifully. Here I had a captain's billet
and continued to be treated as such all the way, being entered
as such by the king's order under Major Ingram, who com-
manded a Route, and was my friend. Other boats came in on
Saturday and Sunday, which well stocked the city with the
king's subjects, and the country small towns not being fit to
entertain so great a number, it was ordered we that came first
should march on Monday, the others to follow in several
bodies. This is the first town we were in of Brittany, and lies
upon the very borders of that province.

Monday the 7th : we marched to Savenay, seven leagues
from Nantes, the leagues in Brittany are very long* and it

1 Sugar-refining and the sardine industry are now the most important
trades. " The Cathedral of St. Pierre dates from 1434.

3 He makes the same complaint about the length of the Irish mile.

32 THE JOURNAL 1689

proved a tedious journey to many of us who were forced to
march afoot and were but little accustomed to that way of
travelling. The road was generally good and the weather
very fair ; in some bottoms only we found boggy ground
which tired us extremely. In all this way there is never a town,
but two very poor villages, where nevertheless we found some
refreshment. The way was so tedious or some of us such
f. 27 a bad travellers that we made it ten | of the clock at night
before we reached Savenay extremely tired, and very few
had beds though it was my good fortune to get one. Our
company being very great, and this but a mean place, most
houses had four, six or eight quartered upon them, the houses
were but ordinary, and the people generally poor.

Tuesday the 8th : we marched two leagues to Donges ; this
was very plain and good, about the middle of it is a small inlet
from the sea, very wide, but runs not far up, so that there is
a way about, and a shorter over a ferry. Not having time to
recover the former day's weariness and my feet being very-
sore, I found this day's march though so short extreme
tiresome. Donges is so small that we were forced to lie
twelve or fourteen in a house, with little accommodation,
and had no provision but what the king's commissary, whom
they call the Tapie, had made for us. The Tapie goes before
all such as march by way of the Route, and, having an account
of their number and quality, provides meat, bread and wine
for them, allowing a captain six rations or men's proportion,
f. 27 b a lieutenant | four, and an ensign three. This method is used
either where provision is not to be found for such a number
as the Route contains, or in privileged towns that are exempted
from providing anything but lodging to such as quarterin them.

Wednesday the 9th : to Herbignac seven leagues, where we
continued Thursday the loth, as the general custom is after
two or three days' march to make a sejour, or day of rest at
the most convenient town on the road. Herbignac is a good
town, but inferior to many in Brittany.

Friday the nth : it was designed we should march to
Ambon, but when we were within a league of it the com-
missary, that always went with us, sent word the townspeople

1689 THE BRETON LANGUAGE 33

were all fled for fear of us and therefore ordered we should be
dispersed into the neighbouring villages. Though the disorders
committed by some of our men were great, yet I cannot con-
ceive so considerable a place as this was should be left waste
at the approach of two or three hundred unarmed, banished
men, whose whole dependence was then | upon that country f. 33 a
and their king. But these commissaries there as in all other
countries make the most of their employments, so ours, it
may be believed, for some good consideration from the town,
gave out they were fled and scattered us to quarter in the
country, for marching through next day we found all people
undisturbed in their houses. Major Ingram's and Major
Fountain's Routes in the first of which I was marched to
a village called Kervoyal by the seaside, a very mean place
being the abode of only a few poor fishermen. It rained
violently from the time we halted till we came to this place,
and it being a byway over fields was very dirty and slippery,
which added much to our affliction, being most wet to the
skin, tired, and then calling to mind all our past sufferings,
and apprehending what were yet to come. For sorrow seldom
comes alone, and one affliction either renews the memory of
another or afflicts a man with the fear of future calamities.
But to proceed — in this condition we came to a miserable | f. 28 b
village, where to our greater vexation it was long ere we could
find any that spoke French, many of the meaner sort of
people in this country only speaking their own British lan-
guage, which, as several of our authors affirm, so I then found
it to be true, that it is very Hke our Welsh, both by some little
insight I had in that language myself, having lived above
a year in Wales, and much more by a Welsh gentleman that
was in my company and had some sort of discourse with
the people in that language, they understanding each other
reasonably well. After all our trouble and fatigue I found
much better quarters than I expected or the place promised,
having good wine and a bed not at all contemptible.

Saturday the 12th : being excessively tired and my feet sore
I got upon one of the carts that carried our luggage and was
drawn by oxen, and in this manner was carried four leagues

1218 D

34 THE JOURNAL 1689

to Vannes, our next stage, which is a large beautiful town,
f . 29 a the seat of a parliament,^ a bishopric | and university. Our
entertainment was suitable to the place, which was very
refreshing after our late fatigue.

Monday the 14th : our appointed stage was but three
leagues to Auray, so it was agreed by the commissary and
captains of Routes to bum that town, as the phrase is, that is
receive money for our quarters, and march through to Lande-
vant three leagues farther, which was appointed for the next
day. The country here is very pleasant full of rising hilly
ground, but not rnountainous, with large delightful commons,
wherein is store of hares. This town is not large, but well
built, and has many wealthy inhabitants, who afforded us
good quarters, but our stay was only for one night.

Tuesday the 15th : three leagues to Hennebont a large
town, has many good houses, and one great and handsome
church ; but the worst contrived in the manner of its streets
that ever I saw, there being not one good one in the whole, and
one part of them steep as precipices, most very narrow, and
f. 29 b short.^ Here we continued Wednesday | the i6th, at first to
the great satisfaction of some of our young gallants, though
they had afterwards leisure to repent. For in this as in most
great towns of France there are many gentlewomen, who
appear very splendid in apparel, and among them some of
tolerable faces ; to some of our company a painted face with
petticoats was an angel, and every one fancied if he walked
but by the lady's side, and she happened to look that way,
though it were but to spit, that he had won her heart, for
I observed some of these courtiers spoke not one word of
French, yet they followed the women about the town, and
even to their chambers courting them with bows and grimaces,
the custom of France and their civility to strangers or their
design to ridicule them allowing this liberty. With the
assistance of such as could stammer some French balls were

1 The Breton Parlement sat at Vannes from 1675 to 1689. It seems extra-
ordinary that it should do so, because these Parlements were nothing but
great law courts, and only moved their seats for powerful reasons. Rennes
was the proper place for it to meet. There was no university at Vannes.

" According to tradition this church was built by the English.

1689 DUKE MAZARIN'S HOSPITALITY 35

contrived, and nothing appeared among these youths but joy,
as if all our miseries which were now beginning had been
ended. In fine there was music, dancing, singing, feasting and,-
to close up all, gaming, | so that the ladies and their country- f. 30 a
men having found the weak place in the English and Irish-
men's heads, kept such of them as held out longest a day after
the Routes were marched, and then sent them on horseback
after us with scarce as much money in their pockets, as would
pay the hire of their horses. The whole pack was so well
fleeced, that some were forced to sell part of their apparel,
wherewith they thought to have purchased the ladies' hearts.
It had been happy for them had they read and taken Solo-
mon's advice in the Proverbs, viz. : ' Ne dederis mulieribus
substantiam tuam.' ^ For he that treats or plays with women
to win their hearts plays his money against dross. But it is
time to go on five leagues farther.

On Thursday the 17th : to Quimperle a town reputed much
inferior to the last, but in my esteem equal to it or rather
better were it not somewhat decayed. It has at the entrance
a commendable river oh the one hand, and on the other
a noble mansion house of the Duke Mazarin. The descent
from a hill to the town yields a pleasant prospect thereof ;
has one good | street, many fair houses, and one large church, f. 30 b
not to speak of monasteries whose chapels as inconsiderable
I commonly omit. The Duke Mazarin, being in town and
commanding, ordered the Tapie or commissary of provisions
to furnish us all with both fresh and salt fish, which had not
been done in any other place it being now Lent time.

On Friday the i8th, in the morning the duke invited us all
to a most splendid breakfast he had provided for us, where
was all variety of fish exquisitely dressed, with other sorts of
dainties fit for the time, plenty of the best wines, and an
inexpressible civility and courtesy shown by him to every
individual person. I cannot but say I saw not in all France
a more general or particular act of civility than this in all my
progress through it. The entertainment ended, we set out and
marched five leagues to a very poor small and much decayed
' Proverbs xxxi. 3.
D 2

36 THE JOURNAL 1689

town called Rosporden, where for want of more room we were
forced to quarter all the officers of a Route in a house, yet so
we fared not amiss, but where I was had all beds and good

i- 31 a conveniency | for dressing our meat, which the Tapi6 provided,
and good wine.

Saturday the 19th : we marched four leagues to the famous
and, by most of us that were some days in it, much beloved
City of Quimper — Corentin, [in margin Quimpir] where we
continued many days, wherefore I shall take the freedom to
enlarge somewhat here, since time allows and the place
deserves it. This city stands in a bottom, on the banks of
a very pleasant navigable river, which runs through it : on all
sides it is surrounded with high hills that overlook it, on the
south side they are close to the town and very steep. The
cathedral is very large and sumptuous, has a beautiful choir,
and all round it many chapels well adorned :-^ the market-place
wherein it stands is large and plentifully supplied with all
sorts of fish, which it being then Lent constantly filled it.
There are several other churches and chapels both without
and within the town, and monasteries of religious men and
women, which though not very sumptuous yet help to
beautify and adorn the city, as does the bishop's house adjoin-

f. 31b ing to the church | of a goodly structure. The streets are not
very commendable being after the old fashion generally
narrow, but in the suburbs which are very large the streets
are wider ; the houses everywhere spacious though not very
sightly, being ancient buildings. About a mile from the town
is a pleasant house of the archbishop's not much to be com-
mended for its greatness, yet valuable for its gardens divided
into delightful walks and fishponds with much variety and
several ornaments. Strangers here find very good entertain-
ment, provisions being very cheap, their inns though not like
those of England, yet well furnished with good beds, and
meat cleanly and well dressed, variety of good wines and the
common rate M. the bottle, and a good table for 15^. ordinary
with a pint of wine a man. Here we may be said to have first
breathed after our toils, resting sixteen or seventeen days,
' The cathedral is a large and fine edifice of the fourteenth century.

1689 CONDUCT AT QUIMPER 37

being well paid and having all things cheap, with good
quarters, where we were entertained with all possible civility
and liberality, the people being extremely courteous | and f. 32 a
much more than many of our company deserved. There were
among us many that made it their daily practice to commit
new disorders, and preyed upon the poor people as if they
had been in an enemy's country, whilst the government out
of respect to our distressed king winked at their crimes, they
grew the more insolent, and consequently made our name the
more odious, the people admiring that men who pretended
they suffered for conscience and loyalty should so little fear
God and respect the king for whose honour they ought to
carry themselves with all possible modesty. To be short
there were thefts, uproars in the streets, insolences in quarters,
and all sorts of disorders that could have been acted by
a dissolute army in an enemy's country. Yet I cannot but
admire that, since I have seen many of the greatest rascals in
the company preferred to considerable posts, more by their
impudence than merit, and they quite forgot their former
despicable condition. Ease and plenty, the sources of luxury,
made the more moderate wanton, so that all losses | seemed f. 32 b
forgot, all sorrows drowned, and nothing appeared but mirth,
drinking, gaming, courting of ladies, treating, and all youthful
delights were reassumed, as if we had reached the promised
land, and had not a wide desert of troubles to go through.
Such as placed their delight in wine and good company had
plentifully wherewithal to satisfy their appetites, which
forwarded some evening quarrels, and what was worst some
disturbances even with the watch of the town to our no small
discredit. The gamester wanted not associates, and those of
the fair sex, who had often the good quality to win the ready
money and lose upon credit, which our gentlemen were too
well bred to scruple, though they had afterwards reason and
leisure to repent. The most general folly was the amours that
were followed with as much eagerness as if we had fixed there
never to remove. Every man was happy in his own conceit,
master of his lady's affections, proposed and impatiently
expected the hour of enjoying what he so much laboured for ;

38 THE JOURNAL 1689

whilst the crafty females admitted their addresses, refused
not their treats, received their presents, and by several wiles
drained their pockets, laughed at their ignorance, deceived

f. 33 a them of their expectations | and sent them away without
money or enjoyment, their pockets empty, and their hearts
full of sorrow. This town wanted not nevertheless the seeds
of vice, lewd women and debauched men. But what I cannot
but mention and appeared the most scandalous, was a nionas-
tery of nuns, who kept young gentlewomen boarders, yet with
such liberty that the convent was the daily rendezvous of our
most extravagant and disorderly young gentlemen, where
though it were Lent and even Passion Week they spent whole
days with such licentiousness as was a reproach to the place,
a profanation of the time, and a general scandal to all men.
As our stay in this town was considerable, so have I enlarged
sufficiently upon it, and will now only add that it was a place
of great refreshment to us all, every one having the divertisse-
ment he desired, our pay being sufficient to keep us plentifully,
and as there was much vice, which our coming was no small
addition to, so was there all the encouragement imaginable to
virtue, in the holiness of the time, the devotion of divine
service in the churches and the good example of many of the

f. 33 b inhabitants. | It is now time to take leave of this place and
go forward on

Palm Sunday, the 3rd of April, to Locronan three leagues,
the weather was fair, the way good, for a large space a great
road then a very wide open common, where we saw many
of the country people well armed who had been mustering.
On the road, a league from Locronan, is a small village, wherein
is a pretty little church. Here as I was passing through looking
into the church a woman came running and rung the bell,
and inquiring into the occasion, we found some of our scatter-
ing scoundrels were pillaging the poultry thereabouts, which
caused the ringing the bell to alarm the neighbourhood, the
people being abroad by reason of the muster and because it
was Sunday. Coming out we saw six of our men running
with their drawn swords after ten or twelve of the poor naked
country men and women, who getting over a style faced about

1689 FARE AT LOCRONAN

39

and crying Frapp6 Frapp6, that is strike or throw, sent such
a shower of stones as made them retire having almost knocked
down two of them, but their ammunition | faUing short the f. 34 a
country people retreated again to another parcel of stones,
and there made good their ground. Having seen this, and
having no influence over those people to quiet them, I thought
good to haste away lest the country rising should take me in
as a party concerned in the fray, and came early to Locronan.
This is a small town, very poor, and much decayed, where we
were much straightened for quarters, and hard put for diet,
fish being very scarce, and the Tapie providing only flesh,
which we would not eat in the holy week. My landlord,
who was an old lawyer, told me that town had always been
exempted even in the present king's days from quartering
soldiers, and that they had consented to it now only in kindness
to us and upon promise that it should not be made a precedent.

Monday the 4th : we had a long but not very tiresome march
to Crozon six leagues, the weather was fair, the way good, and
country very pleasant, full of rising fertile ground but no
mountain or steep ascent. This town is somewhat larger and
better than the last, seated high, the streets open, and has
pleasant seats about it. |

Tuesday the 5th : we marched a league to a little town upon f, 34 b
the Bay of Brest called Le Faou, where the ships' boats took
up, and carried us aboard the ships that lay there in order to
carry us into Ireland. This bay makes one of the finest
harbours in the world being at least three leagues over every
way, enclosed round with high hills which shelter it much
from storms, and make it very secure : the mouth of it, being
very long and narrow, lies east and west, and is divided into
two channels, a long ridge of rocks lying along the middle.
The north channel is best and most used, both have much
water but little room for a ship to tack which makes it the
more difficult coming in and out. On the north side is a fort
whereon are planted above fifty pieces of cannon, the lower
tier almost level with the water. On the south side a lesser
fort, each has the full command of its channel, and between
both the passage is not to be forced. Opposite to the channel

40 THE JOURNAL 1689

is the citadel of Brest upon a high rock, large and till now of the
ancient fortification, but at this time they were demolishing
the old and making a new work of it after the modern manner,
in which as well as the other works of the town we were told

f. 35 a 10,000 men were daily employed. To furnish these men | the
country all round the town for several miles is divided into
a certain number of parts and each of these divisions sends in
all their labouring men to such a number as is required, who
continue at the work for eight days, being allowed bread,
meat, and fourpence a day for their labour, and the eight
days being expired are relieved by the next division, till it
goes round. Within the citadel on the north-east of the bay
is the town, the passage to it by the water is between two
strong batteries well planted with large cannon pointing every
way, the batteries not above a musket shot from each other ;
this leads into the river of Brest which is narrow, but carries
so much water that vessels of above 100 guns lie there, and
this is one of the chiefest ports in France for laying up their
great ships. A little way within the batteries is a strong
boom across the river, which is no more open in day than just
to allow room for a ship to pass in and out, and at night is
closed up. At this time there lay here about a dozen men-of-
war all I believe of the first rate. The principal part of the
town is on the south side having nothing in it commendable,
the churches mean, the streets narrow and foul, some good

f. 35 b houses, many very indifferent ; the Jesuits | were building
a new church and monastery, but neither finished. The best
thing about the town is the hospital, which is beautiful and
very well served, but not very large. The walls and other
fortifications of the town were now a raising so that no
account can be given of them, but that they are about a mile
in circumference. On the north side is either a part of this,
or another small town, with a good quay before it which on
the other side is but small and here reaches all along. What
is most remarkable here is the Royal Magazine and Stores,
wherein are all sorts of arms and ammunition, in great
quantity and kept with excellent order. Besides the general
every great ship has a particular storehouse, wherein is all

1689 BREST HARBOUR 41

manner of rigging and necessaries for the said ships, and their
names written over the doors. There are several docks for
building of ships, great forges for making of anchors and other
iron work, yards and houses for the rope and cable makers,
carpenters' yards, stores of iron, hemp, masts, and in fine all
things requisite for the sea service in great quantity. In one
of the docks I saw a great old tattered vessel, which is there
kept as a memorial of her having fought, as they say, thirty
galleys and come off with honour. We continued here about
five weeks, being told daily we should sail | with the first fair f. 36 a
wind, but it was only to amuse us, for most of the ships were
not arrived, or fitted till long after our coming to Brest, and
the arms and ammunition were not put aboard till a few days
before we left it. This report was given out in order to keep
us aboard, for by reason of our extravagancies committed
before in the country there were no quarters or allowance
appointed for us ashore, but provision ordered in the ships.
Some continued ashore most of this time, but all could not do
it, the town being excessive dear and lodgings so scarce that
we paid half a crown a night for an ordinary bed. The
encouragement to stay aboard was but little, the French
officers giving us no manner of respect, and scarce affording
to speak to us. Our provision was bad meat, and worse fish,
very nastily dressed and as nastily eaten for want of table
linen, butter of several colours, and but little of any of them,
the best thing there was the wine, and that little, and indif-
ferent. For lodging we had the soft planks, without anything
to cover us but our own clothes, or else some scurvy hammocks
among the seamen, which they several times maliciously cut
down in the night. For quietness' | sake I took my bed upon f. 36 b
the lockers in the great cabin during the whole time of my
stay aboard. Several times it was ordered that all should
repair to the ships but few obeyed, so it was given out some-
times that the wind was coming fair and we should sail, then
all flocked aboard, but the next day they returned ashore.
Thus we continued for about five weeks, as I said before, till
Thursday the 5th of May : the wind coming to south-east
the Admiral and all his squadron weighed, and fell down

42

THE JOURNAL

1689

towards the mouth of the harbour, but the wind then calming
cast anchor again, the rest of the fleet stirred not. I was at
first with all the Route put aboard the Entreprenant, a ship
of about 60 guns, where we continued till the Sunday before
we sailed, when several of us were removed to the Oiseau, of
45 guns, that was designed and under sail for the East Indies,
but remanded, unladen, and fresh lading put in her to go
with us. Before we leave the harbour it will not be amiss to
give an account of what number of vessels our fleet consisted
and their names. There were 25 men-of-war from 60 to 40
guns.

L' Ardent commanded by M. de Chateau Renault, Admiral |

f. 37 a Le St. Michel ,
Le Courageux
Le Francois
Le Vermandois
Le Due
Le Pendant
Le Fort — 60
Le Leger
Le Pricieux
Le Capable
L' Arrogant
Le Diamant
Le Purieux

„ M. Cabaret, Vice- Admiral
,, M. Forraud, Rear- Admiral

Le Faucon

Le Modere

V Entreprenant — 60

Le Neptune

VArc en Ciel

L' Excellent

Le Sage

UEmporte

L' Oiseau — 45

L'Apollon

Le Sirieux

Two frigates of 20, or 22 guns each, which the French do
not call men-of-war, viz.

La Tempete

Le Bouffon
UHercule
Le Pitillant
Le Maligne
V Incommode

f- 37 b Friday the 6th :

La Presente
Eleven fireships :

Le Terneuvie {? )
Le Diguisi
Le Gaillard
La Catherine
V Inconnv£
L'^veille \

in the morning the wind being at north-
east the whole fleet weighed and sailed out, the wind held

'689 THE DEPARTURE

43

most part of the day at north-east and north by east ; at
night it came to north, and blew hard, the night overcast
with a very thick fog, we run to westward.

Saturday the 7th : the wind blowing fresh at north-east
we bore up north-north-west and north-west and by north,
the night was fair but we made little sail.

Sunday the 8th : the wind continued at north-east and we
bore up north-north-west all day, the night fair, but made
little way. This day we discovered one sail, which, a frigate
having chased and brought up, proved an Englishman bound
for France and was soon after discharged. A Portuguese
bound for London sailed through the fleet, which having
hailed made her way. We lay by about noon for a while, and
some consultation was held aboard the Admiral, after which
we held on our course.

Monday the 9th : the wind continued and we lay close
upon it to north-north-west and north-west, and by west
about seven we discovered land and about noon came up
within half a league of the shore, and found we were fallen
ten leagues to leeward, the Admiral intending to have been |
as far to windward, the shore we came up with was Castle- f. 38 a
haven. We stood off again, and tacked to gain upon the wind.
Towards evening on a sudden the Admiral fell off with the
wind and steered west-soUth-west, then lay by and made
little or no way all night. This morning a small vessel of
Ostend was taken by one of our ships. Two English men-of-
war were discovered and chased for some time, by which was
guessed the fleet was not far off, which was the reason our
Admiral changed his resolution of bearing up for Kinsale.

Tuesday the loth : the wind still at north-east we continued
our course west-south-west in sight of land till coming up with
Berehaven or Bantry Bay, for two parts of it bear these several
names, we bore to windward and stood in for about a league,
anchored close under the shore four leagues from the bottom
of the bay and town of Bantry. This afternoon intelHgence
being brought that the English fleet was seen, the Admiral
ordered all the English, Scotch and Irish to the number of
about 1,500 with all the money, arms, and ammunition

44 THE JOURNAL 1689

brought from France, and four day's provision for each man,
f. 38 b to be put aboard five fireships, the | two small frigates, and
another small vessel, and so conveyed up the bay and landed.
Which was accordingly put in execution, but the time being
short, many were landed upon the rocks at midnight, none
being permitted to stay aboard, although several pressed for
it very earnestly. The night was spent in as much misery as
can be imagined by them ashore upon the bare, uncouth
rocks, it being very cold and no shelter to be had, and by us
aboard the small vessels, which were so thronged there was
scarce room to stand, much less to sit or lie down.

Wednesday the nth, and ist of May (st. vet.) : for being
come to shore I will hereafter follow this account, we weighed
at break of day, the wind still at north-east, and the bay hes
north-east and south-west, so we spent the whole day tacking.
But at noon we discovered the English fleet making up to
the French, who having before their anchors apeak weighed
and met them, having the wind and tide with them. Particu-
lars I cannot pretend to give an account of, but that we saw
them near four hours hotly engaged, and then they fell down
f. 39 a till we quite lost sight first of the English, then of the j French ;
in the evening the latter returned and anchored where they
were in the morning.^ Just at sunset the wind calmed quite
where we were, and we were towed by our boats into the
creek where Bantry stands. This is an extraordinary bay,
being between four and five leagues in length, everjrwhere wide,
but more or less as some points butt out. The largest ships
may anchor anjrwhere close under the shore, there being for
the most part within 100 yards of it fourteen or fifteen fathom
water, at the entrance into the creek about seven and more
within. All round the bay are high rocky mountains with
some few scattering cottages. This night much against our

' The Count de Chiteau-Renault (1652-1719) was a most distinguished
seaman, and came with twenty-eight ships of the line, fifteen frigates, and
fifteen fire-ships. He had an indecisive encounter with Admiral Herbert
in Bantry Bay. Just before the capitulation of Limerick, on October 30,
1691, he sailed up the Shannon in command of a fine French fleet with
the largest quantity of stores and supplies that Louis ever sent to Ireland,
including 30,000 stand of arms. He reached Brest between December 5
and 7. See Avaux to Louis, May 16, 1689 ; Louvois to Avaux, June 13.

1689 POVERTY AT BANTRY 45

will we continued aboard, yet had we known the entertain-
ment we were to find ashore, as bad as it was in the ships, we
had chosen to stay in them.

Thursday the 2nd : we landed at Bantry, which is a miser-
able poor place, not worthy the name of a town, having not
above seven or eight little houses, the rest very mean cottages.
The least part of us could not be contained in this place, so
most were sent two or three miles round to no better cottages
to quarter. | Two nights that we continued here I walked two f- 39 b
miles out of town to lie upon a little dirty straw in a cot or
cabin, no better than a hog-sty among near twenty others.
The houses and cabins in town were so filled that people lay
all over the floors. Some gentlemen I knew who took up their
lodging in an old rotten boat that lay near the shore, and
there wanted not some who quartered in a sawpit. Meat
the country brought in enough, but some had not money to
buy, and those who had for want of change had much diffi-
culty to get what they wanted, the people being so extreme
poor that they could not give change out of half a crown or
a crown, and guineas were carried about the whole day and
returned whole. Drink there was none, but just at our landing
a very little wort hot from the fire, which nevertheless was
soon drunk ; and good water was so scarce that I have gone
half a mile to drink at a spring. About half a mile from this
is the old town of Bantry, much like the new. Upon a hill
over the town and creek is a fort built by Cromwell, now
gone to decay but never of any considerable strength.

Friday the 3rd : we continued in this miserable place.
Both days were spent in landing | the arms and ammunition f. 40 a
that came with us. The Earl of Clancarty's Regiment^ came
to town, and during our stay had no better quarters than the
open fields without tents.

'■ Donogh M'Carthy, fourth Earl of Clancarty (1668-1734), was educated
a Protestant by his mother, but became a Roman Catholic. At the age
of eleven his uncle negotiated his marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of the
Earl of Sunderland. In spite of the fact that he was under age he sat in
the Parliament of Dublin, 1689. Avaux was not unwilling to accept him
for service with Louis, though he notes he is '„un jeune fou et un petit
debauche ' (Avaux to Louvois, October 21). John Evelyn called to see
his mother 'to condole with her concerning her debauched and dissolute

46 THE JOURNAL 1689

Saturday the 4th : much of the morning was spent in
looking for horses ; at last with much difficulty Mr. Lazenby.^
afterwards a captain in Colonel Butler of Kilcash's Regiment,
bought a little nag, on which we laid his, Captain afterwards
Major Price's,^ and my clothes in two portmanteaus, and
having loaded our horse marched afoot driving him before us
twelve miles to Dunmanway, a place consisting of only one
gentleman's house and some scattering cabins. The road is
all mountains very high, steep and rough, with few or scarce
any houses near the way. Having sent before to take quarters
we prevailed for money to get a good barn, where we made
fire and had clean straw to lie on, conveniences that very
many met not withal who were forced to stay all night in the
open fields.

Sunday the 5th : marched six miles to Enniskeen, the first
three like the day before, the other much plainer. This is
a tolerable town, and appeared much the better to us after
f. 40 b coming | from the miserable places before mentioned. Here
we only refreshed ourselves, and went on six miles farther to
Bandon, a considerable walled town, where we found good
entertainment, though at this time it was ill-inhabited many
of the richest being fled, after the king had most graciously
pardoned their unnatural rebellion in presuming to take up
arms and shut out His Majesty's forces upon framed fears and
pretences.

Monday the 6th : marched twelve miles to Cork ; in all this
way there is not so much as a village unless such as consist of

son who had done so much mischief in Ireland '. When Marlborough
returned to England in January, 1 691, he came back with 150 Irish officers,
including the Earls of Clancarty and Tyrone, who were put in the tower.
With the aid of his father-in-law Clancarty escaped in 1694 and commanded
his troop in France till the peace of Ryswick, 1697. While paying a visit to
his devoted wife he was captured, but she, his mother, and a loyal friend,
Lady RusseU, obtained from William pardon and a pension of ;£30O per
annum on condition of his leaving England and taking no further part
in public affairs. He died in Germany in 1734. His regiment had a colonel,
lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, seven lieutenants, seven
ensigns, surgeon and chaplain. There were thirteen companies and 269
men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men.

' The roll of this regiment does not mention Mr. Lazenby.

^ Price was probably a major in Colonel Thomas Butler's Regiment of
Infantry.

1689 FRIENDS IN DISTRESS 47

ten or twelve poor cots or cabins, inhabited by the miserable
country people, who live only upon their potatoes and sour -i^,,
milk. The road is all rough mountain rocky way. Having
marched these three days afoot I had great difficulty to reach
Cork, both by reason of my weariness, as also the soreness of
my feet, which kept me in excessive pain and anguish. I gave
God thanks that I reached the town, where providence
ordained we were stopped two days, by order to wit.

Tuesday and Wednesday, the 7th and 8th : all the company
before intending to take no rest till our arrival at Dublin,
which was also my | earnest desire, but finding myself unfit f. 41 a
to march I was glad to be stopped to rest. Neither could
I well stay behind my company, having spent most of what
money I brought out of England and being disappointed of
a bill I expected at Paris, coming away in haste, so that after-
wards I was beholden to Mr. Lazenby whom I have before
spoken of, and who lent me money in my want, without any
farther acquaintance than what we contracted at Quimper
Corentin, when some that were my friends in England refused
to assist me. It was not therefore without reason I called him
brother, as also Major Price, to whom also I owe many obliga-
tions we three having contracted a peculiar friendship and
kept together from the beginning of our acquaintance with
a true brotherly love, which we continued not only then but
long after till the misfortunes of the times parted us.

Thursday the 9th : we set out having hired a man and
horse to carry our clothes, and marched with much difficulty,
the way being hilly and my feet very sore to Rathcormack
a little town, which was very full, yet afforded | us good f. 41 b
quarters.^

Friday the loth : in the morning, we marched four miles
to Kilworth, a small market town. Though the way was good,
the excessive heat of the sun so overcame us that we were ^

forced to take two or three hours' rest here, when venturing
to set forward we soon found ourselves in as bad or rather
a worse condition, it being just the heat of the day, and having
a vast high and rough mountain to pass over which held for
^ Stevens travelled along the old coach road to Dublin.

48 THE JOURNAL 1689

four miles and so tired us that we were glad again to take
shelter in a cottage at the foot of the hill till evening, which
being cool we travelled on four miles farther and a much
better way with woods and much shelter to Clogheen, a little
town that has some good houses, and a clear brook runs through
the middle of it.

Saturday the nth : we found the way good, yet having
marched but three miles to a village whose name I learned
not, but a river runs through it and over it stands an old
castle, I was so spent with heat and the continual fatigue
that I had been left behind had I not with much difficulty
hired a horse, the people being very fearful, because many

i. 42 a upon pretence of hiring horses | for a few miles went quite
away with them ; thus I rode five miles to Clonmel. This is
one of the prettiest towns I have seen, though small. It is
walled, and famous for the opposition it made against the
former usurper, Oliver Cromwell ; the principal streets are in
the form of a cross with a handsome town house much about
the centre of it, the streets clean, and the houses well built,
a navigable river running by the side of it next which are
the ruins of a large old convent, then in possession of the
Franciscan friars. Having found by experience that we could
not march in the heat of the day, we resolved for the future
to travel all or most part of the night, and rest the days, and
accordingly we stirred not till the following evening, which was
Sunday the 12th : and then set out about seven of the
clock and marched a good rate till eleven, at which time we
reached the nine mile house : the first five miles are plain good
way, the other four hilly and very rough. This is a lone house,
however we wanted not conveniency to rest here till break
of day.

f. 42 b Monday the 13th : early we marched five miles | to Callan,
now a very poor place, but by its ruins appears to have
been somewhat considerable, having refreshed ourselves here
during the heat of the day, we went on in the evening six
miles to Kilkenny.^ I will not here pretend to give any

' Boate, in his Natural History of Ireland, classes Dublin, Galway, Water-
ford, Limerick, and Cork in the first rank of towns, and classes such towns

1689 NEAR DUBLIN

49

account of this place, though it well deserves it, having some
notes of it in my former travels, which if it please God to
restore me to my native country I may perhaps find and
join to these, nor had I now time or ease to give a worthy
description of this place.

Tuesday the 14th : in the evening being all ready to set
out, we loaded our small luggage on a car we bought in town,
putting to it a large horse belonging to Captain Arnold ^ who
here joined with us and had a boy to drive it, and being eased
of that trouble I stopped in the street to speak with an
acquaintance till all my company marched out of town
before me, and thinking to overtake them I lost my way
within a mile of the £own, till meeting with a countryman
he put me again into the road, where I travelled alone three
or four miles and then overtook one Mr. Brett,^ whom I had
before known in | England. But he being afoot as well as I, f. 43 a
a corpulent man and very lame, I could not prevail with
him to go any farther than to a small farmer's house seven
miles from Kilkenny, where having after much entreaty
obtained admittance we found a good will in the people
but no great refreshment, they having nothing to eat or
drink but milk, a diet I was not yet used to, and clean straw
to lie on. As it was we took our rest till about three of the
clock on

Wednesday the 15th : in the morning, when being earnest
to find my company, we went on forgetting to inquire for
them at Wells, a small village a mile from our place of rest,
till we went two miles farther to Leighlinbridge, where is only
a large stone bridge over the Barrow, two good houses of enter-
as Kilkenny, Drogheda, and Bandon in the second. Tighe in his Statistical
Account of Kilkenny states that in 1689 there were 507 houses, in 1777 there
were 2274, in 1788 there were 2689, and when he wrote in 1802 there were
2870 houses. Cf. Boate, chap, i ; Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs, pp. 86-90.
Boate wrote his book in 1652. '

^ There was a Captain Clement Arnold in Colonel Sankey's Regiment
(Vicars, Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland, p. 12).

Of course the best authority for the life of an officer is J. D'Alton's
King fames' s Irish Army List, 1689 (Dublin, 1861). D'Alton gives a mass
of information which he has ill-digested. The index is very bad, e.g. he
gives all the different Burkes under one title.

'■ There was an Edward Brett, a Dublin merchant (Vicars, p. 53).

1218 E

50 THE JOURNAL 1689

tainment and a few small cabins, I was much concerned after
strict inquiry to hear no news of my company. Being thus
restless having halted a little while I resolved to go on, and at
our setting out a countryman informing us there was one
Brett, a rich farmer, on the other side the river, and that it
was as near a way to Carlow as that we intended to take,

f . 43 b I was with difficulty persuaded | to take that way in hopes to
get horses of the said farmer, only because my new com-
panion's name was Brett. In fine we went, and though
strangers for the name's sake found a kind reception, and had
two horses lent us as far as Carlow and a boy to bring them
back. It was early when we came to the town, and to my
great satisfaction found my former company, and having
resolved to go forwards at night, though I desired it my
friend Mr. Brett would by no means part with the horses,
but kept both them and the boy (not regarding his tears) with
him till night, when we set out on promise to carry them
but five miles farther, but being come to Castledermot, and
finding the conveniency so great, we made bold with them
for three miles more to Timolin, which we reached near
midnight, and there rested till morning.

Thursday the i6th : having dismissed ^he boy with the
horses, we marched afoot seven miles to Kilcullen Bridge,
and having there refreshed ourselves till evening, went on
five miles farther to the Naas, a good town though at this
time decayed, the walls of it as many other things are gone
to ruin. About a mile from the town in some old walls is
preserved the memory of a stately seat, intended though

f . 44 a never finished | by the loyal Earl of Strafford when Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. Here first of all we found difficulty in
getting quarters, and, having got a billet of the sovereign on
an inn, were refused not only beds, but fire and meat and
drink for our money, till finding the perverseness of the
people we possessed ourselves of a room, broke t)pen the
cellar doors, and took out meat, wine, and whatever we found
for our use ; our landlord having made his complaint to the
sovereign, and, meeting a rebuke instead of redress, served,
and attended us for the future with great diligence, and found

I689

ARRIVAL IN DUBLIN

51

all things necessary, which we paid for to his content, though
for his rudeness he deserved it not, and it was left to our
choice by the sovereign. The man being an Irishman and
a Catholic made his ill carriage towards us appear the more
strange, but his religion and country he thought would bear
him out. This was the first violence in all my travels hitherto
I offered to anybody, and the world may judge with how much
justice I might force my way to meat, drink, and a bed for
money, being hungry, dry and weary, and having the govern-
ment to back me.

Friday the 17th : being somewhat cool, we marched with
ease six miles to Rathcoole, and having | rested a sufficient f. 44 b
while, with great satisfaction marched the remaining six miles
to Dublin, our so long wished for port.^ Yet was it not with-
out some shame and trouble I entered the town afoot and all
covered with dust, having lived there sometime before in
esteem and with splendour, and fearing to meet with many
that had formerly known me in a prosperous condition. And
yet what greater glory or honour could I wish than to be seen
and known a signal sufferer for my religion, my king, for justice
and loyalty. But man's ambitions has always aspirations, and
covets the grandeur of the world : it feeds not itself with the

^ Add. 17406 (Brit. Mus.) gives the houses in Dublin in 1702, 1712, and
1718 : they are 6604, 9162, and 10,004 respectively. The population of
Dublin was 40,058 on January 10, 1695. There were 230 men and 144
hearths in Trinity College.

Houses in Dublin divided into 100 equal parts :
Good almost
Poor

Waste . ...

People of Dublin divided into 100 :

Men .....

Women ....

Children I p'

Servants \ -p'

M., 46 ; F., 54-
There were 5,999 houses in Dublin, and 29,220 hearths.
W. Lloyd's Common Place Book, 1709 (K. 4. 10, T.C.D.), gives reasons
for thinking that on January 10, 1695/6, there were 1,034,102 people in
Ireland. Lloyd estimates the number of houses in Dublin to the rest of the
kingdom as one to forty, and the number of people in Dublin to the rest
of the kingdom as one to twenty-six.

E2

78

8

14

25

29
14
15
7
10

32 THE JOURNAL 1689

true and inward knowledge of the honour due unto virtue,
but is still greedy of outward appearances. For although the
principal happiness of man ought to consist in the innocence
of his conscience and justice of his actions : our weak nature
is so much depraved that we value not what we are but what
we are thought. Most men aspire not to be truly virtuous,
but to be esteemed so, and even those who are endowed with
any peculiar virtues do place the greatest satisfaction in
having them known, and study how to make them shine the
brighter in the eyes of the world. The scholar breaks his rest,
flies company, lives retired, scarce allows himself time to eat

f. 45 a or sleep, minds | nothing but his books, spends his days in
reading and the nights in thinking, and this not to improve
himself or instruct others, but that his works may be carried
from hand to hand, his name honoured, and his memory
preserved. The lawyer continually turns over his volumes,
roars at the bar, takes in hand the wrongful as well as the
righteous cause, and why but to gain applause, to be esteemed
the great interpreter of the law, to rise in time and be seated
on the tribunal, and to be gazed at and admired by the multi-
tude. The soldier endures the scorching heat of the summer,
and piercing cold of winter in the fields, lies on the ground,
suffers hunger and thirst, and daily exposes himself to all
dangers that his valour may be extolled, his sufferings
recorded, and his magnanimity celebrated. It may perhaps
be answered these and all others labour and toil to acquire
riches, and merit preferment. But what is the use of riches
only to shine brighter than others in the eyes of the people,
and what is preferment but to stand a step above the rest,
and be more seen and taken notice of : since the country

f. 45 b gentleman of a moderate estate, eats, drinks, sleeps, | and
indulges himself as well, or rather more than the greatest
general, the ablest lawyer, the profoundest scholar or the
mightiest monarch in the universe. And again for the practice
of virtue and study of piety, none so free or so truly fitted as
the man who, content in a middle estate, is not drawn away
with the noise and profaneness of the soldier, not distracted
with the subtleties and pride of the scholar, not involved in

1689 METHODS OF PREFERMENT 53

the cares and injustice of the lawyer, nor plunged in the
abyss of thoughts, business, ambition and vanities that attend
such as follow the court or converse in affairs of state and
government. But I have made too long a digression did
not my long continuance in Dublin allow of it, and since
the occurrences during my residence there cannot merit
a daily observation as hitherto in my travels, I will only
make some general remarks and afterwards go on with my
following misfortunes.

As Paris or St. Germains was the first place of rest, where
every one that followed the king intended to take the
measures of his | future proceedings, so being commanded f. 46 a
from thence and His Majesty residing in Dublin, that was the
second harbour, where every one proposed to refit himself for
the residue of his long voyage, and to weather the ensuing
storms. Formerly in England peace flourishing there, and
I being settled in a good civil employment had laid aside all
thoughts of any military preferment, but now the king
having more need of soldiers than receivers, and my design in
following of him being to signalize my loyalty, and be service-
able to him, not to seek my own ease, conveniency or interest,
I resolved upon a soldier's life, at least till such time as it
should please God to re- enthrone His Majesty. And though
my experience in martial affairs could not entitle me to any
considerable post, and consequently enable me to do any
extraordinary service : yet I concluded in whatever capacity
employed I might be useful, and doubted not but for the
present my zeal would supply what was wanting in experience.
The methods to be taken to be employed in the army were,
first by immediate application to His Majesty either by word
of mouth or by way of petition. | The former was the moref. 46 b
general, for even kings in distress grow cheap, and their very
friends usurp an unbecoming familiarity with them ; but
nature and my education had engrafted in me such a reverence
for Majesty that though I daily saw others (who had less
right or pretensions than myself) boldly breathe their preten-
sions in the king's ears, and that to such a degree of freedom
that one who was but an ensign in England durst pull him

54 THE JOURNAL 1689

by the sleeve because he passed without taking notice of him ;
yet I could never presume to give myself the liberty of speak-
ing to him, and the excessive forwardness of others made me
the more backward. The latter by petition was both modest
and likely to succeed : but seeing him daily perplexed with
the continual importunities of so many I concluded it more
respectful to find out some other expedient, though not so
advantageous to myself, than to add to his great burden of
care. The second method was going to Londonderry then
besieged by the king's forces, to serve there as a volunteer in
some regiment till places should fall, and preferment become
due. This suited best with my inclinations, but being destitute
of money to subsist there, and having no horse to carry me
down, I was forced to lay aside the thoughts of it, though it
was the thing I most earnestly desired. These two mediums
laid aside, the third and last was to try friends in order to be
f. 47 a either assisted with | money or recommended to some regi-
ment. But friendship was grown as rare in Ireland as loyalty
in England. There were many who during my prosperity,
when they thought I should have no occasion to make use
of them, had made me great offers of service if occasion should
offer, but with my condition their minds were changed.
Among the rest I cannot but mention the Earl of Limerick ^ in
whose ancient acquaintance with my father and the know-
ledge he had of me I reposed no small confidence. The Lord
Primate of Ireland, F. Dominick Macguire,^ with whom while

' On the Restoration William Dungan, who had been a knight and a
baronet, was created a viscount, and in 1669 had a gtant of Castletown-
Kildrought, with the impropriate tithes of the parish and various other
lands in Kildare, which were created the manors of Kildrought and Clare ;
at the same time he passed a patent for lands and impropriations in Long-
ford, Meath, Kilkenny, Carlow, Tipperary, Queen's County, and Dublin.
He was raised to the Earldom of Limerick, and with his marriage on the
continent his wife was naturalized by Act of Parliament (cf. Singer, I, 342,
566, ii. 24). He attended the Parliament of 1689 ; he was Lord-Lieutenant
of the County of Kildare. In 1691 he and his wife were attainted and their
lands of 30,000 acres were given to Ginkell in 1693. He died in December,
1 71 5. His son was Lord Dungan.

' The Earl of Sunderland, writing from Whitehall as principal Secretary
of State to the Earl of Clarendon, March 20, 1685/6, stated : ' My Lord,
Doctor Dominick Maguire, the Roman Catholic Archbishop and Primate of
Armagh, being now going for Ireland, his Majesty commands me to recom-

1689 UNFAITHFUL FRIENDS 55

chaplain to Don Pedro Ronquillo/ the Spanish Ambassador
in England, I had a particular familiarity, and the Duke of
Powis from whom in London and Wales I had received some
assurances of favour. The first of these received me so coldly
that I never made a second application to him. In the second
I found not much more encouragement, and all I received was
formal excuses. The third and last, after many fair words

mend to your Excellency the said Archbishop, and also Dr. Patrick Tyrrell,
Bishop of Clogher and Kilmore, and the rest of their brethren, the Arch-
bishops and Bishops of the Roman Catholic communion in Ireland, for
your patronage and protection upon all occasions, wherein they shall apply
unto you, or stand in need thereof. . . . His Majesty would likewise have
your excellency recommend it to the archbishops, bishops, sherifis, and
justices of the peace there, not to molest the Roman Catholic clergy, in the
exercise of their ecclesiastical functions, amongst those of their own com-
munion.' Two days afterwards James granted Maguire a pension of ;^300
per annum out of the Exchequer of Ireland, and on February 4, 1686/7,
the king ordered that this pension should be free from poundage. On
November 24, 1689, Avaux wrote to Louis : ' Nous apprismes une autre
nouvelle a Drogheda, qui est que le Primat de Dublin, avec le chancelier,
et generalement tous les Catholiques de la ville, avoient pris possessiop
d'une des principales eglises, qui est une sainte chapelle. Je pris la liberte
d'en parler au Roy, qui me declara que ce n'estoit point par son ordre, et
qu'il trouvoit fort mauvais qu'on ne luy en eust pas escrit, parce qu'il
avoit I'esolu de faire dire la premiere messe dans cette eglise, qu'ainsi il
alloit ordonner qu'on la refermast et qu'il la feroit ouvrir ^ sou arrivee
El. Dublin. Je luy representay que cela feroit encore un plus mauvais effet,
et que les Protestans ne manqueroient pas de dire qu'il n'avoit pas trouve
la premiere prise de possession assez solennelle, et qu'il I'avoit voulu rendre
plus authentique ; qu'il n'y avoit point d'autre party i prendre que de
laisser les choses comme elles estoient, ou de rendre I'eglise aux Protestans,
pour ne la leur plus oster, mais que s'il prenoit le premier party, il estoit
de la derniere necessity de faire escrire une lettre circulaire £t tous les
evesques d'Irlande, pour leur deffendre d'en faire autant dans leurs dioceses,
de se mettre en possession d'aucune eglise qui se trouveroit entre les mains
des Protestans, sans luy en avoir escrit auparavant, et sans en avoir
regu sa permission. C'est ce que Sa Maiest6 Britannique a fait.'

' Don Pedro RonquUlo was sent as Spanish Ambassador to England in
1675. He was strongly opposed to the designs of Louis XIV and stirred up
opposition in the English Parliament against them, and in i68o he pro-
cured the preparation of a treaty against France. He warned James not
to go too far, nor to venture too much. ' Monsieur RonquiUo,' answered
the king, ' I will either win all or lose all.' When riots broke out in London,
after James lost all, Ronquillo's house was sacked and his fine library burnt.
He informed his, court that, though the English laws against Popery might
seem severe, they were so much mitigated by the prudence and humanity
of the Government that they caused no annoyance to quiet people ; and he
took upon himself to assure the Holy See that what a Roman Catholic
suffered in London was nothing when compared with what a Protestant
suffered in Ireland. He welcomed William on his arrival in 1688, and they
discussed the war with France.

56 THE JOURNAL 1689

having endeavoured to incline me to apply myself to a civil
employment, which I utterly refused, would propose or hear
of nothing but riding in the guards, and finding by this he
only strove to shift me off I consented to it only to try the
utmost of his promises. But finding me comply with that he
soon fell off, telling me none were to be admitted into the

f. 47 b guards | but such as brought horses, which he well knew
I could not, nor was there any such thing, for many even to the
degree of footmen were afterwards received and the king
mounted them. Forsaken thus by all I had put my confidence
in, I passed many days in melancholy thoughts without
making application to any, since I found there was no faith
in the promises of the great ones, and friendship was but
a mere name, there being in reality no such thing to be found
among us. How much sorrow and afHiction I knew during the
time I was without employment is not to be expressed or
easily conceived by any but such as have had some share in
the like misfortunes. For what greater calamity than to be
in a strange country without money, destitute of friends, and
this a man that had never known want and had only taken a
voluntary exile for the love of his prince. Such as were able
to relieve or assist me in the midst of plenty pleaded poverty,
and either laid up for imaginary dangers of future want or
else blinded with that ' Auri sacra fames ', could not or would
not see my condition, or at least reach out their hands to lift
me from the afHiction they saw me fallen into. It is true
I made not my condition known to many, for not being used
to want I blushed to think that any man should but imagine
I was in necessity. It was then a common thing and many

f. 48 a gentlemen laboured under as bad | circumstances as myself,
but my proud heart could not be brought to confess poverty,
but on the contrary endeavoured to hide and conceal it. Many
had found shifts to maintain themselves, which I could not
make use of as not just or honourable, and I thank God
through all the course of my misfortunes I do not know that
ever my thoughts dictated to me to strain my conscience to
any unlawful or my reputation to any uncreditable action.
Yet such was the course of the world that many who pre-

1689 JACOBITE SELF-SEEKERS 57

tended to have followed His Majesty for honour and con-
science by their base and unwarrantable proceedings not
only were rendered scandalous themselves in the eyes of all
men, but gave occasion to malicious reflections on His Majesty's
most righteous cause from the foul mouths of his malicious
enemies by its being asserted by such vile wretches. But
let not the profane slanderers of the best of kings think this
a justification of their traitorous aspersions. Christianity is
not of the less value for the foul actions of such heretics and
schismatics as they, the Catholic religion for having some ill
livers, or His Majesty's cause for being defended by some
libertines. Neither is this a reflection upon those truly
honourable gentlemen, who through a true sense of loyalty | f. 48 b
and love of their religion quitted their country and fortunes :
or such strangers who upon the same motives resolved to
expose themselves to all dangers and hardships in so just
a cause. The libertines I speak of were such whose debts or
scandalous lives attended by all manner of crimes had ren-
dered England unsafe for, and therefore they laid hold of this
opportunity to palliate shame or fear that drove them away :
or such whose desperate fortunes hoped some better change
in the common calamities, and for their private interest valued
not the ruin of their country. Men who thought a good cause
would justify all villanies, who esteemed it a Christian liberty
to rob their brethren, and a meritorious act to plunder the
wicked Egyptians or Protestants, without any allowance
from God and contrary to the express commands of their
prince. Of these several gave us at last as good a proof of
their loyalty as they had done before of their virtues, by
deserting and running over to the rebels, when to punish
theirs and our sins it pleased God to suffer His Majesty's
forces to be defeated, and us to be reduced to the miseries
I shall hereafter mention. To name these objects of scorn
and contempt is too tedious, nor do I think such as blotted
themselves out of | the list of true loyalists ought to fill f. 49 a
a place in this short compendium of loyal sufferings. Some
did not blush to vex His Majesty with repeated petitions
magnifying their losses, multiplying their sufferings and wants,

58 THE JOURNAL 1689

suing for relief till overcome by their perpetual importunities
they forced him to lay out his small treasures to maintain
their extravagances. Others more inhuman, though entrusted
and entertained in the king's service, made use of the very
power he had given them to sell him and betray his interest.
As, not to instance any more, some did in the case of seizing
serviceable horses to mount the guards and other troops ;
when some of the highest rank protected for money the best
horses though belonging to Protestants, and, others having
bought many with the king's own money put into their hands
for that use, sold them afterwards again for their own private
advantage ; notwithstanding the urgent necessity of mount-
ing the guards and other troops, and to the great detriment
of His Majesty's service. To relieve my present necessities
I sold what most conveniently I could spare by degrees as
necessity pressed till I was obliged to part with some rings,
f. 49 b among the rest one a particular token | of my father's, which
much troubled me. But necessity has no law, for it brought
me to part with the hilt and pommel of my sword, which were
silver, and supply their place with brass ; that I might truly
be said to live by my sword, though not then a soldier but in
my wishes and resolutions. Having thus struggled long with
my ill fortune, at length it pleased God to send me some
present relief by the hands I least expected it from, to wit
a Protestant, one Mr. Hunt,^ whom I had formerly known and
been kind to when he was yeoman of the wineseller to the then
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Earl of Clarendon.^ This man
meeting and inviting me into a tavern perceived I suppose by
my appearing somewhat dejected from whence it proceeded,
and, very generously of his own accord without the least

^ Cf. Vicars, pp. 241-2.

^ Henry Hyde (1638-1709) was the son of the first Earl of Clarendon.
From 1685 to 1687 he was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, but he was obliged
to yield to the might of Tyrconnel. The latter remodelled the army and
terrified the English. ' The turning out so many men in an instant,' writes
Clarendon to Sunderland, ' taking in none but natives in their room, and
the very indiscreet conduct of some of the new officers in declaring they will
entertain no English, nor any Protestants, does frighten people ' {State
Letters, i. 485). When Clarendon ceased to act as nominal viceroy, fifteen
hundred families crossed to England with him.

'689 MR. HUNT'S KINDNESS 59

motion made by me, offered to lend me ;£'io upon my note,
which he as freely performed the next morning. I cannot
but think it a very worthy remark that in such times a man
should so generously trust me, when the war, hindering a com-
merce with England, took away the greatest probability of
payment, when my life was so uncertain being resolved for
the army, when Cathohcs would not assist one another, than
for a Protestant unlooked for to offer relief to a Catholic
and in fine when repeated promises of friendship were can-
celled, I a slender and long interrupted acquaintance to takef. 50 a
place and give them all an example of sincerity and justice.
It has not been yet in my power (though I repaid the money)
to requite the kindness, but God, who has given me a grateful
heart to acknowledge, I hope, will, when our sins are sufficiently
punished and His anger appeased, put me in a condition to
make a competent return to such obligations. And if ever
I live to see prosperity in this world it shall be my study to
appear grateful to such as have been friends to me in my
troubles. All this while I had no prospect of any employment,
till the siege of Londonderry being raised,^ and the forces
that were there dispersed into several garrisons, many of the
officers flocked to court, and among the rest Mr. Ignatius
Usher ^ whom I have before mentioned in my passage from
England, and then a captain in the Right Honourable the Lord
Grand Prior's Regiment. He, seeing me at court without any
employment and knowing my resolution was to serve in the
army, presented me to the Lord Grand Prior who immediately
gave me the promise of a lieutenancy in his regiment, and
a few days after delivered me the commission. Thus what all
my pretended powerful friends would not effect in near three
months was done with only one word in less than a week by
him I least expected it from, and I was settled in a post to my
own satisfaction for the present, not at all doubting very soon
to reach preferment. f- sob

As I do not pretend to write a history or give an account of
the particular transactions of the times, but only as far as I was

' The siege of Derry was raised on the ist of August, 1689.
" Ignatius Usher was a captain in Fitz-James's Regiment.

6o THE JOURNAL 1689

concerned or where I was present myself, so having spent
much time in speaking of my private affairs it will not be
amiss to set down some few observations of the general state
of affairs, during this my vacation from business, though not
from sufferings.

At my arrival in Ireland the face of affairs was such as
seemed to promise a prosperous success to our undertakings,
a speedy restoration to the king, and a glorious reward to all
our sufferings.'^ Several small rebellions breaking out in the
kingdom were suppressed, the rebels in many encounters
worsted and forced to shut themselves up in garrisons, almost
all the kingdom quietly settled under His Majesty's obedience,
and Londonderry and Enniskillen seemed rather, despairing of
pardon, to prolong the punishment due to their obstinacy than

' Cf. a. letter of Tyrconnel, January 29, 1688/9, in the Leeds Official
Correspondence (Add. 28053, f. 386, Brit. Mus.). It gives a careful review
of the state of the four provinces and concludes that the prospects of James
are eminently favourable. Leinster comes first under observation. ' The
Catholics of Dublin may be guessed to be equal to in number all other
religions there (not including the soldiers who are all Catholics). The
Catholics in the rest of the province are forty to one of the people of all
other persuasions.' In Munster he reckons the proportion of Roman
Catholics to Protestants to be forty to one, and in Connaught to be 200
to one. ' The Catholics of Ulster are not so considerable by reason of the
greater number of Scotch Presbyterians there, yet may be thought to be
as many as all the rest. All the Catholics are unanimous and most zealously
affected to your Majesty's service.' Tyrconnel's satisfaction, however, does
not extend to the non-Roman Catholic population, for he says ' amongst
the Protestants generally tainted with the ill principles of England, there
are not in the whole kingdom a hundred that may be relied on to serve
your Majesty.' In the Memoirs of James II, ii. 327-8, on the other hand,
we read : ' This was the condition of Ireland at his Majesty's landing,
there was a great deal of good will in the kingdom, but little means to exe-
cute it, which made the Prince of Orange slight it to that degree he did ; but
as soon as he heard of the king's being gone thither (who he imagined would
not come unprovided with what they most wanted) was hugely surprised.'
The Jacobite Narrative, 47-9, gives an optimistic account of Irish resources.
' For first,' it maintains, ' there were at least sixty thousand men of an army,
of which a considerable proportion were veterans.' Of course this estimate
is much too great. Cf. Abbe MacGeoghegan, tome iii, p. 733 : ' II ne
manqua pas de soldats ; mais les soldats manquoient la plupart de tons
nfecessaires 4 la guerre, hormis de courage et de bonne volonte ; et les
Seigneurs qui avoient fait la premiere depense fetoient hors d'etat de la
supporter long-temps ; les armes, les munitions, I'argent etoient rares dans
un pays que la nation qui y dominoit avoit epuise de tout depuis si long-
temps ; il y avoit meme pen d'Officiers qui S9ussent la discipline militaire,
et il eut fallu plus de loisir que I'on ne s'en pouvoit promettre, pour disci-
pliner de nouvelles levies.'

1689 JACOBITE PROSPECTS 6i

to hope to withstand His Majesty's arms. Enniskillen was
not looked upon as a place of consideration having received
little addition of strength from art, and what it had from
nature being only a great lough or lake wherein it is seated
and all men concluded its fate depended wholly upon London-
derry, and the conquest of the one would produce | the f . 5 1 a
surrender of the other. Londonderry was reputed a place of
no strength, having only a bare wall without any outworks to
support it, the garrison was represented as raw undisciplined
men, full of divisions and subject to no command, the multi-
tude within great and provisions very short. In fine nothing
was thought of could obstruct the speedy conquest of those
so much contemned garrisons. In this assurance of our own
strength and the enemy's weakness the English exile flat-
tered himself with the thoughts of a speedy return to his
country, and the Irish proprietor thought of nothing but
entering upon his estate and driving out the new possessor,
the statesmen new modelled the government of these king-
doms, and the soldier divided the spoils of the country, and
assigned himself the rewards of his labours. The event hath
shown how wild these conceptions were, and reason might
have informed any understanding person, whose passion or'
mistaken zeal had not blinded him, that the posture of our
affairs was far different from what was represented, and the
methods then followed very unlikely to bring things to that
issue every one expected. I make no pretence to the spirit of
prophecy, yet scarce any misfortune has befallen us but
what I I have foreseen and told several, who can bear me f. 5 1 b
witness of this truth. Nor do I aspire to be esteemed a states-
man or pohtician, and yet I could not but make some reflec-
tions upon the manner of our proceedings and the then state
of our mihtary and civil government. What our army either
was or might be made is very hard to give an account of.
The common computation was incredible, for most men
reckoned the whole nation, every poor country fellow having
armed himself with a skeine as they call it or dagger, or a
ropery like a half pike, weapons fit only to please themselves,
or else to put them in a posture of robbing and plundering

62 THE JOURNAL 1689

the whole country, under pretence of suppressing the rebellious
Protestants. The insolences committed by this sort of people,
commonly called Rapparees, were such that having over-
stocked themselves with other men's cattle they destroyed
millions throughout the kingdom only for their hides or tallow,
and sometimes only to exercise their malice, leaving the
carcasses to rot in the fields.^ To return to the point our
muster-rolls run high, every officer being quartered near
home the better to enable him to raise his men or rather to
put it into his power to muster all the rabble of the country,
which when he was to march towards the enemy either he
f. 52 a had no right to command or else they | deserted. I am an
eye-witness that regiments that mustered 700 and upwards
at home came not into the field or even to Dublin 400 strong.
It may be objected the army at first not being paid there was
no reason for the officers to cheat, but I answer the daily
expectation of receiving money from France made them fill
up the muster-rolls though not the companies : besides the
reputation of raising so many men was some encouragement,
and the obligation they were under from their very commis-

^ StoternWs,xii. 615,635; AvauxtoLouis, April 13/23, 1689; Desgrigny
to Louvois, May 17/27, 1690. The picture drawn by James's Chief Justice
Keating for him in May, 1689 is appalling. ' From the most improved and
improving spot of earth in Europe ; from stately herds and flocks ; from
plenty of money at seven or eight per cent, whereby trade and industry
were encouraged, and all put upon the security of those Acts of Parliament ;
from great and convenient buildings newly erected in cities and other
corporations, to that degree that even the city of Dublin is, since the
passing of these Acts, and the security and quiet promised from them,
enlarged to double what it was ; and the shipping in divers ports were
five or six times more than ever was known before, to the vast increase
in your Majesty's revenue,' Ireland was ' reduced to the saddest and most
disconsolate condition of any kingdom or country in Europe.' What
Keating said in private he repeated in public. In his charge to the grand
jury at the assizes of Wicklow, he says : ' There are such general and vast
depredations in the country that many honest men go to bed possessed of
considerable stocks of black and white cattle, gotten by great labour and
pains, the industry of their whole lives, and in the morning when they arise
not anything left them ; but, burned out of all, to go a begging, all being
taken away by rebels, thieves and robbers, the sons of violence. ... It is
come to that pass, that a man that loses the better part of his substance
chooses rather to let that, and what he has besides, go, than come to give
evidence. And why ? Because he is certain to have his house burnt and
his throat cut if he appears against them. Good God, what a pass are we
come to ! '

1689 THE STATE OF THE ARMY 63

sions, which were given upon condition to furnish the number
of men for the service. What was worst of all the people,
greedy of novelties and ignorant of the dangers and hardships
attending the military life, flocked to be soldiers as if their
whole business had been to live at ease and rifle their enemies ;
but when they perceived how dear they were to buy their
bread and liberty, rather than expose their lives or undergo
the labours and wants a soldier is often exposed to, they
deserted in vast numbers, returning to their former security,
slavery and beggary on the mountains. Yet if the strength
of an army had consisted in multitudes, the number of
regiments might have made some amends for their weakness.
But the want of discipline and experience, which we conceited
in our enemies, and which made us despise them, was the
heaviest misfortune we | laboured under ourselves. Our men f. 52 b
were newly brought from the mountains, used to live in
slavery without the use of any weapon : the most of them had
never fired a musket in their lives. A people used only to
follow and converse with cows, so hard to be made sensible of
the duty of a soldier or be brought to handle their arms
aright, that it was difficult to make many of them understand
the common words of command, much less to obey them.
Besides their natural uncouthness, they are stubborn and
conceited, to be governed with rigour and severity, not to
be wrought upon with lenity and gentleness ; for by ex-
perience I have found they not only fear, but respect and
love the officer much more that beats them daily without
mercy than him that cherishes and carries a light hand over
them. They will follow none but their own leaders, many of
them men as rude, as ignorant, and as far from understanding
any of the rules of discipline as themselves.^ This was the
utter ruin of the army, none fitter to raise men than he that
had been ever bred in the mountains. When raised there was

' The perpetual jealousies and quarrels among native chiefs and their
tribesmen were among the chief reasons why. Ireland never became a
nation. The inability to suppress private wrongs for public right, to sup-
press feelings of revenge for petty disputes when great questions called for
solution, destroyed the prospects of civijjzation in mediaeval times, and
ruined the revolutionary movement in 1688.

64 THE JOURNAL 1689

no respect from soldier to officer, they were all fellow moun-
f- 53 a taineers. The commissioned officer could not punish his |
sergeant or corporal because he was his cousin or foster-
brother, and they durst not correct the soldier lest he should
fly in their face or run away. These officers had seen and
knew no more than their men, and consequently understood
as little how to exercise or train them ; every one thought
himself qualified enough to bear a commission if he could
march before his men, and repeat by rote the words of the
common exercise. For want of arms most of the army was
taught the little they learnt with sticks, and when they came
to handle pike or musket they were to begin again ; though
I knew a colonel who said his regiment could exercise to
admiration before ever they had handled arms. Many
regiments were armed and sent upon service who had never
fired a shot, ammunition being kept so choice that they were
never taught to fire, and it is hard to guess when these men
were upon action whether their own or the enemy's fire was
most terrible to them. And the commanders, it has been often
observed, have not only wanted valour to lead on or conduct
to post their men to advantage but through ignorance have
run themselves into dangers and then cowardly and basely
been the first that betook themselves to a shameful flight. |
f. 53 b These miscarriages were so far from being punished that they
were excused, and palliated ; the very reasons that ought to
be urged as an aggravation of the crime, and consequently of
the punishment, were offered and received as extenuations of
the offence ; as the inequality of numbers, being surprised,
the disadvantage of ground, want of ammunition, and the
like. Nor was this all. The cowardice of the officers was
retorted upon the soldiers, and I have known a commander
preferred for quitting his post, when the poor soldier suffered
for the same. Particularly in the defeat of the Lord Mount-
casheP I observed some that never looked back till they

' Justin Macarthy (d. 1694), Lord Mountcashel, was appointed Muster-
Master-General of Artillery in Ireland. He was the third son of the first
Earl of Clancarty by Elizabeth Butler and was first cousin of the Hamjltons.
In a postscript to a letter of May 12 Avaux wrote to Lou vols : ' Sa Maiestfe
Britanuique a donn§ A. M. de Makarty la charge de Grand Maistre de

1689 COWARDLY OFFICERS 65

came to Dublin, and others that lay in ditches were more
countenanced than those that had brought up the rear in
some order ; nay those who had quitted their horses to tread
the bogs and lost their very boots, shoes, pistols, and swords
to run the lighter, were the men who carried it highest in
Dublin. I do not design this to have it thought the private
men were not faulty, they have given us too many examples
of their baseness and want of courage ; but doubtless had
their leaders been such as they ought many enterprises | had f. 54a
met with better success. Nor is it a reflection on those worthy
gentlemen, who understood their duty, had a sense of honour,
had been abroad or served some time here. This will be found

rArtillerie d'Irlaude que possedoit Mylord Monjoye, £l la reserve que cette
charge ne dependra plus du Grand Maistre de I'Artaierie d'Angleterre,
comme eUe faisoit auparavant; il m'a I'obligatioii de cette charge, mais je
dois vous dire qu'avaut qu'il I'acceptast il m'est venu demander si cela ne
I'empescheroit point de pouvoir aller en France, parce que si cela estoit il n'y
songeroit pas. Comme cela ne rendra pas sa presence plus necessaire en ce
pays cy, je luy ay respondu que les marques d'estime et de distinction que
luy donneroit le Roy son maistre n'empescheroient pas les veues que vous
pouvez avoir pour luy.' He was also Lord Lieutenant of the County of
Cork, where he captured Castlemartyr and Bandon, and thus held the south
for James (Clarke, ii. 327). In June, 1689, he was elevated to the peerage.
At Newtown-Butler near Enniskillen he was severely wounded and his
regiment was roughly handled. In May, 1690, he landed in France with
the nucleus of the Irish Brigade. James did not like him. All the royal
household was composed of Englishmen or Scotsmen — Dover, Howard,
Melf ort, and Powis — and his generals, Buchan, Dorington, Maxwell, Sheldon,
Sutherland, and Wauchope, belonged to the same nationalities. Mount-
cashel, according to O'Kelly, ' was a man of parts and courage, wanting no
quality for a complete captain, if he were not somewhat short-sighted.'
Yet this short-sighted officer was appointed inspector of ordnance and
arms (cf. Avaux to Louvois October 21).

More excuse for the loss of the battle of Newton-Butler can be made than
Stevens allows. Mountcashel drew up his men on a hill with a bog covering
their front. When the Williamite foot had silenced the cannon commanding
the pass across the bog, the Enniskillen horse rode swiftly to meet the
enemy on the right. Mountcashel therefore ordered the regiment on the
left to move to the right. In the confusion of the fight his of&cer com-
manded the men not to face to the right, but to face right about and march.
If we remember how a hasty ' retire ' almost brought about a panic among
soldiers at Ahna, it is easy to imagine the ensuing confusion. When the
Jacobite troops saw their comrades facing them, they concluded they were
retreating. The panic-stricken Irish Dragoons fled in the direction of
Wattlebridge and the cavalry soon followed them. Story, Impartial
History, p. 5 ; History of the Most Material Occurrences in the Kingdom
of Ireland during the Last Two Years : by an Eye-Witness (London, 1691) ;
Light to the Blind, 624 ; Macariae Excidium, 315; Clarke, James II,
ii. 368-9 ; Avaux to Louvois, August 14 ; Avaux to Louis, August 18.

1218 F

66 THE JOURNAL 1689

for the most part to touch only those,, who from the plough,
from following of cows, from digging potatoes and such-like
exercises, because they had a few men to follow them, or bore
the name of a good family, were put into commission without
experience, without conduct, without authority and even
without a sense of honour. Perhaps some may say this looks
like an aspersion upon the king, who was then present, and
by whose authority the army and kingdom were governed ;
but I have always had so great a veneration for Majesty, as
not to suffer my very thoughts to censure or judge of the
least action of my sovereign. Princes are said to see and
hear all things, but they see with other men's eyes and hear
with other men's ears. They, and only they, were guilty of all
miscarriages and oversights who recommended and preferred
unworthy persons, who palliated base actions and stifled the
truth for their own private advsfntage to the great detriment
of the public. Such a considerable number of experienced

i. 54 b officers had | followed the king out of England and France, as
would have sufficiently supplied the want there was in the
army, have well disciplined those raw men, and given them
a good example of courage and resolution. These were laid
aside and made useless upon pretence they had no interest in
the country, that the people would not follow strangers, and
that they were unacquainted with the manner of governing
them. Lest so many gentlemen whose zeal had drawn them
so far to serve His Majesty should perish for want of bread
some expedient must be found, which was to give them sub-
sistence as officers in second or reformed, that they might
assist and instruct the effective, whose pride was such they
would choose rather to live ever in their ignorance than owe
their instruction to those who had learnt their experience with
many labours and dangers. From this beginning sprung that
multitude of seconds and reformados that the kingdom after-
wards swarmed with. The officers of every regiment that was
broken were put upon this list, nay any that could find no
other way of maintenance and had but the least acquaintance
with a field-officer was thrust in, and at last it came to that

f. 55 a pass I that they were foisted upon regiments at a muster

1689 THE FRENCH: FALSE ESTIMATES 67

without king or general's knowledge. Not to speak of others,
in the Right Honourable the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment
wherein I serve, though but thirteen companies, we had at
one time ninety-four officers. These supernumeraries, seconds,
reforms or what you please to call them, were of no use to
His Majesty's service, and a prodigious increase to the charge
of the army. Having taken in hand to speak of the army,
my proper sphere, I have dwelt long upon it, and will therefore
only give some small remarks upon other occurrences and
proceed. One of the things which lulled us asleep and sunk
us in a deep security and confidence of our strength was the
power of France, which was so extolled in all its particulars,
and so magnified in the supplies they sent us and the success
of their arms, as if the good fortune, riches, grandeur, and
justice of the world had been centred there, and all the
universe besides stripped and left naked to glorify that nation.
It was not thought enough to cry up the advantage of the
French at Bantry over a single squadron only of the English
fleet into a complete and glorious victory, though never
a ship taken or sunk or the pursuit followed. Every day
supplied us with fresh fables of the | entire defeat of both f. ssti
English and Dutch fleets, and with hyperbolical and mon-
strous relations of the greatness of the French both as to the
number and bigness of ships : whilst both the former, which
for so many years had been the terror of the seas and found
none to contend with about the sovereignty of them, but
between themselves, were vilified to such a degree as if they
had been but a few Algiers pirates or Newfoundland fisher-
men. The incredible number of arms reputed to be brought
from France would have furnished Xerxes' army and they,
added to what were before in the kingdom, made not up
50,000 men. The millions of money spoken of would have
impoverished Croesus and broken the bank of Venice, if
drawn from them, and the king, to supply the pressing necessity
of the army, was forced to coin brass, authorizing it to pass
current as silver or gold by proclamation with a promise
to make it good at his restoration to the throne. The first
of this money was shillings and sixpences, afterwards it came

F 2

68 THE JOURNAL 1689

to half-crowns, and at last to crown pieces. As to the stamp,
they were all alike as far as half-crowns, differing only in
bigness and the mark of the value. On the one side the king's
head and round it lacobus II Dei Gratia?- On the other the

i. 56 a imperial cro"wn and cross | sceptres ; over the crown the value
of the piece as vi, or xii, or xxx ; under the crown the month
the piece was coined in, on the side of it ir, and round it
MAG . BR . FRA . ET . HiB . REX . and the year of our Lord.
On the one side of the crown pieces was the king on horseback
and about it, iac . 11 . dei . gra . mag . bri . era , et . hib .
REX. On the other side the arms of the four kingdoms in
a cross as they are upon guineas with the crown in the centre,
the words ano . dom . over the scutcheons of Scotland and
Ireland and under them the year in figures, about it this motto,
CHRiSTO viCTORE TRiVMPHO.^ Though we stood so much in
need of French succours, and their aid and actions were so
much extolled, yet the persons of some few Frenchmen were
not acceptable to the Irish, and the English though never so
loyal were suspected and hated. For as it is said of princes,
that they love the treason but hate the traitor, so many here
pretended to love the loyalty but abhorred the person of an
Englishman. And notwithstanding there were but a few of
both nations in the kingdom, especially near His Majesty, the
clamour against English and French advice was no less than
was on^e in England against popish councillors and French
pensioners. To satisfy the humours of the people a parha-

f. 56 b ment | was called,* which having sat many days granted the
king a subsidy that never turned to any account, but the

■ The motto ' Dei Gratia ' seems to have been first used by Charles le
Chauve (844-77) on. deniers minted in Angers, Paris, Rennes, Soissons,
Tours, and elsewhere.

' On the gold coins of Philip IV (1285-1314) appears a similar form :

■ CHRISTVS VINCIT, CHRISTVS REGNAT, CHRISTVS IMPERAT.' This mottO WaS

used on French coins down to the year 1786, and may have suggested to
James the form he employed.

^ The king summoned Parliament to meet on the 7th of May, ' afin ',
writes the Duke of Berwick, ' de trouver les fonds pour la guerre.' Colonel
O'Kelly states (p. 34) : ' Amasis (James II), now finding his mistake of
the good opinion he conceived of his subjects in Satrachus (Derry), retired
back to Salamis (Dublin), where he convoked the states of the kingdom,
and spent in vain consultations the whole summer season, which might be

1689 THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 69

chief thing they did was to repeal the Act of Settlement.^

Nothing could be more pernicious, or a greater obstruction to

better employed to go on more rigorously with the siege of Satrachus, the
only considerable place in Cyprus (Ireland), that owned the authority of
Prince Theodore (William). ' Parliament, however, was prorogued on the
18th of July. On the attitude of James to the Act of Sfettlement (cf. Clarke,
ii. 356-9 : ' It is certain that many of the wise and judicious Catholics
thought such an accommodation very practicable ; that the great improve-
ments had so enhanced the value ©f most estates, as wouH allow the' old
proprietors a, share of equal income to what their ancestors lost, and yet
leave a competency for the purchasers, who might reasonably be allowed
the benefit of their own labours ; and in such turbulent times and difficult
circumstances, it was just that all pretenders should recede (in some degree)
from the full of their pretensions for the accommodation of the whole ; no
side being so apt to grumble, when all men share in the burthen, especially
it being of that consequence to prevent an universal discontent, both for
the king's present necessities, the public quiet and general safety of the
people. There is no doubt but the king's inclinations were the same ; he
saw the distraction it would breed, how it would inflame the Protestants,
and rob him of his most serviceable Catholics, ruin the trade, and sink the
revenue, but he cast not his own interest into the balance, he sought to do
what he conceived most just, and in order to get it informed himself the
best he could what were their reasons and arguments, to get a true notion
of the pretensions on both sides.' Contrast Barillon's letter to Louis,
October i6,. 1687. Louis to Avaux, May 24, gives the king's comments on
Irish parliamentary afEairs ; Avaux to Croissy, July 10, with a valuable
second enclosure. On May 24 Louis wrote : ' Ce qu'ils (i.e. the new laws)
contiennent me paroist juste et raisonnable, et d'ailleurs I'independance
qu'on donne k ce Parlement, et I'entier detachement du Roy d'Angleterre,
doivent faire esperer k celuy d'Ecosse de plus grands avantages s'il rentre
dans son devoir, et ainsi donner encore plus de force aux bien intentionnez.
Pour ce qui regarde la punition des coupables, on ne sjauroit trop luy
faire connoistre que ce n'est plus que par la crainte qu'il pent reduire ses
sujets rebelles, et qu'il est bon de faire main basse sur ceux qui seront
trouvez les armes ci la main pour intimider les ajitres.'

' The second clause of the Statute repealing the Acts, of Settlement and
Explanation enacted that the heirs of , ' all manner of persons who were
any way entituled to any lands, tenancies, or hereditaments, or whose
ancestors were any way seized, possessed of, or entituled to any lands,
tenancies, or hereditaments, in use, possession, reversion, or remainder in
this kingdom of Ireland on the 22nd of October, 1641,' should be restored
to their interests. This implied their release from all attainders and
outlawries for treason or any other offence. It also implied that the
adventurers or soldiers of Cromwell and all persons who had obtained land
from them through ' blood, affinity, or marriage ', were to lose their lands,
buildings, and improvements without compensation. Twenty^four years
before, the expropriated landowners had received no equivalent, and they
meted out the same treatment to the Cromwellians. Cf. Klopp, v. 45 : ' It
was a decisive step on the road to separate Ireland from England. For that
reason the Irish wished it, and with them the French envoy Avaux. . . .
Avaux had previously complained to Versailles that James did not seize all
the means which he could attain to by confiscating estates. James had
replied that he could not undertake such confiscations except according to
the law of the land, either by a judicial decree or Act of Parliament.'

70 THE JOURNAL 1689

the king's service than was this parliament. First it drew to
and kept in Dublin all that time the nobility and principal
gentry who before were dispersed at their posts, raising or
encouraging and exercising their men or upon actual service.
Secondly, the Act of Repeal being passed, private interest
outweighing the public good, every one quitted his command
to enter upon his estate, to settle his house, and improve his
fortune. And the estated men not content to forsake the
service themselves kept with them for their own use all the
better sort of country people, so that none but the most rude
and useless sort of mountaineers took to the army. Thirdly,
the Protestants, who before might have perhaps stood neuter
or hoped for some reconciliation, their estates being taken
away, were in a manner necessitated to espouse the rebellion,
which alone could restore them to their, although unjustly
yet long enjoyed, fortunes. For it was not to be doubted that
those men, who had rebelled for only the fear of losing a
religion they were never in possession of, would prove the
most incorrigible traitors, being actually deprived of those
estates they had so long kept in their hands. Thus it appears
f. 57 a by the sitting of this parliament | the army was much damaged
and weakened, the king lost the assistance of many of his
friends and gained a vast number of irreconcilable enemies.
Lest I seem too much to intermeddle in affairs of state so far
elevated above my station, I will pass by many things worthy
to be noted in the management of the siege of Londonderry.^

^ In Derry there were 7,500 soldiers, and the volunteers increased their
ranks : including the inhabitants there were no less than 20,000 inside the
walls. But the strength of the city lay in the courage and determination
of those who guarded its ramparts. According to the Duke of Berwick
{Memoirs, i. 340-5) the besiegers amounted to about 6,000, but with
additions they amounted to 10,000. They lacked heavy siege guns, but
with mortars and cannon they kept up a brisk fire both by night and day.
The efficient Pointis effectively alarmed the garrison by his explosive shells.
When he rectified the faults of his material he set to work to bombard the
city vigorously. In eighty-nine days he threw 587 bombs, of which
326 were small and 261 large. Near Culmore a boom had been placed
across the river, protected at each side by a strong fort ; and the French-
man who had designed it wrote to Louis, assuring him that he intended
to make another boom higher up the river, and then what he desired was
that the English would come, so that he should have the pleasure of defeat-
ing them. (C. S. P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 147-8). Also see a letter of Avaux.

1689 THE SIEGE OF DERRY 71

As that we sat down before it with not the fourth part of the
number that was within, and, though supphes were continually
marching down, the strength of the besiegers was not much
increased, the numbers being so small they only made up for
those that daily deserted. That for battery there were but
two or three pieces which played only upon great days, and
that with much moderation, ammunition being scarce and the
charge of carrying it so far great. That the mouth of the
lough or bay through which only relief could come to the
town was not either choked by sinking some vessels in it or
secured by a strong boom, but only a chain laid across it tied
at both ends on the shores with some old ropes, which being
rotted by the weather or not sound before gave way to the
first small vessel that attempted the passage. Which vessel
though stranded and very near our blind gunners could or
would not hit, though they made several shots at her. | That f. 57 b
having gathered all the rebellious Protestants of the country
about, and placed them between the town and our trenches
to force the besieged either to relieve them, which would put
an end to their provisions, or to surrender rather than see all

August 14/4, describing its construction : ' Beams, joined one to the other
by (iron) bands ; each end of a beam is attached to the side of that one
to which it is joined by two iron hooks, and I have run a rope along the
length of the boom, from five to six inches thick, which is attached to
the said beams by the iron hooks it passes. Care has been taken that
the rope is attached to that part of the beams in the water, so as to
take away the facility of cutting it.' C. S. P., Dom., 1689/90, June 17,
pp. 154, 161 ; Jacobite Narrative, 64 ; cf. Dr. John Wallis's letter to the
Earl of Nottingham, August 10 ; Walker, 136 ; Hist. MSS. Com., xii. 7,
264-5 ; tbe long and important letter from Avaux to Louis, July 10,
1689 ; London Gazette, Nos. 2476 and 2478. The Navy Treasurer's
Accounts (P.O.D.A. 2333) give an entry of a gift of 10/. each to nine
men " they being the boat's crew that cut the boom at the carrying
the victualling ships to the relief of Londonderry ". The action of the
crew of the Swallow in cutting the boom was of the highest importance.
The Mountjoy did not steer through the opening, struck the boom, and
drifted on to the mud : the Phoenix steered through it. The captain
of the Swallow, Wolfran Comewall, gave each of the nine heroes a guinea,
and he afterwards thriftily deducted this guinea from the \qI. each received.
The men are Henry Breman, John Field, Alexander Hunter, James
Jamison, Robert Kells, MUes Tonge, Jeremy Vincent, William' Welcome,
and John Young ; their names deserve an honourable place beside those
of the thirteen apprentice boys. These men towed the Mountjoy and the
Phoenix to the quay. The former, though the largest of the victualling
ships, was merely 135 tons.'

72 THE JOURNAL 1689

their friends perish, not only they were very soon dismissed
with protections, but among them hundreds of useless people
that came out of the town, which was a great relief to the
besieged being eased of so many mouths, and a disreputation
to the king's party as wanting resolution to go on with the
enterprise undertaken or maturity in their counsels.^ To be
short we were blind to see our own faults and had Argus eyes
to discover the enemy's, or rather we looked for motes in their
eyes not regarding the beams in our own. Next to London-
derry, Belturbet defeat for the shame of it deserves to be
buried in perpetual oblivion, and therefore I will say no
more of it.*

It is time to conclude this discourse, and with it put a period
to this first part of my travels and journal from the time
I left England till I departed Dublin to go to my command
in the Right Honourable the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment.*

' On the 2nd of July Rosen assembled hundreds of old men, women,
and qhildren under the ramparts to the dismay of their relatives. For
forty-eight hours the inhuman commander kept them there. Ash, June 26,
July 3, 4 ; Aickin iv. 9 ; Mackenzie, June 30 ; Walker, June 30, July 2 ;
Leslie, 138 ; C.S.P., Dom., July 11, 1689, p. 185 ; Jacobite Narrative, 79-80 ;
Dangeau, ii. 1 54 ; Clarke, ii. 388. Avaux wrote to Louis : ' Le roy d'Angle-
terre s'est extrgmement fdche de cette declaration (de Rosen) et n'a pas
voulu qu'elle fust executee.'

' At Belturbet the Irish cavalry threw the Williamite horse into con-
fusion, but on the advance of the foot behaved disgracefully. The Irish
infantry sometimes showed the white feather, but Newton-Butler and
Belturbet are the only cases of their cavalry doing likewise. Charlemont
was now the only fortress in Ulster still in the possession of James. C.S.P.,
Dom., 1689-90, pp. 485, 534-S ; Mimoires du Marichal de Berwick, 349-50.

' Colonel Henry Fitz- James was the youngest of the five children of
Arabella Churchill and James II and was bom in 1673. Like his father
he was interested in the navy and had served as a midshipman. With
his father he fled to France and with him he went to Ireland. At the age
of sixteen he was appointed colonel of the regiment, thenceforward known
by his name. He was not undistinguished at the siege of Derry and he
headed his regiment at the battle of the Boyne, but retired with his father
to France. His regiment was then commanded by Nicholas Fitzgerald,
and distinguished itself greatly at the first siege of Limerick, notably at
the assault of the 6th of September, 1690. From the report of Avaux
February 1 1 , 1690 to Louis it is evident that he was adisagreeable and vicious
man : ' II est arriv6 aujourdhuy une affaire entre un des enfans du Roy
d'Angleterre, qu'on appelloit autrefois Fitz-Jem, et qui a presentement le
titre de Grand Prieur d'Angleterre, et Mylord Dungan. Ce dernier estoit
all6 disner avec quatre on cinq Irlandois ; comme ils estoient sortis de
table, et qu'ils avoient encore le verre 4 la main El la mode du pays, le Due
de Berwick et le grand prieur survinrent ; on leur presenta k chacun un

l689

LENGTH OF TRAVEL

n

The time of this my peregrination was about nine months,
and the length of my travels mentioned in this part 1,146
miles as will appear by the following computation. |

The Distances from Town to Town are as follows f. 58 a

Miles.
From Welshpool to Wrexham ... 24 col. i

Thence to Hol5rwell
Thence to Chester

Thence to Whitchurch .
Thence to Newport
Thence to Four Crosses
Thence to Coventry
Thence to Northampton
Thence to Newport Pagnell
Thence to Dunstable .
Thence to St. Albans .
Thence to Barnet
Thence to London
From London to Calais

24
12
13
14
12

14
26
24
10

14
10
10
10
93

verre de vin, et comme un gentilhomme Irlandois fit quelque reproche au
grand prieur de ce qu'il avoit fait casser un capitaine qu'il luy avoit donne,
et que le grand prieur eut repondu assez aigrement, le Due de Berwick
dit qu'il ne falloit pas parler de ces sortes de choses, et qu'il falloit boire a la
sante de tous les bons Irlandois, et a la confusion de Mylord Melfort, qui avoit
pense perdre le royaume. Le grand prieur dit que Mylord Melfort estoit un
honneste homme et de ses amis, et que si quelqu'un beuvoit cette sante
la il luy jetteroit son verre de vin au visage. Quelques Irlandois repon-
dirent, et parlerent contre Mylord Melfort, et Mylord Dungan dit en riant,
que M. le grand prieur ne se facheroit asseurement pas qu'ou beut cette
sante, et fit une reverence au grand prieur, n'ayant pourtant rien dans son
verre, sur quoy le grand prieur luy jetta son via dans le visage, et luy cassa
le verre dans le nez, en sorte qu'il I'a coupe en deux endroits. On se mit
aussitost entre eux deux, et Mylord Dungan dit qu'il estoit un enfant et
le fils de son Roy. Sa Maieste Britannique vouloit que le grand prieur fist
satisfaction, mais Mylord Dungan a cru qu'il luy estoit plus avantageux
qu'ayant traittfe le grand prieur d'enfant, le Roy en usast de mesme.
C'est le party que Sa Maieste Britannique a pris, et fera une bonne repri-
mande 4 M. le grand prieur ; mais elle ne servira pas de grande chose.
C'est un jeune homme fort debauch^, qui se creve tous les jours d'eau de vie,
et qui a est6 tout cet est6 par ses debauches hors d'estat de monter a cheval.'
Louis appointed him colonel-in-chief of the Marine Regiment. He was
created Duke of Albemarle and benefited by Berwick's popularity, for he
received a pension of 2,000 6cus in addition to his pay as Chef d'Escadron
in the French navy.

74

THE JOURNAL

1689

Thence to St. Omer
Thence to Aire .
Thence to Auchel
Thence to St. Pol
Thence to Doullens
Thence to Amiens
Thence to Breteuil
Thence to Clermont
Thence to Lucheux
Thence to St. Denis
Thence to Paris .
Thence to St. Germains
col. ii From Paris to Orsay

Thence to Ernee
Thence to Etampes
Thence to Outarville
Thence to Toury
Thence to Artenay
Thence to Orleans
Thence to Nantes
Thence to Savenay
Thence to Donges
Thence to Herbignac
Thence to Kervoyal
Thence to Vannes
Thence to Auray
Thence to Landevant
Thence to Hennebont
Thence to Quimperle
Thence to Rosporden
Thence to Quimper-Corentin
Thence to Locronan
Thence to Crozon
Thence to Le Faou
Thence to Brest .
From Brest to Bantry Bay
From tne mouth of the Bay to the town

Miles.
16

6

6

8
12
16

14
14
14
14
6

12

8

8

12
12

8

8

12

172

21

6
21

15
12

9

9

9

15

15

12

9
18

3

9
240

12

i689

LENGTH OF TRAVEL

75

Miles.

From Bantry to Dunmanway . . .12 f. 58 b

Thence to Enniskeen .

6 '=°'- '

Thence to Bandon Bridge .

6

Thence to Cork .

12

Thence to Rathcormack

10

Thence to Kilworth .

4

Thence to Clogheen .

8

Thence to Clonmel

8

Thence to Callan

• 14

Thence to Kilkenny .

6

Thence to Leighhn Bridge .

10

Thence to Carlow

5

Thence to Castledermot

5

Thence to Timolin

3

Thence to Kilcullen Bridge .

7

Thence to the Naas .

5

Thence to Rathcoole .

6

Thence to DubHn

6

The distances between the most remarkable

towns thus

From Welshpool to Holywell ... 36

From Holywell to Chester .

13

From Chester to London

144

From London to Calais

93

From Calais to Amiens

64

From Amiens to Paris

60

From Paris to St. Germains

12

From Paris to Orleans

68

From Orleans to Nantes

172 col. ii

From Nantes to Brest

183

From Brest to Bantry Bay

240

From the mouth of the Bay to the

town

12

From Bantry to Cork

36

From Cork to Dubhn .

97

In all 1,226^

The total is 1,230 miles.

76 THE JOURNAL 1689

Which is the sum of the distance of the straight
roads allowing but two miles to a league from
Calais till you come to Nantes, though in and near
the low Countries the leagues are longer, and in
Brittany where they are very large three miles to
a league, the same upon sea. But the miles in
England and Ireland are set down according to
the known and generally allowed computation.
This is too great a space of ground for so short a com-
pendium, and much more might be expected to be
said of so many remarkable places and occurrences,
but my misfortunes gave me not leisure to enlarge
myself. |

i. 59 a Thus I have run through this first part of my pilgrimage,
and what is this but a shadow to the remaining part of my
toils, sufferings, and afflictions. Yet since the heathen said
Dulce pro patria mori, I may well add Dulcius pro fide, et rege
pati. And though these kingdoms have been the causers
of all the calamities that have befallen them through their
heresy, rebellion, and multiplicity of other sins, as the Jews
through their idolatry and other vices, so I cannot but lament
with the prophet Jeremiah the ruin of the country, the banish-
ment of my king, the desolation of his dominions, the extir-
pation of the true religion, and persecution of the faithful.
What the said prophet Jeremiah saith in the Lamentations
may be well applied to our countries, c^p. i, v. 8 Peccatum
peccavit Hierusalem propterea instdbilis fetcta est ; and cap. 2,
V. 14 Prophetae tui viderunt tibi falsa et stulta, nee aperiebant
iniquitatem tuam. A text very suitable to the wicked doctrines
preached and taught by the infamous Protestant parsons, and
their blasphemous incendiary bishops. Our nobility are like
those of whom Isaiah, cap. i, v. 23, saith, Principes tui infideles

t. 59 b socii jurum. And I wish | God has not pronounced against
these perverse kingdoms the judgement formerly against
Samaria by the mouth of the prophet Amos, cap. 13, v. i.
Pereat Samaria quoniam ad amaritudinem concitavit deum,
in gladio pereant, parvuli eorum elidantur, et foetae eorum

1689 STEVENS'S REFLECTIONS 77

discindaniur} God grant afflictions may humble our hearts,
that we may join in prayer with the prophet Jeremiah and
say. Recordare domine quid accident nobis, intuere et respice
opprobrium nostrum. Hereditas nostra versa est ad alienos ;
domus nostrae ad extraneos?

' Stevens's memory played him false : the reference is Hosea xiii. 1 6.
' Lamentations v. 2.

f.6oa THE SECOND PART OF

THE JOURNAL

Quien se muda, Dios le ayuda. God helps him that changes,
saith the Spanish proverb. It hath not been my fortune to
verify this saying, for though I have changed from a civil to
a military life, my fortune hitherto hath been retrograde and
gone in diminution. Yet no man has more reason to bless
and praise the infinite goodness of God, who has brought me
safe out of all dangers, and preserved me in entire health in
all the hardships I have gone through. This I look upon to
be Melioris tessera fati, and hope God has reserved me for
some better fate that I may see my sovereign victorious and
partake of the fruits of peace, as I have borne my part in the
calamities of war, and that such as shall see me happy and
peruse this compendium of my sorrows may say, Dulcia quam
meruit, qui tam gustavit amara.

Having received my commission I made all the haste my
want would admit of to go to the regiment, and being fur-
nished with a good horse by Major Price, I set out from
Dublin on

Tuesday the 2oth of August, and went that night to
Drogheda where the regiment was then in quarters. Here
I continued some days, and hoping to return soon into
England, where I had left a collection of my former travels
f. 6ob and in it some description of this town, I forbore to 1 take
any notes, and shall only add that it is twenty miles from
Dublin. There happened nothing remarkable, nor did we
stir till

Thursday, September the 5th, when we marched out and
encamped, many regiments in number but most very weak,
on the south side the town. We spent several days here
exercising and furnishing the men with what necessaries
the time would allow of. The army daily increased in num-

1689 THE GOOD CAVALRY 75

bers and expressed a great alacrity and readiness to march
towards the enemy, though most of the men were very raw
and undisciplined, and the generality almost naked or at
least very ragged and ill shod.^ The only creditable and hope-
ful part of the army were the horse, who were for the most
part good men, well armed and mounted, but their number
not very great.

Saturday the 14th : ^ advice being given that the rebels

' On the state of the troops see the letters of Avaux to Louvois, March 23,
1689 ; Avaux to Louis, March 26 ; Avaux to Louvois, May 6 — there is
a careful account of the expenditure annexed ; Avaux to Louvois, May 1 2 ;
Avaux to Louis, May 27 ; Avaux to Louvois, June 7, with a list of the
price of clothes ; Avaux to Louis, June 26 ; Avaux to Louvois, June 26 ;
Avaux to Louis, July 10 ; Louvois to Avaux, June 13 ; Avaux to Louvois,
July 10 ; Avaux to Croissy, July 26 ; Avaux to Louvois, July 26 ; Avaux
to Louis, July 28 ; Avaux to Louvois, July 28, with details of the equip-
ment ; Avaux to Louvois, August 9.; Escots to Avaux, August 29 ; Avaux
to Louis, September 20 ; Avaux to Louvois, September 20 ; Avaux to
Louvois, October 21 ; Avaux to Louis, October 31 ; Avaux to Louvois,
October 30 ; Avaux to Louis, November 24 ; Avaux to Croissy, Novem-
ber 24 ; Avaux to Louvois, November 26 and November 27 ; Avaux to
Seignelay, November 27 ; Avaux to Louvois, December 6 ; tlie addenda
also give valuable details. The following quotation is from the letter of
Avaux to Louvois, September 20 : ' Mais, Monsieur, quoyqu'il soit vray que
les soldats paroissent fort resolus A, bien faire, et qu'ils soieut fort animez
contre les rebelles, neantmoins il ne suffit pas de cela pour combattre, et
nous manquons de beaucoup de choses : nous avons pen d'officiers generaux
sur qui Ton puisse compter ; les ofificiers subalternes sont bien plus mauvais,
et k la reserve d'un tres petit nombre, il n'y en a point qui ayt soin des
soldats, des armes, de la discipline ; et j'aprehende beaucoup que les soldats
ne se decouragent lorsqu'ils ne verront pas des officiers a leur teste qui les
menent hardiment ; d'ailleurs beaucoup de soldats ne sont point armez, les
autres le sont mal, et de ceux qui le sont bien, il y en a une partie qui n'ont
jamais tir6, on n'oseroit mesme leur donner de la poudre pour les exercer,
parce que nous n'en avons i, I'armee que soixante et dix barils, le reste estant
4 Athlone, a Lymerick, et ^ Kork, sans que le Roy sceust ou estoit une
partie de ces munitions, dont on n'a eu connoissance que depuis quelques
jours. La negligence. Monsieur, a este si grande, qu'il y a encore dans le
magazin de Dublin, huit mille fers a picques que vous avez envoy^s, sans
qu'on en ayt monte pas un ; il est vray. Monsieur, qu'on fait a cette heure
beaucoup de diligence, soit pour remettre Tartillerie, soit pour habiller les
soldats, mais il n'est pas possible de faire tout en si peu de temps, parce
qu'on ne trouve pas mesme des draps suf&samment, ny des ouvriers pour
travailler. L'artUlerie est en plus mauvais ordre que tout le reste ; nous'
n'avons que dix petites pieces, dont il y en a six qui ne seroient propres qu'a
mettre k la teste d'un bataillon ; point de canonniers, et le commissaire
d'artillerie qui nous reste, fort ignorant, k ce que m'ont dit les of&ciers
generaux.' On the state of Schomberg's troops see Kazner, i. 310.

" Kazner, ii. 30^. On the 13th and 14th and 19th of September Schom-
berg notes that ' il ne s'est rien passe de nouveau '. These entries also
occur on the 28th, 29th and 30th of September, and on the ist of October.

'80 THE JOURNAL 1689

advanced from Dundalk, the whole army marched through
Drogheda to Ardee, which is eight miles : a rich and fertile
country, a good way the weather being dry, and we marching
over the green fields. We encamped on the south side the
river along the sides of the hills, having the town on the left.
Many regiments lay this night in the open air for want of
tents, it being too late to build huts. The night was, though
fair, extreme cold, but our forward hopes made all things easy.

Sunday the 15th : detachments were drawn out to fetch
wood and straw, and the rest of the day spent in building the
huts. The post of our regiment was the left of the second line,
f- 61 a there being but three elder regiments in the | field. About
midnight the alarm beat furiously, the whole army was under
arms very readily, and having continued so a while returned,
it being a false alarm given on purpose to try how quick the
men could be drawn up in case of any surprise.

Monday the i6th : His Majesty in person with a great body
of horse marched to discover the enemy's motion, and, finding
they kept close having met no opposition upon the way, sent
orders for the army to march,^ which was not done till the
next day, being

' Kazner, i. 310-1 1. ' James's army which was so considerably superior
had now advanced nearer them and was endeavouring by every means to
entice Schomberg's from its advantageous position and to bring about an
engagement. At one time they attacked his outposts so that the whole
army might come to their help, at another detachments of them approached
his lines to cause sallies to be made or to favour desertions which they
sought to encourage by scattering abroad patents of pardon. On the
2 1st the whole Irish army, almost two cannon-shots in width, were seen
before the English camp in full battle array. But because Schomberg knew
how difficult it was to keep in order people who had never been in similar
circumstances, when once the action had begun, so he commanded that no
cannon should be fired till the enemy was within musket-shot. ' Let them
be,' Schomberg calmly answered his eager officers who wished to fight
immediately, ' we will see what will become of them.' And in fact they,
when they perceived this demeanour, retired on the 6th of October to
Ardee, entrenched themselves there likewise and began to succumb to their
own strength. That is, they had in the hope of a speedy engagement laid
waste everything in the neighbourhood, and by this means made it impos-
sible to provide properly for such a number of men who had joined the
camp more to get their own maintenance than to render actual service.'
James wanted a battle before his troops were scattered by the bad season,
while Schomberg counselled delay till troops arrived from Scotland.
' C'est la mSme raison,' the latter maintains, ' qui empgche les ennemis de
pouvoir m'obliger i une bataille, puisqu'il faut qu'ils viennent a moi par

1689 ENCAMPMENT AT ALLARDSTOWN 8i

Tuesday the 17th : when the whole army decamped, and,
the ground taken up to encamp being bare of trees, every
soldier was obliged to carry some of the wood for building of
their huts, which, notwithstanding, many would drop by the
way rather than carry so far, though afterwards they found
the want of it, being forced to he that night without shelter,
and the next day to go far for wood. This day's march was
about six miles, the king's quarters at a village near Fane
Bridge, where His Majesty lay in a little thatched cabin, there
being never a better house near. The whole army encamped
in two lines along the fields on the left of the village as far as
Allardstown Bridge,^ having the river before them for a
defence, and our outguards upon the passes. This is about
four miles from Dundalk, on all sides a pleasant and fruitful
country, though not so beautified with good fences as it
deserves or is usual in England. Here we lay still and nothing
remarkable happened till

Saturday the 2ist : by break of day the whole army | was f. 61 b
drawn out and marched in two columns, the one over Fane,^

deux ou trois grands chemins seulement, le reste etant entrecoupe de marais,
qui m'empeche aussi d'aller a eux, ayant une petite rividre et quelques
montagnes devant eux (Ibid. ii. 326-7). Kazner, i. 313 ; Nairne Papers,
D.N. i, f. 42, James to Lord Waldegrave : ' on the 6th of September, we
came with them within three miles of Dundalk, where Schomberg lies
encamped. Since which time we have often offered him occasions of
battle. We have omitted nothing that might provoke him to it by excur-
sions of parties to his out guards, by foraging near his camp, and consuming
with fire what we could not transport ; yet he continues within his trenches
without accepting a battle or even a fair skirmish, although his parties
have been often much superior in number to ours.'

^ Avaux to Seignelay, December 6, 1689.

' 'Le Roi y etoit arrive, et par les soins du Due de Tirconel il avoit
ramasse une armee de vingt-deux mille hommes assez mal armes : il resolut
de se porter en avant ; Jet en effet nous marchames a Afiane, a trois milles
de Dundalk, ou Schomberg etoit campe avec toute son armee, composee de
vingt mille hommes. Peu de jours aprfes, le Roi mit I'armee en bataille
dans une plaine a la vue des ennemis, pour leur offrir le combat j mais
ils demeurerent dans leur poste, et nous dans notre camp, jusqu'a la fin
d'Octobre que nous nous retir^mes en quartiers d'hiver.' On the 27th of
September, 1689, Schomberg wrote to William : ' Ce que je puis juger de
I'etat de I'ennemi, est que le Roi Jacques ayant ramasse en ce royaume
tout ce qu'il a pu, vou droit bien en venir a une bataille avant que ses
troupes se pussent dissiper par la mauvais saison dans laquelle nous allons
entrer. ... In the hope of provoking Schomberg to battle James did not go

1218 G

82 THE JOURNAL 1689

the other over Allardstown Bridge, up to the face of the
enemy's camp with intention to draw them to a battle, some
of our horse and dragoons making up very close to the passes
upon the river that covered the enemies, who kept themselves
very close, not appearing at all without their entrenchments,
which were strong and well backed with cannon and lined
with musketeers. Having stood there a considerable time
and there being no possibility of forcing their works, nor our
condition enforcing us to press too far being both more healthy
and better supplied than were the rebels, we returned to our
camp. Great was the general satisfaction of all men ^ that
we had braved the enemy in their works, and not so much as
upon our retreat received the least token of their inclination
to fight. This was no small confirmation of what we had been
informed before that many were ready and willing to desert,
who only wanted the opportunity, and therefore it was sup-
posed Schomberg^ kept his men close in the trenches to
prevent the possibility of making their escape. Nor was this all
our intelligence gave us to understand, and it was afterwards
confirmed that the flux raged amongst them whereof vast
numbers died daily. The weather continued very various,
sometimes great rains, then very sharp weather, then foggy
and mizzling. From this time there happened nothing worth
relating till
f. 62 a Friday the 27th : the rebels fired all their great | guns
three times and several volleys of small shot, which they
performed with incomparable exactness not one shot falling
out of time. This we were informed was for joy of some
advantage gained by the rebels at Sligo, which they repre-
sented as very considerable to keep up the hearts of their

into winter quarters till the 3rd of November. Mimoires de Berwick, i. 63-4 ;
Dalrymple, ii, part ii, book iv, appendix, 33-4, 36, 43, 55 ; Macpherson,
i. 312-13 ; Clarke, ii. 378-84.

' Kazner, ii. 307 : James advanced ' environ k deux portSes de canon
de notre camp ' and withdrew. ' Nous ne penetrons pas encore son dessein.
S'il est venu pour combattre il a fait un vilain pas, de s'en retourner sans le
faire. Mais peut-6tre pent il avoir d'autres desseins. Nous entendions le
Houssay de ses troupes partout oti il passoit.'

" Schomberg was born in 161 5 and died in 1690.

1689 THE DEADLY FLUX 83

fainting men, yet afterwards it was found to be a mere
fiction.^

Saturday the 28th : passed without anything of note, and
Sunday the 29th was only remarkable for a most violent
storm of wind and rain, which lasted the whole day but
ceased at night. The next day proved fair, and very cold
with a northerly wind. The three days following warmer but
very wet.

Friday and Saturday, the 4th and 5th of October : the
weather was more favourable. The first of these days was
sent out a detachment towards the mountains, the design as
was said to rescue some prisoners that were kept under a
slight guard at Carlingford. They returned the day following
without effecting anything, the enterprise being discovered
to the enemy, of whom meeting some small party in the
mountains they had killed fourteen without any loss on our
side. This last night also orders were given to march at break
of day. Whilst the army continued encamped in this place
it suffered no want of anything that was necessary. There
was plenty of forage for the horse, besides what was destroyed
to endamage the enemy, which was a great quantity that lay
close under their camp, and which they never made any
attempt to defend, though our parties burnt it in open day
to see to draw them out. | The country abounded with straw f. 62 b
and corn which served both to lie upon and cover our huts
wherewith we supplied the want of tents, there being very
few in the army, and even such as had them made huts as
being both warmer, and drier. The army was punctually
paid, and the brass money passed as current and was of
equal value with silver,^ which made the camp so plentiful of

'■ Kazner, i. 306, ii. 310. It was not a mere fiction, for five hundred
Inniskillings gained a victory near Sligo. They crossed the Curlew moun-
tains and astonished the outposts of Colonel O'Kelly by their vigorous
attack. Over two hundred and fifty were killed, three hundred captured,
including Colonel O'Kelly, and eight thousand head of cattle taken.
Schomberg was so delighted with this success that he paraded the regiment
at Dundalk, the veteran riding along the whole line with head uncovered.
Avaux to Louvois, November 24 and November 26 ; Avaux to Louis,
November 28 ; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6.

' Avaux to Louvois, March 29, 1689 : ' car il est a remarquer que tout

G2

84 THE JOURNAL 1689

provisions that I have seen a good carcass of beef sold for
eight (shiUings), and commonly for ten or twelve, good mutton
for twelve or thirteen pence a quarter, geese for six or eight
pence a piece, and so proportionably of all sorts of provision.^
At the head-quarters French wines and brandy were at
twelvepence the bottle, and at several sutlers throughout the
camp at one shilling and sixpence. The scarcest thing was
ale, and yet no great want of it at threepence per quart. The
camp was a daily market plentifully furnished,^ unless some

I'argent se peze en Irlande ' ; Avaux to Louvois, April 14 and July 10 (two
letters of this date) ; Avaux to Louis, November 24 ; Louvois to Avaux,
November 11 ; Avaux to Louvois, February i, 1690; Avaux to Louis,
February 11 ; Louvois to Avaux, January 5.

• Avaux to Louvois, July 10, 1689 ; Avaux to Louis, October 21 ;
Avaux to Louis, November 24. In the second letter Avaux writes :
' Comme les Protestans ont remporte en Angleterre une bonne partie des
marchandises qui estoient en ce pays cy, et que Ton y a consume le reste, et
que toutes les denrees, comme vin, sel, et autres choses, venant des pays
estrangers, sont aussy consumees, tout est icy dans une cherte epouvantable :
il n'y a presque plus de sel, d'eau de vie, ny de vin, et la piece de vin de
Bourdeaux, qui vaut en France, 4 ce que je croy, quatorze ou quinze frans,
et que Ton vendoit en ce pays cy (tous les droits du Roy et toutes les
encheres payees), vingt ou vingt escus, ne se pent avoir a cette heure que
pour quatre vingt ; et s'il n'en vient point de France, il n'y a pas de vin
pour deux mois dans tout Dublin. II n'y a plus de drap pour habiller les
troupes, et encore moins de toile ; de sorte qu'il n'y a pas le quart des
soldats de I'armee qui ayent de chemises, et ceux qui en ont n'en ont
qu'une." In the last letter Avaux writes : ' Le Roy d'Angleterre est done
arrive ^ Dublin, le 1 8 de ce mois, oti nous avons trou ve les choses tellement
rencheries, que je ne scay comment les gens de mediocre condition pourront
subsister ; le bled qui valloit douze ou treize chelins le baril en coute trente
cinq, le vin est triple de prix, et on ne peut en avoir que par amis ; ce qu'on
avoit de bois et de charbon pour un escu en coute quatre, et il faut envoyer
bien loin a la campagne pour en pouvoir trouver ; il n'y a ny estoffe, ny
drap, ny toilles, dans cette ville (i. e. Dublin), ny aucunes marchandises de
France ; une once de soye s'y vend jusques a deux ecus. Si cela continue,
il sera impossible qu'on y puisse subsister ; la monnoye de cuivre a este la
premiere chose qui a tout fait encherir ; mais la principale est la consuma-
tion qui s'est faite de tout ce qu'on apportoit icy, principalement d'Angle-
terre ; I'avidite des marchands qui veulent se prevaloir de I'occasion y a
quelque part, aussi bien que I'impunite de ceux qui' excedent, comme on
a veu en ce qui regarde la cherte du pain, car on a decouvert la friponnerie
de quelques boulangers qui faisoient eux mesmes vendre le bled au marche
et I'achetoient fort cher, demandant ensuitte au maire que le pain fust tax6
sur le prix courant.' Cf. C.S.P., Dom., 1693, 348, 371.

' Yet see Kazner, i, footnote on p. 310. ' Only by exemplary punish-
ments of all insults offered to country people had Schomberg brought it
about that as it were an open market was held in his camp by means of
which a check was placed on the imposition of the victuallers and the
most urgent necessities were provided for.'

1689 THE SUPPLY OF PROVISIONS 85

few days when the extremity of bad weather permitted not
the country people to travel. There may be assigned three
reasons of this resort of provisions to the army. First the
want of buyers in the market towns most of the Protestants
being fled, and the Catholics being either in the army or
retired for fear of the rebels and even of our own men.
Secondly the natural inclination of the people towards the
army that restrained the enemy from making roads into the
country. And thirdly the good order observed, ' whereby
the soldiers were restrained from committing any outrages
upon the people, which made them have recourse to us the
more freely.

Sunday the 6th : at break of day we fired all | the huts, and f . 63 a
the wind blowing the same way we were to march carried
such a cloud of smoke along with it, the thickness of the
weather keeping it down, that it blinded us for a considerable
space, and thereby several battalions were put into such
disorder that it appeared more like a flight than the retreat
of an army that had laid so long to brave its enemies, and
had they been near enough to make use of the opportunity
they had with little danger put us into a great consternation.
Had the rebels but stirred the least in order to molest us upon
our march, there happened another accident which might have
been of a very fatal consequence, and this was that not only
the foot but all the horse and dragoons were marched above
two miles, leaving behind not only His Majesty's baggage
but his person in his quarters with only, his troop of guards,
notwithstanding some regiments of horse and dragoons
had been ordered to attend him, who nevertheless marched
away after the rest till General Rosen himself came up and
caused the whole army to halt and face about. His Majesty
being come up we continued our march to Ardee, where
we encamped on the north side of the river having the
town on our left. In this encampment our lines were
not very regular by reason of the ill disposition of the
ground.

Monday the 7th : we continued in the same place. At

86 THE JOURNAL 1689

night received orders for Sir Charles Kearney's'- brigade to
f. 63 b remove the next morning. This brigade consisted | of the regi-
ments of the Lord Grand Prior and Colonel Thomas Butler
of Kilcash, which were joined, and Colonel Dillon's, which
contained two battalions. The reason of their removal was
because the ground they were in was very low, and the season
being extreme wet there was danger of the water rising so as
to come into their huts, and no dry space before them to
draw up.

Tuesday the i8th : the aforesaid brigade marched to [ ]
upon a high ground about three miles from Ardee, on the
right of all the army and towards the seaside upon the road
that goes from Dundalk to Drogheda. Here we encamped,
and the Earl of Clanricarde's^ and Cormuck O'Neill's regi-
ments of foot joined us; the latter consisted of two battalions,
and on the left we had the Lord Dungan's Dragoons. All the
horse were quartered in the neighbouring villages and country
houses. Many days we lay here without any manner of action,
the enemy keeping close in their quarters notwithstanding
our horse drew daily near to provoke them. The extremity
of the weather brought many inconveniences and bred much
sickness in our camp. For the most part the rains were so
violent that neither huts nor tents could keep out the water,
and the earth was so soaked that we were not only wet in the

'■ Before Schomberg landed Sir Charles Kearney was sent to Coleraine
with one or two regiments, and another sent higher up the Bann ; but when
he landed at Bangor Kearney retired ' for fear of being cut off by the
enemy ' (Clarke, ii. 372, 397). At the battle of the Boyne he commanded
the reserve.

' The Earl of Clanricarde's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, fourteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, sixteen ensigns, chaplain,
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 735 men (Brit. Mus. list).
Avaux gives 350 men.

The Earl of Clanricarde sat in the House of Lords in 1689. When Louis
wanted to receive Irish soldiers for service in France letters were written
to him, Viscount Clare, and Viscount Dillon, proposing that each regiment
should consist of sixteen companies of a hundred men each. Clanricarde
raised his regiment, but he did not want to send his son and heir with it to
France. For his share in the articles of Limerick, James attacked him, for
he, ' considering with others nothing but their own security, made haste
to surrender it.' Clamricarde, however, had lost his two sons, for one was
slain and the other a prisoner, although he afterwards recovered his liberty.
Moreover, he lost the majority of his followers at Aughrim.

1689 THE BAD HUTS 87

day but had no conveniency of lying dty the night, many
of the soldiers' huts being a foot deep in water, till by making
breaches without them some remedy was applied to that
inconveniency. What small intervals of fair weather there
were, being not sufficient to dry the earth, and the winds at
those times for the most part so boisterous that they were |
almost as prejudicial and offensive as the rains, which had f. 64 a
also caused a scarcity of fuel, the turf bogs being overflowed
and though there was some wood the army being ill furnished
with conveniences for cutting of it. This rigour of the season
brought with it other inconveniences, for it much hindered
the recourse of the country people with provisions, and in
this particular the officers suffered more than the soldiers,
who ranging about either bought ' or stole cattle and had
ammunition bread, which was not allowed the officers. But
flesh was the least of our wants, most laying in provision when
it was to be had for time of want ; the scarcest things were
drink, bread among the officers, and salt in general,^ whereof
the want was great. The lying cold and wet and too much
eating of flesh, which the new raised men were not used to,
and that half boiled or broiled on the coals without salt, bred
much sickness in the army whereof many died, and a much
greater number was daily sent away, besides what went off
without leave, either sick or weary of these hardships.

Tuesday the 29th : a strong party of the enemy marched
as far as one of our advanced posts, which was at Tallants-.
town, a house of the Earl of Louth's^ with a court before it
encompassed with a stone wall, whither were sent from the
army weekly a captain, two lieutenants, and an ensign with
sixty men, whereof twenty with an officer were detached to
a bridge about a furlong from the house, where was an old mill

1 It was most difi&cult to obtain salt in any part of Ireland. Add. 36914
<Brit. Mus.) ; 9 Anne, c. 23 (Brit.) ; 12 Anne, c. 14 (Brit.).

^ The Earl of Louth was Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Mayo and
a. captain in the Jacobite army. In 1691 he was outlawed, but when he
surrendered the island of Bophin to Sir Henry Bellasis, Governor of Galway,
his attainder was reversed, in 1698, and a full pardon granted in 1700. His
first wife was Lady Mary Burke, elder daughter of the sixth Earl of
Clanricarde, his second Bridget, eldest daughter of Colonel John Browne
of Westport.

88 THE JOURNAL 1689

with loopholes to fire through, but the river was fordable in
several places. The enemy coming up, our men quitted

f. 64 b their | post at the bridge and retired to the house, the rebels
advancing only took prisoner a sergeant that had remained
without, and drove away some cattle, but, a small number
approaching the house, a lieutenant of theirs was killed and
two men wounded, they left the dead body behind and retired.
Had the main body of the enemy been upon the back of that
party and pursued the enterprise the event could not but
have been fatal to us. For upon the news of that post being
attacked the alarm being beaten, not the fourth part of our
men could be found at their arms, the rest, the day being
fair, were ranging the country for provisions, straw, or other
necessaries.

Saturday the 2nd of October : I was commanded to the
advanced guard at Tallantstown, with a captain of Colonel
Butler of Kilcash's Regiment,^ a lieutenant of the same, an
ensign of ours, and sixty men. Having relieved the guard,
and sent the lieutenant with twenty men as usual to the
bridge, about midnight we were alarmed by a shot from the
said bridge, and stood at arms about the wall all night but saw
none of the enemy. This night also came to us a lieutenant
with twenty men with orders to relieve us, the army being
to decamp the next morning. His orders were for us to
march immediately, but by reason of the alarm it was deferred
till morning.

Sunday the 3rd : at break of day we marched in good order,
and with lighted matches some part of the way, lest any of
the enemy, having passed the house by night, might be in the
way, but we met none and coming to the camp found the

f. 65 a army was | marched, whom we followed with speed towards
Drogheda. The captain that commanded the detachment
being well mounted left us ordering every man to make the

' Colonel Thomas Butler's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,,
major, fifteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, sixteen ensigns, and a chap-
lain. There were thirteen companies and 428 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux
gives 300 men. There were only three Butler ofi&cers. Colonel Butler
raised this regiment for James and was taken prisoner at the battle of
Aughrim.

1689 TRINITY COLLEGE 89

best of his way, upon which they all dispersed, and I being on
foot and not able to travel so fast was left behind, and could
reach no farther this night than Castlelumney, a poor miser-
able village four miles from Drogheda, consisting of about
half a score little cottages. Into one of these I was forced to
take up amongst forty or fifty poor country wretches, with
near twenty sick soldiers, scarce any fire, and no straw nor so
much as room to lie down. This made three nights together
that I passed without sleep, and the day following the third
day of marching afoot, a hardship too great for one so little
accustomed to those toils, and rather to be attributed to
a particular providence of God that carried me through it than
my own strength, for as the Spaniards say, No hizo Dios a quien
desamparar, God made nobody with a design to forsake him.

Monday the 4th : I took my way along the hills and came
about noon to Drogheda. The great rains had made the ways
almost impassable, the horse road which is most old causeway
being broken up and quite out of repair, and the footway in
the fields very boggy with abundance of ditches at that time
full of water. It was extreme tiresome to me marching afoot,
but to avoid the inconveniences and toils of the camp at
such an unseasonable time of the year all things appeared
more easy. In Drogheda we continued till

Thursday the 14th, when the Grand Prior's Regiment |
being appointed to quarter in Dubhn, we marched and, within f. 65 b
a mile of Ballough dividing the regiment for conveniency of
quarters, one part went on to Ballough and the other, in which
I was, struck off to the left towards the sea to the town of Lusk,
where we had very good quarters.

Friday the 15th : the regiment joined again on the road,
and marched without any considerable halt to Dubhn, each
day's march being ten miles. Our quarters were assigned us
in the college,^ where the scholars being turned out another

1 The College Register, T.C.D., gives the following entries :
' March 12, 1688/9. — King James landed in Ireland ; and upon the 24th
of the same month, being Palm Sunday, he came to Dublin. The College,
with the Vice-chancellor, waited upon him, and Mr. Thewles made a speech,
which he seemed to receive kindly, and promis'd 'em his favour and pro-
tection ; but upon the i6th of September, 1689, without any offence as

90 THE JOURNAL 1689

regiment had been quartered before, and where the soldiers
during the whole winter suffered many inconveniences. One
of the greatest was the want of firing, which this winter was
extreme dear in Dublin, the great supply of the city being the
English and Welsh coals, and the traffic with England being
cut off they had no other fuel but turf and some wood, both
which the expense of the city being great were brought very
far and consequently sold very dear. And the soldiers not
able to buy did much mischief by night breaking up waste
houses for timber, cutting all the trees and destroying the
hedges near the town. When this relief was taken from them
by prohibition upon severe penalties and setting sentinels
upon waste houses, after long suffering the governor of Dublin,
that was then Simon Luttrell,^ gave an allowance of turf for

much as pretended, the College was seized on for a garrison by the King's
order, the Fellows turned out, and a Regiment of Foot took possession
and continued in it.

' July 24. The Vice-Provost and Fellows, with consent of the Vice-
Chancellor, sold a peace of plate weighing about 30 ounces for subsistence
of themselves and the scholars that remained.

' September 6. The College was seized on for a Garrison by the King's
order and Sir John FitzGerald took possession of it. Upon Wednesday the
I ith, it was made a prison for the Protestants of the City, of whom a great
number were confined to the upper part of the Hall. Upon the i6th the
Scholars were all turned out by souldiers, and ordered to carry nothing with
'em but their books. But Mr. Thewles and some others were not permitted
to take their books with 'em. Lenan, one of the Scholars of the House, was
sick of the small-pox, and died, as it was supposed, by removing. At the same
time the King sent an order to apprehend six of the Fellows and Masters
and commit 'em to the main guard, and all this without any provocation or
crime as much as pretended : but the Bishop of Meath, our Vice-Chancellor,
interceded with the King, and procured the last order to be stopt.

' October 2 1 . Several persons, by order of the Government, seized upon
the Chappel and broke open the Library. The Chappel was sprinkled and
new consecrated and Mass was said in it ; but afterwards being turned into
a storehouse for powder, it escaped all further damage. The Library and
Gardens and the Provost's lodgings were committed to the care of one
Macarty, a Priest and Chaplain to y« King, who preserved 'em from the
violence of the souldiers, but the Chambers and all other things belonging
to y« College were miserably defaced and ruined.'

' Simon Luttrell (d. 1698) was appointed Governor of Dublin (Clarke, ii.
378), and in the Parliament of 1689 he represented the County of Dublin.
He ejected the Fellows and Scholars of Trinity College and allowed no three
of them to meet together. When Schomberg sent ten or twelve vessels into
the Bay of Dublin Luttrell was able to preserve the capital for his master.
Avaux wrote concerning Simon's brother Henry to Louvois, October 21,
' II devroit pourtant voir I'effet qu'a produit k Dublin, le soin et I'exacti-
tude d'un colonel de dragons, nomm6 Lutterel, qu'il y a laisse. Cet ofScier

1689 TURF ALLOWANCE 91

the use of the Grand Prior's Regiment in the college, which
was so small that it came not to above a turf to each man in
a day. Being returned to Dubhn I will as in the first part
make some general remarks of what happened during our |
abode there, the actions of this winter being very incon- f. 66 a
siderable and my purpose to speak in particular only of such
things as I had part in or at least whereof I can give a most
certain relation.

The happy success of this campaign,^ so far victorious as
that the enemy had refused the battle, and that it was credibly
reported through sickness and the hardships of the camp they
had lost 10,000 men, had not only given a great reputation to

y a mis un si bon ordre qu'il a sauv§ cette capitale lorsque les vaisseaux
Anglois sont entrez dans la rade, et ont commence d'y faire descente,
esperant un soulevement des Protestans mais il a seen contenir ceux cy
dans le devoir, et chasser les antres ; il seroit k souhaitter que I'ordre
qu'il a estably dans Dublin, fust suivy lorsque le Roy y sera.' He covered
the Duke of Berwick's retreat from the Boyne to the city. With Henry
Simon formed part of a deputation which went to France to solicit aid
from Louis. After 1691 the French king gave Simon command of the
Dublin regiment. The Luttrells lived at Luttrellstown from 1400 to 1798,
exhibiting a rare continuity of ownership in one family.

' On the position of affairs see Avaux to Croissy, August 6 ; Avaux
to Louis, August 9 ; Avaux to Louvois, August 18 ; Avaux to Louis,
August 30 and October 21 ; Avaux to Louvois, October 21 and Novem-
ber 26 ; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6, a most valuable letter. The
conclusion of it runs as follows : ' Le Comte de Schomberg s'est retire de
cette sorte dans le nord d'Irlande, du coste de Belfast, avec le reste de son
armee, diminuee de plus de la moitie, tant par les maladies qui s'y sont
mises, que par le manque d'une partie de choses qui estoient necessaires
pour la subsistance, quoyqu'il eut des vaisseaux, la mer libre, et une
grande province derriere luy.

' Le peu de succez que ce general a eu dans cette expedition, et tons les
evenemens de cette campagne se sont trouvez bien esloignez de ce qu'il s'en
estoit promis, et bien differens de I'esperance qu'il avoit donnee a ses
troupes, de les faire hyverner dans Dublin, et de leur partager, comme fit
Cromwel, les terres de ceux qui n'estoient pas de son party. II ne doutoit
nuUement qu'avec les forces qu'il avoit menees en Irlande, et avec I'assis-
tance des rebelles, il ne se rendist maistre de tout le royaume avant la fin
de la campagne, sans quoy il n'auroit pas entrepris une invasion de cette
importance, et ne se seroit pas expose au hazard de voir comme il fait
£l cette heure, son honneur et sa reputation en grand danger.'

Avaux to Seignelay, October 21, 1689 : ' Nous avons este campez trois
semaines a une lieiie et demye de M. de Schomberg, et nous nous sommes
presentez en bataUle devant luy, sans qu'il ayt ose paroistre, et apres avoir
consume les fourages de toute cette contr^e, et brusle ceux qui estoient
devant M. de Schomberg, nous nous sommes retirez en ce lieu cy (a Ardee),
pour mettre I'armee un peu plus a son aise.' Avaux to Louis, November 24
and December 6.

92 THE JOURNAL 1689

His Majesty's affairs, but lifted the hearts of all true loyalists
to an assured hope of extraordinary success the next summer.
And even the remaining part of the winter it was thought
might be employed to great advantage not only in refitting
the army against spring and other necessary preparations,
but in keeping a good correspondence in England preparatory
to His Majesty's coming thither, and gaining some advan-
tageous posts in the north of Ireland either through the
weakness of the rebels or their incHnation to embrace His
Majesty's mercy; they being daily represented to be so
weakened as not to be able to maintain their garrisons, and
in such despair of relief from their miseries that they would
upon any conditions return to their obedience. This too
great confidence of the good posture of our affairs produced
in all men such a security as proved without doubt very
prejudicial to our interest in the end. Every one laying aside
the care of the public wholly devoted himself either to his
private affairs or to his pleasure and ease. The main business
of recruiting and disciplining the army was for a long time
laid aside, and instead thereof the forces that were on foot
i. 66 b suffered to disperse about the country to live at ease | without
restraint, without exercise and without order. For the benefit
of the officers the muster-rolls were always full, though to the
great damage of the public ; the regiments continued really
in the same posture of weakness they came from the camp.
As an example may be produced the regiment of Colonel
Thomas Butler of Kilcash which mustering always upwards
of 600 men could not at any other day bring into the field
above 200.^ Men were either so wicked or so ignorant that
they strove to make their harvest of His Majesty before his
affairs were ripe. This and their country affairs was their
chief study, till having gathered a sufficient quantity of money
they were in a condition to appear at court ; so that notwith-
standing His Majesty's repeated orders for all officers to repair
to their commands the city swarmed with them, the greatest
part not blushing to give the king daily testimonies of their

' In Lauzun's biography from his notes we learn that he had 18,000 fit
for war shortly after he landed, but their pay was reckoned as for 50,000.

1689 LICENTIOUSNESS AT DUBLIN 93

disobedience by presuming to appear in his presence. But
what is worse if worse can be than disobeying and cheating
our sovereign, the money ill gotten was as ill spent in all
manner of debauchery, luxury, and riot.^ Oaths, curses, and
blasphemies were the one-half of the common familiar dis-
course, the other part very often containing nothing but the
repetition of past enormities or the plotting and contriving
of some fresh piece of extraordinary lewdness. Drunkenness
was so eagerly prosecuted that no liquors were strong, nor no
days long enough to satiate some overhardened drunkards,
whilst others, not so seasoned, by often sleeps supplied the
weakness of their brain. The women were so suitable to the
times that they rather enticed men to lewdness than carried
the least face of modesty, in so much that in every corner of
the town | might be said to be a public stew.^ In fine, Dublin f. 67 a
seemed to be a seminary of vice, an academy of luxury or
rather a sink of corruption, and living emblem of Sodom.
Neither their own faculties nor their frauds practised against
the king being sufficient to supply the prodigaUties of some
officers, having forced a credit as far as it would go, they
stuck not to support their extravagances by oppression of the
country, open violence, and rapine, not to speak of such as

1 Macariae Excidium, p. 41 : ' And now the winter season, which should
be employed in serious consultations, and making up the necessary prepara-
tions for the ensuing campaign, was idly spent in revels, and gaming, and
other debauches, unfit for a Delphian (i.e. Roman Catholic) court.' Ibid.,
p. 40 : ' But the young commanders were in some haste to return
to Salamis (Dublin), where the ladies expected them ; so that Amasis
(James II), being once more persuaded to disband the new levies, and
raising his camp a little of the soonest, dispersed his men too early into
winter garrisons, having spent that campaign, vainly expecting that his
Martanesian (Protestant) subjects of Cilicia (England), who were in the
camp of Nisias (Schomberg), would come over to him.' C.S.P., Dom.,
1689/90, pp. 279-80 ; Kazner, i, footnote on p. 314.

' "The testimony of Fynes Moryson agrees with this account : ' The
children of the English-Irish, and much more of the mere Irish, are brought
up with small or no austerity, rather with great liberty, yea licentiousness.
And when you read of the foresaid frequent divorces, and generally of the
women's immoderate drinking, you may well judge that incontinency is
not rare among them.' Le Gouz records that ' In this city (i. e. in Limerick)
there are great numbers of profligate women ; which I could not have
believed, on account of the climate.' Gedeon Bonnivert comments
adversely on the modesty of the women. This lax state of morality has
passed away. The effects of the Penal Laws were evil, but perhaps the
sufierings they involved purified morals.

94 THE JOURNAL 1689

lived by false dice, and such-like underhand deceitful practices.
Nor was it to be admired that in so general a contempt of the
express commandments of God, the precepts of the church
should pass unregarded, the holy time of Lent and other fasts
as to the practice being wholly forgot, only the memory of
the name remaining. And yet amidst these enormities every
mouth was full of religion and loyalty, every one promising a
happy success to the rightful cause, as if that had authorized
us in the practice of all sorts of villanies. As if the wickedness
of our lives had not equalled if not surpassed the guilt of our
enemy's rebellion. And as if God had not raised and supported
them for a scourge of our impieties, as he did the Assyrians
and Babylonians to punish his chosen people's infidelities,
and the Mohammedans to chastize the general profanations of
Christendom. Some perhaps may say these reflections are
either too severe or not so becoming the pen of a soldier as
of a friar. To the first I answer that as I exempt not myself
from my part in the very crimes I inveigh against, so I desire
f. 6^ b every man to | appropriate no more to himself of this charge
than what his conscience shall accuse him of, and when every
one has taken his proportion they may leave the remainder
at my door. And for the latter part I think none fitter to
comment upon vice than he that has seen most of it or to
declaim against a wicked life than he that ought always to be
provided for death.

Our intelligence in England for a long time seemed to carry
a favourable aspect, some little vessels running often from
Dublin to the coast which, returning always safe, filled us with
the news of the good disposition of affairs there towards His
Majesty's service. But neither in this particular was there
used that secrecy and caution that became a business of that
consequence. It was not enough that every one knew when
a vessel was to sail for England, but that at her return the
common discourse of the town was what business she went
upon and what success she had met with, who rnanaged the
intelligence on the other side, to whom commission was given
to dispose and provide men, what number of men were in
readiness, where and in what manner horses and arms were

1 68 9 LEAKAGE OF NEWS 95

kept and provided for the service, what Protestants had
engaged to assist and second the enterprise ; to be short the
whole series of the transactions was related as if each man
had been entrusted with the management thereof between the
king and his correspondents. These reports whether true or
false could not but be very obnoxious to His Majesty's designs.
If true, His Majesty's intentions being made public were easily
to be prevented from taking any effect, and the lives of those |
persons he held correspondence with were brought into an f. 68 a
almost unavoidable danger. If false, with the enemy they
might carry some opinion of truth, and at least serve for
a pretence to oppress and disarm such as they but suspected
to have any inclination to His Majesty's service, to the general
ruin of the Catholics of England, and endangering those few
Protestants that had any sparks of loyalty still surviving
in them. Neither were these discourses carried in private
between Catholics, but they had so much indiscretion as to
make their boasts of their intelligence to the Protestants, who
generally knew better than ourselves what things were in
agitation. All the king's goodness and clemency was not of
any force to reclaim the hardened heart of one of the bigot
rebellious Protestants ; so far from it that they attributed all
His Majesty's mercy to fear, and in their obstinacy and malice
despised all dangers and perils to keep a settled correspon-
dence with their rebel brethren in arms. Great was the
secrecy wherewith these people managed their villanous
practices ; they knew the privacies of the king's counsel, and
it could never be found who betrayed him any further than
mere surmises. They gave account of all passages and acci-
dents to the enemy receiving the like from them, and yet no
messenger of theirs either discovered or was surprised ; all
that could be perceived was that some people as well from
Dublin as other parts made their escape, who were never so
mad as to return. On the contrary some persons that the
king sent into England were apprehended, not without mani-
fest tokens of being betrayed by intelligence given from
Dublin.
Dundalk being abandoned by the rebels greatly confirmed

96 THE JOURNAL 1689

the credit of their vast losses in that place by sickness, for
f. 68 b besides the infinite number of graves | a vast number of dead
bodies was found there unburied, and not a few yet breathing
but almost devoured with lice and other vermin.^ This
spectacle not a little astonished such of our men as ventured
in amongst them, seeing that raging with hunger some had
eaten part of their own flesh and having yet their speech
begged as a charity to be killed, and yet among all these
examples of God's vengeance could I never hear of any that
showed the least signs of repentance, but died in their hard-
ness of heart and impenitence. Such was the stench of the
place as at first was thought would have rendered it unin-
habitable, yet afterwards it was cleansed, garrisoned, and
fortified. The recovery of this place made more assured the
hopes of further advantages, it being the general belief that
weakness or despair would obhge the rebels to quit many

' C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 367-9 — this letter to the king is very
valuable ; Story, p. lo ; Kane ; London Gazette, December 1689 and
January 1690 ; Kazner, i. 310, 313-15, 321 ; Clarke Correspondence,
T.C.D., vol. i, f. 25 ; Macariae Excidium, 329-30.
Total of the Army in Camp ...... 14,000

Loss — Died at Dundalk 1,700

Died on board ship in course of removal

from Dundalk to Belfast . . . 800

Died in hospital at Belfast . . . 3,800 6,300

7,700

Brigadier Kane writes : ' More than two-thirds of our English were carried
off by distemper. ' Schomberg's dispatches, September 20 and 27 ; October
3, 8, and 12 ; November 4 ; and December 26. The incapacity of the
men in command was demonstrated by the piteous plight of the camp.
The unusually heavy rains descended on the low-lying soil. The ignorant
and indolent officers delayed the erection of huts till it was too late to
procure dry timber for the walls or dry straw for the roofs. The men did
not renew the fern for their beds, and they did not drain the soil. To the
miseries of insufficient food were added exposure and dirt. Fevers com-
pleted the work that these had begun. The Enniskillen men and the
Jacobites, accustomed to the climate, and the Dutchmen, inured to
dampness, survived, but the peasants of Yorkshire and Derbyshire were
unable to resist the combination of evils. There were few doctors, and
their medicines were for the cure of wounds, not for the removal of pesti-
lence. The chief cause of all the disasters lay in the lack of organization,
notably seen in the fact that there was no efficient commissariat transport
train. Even when large supplies of beef and brandy, bread and coal had
been provided, the high death-roll continued and increased. James's
peasants suffered severely also, for out of a total of forty thousand, about
fifteen thousand died.

1689 THE STATE OF AFFAIRS 97

other posts and retire again all their force to Londonderry

and Enniskillen, and some there were so forward as to imagine

even those places would not secure their fears, but they would,

having destroyed all the north, withdraw themselves into

England and Scotland. The Protestants, that were amongst

us being better informed of the strength and resolution of

their brethren, laughed at these devices, and not without

reason. God's and our enemies were not so weakened as to

be driven to abandon what they had so dearly purchased,

for allowing as was reported they had lost 10,000 men, yet

by the common consent of all men, Schomberg at first had in

his army 22,000 men besides the Enniskillingers and other

rabble of the country, so that according to this computation

there still remained 12,000, not reckoning the aforesaid

northern spawn. With this | strength might have well been f. 69 a

entertained a defensive summer war fortifying their best

holds, much more the unseasonable time of winter not fit for

any action in the field. It was vain to think God's judgements

should produce any despair or remorse in the rebels, their

hearts, like Pharaoh and his Egyptians, were hardened with

punishment.^ The nature of an Englishman is to be tenacious

of the opinion he has once conceived, to be positive in his

own conceits, to be firm in his resolutions, to this being joined

a genuine boldness of spirit, a contempt of danger, and

a disdain of being outdone by another, he will rather perish

than not go through with what he has once undertaken.

Without suspicion of flattering England I may say of its

people as once St. Gregory, Angli quasi Angeli, for whilst the

true religion flourished among them no nation was more

beautified with learned, heroic and godly men, and even in

this corruption of times among such true sons of the church

as have weathered the storms of persecution may be discerned

the relics of that lustre which once glorified the whole island.

But it is a true maxim in philosophy that, Corruptio optimi

1 The Jacobite Secretary for War, Nagle, observing the grievous con-
dition of the English, tried to induce them to desert, comparing their
sufferings to those inflicted by God on the host of Sennacherib. Nagle's
Letters, 2ii-z ; Macariae Excidium, 326-30 ; Jacobite Narrative ; Kazner,
ii. 305.

121s H

98 THE JOURNAL 1689

pessima, so those most noble spirits, the angels, blest with the
beatific vision of the Almighty, when through their pride and
rebellion they were cast down from heaven, of the most pure,
most innocent, and most sublime creatures of God's creation
they became the most loathsome, most malicious and most
vile objects of His eternal wrath and indignation. Even so
the English, who were once the pattern of piety, the mirror
of religion and pillars of God's church, being fallen into

f . 69 b apostasy, became the very | advocates of vice, the great
example of profaneness, and the chief support of heresy,
schism, irreligion, and atheism. Neither is it ignorance, but
that natural obstinacy I mentioned before, that retains them
in this deplorable estate ; they see the grossness of their error,
and yet such is their pride they cannot submit to acknowledge
it. They were not deluded or drawn into this rebellion
against their sovereign, no it was mahce and perverseness of
heart that forced that universal consent ; the fear of being
obliged to confess their rebeUion against the church made
them also traitors to their king. No oppression at home, no
miseries abroad, no punishments of men or judgements of
God, are able to enforce them to the least act of remorse ; the
more they are scourged the more they persist, the nearer they
see their fault the farther they are from owning it, they kick
against the spur, and though they feel the smart yet they
cover the sore. To conclude, such is the perverseness, obstinacy,
pride, malice, and impenitence of an English rebel and
heretic, that the one rather than submit to his king will
venture to be hanged, and the other sooner than beg pardon
of God himself will inevitably be damned. Both Irish and
Scotch, in respect of those of their nations who bear part in
the rebellion against God and the king, and who have drunk
plentifully of this poison, I believe may apply this at home.
To return where I left off, the horror of the place fatal to so
many, the stench of the dead bodies, and the diseases that
never ceased to rage, made the rebels quit Dundalk. After-

t. 70 a wards being refreshed in other garrisons | by breathing
a sweeter air, and God's wrath giving some respite to their
miseries, they not only endeavoured to maintain their garri-

"689 DEFEAT AT CAVAN 99

sons, but made many incursions into our frontiers. What
wants were among them, if any such, were plentifully supplied
out of England, both as to provisions and recruits of men,
besides that most of the north country rebels having been
long in Londonderry and Enniskillen were well used to handle
arms, but returned then I suppose to take possession of their
houses and lands, which for fear of the king's army or love
of their darling treason they had quitted.

During the whole winter season till we took the field there
happened nothing considerable but the defeat at Cavan ^ and
the loss of Charlemont.^ To Cavan had been sent a strong
detachment of the best men of several regiments, not without
great expectation of their performing some very considerable

• C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 485, 534-5-

' Avaux to Seignelay, December 6 ; Avaux to Louis, January 25 and
February 18, 1690 ; Kazner, i. 328-9, ii. 347 ; Lauzun to Louvois, May 10-20,
1690, MinistSre de la Guerre ; Great News from Ireland. A letter from
Lisnagarvey, March 20, 1690 (London, 1690, Thorpe) ; Story, 11 ; Clarke,
ii. 385-90; C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 320, 444; C.S.P., Dom., 1690/91,
pp. 5,13: ' Charlemont has surrendered from want of provisions.' Ibid.,
p. 14 : ' Letters from Ireland of the i8th say that the garrison of Charle-
mont was forced to eat horse hides.' Ibid., p. 15 : ' They marched out
with 600 men, bag and baggage, but very miserable creatures, being
reduced to the utmost extremity, for when we entered the place there was
but half a salted horse found, and that in the governor, Teague O'Regan's
house, for his own use.' Light to the Blind, 585 : ' It was easy in the winter
to send provisions into that town for a much longer siege : yet it was not
done. You shall meet with more of those failures before the war ends.'
Among the wounded was Captain Rapin, who wrote the History of England.

Teague O'Regan was a hot-headed Irish ofiEicer in charge of the fortress
of Charlemont with a garrison of about three hundred men. (C.S.P., Dom.,
1690/1, pp. 5, 13-15 ; C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 320, 444; Light to the
Blind, 585 ; Kazner, i. 329, ii. 347 ; Lauzun to Louvois, May 10-20, 1690,
MinistSre de la Guerre; Story, 11 ; Clarke, ii. 385-90.) After a stout
defence O'Regan, who seems to have been a sort of Charles Napier, sur-
rendered on the 1 2th of May from lack of provisions, but marched out with
the honours of war. Schomberg came to meet the late governor, who cut
a most extraordinary figure. The last time the two commanders had met,
the latter had served as a lieutenant of the Scots gendarmes under the
former. The duke asked how it was that with the garrison so straitened for
food, so many women and children should have been retained in the place.
The Irish officers replied that their soldiers would desert unless they had
their wives and sweethearts with them. ' Well,' retorted the veteran
warrior, ' there seems certainly to be a good deal of love in it, but also
a good deal of foolishness ; ' and he at once ordered a loaf to be given to
each man. The colonel of the Brandenburg regiment expressed his dis-
appointment with the appearance of the men who resisted him. It is
strange to note that friends and foes alike expressed a certain contempt for
the Irish soldiers.

H2

100 THE JOURNAL 1689

piece of service. The event answered not the opinion con-
ceived of them, for scarce were they arrived there, sooner than
put to the rout with great infamy, having scarce seen the face
of their enemies, nor had the slaughter been less had the rebels
been as forward to make use of their advantage as they were
fortunate to gain it. With much industry the greatest part
were persuaded to fly to the fort, others fled whither their fear
dictated, some few were killed or taken, the most of these
officers. Some men's fear gave them wings to bring this news
to Dublin, which was variously represented first according to
the terror of the relators as a general slaughter, then smothered
and palliated with the name of a retreat ; but the Protestants
had still the true intelligence, and our detachments returning
f. 70 b home with shame, the whole matter | was known. I mean the
sum of the defeat, loss, and disgrace were known, for to par-
ticulars no credit could be given, every one relating what his
fear first and then the case of his own credit suggested, scarce
any two agreeing in their account, but all joining to frame
excuses to cover an inexcusable shame. Charlemont whilst
in our possession was not only accounted very considerable
for its strength and situation, but esteemed the key of the
north; their stores of ammunition, and provision greatly
magnified, and the incursions made by the garrison were no
small matter of discourse in Dublin. Schomberg, being better
informed of the condition of the place, took his opportunity
when 600 men had carried in a small supply of provisions to
sit down before it, enclosing at the same time the convoy,
whose relief was not sufficient to maintain themselves, much
less to be any succour to the garrison. Knowing the scarcity
of provisions must soon oblige the governor to surrender,
whose courage if attacked would have held the place to the
last, Schomberg after the usual summons was content to block
it up till hunger should open that way, which all his force
could scarce have done without great loss. After suffering all
sorts of extremities having not only eaten the horses but their
hides, the constancy of Thady 0' Regan the governor was
forced to submit to necessity, and having obtained honourable
conditions delivered the garrison, and upon his arrival at

1689 FRENCH REINFORCEMENTS loi

court in token of His Majesty's grace was knighted. Though
it was well known the town was in no possibility to hold out,
nothing was attempted for the relief of it ; but when lost, as
much as the importance conveniency and strength of it had
been magnified before, so much was it then contemned and
despised. |

In the spring arrived at Cork the French fleet, bringing f. 71 a
besides wheat and ammunition eight battalions of foot well
clothed, armed, and disciplined, in return whereof they
received a like number of unarmed, ragged, and inexperienced
men.^ These forces being landed and well refreshed at Cork
and all about the country, by easy marches came to Dublin to
the great satisfaction of all good men, and no less vexation of
the rebellious party. These men raised a great expectation of
themselves in every one's thoughts, and not without reason,
they being the very flower of the foot of the army. M. de
Lauzun had the command of them ; ^ they brought twelve

^ Lauzun landed with seven thousand three hundred men at Kinsale, and
Louis insisted that he must receive an equal number of Irish to replace
them. Accordingly four Irish regiments, under Mountcashel, sailed for
France : these formed the nucleus of the famous Irish Brigade. Rousset,
Histoire de Louvois, 4, 382, 422 ; Dangeau's Journal, December 29 ;
Louvois to Avaux, November i-ii, 1689 : ' 341 officers and 6,751 soldiers.
There came also sixty-one artillery-men, six commissariat officers, twenty-
seven surgeons, and hospital attendants.'

" Lauzun (1633-1 723) when a young man was the favourite of Louis XIV,
and the accepted lover of that monarch's cousin, the Princess de Montpen-
sier. The King, however, refused his consent to the marriage, and offered
to make him Duke, Marshal of France, and Governor of Provence, pro-
vided he would give up his pretensions to the lady. This he declined to do
and Louis cast him into prison in the Castle of Pignerol, but the princess
bribed the Duke of Mayenne with the principality of Dombes to obtain
his release. He escaped to England and when the Queen and the Prince of
Wales fled to France Lauzun was their escort (Campana de Cavelli,ii. 461 ;
Klopp, iv. 269 ; Rousset, iv. 151 ). In the summer of 1689 Louis superseded
Rosen and appointed Lauzun as commander and sent with him 6,000
veterans. He arrived in Dublin with his forces well armed and clothed,
and issued an order to his men by which he ' forbade their taking anything
but what they paid for, and also prohibited their molesting Protestant
assemblies ' (Southwell MSS.). After the defeat of the Boyne he advised
James to retire to France (Clarke, ii. 214). He retired to Limerick, but
pronounced the town untenable {Macariae Excidium, p. 65). ' It is
unnecessary,' he maintained, ' for the English to bring cannon against such
a place as this. What you call ramparts might be battered down with
roasted apples.' After the raising of the siege of Limerick, Lauzun and
Tyrconnel embarked at Galway. Lauzun was disgraced by Louis, and,
but for the solicitations of James, he would have ended his days in that

102 THE JOURNAL 1689

field-pieces, and were paid in silver, which was no small
damage and discouragement to the rest of the army who
received none but brass money, for by that means this sort of
coin lost much of its former value. Brass money for some
time passed at the full rate as current as silver, till some
people going to France, and others, wanting silver to trade
there, began to give above the rates of the proclamation for
silver and gold coin, and it being considerably improved the
French failed not to lay hold of the opportunity and make
their advantage, till pistoles came to be sold for three pounds
apiece in brass, and so proportionably for other lesser coin.
Hence proceeded that excessive dearness of provisions and
all manner of necessaries, not from any scarcity but from the
contempt of the coin, which was very prejudicial to the whole
army who lived upon bare subsistence without any other
advantages. Especially those in Dublin suffered much, being
quartered (except the guards) in waste houses, and such
f. 71 b places where they | had no help of housekeepers as formerly
in quarters, and the prices of all things extraordinary. I do
not lay this down as the effect of the French being paid in
silver, for as I have said above, this took beginning and was
well improved before their coming, though they added much
to it. Besides for some days before their arrival the regiments
in Dublin had been quartered upon the citizens, and upon the
coming of the French were removed to the skirts of the city

home of fallen favourites, the Bastille. He had " won the confidence of
the Queen of England to the point that she considered him the only
statesman, the only general, the only diplomat, the only administrator ;
in a word, the universal, necessary, and tutelary genius ' (Rousset,
ii. 193). On the other hand the Marquis de la Fare pronounced him
the most insolent little man who had been seen for a century {Mimoires,
ser. ii, vol. Ixv, p. i8o), and Saint-Simon, his brother-in-law, accounted
him a low and base courtier (Mimoires, xix. i86). Voltaire, however, men-
tions him and Vardes as the only friends Louis ever possessed {Sidcle de
Louis XIV, CEuvres, vol. xiii, p. 572). In the opinion of Louvois he was
' a contemptible fellow ' and ' a poltroon ', and ' the first French general
to prevent the army under his orders from fighting '. Hoffman notes that
till he arrived in Ireland he had never done military service anywhere
except in a fortress (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 289). Like Louvois, Avaux
hated him and described him with reason as ' lazy, generally disliked,, and
dishonest '. Berwick maintained that he had ' quite forgotten all his
military knowledge if he ever possessed any '. In the Caractires La Bruyfere
sketches his character under the title of Stratton.

1689 THE LEVEL OF PRICES 103

and neighbouring villages. Whosoever was the first contriver
of quartering soldiers in waste houses and such-like places
without doubt had more prospect of interest than love to the
army. Every housekeeper that would be exempted was
obliged to purchase a protection, which besides all underhand
charges cost him one, two or more featherbeds with necessary
good blankets, or in default of" such beds two, three or four
pounds according to the value of his house or humour of
them that were to impose the rate. By this means were levied
above five hundred good beds, besides a vast sum of money,
all as was pretended to furnish conveniences for soldiers in
waste houses that they might not be burdensome to the
inhabitants. In truth all this served only to enrich some few
private persons through whose hands it went and who made
a prey of the city under colour of easing it. For except some
few old beds that were sent to the hospital, no account was
ever had of the above-mentioned number, and all the poor
soldiers had of that great quantity of money raised were some
poor straw beds, and those so scarce that they served not one-
half .of the men, those who had them | lying little better than f. 72 a
upon the floor, through the thinness of the straw, almost naked
by reason of the badness of their clothes and the blankets,
and starved for want of firing, having none but what they
stole with the utter ruin of many good houses, and of all the
hedges, bushes, and trees about Dublin.

Money, like blood in the body of man, ought to have its
circulation, and passing from one hand to another be as it
were in a continual motion, from the subject to the king, from
the king to the soldier, from the soldier to the tradesman,
from the tradesman to the merchant, from the merchant to the
countryman, from the countryman to the gentleman, and
from every one again to the king. The distempers that the
kingdom laboured under had stopped this circulation in such
manner that though it continued its course in some measure
through the body of the people, the recourse to the king, the
head, was almost quite diverted. All the branches of His
Majesty's revenue were so sunk that the receipt scarce turned
to any account, and a subsidy granted when the parliament

104 THE JOURNAL 1689

sat was near lost in the very collecting. This obliged His
Majesty to continue the coining a vast quantity of brass,
having no other means left to support his army. Not only all
the old brass and copper that could be found in Dublin or the
country was consumed, but many of the largest brass guns
were melted down, and the want still continuing it was to
be feared all the cannon of that sort of metal in the kingdom
were in danger. To supply in some measure this necessity
i. j2 b the new half-crowns were made smaller, and all | the old large
ones called in, which being new stamped passed for crowns.
Another remedy was also designed, which was to make crown
pieces of pewter or block tin, some few of these were coined
being in all respects Hke the brass, only that on the outward
edge in the manner of the English milled money was this
motto, MELiORis TESSERA FATi, and the year of His Majesty's
reign, and in the middle was fixed as it were riveted in a small
piece of brass, but this money was never made current.

Summer drawing on the preparations for the campaign
began to be hastened, and the war which the winter seemed
to have lulled asleep being awakened, every man was em-
ployed in furnishing himself for the field.^ Every regiment

' Tyrconnel's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, eight captains, nine lieutenants, eight cornets, eleven quarter-
masters, adjutant, surgeon, chaplain, with two other officers and five
French officers d la suite. There were nine companies and 250 men.
Tyrconnel wrote to Mary Beatrice, James's queen, on January 29, 1688/9,
(Add. 28053, i- 386, Brit. Mus.), and from this letter his plans for new
modelling the army in Ireland and his preparations for the coming contest
are clear. He asks his correspondents in France ' to send me besides the
8,000 firearms already sent 6,000 matchlocks more and 5,000 firelocks. To
send me at least 12,000 swords. To send me 2,000 carbines, and as many
cases of pistols and holsters. To send me a good number of officers to
train' (i.e. to train the Irish volunteers). In the course of the letter
Tyrconnel makes a passionate appeal for immediate succour, showing that
he had many men but little money for them. In the army there are ' four
regiments of old troops, and one battalion of the Regiment of the Guards,
three Regiments of Horse^ with one troop of Grenadiers on horseback.
I have lately given out commissions for nearly forty regiments, four
Regiments of Dragoons, and two of Horse, all which amount to near 40,000
men, who are all unclothed and the greater part unarmed, and are to be
subsisted by their several officers until the lapt of February next, out of
their own purses, to the ruin of most of them ; but after that day I see
no possibility for arming them, clothing them, or subsisting them for the
future, but abandoning the country to them ; but after all, if I may be
supplied by the last of March with those succours that are necessary which

1689 THE BRASS MONEY 105

in its quarters was mustered and reviewed, an account given

of all their wants, arms, cloths, and tents delivered, and

nothing omitted for the well furnishing and equipping the

army. The Grand Prior's Regiment consisted of twenty-two

companies, but none of them full, it was therefore reduced

to thirteen, and with the broken new companies were filled up

the old ones. But as it commonly happens among those

people, the captains had no long joy of this recruit, for soon

after they were taken from under the command of their own

idol officers they began to desert, their old ofl&cers not only

conniving but encouraging the men to quit the service, laying

aside the care of the public good for a private malice, though

all the officers were continued in pay as reformed or seconds.

The dearness of the time and smallness of our pay kept the

officers low, and of consequence their equipage for the camp

was the easier provided. Each captain of the Grand Prior's

had a tent allowed | him, and every two subalterns, being f. 73 a

a soldier's tent raised one breadth of cloth from the ground,

I press in my letters, I doubt not but I shall preserve this kingdom eptirely
ior your Majesty '. When James landed at Kinsale on the 14th of March,
1688, Tyrconnel met him at Cork and was able to say ' that he had sent
down Lieut.-General Hamilton with about 2,500 men, being as many
as he could spare from Dublin, to make head against the rebels in
Ulster, who were masters of all that province except Charlemont and
Carrickfergus ; that most part of the Protestants in other parts of the
kingdom had been up ; that in Munster they had possessed themselves of
Castlemartyr and Bandon, but were forced to surrender both places
and were totally reduced in those parts by Lieut.-General Macarthy, and
were in a manner totally suppressed in the other two provinces ; that the
bare reputation of an army had done it, together with the diligence of
the Catholic nobility and gentry, who had raised above fifty regiments
of foot and several troops of horse and dragoons ; that he had distributed
amongst them about 20,000 arms, but most were so old and unserviceable
that not above one thousand of the firearms were found afterwards to be
of any use ; that the old troops consisting of one battalion of Guards,
together with Macarthy's, Clancarty's, and Newcomen's Regiments, were
pretty well armed, as also seven companies of Mountjoy's which were with
them, the other six having stayed in Derry, with Colonel Lundy and
Gustavus Hamilton, the lieutenant-colonel and major of that regiment ;
that he had three regiments of horse — Tyrconnel's, Russell's, and Galmoy's
— and one of dragoons ; that the Catholics of the country had no arms,
whereas the Protestants had that plenty, and the best horses in the king-
dom ; for great artillery he had but eight small field-pieces in a condition
to march, the rest not mounted, no stores in the magazines, little powder
and ball, all the officers gone to England, and no money in cash '. Cf. Clarke,
James II, ii. 327-8 ; Avaux to Louis, from Cork, March 29, 1689, pp. 36-8 ;
Macpherson, i. 177-8.

io6 THE JOURNAL 1689

the tent given, the additional part to be deducted out of their
pay. Upon the same account every one had liberty to take up
red cloth, white lining, and pewter buttons to make regimental
coats. All this was had out of the stores and never paid for.

As I have made general remarks upon the times, and not
forbore to expose the errors of others, so before I proceed
I cannot but reflect upon my own course of life (though in
very few words) during this season. Dime con quien andas,
direte quien eres} ' Tell me your company I'll tell you your
manners,' saith the Spaniard. When the air is infected with
pestilential vapours, every man endeavours to fortify himself
against it with some antidotes or preservatives. But when
the wickedness of the times carries an infectious contagion
to annoy the souls of men, few are those who have recourse
to the true mediums to preserve themselves against the pesti-
lence of vice. I was neither more wise nor more holy than the
rest of the world to know how to avoid the danger of too much
company. It is the general error of youth that to prevent or
divert melancholy or care they embrace all sorts of society,
and the consequence of it is excess of drinking and other vices.
I wanted not my share in this distraction being young and
having little employment to take up my time, my thoughts
were much subject to melancholy for the loss of my friends,
and for wants, which, not being used to, were the more
grievous to me. My course to disperse these thoughts was
not such as it should be; the duties of my post were not enough
to take up the least part of my time, and instead of employ-
f. 73 b ing I the remaining part in such studies or exercises as might
not only have been delightful at present, but in process of
time advantageous to me, I employed myself wholly in
following the court, in walking the town, in superfluous visits,
in keeping company, and what is worse in drinking and such-
like idle and foolish divertisements of youth. I do not pretend
to so much reservedness or zeal as wholly to condemn these
pastimes, which used with moderation are in themselves
innocent enough ; I reprehend in myself the excessive use of

' Cf. Ormsby's edition of Don Quixote, ii. 10, 23. Cf. Garay, Carta 4,
Portuguese, Dirte he que manhas has.

i690

STEVENS'S REGIMENT

107

them, and that I was so wholly devoted to them as that they
seemed to be my sole business during my stay in Dublin. All
things that have a face of moderation seem to bear a show
of virtue according to the received maxim, In medio consistit
virtus, and all extremes though in things that seem innocent
are vicious, since the Scripture tells us, Eccles. vii. 17, Noli
esse iustus multum: neque plus sapias quam necesse est, ne
obstupescas. I wish my future life may carry such a tem-
perature (since I cannot so much as aim at the perfection of
a Christian life) that profitable studies may be the slackening
of my cares, and innocent pleasures the divertisement from
study, that I may be happy in that true mixture mentioned
by the poet, Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci} 1690

Monday, May the 19th, 1690 : the Lord Grand Prior's
Regiment,^ having the day before received what clothes, and

' Horace, Ars Poetica 343.

" The Lord Grand Prior's Regiment was one of infantry. It was com-
manded by Colonel Henry Fitz- James. The lieutenant-colonels were
Thomas Corbet and Edward Nugent. The major was one Porter. As
this was Stevens's regiment the list of all the other officers is given.

Captains
Walter ' Tirrell '
Hugh McMahon
John Sutton
Christopher Sherlock
John Wogan
Alexander Knightley
John Pan ton
William Moore
Le Sieur Corridore
Thomas Justie
Patrick Kendelan
George Corridons,

Grenadier
Lieut.-Col. Clonshinge

Ignatius Usher

— Savage

— Rourke

— Talbot

— Mac Swyny

— Mac Gowran

— Walsh

— O'Brien

— Dempsey

Lieutenants
James ' Barnwell '
John Stevens

— Catalier
Garrett Plunkett
Christopher Bellew
Charles Deguent
Bartholomew White

— King

— Neale
John Heme
Claudius Beauregard
Walter Grace
Walter Usher

— Dobin

— Rourke

— Mortimer

— Mac Swyny

Keating

Ensigns
Phill Mownson
Bartholomew Read
Daniel O'Daniel

— Tyrrell

— Morgone
Matthew Wale
Francis Borre

— Wolverston

Blaghan Kendelan

Edward Rigney

Oliver Grace

— Muschy

— Rourke

— Conway

— Doherty

— Neale

— O'Brien

— Dunn

Rev. — Neale, Chaplain
— Kennedy, Surgeon
There were thirteen companies and 754 men (Brit. Mus. list).

Avaux

io8 THE JOURNAL 1690

arms they wanted, was drawn up in Oxmantown Green,^
where it was first viewed by the king, and then marched away

f. 74 a towards the north. This night | we encamped about half
a mile beyond Swords, which is six miles from Dublin. The
town of Swords is but mean and has nothing in it remarkable
but the ruins of an ancient great church, where I suppose was
also formerly a considerable monastery ; about the town also
is as much as can preserve the memory of its having been
walled. It being the first night, and I, as yet somewhat
unprovided to lie in the field, ventured with leave to go about
two miles from the regiment to a place called Saucerstown,
a village consisting of only a few scattered cottages, where
I found one tolerable, and in it good quarters.

Tuesday the 20th : about five of the clock in the morning
I returned to the regiment and found them ready to march.
It was ordered that neither officer nor soldier should quit the
ranks which was no small fatigue, the weather being hot and
the road excessive dusty to that degree that we were almost
stifled and blinded, and so covered with dust that we scarce
knew ourselves, all which fell most grievously upon such as
marched afoot, whereof I was one. From Swords to Ballough
is four miles, thence to Balrothery two, both of them poor
villages, these last two miles of the longest I have seen. Hence
to Gormanstown three miles, not worthy the name of a town,
but at best only a tolerable village, most remarkable for
giving title to a lord, who has a good house in the place, but

f. 74 b poorly provided at that time, as some of our officers | found
by experience, who went to it only to get any sort of drink,
there being then none to be had for money. Here we made
a halt for about two hours, but found no refreshment, but
what we brought with us unless the cool air and grass. Hence

gives 200 men. Cf. Jacobite Narrative, 229. There there are recorded no
less than nineteen officers d la suite. Cf. Avaux to Louvois, September 5,
September 20 ; Avaux to Croissy, November 24 ; Avaux to Louvois,
November 26 ; Avaux to Louis, February 11, 1690. According to M. d'Es-
cot's report of August 29, 1689, there were 200 men at Drogheda and of
these 120 were armed.

' Oxmantown Green was then on the skirts of Dublin and troops were
often paraded there. The Green was also used for playing bowls and
kettlepins.

1690 THE IMPORTANCE OF DROGHEDA 109

we marched two miles farther to Jenkinstown Bridge, where
we drew up in a large field in order to pitch our tents, but
before the ground was marked out orders came to march to
Drogheda, three miles from this place, and we were quartered
in the city, where we found one battalion of His Majesty's
Foot Guards, the Earl of Tyrone's Regiment of Foot,^ and
100 of the Life Guards.^ All the country between this
city and Dublin is very pleasant, and a good soil, having
great store of corn some good pasture, the road in summer
very good, but in winter extreme deep unless helped by an
old broken causeway full of holes. Drogheda is the capital of
the county of Louth, and according to the ancient division of
Ireland, the first and chief of the whole province of Ulster,
which in ancient times comprehended the whole county of
Louth, and was divided from Leinster by the river Boyne, but
in a later division the said county of Louth is added to the
province of Leinster. The Boyne divides the city, the principal
part whereof as is before said stands in the county of Louth,
the remainder on the south side of the river in the county of
Meath, most part whereof is demolished ever since Cromwell
besieged it, he having made his breach on the south-east side,
where he also ruined an ancient church. On this side also is
the mount, not so large | as capable of being made strong, f. 75 a
and has the full command of the whole city. Both parts are
joined by a wooden bridge, as high as which close to the quays
ships of considerable burden have water enough, but the river
though deep is narrow. About the year 1685, when first I saw
this city it was in a flourishing condition, well inhabited and

'■ The Earl of Tyrone's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, sixteen captains, seventeen lieutenants, fourteen ensigns, chaplain,
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 874 men (Brit. Mus. list).
Avaux gives 400 men. It suffered severely at the battle of the Boyne.

In 1673 Richard Power, the lineal male representative of the Lords of
Curraghmore, was created Viscount Decies and Earl of Tyrone. In i68i
he was suspected of being concerned in the Popish Plot {Memoirs of Ireland,
1716, p. 34), but in 1687 he received a pension of ;£300 per annum. He sat
in the Parliament of 1689, and in September 1690 negotiated with Churchill
for the surrender of Cork. In January 1691 he was thrown into the Tower
and died shortly after : he was a man of no principle.

' The Guards had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, three majors, sixteen
captains, twenty lieutenants, and nineteen ensigns. There were three
officers d la suite {Jacobite Narrative, 216-17).

HO THE JOURNAL 1690

had a considerable trade at sea. Since this rebellion it is
totally ruined, its trade lost, most of the inhabitants fled, and
the buildings ready to fall to the ground. We continued here
in quarters till

Saturday the 24th : a detachment of His Majesty's Horse
Guards, then two battalions of the foot guards, then the Lord
Grand Prior's Regiment, and, to close up the rear, a troop of the
Lord Dungan's Dragoons ; in this manner we marched about
three or four miles to Mellif ont, as to the village very inconsider-
able. But what makes the place anything known is a large but
now much decayed house in a bottom enclosed with wooded
hills and a very fair park, all of the estate of the infamous Earl
of Drogheda, infamous both as a rebel and notorious coward.^
On a ridge of hills to the northward of this place we encamped
the horse and foot guards on the left, it being next to the
general's quarters, the Grand Prior and two troops of Colonel
Sutherland's Horse ^ on the right, leaving in the centre a large
interval for other regiments to encamp.

' Henry, the third Earl of Drogheda, assumed the surname of Hamilton
as heir to the Earl of Clanbrassil. In the reign of Charles II he was a cornet
of horse; in 1679 he was made Custos Rotulorum of the counties of Louth
and Meath, in 1684 a member of the Privy Council, and in 1686 Custos
Rotulorum of Meath and Queen's County. In 1689 he was attainted by
the Irish Parliament and had his estate sequestrated. William appointed
him and the Earl of Roscommon colonels to raise men. At the capture
of Carrickfergus he commanded a regiment of foot and with his men was
present at the battle of the Boyne. When proceeding to the first siege
of Limerick he led the advance guard and drove the enemy under the
walls. On the 27th of August, 1690, at the assault, his grenadiers entered
the breach, and were actually in the town, but the regiments appointed to
second them, having no orders to proceed farther than the counterscarp,
stopped there. That year he was sworn a member of the Privy Council
and he signed the proclamation forbidding any trade to be carried on
with France or any correspondence to be held with Louis or his subjects.
He sat in the Parliament of 1692 and was a commissioner of the forfeited
estates. In 1675 he married Mary, second daughter of Sir John Cole.

' Colonel Hugh Sutherland's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, major, four captains, six lieutenants, six comets, six quarter-
masters, and an adjutant. There were six companies and 184 men (Brit.
Mus. list). Avaux gives 135 men.

Colonel Hugh Sutherland was, during the siege of Derry, dispatched
with two regiments of infantry, one of dragoons, and two troops of horse,
to ' straiten ' Enniskillen in the direction of Belturbet. He was to co-
operate with Sarsfield. But when he arrived at Belturbet, Rosen, then at
Derry, ordered him to proceed to Omagh to protect the Irish blockading
army in that neighbourhood. Berwick joined him at Omagh and they

I690 THE FOUL WEATHER iii

Sunday the 25th : Colonel M'EUicott's Regiment encamped
on the left of us.^ They marched in about 550 strong, besides
officers and sergeants, very well armed and clothed. (

Monday the 26th : in the morning the Earl of Tyrone's f. 75 b
Regiment joined us, and encamped on the right of the guards,
about 500 and odd strong. Soon after them came up Colonel
Parker's Regiment of Horse, consisting of eight troops in all,
300 men complete ; they marched through, and took their
ground about a quarter of a mile from the head of our line.
A troop of the Lord Dungan's Dragoons marched in with this
last regiment, but neither these nor those before mentioned
encamped with us. These two days we had very foul weather,
towards evening it cleared a little.

Tuesday the 27th : though the weather was extreme foul
with a continual violent rain all the foot were drawn out and
kept at arms all day only to satisfy the impertinent curiosity
of some ladies, who appeared in a coach towards evening, and
whom we were commanded to receive with the same respects
as are used to be paid to the king, though there were few there
who did not curse them in their hearts and even some with
loud voices. For although we were obhged to obey our

■ cut ofi several of their sentries, and pushed a great many of the rebels'
party with such vigour as they beat with thirty dragoons three troops of
horse of theirs, which were drawn up at a distance from us ' (E. 2, 19,
T.C.D.). He fought and was wounded at the Boyne, where his men
suffered little ' having to do only with the enemy's horse, which he soon
repulsed ' (Clarke, ii. 400).

' Colonel Roger M'EUicott's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, eleven captains, thirteen lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. There
were thirteen companies and 793 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives
450 men.

Colonel Roger M'Ellicott was a member for Ardfert in the Parliament
of 1689. On May 6, 1689, Avaux wrote to Seignelay : ' En attendant,
Monsieur, que j'aye I'honneur de faire scavoir celuy que j'auray choisy,
vous pouvez ordonner aux maistres des bastimens qui porteront des lettres,
de les donner a M. Mac Elligott, gouverneur de Kinsale, c'est un fort hon-
neste homme de mes amis, et qui me les fera tenir fort ponctuellement.'
M'Ellicott was Governor of Cork when Churchill besieged it in September,
1690. According to James the Governor ' showed more courage than
prudence, in refusing the good conditions which were offered him at first '.
Berwick had so little thought of its sustaining a siege that he ordered
M'Ellicott to burn the town, and retire with his garrison into Kerry. At the
end of five days he was obliged to surrender, and was imprisoned in the
Tower of London. In June 1694 he was exchanged and went to France,
where Louis appointed him colonel of the regiment of Clancarty.

112 THE JOURNAL 1690

superiors, who, as may appear by the course of our misfortunes,
were generally better courtiers than soldiers, yet we could not
but resent being fatigued a whole day at arras when the rain
ran through our clothes the most part of the time as if we had
been kept standing in a river up to the neck, and had no
retreat but our poor tents, nothing of the king's service or
martial discipline requiring this hardship to be imposed on
us, but rather the drawing out of so many battalions
of armed men in such unseasonable weather was to surprise
the fortress of those (I doubt not overwell fortified) ladies'
hearts. This night we received orders for marching the next
morning. |
f. 76 a Wednesday the 28th : the general beat at three, all the line
was at arms at four, and began at five to march off from the
left. First the horse guards, then two troops of Colonel
Sutherland's, next the two battalions of foot guards and other
regiments successively, and lastly the Lord Grand Prior's ;,
after them followed the ammunition and baggage and Colonel
Parker's Horse, which doubtless was designed to close the rear,
but on the sudden without much order they marched off
and left us. The country here is very open, the first mile and
half a broad road between cornfields, then a common above
a mile over very thick of fern, thence to Ardee about four
miles. We marched through three miles farther and encamped
at night between Stormanstown and Cookstown, both little
more than the ruins of two gentlemen's houses. The line was
extended near a mile in length, the guards taking the right,
the Lord Grand Prior the left, the rest in the centre being in
all but six battalions, leaving intervals for such battalions as
were designed to fill up the line. The horse guards held the
right and Colonel Parker's Horse the left, the Lord Dungan's
Dragoons on the right of the guards. The line lay along the
side of a pleasant hill, all the fields about full of grass, but
very little corn.

Thursday the 29th : joined us eight complete troops of
Quarter-Master General Maxwell's Regiment of Dragoons,
being 400 men well armed and mounted. They encamped
on the left of Parker's Horse.

i69o SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS 113

Friday the 30th : the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of Foot ^
encamped on the right next the Grand Prior's, their muster-
rolls and computation amounted to near 800, but after a dili-
gent search.and inquiry I could not find above 550 private men.

Saturday the 31st : in the morning two women were |
hanged as spies by order of Major-General L6ry,^ the com- f. 76 b
mander-in-chief. In the afternoon the Earl of Westmeath's
Regiment * about 550 strong encamped on the right of Antrim.
These two days' provisions of all sorts were very scarce and

' The Earl of Antrim's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, eleven captains, fourteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, and one
officer d la suite. There were 549 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 634.
This is the only case where the French estimate exceeds the English.

Alexander Macdonnell was third Earl of Antrim and succeeded his
brother in 1683. He took part in the rebellion of 164 1. At the Restoration
he represented Wigan at intervals from 1660 to 1683, and he attended the
Irish Parliament of 1689. Tjrconnel ordered him to occupy Derry, but
the citizens refused to admit his regiment of Roman Catholics. He re-
covered his very large estates, valued at ;^5,ooo a year, by the articles of
Limerick, but died in 1696 before his outlawry was reversed.

' Lery, Marquis de Girardin, came with Rosen as Brigadier of cavalry.
Under Lauzun he was appointed second in command with the rank of
Lieut.-General, for he was a fine cavalry leader. He thought the battle
of the Boyne was lost because the road north of Bundalk was not held
by James (Klopp, v. 143). ' The enemy,' writes Berwick, ' by a short
march towards his right by way of Armagh could have reached the plain
south of Dundalk. Therefore it was resolved to give up Duudalk, to
retreat and to take up a firm position on the right bank of the Boyne.' In
other words, the Jacobites gave up a strong position without a battle
in order to retire to a weaker one. Cf. Schomberg, July 4, in the
K. K. Archives : ' Nous aurons le dimanche pour faire nos dispositions,
en cas que les ennemis nous attendent k Drogheda, comme ils font
courir le bruit ; mais je ne croys pas qu'ils nous attendent k la rivifire de
Boyne, ayant quitte le poste le plus advantageux et qui estoit impossible
pour nous de passer.' (Cf. Hoffmann's report, July 11 ; Burnet, iii. 52-3 ;
Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, fols. 34, 47 ; Macariae Excidium, 343-6.)
After July i, 1690, L6ry returned to France. There are references to
Lery in the Avaux Correspondence : Avaux to Louis, April 23, May 6,
1689 ; Avaux to Louvois, May 6, May 14, August 14, August 18 ; Avaux
to Croissy, August 30 ; Avaux to Louvois, January 26, 1690.

' The Earl of Westmeath's Regiment, formerly Colonel Francis Toole's,
had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, five lieutenants,
four ensigns, chaplain, surgeon, and one captain d la suite. There were
fifteen companies and 814 men (Avaux).

Thomas Nugent, fourth Earl of Westmeath (1656-1752), married when
about sixteen years of age. After this he followed the usual custom of those
days and went abroad on the grand tour, and when he returned he was
given command of a regiment of infantry. In 1689 James raised him to
the peerage, although he was under age and his elder brother Richard was
still alive. His name is intimately connected with the sieges of Limerick.

1218 I

114 THE JOURNAL 1690

dear ; the badness of the weather contributing much thereto,
by reason the country about us was bare, and all necessaries
brought far, which was difficult to the poor people in bad
weather.

Sunday the ist of June : nothing of note.

Monday the 2nd : a party of horse and dragoons sent out
returned at night, having marched about nine miles and scarce
seen any human creature but an old woman dying for want
in the church at Carrickmacross, and two men on the road by
whom they understood there was no body of the enemy near.

Friday the 6th : the Earl of Louth's Regiment ^ came up

Tjrrconnel tried to procure the condemnation of Simon Luttrell for having
allowed the British troops to turn a. bridge over the Shannon, but Lord
Westmeath warmly pleaded his cause on the ground that Brigadier Clifiofd
was in charge of the bridge and Luttrell was in Limerick Castle at the time.
Lord Westmeath succeeded his brother in 17 14.

' Lord Louth's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, no major,
twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. There were
thirteen companies and 603 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men.
On April 6, 1689, Pusignan wrote from Dungannon to Avaux and referred
to this regiment. This letter gives much information on the position of
affairs : ' L'on ne m'a tenu parole sur rien de tout ce qu'on m'avoit promis,
pas mesme sur I'establissement de chevaux de poste que j'avois demand^
si souvent, il faut que je fasse partir cet officier en arrivant icy pour rendre
compte que de neuf pieces de canon qu'il y a 4 Charlemont tant bonnes
que mauvaises, il n'y a pas un affus pour les mener en campagne, et que
pour en faire faire deux par les ouvriers que j'ay amenez de Dublin en
attendant ceux de Pointis, ils me demandent douze jours, encore ne sayje
s'ils feront bien, ne pouvant y estre pour les faire travailler, ny M. Doe non
plus qui n'est pas sans besogne pour son fait, comme moy pour le mien,
car il n'y a pas seulement des fours en ce pays, c'est k dire icy et k Charle-
mont, mais l'on luy fait esperer qu'il ne manquera pas de bled, nous en
avons desja assez considerablement, mais pour ce qui est des munitions de
guerre je n'en ay trouv6 nulle part sur ma route, ny mesme n'y en a-t-il
point k plus de vingt milles 4 la ronde ; il n'y a a Charlemont, que vingt
boulets pour une piece de canon d'environ quatorze a quinze livres de bale,
et six d'environ sept qui est le calibre des autres. Vous voyez bien. Mon-
sieur, que cela ne vaut pas la peine de mener du canon en campagne,
cependant mes charons travaillent aux deux affus que je leur ay commande.
Ayez la bont§ de penser a moy, les gens de M. de Pointis, me feroient le
plus grand plaisir du monde si vous pouviez me les envoyer, et des affus de
canon s'il s'en trouvoit de faits, afin de gagner du temps. ... J 'ay veu les
regimens de Bellew, de Gormeston et de Louths qui n'ont pas une espSe, et
fort peu de mousquets, les compagnies sent plus fortes en piques qu'en
mousquets dont tres peu seront en estat de tirer ; enfin je ne saurois assez
vous exagerer tout ce qu'il manque en ce pays, depuis deux jours je n'ay
mang6 que de tres mauvais beure sur du pain d'avoine, car tout men petit
faix est demeurfe derriere, vostre surtout est rompu deux fois par la piece
principale qui est I'essieu, et tons ces gens cy ne savent ce que c'est que de
manger quelque chose de nostre goust, et encore moins de I'offrir.'

I690 CHANGE IN WEATHER 115

to us and encamped on the right of Sir Michael Creagh. The
same night His Majesty's second troop of guards joined the
detachments that were with us before. The three foregoing
days nothing of note happening are therefore omitted, as also
the following being the 7th.

Sunday the 8th : a party of horse and dragoons under the
command of Brigadier Maxwell returned, having been within
two or three miles of Armagh, and hardly seen any living
creature all the way. Four deserters came to us from the
enemy.

Monday the 9th : four troops of Brigadier Maxwell's
dragoons that were behind joined the regiment, making up
twelve complete troops and near 600 men well accoutred and
disciplined.

Tuesday the loth : the camp was alarmed by a report of
some body of the enemy being seen between us and Dundalk.
The horse and dragoon pickets mounted, horses were taken
from grass, and some parties | went out, but it proved a very f. n a
groundless alarm.

Wednesday the nth : two of Sir Michael Creagh's men,^
being taken six or seven miles from the camp, were shot as
deserters. The weather till now having continued very cold,
wet, and raw, became on a sudden extreme hot.

Thursday, Friday, and Saturday nothing of note but that
this last day being appointed a general muster ; there being
but one commissary of the foot only the two battalions of
guards mustered.

Sunday the 15th all the other foot regiments mustered
beginning from the right. The Earl of Clare's Regiment of
Foot joined the army.

Tuesday the 17th : the general beat between two and three
o'clock in the morning, about an hour after, the troop, with
orders to decamp, the army marched off from the right
towards Dundalk. First to Tallantstown Bridge near which

' Sir Michael Creagh's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
twelve captains, eighteen lieutenants, and thirteen ensigns. On the list
of the staff were the chaplain, adjutant, quarter-master, and surgeon.
There were 633 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 547 men. According
to a French report, for one good musket ten were bad.

12

ii6 THE JOURNAL 1690

stands a house of the Lord Louth's, not at all considerable
though once a garrison of ours, it being half thatched. Thence
cross the ground we had encamped on the year before, where
we found standing the entrenchments we had then made. We
passed through Louth, a very poor inconsiderable village,
without so much as the remains of any former grandeur, which
in many parts of Ireland is to be seen in the considerable ruins
that are about small places. From this poor hole does this
county, esteemed one of the best in Ireland, take name. This
day's march was ten miles, the country very pleasant and
a rich soil, but most lying waste since this rebellion broke out
into open war. It is generally hilly without any large plain,
not much enclosed or rather most enclosures thrown down
f. 77 b these times, [ and there being no stocks of cattle to eat it up
the fields were plentifully stored with grass. Our head-
quarters were at Castle Bellew, a house of the lord of the
same name^ and colonel in His Majesty's army, about a mile
from Dundalk. The army encamped on the side of a hill on
the left of the head-quarters, facing towards Newry. The
town of Dundalk, as was said before, within a mile of the
right, the river at a considerable distance before us. The day
proved excessive hot and the march long, for these are not
like the ordinary miles of England. But what was most tire-
some was our regiment's bringing up the rear, which is often
forced to run when the van walks at ease, and is often made
more uneasy through the indiscretion of commanding ofl&cers,
especially when they take not good measures in marching
through defiles. Upon all halts the rear is marching up while
the front rests, so that they have scarce a breathing before the
drum beats to march ; unless general officers will be so kind
to their men, where no danger is near, as to let them halt in

• James raised John Bellew to the peerage and appointed him a Privy-
Councillor and Lord-Lieutenant of County Louth. At Aughrim he was
captured and so severely wounded that he died in January 1692. Colonel
Charles O' Kelly, the author of Macariae Excidium, had a son Denis, who
married Lady Mary Bellew, a daughter of one of Queen Mary's maids
of honour, and neglected her when he had spent her fortune. One of the
daughters of Denis — ' Miss Kelly a very pretty girl — and the beaux
showed their good taste by liking her ' — was a correspondent of Dean
Swift, and Sir Walter Scott mentions her.

i«9o A FALSE ALARM 117

columns as they march, and not oblige them still to draw up
in a line.

Wednesday the i8th : the Duke of Tyrconnel's and Lord
Galmoy's^ Regiments of Horse came into the field, and
encamped, the first on the right, the other on the left of the
first line.

Thursday the 19th : the general beat at three, all the foot
were at arms between five and six. About an hour after,
the Earls of Westmeath and Antrim's Regiments marched
and took the left of the Lord Grand Prior's, then the three
regiments marched about half a mile towards Newry road,
where we halted in the fields, and heard mass after which was
an alarm. All the horse and dragoons mounted, the | foot f. 78 a
guards had before marched down and were posted at a dis-
tance on the right, now the horse and dragoons advanced.
Several parties were sent out to the Four-mile Bridge, but it
proving a false alarm, the horse and dragoons soon returned
to the camp, but the foot continued at arms in the fields till
nine o'clock at night.

Friday the 20th : the French and other regiments coming
up, the whole army decamped, the first line pitching their
tents on the top of the hill, which before were not so
regular along the sides of it, and stretched out the line
a considerable space on the left. The second line also
moved, several regiments being removed from the first into
the second.

Saturday the 21st : a strong detachment of firelocks was
sent out to a castle on the Newry road. At night 200 chosen
men out of five regiments, being 40 of each, were sent to lie

" Lord Galmoy's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, a first and second
lieutenant-colonel, major, eight captains, eleven cornets, eleven quarter-
masters, adjutant, surgeon, chaplain, with two barrack-masters and four
French captains and five lieutenants d la suite. The first lieutenant-
colonel was Laurence Dempsey whom Stevens mentions. Denis O'Kelly,
son and heir of Colonel Charles O'Kelly, of Screen, County Galway,
the author of Macariae Excidium, was a captain in it. There were eight
companies and 338 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 250 men. The
Jacobite Narrative gives ' Estat d^s troupes du roy d'Angleterre en Irlande,
1689', pp. 201-41 : the numbers simply are those of the British Museum
list (Add. 9763). In all cases more officers d la suite are given : thus in
this regiment eleven are enumerated. Cf . Avaux to Louvois, September 20.

ii8 THE JOURNAL 1690

upon Newry road upon intelligence of some party of the
enemy advancing.

Sunday the 22nd : a party of horse under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Dempsey/ advancing towards Newry, fell
into a body of the enemy and, being overpowered, retreated ;
till coming to the above said detachment of 200 foot under
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel FitzGerald * and finding
them receive the enemy vigorously, they rallied. The rebels
made no great resistance, our foot firing hotly, but fled towards
Newry, the horse pursuing them a considerable space. Of the
rebels above sixty were killed, of ours a few wounded and
fewer killed, among which was Lieutenant-Colonel Laurence
f. 78 b Dempsey, shot through the | shoulder whereof he died. I was
not present at this action but had the account from some who
were. This day was taken one who received pay as sergeant
in our regiment, deserting to the enemy and hanged at the
head of the battalion. Three others who together with the
former, being all Scotchmen, had served in Dumbarton's
Regiment ' and made their escape from Flanders into France

' Lieut.-Colonel Laurence Dempsey was first lieutenant-colonel in
Lord Galmoy's Horse. He belonged to an old family of King's and
Queen's Counties. On June 22, 1690, James gained success in a
skirmish. ' It being observed,' writes Clarke, ' that every night the
latter (i.e. William) sent a psirty to a pass called the Half-way Bridge, to
press a guard of Horse and Dragoons, which King James had there,
between Dundalk and Newry, this king ordered out a party of horse
and foot, under the command of Colonel Dempsey and Lieut.-Colonel
FitzGerald, to lie in ambuscade, and if possible to surprise them ; which was
performed with such success, that the enemy's force of 200 foot and 60
dragoons fell into it at break of day, and were most of them cut off ; the
four captains that commanded and most of the subalterns being either
killed or taken prisoners, with the loss of a few common men. On the
king's side, only Colonel Dempsey himself was wounded ; but he died in
two or three days after."

* Sir John FitzGerald's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, eleven ensigns, and a surgeon.
There were 638 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 193 men.

Colonel Sir John FitzGerald had been suspected at the time of the Popish
Plot, and in 1680 he was arrested and conveyed to England. James
appointed him lieutenant-colonel of the infantry regiment of Colonel
Justin Macarthy, Lord Mountcashel, and in 1689 colonel of another
infantry regiment. He served at the siege of Derry and for a time he
held Ginkell in check while advancing to Athlone. After 1691 he went
to France and perished at Oudenarde.

' Lord Dumbarton had commanded a regiment in the English army,
and he brought to Saint-Germain a hundred Irish soldiers from a disbanded

1690 DISORDERLY RETREAT 119

and thence sent over to us, went away to the rebels, which
caused a reasonable suspicion that they and some of the same
stamp that were among us came over as spies rather than to
serve.

Monday the 23rd : the whole army prepared to march early
in the morning, and moved about noon. Men were detached
from each regiment to receive salt meat and bread at the
stores at Dundalk, but it being known the king designed to
abandon that place, the soldiers in a disorderly manner fell
to plundering the stores, which caused no small confusion,
every one there laying hold of what he could, and running
a several way. We marched back about nine miles in such
manner as looked more like a flight than deliberate retreat,
and encamped on the north side of Ardee.

Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday nothing of note hap-
pened, but we continued in the same place and spent the two
last days in exercise, and teaching the men to fire, which
many of them had never been accustomed to before. |

Friday the 27th : we decamped and leaving Ardee on the f. 79 a
right marched about five miles and encamped. This place
fared no better than Dundalk, being plundered by our own
men and left almost desolate. Before the Rebellion it was an
indifferent good town, but most of the inhabitants fied from
their homes and allegiance, and the rest either dead or left
worth nothing. Here we understood the enemy'was advancing.

Saturday the 28th : we marched again about five miles and
encamped within three of Drogheda, near a small village,
along cornfields, gardens, and meadows, the river Boyne in
the rear. This night no word was given, but about midnight
in great hurry ammunition delivered out, then orders to take
down all tents and send away the baggage. This done the
whole army drew out without beat of drum and stood at their
arms the whole night, expecting the approach of the enemy.

Sunday the 29th : about break of day no enemy appearing,
the army began to march in two columns, the one through

corps. He commanded two regiments of Irish Roman Catholics, one of foot
and one of horse, and a third one of Irish dragoons, but his discipline was
lax. His troops came with the fleet of the Count of Chateau-Renault.

120 THE JOURNAL 1690

Drogheda, the other over the river at Oldbridge, and encamped
again in two lines in very good order on the south side of the
Boyne, between two and three miles from Drogheda, the river
running along the whole front; the design being to make
good the passes of it against the enemy, who were too strong
to be engaged in plain field till we were reinforced or they
f. 79 b obliged to fight at disadvantage, | it being very easy to keep
the passes of the river, and the rebels being in some distress
for want of provisions. But no human policies are sufficient to
stop the course of fate.^

Monday the 30th : early in the morning the enemy appeared
on the tops of the hills beyond the river, some of the poor
country people flying before them. They marched down
and spread themselves along the sides of the hills where
they encamped, but so as we could not discover them all,
a great part being covered by the higher grounds. Part of our
cannon was carried down and planted on the pass or ford,
which from thence played upon some regiments of theirs, and
did some but not considerable execution. After noon they
began to play upon us with their cannon and some mortars,
but no considerable damage was received on either side.

Tuesday the ist of July : very early the tents were thrown
down, the baggage sent away, but the soldiers ordered to
carry their tents, some of which were afterwards together
with their snapsacks laid in heaps in the fields with some

' James and Lauzun had chosen their position well. A deep river lay
in front, beyond the river stretched a morass, and beyond it again
rising ground, high and steep. The enemy could not see how many regi-
ments lay hidden in the dips of the ground. Breastworks had been erected
along the edge of the river ; these and the fences of the field afforded
shelter for the defending force. Even if the Williamites succeeded in
fording the river, the successive rises in the ground gave many opportunities
for making fresh stands. The stone house at Oldbridge had been en-
trenched and loopholed ; the rest of the village also had been entrenched
and was held by foot and Tyrconnel's Dragoons. The Irish army possessed,
therefore, a fine front and a sure retreat through Duleek. Note that
James concerned himself with the defensive, not with the offensive. The
authorities for the battle — Kane, MuUenaux, Richardson, Parker, Story,
and the author of Wars in Ireland — were all at Oldbridge, and hence they
give detailed accounts of events there. This means that little attention is
bestowed upon the right wing and the English regiments. Clarke Corre-
spondence, T.C.D., July 20, vol. i, f. 55, W. Blathwayt. Stevens was not
at Oldbridge : he was at Duleek.

I690 THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE 121

few sentinels, the rest thrown about as they marched, but in
conclusion, as the fortune of the day was, all lost. We had this
morning received advice that the enemy marching by night
had beaten off a regiment of our dragoons that guarded the
bridge of Slane and possessed themselves of it, and now we
saw them marching off from their right towards it. We on
the other side marched from the left, the river being between
both : for a considerable space we marched under the enemy's |
cannon, which they played furiously without any intermission, f. 80 a
yet did but little execution. We continued marching along
the river till coming in sight of the enemy who had passed it
and were drawing up, we marched off to the left as well to
leave ground for them that followed to draw up, as to extend
our line equal with theirs, and finding them still stretching out
towards their right we held on our march to the left. Being
thus in expectation of advancing to engage, news was brought
us that the enemy, having endeavoured to gain the pass we
had left behind, were repulsed with considerable loss on both
sides, the Lord Dungan, a colonel of dragoons, and many brave
men of ours being killed. This latter part was true, the
former so far from it that they gained the ford, having done
much execution on some of our foot that at first opposed them
and quite broke such of our horse as came to rescue the foot,
in which action the horse guards and Colonel Parker's Regi-
ment of Horse behaved themselves with unspeakable bravery,^
but not being seconded and overpowered by the enemy after

' The Irish horse, under the spirited Parker, charged fiercely through the
Williamite French soldiers — who had no pikes to receive cavalry — and
Ruviguy's son, Caillemotte, fell mortally wounded. Schomberg sprang
forward to take the place of the fallen officer, but a bullet in the neck laid
the old commander low. The behaviour of the Irish horse here and at
Platiu House merits a comparison with the devotion of the Austrian
cavalry at Koniggratz. Parker's and Tyrconnel's troops suffered the
severest losses. ' Nous ne laissames pas de charger et recharger dix fois,'
writes the Duke of Berwick, and Zurlauben bears similar testimony. This
great half-hour's struggle saved James's army from complete destruction.
The defeat could not be turned into a rout, which might have ended the
war at a single blow. Had the Irish foot shown the same determination
as the cavalry the issue of the day might have been different. Though
there was no complete rout, and their gallant cavalry had given them time
to make fresh dispositions, the infantry could not be rallied in the hedge-
rows at Donore, but retreated in much disorder to Duleek. It is worthy
of note that to July 1690 Stevens devotes most space.

122 THE JOURNAL 1690

having done what men could do they were forced to save

their remains by flight, which proved fatal to the foot. For

the horse in general, taking their flight towards the left, broke

the whole line of the foot, riding over all our battalions. The

Lord Grand Prior's wherein I served was then in Duleek Lane,

enclosed with high banks, marching ten in rank. The horse

came on so unexpected and with such speed, some firing their

pistols, that we had no time to receive or shun them, but all

supposing them to be the enemy (as indeed they were no

f. 80 b better to us) took to their heels, no officer being | able to stop

the men even after they were broken, and the horse past,

though at the same time no enemy was near us or them that

fled in such haste to our destruction. This I can afiirm, having

stayed in the rear till all the horse were past, and looking

about I wondered what madness possessed our men to run

so violently nobody pursuing them. What few men I could

see I called to, no commands being of force, begging them to

stand together and repair to their colours, the danger being

in dispersing ; but all in vain, some throwing away their arms,

others even their coats and shoes to run the lighter. The

first cause I had to suspect the rout at the ford was that the

Duke of Berwick,'- whose command was with the horse, came

to us and discovering a party of horse at a distance, thinking

they were the enemy, commanded our musketeers to line the

side of the bank over which they appeared, till finding they

were our own men we continued our march. This first made

' The Duke of Berwick (1670-1734) was the eldest son of Arabella
Churchill, sister of the Duke of Marlborough, and James II. His youth
accounts for his weak government at Limerick. He was a cautious general
of the type of Turenne and Moreau whose genius shone in sieges and
defensive operations. Montesquieu in the iloge prefixed to his Memoirs
compares him to Turenne. ' Tons deux ils avoient laiss6 des desseins,' he
writes, ' interrompus, tous les deux une arm^e en peril ; tons les deux
finirent d'une mort qui intSresse plus que les morts communes ; tous les
deux avoient ce merite modeste pour lequel on aime i s'attendrir, et que
Ton aime ^ regretter.' Montesquieu also remarks, ' Telle fut I'etoile de
cette Maison de Churchill qu'il en sortit deux hommes, dont I'un, dans le
mgme temps, fut destine k ebranler, et I'autre i soutenir, les deux grandes
monarchies de I'Europe.' Avaux describes Berwick as ' a very brave man,
but a bad officer, and with no common sense '. In his Memoirs Berwick
states his belief that Aughrim would not have been a victory even if
St.-Ruth had lived, and he makes it clear that he was disgusted at the
endless divisions of the Irish parties (335).

1690 THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE 123

me apprehend all was not well, and was soon confirmed, hearing
it whispered among the field officers, but in conclusion what
I have before related put us all beyond | doubt. I shall not f. 81 a
presume to write all the particulars of this unfortunate day's
transactions, the confusion being such that few can pretend
to do it. I will therefore proceed to what followed as far as
I can assert for truth. I thought the calamity had not been
so general till viewing the hills about us I perceived them
covered with soldiers of several regiments, all scattered like
sheep flying before the wolf, but so thick they seemed to cover
the sides and tops of the hills. The shame of our regiment's
dishonour only afflicted me before ; but now all the horror of
a routed army, just before so vigorous and desirous of battle
and broke without scarce a stroke from the enemy, so per-
plexed my soul that I envied the few dead, and only grieved
I lived to be a spectator of so dismal and lamentable a tragedy.
Scarce a regiment was left but what was reduced to a very
inconsiderable number by this, if possible, more than panic
fear. Only the French can be said to have rallied, for only
they made head against the enemy, and a most honourable
retreat, bringing off their cannon, and marching in very good
order after sustaining the shock of the enemy, who thereupon
made a halt, not only to the honour of the French but the
preservation of the rest of the scattered army. Nor ought any
part of this glory to be attributed to the Count de Lauzun,
or La Hoguette,^ who at first left their men, but only to
the valour and conduct of M. Zurlauben, colonel of the Blue

'■ The Marquis de la Hoguette, an extremely brave general, accompanied
Lauzun as Martehal de Camp. After the battle of the Boyne he wrote
to Louvois on July 14 : ' je n'ay pas le temps de vous faire le destails de
desastre qui est arrive k I'armee du Roy d'Angleterre, lequel vient de me
dire tout presentement qu'il vouloit partir tout ct I'heure. J'aurai I'honneur
de vous en fecrire par la premifere occasion. Je vous diray seulement
que nous n'avons pas etS battu mais que les ennemies ont chass6 devant
eux les troupes irlandaises comme les moutons, sans avoir essaye un seul
coup de mousquet. . . . J'espfere que le Roi ne d^sapprouvait de ma conduite.
. . . Sa Majeste sera toujours maitre de ma vie, mais non pas de m'envoyer
t la guerre avec de pareils generaux ' (vol. 960). In October he sent another
report of the battle from Galway from which it is evident that he was
amongst those driven before the enemy like sheep. Zurlauben reports that
' M. de Lauzun prit la partie de nous abandonner avec Messieurs de La
Hoguette, Famechon, Chamerade, et Merode '. At Passage Hoguette found

124 THE JOURNAL 1690

Regiment, who with unparalleled bravery headed and brought
off his men, whereas the other two fled and more especially

f. 81 b Hoguette was in such a | consternation that the next day
when he was above thirty miles from the enemy he caused
a bridge to be broken for fear of pursuit, though at the same
time the river was passable for foot both above and below the
said bridge, so great is the infatuation of a coward when no
danger is near but what his weak imagination suggests. The
Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, but a little before consisting
of 1,000 men including all officers, now gathered to about 400,
and the most part of those in such posture as promised rather
the repeating their late shame than the revenging of it on
their enemies. Some had lost their arms, others their coats,
others their hats and shoes, and generally every one carried
horror and consternation in his face. Many officers were not
exempt from having their part of the disgrace with the soldiers,
above half being missing when we endeavoured to rally, some
were not heard of till we met in Limerick, and some stayed in
Dublin till the coming of the enemy, who showed them no
other favour than to make them all prisoners. Of those who
appeared several had thrown away their leading staves, others
their pistols they were before observed to carry in their girdles,
and even some for lightness had left their swords behind them,
and I can affirm it as a truth being an eyewitness I saw an
ensign had cast off his hat, coat and shoes to make the better
use of his heels, which he also did the second time at Limerick
when the great assault was made the first siege. I could give
a hst of many of their names but that I think them too
infamous to fill up any place here, yet I have since seen
several of them and even that ensign above mentioned pre-

f. 82 a ferred and in esteem, when others have been put by | their
right for no other reason given but because they were wounded
in the service, and those men have carried themselves with
such insolence as if there had been no witnesses left of
their cowardice. This, as well for number as goodness of men,
was esteemed one of the best regiments of foot in the army,

a St. Malo privateer of twenty-eight guns, named the ' Lauzun ', and he
persuaded the captain to convey James to France on July 13. Louis sent
Hoguette to Savoy to succeed Saint- Ruth and he was killed at Marsaglia.

1690 THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE 125

and being such may sufficiently declare what became of the
rest. Brigadier Wauchope/ who commanded our brigade,
and whose greatest confidence was in our regiment, finding
them in no disposition for service, commanded to march up
the hill. I, being the eldest lieutenant then present, led the
second division of shot, and perceived, as we marched, the first
to open to the right and left and begin to disperse, whereupon
I commanded to close and keep their ranks, but they answered
they had none to lead them, the brigadier and colonel being
a little advanced to the top of the hill to view the enemy below,
and the captains on what pretence I know not having all
quitted their post. I soon reduced the men and for a while
marched at the head of them till some captains returning
I went back to my own post. What with the ill example of
the officers and what with the terror that had seized the whole
army, when we had reached the top of the hill in despite of all
commands or persuasions the men instantly slunk away, so
that within half an hour or little more we had scarce eighty
left together. We held on our march all day our men dis-
persing in such manner that we could hardly keep twenty
with the colours. The like small remains of many other
regiments bore us company. By the way some few of the
Lord Dungan's dragoons^ joined us, who were in no less

' John Wauchope as brigadier served at Derry, commanded at Cavan
in 1690, and was Governor of the Castle of Athlone when Ginkell captured
the town. After the second siege of Limerick he and Sarsfield settled the
terms of surrender to Ginkell. His friends and kinsmen, the Drummonds
and Lord Middleton, aided him in his career, and Berwick placed much
confidence in his judgeiment. With Sarsfield he used his persuasive power
in order to induce the Irish to enter the French service after 1691. While
heading his brigade he was killed at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693.

' Lord Dungan's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, major, twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, thirteen cornets,
twelve quarter-masters, and six officers reformis. There were twelve
companies and 539 men. Avaux gives 360 men. The lieutenant-colonel,
Francis Carroll, afterwards became full colonel of a distinct regiment of
dragoons. Richard Bellew, second son of Lord Bellew, who formed an
infantry regiment, was a captain in it. The CarroUs, like the Purcells, were
a family of fighting men. Four served in this regiment, and the name also
appears in Lord Galway's Regiment, in the Earl of Westmeath's, in Lord
Bellew's, Lord Gormanstown's, Charles Moore's, Sir Michael Creagh's,
Colonel Heward Oxburgh's, and in Lord Galmoy's Horse.

To Lord Dungan there are references in Clarendon's Correspondence

126 THE JOURNAL 1690

if. 82 b confusion than the foot. This day's flight was attended | with
all the fear and confusion that may be imagined in men sur-
rounded with the greatest of dangers, though ours through the
providence of God and valour of the French had none to
pursue or offend them. For the enemy finding the French
stand and some of our horse to make head never pursued their
victory or improved their advantage,^ which if they had done
a small party might have cut us off, so that none had been left
to make head again and but few of those present to lament
the misfortune of the day. Whether treason, cowardice, or ill
conduct had the greatest share in the shame and losses of this
day with many remains in dispute, nor can be decided by
me not being privy to the counsels nor in a post to see all

(i- 343. 566 ; ii. 24). In a letter to the king, March 27, Avaux refers to him :
' Le neveu de Mylord Tirconnel est un des Catholiques avec qui j'ay eu
quelque conference. Je scay qu'il en a estfe fort content, et qu'il souhaitte
fort de faire une estroite liaison entre Mylord Tirconnel et moy.' He sat
in Parliament in 1689 as a member for Naas, and on the tenth day of the
session James sent him with important dispatches to Derry (E. 2. 19,
T.C.D.). He was slain at the battle of the Boyne by one of the first
cannon shots (Clarke, ii. 399). On October 21 Avaux wrote to
Louvois : ' J'ay parle aussy au Roy, de Mylord Dungan, pour un des
colonels. C'est un jeune homme fort vif et plein de bonne volont6. II est
colonel des dragons, et fils de Mylord Limrick, et neveu de Dungan qui
a servy en France. Ce jeune homme meurt d'envie d'y aller. Je I'ay
demande au Roy, qui m'a repondu qu'il ne le vouloit pas, et que je voulois
prendre tons ses ofl&ciers.'

' The Irish had retired in fairly good order, and William did not know
the character of the regiments of militia James had raised in Dublin. {True
and Perfect Account of the Affairs in Ireland since his Majesty's Arrival
in that Kingdom. By a Person of Quality. 1690). Drogheda, too, remained
untaken. Moreover, William could not overlook the fact that his recruits
had not met the French veterans in the fight ; there they had encountered
the Irish. The soldiers were too tired to engage in active pursuit of the
enemy (Dalrymple, iii. 150). William himself was thoroughly wearied :
for thirty-five hours out of forty he had been in the saddle. His siege train
had not arrived. Above all, there was the vital consideration thatr^iis
commissariat was not with the army, and the land was so exhausted that
no resources could be derived from it. Story, 23, 89 ; Clarke, ii. 400 ;
Mtmoires du Marichal de Berwick, i. 70-2 ; Villare Hibernicum, 8 ; Burnet,
ii. 59, 64, says : — ' After James's army was broken up William was of the
opinion that the Irish would scatter and then surrender. A sharp pursuit
would have accordingly brought about only a useless defeat. And he always
had a horror of that.' Light to the Blind, 604, says : — ' But the Prince of
Orange observing the king's army to make so good a countenance, thought it
more prudent to halt, and suffer them to march away.' On general reasons
for non-pursuit cf. The Nation in Arms, by Von der Goltz {362-3), and
A Staff Officer's Scrap-Book, by Sir Ian Hamilton (i. 117).

1690 THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE 127

particulars, or be a competent judge of the actions of generals.^
The soldier blamed the officer, the officer the general, some
were accused as traitors, others as unskilful of their duty, but
the greatest, imputation was of want of valour. But if it be
lawful for me to give my sentiments on the matter in my
opinion much may be laid upon mismanagement, but much
more upon cowardice, and am apt to believe all the clamour
of treason was raised by some who had given the most eminent
signs of fear to cover theirs and the general disgrace. To
prove there was treachery it was given out that the cannon
which commanded the ford upon the enemy's coming down
to force that pass was first forbidden to be fired and then
drawn off ; that several regiments appointed by the king to
make good the said ford were commanded away unknown by
whom, and that when the enemy had possessed | themselves f. 83 a
of the ditches about it the horse were sent down to charge
them, it being the duty of the foot, whereby many of those
horse were lost and the remainder put to the rout. It is agreed
on all hands the action at the ford was ill managed, but not
having been present I will not speak to particulars, [or] only
in general what is allowed by all. That there was not a
sufficient number of foot left to maintain it, and even most
of those that were came down too late, and as was said
before the horse were put to repulse the enemy's foot who
had before possessed themselves of the ditches. As touching
the cannon it was doubtless time to draw it off when, had it
stayed but never so little, it must have fallen into the hands
of the enemy. I cannot but think it was some oversight to
march the most of the foot, who were to engage the enemy
that came over at Slane Bridge, along the sides of the hills by
the river under the enemy's cannon, when there was a way
above shorter and out of the reach of their shot. Having
passed that and extending to make an equal line with the
enemy towards the left we were again marched through lanes

' It is remarkable that James took no part in the fight, for he watched
it from Donore. This conduct is singular when the fact is recalled that he
had at stake everything men hold dear and that the Prince of Conde said
that if ever there was a man without fear, it was the Duke of York.

128 THE JOURNAL 1690

when there were plain open fields both in front and rear. No
general officer above a brigadier was seen among us, and, which
is very rare, no word given to us. Nor is it to be forgot that His
Majesty, having appointed brandy to be distributed to each
regiment so that each man might receive a small proportion,
in order to cheer them for the fatigue of the day, it was never
delivered till we were marching, when the soldiers, quitting
their ranks for greediness of the liquor, not having time to
stay, beat out the heads of the hogsheads and dipped into them
f. 83 b the kettles they | had to boil their meat, drinking so extrava-
gantly that I am sure above 1,000 men were thereby rendered
unfit for service, and many were left dead drunk scattered
about the fields. But, to come to our last point, it was certainly
an unparalleled fright that caused our own horse to ride over
the greatest part of our first line of foot and break ten or
twelve of our battalions, firing upon them as enemies, and yet
I must confess some of these were the men that with great
bravery had sustained the shock of the enemy's horse, and
were outdone by numbers not by valour, I mean Colonel
Parker's Regiment.^ There is no place of excuse for the

' Colonel John Parker's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, two majors, seven captains, nine lieutenants, six cornets, eight
quarter-masters, and a surgeon. Four officers were French. There were
eight companies and 431 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men.
Cf . Avaux to Louvois, September 20.

Colonel John Parker (fl. 1676-1705) was a descendant of John
Parker, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, 1552. On August 26, 1689, James
resolved to meet Schomberg and he brought with him to Drogheda two
hundred of Parker's Horse and a hundred of his own Horse-Guards.
Parker's regiment fought most gallantly at the battle of the Boyne.
Parker was wounded. The lieutenant-colonel, Greene, Major James
Doddington and many other officers were killed : ' of the two squadrons
of that regiment there came ofi only about thirty sound men ' (Clarke,
i'- 373 > Graham's Derriana, 31). He must be distinguished from Captain
Robert Parker, who fought on the WiUiamite side. Robert's Memoirs
were published in Dublin in 1 746 and they conclude thus : ' Here I choose
to retire from the noise and hurry of life, in which I have so long been
engaged ; though, had I continued in the army, I might have expected
promotion equal with them with whom I was then on a level. But, how-
ever that may have been, I would not have arrived at any preferment,
which would have afforded me the true satisfaction and content, which
I enjoy in my retirement ; not envying any, and (as I believe) not envied
by any. Here I have an opportunity of making an atonement for the
follies of youth, and of exercising my mind, with a thankful remembrance
of the wonderful mercies of Providence.' He was concerned in the assassina-

i69o THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE 129

dragoons, especially the Earl of Clare's,^ (commonly known by

the name of Yellow Dragoons, being the colour of their clothes)

who were the first that fled having scarce seen the enemy,

and that with such precipitation that several of them carried

the news the next day to Limerick, and some not thinking

themselves safe there with the same speed into the remotest

parts of the county of Clare, their native soil, being above

100 miles from the Boyne. Neither does the baseness of the

foot appear less notorious, for some regiments being broken

by our own horse, others though untouched took the flight

for company, and neither the one nor the other could ever be

prevailed with to make head against the enemy and second

the French (who were in danger to be cut off), nor so much as

to form their battalions and march off with their colours in

good order. To the contrary though the action was not till

noon several foot soldiers made such haste that they were

seen in Dublin before three of the clock, having in that short

time run near twenty miles, which perhaps might have had

some colour of excuse had the enemy | been at their heels, but f. 84 a

there was none to hurt and it was only their own fear pursued

them. The weight of our misfortunes made me forget many

particulars, and yet methinks I have said too much and dwelt

too long on a subject of so much shame, God of his goodness

make all men sensible of their dishonour that they may resolve

to live victorious or at least die honourably. In the condition

I have before mentioned we marched or rather fled till it was

tion plot of 1693, escaped from the Tower, 1694 ! was confined in the
Bastille for offending Mary of Modena, 1702 ; and on his return made
overtures to the English Government.

^ Lord Clare's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, ten captains, twelve lieutenants, twelve cornets, thirteen quarter-
masters, adjutant, chaplain, and surgeon. Neither the British Museum
list nor Avaux records the number of companies or of men.

Lord Clare (d. 1690) was Daniel O'Brien, son of the second Viscount,
and there were seven of his name serving in the regiment. There w ere also
O'Briens in the following regiments : Galmoy's, Sarsfield's, Abercorn's,
Sutherland's, and Tyrconnel's Horse ; Clifford's Dragoons ; Mount-
cashel's, Tyrone's, Thomas Butler's, the Grand Prior's, Kilmallock's, Sir
Michael Creagh's, and Boisseleau's. From the facing of the uniform this
regiment was known as the Dragoons ' buy ' (yellow). As a rule it fought
bravely, but at the Boyne it behaved shamefully. Lord Clare was a Privy
Councillor in 1684, and was Lord Lieutenant of the county of Clare. He
served under Catinat in 1692, and was killed at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693.

1218 K

130 THE JOURNAL 1690

quite dark, when the Duke of Berwick ordered to halt in
a field about five miles from Dublin, there being now left
together the colours of only five or six regiments and at first
halting not above 100 men in all, though before morning we
were much increased, sentinels being placed on the road to
turn all soldiers in to the field. In this place we took some
rest on the grass till break of day. As to my own particular
I wonder I outlived the miseries of this dismal day, but that
I have since found I was reserved to suffer many more and if
possible much greater. Grief (though the greatest) was not
my only burden, marching from three in the morning afoot till
dark night, the excessive heat of the sun, and a burning thirst
proceeding from the aforesaid causes, which was so vehement
I could not quench it though drinking at every ditch and
puddle, were all together sufficient to have conquered a much
stronger body. But God who gave the cross gave me strength
to carry it, that I might have part in the remainder of our
chastisement and I hope in His mercy, when our sins by our
sufferings shall be expiated and His anger appeased. He will
also grant me the blessing of seeing my sovereign restored to
his throne victorious. |
f. 84 b Wednesday the 2nd : at break of day those few drums
there were beat as formally as if we had been a considerable
body, but it was only mere form and we scarce the shadows of
regiments, the bodies being dispersed and gone. What was
left in dismal manner marched as far as Dublin, where when
each commanding officer came to view his strength, shame
of marching in such case through the city we not long before
had filled with expectation of our actions and hopes of gather-
ing part of the scattered herd caused us to halt in the fields
without the town. The colours of each regiment being fixed
on eminences that all stragglers might know whither to repair,
in the space of near three hours each regiment had gathered
a small number, the Grand Prior's as one of the most consider-
able being then 100 strong. Thus we marched through the
skirts of the city, passing over the river at the Bloody Bridge,
which is the farthest off in the suburbs, being now only
the remains of four regiments, the others being either quite

1690 THE ROUT 131

dispersed or gone other ways, we halted again in a field at
Kilmainham, a hamlet adjoining to the city. The general
opinion was that we were to encamp in the park till such time
as our men came up, and what forces had not been in the rout
as also the militia should join us, and then either maintain the
city, or, if it were judged expedient, give the enemy battle,
which gave occasion to some of our small number to steal
away into town thinking they might soon be back with us.
But about noon we were all undeceived, the other three
regiments having orders to march, and ours only left there
without any or knowing whence to expect them. Being thus
left by all our lieutenant-colonel marched us away, which we
did not hold above a quarter of an hour when we were reduced
to only twenty men with the colours. On the road we over*
took the Lord Kilmallock's Regiment, which was untouched,
being quartered in Dublin when the defeat at the Boyne.^ The
whole day was a continual series of false alarms, the greatest
reached us within two miles of the Naas, where Kilmallock's

^ Lord Kilmallock's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
nineteen captains, thirteen lieutenants, twelve ensigns, chaplain, and
surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 720 men (Brit. Mus. list).
Avaux gives 500 men. Hugoliu Spenser, a grandson of Edmund Spenser,
"was a lieutenant in this regiment.

Dominick Sarsfield was fifth Viscount of Kilmallock. He was colonel
of an infantry regiment, member of the Privy Council, sat in the House
of Lords in 1689, played a distinguished part at the first siege of Limerick
and was present at the battle of Aughrim. On October 30, Avaux wrote
to Louvois : ' J'ay demande un autre colonel, qui s'appele Mylord Kilmaloc
{i. e. to go to France with the Irish Brigade) : c'est un jeune homme pour qui
j'ay eu toutes les peines du monde d'obtenir la permission de former un
regiment, il y a trois mois. Mais parce qu'il a este tres assidu et tres applique,
et qu'il ne s'est occupy qu'd maintenir son regiment en bon estat, on est
a cette heure content de luy, et on n'a pas voulu me le donner. Ce Mylord
auroit parfaitement reussi en France, et je croy, Monsieur, que vous
I'estimerez par I'endroit que j'ay cru qu'il meritoit de I'estre, et par lequel
neantmoins on I'a fort meprise au commencement en ce pays cy ; c'est
qu'estant Irlandois Catholique, et depouille de tons ses biens, il changea de

nom, et alia porter le mousquet dans le regiment de ; son capitaine

luy trouvant de la valeur et de I'application, le fit sergent. Mylord Kilmaloc
ue voulut pas dire qui il estoit, et exerca cet employ pendant quelques
ann^es, jusques a ce qu'il soit revenu en Irlande avec le Roy d'Angleterre,
et il a este remis par le Parlement en possession de son bien, qui va i ce
qu'on dit, a plus de cinquante mille frans par an.' Lord Kilmallock lost
his estates in the rebellion of 1641, and after the Restoration they were not
returned to him. He then enlisted under an assumed name in the English
Guards, and reached the rank of sergeant by merit.

K2

132 THE JOURNAL 1690

officers attempting to draw up their men to line the hedges,
the confusion and terror of the soldiers who had never seen the
enemy was such they were forced in all haste to march away,
f. 85 a It was ridiculous to see the brother of the traitor | O'Donnell/
who had the name of lieutenant-colonel reformed in our
regiment, pretend to take authority upon him here, and order
us to Hne the hedges, when at that time our whole strength
was but six musketeers, eight pikes, four ensigns, and one
lieutenant besides myself, to this was that but the day before
hopeful regiment reduced, and yet not one of the number
killed, unless they perished who were left drunk when we fled
which were four or five. For our comfort no enemy was within
twenty miles of us, but fear never thinks itself out of danger.
We followed Kilmallock's men with such speed it had been
hard for an enemy to overtake us, and that regiment though
till then untouched was in such a consternation that when
they came to the Naas they were not 100 strong. Here being
quite spent with marching two days without rest or food
I used my utmost endeavours to persuade O'Donnell, who as
I said pretended to act as lieutenant- colonel, to take up
quarters for the few men that were left, to refresh them that
night, and be the better able to march next morning, but all
in vain. The general infection had seized him and he fancied
each minute he stayed was to him time lost and an oppor-
tunity given to the enemy to gain ground upon us. Therefore
following the dictates of his fear he hasted away command-

' Macariae Excidium records : ' The loss of Cythera (Galway), without
any resistance, was seconded with the desertion of Leogones (O'Donnell). . . ,
It seems he had a friend in the Cilician (English) camp, by whose procure-
ment Ororis (Ginkell) writ him a letter, importing his willingness to serve
a person of his honour and worth, who behaved himself so well in the
Egyptian (Spanish) service ; that he was not ignorant of the ill-treatment
he received since his coming into Cyprus (Ireland) ; and that now he had
an opportunity offered, to be revenged of his enemies, and advance his
own fortune. . . . Leogenes (O'Donnell) . . . having given cause enough to
suspect his fidelity, and apprehending a design of his own men to secure
his person, retired by night out of Cerbia (Sligo) ; and ... he hastily
concluded the treaty that very day, and, thereby revolting from his natural
Prince, he unhappily joined with the sworn enemies of his country.' On
Baldearg O'Donnell, cf. Story 8, 123-4, 145-6,182-3; Clarke, ii. 43 4 ; Clarke
Correspondence, October 28, November 4, 1690 ; Mimoire donnS par un
homme du Comte O'Donnel d M. d'Avaux, 735.

1690 FLIGHT TO KILCULLEN

133

ing all to follow him, but necessity pressing more than his
usurped authority, I stayed a while in the town with an ensign
who had a lame horse, and having refreshed ourselves with
bread and drink which was all the town afforded, we followed
both on the same lame creature five miles to Kilcullen Bridge,
where we could hear no news of our men, though they lay
there that night. So inconsiderable was a regiment grown
that it could not be heard of in a town where there are not
above twenty or thirty houses and but three good ones. Here
we took up for the remaining part of the night in a waste
house, and rested the best we could till break of day.

Thursday the 3rd : we were roused out of a dead sleep, pro-
ceeding from excessive weariness not from the easiness of the
beds which were no other than the planks, at break of day by
a great number of dragoons and others riding through the
town as fast as their horses could carry them, and crying
the enemy was within a mile of them. Being awaked and our
lodging nothing pleasant we set out on our lame horse and
having travelled five or six miles | were overtaken by thef. sjb
Duke of Tyrconnel ^ and his family, some whereof challenged

^ Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel (1630-91), was the man who made
Ireland the inevitable refuge for James. On May 17, 1689, Avaux wrote to
Louis : ' Mylord Due Tirconnel est malade, autant de chagrin que
d'autre chose ; 11 volt avec d§plaisir que Mylord Melfort prend trop
d'ascendant sur I'esprit du Roy, et qu'il gouverne presque toutes choses
dans ce pays-cy ; vostre Maieste perdroit infiniment si cat homme venoit
a manquer, et si c'estoit un Francois qui fust Viceroy d'lrlande, il ne seroit
pas plus zele pour les interests de vostre Maieste.' He was on good terms
with Lauzun, but on bad terms with St.-Ruth and Sarsfield. The corre-
spondence of Avaux teems with references to the rivalry existing between
him and Melfort : Avaux to Louis, May 12 and May 27, cleverly contrasts
the two rivals. The remarks of Colonel O'Kelly and Stevens about the
gaiety of Dublin receive confirmation from the parties given by the Duchess
of Tyrconnel. Three of her daughters married respectively Viscount Rosse,
Viscount Kingsland, and Henry, Viscount Dillon. The verdict of the Light
to the Blind is : ' Thus this great man fell, who in his fall pulled
down a mighty edifice, videlicet a considerable Catholic nation, for there
was no other subject left able to support the national cause.' Berwick sums
him up as ' a man of very good sense, very obliging, but immoderately vain
and full of cunning. He had not military genius, but he possessed much
courage. From the time of the battle of the Boyne he sank prodigiously,
being become as irresolute in mind as unwieldy in his person.' On the
Irish divisions, cf. Berwick, i. 359-62 ; Macpherson, i. 232 : ' There were
factions between the French and the Irish, and between the Irish and
themselves ; when the enemy gave them respite, their whole business was

134 THE JOURNAL 1690

the horse, and indeed he had the king's mark, they being too
strong for us to cope with, for then might was the greatest
right. They carried him away leaving us afoot weary, and
without friends, or money. In this condition being desperate
we attacked a village with design to force away a horse under
the colour of pressing, but in reality was not much better than
robbing. But the women of the village, setting up the cry,
soon gave the alarm to all the men that were abroad, who
flocking in with their roperies or half pikes had put us to the
rout again, but that I had my leading staff which being longer
than their weapons terrified and made them give way where
I came, but whatever was gained I was forced to lose to
protect my companion, who having no weapon but his sword
was too hard set, and doubtless had he been furnished with
a half-pike we had got the better of the whole village and
forced away two horses. As the case stood we were obliged
to quit our pretensions and march off without horses, but
not without some peals of curses for our good intentions and
the good bangs I had given some of the men in the skirmish.
Thus disappointed we struggled with weariness in hopes to
reach Athy, when a great shower of rain falling increased our
misfortune, making the ground so slippery we could scarce
draw our tired limbs along. Now again in extremity it pleased
God to relieve us, for a friend of mine, one Mr. Dowdall,^ over-
taking of us well mounted took me up behind him and
a cornet of Luttrell's Regiment^ my companion, I having

to fight among themselves." Thus Rosen advised the king to go to Derry,
but Tyrconnel opposed this. M^hen Schomberg landed Rosen wanted to
retire to Athlone, but Tyrconnel proposed Drogheda. Rosen opposed the
march of the army from Drogheda to Ardee, while Tyrconnel counselled it.

'■ Sir Luke, Patrick, and Edward Dowdall were captains in the king's
Regiment of Infantry : another Edward Dowdall and Joseph were quarter-
master and ensign respectively in Lord Louth's Regiment ; two held com-
missions in Colonel Richard Nugent's, John was promoted to a majority in
Lord Bellew's, and another was chaplain in Lord Abercorn's Horse. Launce-
lot Dowdall's name was returned for the shrievalty of the county of Meath
(Singer, i. 286). John was a representative of Dundalk in the parliament
of :689, and Henry was Recorder of Drogheda. Sir Luke belonged to
Old Connaught, county of Dublin. Cf. Tyrconnel's remark to him, March
11, 1688/9, f- 102, 917 (Brit. Mus.). Cf. Vicars, 142.

^ Colonel Simon Luttrell's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieu-
tenant-colonel, major, nine captains, eight lieutenants, nine cornets, and

1690 IMPRESSMENT 135

long refused to ride unless he were mounted, thus they carried
us four miles to Athy. Hoping the rain would cease we stayed
till almost evening refreshing ourselves, and it being then
too late to travel took up our quarters at Shanganagh, a small
village a mile from Athy, and found the best entertainment
we had met with since the unhappy rout. Athy is part in the
county of Kildare and part in the Queen's county, divided by
a small river, which parts the town and two counties, which
are again joined here by a good stone bridge. Th; town is
pretty large and well built after the ancient manner, | though f. 86 a
not equal with the cities, yet not inferior to most towns of
that country.

Friday the 4th : meeting a servant to one of our lieutenants
I borrowed a horse he had, and pressed or forced away another
about a mile from our quarters, but without saddle or bridle,
which was very uneasy, but anything more tolerable than
going afoot, and thus mounted we got about noon to Kilkenny,
which is sixteen miles.^ To do justice I restored the horse to
his owner before entering the town, contrary to the advice of
all present, but as it was unjust to detain the horse without
any other pretension but force so it was inhuman to do it
after the poor man had followed sixteen miles afoot upon my
promise of restitution. Nor was the manner of taking the
horse unpleasant, for at least twenty of the poor people flock-
ing to his defence with several weapons. I frighted away and
kept them all oft by presenting a matchlock I had taken from
the lieutenant's man, though without powder, ball, or so much
as a match. All the shops and public-houses in the town were
shut, and neither meat nor drink to be had though many were
fainting through want and weariness. Hunger and thirst put
me forward to seek relief, where nothing but necessity could
have carried me, but the invincible power of want hides all
blushes, so hearing the stores at the castle were broken up
and much bread and drink given out, I resolved to try my

only one quarter-master. There were seven companies and 374 men (Brit.
Mus. list). Avaux gives 1 50 men. This regiment must be distinguished
from Colonel Henry Luttrell's Regiment of Horse.

'■ There is no known reason for the detour Stevens now makes.

136 THE JOURNAL 1690

fortune there and found drink carried out in pails, and many
of the rabble drunk with what they had got ; yet upon my
approach I perceived some officers whom want had carried
thither as well as me but were somewhat more forward, so ill
treated by Brigadier Wauchope first and next by the Duke of
Tyrconnel, who gave a heutenant a thrust on the breast with
his cane, that I went away resolved rather to perish than run
the hazard of being ill used. As soon as we were drove away
the town and stores were sold for ;^30o, which a great officer
of ours put into his own pocket, when good men were perishing
with hunger and weariness, and what was left to the enemy
might have plentifully relieved their wants. Our colours and
some officers were now in town but no soldiers, so the ensigns
were ordered to strip their colours, and thus we set out on our
jb way to Limerick, my ensign having met me there, and | fur-
nished me with a mare he had taken up upon the road. A
troop of Dublin militia marched this day for Limerick. We set
out five in company, and having travelled about six miles over
the mountain found night drawing on, and therefore struck
down to a small village in the famous bog of Monelly. Here
are the ruins of an ancient monastery, and is therefore to this
day called the monastery of Kilcooly. There is nothing left of
it but the ruined walls divided into two or three little tene-
ments, the churchyard enclosed, the church walls are standing
which show it to have been large and beautiful, there are
several tombs, round one of which belonging to some of the
Butlers are still the twelve Apostles and upon one of the walls
a crucifix and image of our blessed lady at the foot of it, all
of marble. The bog of Monelly by some is reported to be
sixty, by others thirty miles in length. I cannot find it to
be so much as the lesser computation, but at that time being
a dry summer it looked more like a pleasant plain than bog,
being full of cornfields, meadows, castles and villages, enclosed
all round with high mountains to which it yields a delightful
prospect. It is very level and they say in winter most over-
flowed, and in time of great rains the villages almost inac-
cessible, but even in the hottest season some parts are im-
passable, This place is eight miles from Kilkenny ; in it we

1690 SELFISH OFFICERS 137

found good entertainment for ourselves and horses, which was
all the comfort left amidst so many fatigues and misfortunes.

Saturday the 5th : on our march we passed by Clonamicklon,
a house of the Lord Ikerrin ^ about a mile from Kilcooly, and
rested five miles farther at Killenaule, a small poor village on
the mountain, whence we travelled to Cashel which is six
miles. It is an archbishopric and the metropolitan see of
Munster, and one of the ancientest in the kingdom. The
cathedral seems not so beautiful as ancient and stands like
a castle on the top of a rocky hill out of town, I thought it
not worth time to go up to see it, being satisfied with the
outward appearance. All manner of refreshment was hard
to be had here but necessity overcame all difficulties. Hence
we travelled five miles to a gentleman's house upon the road,
where was plenty of all provisions. Some few of our stray
officers, being got in before, endeavoured to make good the
house against us, the confusion of the time which ought | the f. 87 a
more to have endeared us to each other, being fellow sufferers
in the same cause, making some men rather inhuman and
barbarous to those they should reheve and support. Inso-
much that one who was within the house would not admit
his own brother who came with me to the gate, and where such
near ties of blood could not prevail, it is not to be thought our
being fellow officers in the same regiment could have any
influence. Fair means being of no effect, necessity obhged us
to use violence, and with much difficulty we forced our way
into the house, where was such plenty as might have contented
an entire regiment, much more about a dozen that we were in
all, and yet those few first possessors thought all too little for
themselves.

Sunday the 6th : we travelled four miles to Cullen a small
town, where we heard mass the church being then in the
possession of the Catholics. Hence is seven miles to Cahir-
conlish, a small village, where was assembled a great number
of the country people armed with roperies to receive the Duke

^ Stevens gives the name of this peer as Vickeries, but there is no such
peer. His ear was bad and he probably heard ' Vick ' where his informant
said 'Ik'.

138 THE JOURNAL 1690

of Tyrconnel, thence a mile to Carrig, and from this four miles
to Liftierick. In the suburbs we met some of our fellow
officers who acquainted us there was no accommodation in
the town for man or horse, whereupon we turned back and
took quarters at a good farm-house a mile from the town,
where we found good entertainment and, what was very
pleasing, civil reception, in this place as many others, which
was a dainty, the best drink was milk and water. The reason
no room could be had in town was that most of the best was
taken up by the principal officers, and they that came first
had taken possession of whatever small places the great ones
had rejected. We continued here Monday and Tuesday
suffering hourly and furious assaults on our quarters from all
who passed that way, which with much difficulty we made
good. Some, but few, of our regiment came up during this
time ; but vast numbers of all sorts of people flocked to town.
Hitherto all things remained in confusion no resolutions being
taken and consequently all left to their liberty without any
command, till at length.

Wednesday the 9th : orders were given to all officers to
endeavour to. gather the remains of their regiments, and to
f. 87 b ours in | particular to march four miles to the westward of
Limerick ^ to a village called Carrigogunnell and the adjacent
places, there to quarter till the rest of our dispersion came up
and we received fresh orders. The most remarkable thing
in this march was that the number of officers exceeded that of
the private men, and yet not one-half of the former were
present. These quarters proved very refreshing after our
long fatigue, the people being generally very kind, as some
thought partly for love, but in my opinion most through fear.
For most certain it is few are fond of such guests as soldiers
are upon free quarter, especially such as ours were ravenous
and unruly, but it is the wisest course to make a virtue of
necessity, and offer that freely which otherwise would be
extorted forcibly. We had here plenty of meat and barley

' All the Jacobites, after the battle of the Boyne, seemed by a sort of
instinct to move to Limerick, where they determined to hold out. Macariae
Excidium, 55-6, 360-1.

I690 SOCIAL CUSTOMS 139

bread baked in cakes over or before the fire and abundance of
milk and butter, but no sort of drink. Yet there this is
counted the best of quarters, the people generally being the
greatest lovers of milk I ever saw, which they eat and drink
above twenty several sorts of ways, and what is strangest for
the most part love it best when sourest. They keep it in sour
vessels and from time to time till it grows thick, and sometimes
to that perfection it will perfume a whole house, but generally
speaking they order it so that it is impossible to boil it without
curdling four hours after it comes from the cow. Oaten and
barley bread is the common fare, and that in cakes, and
ground by hand. None but the best sort or the inhabitants
of great towns eat wheat, or bread baked in an oven, or
ground in a mill. The meaner people content themselves with
little bread but instead thereof eat potatoes, which with sour
milk is the chief part of their diet, their drink for the most part
water, sometimes coloured with milk ; beer or ale they seldom
taste unless they sell something considerable in a market town.
They all smoke, women as well as men, and a pipe an inch long
serves the whole family several years and though never so
black or foul is never suffered to be burnt. Seven or eight
will gather to the smoking of a pipe and each taking two or
three whiffs gives it to his neighbour, commonly holding his
mouth full of smoke till the pipe comes about to him again.
They are also much given | to taking of snuff. Very little
clothing serves them, and as for shoes and stockings much f. 88 a
less. They wear brogues being quite plain without so much
as one lift of a heel, and are all sowed with thongs, and the
leather not curried, so that in wearing it grows hard as a board,
and therefore many always keep them wet, but the wiser that
can afford it grease them often and that makes them supple.
In the better sort of cabins there is commonly one flock bed,
seldom more, feathers being too costly ; this serves the man
and his wife, the rest all lie on straw, some with one sheet and
blanket, others only their clothes and blanket to cover them.
The cabins have seldom any floor but the earth, or rarely so
much as a loft, some have windows, others none. They say
it is of late years that chimneys are used, yet the house is

140 THE JOURNAL 1690

never free from smoke. That they have no locks to their
doors is not because there are not thieves but because there
is nothing to steal. Poverty with neatness seems somewhat
the more tolerable, but here nastiness is in perfection, if per-
fection can be in vice, and the great cause of it, laziness, is
most predominant. It is a great happiness that the country
produces no venomous creature, but it were much happier in
my opinion did it produce no vermin. Whether nastiness or
the air be the cause of it I know not, but all the kingdom,
especially the north, is infected with the perpetual plague of
the itch. In fine unless it be the Scotch no people have more
encouragement to be soldiers than these, for they live not at
home so well at best as they do at worst in the army both for
diet and clothes, and yet none will sooner murmur and com-
plain of hardship than they. It is not through prejudice I give
this account, but of love to truth, for few strangers love them
better or pity them more than I do. And therefore to do
them justice, I cannot but say it is not to be admired they
should be poor having been so long under the heavy yoke of
the Oliverian English party, whose study it was always to
oppress and if possible to extirpate them. Poverty is a source
from whence all other worldly miseries proceed, it makes them
ignorant not having wherewithal to apply themselves to
studies, it enervates the spirits and makes them dull and
slothful and so from race to race they grow more and more
degenerate, wanting the improvements of a free and ingenu-
! b ous I education, and being still brought up in a sort of
slavery and bondage. This may be easily evinced by such
of their gentry who having been abroad become very accom-
plished men either in learning warlike affairs or the more
soft and winning arts of the court. Though the Scotch abroad
be not inferior to them, yet at home they are as poor, as
ignorant, more brutish and more nasty without any excuse for
it, having never been oppressed or kept under as the others by
a foreign yoke. This I have found by long and dear-bought
experience and thought it not unworthy observation in these
few days of respite from labour, having nothing else to divert
my melancholy thoughts during this small breathing after so

1690 SOCIAL CUSTOMS 141

great a series of misfortunes. Our scattered forces daily
gathered to Limerick being thence directed each regiment to
their respective quarters.^

Saturday the i2th : in pursuance of the orders received the
night before, we rendezvoused at the head-quarters to the
number of about 150 men, some with arms fixed, others
unfixed, and others without any arms. Thus we marched to
Limerick, and halted there a considerable time without the
town, to receive bread, where about fifty more joined us.
Hence we marched three miles to the eastward of the city and
encamped in a plain on the left of the Royal Regiment of Foot
Guards, which here made two small battalions not equal to

'■ On arrival at Limerick fierce dissensions broke out. ' These animosities
indeed amongst themselves,' observes James, ' were come to so grgat
a pitch, that now when the enemy gave them some respite, their whole
attention was to make war upon one another ' (Clarke, ii. 421). Sarsfield,
actuated by strong national pride, was resolute in advising the sternest
resistance. The Light to the Blind says (p. 623) : 'What these caballing
gentlemen can say for continuing the war against the sentiment of the
Duke (i.e. Tyrconnel), is reduced to three points : that they have a sufifi-
ciency of men ; that they have courage enough ; and that they will have
out of France a consummate general to govern their army ; and therefore
they will likely have a happy end. The truth of the three premised points
I cannot deny ' (ibid. 626). On the other hand, after the battle of the
Boyne, Tyrconnel considered that all was over. He ' observed that the
great army at first raised was disbanded to almost the moiety ; he con-
sidered the ill success of the remaining army at Derry ; their miscarriage
at the Boyne ; by which the province of Leiuster and the best part of
Munster was lost : that the king returned to France : that the French
brigade was going away : that the brass money . . . was brought to no
value : that there was no stores of provisions : that the province of Con-
naught . . . was not able to maintain the army and the vast multitudes of
people entered thither from Munster, Leinster, and Ulster : that Limerick
was a very weak town, yet was their chief defence against the enemy :
that, if the Prince of Orange should be beaten in a pitched battle, England
with the assistance of Holland, would send another army, and another
after that, rather than be at the mercy of the king, if he should be restored
by the Irish : that the most Christian Monarch was not in a state to send
them competent aids, by reason that he had so many enemies, as kept
all his armies at work : that, while the Catholic army was entire, it was the
proper time to get advantageous conditions from the Prince of Orange,
who would readily grant them, for to secure his crown ; that in fine it was
not prudence in the abovesaid circumstances, by a strained undertaking
to run the risk of destroying the lives of the people, the expectations of
their estates, and the hopes of enjoying their religion ' (Light to the Blind,

July 2 I

V. 622). La Hoeuette to Louvois, -^- — -^ — , 1690 : Lauzun to Louvois,
^ ' " August 10

Galway, ^ ^1 MinistSre de la Guerre ; Macariae Excidium,-p. 370.

September 3

142 THE JOURNAL 1690

one good one, having before made three complete and large
ones.

Sunday the 13th was spent in building huts, it being too
late the night before and all our tents lost the unfortunate day
at the Boyne, as was most of the baggage of the army. The
tents were most thrown about the fields or left in heaps with
the soldiers' snapsacks before the rout. The officers' baggage
was all sent away with a guard towards Dublin before we
marched, but upon the defeat much plundered by those who
were appointed to preserve it, and most of what they left
ransacked by our own dragoons, and even by some of our
officers who being well mounted were swiftest to overtake it.
As afterwards appeared by many who were discovered and
convicted of the fact, and, among others for an instance, our
captain-lieutenant was found wearing the clothes and linen
of a considerable officer of horse and refusing upon demand
) a to make restitution, tried | for the same by a court-martial,
where he could give no account how he came by them, and
was accordingly found guilty of the fact, commanded to
restore all that was challenged, and by favour of the times only
imprisoned during some few days. By this disorder of our
own men though the enemy got but little, very many of us
were left almost naked, not having so much as a shirt to
change. In which condition being a stranger and without
friends I continued many days, for money was as scarce as
clothes and what we had only brass, which was then of very
little or no value, till I met an Englishman who had but three
shirts yet taking compassion of me gave me one, which was
the first relief I had after losing all. One comfort was I did
not want companions in misery, though few reduced to so
great extremity as myself, the Irish being in their own country,
and though perhaps many far from home yet few but had
some friend to assist them ; and most of the Enghsh officers
were then withdrawn from the regiment.

Monday the 14th : we were reviewed by Brigadier Wau-
chope, and our regiment found to consist of 150 men with
arms fixed, 50 unfixed, and almost 100 without arms. A dis-
mal and most shameful sight, the king a fortnight before giving

i69o PLIGHT OF THE REGIMENT 143

pay and bread to 800 men in this regiment all well armed and
clothed, and now reduced to this without firing one shot at or
scarce seeing the enemy. The calamity was general and no
one regiment could upbraid another, their circumstances were
so much alike. It was proposed and threatened to shoot
some of the unarmed men for an example to terrify others
from throwing away their arms, but the numbers being so
very great it was only declared to them how well they had
deserved to die. A strict charge was given to the officers to
see the fixed arms well kept, to fix such as were broken, and
use all possible endeavours to find more, and keep the men
under discipline.

Tuesday the 15th : nothing remarkable happened, but
many of our men came up and joined their regiments.

Wednesday the i6th : in the morning we decamped, and
the regiments being so very weak as I said before they were
joined by two and two, to us was joined the Lord Slane's.^
The whole day was spent in marching to Limerick, though
it was not full four miles. In the city | were left all the French, f- 89 b
the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's, Major
General Boisseleau ^ and Sir John FitzGerald's, the rest

' Lord Slane's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, and a chaplain.
There were thirteen companies and 594 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives
300 men.

Lord Slane sat in the Parliament of 1689, fought at the battle of the
Boyne, and was captured at Aughrim.

' When James landed he appointed Major-General Boisseleau commander
in Cork in place of Lord Mountcashel. The names of the of&cers in the
regiment he raised prove that the majority came from the neighbourhood
of the southern city. When the king, in November 1689, broke up his
camp at Ardee, he left six battalions of foot and fifty horse there, under
Boisseleau (Clarke, vol. ii, 383). He attacked Newry, but was repulsed.
He was present at the battle of the Boyne, and at the first siege of Limerick
he played no inconsiderable part. His engineering skill proved invaluable
to the Jacobites. As governor of the town his garrison consisted of fourteen
regiments of infantry, with three of horse and two of draigoons. Berwick,
Boisseleau, and Sarsfield did not agree with the policy of Tjrrconnel in sur-
rendering the city. From the 9th to the 31st of August, Boisseleau offered
a stout resistance, especially on the 27th, when no less than 2,148 of his
best troops were killed or wounded. According to him the men of the
Grand Prior's Regiment on this occasion behaved with the utmost gallantrj'.
On his return to France Louis gave him an audience, raised him to the rank
of brigadier, and bestowed upon him a pension of 500 crowns.

144 THE JOURNAL 1690

marched through and encamped. This day was to have been
put in execution a design before projected and contrived by
some of our most active officers, but that accidentally dis-
covered to and prevented by his grace the Duke of Tyrconnel,
which was thus. A council being held by the Duke and other
leading men to consult what was to be done in this desperate
state of our affairs, his grace was of opinion all was lost, and
therefore thought convenient to make the best conditions
with the enemy and surrender before it was too late. This
advice was so far from being approved that it moved much
indignation in some of the hearers, and that with just cause,
and it was unanimously resolved to suffer the utmost extremi-
ties rather than submit to the usurper, and to hold out what
was left to the last. Hereupon the duke thinking it impossible
to keep the field, and, running from one dangerous extreme to
another no less prejudicial, declared himself for hamstringing
all the horses, and bringing the men with what provisions
could be gathered into the garrisons, a proposal no less
dangerous in the consequences if followed than cruel in the
execution. These opinions caused great heats and animosities,
all men in general exclaiming against them, and those in
particular who were of a contrary faction to the duke laying
hold of this opportunity to make him odious to the army, and
if possible to remove him from the government, as was after-
wards attempted by sending commissioners into France to
that effect. The duke being thus lessened in the public esteem,
though he retained the character, and all orders run in
his name as Lord Lieutenant, yet was there not the due
subordination to him, and many private cabals were held not
only without his knowledge, but to oppose his authority, and
among the rest this whereof I now speak. It consisted of
many field officers of the contrary faction to the duke, among
others the Luttrells, the O'Neills,^ and, though inferior in post,

^ Colonel Sir NeillO'NeiU'sRegimentof Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, major, eleven captains, nine lieutenants, nine cornets, ten quarter-
masters, adjutant, chaplain, and surgeon. Four O'Neills were officers in
this regiment. There were eleven companies and 539 men (Brit. Mus. list).
Avaux does not mention this regiment in the list of dragoons on p. 452.

Sir Neill O'Neill (1658-90) was the eldest son of Sir Henry O'Neill of

I690 PLOT AGAINST TYRCONNEL 145

Connel, then lieutenant-colonel to the LordSlane, had a princi-
pal part as being a young active man and well beloved among
the foot. They, finding that the French intended to leave us
and embark themselves and their cannon for France, and
considering that thereby we were | not only weakened in men, f. 90 a
whereof they feared not so much the want, but in so many
good arms at that time so scarce among us.^ The French
being then quartered in the city and the Irish forces encamped,
as was said before, they agreed on this day to send orders to
the camp, as from the Duke of Tyrconnel, though unknown
to him, for the forces to march to Limerick, in appearance as
if to march through and encamp on the other side, but the
officers privy to the design being ready, they should suffer all
to march in till such time they had filled all the streets, and
the French not suspecting any design on them, but being
dispersed and unarmed they were on a sudden upon a sign
given to seize the gates of the city, and then by beat of drum
to command the French to march out leaving their arms
behind them, and not suffer them anywhere to come to a head
with arms, but thus naked to ship them with all convenient
speed for France, and distribute their arms among our men
that wanted. This project was carried on with such secrecy
and so well laid it had certainly taken effect had not one of the
managers ignorantly, as thinking him a party, opened it to the
then colonel, after major-general, Mark Talbot, who having got
an inkling soon dived to the bottom of the contrivance, and
immediately made it known to the Duke of Tyrconnel, who
found no difficulty to break all their measures, though he
caused the army to march as they had designed, but he parted
the managers, and they finding themselves discovered had

Killellagh in Kilultagh, who had been created a baronet in 1666. James,
on May 10, 1689, sent him north and his regiment distinguished itself in
Down and Antrim (E. 2, 19, T. C. D.). Sir Neill was present at the siege
of Derry. He went to Sligo to check the movements of Schomberg's
detachments, and at the Boyne he disputed the passage of the river at
Rosnaree, where he was mortally wounded. The other O'NeUls, Cormuck,
Gordon, and Felix, have been sketched.

' Clarke Correspondence, August 14, 1690, vol. i. f. 93 : ' The French
leave Limerick and betake themselves to Galway ; a very great help to
the speedy ending of the war in Ireland.'

1218 L

146 THE JOURNAL 1690

no opportunity to execute their design. The duke showed
much prudence in this action, for though he prevented the
execution, he would not seem to know anything of the design,
and it was so hushed that it never came to the knowledge of
many, which was a great happiness, for had the French been
sensible of any such attempt it might have proved fatal both
to them and us. It was no less our good fortune, in my
opinion, that it did not succeed, for although the cabal had
designed to send commissioners into France to estimate and
excuse the fact by urging the absolute necessity there was
of keeping those arms, yet I doubt they would have found
no favourable reception, nor indeed could the action be well
justified, but would doubtless have incensed the court of
France against us, | and we had been left to perish for want
f. 90 b of those small supplies wherewith we afterwards held out so
long, and at last purchased so good conditions. Though all
seemed hushed and quiet yet there was some confusion
among the heads, which occasioned that we had no quarters
assigned us this night, but, after standing till dark night
at arms, were dismissed to shift for ourselves till next
morning.

Thursday the 17th : quarters were assigned us, in some
houses one, in some two companies. Limerick, being the
principal city at this time and long after that held out for the
king, and consequently there being often occasion and that
on account of many memorable occurrences to speak of it,
having been long quartered in it during that season, I will
endeavour to give a true and exact description of it, but as
brief as the small compass of this journal requires. Limerick
is seated in a plain on the banks of the river Shannon, a branch
whereof runs through and divides it into two, the one called
the English, the other the Irish town, and encompasseth the
former together with a considerable spot of ground without
the walls called the King's Island, and so falls again into the
main body of the river as appears in the map,^ to which
recourse may be had in relation to all that shall occur hereafter,

^ His map has been lost : mine owes not a little to the kindness of
Dr. G. Fogerty, R.N., and Mr. Morony, B.E.

1690 THE CITY OF LIMERICK 147

all remarkable places being marked with letters or figures
and those explained on the map. The English town, by some
as being the principal distinguished by the name of the city,
is seated within the island made by the Shannon. It is
encompassed by a stone wall in most places four, in some
but three, foot thick. The houses are most of stone strong
built and generally high, the whole consists but of one large
street, the rest being all narrow lanes. Within the walls are
two churches and two chapels. Our Lady's Church, which is
the cathedral, is large and has a high tower, and was in the
hands of the Catholics all the time of our residence there,
and the body of it towards the latter end made a magazine of
meal. St. Munchin's, over against the bishop's house, small
and inconsiderable, before our time decayed, first made by
us a place for gunsmiths to work in, after a magazine of war-
like stores. The Dominicans had built a new chapel in the
place called St. Dominic's Abbey in the upper part of the
city, the Augustines had another | on the river near Ball's f. 91 a
Bridge. On the east side without the walls down to the water
was a large suburb, and in it St. Francis's Abbey at that time
possessed by the Franciscans, the most part ruined, but the
body of the church which was very large then in use, the other
ruined parts being cut off. On the west side is the quay,
though narrow in compass yet considerable for that upon
high tide vessels of two hundred tons come up to it. Without
the island gate stood a house of entertainment with a bowling-
green and pleasant gardens. At our coming there were only
the ruins of a small fort in the island, the rest being partly
a common walk for the citizens and let out for grazing, this
land being of the perquisites belonging to the constable of
the King's Castle. Over the Shannon is a very large stone
bridge called Thomond Bridge, at the end whereof was
another considerable suburb and a hill that overlooks all the
city and renders it not tenable if that be possessed by an
enemy. Within the city adjacent to the bridge is the King's
Castle, the walls thereof like to those of the city, but strength-
ened with square towers or bulwarks whereon were several
good pieces of cannon. This castle, the bridge, and walls of

L2

148 THE JOURNAL 1690

the city were the work of King John. Over that branch of
the Shannon which compasses the island is Ball's Bridge, of
stone but small, the river being narrowest there ; this joins the
two towns and leads into the principal street of the Irish, the
rest as in the other being all but narrow lanes. From the
bridge this street runs to St. John's gate, the principal entrance
of the town, joining to which is the citadel ; to the cityward it
is square of small compass and has two small platforms, with-
out it makes a half -moon ; the whole work of stone but weak,
and was then furnished with only a few small pieces of artillery.
On the other hand not far from the gate is St. John's Church,
the parish, wherein nothing worthy of note. Between this
and Mungret Gate was the Capuchin's chapel, so new it never
was completely finished. The whole length of the east side
under the wall was all tanyards, besides many more in the
island, the tanning trade being here very considerable. In
f. 91 b the angle made by the | great street and Mungret Lane stands
Thom Core Castle, reported to be built by the Danes, but in
reality is nothing but a high stone house, in nothing that I
could perceive differing from many others of the town. The
walls of this town are everyivhere four foot thick strengthened
with several towers ; there are four gates Mungret, East and
West Water, and St. John's. Without this was a very large
suburb the main street whereof reached to Cromwell's fort,
which is near a quarter of a mile southward, and the road to
Kilkenny. It runs also a considerable way to the eastward
and on the other side westward, till it joined that of Mungret
Gate and came almost down to the body of the Shannon, so
that it compassed almost the whole town. In digging this
latter part for the fortifications were found vast numbers of
skulls and other bones of men, but I could not meet any could
give an account how they came there. Though the buildings
of the suburbs were not for the most part equal to those within
the walls, yet there were many very fine houses and I believe
the suburbs on all sides were larger and contained more
inhabitants than both the towns within the walls. Yet all
these at our first coming, except that small part about St.
Francis's Abbey in the island, were laid level with the ground

I690 FORTIFYING THE TOWN 149

for the better defence of the place and all the gardens and
orchards utterly destroyed.^ Nor did the ruin stop at the
suburbs, for upon the approach of the enemy our dragoons
burnt all round, far and near, and at several times the country
before very well peopled and improved was almost turned to
a desert, the fury of war destroying in one year the improve-
ments of many years' peace, but hereof I shall speak more in
the proper place. I shall only add that when first I saw this
city, about four years before, it was inferior to none in Ireland
but Dublin and not to very many in England and have lived
to see it reduced to a heap of rubbish, the greatest and best
part utterly demolished and scarce a house left that sustained
not some damage. Such are the effects of war and such the
fruits of rebellion. To return to the course of our proceedings,
the French were employed in demolishing the suburbs, which
they performed with such wonderful dexterity, it was almost
incredible so much could have been razed in so short a time,
but their 1 talent lay in destroying. There being no outworks f. 92 a
to the town but only the bare wall, it was resolved to cast up
such as the shortness of the time would permit, the main part
whereof was only a covered way round the walls with three
or four little works within like bastions but very small and
inconsiderable, with slight lines of communication between
them. Before Mungret Gate to take in a rising ground that
might annoy the town was cast up a large but slight hornwork.
On the east side at a little distance from each other, almost,
opposite to the south-east angle, two small redoubts, and
another of only stones heaped one upon another opposite to
St. John's Gate. In order hereunto this day the Lord Gormans-
town's and Lord Bellew's Regiments, which were joined and
amounted to near 1,200 men, mounted the work.

Friday the i8th : the Lord Grand Prior's to which were

• Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, f. 78-80. Solmes's letter on f. 80 is
valuable; cf. f. 81 ; Ranelagh to Clarke, August 7, 1690; Marlborough
to Clarke, August 12 ; Relation de la levee du si6ge de Limerick (in the
Jacobite Narrative, 260-7 > Macariae Excidium, 368-9 ; Klopp, v. 169 ;
Louvois to Lauzun, Versailles, July §g, MinistSre de la Guerre ; Avaux
to Louvois, October fi- ; Lauzun to Louvois, August J^ and August J|,
Ministfere de la Guerre.

150

THE JOURNAL

1690

joined the Lord Slane's and major-general Boisseleau's
mounted the work, with a detachment of the Foot Guards.
The French besides levelling the suburbs undertook to throw
down the parapet of the citadel, which was of stone and not fit
for service, and instead thereof raised a strong sod work
capable of six or seven cannon and of force against the enemy's
batteries. All the timber of the houses was ordered to be
preserved and carried into town.

Saturday the 19th : Colonel Talbot with all the Grenadiers
of the camp prepared the pahsades. Gordon O'Neill and
O'Donovan's Regiments^ were at the work with all their

* Colonel O'Donovan's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, five captains, and only one lieutenant recorded. The O'Donovan
family papers enumerate eighteen other officers, but they are not classified
according to rank. There were thirteen companies and 400 men (Avaux).

Daniel O'Donovan was the eldest son of Donell O'Donovan, and in
1638 he was inaugurated chief of Clancahill. He was Portreeve in King
James's new charter to Baltimore, and represented it in Parliament in 1689.
On March 6, 1688, he received for the use of his regiment sundry guns,
swords, pistols, muskets, and one small fusee musket. On March 16, he
received a further order for 413 muskets and 650 swords, and on July 9 one
of his captains, James Goolde, received 42 muskets, 60 belts, and 35 swords ;
and on the 14th 55 muskets, 75 swords, and 76 belts. On July 25, 1689,
Melfort ordered him to keep all the supernumerary companies of his
regiment over and above thirteen till further orders for the disposing
thereof, and to send an account of their number with a view to providing
for their subsistence. On August i , James Gallwey, the agent for clothing
the regiment, states his charges as follows : —

For frieze coating, lining, and ' dying ' for each man

For making the coat and ' britches '

Hat and hat-band ....

Pair of shoes and buckle

Shirt and making .

Cravat .

' Swash '

Pair of ' Stockens '

' Wascoate ' .

s.

10
I

2

3
2

I
I
o
2

d.
o
2
o
9
6
o
o

7

o

;£l 4 O
In a petition to the king after Melfort's order, O'Donovan set forth that he
' by commission, raised about Christmas last a regiment of foot, and ever
since kept them, without any subsistence or relief (from Government), and
notwithstanding your Majesty's orders and patent at Cork for quarters,
arms, and subsistence, your petitioner could not at all to this day procure
any, whereby he was exposed to the censure of those he engaged in his
regiment, and they discouraged, being informed the regiment was dis-
banded, which could not be otherwise imagined, by the usage your petitioner
had from time to time.' The relief at last came, for a memorandum of
October 28 acknowledged the receipt of £500, and states allowances : —

i6^o FORTIFYING THE TOWN 151

officers. The brigadiers of each brigade were appointed to
view all the officer's horses, such as were fit for service to be
priced and taken for the king's use, the officers of suchregiments
as were to continue in town commanded to dispose of the rest.

Sunday the 20th : Gormanstown's and Bellow's Regiments
at the work.

Monday the 2ist : the days being long and very hot it was
found the men could not hold out with vigour from sunrise
to sunset, it was therefore thought expedient to keep them
close whilst at it and have them relieved ; accordingly Hamil-
ton's Regiment, mounted first, were relieved by Kilmallock's
and they again by Burke's^ |

Tuesday the 22nd: The Grand Prior's, Bellew's, and f. 92 b
Gormanstown's Regiments, commanded by the Lord Slane,
marched about five miles into the county of Clare towards
Brian's Bridge to a wood near the river to bring palisades,
which were there ready cut. Gordon O'Neill was at the work
in the town.

Wednesday the 23rd : Athlone having been some days
besieged and by Colonel Grace the governor well defended,
it was thought fit to send him some relief, the enemy being
only on the Leinster side of the river and Connaught side open.
Here upon this day one battalion of the guards, the Grand
Prior, Slane and Boisseleau's detachments making another
battalion, Gormanstown and Bellew a third, Hamilton and
Sir Maurice Eustace ^ a fourth, and the French detachments,

i s. d.
To Captain Regan's soldiers, sergeant and six men, that

guarded the money from Dublin . . . . i lo 6

To Lieutenant Falvey and Ensign Gregson, that came for

the money 7 i6 o

For the barrel to put the money in . . . .016
For a bag and to a porter 056, &c.

'■ The scanty muster of Colonel Walter Burke's Regiment includes
merely two captains and three lieutenants. This regiment had no swords
and no powder or ball.

Colonel Walter Burke belonged to the Turlough branch of his dis-
tinguished family. To his regiment was entrusted the custody of the old
Castle of Aughrim on the day of the decisive battle there, but it was taken.
After the treaty of Limerick he went to France and Louis appointed him
colonel of the regiment of Athlone.

' Sir Maurice Eustace was a Privy Councillor and held command of an
infajitry regiment. On May 10, 1689, James sent ten of his companies

152 THE JOURNAL 1690

two other small battalions, marched out of Limerick and lay
this night at Killaloe, the men without tents or quarters in
the gardens. The officers were quartered in the town, the
great ones taking up the best houses which are not many, the
inferior were crowded into very poor cabins that only served
barely to cover them from the weather. These eight miles
from Limerick is part of the county of Clare and is all very
bare, there being in this way scarce any corn or meadow,
but only a hilly common in some places boggy, everywhere
covered with fern and rushes, which is all it produces. The
road is hard and pleasant for the most part open and often
■ crossed by small brooks and springs, near a mile at first is
a large causeway over a bog, not unlike to the old Roman
ways being raised high because of the floods. A little above
the midway is the wood whence we had the palisades, it is not
large nor produces any large timber. Killaloe is a bishopric,
but as to the town the meanest I ever saw dignified with that
character, except St. David and St. Asaph in Wales, having
but very few houses that are anything tolerable, the rest and
even those in no very great number are thatched cabins or
cottages, in fine it has nothing beyond many villages in
England, nor is it equal to some, except the church be reckoned
which indeed is large, and so all is said of it, having nothing else
beautiful or commendable. The bishop's house like the rest
has nothing worthy observation. The Shannon runs by the
f. 93 a town, and in this place is so | rocky it is not navigable, so that
all goods must be carried from Limerick till above the town
by land, and being embarked there the river is again navigable
iot many miles. The most remarkable thing here was that the
protestant bishop of the place continued then and long after
in his diocese under his Majesty's government.^
Thursday the 24th : we marched first along the side of the

to Hamilton then besieging Derry {King James's Letters, E. 2, 19, T. C. D.)-
In the Parliament of 1689 he sat as member for Blessington. With his
cousin, Morgan Kavanagh, he reached Rochefort on July 20, 1691, with
a view to service with Louis.

Sir Maurice Eustace's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, fifteen captains, fifteen lieutenants, seventeen ensigns, and surgeon.
There were 783 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 454 men.

^ John Roane was Bishop of Killaloe from 1675 to 1693.

1690 THE RELIEF OF ATHLONE 153

mountain near the Shannon, which about this place makes a
very large lough or lake. This way is very close and woody but
lasts not long, as soon as out of it the rest is across the barren
hills till we came to a small village called Tomgraney, which is
five Connaught miles from Killaloe, and the miles here are of an
excessive length. We halted a little farther at another village
called Scarriff, neither of these places worth the naming but
for some iron mills that were there before the war. Close by
these two places is a large stone bridge which joins, or rather
the river that runs under it parts, the counties of Clare and
Galway, the same being also the bounds of the provinces of
Munster and Connaught. At Scarriff begins one of the most
desert wild barbarous mountains that ever I beheld and runs
eight miles outright, there being nothing to be seen upon it
but rocks and bogs, no corn, meadow, house or living creature,
not so much as a bird. Nothing grows there but a wild sedge,
fern, and heath. In wet winters this way is absolutely im-
passable, in dry summers it is a soft way, but at best in many
places very boggy, so that at no time cannon or heavy carriages
can pass that way.^ This day we marched about four miles
of the mountain, a violent rain falling most part of the time,
which made the way extreme toilsome afoot the long sedge
twisting about the feet, and the bog sucking them up, as
that which immediately draws in the water being naturally
soft and yielding. For our comfort at night we had a bare bog
to lie on without tents or huts or so much as the shelter of
a tree, hedge, or bank. The rain held most part of the night,
and scarce any firing to be had the place being furnished but
with a few and those small scattered trees, and we tired and
without any tools to cut wood. Meat was as scarce as other
necessaries, but that we might not be destitute of all, Provi-
dence had furnished a small brook which, though | foul and f. 93 b
ill tasted by reason of the rain and bog, afforded us plenty
of drink.

Friday the 25th : with the day began our march over the

' These tracks resembled that road of historic fame in Virginia on which
the Federal of&cer, reconnoitring it, observed that the road was there, but
he ' guessed the bottom had fallen out '.

154 THE JOURNAL 1690

remaining part of this barbarous mountain, just at the end
■whereof is a wood very thick the trees coarse and misshapen
and as the others affords no large timber. It was a great
satisfaction to us from the tops of the mountains to discover
at a distance ploughed land, pasture and some few scattered
cottages. At length having passed what was left of the solitude
we came to a small place the English call Woodford and the
Irish Graig, where it being St. James's Day we halted and
heard mass.^ Then marched four miles farther through a
more tolerable country, but not over fertile or well improved
to a poor village called Duniry, where we were drawn up in
the fields early enough to have hutted had there been neces-
saries for building.^ Wood there was but scarce anything
wherewith to cut it, yet for form the soldiers were obliged to
break boughs the best they could and make the shape of huts,
which there being no straw or other thing to cover them with,
was merely for show and not conveniency, so that in fine we
lay without any other covering than the canopy of heaven.
I know not whether a true devotion wherewith soldiers are
seldom overstocked or whether it were not rather superstition
to which they are subject enough, that prevailed with our
men to spare a few trees, that stood in the front of our bat-
talion. The country people, whether as a received tradition
or to the intent to save them, teUing some story of a saint
who had lived there and after his death visibly punished some
one who had presumed to destroy the trees. The story I
understood not well, nor ever before or since heard of the
saint, but many such are usually related there.

Saturday the 26th : the news of raising the siege of Athlone
being come to the Duke of Berwick who commanded in chief,
though the news was not made known, yet why kept secret is
a mystery, the Irish forces continued here, but the French
detachments marched back to Limerick to our great satis-

' Lloyds' Posi-sheanchas calls Woodford ' hamlet (graig) of the iron
mill-shafts."

' Cf. Duanaire Finn, 105. St. Brendan is mentioned a few lines later
in the poem. At Duniry the Leabhar Breac was written by the MacEgans
who had a school there. Cf. O'Donovan, Hy Many, 169, and Introduction
to facsimile of the Leabhar Breac : it is the greatest hagiologicaJ collection
in the Irish language.

I690 UNDISCIPLINED TROOPS 155

faction, for of late these who were sent to assist us were grown
if possible a worse enemy than those we were in arms against,
which was occasioned by our misfortune at the Boyne in this
manner. Since that most unhappy day (when as the Scripture
has it, we fled nobody pursuing of us ^) | the army like sheep f . 94 a
without a shepherd having dispersed themselves all over the
country lived upon the spoil of the people they ought to have
defended from their enemies. When we began again to make
head at Limerick, both in camp and in the town the soldiers
were forbidden upon pain of death to plunder, to quit their
colours marching, and several severe punishments threatened
to all manner of offences, but nothing at all put in execution.
The soldiers, who (like a wild horse that has once got his head
is not easily to be checked or stopped) had tasted the sweet
of living at discretion on the public, and were grown proud
of being under no command, were not easily to be curbed
without some very severe examples, which were so far from
being made that the men began to believe their officers durst
not punish them. Nay some stuck not to say they were dis-
banded and consequently under no command, which notion
they had taken from some timorous officers, who at or near
Dublin ordered their men to shift for themselves, notwith-
standing the colours of most were marched flying to encourage
the men to repair to them, and only Sir Michael Creagh's
Regiment^ was formally disbanded by their major in Dublin,
the colonel being too swift to stay for that ceremony, and by
what authority the major dismissed them is hard to find, but
fear is unaccountable. In fine the dread and consternation of
some officers had debauched the whole army and the time
hardly allowed a speedy redress to these abuses. But to come
to the cause of this reflection, the French improving this
opportunity were run to that height of insolence that they

'■ Prov. xxviii. i.

' Sir Micliael Creagh owned much house property in Dublin, and was
Lord Mayor of that city in 1688 and its representative in Parliament in 1689.
His regiment served at Derry, at Dundalk against Schomberg, at the
Boyne, and continued in the service until the last year of the war. Sir
Michael and WUliam Creagh of Ennis were attainted in 1691. For one good
musket in his regiment there were ten bad, and the swords were wretched
and of unequal length.

156 THE JOURNAL 1690

were more terrible to the country and offensive to the army
than our very enemies. They generally contemned the Irish,
esteeming them all as cowards for the disgrace at the Boyne,
and were much the more confirmed in their opinion, because
all their insolences passed unpunished, the government wink-
ing at their crimes, and each particular person, I know not
through what infatuation, putting up peaceably with whatever
indignities they were pleased to heap on them. From ill
language they came to worse actions, often beating even the
soldiers and forcing from them and from their officers whatever
they liked, and very rare that they met with any check, but
i. 94 b still if any opposition | were made they carried all before them,
not because they really were superior in any respect, but
because the others had, as I believe, conceived some such
opinion of them, like horses that are ridden because they
know not how much they are stronger than their rider.
A passage I saw under the walls of Limerick may serve for
an instance how much they stood in awe of the French. When
the first works were carrying on about the town, there lay
heaps of timber and boards of the ruined houses. Three soldiers
coming to one of the heaps would have carried away some
piece for firing, but a Frenchman, a person of no command
as being only an ofiicer's servant, not only hindered but gave
them very ill language first, and then fell upon and beat them
severely, which caused a great disturbance among the other
soldiers who were at the work. Whereupon the officer of the
guard at St. John's Gate, which was just by, sent a sergeant
with a file of musketeers to secure the Frenchman, who seeing
them come for him was so far from submitting that he drew
and drove them all back to their guard. And yet the fellow was
not so desperate but that an officer coming up to him with
his sword drawn, he submitted and went peaceably to the
guard, but his countrymen were not sparing of their reflec-
tions upon an insignificant fellow's driving with only his sword
a halberd and so many muskets. Wherever they marched
they plundered the country without any distinction of friend
or enemy, and their own officers were so far from curbing that
it is rather to be believed they were sharers with them, and

I690 UNDISCIPLINED TROOPS 157

consequently not only connived at but encouraged these dis-
orders. Their colonels and general ofl&cers having all quitted
them at the Boyne except Zurlauben,^ who brought them off
with honour and failed not to give some of their characters to
the French court, though favour there as well as in others
covered their indelible stains. As for our officers they paid
them not the least respect, and this very march some of them
shot a lieutenant of the Grand Prior's Regiment only for
challenging a saddle they had stolen, of which wounds he died
two days after, and some of our men having taken the mur-
derer, they forcibly rescued him so that this barbarous action
passed unpunished as all the rest. True it is many were made | f- 95 a
officers, whose want of sense and honour and even of the mien
of gentlemen, brought a contempt upon all, and the ignorance
of their duty or licentiousness of the time caused many gross
errors against niartial discipline, so the abovesaid lieutenant
was ranging the country when he ought to have been marching
in his post and met a dishonourable and deserved death,
though not from that hand, the extravagances of officers
though generally an example and encouragement being no
justification of the insolences and barbarities of the soldiers.
These villanies caused all people to fly before us as we marched
and all provisions were hidden from us wherever we came, so
that we suffered much, and sometimes necessity obliged us to
be cruel and force from the poor people what they hid from
others. The brass money which our misfortunes had much
lessened in the common esteem the French made so contemp-
tible it was scarce of any value, for they being always paid
in silver, had no regard for the brass, but would give half a
crown of that coin for a silver three-halfpenny piece and

^ Zurlauben had fought under Turenne, and his regiment formed part
of the Swiss contingent, the Mite of the French army. In his report of
the battle of the Bo}me he draws attention to the abandonment of the
army by Lauzun, Hoguette, Famechon, Chamerade, and Merode, and points
out that these colonels put the regimental colours in their pockets. Accord-
ing to him his regiment, seconded by the Irish cavalry, covered the retreat
from Duleek. Louis gave him an audience at Versailles and he was the
only officer who received from the king in person his thanks. The Irish
lords ofiered him their best soldiers to fill the ranks of his depleted regiment.
He fought at the battle of Blenheim.

158 THE JOURNAL 1690

forty shillings for a silver crown. Whereupon all things were
sold accordingly, as a pair of shoes for forty shillings, stockings
that used to be sold for nine or tenpence were now worth five
shillings, ale nine or twelvepence the quart, wine four shillings
brass or sevenpence silver, brandy ten shillings brass or ten-
pence silver. In short all things were at this time according
to this rate (for it grew worse and worse daily) and we who
were paid in brass had a miserable sustenance. The people
shut up their shops and followed no trade and the French
soldiers engrossed the whole into their own hands at their own
rate. But to return to our march :

Sunday the 27th : we marched to Loughrea six miles, all
the country hitherto is wild, mountainous and in my judge-
ment may be called barren, but some people are so blinded
with affection they will not allow the worst of soils to be called
barren, because it produces fern and wild sedge, which the
miserable cattle having no better are forced to feed upon,
and yet some will maintain that to be a rich soil, which all the
art of man cannot improve so as to bear anything but oats
and potatoes. At the town begins a valley which extends
some miles in length and breadth. It is not very plain, but has
f. 95 b several old ruins of castles and gentlemen's houses | and there
being many enclosures from the mountains it looks like an
exceeding pleasant and fertile place, but coming to view all
this near it is only ruins and a barren soil, wherein are some
scattered cornfields, some coarse pasture and the rest nothing
but fern and rushes. The town is like the country, promises
well at a distance, but when near you find only the remains of
a formerly indifferent place with some memory of walls, the
gates yet standing. There is also little more than the ruins of
a very considerable house belonging to the Earls of Clanric-
arde. Adjoining to the town is a great lough or lake out of
which runs a small river, and from the lough I suppose the
town takes its name. Here every company had a house
assigned for quarters.

Monday the 28th : we continued here. Brigadier Sarsfield ^

' Avaux speaks in high terms of Patrick Sarsfield (d. 1693). Avaux to
Louvois, October 21 : ' J'ay demande, Monsieur, au Roy d'Angleterre, un

I690 THE RELIEF OF ATHLONE 159

marched away with the horse under his command who had
quartered in the neighbourhood. At our setting out of
Limerick there marched also four pieces of cannon and a body
of horse and dragoons, all which took the way of Loughrea
for the conveniency of the road which is hard and fit for
draught, whereas the way the foot took (as I said before) was
unfit for heavy carriages, but being the shorter was judged
best for the foot, both for their ease and that they might the
sooner relieve Athlone, which was thought to be pressed and
in danger and by their coming might be strengthened the
better to expect farther relief. But upon the news of the
enemies quitting the siege, the foot marched back the easiest
though the longest way, and where they could have quarters
to refresh them.

nomme Sarsfield pourun des colonels qui iront en France, et pour com-
mander aussy ce corps l£l. Sarsfield n'est pas un homme de la naissance de
Mylord Gallouay, ny de Makarty, mais c'est un gentilhomme distingue par
son merite, qui a plus de credit dans ce royaume qu'aucun homme que je
connoisse ; il a de la valeur, mais surtout de Thonneur et la probit6 k toute
epreuve, et c'est un homme sur qui le Roy pourroit compter, et qui ne
quitteroit jamais son service. II a servi en France en quality d'enseigne
dans le regiment d'Hamilton, et depuis a este lieutenant des gardes du
corps du Roy en Angleterre, et est le seul qui ait combattu pour son service
contre le Prince d'Orange ; et lorsque Sa Maieste Britannique fut arrivee
en Irlande, j 'eus toutes les peines du monde ci le faire faire brigadier, quoyque
M. Tirconnel s'y employast fortement, sans que j'y parusse, le Roy disant
que c'estoit un fort brave homme, mais qui n'avoit point de teste. Mylord
Tirconnel ne laissa pas de I'envoyer dans la province de Connaught avec
une poignee de gens. II a leve pres de deux mille hommes par son credit,
et avec ces troupes la il a conserve toute la province de Connaught au Roy,
qui en est si content, que quand je luy ay demande Sarsfield, il me dit que
je luy voulois oster tous ses officiers, et qu'il ne me le donneroit pas ; que
j 'estois deraisonnable, et fis trois tours de chambre fort en colere .... c'est
un homme seroit toujours ^ la teste des troupes, et qui en auroit grande
soin.' James's lack of judgement is shown by his estimate of Sarsfield :
' C'estoit un fort brave homme, mais qui n'avoit point de tdte.' Berwick
was equally at fault, for he said, ' Sarsfield imagined himself to be a great
general." At the request of Avaux, James made him a brigadier. He
distinguished himself at the battles of Steinkirk a,nd Landen, where he
was mortally wounded. Luxemburg appreciated his worth. ' The Earl
of Lucan was also with me (i.e. at Steinkirk),' he wrote, ' and his courage
and intrepidity, of which he had given proof in Ireland, were very note-
worthy. I can assure your Majesty he is a very good and capable officer.'
Sarsfield's Regiment of Horse had a, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
seven captains, ten lieutenants, seven cornets, eight quarter-masters,
adjutant, and a ' Maal [PMarechal] des Logis r^forme '. Two officers were
French, Renfe de Came and Rene Mazandier. There were nine companies
and 396 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 250 men.

i6o THE JOURNAL 1690

Tuesday the 29th proved an excessive hot day, yet we
marched nine miles of that country (which are the longest I
ever saw) without halting, then rested a while near Gort,^
a very small inconsiderable village upon a very rocky river,
over which is a stone bridge, and adjoining to it a very large
house. The road hither is along one end of the bottom I spoke
of before, and partakes much of the hills and barrenness. After
a short halt we marched three miles farther to a mill about
a mile from the place called Toberreendony, famous for a clear
spring dedicated to our blessed lady, as the name imports in
Irish, and held in great veneration by all the neighbouring
people.* Part of this way is through lanes, the rest very stony
and hilly. Upon the road advice was brought that the enemy
had approached to Limerick and it was feared they would
attempt to pass the Shannon, which if they had compassed
might have been the loss of us all, we being but a small
96 a number of foot | and without horse or dragoons. Hereupon
ammunition was distributed and both officer and soldier
ordered upon pain of death not to stir from their post but to
lie down upon their arms and take some rest till such time
the general should beat, which was appointed within two hours,
having halted about ten at night to march again at twelve.
And though we had marched with only half an hour's rest from
morning till this time at night and at a great rate yet could we
the whole day make but twelve miles. I cannot but observe
how little confidence was then to be reposed in our men, for
notwithstanding the severe orders the fear of the enemy pre-
vailed so much more over them than that of punishment, or
any sense of honour, or their safety in standing by each other,
that it appeared with the light at least one half of them were
stolen away in the dark, those that were left being ready upon
the first alarm to follow the example set them by their
companions.

Wednesday the 30th : between twelve and one in the
morning the general beat, and again ordered that no man

• Stevens calls Gort Gortenshegure : it is also called Gortenshegury and
Gort-Inshi-Guare from Guaine, King of Connaught, who commenced his reigu
in the year 604 and held the sceptre thirty-eight years (Colgan, 248).

" Toberreendony means the well of the King of Sunday.

1690 THE CREAGHTS i6i

upon pain of death should stir from his post in marching. We
marched through a very thick wood and extraordinary rough
stony way long before the least light appeared, and the road
being so uncouth was exceeding troublesome in the dark. We
had many falls and that sometimes in the water, some stony
brooks crossing the wood and nobody seeing where they set
their feet. When day appeared we were out of the wood and
in a better way. Soon after day we halted to gather our
scattered men and march again with some lighted matches.
Now it appeared very many of our men had left us and among
them some who had the reputation of being very brave, many
of which upon occasions of danger I have found to be the
backwardest of all, and that they gained a name only by being
mutinous troublesome fellows, always in private broils, yet
durst not look upon the common enemy. Having marched
seven miles this morning we made a considerable halt to refresh
the men at Quin, a small village, where are some considerable
remains of an ancient church and abbey, then possessed by
the Franciscan friars. Whilst we halted some men of each
regiment were sent with officers to look out for provisions in
the neighbourhood to bring to the men, who were commanded
to pay for what they had. There was no other neighbourhood
to seek anything, but those they call the creaghts,^ which are
much like the Tartar hordes, being a number of people some |
more some less, men, women and children under a chief or f. 96 b
head of the name or family, who raiige about the country with
their flocks or herds and all the goods they have in the world,
without any settled habitation, building huts wherever they
find pasture for their cattle and removing as they find occasion.
This is a custom much used in Ireland, especially in time of
war as now, when thousands of all sorts fled from the dominion
of the usurper and had no other manner of living but this.
But the custom I believe is immemorial and was doubtless in
use among them before the conquest by the English. They
have small cars and garrons or Httle horses to carry their

^ Cf. Four Masters, iv. 1224, note ; Annals of Ulster, iii. 63 ; Oxford
English Dictionary, ii. 11 48-9; Avaux to Louvois, December 6, 1689;
Avaux to Louis, January 25, 1690 ; Avaux to Louvois, January 25 ; lettre
d'un Religieux, sans signature, k M. d'Avaux, September 22, 1689.

1218 M

i62 THE JOURNAL 1690

necessaries and live most upon the milk of their cows. With
what they can spare they buy bread and other necessaries,
or in these times of confusion make no scruple of taking where
they find it. Particularly in gathering cattle they are in-
dustrious, for many who came from their habitations in
Ulster with only one or two cows by the time they came to
the neighbourhood of Limerick were increased some to fifty,
some a hundred, and some more head of black cattle. They
examine not whose ground they encamp in, and when they
march drive all the cattle that comes in their way, and in
some places I have heard them complained of as more grievous
and burdensome to the country than the army, which seemed
to me improbable and almost impossible, but that the country
people affirmed the robberies and insolences of the soldiers
were much inferior to the extravagant barbarities of those
people. In short if they came first they left nothing for the
army, and where they came after they carried away whatever
the army had left. And though the irreconcilable hatred
between Ulster and Munster be cause enough for those people
eternally to reproach and slander each other,^ and that they
are never wanting in that part, yet certain it is the creaghts
were worse to the country than the professed enemy or their
costly friends, the king's army, and even in this the two pro-
vinces strove to be upon equal terms, the one always railing and
the other always giving fresh occasion to rail. But it must be
observed there were creaghts of the other provinces as well as
Ulster though not so numerous, yet whatever was done the
Ulster had the name of it. The design was to have marched
through this day to Limerick, which was twelve miles from this
place, a great march though the county of Clare miles be not
altogether so long as those of Connaught. But being informed

' It is worth noticing that North and South do not agree, e. g. North and
South England, the Highland and Lowlands of Scotland, the northern and
southern states of United States, North and South France, North and South
Portugal, Prussia and Baden, North and South Italy. Cf. the editor's
Revolutionary Ireland and its Settlement, 377-81. Shakespeare, with
his usual insight, notes the difference between northern and southern
peoples : from this standpoint Othello and Romeo can be contrasted with
Hamlet. Sellings (Confederation and War, iii. ii) refers to "that antient
and everlasting difference between Leagh Cuin and Leagh Mow" (i.e.
North and South Ireland).

i69o THE CREAGHTS 163

there was no danger of the enemy we only marched half-way to
Sixmilebridge, which is | an indifferent good town and takes its f. 97 a
name from its distance from Limerick and a small bridge over
a little river that runs through it, and thence into the Shannon,
yet we were quartered three or four companies in a house.

Thursday the 31st : we marched to Limerick which is six
large miles, almost half the way over a high steep and stony
mountain, the rest plain and most part lanes, cornfields and
meadows on both sides, all enclosed as in England. There is
another way to avoid the mountain but farther about : I shall
speak of it when I come to travel it. From our setting out
till our return to Limerick we suffered much for want of
provisions and above all of bread, for no ammunition bread
was given and scarce any could be bought, only very rarely
some few cakes of oats or bere, a grain much like to though not
the same but bigger and coarser than barley, whereof all
their beer and ale is made, little or none of their land producing
the true barley. The city being filled with the chief officers,
both civil and military, the guards and French, we were
quartered in the Irish town one or two companies in a house.

Friday the ist of August : all the regiments were drawn out
and reviewed in the King's Island in order, as was given out,
to receive money and bread and have quarters regulated.
After standing at arms till about two of the clock we were
dismissed without any thing, only orders that an officer of
a company should make a true return of their arms fixed and
unfixed, and of the number of their men present.

Saturday the 2nd : most of our horse and dragoons, some
on the one side of the river some on the other, marched towards
Athlone. This day also the French forces departed for Galway
to the great satisfaction not only of the inhabitants, but of all
the garrison that remained in town. They remained some
time at Galway till ships came to carry them into France,
thinking it impossible Limerick should hold out a siege,
offering to lay wagers it would be taken in three days.^

^ William expected that all would be ended in fourteen days. Cf. Hoff-
mann's report, Klopp, v. 169. Tyrconnel summoned a meeting of the
general officers of the Irish army at Galway, and read to them a letter

M2

i64 THE JOURNAL 1690

Immediately upon their departure His Grace the Duke of
Tyrconnel ordered it to be proclaimed that no person should
presume to ask above thirty shillings for a pistole, thirty-eight
shillings for a guinea and seven and sixpence for a crown in
silver, pistoles before being sold for five pounds in brass and
silver crowns for thirty or forty shillings. Nay this day the
French marched out some of them gave a crown for each
silver three-halfpenny piece. |
t 97 b Sunday the 3rd : nothing of note, but that advice was
brought of the approach of the enemy, and all preparations
for their reception hastened accordingly.

Monday and Tuesday, the 4th and 5th : most part of these
two days the foot, who were encamped on the east side of the
town, marched through into the King's Island, carrying with
them all the materials for building their huts, and encamped
there. The small works about the town not being finished, the
men were kept at work incessantly day and night.

Wednesday the 6th : there was nothing remarkable, but
a review being taken of the Lord Grand Prior's regiment it
was found to consist of 446 private men, besides corporals,
sergeants and commissioned officers, making in all 543. Of
these many sick and absent, but many more without arms.
Though there was the name of many regiments in the garrison
yet very few of them were near this number and fewer equal
in goodness of men. I speak it not out of affection or vanity
because I served in it, but because it was one of the oldest
in the kingdom, giving their precedence only to the Guards and
disputing the right with Hamilton's, all others yielding to it.

from James giving orders to such of the military of&cers as pleased to take
advantage of the French fleet then riding in Galway Bay to join him in
France, and permitting the men of inferior rank to submit to the Prince of
Orange and to make for themselves the best terms in their power (Macariae
Excidium, 54-5). Sarsfield, however, resolutely maintained that when
the king wrote the letter he could not have been aware of the true state
of affairs, and that it never would have been written had His Majesty
known that there was a considerable army still in the field, able and
willing to fight to the last man, and that the province of Counaught could
easily hold out until relief would have time to arrive (Macariae Excidium,
67-8, 380-1). To this he added that, let others do as they might, he was
determined not to turn his back on his country in this hour of danger.
His word and bis deeds turned the scale against Tyrconnel, who with
himself and Lauzun returned to the beleaguered city.

I690 SIEGE PREPARATIONS 165

Thursday the 7th : on the works mounted by brigades at
noon went the Lord Grand Prior and Hamilton^ and the regi-
ments joined to them, which made a large brigade and had not
as at other times a particular brigadier, but were commanded
by him wlj,ose day it was. The enemy encamped within three
miles of the town and our dragoons retired, burning all the
country as they went. The devastation spread on all sides, and
quite round might be seen some villages, and many farms,
and considerable gentlemen's country houses in flames. Our
negligence at first was cause that our works, though mean
and inconsiderable, were not yet finished, so that no inter-
mission could be allowed. Gordon and Felix O'Neill^ with
other regiments joined to them relieved the work in the
evening to continue all night till break of day.

Friday the 8th : Gormanstown ' and Bellew,* &c., mounted
the work and were relieved at noon by the Grand Prior, &c.
This morning the enemy's horse and dragoons came up within
half a mile of the town, showing themselves on the rising

'■ Richard Hamilton was the fifth son of Sir George Hamilton of Dona-
long, and uncle of James, sixth Duke of Abercorn. He was banished from
France because he aspired to the hand of the Princess de Conti, the natural
daughter of Louis XIV. On coming to Ireland as the friend of William, he
yielded to the advice of Tyrconnel. He won at the rout of Dromore, forced
the pass at Cladyford, and besieged Derry. He advised James to station
Sir Neill O'Neill with his dragoons at the ford of the Boyne near Slane,
where he fought gallantly, but was taken prisoner. Louvois did not think
highly of his work at Derry, and deemed it too important work to be
given to an of&cer in a foot regiment ' and not very distinguished in that '.
He served with distinction in the French army both before and after his
coming to Ireland. Avaux mentions the fact that he was suspected of
being in communication with the WUliamite leaders, and in a letter to
Queen Mary, April 1689, Tyrconnel denies this, rumour, adding that ' the
thing in itself bespeaks the ridiculousness of it '.

' The muster of Colonel Felix O'Neill's Regiment merely gives the
colonel, lieutenant-colonel, one captain, and one lieutenant.

Colonel Felix O'Neill was the son of Turlough O'Neill, an active
supporter of Charles I. At first he was a barrister and became a Master in
Chancery, but in 1689 he doffed his gown and buckled on his sword.
He was killed at the battle of Aughrim (Story, pt. ii, 285, 291).

^ Lord Gormanstown's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
eleven captains, fourteen lieutenants, and fourteen ensigns. There were
thirteen companies and 578 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men.

* Lord BeUew's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
thirteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, fourteen ensigns, adjutant, chaplain,
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 878 men (Brit. Mus. list).
Avaux gives 350 men.

i66 THE JOURNAL 1690

f. 98 a grounds, and having taken | a view of all posts returned
to their camp. A party of Colonel Luttrell's Horse being
abroad, a small skirmish happened between them and some
of the most advanced of the enemies. There was nothing in it
considerable, only two of the enemy being taken and three or
four killed, of ours only one wounded.

Saturday the 9th: the Prince of Orange invested the
town, enclosing with his army all that is not surrounded by
the Shannon.^ Detachments of our foot, supported by the
dragoons, disputed every field with the enemy, lining the
hedges and retiring orderly from one to another after several
volleys and some execution till they came within shelter of our
cannon or outworks, and there they continued in small bodies
in the ditches and kept their ground all night. In this skirmish-
ing we lost but very few men, nor indeed could we spare them
so that it was done only for form and to amuse the enemy.
Giving way still as they pressed upon us, there was never an
officer killed but Sir Maurice Eustace had his horse shot under
him in the midst of us, and Fitzpatrick's major his in a field
below us, but neither they nor any of us hurt. I will not be too
exact in affirming what garrison we had, I know both to
encourage us and terrify the enemy we were given out to be

' The description of the siege by Corporal Trim seems to have been
taken by Sterne from an old soldier who had been present : ' We were
scarce able to crawl out of our tents at the time the siege of Limerick was
rjiised, and had it not been for the quantity of brandy we set fire to every
night, and the claret and cinnamon and geneva with which we plied our-
selves, we had both left our lives in the trenches. . . . The city of Limerick,
the siege of which was begun under His Majesty King WiUiam himself,
lies in the midst of a devilish wet swampy country ; it is surrounded
with the Shannon, and is by its situation one of the strongest fortified
places in Ireland ; it is all cut through with drains and bogs ; and besides,
there was such a quantity of rain fell during the siege, the whole country
was like a puddle ; 'twas that and nothing else which brought on the
flux. Now, there was no such thing after the first ten days, as for a soldier
to lie dry in his tent, without cutting a ditch round it to draw off the
water ; nor was that enough for those who could afford it, without setting
fire every night to a pewter dish full of brandy, which took off the damp
of the air, and made the inside of the tent as warm as a stove.' Dumont de
Bostaquet and Story confirm the truth that heavy rain fell, yet the Duke
of Berwick writes : ' I can af&rm that not a single drop of rain fell for above
a month before or three weeks after I ' Stevens, in his entry on August 29,
flatly contradicts this statement. As the siege lasted more than three
weeks, Berwick's account means that no rain fell for more than ten weeks.

1690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK 167

15,000 strong, but I can be positive that to my knowledge we
were not in all 10,000, including the unarmed men which were
a considerable number.^ This day the Grand Prior with the
regiments joined, which I shall no more repeat, mounted the
hornwork, Hamilton the east side trenches, Maxwell's Dra-
goons ^ from the south-east to the south-west tower, on the
west side Bellew and Gormanstown. Detachments mounted
the redoubts, the walls and Enghsh town being posts of less
consequence, and never falling to these that were the best
regiments, except the walls when the siege grew hot ; I shall
make no mention of them, not being able to give a general
account of all places, being constantly tied to the duties of my
post, which being in a regiment of such repute was commonly
where there was most probability of service. I shall be brief
in my relation of the siege, affirming only what I saw or
received from eyewitnesses of credit, for considering my post
at that time very much cannot be expected, and I had rather
be brief with truth and omit small passages than by pretend-
ing 1 to more particulars than I can afHrm deliver falsehoods f. gg b
or at least uncertainties. There was within the hornwork
a small stone half-moon that covered Mungret Gate, now

* William's force was only 20,000. Its strength had been diminished
by the numerous garrisons. Klopp, v. 169.

' Brigadier Thomas Maxwell's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel,
lieutenant-colonelj major, ten captains, twelve lieutenants, eleven cornets,
eight quarter-masters, and an adjutant. There were twelve companies and
649 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 360 men. Singer's Correspondence
of Lord Clarendon enumerates twelve companies with 600 men (ii. 512).
Cf. Somers State Tracts, xi. 399.

Brigadier Thomas Maxwell was unable to oppose the landing of Schom-
berg at Bangor and was present at the battle of the Boyne and at the
siege of Limerick. He advised the Duke of Berwick to agree to send
a deputation to Louis and to send with it a secret agent of his own explain-
ing the Anglo-Irish standpoint. The Duke sent Maxwell, who gave his
own version of the situation to Louis, and his gloss was accepted. A ser-
geant and ten men from his regiment behaved with the utmost gallantry
at the Bridge of Athlone. Maxwell gave up his sword to Mackay when he
entered the breach in the wall at Athlone. According to Macariae Exci-
dium and the Light to the Blind, Maxwell had an understanding with
Ginkell. Colonel O' Kelly did not like him ; for he was a friend of Tyr-
connel. After 1691 he went to France and Louis gave him the command of
the Royal regiment, and he perished at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693. There
are references to him in the Avaux negotiations : Avaux to Louvois,
August 14, August 30, September 4 ; Avaux to Louis, October 21 ; Avaux
to Louvois, November 26 ; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6.

i68 THE JOURNAL 1690

quite made up. This place was appointed for a party of horse
and here constantly stood about thirty of Luttrell's regiment
ready upon all occasions.

Sunday the loth : one battalion of the Royal regiment of
Foot Guards relieved the hornwork, Gordon ^ and Felix O'Neill
the east side, Luttrell's Dragoons St. John's Gate, FitzGerald
and Kilmallock the west. The enemy fired most part of the
day some field pieces from Cromwell's fort and the hill opposite
to the south-west commonly called the Ball tower. They did
no execution though two or three balls went through the
Capuchins' chapel in time of mass. Our cannon answered
upon all occasions though to as little effect, only that we
looked on the enemy's losses through multiplying glasses
their loss could not be much, but some there was.

Monday the nth : the Grand Prior mounted the east side
where the O'Neills were, the second battalion of guards
relieved the first and the rest in order. The Grand Prior also
relieved the two redoubts of the south-east angle. The cannon
played hot on both sides till the enemy's on a sudden gave
over, it was thought ours had dismounted or at least en-
damaged some of their pieces. Some battalions of the enemy's
being encamped within sight and reach of our guns, they played
through them so smartly, that they were obliged to remove.

Tuesday the I2th : the wprks were relieved as before. We
heard nothing of the enemy all day they continuing very quiet,
as was thought being busy in the wood cutting of faggots,
wherever they could be perceived to move in any body within
reach on cannon continually played on them.^

^ Colonel Gordon O'Neill's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, ten captains, with only one lieutenant and one ensign recorded.
There were 425 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men.

Colonel Gordon O'Neill (d. 1704) was one of the representatives of
the county of Tyrone, and was lord-lieutenant of that county. He was
the son of the celebrated Sir Phelim O'Neill of Caledon in Tsrrone. His
regiment served at Derry, the Boyne, and Aughrim. At the last engage-
ment he was left as dead on the field, but the following day some Scots
officers recognized him through his likeness to his mother, a Gordon. They
had him nursed till he recovered from his wounds. After the treaty of
Limerick he went to France, where Louis gave him the colonelcy of the
Charlemont Regiment of Infantry.

' It is extraordinary to find that Stevens omits all notice of Sarsfield's
remarkable exploit in destroying the Williamite siege train at Ballyneety

1690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK 169

Wednesday the 13th : we mounted the same place, all other
posts were relieved as usual, for the whole strength of the
garrison even now at first consisted but of one relief, so that
we were on duty every other day and were besides subject to
all accidents of alarms which were frequent, and towards the
latter end our duty was continual. This day before mounting
was a review of all that were not upon duty. The unarmed
men | were continually kept at work, the chief part whereof f. 99 a
was in the King's Island, where was raised a square foirt with
four bulwarks, on one of them a small platform for three or
four guns to play over the branch of the river that makes the
island, where it was thought the enemy designed to raise
a battery, having made some odd shots from thence. There
were besides some breastworks cast up at such places as the
river was most easy to be forded. This day passed without
any molestation from the enemy.

Thursday the 14th : all the works relieved as usual. The
enemy lay very still till about two or three of the clock, at
which time they began to play furiously with four pieces of
cannon on our platform of the citadel, and so continued very
hot for about two hours, when on a sudden they gave over.
Our cannon the meanwhile was not idle, but answered them
so smartly both from that platform and above within the
citadel that by their sudden ceasing as well as other signs
which we could perceive, it was concluded we had done some
considerable damage to their battery. On our side only
a lieutenant lost an arm, seven or eight killed, and as many
wounded.

Friday the 15th : we mounted as before. The enemy's
cannon played at our platforms and did little or no hurt.
Only on the north side some few men were hurt and two or
three killed by the cannon balls which rebounded back from
the stone wall.

Saturday the i6th : the works relieved as usual. All our
unarmed men were continually kept at work, some fortifying

on Monday the nth. Clarke Correspondence, August 12, 1690, vol. i,
f . 90 ; Theo. Harrison to the Rev. John Strype, August 23, Dublin (Ellis
Correspondence) ; Rawdon Papers, No. 143 ; Burnet, ii. 58 ; Clarke, ii. 416 ;
Dumont MSS.

170 THE JOURNAL 1690

the King's Island, others beating down the battlements on
the walls, which were very high, took up much of the wall
and did much harm when struck by the enemy's shot,
f. 99 b because being of stone they flew about and | wounded all
that stood near.

Sunday the 17th : having reheved the works the whole day
continued very quiet. About midnight the enemy advanced
on the south and south-east sides of the town. Not far from
the south-east angle were two small redoubts and a third
opposite to St. John's Gate on the south side. This last they
attacked, which though made up only of loose stones laid one
upon another was vigorously maintained by Hamilton and
Eustace's Grenadiers, who behaved themselves so well that
they repulsed the rebels and kept their ground till ordered to
retire, that poor work being no longer tenable. A detachment
of the Grand Prior's men, who were in the remotest of the
two redoubts opposite to the south-east angle behaved them-
selves so ill that they quitted their post at the first charge and
fled, some to the other redoubt and some to the trenches, with
such precipitation that they lost their arms, the officers com-
manding there being the first, as it afterwards appeared, that
gave the example to the soldiers of running, which they so
readily followed that not one shot was spent in defence of the
post. Lieutenant-Colonel Connel^ of the Lord Slane's Regi-
ment advanced out of the trenches, endeavouring to encourage
the men to retrieve their honour by regaining the redoubt,
f. 100 a but 1 the enemy being in possession and our men in a con-
sternation nothing was effected, only that with some small
reinforcement he put himself into the other redoubt, which
secured it for that time he continuing there till we were
reheved. The enemy after this success attempted not to
proceed any farther, but were heard to work all the remaining
part of the night and the next day, being

^ Colonel Maurice Connel felt keenly the loss of Athlone, and as St.-Ruth
had been identified with the faction of Tyrconnel, the latter forfeited stUl
more of his already dwindling popularity. It was said that Tyrconnel's
friend, Brigadier Maxwell, had an understanding with Ginkell, and it was
further rumoured that Connel ordered the viceroy to leave. Connel fell
at Aughrim. Maoariae Excidium calls him a stout tribune (p. 133).

i69o SIEGE OF LIMERICK 171

Monday the i8th : it appeared they had raised a new
battery upon Cromwell's Fort, so called for that it was raised
by that usurper in the former rebelhon when he besieged
Limerick. It stands on a hill which overlooks the town about
a quarter of a mile distant from it, the redoubt we lost the
last night on the south side lying in the mid way to it. As
soon as day appeared they began to play from that new
battery with four pieces of cannon upon our small platform
that covered the south-east angle, but with little success,
some few balls being buried in it, others flying quite over the
town, and some after glancing along the wall falling into our
trenches, whereof one broke the legs of three men and a piece
of another killed one man, but we retiring our men under
shelter received no further damage. At the usual time we
were relieved by first battalion of the Royal Regiment of Foot
Guards, who were afterwards to be relieved by their second
battalion, that post being taken from us, either because it
being the most | exposed and consequently most honourable f. jgob
seemed of right to belong to the Guards or else silently to
reproach us for the loss of the redoubt. This night the enemy
advanced and attacked that redoubt we were still masters of
near the south-east angle, and having made some show of
attempting the trenches retired without gaining anything,
their assault being but weak and of no continuance. The
town took the alarm and all the garrison that was within
continued the whole night, either on the walls or at arms, in
the streets ready upon all occasions,

Tuesday the 19th : a strong detachment of the best men
with firelocks and swords, for it is to be observed we had
but few of those sorts of arms, was drawn out of the best regi-
ments that relieved the trenches. The Grand Prior's with
Colonel Moore's Regiment^ mounted the hornwork where'

* Colonel Charles Moore's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
twelve captains, three lieutenants, four ensigns, quarter-master, chaplain,
and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 794 men (Brit. Mus. list).
Avaux gives 400 men.

Colonel Charles Moore was the only son of the celebrated Rory O'More
of 1641, and as such was chief of the O'Mores of Leix. He married Margaret,
Lady Brittas, second daughter of the eighteenth Lord Kerry, by whom
he had no issue. Hamilton and Berwick left his regiment to garrison

172 THE JOURNAL 1690

the Regiment of Guards did duty before they were removed
to the trenches on the east side. The hornwork is on the west
side enclosing a small old stone half-moon before Mungret Gate
now made up ; in this half-moon stood continually a troop
of horse ready upon all occasions. The hornwork was large
to cover a hill which commands the greatest part of the town.
The Grand Prior's battalion covered the south and west parts
of the hornwork, Moore's the north or rather the north-west. |

f. loi a The detachment before mentioned was advanced before the
trenches on the east to have secured the redoubt of the south-
east angle, if attacked, but the enemy attempted it not, and
contented themselves with drawing a trench parallel to ours
from the redoubt they had taken towards the river, our
advanced men never endeavouring to disturb them, whereas
they might easily have obstructed their work and done good
execution upon them. Nothing else happened of moment,
but whereas before we relieved the works in the morning now
it was put off till the evening.

Wednesday the 20th : the enemy played from their battery
on Cromwell's Fort, and from another they had newly raised
on the redoubt they took from us opposite to the south-east
angle. In the afternoon they vigorously attacked the redoubt
we still maintained on the same side not far from their new
battery. Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly of the Guards commanded
there and twice repulsed the rebels,^ but the third time the
post was abandoned without any apparent reason for it, the
defendants having sustained no loss and the enemy giving
way ; only the fear of our men, and, as I heard, the ill example

f. loi b of some officers, who | first quitted the post putting them to
flight. An unfortunate sally was made after the loss of the
redoubt at the east Watergate by all our horse, a party of

Coleraine, and afterwards it was dispatched to Sligo (Clarke, U. 382). On
May 4, 1 69 1, with four other regiments it encountered the Williamite forces
near Castle-Cufie. Colonel Moore and his lieutenant-colonel fell at the
battle of Aughrim (Story, pt. ii, 138). This regiment suffered so cruelly
at this battle that only Major John Burke, two captains, one lieutenant,
and four ensigns remained to be committed by GinkeU to the custody of
the Dutch Provost-Marshal.

' This may be Colonel Charles O'Kelly (1621-95) or his brother Colonel
John O'Kelly. See Macariae Excidium, xi-xix.

1690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK 173

dragoons afoot, and a body of foot. The loSs of our horse for
their number was great, many of them being killed and
wounded. The foot behaved not themselves so well as was
expected, but the dragoons advanced boldly and did much
execution among the enemy's horse till being overpowered
they retired in very good order, still firing as they gave way.
Our loss was considerable and among the rest were killed
Colonel Purcell^ and his Lieutenant-Colonel Power,^ and

' Colonel Nicholas Purcell's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, major, ten captains, eleven lieutenants, eleven cornets, seven
quarter-masters, and a chaplain. There were twelve companies and
419 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 360 men. In the Somers Collection
of Tracts (xi. 411) we find this cavalry regiment classed as dragoons and
its strength is given as twelve troops with 720 men. The majority of the
soldiers belonged to Tipperaxy. The Purcells were a famous family of
fighters. In this regiment besides the colonel there were six of the name.
The name also appears in Lord Mountcashel's Infantry, in Colonel Edward
Butler's, in the King's Own, in Sir Michael Creagh's, in Colonel Dudley
BagnaU's, Lord Clare's Dragoons, Lord Galmoy's Horse, and there is
a PurceU a colonel in the infantry.

Colonel Nicholas PurceU became a Privy Councillor in 1686 and in
1689 he sat as a member for the county of Tipperary. James sent his
dragoons to Belturbet and the Duke of Berwick commended them. PurceU
was present at the battle of the Boyne where the tactics of James prevented
his doing much. He was a zealous friend of Sarsfield. With the two
LuttreUs, Henry and Simon, Macclesfield, and the Roman Catholic Bishop
of Cork he went on a deputation to Louis in order to ask him to send men
and arms and an important French general to act as generalissimo.
Berwick sent Brigadier Maxwell with counter-instructions and orders to
detain Henry Luttrell and PurceU. These two were also bitterjf opposed
to Tyrconuel and they are also joined in a more sinister connexion, for they
were suspected of treason at Aughrim. At Limerick he acted as a com-
missioner for the Irish and persuaded them to go to France. Stevens was
misinformed, for PurceU survived the siege.

' John Power was lieutenant-colonel in Lord KilmaUock's Infantry.
He sat in the Commons as a representative of Waterford, and was attainted
in 1691. In 1703 John, ' commonly called Lord Power,' petitioned Queen
Anne, setting forth that during the late calamitous times he was kind and
serviceable to divers Protestants, especially in Limerick during the siege,
he being then mayor of the city ; that he had gone to France and was in
the army there, when encouragement having been given to him by the
late King William, he quitted that country, though offered a major-
generalsMp if he remained ; that the sudden death of that king retarded
his interest, but Her Majesty having given him licence to return, he gave
up his son to be educated a Protestant, the queen allowing a yearly main-
tenance for his education ; and that she gave himself an appointment to
go and serve the King of Portugal, her ally. That, during his absence
from the kingdom, he was outlawed as for treason, though, as he replied,
he had neither real nor personal property that could accrue to the Crown
by his outlawry. That, however, by a recent Act of Parliament such
attainder could not be cleared away, but only by another Act, the benefit

174 THE JOURNAL 1690

Lieutenant-Colonel Mockler.^ The enemy lost a great number
of officers and soldiers.^ In the evening we were relieved, but
to as little rest as at other times, for

Thursday the 2ist : about one or two in the morning we
were alarmed and continued at arms in the street and on the
walls till about six when we were again dismissed. All the day
the enemy continued their work, having every day brought
great quantities of faggots, which now they employed in
securing and carrying on their trenches towards the river.
In the evening the posts were all relieved according to custom
and this night we received no disturbance from the enemy. |
f. 102 a Friday the 22nd : with the day the enemy began to batter
the tower on the south-east angle with four pieces of cannon
and continued it hotly without any intermission till about
noon or somewhat after the upper part of it fell to the ground,
the remaining part being still as high as the wall. After this
they slackened in their fury of firing, but gave not wholly
over continuing to make some shots at the same tower and
some at another in the middle of the east wall. It was now
ordered we should relieve at one of the clock the time the

of which he therefore prayed. Stevens seems to be in error here, for the only
lieutenant-colonel of Colonel Purcell's Regiment was Robert Purcell.

' Sir James Mockler was the lieutenant-colonel in Henry Luttrell's
Regiment of Horse. In 1691 he was attainted. He is, in all probability,
Colonel Sir James Moakland.

^ On the 20th William ordered an attack upon the strong redoubt close
to St. John's Gate. Cutts' Grenadiers and the Eighteenth Foot led the way.
The grenadiers threw in their grenades and, following their missiles, after
a sharp struggle they mastered the fort. The Irish sallied forth to retake
it and were repelled by the Sixth Dragoon Guards and some French horse.
There were over 300 of the Irish killed, and when they begged for quarter
the soldiers replied that they should have just such quarter as the wagoners
at Ballyneety received (Theo. Harrison to the Rev. J. Strype, August 23,
1690, Dublin (Ellis Correspondence) ; Hist. MSS. Com. xii. 7. 29:). One
great advantage of the capture was that it enabled the besiegers to
erect a battery nearer the walls. The king witnessed the whole fight and
was distressed to learn that he had 79 men killed and 192 wounded.
Boisseleau to Lou vols. Limerick, August §^, 1690, Minist6re de la Guerre ;
Clarke Correspondence, vol. ii. f. 102 :

lulled wounded
English Cavalry . . . .21 52

English Infantry . . . .58 140

79 192

English Horses .... 64 57

I690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK 175

enemy relieved their trenches. This was the first night for
a week that we were not alarmed in town, yet our men on the
walls continued till day firing upon the enemy, who were
carrying on their approaches on the east side, and threw many
bombs and carcasses^ into the town which they had not done
before, yet they did no considerable execution.

Saturday the 23rd : they spent the whole day battering the
east wall next the tower they had ruined the day before,
playing incessantly with six pieces of cannon planted on
a battery they had raised in the first redoubt they took from
us directly opposite to the south-east angle. They | also f. 102 b
made many shots at the citadel by St. John's Gate. The stones
that flew from the wall and splinters of balls which broke
against those hard stones killed some and wounded many of
our men, because the narrowness of our works afforded no
shelter and the ruins of the walls could not be avoided in the
straightness of the trenches. The citadel and south wall
received little or no damage, but on the east side the top of the
wall was shaken. After noon there was a cessation of arms
for about two hours to bury the dead, which lay above ground
since the day we lost the last redoubt and made the unfor-
tunate sally. Then the works were relieved. A detachment of
100 men out of several regiments was sent to join the guards in
the trenches on the east side where the enemy pushed on their
approaches and had their chief battery. I was ordered with
this detachment and we were posted in the north end of the
trench next the river, that being the most exposed place of
all the works because all the enemy's cannon that played
upon the wall drove clouds of stones and rubbish upon it which
flew with great violence and wounded many. Besides it was |
thought the enemy would make an attack upon that place f. 103 a
because it was the weakest and even naked at low water.
The officers had positive orders if attacked to kill any soldier
that should offer to fly, and it was also declared death for any
officer to quit his post though never so hard pressed. However
we only essayed the fury of the cannon which played day and
night, for the enemy attempted not the post. They were all
1 Carcasses are shells made partly of iron.

176 THE JOURNAL 1690

night at work our men from the wall incessantly firing upon
them. This night also they threw a considerable number of
bombs and carcasses into the town, but had no extraordinary
effect besides the beating down two great houses and firing
some thatched stables which abroad made show of a great fire.^
Sunday the 24th : with the day we discovered the enemy
had advanced their trenches within fifty paces of our counter-
scarp on^the east side, and were raising a battery in the
redoubt they last gained of us. All the day they played hotly
from the other on the wall which was much damaged thereby.
Nothing else remarkable happened this day. The works were
relieved as usual except our detachment which through the
negligence of the major continued on till night. |
f. 103 1) Monday the 25th : the enemy began very early and con-
tinued all day playing hotly from two batteries, the one of
twelve pieces of cannon against the intended breach in the
east wall. The other was of four newly raised in the bottom
near the bog opposite to the middle tower of the east wall,
whence they made many shots at the Franciscans' chapel,
standing near the east gate of the English town where we had
three pieces of cannon that flanked their trenches. They also
played them at Ball's Bridge which joins the English and Irish
towns, being built over that arm of the Shannon which encloses
the English town and King's Island. About noon both sides

'■ The author of Macariae Excidium describes the general character of
the struggle : ' Never was a town better attacked and defended than the
city of Paphos (Limerick). Theodore (William) left nothing unattempted
that the art of war, the skill of a great captain, and the valour of veteran
soldiers could put into execution to gain the place ; and the Cyprians (the
Irish) omitted nothing that courage and constancy could practise to defend
it. The continued assaults of the one, and the frequent sallies of the other,
consumed a great many brave men of the army and garrison.' Hist. MSS.
Com. xii. 7. 288 : ' At the action in taking the lower town a soldier who
was an apprentice to a butcher here in Leadenhall Market had the courage
before the king to go up to the very mouths of two cannon of the enemy's
with a sword in one hand and a musket in the other and killed both the
gunners. The other soldiers followed close after, beat the rest ofE and
kept possession. For this His Majesty sent for him the next day and gave
him 200 guineas and a captain's place.' William, according to an eyewit-
ness, ' is almost all day long in the trenches and exposes his person on every
occasion, as much as a private exposes, and is obliged to expose, his. A few
days ago a squadron of the enemy might easily have carried him off '
{Notes and Queries, August i8, 1877).

I69Q SIEGE OF LIMERICK 177

relieved their works. Many of the enemy's balls from the east
side flew over the town into the hornwork, they aiming high
to bring down the top of the wall by degrees. After night
they threw many bombs and carcasses which did no great
hurt, but one firing a thatched mill near the citadel made
without the show of a great fire at which the rebels shouted,
but their joy was soon extinguished with the flame. This was
all the harm done this night.

Tuesday the 26th : the day began as usual ^ith | the noise f- 104 a
of the cannon from all the enemy's batteries. This day they
perfected their intended work, having made a breach in the
southernmost part of the east wall near twenty paces wide,
and though somewhat high yet easy of ascent, the vast
quantity of rubbish beaten from the upper part of the wall
and tower having almost filled the counterscarp so that there
was no difficulty in mounting. Their cannon also levelled the
glacis of the covered way and, having beat down the palisades,
opened a plain passage to the breach and that gave a fair
invitation to assault the town. This night they threw but
few bombs and fewer carcasses seeming to be sparing of both.
None of them did any damage worth mentioning.^

Wednesday the 27th : the enemy's batteries played
furiously, the farthest off being the least at Ball's Bridge, the
great one at the breach till they had laid it open above thirty
paces and made the ascent plainer on their side than it was
from the town. About noon the trenches were to be relieved
which in part was done, only the Grand Prior's to which, as
was said before, because of the weakness of regiments were
joined Slane's and Boisseleau's,^ stood at arms in the street
in order to have relieved | the hornwork. It had been before f. 104 b
ordered that as they reheved one regiment should still stand
at arms till another came in. It was our good fortune to

'■ On August 24 the Williamite trenches were only twenty yards from the
ditch of the town. Six batteries were now playing upon the walls, and
storms of shot, shell, and red-hot balls fell within Limerick.

' Major-General Boisseleau's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
no major, thirty captains, thirty-one lieutenants, and thirty-one ensigns.
There were twelve captains and five lieutenants a la suite. Of the former
nine were French and three Irish ; of the latter three were French and two
Irish. The British Museum list gives 1,286 men, and Avaux 1,178.

1218 N

178 THE JOURNAL 1690

attend then when on a sudden we were commanded to light
our matches and that scarce done to march towards St. John's
Gate and man the walls, but before we could reach it our
governor, Major-General Boisseleau, came running and, order-
ing us to the left, led to the breach. Before we could come
up the running we perceived the breach possessed by the
enemy, a great number came down into the retrenchment
made within it and above twenty of them were got into the
street. Having heard no firing of small shot before, we at the
first sight thought they had been our guards retiring out of the
counterscarp, they being all in red coats, till we discovered
the green boughs in their hats which was the mark of distinc-
tion worn by the rebels, whereas ours was white paper. Besides
an officer on the breach brandishing his sword called upon his
men to follow, crying the town was their own. Our guards,
who were in the counterscarp, upon the first appearance of the
enemy abandoned their post without firing a shot, flying with
such precipitation that many of them forced their way through
our dragoons, who were posted on the right of them towards
St. John's Gate. These dragoons behaved themselves with [
f. 105 a much bravery presenting their pieces upon such of the guards
as had not pierced through them, which obliged many to stand
as did some of their officers ashamed of the infamous flight of
their men. With these few that stood by them the dragoons
made good their post during the whole time of the action.
Meanwhile the Grand Prior's Regiment had well lined the
retrenchment within the breach and, being undeceived that
the enemy and not our own men were those that rushed in so
impetuous, the word was given to fire, which was performed
so effectually that a considerable number of the rebels dropped,
and our men renewed their charges with such vigour that in
a very short space they had not left one enemy within the
breach, though still nothing daunted they pressed over, fresh
men succeeding those that were killed or wounded. This sort
of fight was continued near an hour, our battalion alone
making good their ground against that multitude of enemies
which being still backed with new supplies was all that while
insensible of its losses. During this dispute most of the

I690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK 179

inhabitants of the Irish town giving it for lost fled into the
English town, as did also the regiment of Colonel Butler of
Ballyraggett'^ to which three others were joined, and all ordered
to support us that bore the brunt at the breach. The guards
that were | upon the gate of the English town at Ball's Bridge f. 105 b
shut it against these regiments, which by that means were
again formed and marched to the breach, but not till the heat
of the action was over the enemy having been beaten from it,
which was in this manner. Our continual fire having made
a great slaughter among the rebels and they beginning to
abate of their first fury, M. de Beaupr6,^ a Frenchman, and
Lieutenant-Colonel to Boisseleau our Governor, leaped over
our retrenchment making to the breach. Most men strove to
be foremost in imitating so good an example, so that being
followed by a resolute party he soon recovered the top of the
breach. Here the fight was for some time renewed and con-
tinued with sword in hand and the butt end of the musket.
Our other men upon the walls were not idle this while, some
firing and others casting stones upon the enemy beneath, which

' Piers Butler, Lord Galmoy (1652-1740), became a member of the Privy
Council in May 1686 (Singer's Correspondence, vol. i, p. 400), and lord-
lieutenant of the county of Kilkenny. The Enniskilleners repulsed him
when he besieged the Castle of Crom, and he was taken prisoner at the
siege of Derry (Graham's Derriana, 188). He is Colonel Butler of BaUy-
raggett. He was Irish commissioner at the capitulation of Limerick and
was included in the amnesty. He retired to France and James created him
Earl of Newcastle. His English estates were forfeited and he was attainted
in 1697. Louis appointed him colonel of the second Queen's Regiment of
Irish Horse. His only son was killed at Malplaquet. On his retreat from
Belturbet he stained his name by an act of gross treachery. One of his
captains, Brian Maguire, had been captured at Crom, and Galmoy offered
to exchange Captain Dixie for him. The proposal was accepted and
Maguire released. When Dixie came to Belturbet, Galmoy tried him
and another prisoner, Charleton, on the charge of high treason. The
two were offered life and liberty if they became Roman Catholics and
followed the Jacobite banner. They scornfully rejected these infamous
terms, and were hanged from a signpost in Belturbet. This faithless deed
embittered the whole contest and made many men determined not to give
or receive quarter from a Jacobite.

' Beaupre was lieutenant-colonel in Boisseleau 's Regiment of Infantry.
At two in the afternoon of September 6, the WUliamites attacked the
counterscarp of Limerick, and the regiments of the Grand Prior and
Boisseleau gallantly defended it. Beaupre, several officers, and about
two hundred men were killed in this part of the fight, which lasted about
four hours.

N2

i8o THE JOURNAL 1690

did no small execution, but the greatest havoc was made by
two pieces of cannon playing from the citadel and two others
from the King's Island, as also two others from the Augustine
chapel near Ball's BridgCj which last scoured all along our
counterscarp then filled with rebels, and the other four swept
them in their approach on the south and east sides. The
enemy thus cut off on all sides came on faintly, and a barrel
of powder which lay near the south-east tower accidentally

f. 106 a taking fire and blowing up some that ( were near it, the rest
conceived it had been a mine and fled, neither fair words nor
threats of officers prevailing to bring them back. The action
continued hot and dubious for at least three hours, and, above
half an hour after, went in diminution till the enemy wholly
drew off. A great slaughter was made of them : deserters and
prisoners who spoke the least, affirming above 3,000 were
killed and wounded but others spoke of much greater numbers,
and I am apt to believe by what we afterwards found unburied
there could not be much less than 3,000 killed. On our side
the dead and wounded amounted not to 500, among the first
were Lieutenant-Colonel Beaupr6 before mentioned and
Colonel Barnewall^ who had no post there but being under
some imputation of cowardice came to clear his honour at the
expense of his life ; among the latter a French major of the
regiment of Boisseleau and others of less note, as also Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Smith,^ captain of a company of foot guards
killed, and Sir James Mockler, Lieutenant-Colonel of Dragoons
wounded. It was God's providence that the enemy attacked
not the hornwork at the same time as the breach, for those
regiments that were in it, though never assaulted apprehending

f. 106 b the town was lost quitted it, and fled | down to the river
without reflecting there was no way for them there to escape
and that their only security was in their arms ; but God had

^ The British Museum list sets down Peter Barnewall as lieutenant -
colonel of Lord Gormanstown's Infantry. This name was also commissioned
in the King's Own Infantry, in the infantry regiments of the Earl of
Westmeath, Fitz- James, Lord Slaue, and Colonel Charles Moore, and in
Tyrconnel's Horse and Simon Luttrell's Dragoons,

' Henry Smith was a lieutenant in O'Neill's Infantry. Smiths were also
commissioned in Clifford's Dragoons, Galmoy's Horse, Thomas Butler's,
and Lord BeUew's Infantry. Cf. Vicars, 429-31.

1690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK i8i

not ordained the town should be lost at this time. After the
enemy was wholly withdrawn from the attack the guards
repossessed themselves of the counterscarp. Those who had
made good the breach continued in arms about it all the night
without receiving any molestations from the enemy, unless
the firing now and then of a cannon, as it had been to keep us
waking, and the casting a few bombs and carcasses which had
little or no effect.^

Thursday the 28th : the enemy played their cannon very
hot at the breach to enlarge it towards the south angle, and
to beat down a small part of that tower which sheltered our
men on the south wall from their shot, and had been preju-
dicial to them mounting the breach. The first they performed
as to laying the breach wider open, but their design on the
remaining part of the tower took no effect. From their lower
battery next to the bog they plied the bridge so warmly it
was very dangerous to pass. This, as was remarked before, is
not the great bridge over the main body of the Shannon, but
a small one over a branch of it, and joins the English and
Irish towns ; the communication between which they laboured
to cut off, which if effected must | have proved fatal to us, 1 107 a
but the damage they did was inconsiderable. In the morning

^ In the afternoon at half-past three the WUliamite grenadiers rushed
from their trenches to the counterscarp and entered the breach. Under
the fire of their muskets and the throwing of their grenades they dashed
on, and the Irish fell back, vigorously pursued by the foe. Had the five
hundred grenadiers been properly supported Limerick must have fallen.
Unfortunately for the English the order of attack had been not to storm
the city but to attack the counterscarp. If William had been on the spot
he would not have hesitated for a moment to change the order, but the
precious opportunity was allowed to slip away. The supporting battalions
did not follow the grenadiers into the town, and when the Irish saw the
attack was not followed up they rallied and overpowered the gallant
grenadiers. Behind cover the Irish fight excellently, and they rarely
fought better than now. As at Derry the women shared in the contest;
and with deadly effect pelted the assailants with stones and broken bottles.
The other troops now came to the aid of the grenadiers ; the Brandenburgers
entered the terrible breach and were mounting the Black Battery when
the magazine there blew up. They wavered, and Boisseleau, seizing the
golden moment, charged with all his reserves. The murderous struggle of
three hours' duration was over and Limerick still was untaken. Five
hundred English, including fifty of&cers, had been kUled and above a
thousand wounded. The Irish suffered sevarely, but naturally less than
the besi^ers.

i82 THE JOURNAL 1690

early the Grand Prior's regiment was relieved with orders to
refresh only for four hours and then to be at arms again, which
being done, 250 men were drawn in five detachments of
50 each and posted in several places. That which I com-
manded was ordered to the middle tower on the east wall
which was much shaken and still battered, where we continued
all the rest of the day and night following. Several were this
day killed in the counterscarp by the stones that flew from
the wall.

Friday the 29th : the enemy's cannon played as before and
enlarged the breach to above forty paces. At the bridge one
shot cut both the chains of the drawbridge and did some other
damage but not of much moment, because the enemy's battery
had not a full view of it, and their shot came slanting towards
one end, yet the passage was very dangerous. The Grand
Prior's detachments were all relieved this afternoon except
that where I commanded, which continued in the same place
till night, when being relieved we only marched into the street,
and having joined the rest of the regiment to the trenches on
the south-west side of the town, where we continued all night
expecting an attack. The night was extreme cold, dark and
rainy and we almost spent for want of rest.^ For my own
particular as appears by this relation I had had none at all for
three nights before this and but very little during the whole
f. 107 b siege, nor indeed was | it possible to have much being upon
duty every other day and continually alarmed when we
expected to rest. Our cannon and small shot fired the whole
night round the walls, and much railing was betwixt our men
and the enemies, for we were so closed up on all sides that
though the night was stormy we could easily hear one another.
Saturday the 30th : in the morning we observed there was
great silence in the enemy's works and day appearing we could
not perceive any body in them, which at first was looked upon
as a stratagem to draw us out of our works, but some few
being sent out to discover returned and brought the news
that all abroad was clear. Immediately the word was carried

'■ Clarke Correspondence, vol. ii, f . 1 16 : 'I wish the inclemency of the
weather does not incommode the progress of the siege of Limerick.'

I690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK 183

about all our works that the rebels had raised the siege and
stole away in the dead of night, which at first seemed incredible
to many. In a short space our men could not be contained
within the works but running out found the enemy's trenches
and batteries abandoned, and their dead lying everywhere in
great numbers unburied, being those that were killed at the
assault. All that had anything they stripped but the plunder
was very poor, the clothes being old and coarse and having
lain two days and upwards in the dirt and rain upon those
carcasses. There were found above one thousand pickaxes,
shovels and spades, many bales of fine flax which they used
instead of woolpacks to cover their workmen with wooden
frames to support them, some | frames with iron hooks to f. 108 a
hang out lights upon^ and some but not many arms. Though
the enemy had abandoned their works yet they were not gone
far and had still three small pieces of cannon at Cromwell's
Fort which played towards St. John's Gate, and we could see
great bodies of them marching at a small distance ; besides
in many places the ditches were lined not far from our works
whence they fired upon such as ventured out. A detachment
of ours sallying out of the hornwork drove some of them from
their ditches, but relief coming down to them our men were
forced to retire. The guns at Cromwell's Fort continued long
firing, but at length were drawn off and we repossessed our-
selves of all the posts we had lost during the siege, destroying
as much as we could all the enemy's works. Our men were
very disorderly and could by no means be restrained from
straying abroad, which if the enemy had returned upon us
must doubtless have put us into much confusion if not en-
dangered the town, many of our men being but little disci-
plined, and our former misfortunes having rendered them too
apprehensive of danger especially when not foreseen. The
works were relieved about noon after the usual manner and
the enemy encamped within three or four miles of the town.
This day about noon marched | into town 1,500 men, being all f. 108 b
firelocks sent to recruit the garrison from the army in Con-
naught ; a small supply, had the siege continued, considering
there was but one relief in the town and all that were quite

i84 THE JOURNAL 1690

spent with continual fatigue, but such as the relief was it came
not till the enemy were gone.

Sunday the 31st : the enemy continued encamped in the
same place. All our works were mounted as before, the Grand
Prior's regiment at the breach. Several detachments and all
the unarmed men were put to work to bring in the faggots
the enemy had gathered in great numbers, and about thirty
gabions they left behind, which were placed upon the breach.

Monday September the ist : our men continued bringing
in the faggots, demolishing the enemy's works and removing
the rubbish from before the breach. The prisoners we had
were sent out with a guard to bury the enemy's dead that lay
very thick about the town and began to grow noisome. All
posts were relieved, but the Grand Prior's men continued for
want of orders all day at the breach and were drawn off
towards evening.

Tuesday the 2nd : the enemy lay still in the same place, but
we received intelligetice that they had sent away their sick
and wounded men, as also their artillery and heavy baggage.
It was hereupon ordered that for the future only seventy men
of each battalion should do duty instead of the whole.

Wednesday the 3rd : was appointed a general day of review
f. 109 a for the garrison in the King's Island, but the | weather proving
extreme foul it was put off.^

Thursday the 4th : all the foot drew out into the King's
Island and were reviewed by the Duke of Berwick, then
Lieutenant-General and General Governor of Ireland. I de-
signed to have taken a particular account of the strength of
all regiments, but the weather proving very foul we were
discharged.

Tuesday the 9th : in the morning arrived at Limerick
Lieutenant-Colonel Boismeral,^ who had been sent with
100 foot and 100 dragoons to garrison Kilmallock. He
returned this day with all his men disarmed, having to his
eternal infamy delivered up that place and his arms, without

' This entry, too, contradicts Berwick's statement that no rain fell for
three weeks after the raising of the siege. See the entry for the 29th August.

' Francis Boismeral was nominated second lieutenant-colonel of Carroll's
Dragoons.

1690 SIEGE OF LIMERICK 185

firing a shot, to a small body of horse, notwithstanding the
town was enclosed with a good stone wall, yet he only asked
leave to depart when shame might have obliged him never
to return. All his excuse was that the enemy threatened to
bring foot and cannon, the very name whereof, though there
was no probability of the execution, frighted him into such
a shameful surrender.

Sunday the 14th : I walked out to view the ground where
the enemy encamped, in one part whereof where their forges
had stood were found ten or twelve tons of Kilkenny coals,
and under ground above 400 bombs and carcasses with a great
quantity of cannon ball of all sizes, which upon their raising
the siege they had buried. | But the most remarkable thing f. 109 b
was a spectacle of horror near this place, for here were to be
seen the ruins of a hospital built by them for their wounded
men, which at their departure they most inhumanly burnt
full as it was of those miserable wretches, whereof many were
consumed to ashes, others lay within half burnt, and others
that had more strength or were nearer crept out at the three
doors, and soon failing for want of relief dropped down and
lay dead about the field. A piece of barbarity we have not
heard of amongst the most savage nations.^ There might be
destroyed in this inhuman manner about 300 men, for so many,
deserters told us, there were in the hospital, and the carcasses
and limbs that lay about unconsumed were very numerous.
I cannot but observe here that all about the city, but more
especially in this place last mentioned, there were infinite
numbers of crows and ravens, which seemed to have resorted
from all parts of the country to prey upon the dead bodies

' Stevens's strictures are not too severe if the hospital had been pur-
posely set on fire, but the evidence goes to show that the fire was accidental.
Cf. Dalrymple, O'Halloran, and Lenihan, 248. De Burgho's account
in Hibernia Dominicana is incredible from all our other knowledge of
William's character. De Burgho relates that William, in his haste to
decamp, left a vast number of sick and disabled in hospital. He was asked
by such of the generals as dared to approach him, what was to be done
with the sick and wounded. De Burgho gives the reply — ' With fury in his
eyes, and rage consuming him, roaring out, he said " Let them be burnt ", —
" let them be set fire to " ; and forthwith the hospital was enveloped in
flames.'

i86 THE JOURNAL 1690

which lay everywhere unburied. They were with the plenty
of food grown excessively fat, which made them appear above
the common size, and so tame that they walked among men
familiarly, as homebred fowl do. All being quiet about us
nothing worth observing occurred till

Monday the 29th, when four battalions of foot marched out
of Limerick, and encamped about a quarter of a mile from
the town, and not far from Cromwell's Fort. The regiments [
f. 1 10 a being very weak, several of them were put together to make
up battalions. Those that encamped were the Grand Prior's
to which were joined Slane's and Boisseleau's, Butler^ joined
by Sir Michael Creagh, Westmeath and Grace, the two Mac-
Mahons,^ and Iveagh composed the third battalion, and Gordon
and Felix O'Neill the fourth. The third of these battalions
had no arms at all, the other three for the most part were
armed, but not completely ; this is to be understood of firearms,
for very few had swords. This day the weather began to
grow foul with much rain and great storms of wind, which
continued all the while we lay encamped here. The fields we
lay in were very green, and we wanted not wood, an orchard
at hand supplying us plentifully, but there was no straw in

* Colonel Edward Butler's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, thirteen captains, fifteen lieutenants, ten ensigns, quarter-master,
chaplain — a Capuchin — and surgeon. There were 746 men (Brit. Mus.
list). Avaux gives 368.

' Colonel Art MacMahon's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
major, nine captains, twelve lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. In its ranks
were eleven MacMahons, fourteen O'Reillys, and four Bradys. No other
details are forthcoming.

Of Colonel Hugh MacMahon's Regiment we have a list of the colonel,
lieutenant-colonel, major, one captain, and one lieutenant.

The sept of MacMahon ranked as Princes of Monaghan and territorial
lords of Famey from a very remote time. In the reign of James II Father
Gelasius MacMahon was the head of the sept, but his clerical character
prevented his fulfilling the duties of his station. His younger brother.
Colonel Art MacMahon, was styled ' oge '. Colonel MacMahon was
lord-lieutenant for the county of Monaghan, his deputy-lieutenants
being Brian and Hugh MacMahon, who represented that county
in Parliament in 1689. Hugh was a captain in the regiment of the
Grand Prior, and was afterwards lieutenant-colonel in the regiment of
Charlemont. The regiment of Hugh MacMahon relieved the fort of
Charlemont when it was besieged by Schomberg, and was in Limerick
during the first siege. Colonel Art was killed at the battle of Aughrim,
and after the treaty of Limerick Father Gelasius retired to the Continent
(Story, pt. ii, p. 108).

i69o THE UNSHELTERED SOLDIERS 187

all the country about, unless what the enemy had left, which
was not fit for use so that the poor soldiers' huts had scarce
any covering, and the poor men lay on the wet ground.

Tuesday the 30th : we received the news of the loss of
Cork,^ which, though afterwards contradicted, proved true.
The manner of it I do not undertake to relate, as not having
been present, and the relations we had differing very much.

Saturday October the 4th : marched out of Limerick
towards the county of Kerry Brigadier MacGillicuddy,^ and
the Lord Kenmare's Regiments ^ of Foot.

Sunday the 5th : the Lord Slane's Regiment, which till now
had been joined to the Grand | Prior's, marched away from f. nob
the camp.

Monday the 6th : the Horse Guards, the second
Battalion of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's Regiment
to which were joined Boisseleau's, as was said before,
and FitzGerald's instead of Slane's, and Butler of Bally-
raggett's Regiment joined by those, of Creagh and Grace,*

' Cork was captured by John Churchill on the 28th. Light to the Blind,
642 : The governor ' was forced to yield the town, and the garrison, to be
prisoners of war, for want of powder : which the enemy knew the day
before — a strange neglect in business of highest consequence ; and an
usual defect in the management of this war, as I have often mentioned ' .
The capture of Cork and Kinsale removed a very convenient means of
holding frequent communication with France. It lessened the danger
from French privateers and threw control of the south into the hands of
Ginkell. All Munster, except Limerick, was lost to the Jacobites, and
indirectly the capture of this town had been begun when the southern
harbours passed under English rule.

' The muster of Colonel Denis MacGillicuddy's Regiment gives only the
colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major.

The name of MacGillicuddy was the distinctive title of the head of an
ofishoot of the O'Sullivans. Of the regiment which Colonel Denis Mac-
GUlicuddy raised there remains only the name of the major, John Butler.

' Lord Kenmare's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, and ten ensigns. There were thirteen
companies and 796 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 450 men.

* Colonel Grace's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
ten captains, nine lieutenants and six ensigns. There were thirteen
companies and 580 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 150 men.

As Douglas approached Athlone the garrison set fire to English Town,
and, breaking down the bridge, they retired to Irish Town. The river
Shannon is extremely rapid, but there is a ford a little below the bridge
passable on foot in dry summers. English Town and Irish Town were
surrounded by walls of defence, but the fortifications were in unsound
condition. On July 17 Douglas summoned the governor, Colonel Richard

i88 THE JOURNAL 1690

marched and lay that night at the Sixmilebridge in the county
of Limerick, where there are only some poor thatched cottages,
so that some lay in the field, and some crowded into those
poor huts ; the night was very boisterous. I having been ill
for some days had leave and was advised to stay in Limerick,
and indeed was in no good condition to march, especially
afoot, having no horse, and in such bad weather. However
I could not live from my regiment, which was all the home
I had and all the friends. Besides that I was ashamed to stay
when the regiment was going where there was some talk of
service, and therefore followed the best I could, and being, as
I said, afoot and somewhat weak could go but four miles,
and lay at night at a fair house but very bare, as having been
plundered, as was all the country about. The last inhabitant
of it was one Croker a Protestant,^ who went away with the
enemy, the ancient proprietor then in possession one Burke.
f. Ill a Tuesday the 7th : I set out with the day | and joined our
forces at the Bridge. We marched thence three miles to
Bruff, a small but not contemptible town, where we halted
awhile, and found, contrary to report we had heard before, no
want of entertainment, but what was caused by the shyness of
the poor people and the too much eagerness of the soldiers,
whose pressing necessities were a sufficient excuse of their
rudeness. Yet it had been given out that the country was
quite destroyed, and neither meat nor drink to be found on
all the way to Cork. After this little halt, we marched on
three miles farther to Kilmallock. Notwithstanding the

Grace, to surrender (Clarke Correspondence, Wolseley's letter, August lo,
1690, vol. i, f. 87. It gives a vague account of the number of the enemy).
Firing his pistol in the air, Grace bade the trumpeter tell his master that
' those were the terms he was for ', and that ' when his food was all gone he
woiUd defend Athlone until he had eaten his boots '. Douglas had fetched
a weak siege train : he had only two twelve-pounders, ten smaller guns,
and two small ' mortars, and insufficient powder for them. Besides, his
suppUes of bread and provisions also commenced to run short and his
soldiers were compelled to plunder (Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, f. 70).
At dawn on July 25 the siege was raised, and Douglas, by skilful marches,
led his men to Limerick to rejoin WiUiam. In 1691 Ginkell surprised
Athlone, and the London Gazette records that the body of Grace was found
among the slain. Grace maintained severity of discipline and was beloved
by his men.

' Cf. Vicars, 112.

1690 KILMALLOCK DESCRIBED 189

rains we had before this road was good, there being a causeway
throughout betwixt the two towns, and the paths within the
fields being sound, as not much beaten, few people travelling
at that time. Kilmallock lies in a bottom just under a high
hill, which quite overlooks it, and is surrounded with a stone
wall after the old manner with battlements, but not broad
enough for two men to walk on it abreast. The ruins show it
to have been a good town, the houses being of stone, lofty
and large, but most of them ruined, and but few of those that
remain inhabited, both parties having been in the place, and
the greatest part of the inhabitants fled or at least had
removed their best effects. Here are also some remains of
a large church ; a small river runs by the walls. The Grand
Prior's battalion, as well officers as soldiers, quartered in one
large house. There was no provision | to be found here but f. mb
only butter and some small quantity of drink, which was soon
spent. We had brought with us six days' bread, and all the
gardens were full of cabbages, which subsisted the men.

Wednesday the 8th : a subaltern officer of each battalion
was sent out with a detachment to bring in spades, shovels,
and pickaxes from the country. The Duke of Berwick, who
came to town the night before, went out with the horse, and
returned without meeting any enemy. Towards evening
marched into the town Colonel Nugent's Regiment of Foot,
called the Caps, because they all wore them like Grenadiers,
as being more easily to be had than hats.^

Thursday the 9th : nothing happened of note, but whereas
we expected some works would have been carried on with the
tools taken up the day before, they were only ordered to be
left at the general's quarters.

Friday the loth : the four battalions of foot were drawn
out upon the hill over the town, where the Duke of Berwick
took a view of them, and they returned to their quarters.

' Colonel Richard Nugent's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel,
no major, eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, and eleven ensigns. No less
than thirteen Nugents served in this regiment. There were thirteen com-
panies and 659 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men. Dragoons
wore a sort of cap as well as hat, and they and the horse grenadiers were
the only troops to whorn both were issued.

igo THE JOURNAL 1690

Saturday the nth : in the morning the foot drew out again
on the hill and marched away, having left detachments who
burnt Kilmallock, the horse doing the same to Charleville,
having before wasted the country round about and fired
several villages. This morning we marched back three miles

f. 112 a to Bruff, and with us the Horse Guards | and Duke of
Tyrconnel's Regiment of Horse. These last encamped in the
gardens of a great house near Bruff belonging to one Evans,
which, being very large and built after the manner of a castle
with large stone walls and battlements, had been burnt by
our army : the place was called Ballygrennan. All the Foot
and the Horse Guards quartered in the town, which being but
small they were much thronged, and to straighten our quarters
a house accidentally took fire, and the wind being very high
burnt down five or six others that contained a considerable
number of men. All the morning whilst we were drawn up
on the hill and marched, there continued a most violent
storm of wind and rain, which cleared up when we came to
Bruff but it fatigued us extremely on the march. All the
country about Bruff is very pleasant, being a large valley and
good land well peopled and improved. The town is small and
has nothing in it worth observing. There was corn and cattle
enough, plenty of cabbages in the gardens, and what was the
great support of the people and soldiers, large fields of
potatoes, yielding prodigious quantities of them, and all little
enough considering the vast consumption, for they often serve
instead of bread, and the soldiers would be feeding on them
all the day.

f. 112 b We continued here all Sunday the i2th, | and Monday the
13th and Tuesday the 14th, without anything worth observing,
unless the bringing in of six or seven prisoners and two
deserters ; but this night about midnight, by the mistake of
our advanced guards, we were alarmed and continued under
arms above an hour. The night was favourable being very
fair and moonlight, when finding our mistake we returned to
our quarters with orders to be ready upon beat of drum.

Wednesday the 15th: at the same time the tattoo was beat-
ing we received orders to be in readiness, and so continued all

1690 IN WINTER QUARTERS 191

night. The guards were doubled and our horse and dragoons
drawn out and ready all night, which proved very dismal for
wind and rain. What occasioned the alarm I cannot tell, but
it much hai-assed the men and proved a false one. But we
were very subject to mistake, to watch when no danger was
near and sleep when it hung over our heads. All this while
the weather was very foul, our quarters bad, and provisions
scarce because of the soldiers' rudeness, so that it was now
come to pass that a man must either rob with the rest or
starve by himself.

Thursday the i6th : we returned to Limerick. Here I con-
tinued in quarters with the regiment all the winter, during
which time there happened very little or nothing of note, for
our forces being very inconsiderable and much harassed,
there | was no possibility of gaining any advantage upon the f. 113 a
enemy, who at the same time made no other of our weakness
but to live the more at ease. The weather it must be confessed,
for the most part, was not fit for any action, yet considering
how much they were superior to us they might without much
difficulty have taken opportunities to straighten us in our
quarters, which in a small time must have reduced us to
extremity, and would consequently have saved the expense
of another campaign, and the lives of many men they lost in it.
But they seemed to be stupefied or wholly devoted to their
ease, leaving us in quiet possession of the whole province of
Connaught, besides the entire county of Kerry and the greatest
part of the county of Limerick. These counties maintained
the greatest part of our small army especially with flesh and
potatoes, for all sorts of grain was very scarce. In Limerick,
which was the head-quarters, we lived most of the winter
upon salt beef allowed out of the stores, had one while ammu-
nition bread made of all sorts of corn put together allowed in
a small quantity, but for the most part instead of bread we
received half a pint of wheat for officers, and the soldiers the
same quantity of barley or oats in grain, to make our own
bread. Of salt | beef the allowance was half a pound a day. f. 113b
As for pay a small part of the winter we received subsistence
money in brass, which was equivalent almost to nothing, for

192 THE JOURNAL 1690

a captain's subsistence which was a crown a day would yield
but one quart of ale and that very bad, whereas for four Irish
halfpence there was much better drink to be had. Wine and
brandy bore prices proportionable and so everything else in
that coin, for with silver necessaries might be had at reasonable
rates, but there were few who had any of that metal. To
instance something more of the value of brass money we gave
a crown for a loaf of bread very little bigger than a London
penny loaf when corn is cheap. I gave five pounds in brass
for a pair of shoes, nor could I have purchased them at that
rate, but that the shoemaker was allowed a wretched garret to
lie in the house where my company quartered ; for it is to be
observed that most of the garrison was quartered by companies
or greater numbers in empty houses, only the officers quarter-
ing in those that were inhabited. After this having got cloth,
lining, and buttons out of the king's store to make me a suit
of clothes, and employing a soldier who was a tailor and
managed all things the most frugal way to make it, the
expense of making or the tailor's bill came to eighteen
pounds, and yet was there not a needleful of silk in the suit,
I. 114 a all the seams being sewed with | thread, and the buttonholes
wrought with worsted. But to proceed, before Christmas all
the brass was consumed, so that nothing remaining to coin
money, and there being no duties or taxes to be raised because
the small territory we had was in no capacity of paying any,
the army from that time never received any pay whatsoever,
and to say the truth they were better satisfied without it
than with such as they had before, for the brass was accounted
to them as if it had been gold or silver, and at the same time
was worth nothing, whereas now as they received nothing so
they had nothing to account for. It is really wonderful, and
will perhaps to after ages seem incredible, that an army
should be kept together above a year without any pay, or if
any small part of it they received any it was, as has been said,
equivalent to none. And what is yet more to be admired the
men never mutinied nor were they guilty of any disorders
more than what do often happen in those armies that are best
paid. Nor was this all they might have complained of. In

1690 PRAISE OF THE IRISH 193

Limerick as has been said all the garrison lay in empty houses,
where they had neither beds nor so much as straw to lie on,
or anything to cover them during the whole winter, and even
their clothes were worn to rags, insomuch that many could
scarce hide their nakedness in the daytime, and abundance
of them I were barefoot or at least so near it that their f. 114b
wretched shoes and stockings could scarce be made to hang
on their feet and legs. I have been astonished to think how
they lived and much more that they should voluntarily choose
to live so, when if they would have forsaken the service they
might have been received by the enemy into good pay and
want for nothing. But to add to their sufferings the allowance
of meat and corn was so small that men rather starved than
lived upon it. These extremities endured as they were with
courage and resolution are sufficient with any reasonable
persons to clear the reputation of the Irish from the malicious
imputations of their enemies ; and yet this is not all that can
be said for them. We have already seen them defend an almost
defenceless town against a victorious disciplined army, and
we shall see them the following summer under all these hard-
ships fight a battle with the utmost bravery, though overcome
by numbers rather than valour. Let not any mistake and
think I either speak out of affection or deliver what I know
not ; for the first I am no Irishman to be anjrway biased,
and for the other part I received not what I write by hearsay
but was an eyewitness. As for the city of Limerick, which
I said was almost defenceless, it had no other but an old stone
wall made against bows and arrows, I mean the first siege,
and a poor covered way we made in a | month's time. The f- 1 1 s a
enemy delayed coming to attack us, for when we came to the
place it was all encompassed for a great way with suburbs and
gardens, and had no other work but the bare wall I have
mentioned. All the works there were we made in that short
space of time by which any man may judge what they were,
and the better to satisfy such as cannot form a true notion of
them, they must understand that the French regiments we
had with us at the Boyne, and who assisted in raising these
very works, when they heard that the enemy drew near,

1218 o

194 THE JOURNAL 1690

utterly refused to stay in the town and stand a siege, alleging,
and with good reason, that the place was not tenable, and this
because they had seen fortified towns and by their strength
were sensible of the weakness of this, whereas the Irish who
had never seen a place well fortified thought this an impreg-
nable fortress, and I have heard almost as much said by Irish
officers, some of whom in private I undeceived as having
been abroad and knowing more of that particular than
they. As for the battle in which I say the Irish were over-
come by numbers, this I can positively affirm, having myself
taken the numbers of each regiment when drawn out, that we
did not make 17,000 in all horse, foot and dragoons, and that
in all places we had three to two against us. This I am sure
of : in the foot and in the horse I believe the odds was much
f. 115 b greater. | But I must not here anticipate upon what happened
so long after. The battle of Aughrim which is that I have made
the last observation upon will be mentioned in its own place
and with more particulars.^ Let us now return to our hard
winter in Limerick, where the poor men, besides all the other

' The strength of the two armies at Aughrim was fairly even. Ginkell
possessed some slight numerical advantage, but this was counterbalanced
by the fact that he was the attacking party. The list of the English army
gives the following numbers, reckoning the cavalry regiments at 300 and
the infantry at 550, their effective strength, and allowing for two regiments
of English and two of foreigners for the protection of the camp : —

English —Horse 6 regiments at 1 ^^ ^

Dragoons 3 „ „ J •^ ''

Foot 15 „ „ 550=8,250

10,950

Foreigners-Horse 1 300=3,600

Dragoons / " >> J J'

Foot 8 „ „ 550=4,400

8,000

19,000 (circa)
Story says that Ginkell had only 17,000. He thinks that the Irish had the
advantage of 1,000 men, but possibly he means the strength of their position
was as good as 1, 000 men extra. Elsewhere he writes that they had 20,000
foot and 5,000 horse. According to Macariae Excidium they had 10,000
foot and 4,000 horse. 'The truth is,' writes Colonel Henderson (Life of
Stonewall Jackson, i. 259), ' that in war, accurate intelligence, especially
when two armies are in close contact, is exceedingly difficult to obtain.'

1 691 REPAIR OF THE BREACH 195

difficulties they had to struggle with of hunger, nakedness, 1691
&c., in the severest of all the season for rain and storms were
set to work upon repairing the breach and raising a new bas-
tion without it. I was myself three weeks with every day
a fresh detachment upon this work, and the season was so
bad that we never had a dry day, and accordingly the work
advanced. At the end of this time I obtained to be myself
relieved and by reason of the bad weather within a few days
after, the breach being made up with stone taken from a
quarry just at the foot of it, the work ceased without, there
being no possibility of carrying it on. In February following
engineers being come from France, the work was resumed
all round the town by a great number of men. The soldiers
were promised three pence, ensigns fifteen pence, lieutenants
twenty pence, and captains half a crown a day in silver for
their work, that is the soldiers to work and officers to inspect
them, which made all willing to undertake the task, having
no other pay and being in such want as has been already
mentioned. The engineers being all French and not speaking | f- 116 a
any English such officers were made choice of to attend the
work as could speak French, of which number I was one, and
continued at the work daily, not excepting Sundays from
the middle of February till the 20th of April. The first three
weeks we were justly paid according to promise, without any
deduction, but then the rest of the time, being about six weeks
they let run on, and when at last we came to be paid, they
lowered the captain's pay to twenty pence and the lieutenant's
to fifteen pence besides deducting for half days and the like,
so that the officer's pay falling so short I refused to follow the
work any longer, and chose rather than be so imposed upon
to do my regimental duty for nothing with the rest. Besides
the chief engineer and I had some words,- he presuming that
small pay would have made me more submissive to him, but
I freely told him I would attend the work no more, and as
positively performed it, though he sent some of the under
engineers and officers of our regiment to court me to return,
and even when the regiment marched out to take the field
he sent to offer to get leave for me to stay all the summer in the

02

196 THE JOURNAL 1691

town at the work, which I refused, though much more for my
safety, ease and profit, but neither did I like the man nor
could I ever be persuaded to forsake my regiment, or had it
been proper for a man that valued his reputation to stay from
f. 1 16 bit when marching against the enemy, | These works round
the town consisted of six great bastions, curtains, and covered
way enclosing all the Irish town, being that which lies on the
south side of an arm of the river Shannon, that divides it from
the English town seated in the island formed by the said river,
and called the King's Island. This part lay most exposed
to the enemy and was therefore best fortified. However an
entrenchment or covered way was made about the King's
Island to secure it from all attempts, and in the middle of it
a Fort Royal with four bastions and a line of communication
to the English town. All these particulars may be seen in the
map ^ and therefore I shall not spend more time in describing
them. But to return to the men, I must observe, lest I seem
to conceal anything that was intended for their advantage,
that to comfort them in their miseries there was a very small
quantity of tobacco and brandy allowed them weekly out of
the stores. As for the brandy I believe they scarce ever tasted
it, of the tobacco, which for the most part was rotten, some
very inconsiderable quantity was distributed among them,
all the brandy and remaining part of the tobacco being by
the majors, who were entrusted to distribute it, converted
to their own use, it is likely, by the consent of their superiors
f. 117 a who doubtless shared the profit | with them. These things
were so visible that the meanest soldiers were sensible of them
though they bore them with great patience, yet I who always
used that freedom that might not give occasion of scandal
did not fail betwixt jest and earnest to tell the major of our
regiment my opinion of that proceeding, who from that time
forward ever allowed me as much of both or rather more than
was my due, and I might have had much more would I have
asked it, for to give him his due he did not want for good
nature though interest blinded him as well as the rest ; and
for myself I was never very covetous of either brandy or
' Cf. foot-note on p. 146.

i69i ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH SQUADRON 197

tobacco. Having said enough of these particulars, I must
here take notice, which should have been done before, that
on the 26th of January 1690/1 the value of brass money
was pretended to be settled by proclamation, but that
availing nothing on the first of February following it was
cried down, which might have been done long before or not
at all, because as has been already shown, it was of no value.

On the i8th of April, 1691, arrived an express from France,
with the news of the taking of Mons by the French ; for
which on the 19th Te Deum was sung in the church of
St. Mary being the cathedral.^ The cannon was also three
times discharged, and as many volleys of small shot, and there
were bonfires and other | demonstrations of joy. f- 117 b

May the 4th : marched out of Limerick a detachment of
fifty men of a regiment, more of the Guards, and Burke's
company of two hundred Fusiliers, in all about eight hundred
men. They marched to Lough Gur, seven miles from Limerick;
to fortify a pass there, which when finished they all returned,
except Burke's company left to make good that place.

May the 9th : arrived in the river Shannon a French
squadron of men-of-war, having sent some ships to Galway,
and about noon landed the French general M. St. Ruth,^ who
was received with real demonstrations of joy. The 17th was
a general muster of the garrison of Limerick, and the i8th
and 19th the regiments were particularly reviewed, delivered

■ The Cathedral of St. Mary is, with St. Canice's at Kilkenny, the only
mediaeval cathedral still standing and in use besides St. Patrick's and
Christ Church in Dublin.

^ St.- Ruth had served for twenty years in the wars in Holland, Flanders,
and Germany. In 1691 Louis appointed him to command the forces in
Ireland, and on May 8 he arrived in Limerick with 146 o&cets, 150 cadets,
300 English and Scots, 24 surgeons, 180 masons, 2 bombardiers, 18 can-
noniers, 800 horses, 19 pieces of cannon, 12,000 horse-shoes, 6,000 bridles and
saddles, 16,000 muskets ; uniforms, stockings and shoes for 16,000 men,
some lead and balls, and a large supply of biscuit. There was, as the
London Gazette was careful to note, neither men nor money. He came with
a favourable opinion of Irish soldiers, for on September 21, 1690, Dangeau
writes : ' St.-Ruth reports that in the late battle in Savoy the Irish troops
had done wonders (fait des merveilles).' Moreover, he was extremdy
popular with the Mountcashel Brigade. Berwick remarks that he was
' by nature very vain '. As a commander he was incomparably superior
to Lauzun and even Rosen. He was gravely hampered in his work by the
fact that he could speak no English.

igS THE JOURNAL 1691

in their unfixed arms and received others. The last of these
days Brigadier Talbot, natural son to the Duke of Tyrconnel,
was declared colonel of the regiment, which till then had been
the Grand Prior's, in which, as has been said, I served.
On the i8th also Sir John FitzGerald's Regiment of Foot
marched into Limerick and encamped, on the 20th Colonel
Connel's, on the 2ist MacGilHcuddy's, and on 23rd Power's
Regiment without arms, and the same morning marched out
Gordon O'Neill and Nugent's Regiments towards Athlone.
The 24th they were followed by the first battalion of Guards
and Felix O'Neill's Regiment, on the 26th by MacGillicuddy,
f. iiSaConnel and Macguire,^ | on the 27th by the second battalion
of Guards, Saxby and Sir John FitzGerald, on the 29th by
the Lord Slane, and Colonel FitzGerald, and on the 30th by the
Lord Iveagh, O'Donnell, the Lord Kenmare, and Macarthy.^
This same day Art MacMahon's regiment entered Limerick
unarmed. The 31st the Lord Enniskillen's Regiment marched
away for Galway, and the same day Hugh MacMahon's
came to Limerick unarmed.

June the 2nd : Purcell's Regiment of Horse,^ Carroll's *

' Roger Macguire was Lord Ermiskillen and lord-lieutenant of the countj-
of Armagh : he sat as a peer in the Parliament of 1689. At first he was
a captain in the Earl of Antrim's Infantry, but ultimately commanded
a regiment he had raised. He fought at Aughrim. After 1691 he went to
France, but as Louis assigned to him no regiment he retired to St.-Germain,
where he died in 1708, aged 67.

According to King's State of the Protestants Colonel Cuconaught
Macguire had a regiment. The regiment mentioned by Stevens was either
Roger's or Cuconaught's.

' Lord Mountcashel's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
twelve captains, fifteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, chaplain, and surgeon :
its old name was Colonel Justin Macarthy's Regiment. It had th&teen
companies and 395 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men.

' Of Colonel James Purcell's Regiment we have merely the list of colonel,
lieutenant-colonel, and major.

' Colonel Francis Carroll's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieu-
tenant-colonel, major, nine captains, eleven lieutenants, eleven comets,
ten quarter-masters, and an adjutant. There were ten companies and
353 men (Avaux). This regiment was formerly Colonel Thomas Trant's,
formerly Sir James Cotter's.

Before Colonel Francis Carroll commanded a regiment he had been
lieutenant-colonel of Lord Dungan's Dragoons. He attacked Enniskeen,
but was driven ofiE by Colonel Ogleby (Story, p. 65). After 1691 he
went to France and became major-general, and he and Lieutenant-General
Thomas Maxwell were each placed in command of a regiment of dis-

1 691 DISCOMFORTS OF THE MARCH 199

Dragoons, and the two MacMahons' Regiments of Foot
marched out of Limerick towards the camp.

The 3rd: came to Limerick Cormuck O'Neill's Regiment of
Foot consisting of about nine hundred men as likely, clever,
lusty, well-shaped fellows, as ever eyes beheld.

Thursday the 4th of June : marched out of Limerick
Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, which was before the Grand
Prior's, in which I served. It was then about four hundred
strong. We halted a considerable time beyond Thomond
Bridge, till one small field piece and one cart laden with
ammunition joined us, and then we marched without any
other stop to the camp at Killaloe, eight miles from Limerick,
where we pitched our tents on the left of the Guards, all on
the south side of the town, but without any order. This
town and the road to it I shall not need to give any account
of in this place, having said as much of it as is requisite
before when | we passed the same way the first time towards f. 1 18 b
Athlone, as is to be seen in this book, folio 92. This night
the soldiers passed with much inconveniency for besides that
we had but four tents to a company there were neither tent-
poles nor pins ; some few made what shift they could to set
them up, the rest lay about under the hedges. The day was fair
and pleasant to march, but the night extraordinary wet and
cold, considering the season of the year. In this place we found
fifteen battalions of foot, whereof two were of the Guards.

Friday the 5th : two hundred men were detached to bring
wood, and the whole day spent in building huts, which were
covered with turf or long sods cut off the face of the earth,
very thin and four or five feet long, which in Ireland they call
strauths-. The reason of this shift was because there was no
straw left in the country or other sort of thatch to be had,
and we were obliged to hut because, as was said above, each
company had but four tents, one of which was taken for the

mounted dragoons; Maxwell's was the Royal Regiment and Carroll's
the Queen's. Each of these numbered 558 ofi&cers and men. At Marsaglia
both officers were killed. ' Ces deux regiments de dragons,' wrote Catiuat,
' qui etaient dans le centre de la ligne, ont fait des choses surprenantes de
valeur et de bon ordre dans le combat. lis ont renverse des escadrons
r6p6e £L la main, les chargeant tSte par tSte.'

200 THE JOURNAL 1691

officers, and though our companies were thin, ten huts
would scarce contain them by reason of the great number
of women and children always following the camp. Nor
was this evil to be remedied under our circumstances, foras-
much as most of the army consisted of soldiers of other
provinces then in the enemy's hands, and those poor wretches
had no other home but the army, and must perish without it.

Saturday the 6th : part of the day was spent in exercise,

wherein I found our old men as imperfect, through the want

of use, as the new. We received six days' bread late at night,

f. 119 a twelve I bullocks for the regiment, and orders to march the

next morning.

Sunday the 7th : Brigadier Talbot's, Saxby's, and Fitz-
Gerald's Regiments of Foot marched^ at three of the clock
in the morning. First to Tomgraney, five miles, a little
ruined town, within half a mile of which is Scarriff, neither
of them worth the noting but for the iron mills there formerly,
now gone to decay. The road is all mountain with a wood
along the Shannon. Hence we marched to Graig or as the
English call it Woodford, eight miles over an uncouth barbar-
ous mountain full of bogs and covered only with wild sedge,
fern, and heath, without one house, cottage or so much

' Cf. Route for the Sixth Foot from Limerick to Dublin, 1699 (Marching
Orders, DubUn State Papers) : —

1 August, KiUaloe . . ... 11 miles

2 „ Nenagh . .... 12 „

3 „ Roscrea ... . 16 „

4 „ Aghade)

5 „ Athy J JJ ..

6 „ Rest

7 „ KillcuUenbridge . . . . 11 ,,

8 ,, Naas .... . 6 ,,

9 ,, Dublin 16 • „

9 days (8 marching) .... 105 „

Route for the Twenty-third Foot from Carlingford to Dublin :

28 July, Dundalk . . . . . .12 miles

29 ,, Garlandstown ■)

30 „ Rest I 17 ..

31 ,, Drogheda J

1 August, Balrothery and Ballagh . . . 10 „

2 „ Dublin 18 ,,

6 days (5 of marching) . . . . • 57 >,

1691 THE LONG IRISH MILES 201

as a living creature of any sort to be seen. In winter this
way is impassable when the season is wet, but in a dry
summer good, yet at best boggy in some places. The miles
are long and the day was very hot without the least breath
of wind, tiresome to the soldiers and to me so much that
had we not made a halt two miles beyond Graig, I had not
been able to go farther, being afoot and quite spent with the
fatigue. Nor is it to be admired that officers should be afoot
when we were cooped up in a corner of the country where
horses were grown very scarce, the army having been so long
without pay, as was mentioned before miserably poor, and
I as a stranger particularly wanting many helps which the
natives had. At Woodford there is an iron work in the
bottom upon a small river that falls into the Shannon : the
town stands on the hill above it. | The bridge at Tomgraney f. 119 b
joins, or rather the river that runs under it parts, the county
of Clare from that of Galway, the same being also the bounds
of the provinces of Munster and Connaught. To add to our
weariness we were marched an English mile beyond the town
and, there being no convenient ground to encamp, were obliged
to march back through the town, where we encamped on the
side of a hill, but with much confusion and disorder, as well in
the manner of our drawing up as pitching the ground. Here
some bullocks were slaughtered and divided to the soldiers.

Monday the 8th : the general beat at four, but we stirred
not in two hours after, then set forward and marched seven
miles, which in this country are the longest in Ireland, though
none there be short. The first part of this way is mountain,
then a pleasant bottom, most good pasture land. We struck
two miles into this valley and ought to have kept along the
sides of the hills, but none knowing the way went astray near
two miles, for after four hours' march we were at the abbey,
which is but two miles from Woodford. Thence three miles
along a pleasant country till we came to Portumna Park,
which is very pleasant and delightful, and a full mile through
it, and just under it the town of Portumna, small yet better
than many of the country towns in that province. We made
no halt, but marched a mile farther and encamped on a rising

202 THE JOURNAL 1691

ground. The day was hot, and though the number of miles
f. 1 20 a small I the way seemed long and tiresome. Some small
allowance of beef was here given to the soldiers.

Tuesday the gth : nothing of note, but that one small
bullock was divided among all the officers of the regiment,
a very poor allowance, and all they received since they left
Limerick.

Wednesday the loth : the general beat at five in the
morning, yet we stirred not till towards noon, then marched
five miles to Meelick. The country is pleasant, being diversi-
fied with cornfields, pasture land, and some underwood and
brakes. From the time we left Limerick till we came to this
place I did not see ten head of any sort of cattle, but what
was with the army, either horses, cows, or sheep, very few
people and nothing but ruined villages. At Meelick in the
small islands the river Shannon there makes the people had
secured some small flocks of sheep and a few black cattle.
This place consists of a few scattering cottages, one gentle-
man's house in an island and an old castle in another little
island, upon one of the passes of the Shannon, which pass
is convenient enough for travellers with a guide ; but not
for an army, the ford being narrow with several windings and
f. i2ob dangerous on both sides. Here is also | the residence of a few
Franciscan friars only remarkable for the poverty of their
house and chapel which are nothing but long thatched
cabins. The walls of a handsome chapel designed by these
friars are standing, but never roofed or further finished than
the raising of them to their full height. All round is a very
delightful plain, the soil good, but inclining to bog in wet
weather.

Thursday the nth : a review of the brigade was taken by
Brigadier Talbot ; ^ the general beat at noon in order to march,

" Maxk Talbot was a representative of Belfast in the Parliament of 1689
and became a lieutenant-colonel in the Earl of Antrim's Infantry. He
signalized himself by a gallant sally at the first siege of Limerick. ' Le
Brigadier Talbot,' writes Berwick, ' qui se trouvoit alors dans I'ouvrage a
comes avec cinq cents hommes, accourut par dehors le long du mur, et les
chargeant par derrifere, les chassa, et puis rentra par le breche, oft U se
posta.' He was taken prisoner at the battle of Aughrim and was outlawed
in 1691. The Montgomery MSS. style him ' a bastard of Tyrconnel '.

I69I CAPTURE OF BALLYMORE 203

yet nothing was moved. Here the Shannon divides itself into
several branches and forms many islands.

Friday the i2th : four deserters came over to us, who gave
an account that the enemy were 13,000 strong at Ballyboy in
horse, foot and dragoons. We had before received information
that they were 15,000 between Athlone and Mullingar, and
had taken Ballymore, a place of very considerable strength, in
less than forty-eight hours.^ Here we lay still, without any-
thing remarkable happening till

Friday the 19th, when, about three in the morning an
express came with orders pursuant to which we decamped and
marched immediately five miles to a place whose name, if
it has any, I could not learn, there being no village, house
or place of note near it. The first mile of this way is a large
beaten road as bad at this time with the continual rain
as if it had been the depth of winter, where stands the much
noted house in Connaught called Eyre's Court, being a pleasant
seat built by one Mr. Eyre and much celebrated in the |
country, but by what I could perceive in marching by it f.
nothing answerable to what fame reports. All that can be
said, it is a pretty gentleman's seat, the house large with
a pleasant wood on the back of it ; but no good prospect any
way, nor any river near it. Round about is hilly ground,
which, with the improvements and the convenient neigh-
bourhood of a small village, make it delightful enough. The
land hither is most enclosed, though some of it full of shrubs
and wild. The next two miles is all common, covered with
fern, heath, much sedge and some patches of good grass and
several bogs. No dwelling is in this way, but at the end of
the two miles an old house or castle, where begins for the
following two miles to be some enclosures and much more bog
and shrubby land. At the end of our march we found fifteen
battalions of foot encamped in a line, the horse and dragoons

^ Ballymore was defended by about a thousand men under Colonel Ulick
Bourke with only two cannon, which were Turkish pieces mounted on
cart-wheels. After a brave display of resistance the garrison surrendered
to Ginkell on June 8. Clarke Correspondence, Ulick Bourke to Ginkell,
June II, 1691 ; Clarke, James II, ii. 452 ; An Exact Journal of the Victorious
Progress of their Majesties' Forces under the Command of General Ginckle
this Summer in Ireland (1691).

204 THE JOURNAL 1691

at a distance from them in several places, without order. We
pitched in the rear of the other line, being four regiments of
foot, a long narrow ridge of rising ground running between us
and the other foot, so narrow and beaten that it looks as if
made by hand, yet is really a small work of nature. The reason
of our march was to form a body with the other troops, the
enemy having sat down before Athlone. We heard much
firing and detachments of the first fifteen regiments were sent
thither,
f. 121 b Saturday the 20th : we marched but two miles | through
a pleasant hilly country, and then encamped, twenty battalions
of foot, besides horse and dragoons, in the same manner as
the day before, the latter whose number was increased, all
scattered, and four battalions of foot, which were the begin-
ning of a second line divided from the first by a ridge of
rising ground. About the first every way it is all hilly, and
in the rear of the second line a spacious beautiful valley,
as far as a man's sight could extend, but most of it boggy,
and I believe is overflowed in winter by the river Suck,
which lay behind us. On our left was the town or village of
Ballinasloe, or according to the Irish pronunciation Ballinas-
louagh. We heard the cannon at Athlone firing hotly all the
day. After noon marched thither Major-General Hamilton's,
and the Lord Galway's Regiments of Foot, with all the
officers in second of the army.

Sunday the 21st the army decamped and marched through
Ballinasloe seven miles, and encamped on an eminence,
about two miles or better from Athlone.^ Ballinasloe is but
a mean ruinous place, with some remains of a remarkable

' On the siege of Athlone, cf. Diary of the Siege of Athlone, by an

Engineer of the Army, a Witness of the Action, 1691 ; Add. 33, 264 (Brit.

Mus.) for the part Mackay played ; Story, 94-8, 102-3, 106-10 ; Macariae

June 28
Excidium, 121-2, 129-30, 419-21, 423-8 ; Fumeron to Louvois, "-rp-j — -,

July 8

and 4-T ; M&moires du Mardchal de Berwick, i. 97-8 : Rawdon Papers,

July 10
344-9; C.S.P., Dom., 1690-1, 429; Jacobite Narrative, 132-4; Clarke, ii.
453-5 > Burnet, ii. 78-9 ; Memoirs of Captain Parher, 25. St.-Ruth and
the French officers believed that it was impossible to force the river. Of
Ginkell the French commander remarked : ' His master should hang him
for trying to take Athlone, and mine ought to hang me if I lose it."

1 691 NEAR ATHLONE 205

house or castle as they call it which seems to have been
formerly a pleasant seat. The river here runs in two branches
over which there are as many stone bridges. The first is about
140 of my paces in walking in length ; much about that
distance from it is the other, in length 250 of the same paces,
which shows the breadth of the river, and that in great floods
swells beyond the extremities of the bridges, and in the
interval | between both, wherein also stands a considerable! 122!
part of the village somewhat to the southward, and to the
northward the castle. The first mile of this day's march
was on a broad road much like some of the wide by-ways in
England, and after that all is wild common, some boggy,
some stony, and full of shrubs, and one small spot of a
wood. The ground we encamped on was very high, rough,
and full of shrubs, which made our camp very irregular,
there being in many places scarce flat enough to pitch
the tents for stones and bushes. The army spread out
all in length, Colonel Talbot's Regiment on the left of
all the foot, four regiments were upon duty in the town
and trenches, eight more encamped without the town, and
several others at small distances betwixt the town and the
grand camp.

Monday the 22nd : very early Brigadier Talbot's and the
Lord Iveagh's Regiments^ of Foot relieved the trenches on

' Of Lord Iveagh's Regiment tlie names of the colonel, the first and
second lieutenant-colonels, a captain, no lieutenants, and an ensign are
recorded. No details of companies or men are forthcoming.

Bryan Magennis, Lord Iveagh, was involved in the troubles of the 1641
rebellion and was outlawed in 1642. He sat in the Parliament of 1689 and
his outlawry was then reversed. He was appointed lord-lieutenant of
Down, and two other Magennises were his deputy-lieutenants. Lord
Iveagh and his sept furnished James with two regiments, one of dragoons,
and the other of infantry. At the end of the war he entered the Austrian
service with a choice battalion of 500 men. He married Lady Margaret
de Burgh, daughter of WiUiam, seventh Earl of Clanricarde. In July
1690 he held Drogheda with a garrison of 1,300 men, but he surrendered
the town on condition that his men were not made prisoners of war.
Lord Iveagh was among the negotiators of the Articles of Limerick.
WiUiam III hoped that the departing Irish would take service with Leopold,
and this peer was one of the few who did so. He reached Hungary for
service against the Turks, but he and his regiment died of plague (C.S.P.,
Dom., 1691/2, January 9, 1692, 91, 136 ; S.P. Ireland, King's Letter Book,
i. 281, 295).

2o6 THE JOURNAL 1691

the north side of the town upon the fords of the river, where
they lay all that day and night without anything worth note
happening, but spent the night pleasantly in raillery with the
enemy on the other side.^ The enemy's batteries of cannon
and mortars played very warmly, the first all day till late at
night firing incessantly upon the castle, and broke down some
of the wall, but did no other considerable execution. The
latter threw bombs day and night, which did some execution
but not considerable. It was supposed their chief bombardier
was either killed or wounded, because a shot being levelled
£. 122 b at I him the firing ceased for a considerable time, and after
that their bombs fell not within so narrow a compass as
before.

Tuesday the 23rd : we continued in the same post all the
day much of which was spent in a sort of voluntary cessation
on the banks of the river, where the guards on both sides
discoursed familiarly till some general of the enemy's coming
down broke off the communication, and we fell to firing
at one another for a short space, and then ceased without
any harm done on either part. The enemy's cannon and
mortars played at the castle, but not so hot as the day before.
In the morning before day appeared we heard the noise
of carriages, and when it grew light saw some bodies of the
enemy marching. This day came to our camp eight field-
pieces with ammunition and other necessaries. At night
Gordon O'Neill's Regiment relieved us in the trenches ; but
we only drew back, and lay all night upon the bivouac on
the bog under the hills, which are the road to Athlone near
the river.

Wednesday the 24th : at the first dawning of the day we
marched off, and returned to the camp. From the camp to the
town, for above a Connaught mile, is through the shrubs and
bushes, till within a large mile of the town is a small bridge
over a little brook, and from thence forward a plain hard

^ Ginkell found considerable trouble in securing provisions for his men ;
but he at least was in sole command while the imperious St.-Ruth suffered
cruelly from the interference of Tyrcoimel. Sarsfield and his followers
felt more bitterly indignant than ever against the Viceroy.

I69I THE SIEGE OF ATHLONE 207

road along the sides and tops of the hills, and on the right
a large bog, everywhere dry and passable in summer ; on the
left I is a hilly dry ground, but close by the town a large spot f. 123 a
of bog. The enemy continued playing from their batteries on
the town.

Thursday the 25th : there was a general muster in the
morning ; soon after we had orders to be all ready in half
an hour, and presently again to decamp ; which was done,
and we marched down about a mile nearer to the town, where
we encamped on a ground much like the last, but far from
water. The enemy had now'mounted more cannon and played
most violently without intermission on the castle. Here we
were new formed into brigades, and ours made up of Colonel
Talbot's, the Lord Slane's, Colonel Dillon's,^ the Lord Bophin's,^
and Colonel O'Brien's Regiments.

Friday the 26th : the enemy's fire at the castle continued
very hot all the day, but nothing else of note happened.

Saturday the 27th : the enemy having made some attempt

■ Colonel Henry Dillon's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
twenty-five captains, twenty-seven lieutenants, and twenty-eight ensigns.
The staff consisted of the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major with an
adjutant, a ' Maal (see p. 159, note) des Logis ', chaplain, and surgeon. There
were four — evidently Irish — officers d la suite. Nineteen Dillons were officers
in this regiment. There were twenty-two companies and 500 men (Avaux).
Besides these nineteen Dillons there was another in Lord Abercom's Horse,
in Sir Neill O'Neill's, in Lord Gormanstown's Infantry, in Lord Galway's,
in Colonel O'Gara's, and in the Earl of Clanricarde's.

Colonel Henry Dillon was the eldest son of the seventh Viscount DUlon.
He sat in Parliament as a member for County Westmeath, and married
a daughter of the Duchess of Tyrconnel. He was governor of Galway
when Ginkell took it and assisted at the negotiations in Limerick in i6gi.

" The regiment of Lord Bophin (Colonel John Burke) had a colonel,
lieutenant-colonel, major, fourteen captains, thirteen lieutenants, and
thirteen ensigns. There were four Burkes, nine Lynches, six Blakes, three
Frenches, three Flahertys, three Martins and two Kirwans serving in it.
There were thirteen companies and 215 men (Avaux).

Lord Bophin was the second son of William, Earl of Clanricarde, and
James elevated him to the peerage in 1689. Some of his men went to aid
Lord Dundee in Scotland, and the remainder was routed by the Ennis-
kiUeners at Newton-butler. After these losses he enrolled Irish recruits, and
his regiment fought during the campaigns of 1 690 and 1 69 1 . At Aughrim he
was taken prisoner and sent to England. He was attainted on Inquisition, but
his children were allowed their respective remainders and by an Act passed
in the first year of the reign of Queen Anne he was cleared of all treasons
and attainders, and he and his children restored to their blood and estate.

308 THE JOURNAL 1691

ufwn the bridge, Brigadier Talbot's Regiment was com-
manded down, having lain about an hour near the town
to second those in the trenches in case of an assault.
The enemy's bodies, which before appeared, dispersing, we
marched back, but before we could reach the camp met the
general who remanded us back again. All the afternoon we
lay by the bridge a mile from the town, and in the evening

f. 123 b marched on | just to the entrance of the town, where we lay
till it was dark, not being well able to enter sooner because
the enemy's batteries would have had a full view of us.
At night we marched in and relieved the trenches on the
left of the bridge, which was defended by several companies
of Grenadiers.

Sunday the 28th : continued playing incessantly. About
one in the morning the enemy; creeping over their barricades
of faggots on the bridge, made up the broken arch with planks,
both sides plying their small shot and hand grenades without
intermission ; yet they did their work and retired. No
sooner was it done than five or six of our men, getting over our
work of faggots on the bridge, notwithstanding the enemy's
continual fire, took up the planks, and throwing them into the
river, returned in safety. The great and small shot never
ceased firing, and some time before noon the enemies with
their grenades fired our faggots on the bridge, which, being
very dry and not covered with earth, burnt most furiously.
I was commanded with a detachment of forty men of our
regiment, and other officers of the other regiments in the town
with proportionable numbers of their men to put a stop to
the fire, which notwithstanding all our endeavours raged so
violently that it took hold of the houses adjoining to the
bridge. The enemy in the meanwhile bent thirty pieces of |

f. 124 a cannon and all their mortars that way, so that what with
the fire and what with the balls and bombs flying so thick
that spot was a mere hell upon earth, for the place was
very narrow which made the fire scorch, and so many cannon
and mortars incessantly playing on it there seemed to be no
likelihood of any man coming off alive. However we threw
down one house, and the men, being hasty to run off with

i69i THE SIEGE OF ATHLONE 209

the timber for their own security, that gave a stop to the
progress of the fire, which then began to decHne till it quite
ceased. We had very many men killed here of the detach-
ments that came to work, and the rest being gone off, a French
major we had in our regiment, besides the Irish, commanded
me back to my post. And this I think was the hottest place
that ever I saw in my time of service.^ The fire being quite
put out, a new traverse of faggots was raised where it stopped.
Many who had served long in France said they had never seen
such furious firing for so long a time, and, besides the bombs,
the enemy threw out of their mortars a vast quantity of
stones ; besides that the place being so close the cannon balls
which struck against the castle walls beat off abundance of
stones from them, which did as much mischief as the others.
The whole action continued^ | about four hours, most of the f. 124 b
men who once got away returning no more, which made
the work the longer for those who were forced to continue at
it. By this means only seven of my detachment were killed
and nineteen wounded out of forty, and I received no hurt
myself. Yet returning to my post in the trenches I was
knocked down with a stone that flew from the castle wall,
which only stunned me, a good beaver I had on saving my
head. Another stone from the wall gave me a small hurt
on the shin, which was not considerable. At night most of the
officers standing about a barrel of powder to be distributed
among the men, a bomb fell in the midst of us, but we all
lying down, it pleased God it took not the powder, and we
all escaped unhurt. About midnight we were relieved by
Colonel Nugent's Regiment, and lay the remainder of the night
on the bivouac in the ditch of the castle.

Monday the 29th : with the dawning of the day we
marched to the camp. This morning some of the enemy's
Grenadiers advancing were so well received that we heard they
lost above a hundred. Two officers and five soldiers of ours,
venturing up to the enemy's faggots on the bridge, set them

^ The French officers were compelled to admit that they had never seen
more grim determination, and that the Irish were as brave as lions (Rawdon
Papers, 346-8).

1218 p

210 THE JOURNAL 1691.

f. 125 a on fire, and the wind favouring us destroyed them all. | Four
of the seven returned safe. After this the enemy fired only
some odd shot all the day, and continued as quiet the night.^
Tuesday the 30th : most of the day passed in silence. In the
afternoon on a sudden the whole camp was alarmed, and we
marched down to the bridge within a mile of Athlone where
we understood the town was taken, the enemy having entered
both at the bridge and ford without the least opposition made
on our side. The Regiments of O'Gara,* Cormuck O'Neill,*
and others that were in the works, quitting them at the first
onset without firing a shot, so that there was no time for
any relief to enter the place. Some of the enemy who
ventured without the castle were driven back without any
loss whereupon they retired and secured themselves within,
whilst our men who had quitted the town ran in great
confusion over the bog. All our army stood at arms near the
place but could do nothing, the castle being strong on the

' During this siege of eleven days the English had, according to Story,
fired away 12,000 cannon balls, and nearly 50 tons of powder, besides
A great many tons of stones discharged from mortars.

* Colonel Oliver O'Gara's Regiment, formerly Colonel Iriel Farrell's,
had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, fourteen captains, twelve lieu-
tenants and fourteen ensigns. The British Museum list does not give the
names of those commissioned, and Avaux gives no details.

The O'Garas were the ancient territorial lords of Moy-Gara and
Coolavin in the county of Sligo. Colonel Oliver O'Gara was a member
for the county of Sligo in the Parliament of 1689. He married
Lady Mary Fleming, daughter of Lord Slane. The careers of his four
sons illustrate the dispersion of the Irish after 1691. The three elder sons
entered the Spanish service ; the first became a brigadier, the second
colonel of the Regiment of Hibemia, the third lieutenant-colonel of the
Regiment of Irlandia, and the fourth equerry to the sons of Leopold Joseph,
Duke of Lorraine. Colonel O'Gara raised his regiment at his own expense.
In September 1689 he went with Sarsfield to Connaught to retard the
advance of the Enniskilleners. He witnessed the Articles of Limerick,
and then sailed to France, where Louis appointed him Colonel of the
Queen's Dragoons.

" Cormuck O'Neill's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major,
twenty-seven captains, thirty lieutenants and twenty-six ensigns. The
staff consisted of the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, adjutant, chaplain,
quarter-master and surgeon. Fourteen O'Neills, eight O'Hagans, five
O'Cahans, three O'Haras, three Stewarts and two O'Doghertys were among
its officers. There were twenty-two companies and 1,273 "leii (Brit. Mus.
list). Avaux gives 550 men.

Colonel Cormuck O'NeUl resided at Broughshane in Antrim, was sheriff
of the county in 1687, and one of its representatives in the Parliament of
1689.

I69I FALL OF ATHLONE 21 r

land side. In this posture we continued till towards night
with manifest tokens of fear in most men's faces, as if utter
ruin had been hanging over us upon the loss of that place,
though the army was untouched, and, except the defence of
the Shannon, no loss sustained.^ At night we returned to the
camp, threw down our tents and made all ready to march.

Wednesday the first of July : before day we marched about
two or three miles, and encamped on a | plain about the same f. 125 b
distance from Athlone. This march was performed with
great confusion and disorder, such a panic fear having
seized our men that the very noise of ten horsemen would
have dispersed as many of our battalions, above half the
soldiers scattering by the way without any other thing but
their own apprehensions to fright them. This, was a general
thing in ten regiments of foot that marched, and so great
was the terror that in Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, one of
the eldest and best in the army, there were but 190 men left
when we came to encamp, our last muster amounting to 400
and upwards. We lay here the remaining part of the day
without any disturbance, many men dropping in to us, their
fear somewhat abating by our encamping so near the enemy.
The weather was extreme wet and provisions very scarce
this day, all the servants being gone to Ballinasloe with what
little necessaries every man had.

Thursday the 2nd : the general beat at four in the morning,
and our little army soon after marched and encamped three

' Brigadier Kane remarks : ' Here the old proverb was verified, that
security dwells next door to ruin. St.-Ruth thought it impossible for us
to pass the river before he could be done with the army, and it is most
certain nothing but neglect of their duty (by the officers) was the occasion
of it • for they, seeing their general secure in himself, thought all was safe,
which made them neglect keeping their men strictly to their duty, and
having a vigilant eye on us. Had they done thus, it would have been
impossible for us to march, but they might easily see us from the castle,
and give timely notice to their general, which would have prevented
what followed. The great oversight St.-Ruth committed in leaving the
works on the back part of the town standing, was the only motive that
induced our general to pass the Shannon at this place.' Captain Parker
agrees : ' Had he (i. e. St.-Ruth) destroyed these works, we should never
have been able to defend the town against the whole army, especially as
the castle, which still held out, was crowded with men ; for though we had
battered down that face of it which lay to the water, yet the other parts
remained entire, and had a number of men in them.'

P3

212 THE JOURNAL 1691

tniles from that place on the bog and sides of hills, two miles
from Ballinasloe, with a bog in front, impassable for horse,
only by a narrow causeway through a thick impenetrable
underwood. Here we first encamped regularly in two lines
with the horse on both wings, the regiment of foot guards in
the centre, which was the first time that had been practised
among us. |
£. 126a Friday the 3rd: we marched again three miles, two to
Ballinasloe and one beyond it, and encamped on the sides of
the hills near a village called Aughrim ^ far from water and
fire, without any other thing worth observing.

Saturday the 4th : nothing remarkable.

Sunday the 5th : a party of our horse and dragoons
advancing to discover the enemy met a small squadron of
about thirty-six of them near the place on which we encamped
before, of whom they killed about twenty and took five
prisoners, pursuing the rest till within a mile or two of
Athlone. Every regiment was this day reviewed by its
major.

Monday the 6th : returns were given in by the commanding
officers of each regiment of their men and arms, the commanders-
in-chief having to that purpose taken another review.

Tuesday the 7th : the general beat at break of day with
directions not to stir tent or baggage till further order, but
to keep in a readiness to march. Thus we continued most
part of the day, and after noon it was declared we were not to
march. This day was broken at the head of the picket guards,
drawn together for that purpose, Lieut.-Col. James O'Neill^
of the Regiment of Cormuck O'Neill, and obliged to carry
a musket in the same regiment for quitting his post and
running away shamefully at Athlone, which either was the
cause or contributed much to the losing of that town, |
f. 126 b the whole regiment by his example basely abandoning the

' On the battle of Aughrim cf. Story, 123-41 ; Macariae Excidium,
439-61, 450-7, 132-3 ; Jacobite Narrative, 138 ; Klopp (v. 304) shows
that Ginkell did not intend to fight at once ; Bumet, ii. 79 ; Jacobite
Narrative, 274, gives the order of battle ; Clarke ii. 456-8 ; Add. 33264
(Brit. Mus.) ; Light to the Blind, 689 ; C.S.P,, Dam., 1690-1, 444-5.

2 James O'Neill was attainted in 169 1.

1691 THE BATTLE OF AUGHRIM 213

works and flying in such disorder that they lost a considerable
number of their arms. Five captains of the same regiment
were then also suspended.

Wednesday the 8th : the army began to march early, but
the rear stirred not till noon, and we moved but a mile from
the place, encamping on a plainer, pleasanter ground than
the last. This day was very remarkable, first for the violent
scorching heat of the sun, which I then thought so excessive
as to exceed what I had felt in three years I lived in Portugal ;
but the reason might (be) because in that country I was never
much exposed to it whereas here I marched afoot without
any better place to refresh in after all than a small soldier's
tent ; next for the prodigious thunder, which during three
hours it continued at a great distance all men took for hot
firing of cannon till coming near it lasted about an hour
longer in monstrous claps so great as are seldom heard, and
all ended in such a violent shower of rain as ran through the
tents as if there had been none. Here our artillery encamped
in the front of the first line.

Thursday the 9th : this morning returned to the camp
a party of our horse, who having met some of the enemy's
advanced guards beyond Ballinasloe, killed nine and took
five prisoners.

Friday the loth : the whole body of the enemy | advanced, f- 127 a
their horse driving ours before them even to our camp.

Saturday the nth : the enemy encamped near Ballinasloe,
their horse advancing even to the hills opposite to our camp,
which were divided from us only by the bog, and on them
they kept their videttes. Both parties lay still all day, nothing
remarkable happening, only preparing to engage the next
day, which was

Sunday the I2th : when the enemy moved from their
camp betimes and appeared on the hills opposite to us about
eight of the clock. Then they began to open to the right and
left, still stretching out all day insomuch that we had cause
to fear they would be able to fiank as well as face us. They
brought down their cannon, and played it from the most
advantageous posts, but to little effect by reason of good

214 THE JOURNAL tegi

■ground we were possessed of ; they also threw some bombs,
but to as little purpose. In the meantime we were not idle ;
the army was drawn out, and the small artillery we had placed
to the best advantage to gall them. Detachments went down
from our right to skirmish with the enemy as they came down
from the hills and opened their left towards our right.^ ]

f.i28a AN ACCOUNT^

OF HIS MAJESTY'S ROYAL CAMP NEAR DUNDALK
FRIDAY JUNE THE iqth, 1690

First on the right the Lord Dungan's regiment of dragoons
consisting of eight troops at fifty men in a troop, 400 men.^

2. His Majesty's first troop of Guards under the command
of the Earl of Dover, consisting of 200 private gentlemen,
2 lieutenants, i cornet, i guidon, 4 exangs,* [ ] brigadiers,
and 8 sub-brigadiers.

3. The second troop of Guards under the command of
[ ] in all respects answerable to the first.

f. 128 b 4. The Duke of Tyrconnel's | Regiment of Horse, nine
troops, 50 men each, in all 450.^

^ i.6,io(Southwell Correspondence, T. CD.)- Letter from the Right Hon.
Richard Cox, Governor of Cork, giving an account of the campaign,
October 8, 1691 : 'As for the battle of Aughrim there was nothing more
strange in it than that the enemy made a braver resistance than they were
wont, to which, nevertheless, they were encouraged by the situation of
the place, and the strength of their entrenchments. And after all they
found more security in the darkness of the night than either in their
fortifications or their valour, so that if the battle had begun two hours
sooner, that day had made an end of the war, and as it was, their loss was
exceeding great, viz., one general, three major-generals, seven brigadiers,
twenty-two colonels, seventeen lieutenant-colonels, and about seven thou-
sand private soldiers.

' The consequences of this great victory was the surrender of Limerick.
The King and Queen of England will weaken all they can this rebel genera-
tion by methods honest and discreet, without making it a war of reUgion.'

^ The strange position of this Account afiords another proof that the
Journal is not the one kept from day to day.

* Originally there were twelve companies and 539 men. Avaux gives
360 men.

* ' Exangs ' may be ensigns.

* Originally there were nine companies and 250 men (Avaux).

i69i THE TROOPS AT DUNDALK 215

5. The Royal Regiment of Foot Guards being twenty-six 80
companies 80 in a company, 2,080 private men, besides officers. —
All well armed, clad in red lined with blue, their colours the 160°
royal colours of England St. George's cross and the arms of 2080
the four kingdoms.^

6. The Earl of Antrim's Regiment. Thirteen companies, This regi-

50 per company, 650 private men. Clothed in white ^^°^*J^^f^°°/_

lined with red. Their colours a red cross in a green field, fectivemen,

in each quarter of the field a hand proper coming out asisobserved

of the clouds, holding a cross of Jerusalem or cross- p. i, in this

crosslet gold, in the centre of the colours the Irish harp book, and the
. , . .,.,,. , , . same may be

With a crown imperial with this motto In hoc signo supposed of

vinces? others.

7. The Lord Bellew's Regiment, thirteen companies, 62
62 men each, 806 private men. Their clothes red, lined -11
in orange tawny. Their colours bendy black, and gj
tawny or filamot on the top. Next the spear, a crown | 806
imperial, and round it this motto Tout D'En Haut. In f- 129 a
the centre the Irish harp and crown imperial. The
colonel's colours has a small red cross pat6e for distinction.^

8. Gordon O'Neill's Regiment, thirteen companies, 62 men
each, 806 private men. Clothed in red, lined white, faced red.
The colours white in the centre, a bloody hand round it, this
motto Pro Rege et Patria pugno, the colonel's next, the spear
a red cross patee for distinction.*

9. The Lord of Louth's Regiment, thirteen companies as

the last, I clothed white lined and faced filamot, the colours f. 129 b
filamot plain the colonel, the others with a blue cross in the
centre, a crown imperial with this motto Festina lente}

' Originally there were twenty companies and 1,564 men. Avaux
gives 1,200.

" Originally there were 549 men. Avaux this time exceeds the estimate
of the British Museum list and gives 634 men. A cross-crosslet is simply
a cross with the ends crossed, so : -^

' Originally there were thirteen companies and 878 men. Avaux gives
350 men. A cross patee is a Maltese cross, emblem of the Knights of St. John
of Jerusalem. Filamot is the colour of a faded leaf, the derivation being
from ' feuille morte ', which is the spelling usually found in heraldry.

' Originally there were 425 men. Avaux gives 200 men.

' Originally there were thirteen companies and 603 men. Avaux gives
200 men.

2i6 THE JOURNAL 1691

806 10. The Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, thirteen companies

39 at 62 men each, 806 men, 39 corporals, 26 sergeants, 12 ensigns,

j2 13 lieutenants, 11 captains, i major, 2 lieutenant-colonels,

13 besides [sic] officers in commission that have no companies, and

" such as are reformed, in all, [ ]. Clothed in red lined white,

2 all but the drums, who are blue with white and [ ] loops.

910 The Grenadier's white and red loops, their caps with a flaming

.1 130 a city, and this [ motto. The fruits of Rebellion. The colonel's

colours white, the other two with the same device and motto

as the Grenadiers' caps.^

These seven battalions of foot, with eight of French in all
fifteen, made up the first line.
First line

dragoons two regiments ..... 800

horse ........ 1,700

foot fifteen battaUons at 600 .... 9,000

11,500
The second line equal to the first .... 11,500

23,000
The reserve equal to half one of the lines . . . 5,250

28,250

■ Originally there were thirteen companies and 754 men. Avaux gives
200 men.

APPENDIX

In Lambeth Library there is a MS., 711, no. 4, entitled
The Irish Villany | Feelingly represented | By the Baron of
Courthuy Rousele | With an exact account of all his Troubles,
Sufferings, Losses and Dangers | During the Irish Wars
And how Miraculously | He has Escap'd Hanging With
many Remarkable and pleasant Passages Concerning the
Irish And their Babylonicall Cover* I Written in Dublin
A° 1692. I And Dedicated to y^ Hon'^i^ Trustees A" 1700. | It
is beautifully written on foolscap size paper. Rousele begins
his narrative with an account of his marriage in St. James'
Church, London, in July 1686, to Mary Carteret, and he
notes that his bride came to him ' without a penny of portion '.
He tells how he settled first at Castle-hacket and then at
Shrule in Mayo. On p. 16 there is a paragraph beginning
' Tis very well known that the. Irish are a wild, stubborn,
malicious, and cunning temper and constitution (the horses
and cows are so too),' a passage recalling Plato's description
of the conduct of animals under a democratic government.
Rousele declares that ' Those that have described the humours
of the natives would speak of the Irish in this manner. They
are naturally strong, very nimble, haughty of spirit, silly in
their discourses, careless of their lives, great admirers of their
foolish and superstitious religion, which they neither under-
stand nor follow, according to the canons of the Church of
Rome : they are patient in cold and hunger, implacable in
enmity, constant in love, light in belief, greedy of glory, great
flatterers and dissemblers, stubborn as mules, great cheats
in their dealings, ready to take an oath on all occasions,
commonly great thieves, very barbarous when they have
the upper hand, of a bloody temper, very unjust to their
neighbours, breakers of their trust, mortal enemies to all
those that are not of the Romish Religion, and ready to rebel
against the English on all occasions. A fine description
indeed of a nation '. In reading this account we must remem-
ber the fact that the writer complains (p. 25) that he had
been wronged and abused by Arthur French, Mayor of Galway,
Captain Richard Martin, Sarsfield, and Lord Dillon : his

2i8 APPENDIX

wrongs and abuses give a distinct bias to his narrative. His
kindness to the WilHamite prisoners in Galway deserves
mention, for they acknowledge that he ' did supply us daily
with meat and drink, besides half an ounce of tobacco to each
man every day, to prevent the loathsome smell of the dungeon
and gave us very often money besides. And tho' he was an
enemy to the civil government he did venture to intercede
for us to col. Macdonnell, then governor, and got us the
privilege that the protestants of the town might bring us
their charity, and yet nevertheless his own abated not.'

Like a great contemporary who hated mankind but liked
individual men, Rousele liked individual Roman Catholics
though he hated their communion. When near Ross in
County Wexford he described what he labelled ' Ignorance
and superstition of the Irish * : —

' I could not forbear (seeing) so many unworthy and base
actions which were daily committed against the poor English
who lived quietly and inoffensively. I remember that some-
times after mass I did speak to them (i.e. the Irish) in this
manner, Gentlemen you know very well King James by his
Proclamations will have the English protected, and therefore
you are obliged to use them well for your King's sake, and
not wrong and affront them whenever you can. You take
away all their substance, you make them to be rebels, as
you call them, if they will or not, seeking all sorts of inventions
to make them leave their habitations, that by those means,
without making any opposition, you may make yourselves
masters of what they have. And when they answered me
that it was lawful to destroy disaffected people and Huguenots,
I endeavoured as modestly and as civilly as I could to show
them how much they were mistaken, and that their priests
should burn in hell upon their account, because they did not
thunder against them in their meetings, to make them
sensible of their barbarous injustices, which great sin, I said,
no priest could absolve without making restitution. If you
were overpowered by the English, said I, and that they
should use you as you use them now, would you not damn
and curse them, and call them all the rogues and villains ?
I am sure you would not fail to say " quod tibi non vis fieri,
alteri ne feceris " ; and why then, said I, are you so cruel and
unjust to your fellow Christians, who do nothing either to
offend or provoke you ? . . .

' This discourse and several others of the same nature, made
one Mr. Wall (who was a very sensible man), say ... I have
heard our friars of Ross say that the Irish are the greatest

APPENDIX 219

thieves in the world, but that they do not trouble their heads
with restitution

' I asked one day a good rich farmer, How many gods there
were ? He mused and said nothing. Well, said I, how many
persons are there ? He looked upon the ground still remaining
silent, which made me say. Is it not a great shame for a man
of your age to be so ignorant ? Sure you have heard often
enough that there is but one God and Three Persons. To
which he replied in a sudden (taking me by the sleeve) I knew
well enough that there was one on one side and three on
another, but I could not for my life join them together.

'This innocent creature knew no more of the Christian
religion than a wild Indian, and when I complained of this
insufferable ignorance to one of the Franciscan friars of Ross,
he said, I hope God will pardon him and others, because since
Cromwell's time the poor people have had but very little
instruction, and we may thank the English for it.' Cf . Arch-
bishop King's ' Quaedam Vitae Meae Insigniora ' ; 'I heard
scarcely anything concerning religion which I understood
before my tenth year; then (i.e. 1660) schools being estab-
lished I made a commencement in letters, but learned little
concerning religion, neither had I known nor heard any one
praying to God in secret, nor anything concerning the public
or private worship of God, nor of the Catechism, Sacraments,
Creed, Ten Commandments, nor of worship on the Lord's
Day. I have said before, that I entered school in 1659 with
many schoolfellows, but there was not one out of all, as far
as I remember, who once offered private prayer to God, nor
could it well happen that they should do so, for when all forms
of prayer were abolished, it could scarcely happen that rude
and illiterate youths should conceive prayers of their own.
So all secret prayers ceased, nor were the boys taught to pray,
as the custom had been, from their cradles, and to resort to
prayers, privately, morning and evening. Thus, I confess
that I heard nothing sacred, nor knew that such a duty was
incumbent on me before I entered college, nor do I remember
that it was done by any one.'

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INDEX

Abbott, Dr. T. K., xvui.

Abercorn, Duke of, 165 n.

Abercorn's Regiment, 129 n., 134 n.,
207 n.

Aire, 23-4, 74.

Albany, Duchess of, xix.

Alemand, Louis, xiv.

Allardstown Bridge, 81-2.

Ambon, 33.

Amiens, 22-5, 74-5.

Angers, 68 n.

Anne, Queen, 173, 207 n.

Antrim, 113.

Antrim, Alexander Macdonnell,
Earl of, 113 n.

Antrim's Regiment, 1 1 3, 1 17, 198 n.,
202 n., 215.

Ardee, 80, 85-6, gin., 112, 119,
134 n., 143 n.

Ardfert, iii n.

Argensola, L., xiv.

Aristophanes, xlvii.

Armagh, 113 n., 115.

Army, State of, xxxix-xlvi, 62-7,
78-9, 86-7, 90-4, 96 n., 98, 104 n.,
115 n., 119, 155 n., 193, 195-6,
200.

Arnold, Captain, 49.

Arran, Lord, xl.

Artenay, 28, 74.

Asaph, St., 152.

Athlone, xxxvi, 79 n., 118 n. ,125 n.,
13411., 151, 154, 159, 163, 167 n.,
170 n., i87n.-i88n., 198-9,203-4,
212.

Athlone, Earl of (General Ginkell),
xxiii, 54 n., 118 n., 125 n., 132 n.,
i67n., I70n., I72n., i87n.-i88n.,
i94n., 203n.-204n., 2o6n.-207n.,
212 n.

Athlone, Siege of, 206-11.

Athy, 134-5-
Attainder, Act of, 28 n.
Auchel, 23, 74. .

Aughrim, x, xvii, xxxvi-vii, 86 n.,
88n., Ii6n., I22n., I3in., I43n.,
I5in.,i6sn., i68n.,i7on., I72n.-
173 n., i86n., 194, 198 n., 202 n.,
207 n., 214.

Aughrim, Battle of, 212-4.
Augustine Chapel, Limerick, 180.
Auray, 34, 74.
Authorities on the Jacobite War,

xvii-xxviii.
Avaux, Count of, xxi, xxiv, xlii-iii,

liii-vi, 45 n., 69 u., 102 n., 159 n.

Bagnall's Regiment, 173 n.

Bait, ID n.

Ballinasloe, 204, 211-13.

Ballough, 89, io8.

Ball's Bridge, Limerick, 148, 176-7,

179-80.
Ball Tower, Limerick, 168.
Ballyboy, 203.
Ballygrenan, 190.
Ballymore, 203.
Ballyneety, xxii, xxviii, xxxvii,

168 n., 174 n.
Balrothery, 108.
Baltimore, 150 n.
Bandon, Iv, 46, 49 n., 65 n., 75 n.,

105 n.
Bangor, 86 n., 167 n.
Baun, The, 86.
Bantry, x, 44-5, 67, 74-5.
Barnet, 73.

Barnwell, Colonel, i8o.
Barrow, The, 49.
Bastille, The, 9 n., 102 n., 129 n.
Beachy Head, xxxviii.
Beaupr^, de, Lt.-Col., 179-80.
Becket, Thomas, 22 n.
Bede, xiv.

Belfast, 96 n., 202 n.
Bellasis, Sir Henry, 87 n.
Bellasis, Major John, 87 n.
Bellew Castle, 116.
Bellew, Lady Mary, 1 16 n.
Bellew, Lord, n6n.
Bellew, Richard, 125 n.
Bellew's Regiment, Ii4n., 125 n.,

134 n., 149, 151, 16s, 167, 180 n.,

215.
Belturbet, 72, no n., 173 n.,

179 n.
Berehaven, 43.
Berners, Lord, x.

232

INDEX

Berwick, Duke of, xxvii, xlv-vi,
72 n.-73 n., 91 n., 102 n., no n.-
III n., 122, 12511., 130, 1430.,
154, IS9 n., 167 n., 171 n., 173 n.,
184, 189.

Billingsgate, 14.

Blenheim, Battle of, 157 n.

Blessington, 152 n.

Blois, 30.

Bloody Bridge, Dublin, 130.

Boismeral, Lt.-Col., 184.

Boisseleau, Iviii, 143 n., 178-9,
181 n.

Boisseleau's Regiment, 129 n., 143,
150-1, 177, 179 n., 180, 186-7.

Bonaclabbe. See Milk, Sour.

Bonnivert, Gedeon, xxvii-viii.

Boolying, Ixi.

Bophin Island, 87 n.

Bophin, Lord, 207 n.

Bophin's Regiment, 207.

Bostaquet, Dumont de, xxvii, xlvi.

Bouridal, M., Ix.

Bourke, XJlick, 203 n.

Boyne, The, xxxvii-viii, 1, 72 n.,
86 n., loi n., 109 n., no n.-
III n., 113 u., 119, 123 n., 126 n.,
128 n., 129, 131, 133 n., 138 n.,
I4in., I42n.-I43n., 1450., 155-7,
165 n., i67n.-i68n., 173 n., 193.

Boyne, Battle of the, 120-30.

Boyne, Lord, 105 n.

Breman, H., 71 n.

Brendan, St., I54n.

Brereton, Sir William, lix.

Brest, 28, 39-42, 44. 74-5-

Breteuil, 25, 74.

Brett, Mr., 49.

Brett, Mr., 50.

Brian's Bridge, 151.

Brigade, Irish, loi n.

Brittas, Lady, 171 n.

Bromwich Castle, 12.

Broughshane, 210 n.

Browne, Bridget, 87 n.

Browne, Colonel J., 87 n.

Brufi, 188, 190.

Buchan, Thomas, 20, 22.

Burgh, de. Lady Mary, 205 n.

Burke, Major John, 172 n.

Burke, Lady Mary, 87 n.

Burke, Walter, 151 n.

Burke's Regiment, 151, 197.

Burton, Constable, xxviii-ix.

Burton, E., xxviii.

Butler, John, 187 n.

Butler, Piers. See Galmoy, Lord.

Butler's Regiment. See Galmoy's

Regiment.
Butler, Thomas, 88 n.
Butler's Regiment, 46, 86, 88 n.,

129 n., 180 n.
Buttington, 8.

Cahirconlish, 137.

Caillemotte, 121 n.

Calais, 17, 21, 73, 75-6.

Caledon, 168 n.

Callan, 48, 75.

Capuchins' Chapel, Limerick, 148.

Carlingford, 83.

Carlow, 50, 75.

Carrickfergus, 105 n., 1 10 n.

Carrickmacross, 114.

Carrig, 138.

Carrigogunnell, 138.

Carroll, Francis, 125 n., 198 n.

Carroll's Regiment, 184 n., 198.

Carte, Thomas, xx.

Carteret, Mary, 217.

Cartwright, Thomas, 1 3 n.

Caryll, John, xx.

Cashel, 137.

Castledermot, 50, 75.

Castle-hacket, 217.

Castlehaven, 43.

Castlelumney, 89.

Castlemaine, Earl of, 12.

Castlemartyr, 65 n.

Catherine, Queen, xiii.

Catinat, 129 n.

Caulfield, Captain Toby, xlv.

Cavan, 99, 125 n.

Cervantes, Miguel de, xi.

Chamerade, 123 n., 157 n.

Charlemont, 72 n., 99-100, 105 n.,

ii4n., 186 n.
Charles I, 165 n.
Charles II, 1, 9 n., 12 n.
Charles le Chauve, 68 n.
Charles V, xlvi.
Charleton, Mr. 179 n.
Charleville, 190.
Chateau-Renault, Admiral, 41-3,

44 n., 67, ii9n.
Cheltenham,' xxx.
Chester, x, 8-9, 12, 73, 75.
Chichester, Earl of, Ixi.
Churchill, Arabella, 72 n., 107 n.,

122 n.

INDEX

233

Churchill, John. See Marlborough.

Claddagh, The, 22 n.

Cladyford, 165 n.

Clancarty, Donogh M'Carthy, Earl

of, 45 11.-46 n.
Clancarty 's Regiment, 45, 46 n.,

105, III.
Clare, Daniel O'Brien, Earl of, 86 n.,

129 n.
Clare's Regiment, 115, 129, 173 n.
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of,

5 n.-6 n.
Clarendon, Henry Hyde, Earl of, son

of the preceding, ix, S4n., 58n.
Clanricarde, Earl of, 86 n.
Clanricarde's Regiment, 86, 207 n.
Clarke, George, xvii.
Clarke, J. S., xviii-ix.
Clermont, 25, 74.
Clifford, Brigadier, ii4n.
Clifford's Regiment, 129 n., 180 n.
Clogheen, 48, 75.
Clonamicklon, 137.
Clonmel, 48, 75.
Cole, Mary, 1 10 n.
Cole, Sir John, no n.
Cole, Mr., 9.
Coleraine, 86 n., 172 n.
Cond6, 127 n.
Connaught, Old, 134 n.
Connel, Colonel Maurice, 145, 170.
Connel's Regiment, 198.
Constable, Cuthbert, xxix.
Constable, Sir F. A., xxviii.
Constable, Sir T. H. C, xxix.
Conti, Princess de, 165 n.
Cookstown, 112.
Copernicus, xlvi.
Corbet, Thomas, 105 n.
Cork, xviii, Iv, 46-7, 48 n., 75,

79 n., lOi, 105 n., 109 n., inn.,

143 n., 150 n., 187-8, 214.
Combury, Lord, 6.
Coventry, 12, 73.
Cramond, Ensign, xxvii-viii.
Creagh, Sir Michael, 115, i55 n-
Creagh's Regiment, 115 n-, 125 n.,

129 n., 155, 173 n-7 186-7.
Creagh, William, iS5 n.
Creaghts, The, Ix-iii, 161-2.
Croker, Mr., 188.
Crom Castle, 179 n-
Cromwell, Henry, xii-iii.
Cromwell, Oliver, xxiii, 45, 48,

91 n., log.

Cromwell's Fort, Limerick, 148,

i68, 171-2, 183, 186.
Crozon, 39, 74.
Cuellar, Ix.
Cufie Castle, 172 n.
CuUen, 137.
Culmore, 70 n.
Cunha, Sen da, xv.
Curlew Mountains, 83 n.

Dagobert, 26.

Dartmouth, Lord, 6, 14.

David, St., 152.

Davis, Sir John, Ix.

Deal, 14, 16-17.

Dempsey, Colonel Laurence, iiy n.,
118.

Derry, xvii, 9 n., 54, 59-61, 68 n.,
70-2, 97, 99, 105 n., 1 10 n., 1 1 3 n.,
Ii8n.,i25n.-I26n.,i34n., 141 n.,
I45n., I52n., i55n., i65n., 168 u.,
179 n., 181 n.

D'Este, Cardinal, Iv.

D'Orleans, P. J., xv.

Digges, D., i3n.

Dillon, Colonel Henry, 207 n.

Dillon's Regiment, 86, 207.

Divisions, Irish, xlix-lvi.

Dixie, Captain, 1 79 n.

Doddington, Major James, 128 n.

D06, M., ii4n.

Dominic's, St., Limerick, 147.

Donalong, 165 n.

Donges, 32, 74.

Donore, 121 n., 127 n.

Dorington, General, 65 n.

Douglas, General, i87n.-i88n.

DouUens, 23-4, 74.

Dowdall, Mr., 134.

Dowdall Family, 134 n.

Downs, The, 6.

Dover, 17.

Dover, Henry Jermyn, Lord, 65 n.,
214.

Drogheda, ix, 49, 78, 80, 86, 88-9,
108 n., 109, 113 n., 119, 126 n.,
128 n., 134 n., 205 n.

Drogheda, Earl of, 1 10.

Dromore, 165 n.

Dublin, ix, xvii-viii, xxvi, xxxv-
xlix, li, 9 n., 47, 48 n., 51, 53, 65,
68 n., 72, 75, 78, 84 n., 89, 91,
93-5, 100-5, 107-9, 11411., 124,
126 n., 128 n., 129-31, 142, 149,
156, 217.

234

INDEX

Dugdale, Sir William, xiv, xxix.
Duleek, I20n.-i2in., 15711.
Dumbarton, Lord, n8 n.
Dundalk, 80-1, 83 n., 86, 95, 96 n.,

98, 113 n., 115-16, 118 n., 119-

20, 13411., 155 n., 214.
Dundee, Viscount, 207 n.
Dungan, Lord, 54 n., 72 n.-73 n.,

121, 125 n.-i26u.
Dungan's Regiment, 86, 1 10-12,

125, 198 n., 214.
Dungaunon, 1 14 n.
Duniry, 154.
Dunkirk, 21.
Dunmauway, 46, 75.
Dunstable, 13, t^.
Dupin, Louis E., xv.

Eachard, Ix.

East Water Gate, Limerick, 148.
Englishman, Nature of, 97-8.
English Town, Limerick, 147, 167,

176, 178-9, 196.
Enniskeen, 46, 75, 198 n.
Enniskillen, 9 n., 60-1, 97, 99,

no.
Enniskillen, Roger Macguire, Lord,

198 n.
EnniskUlen's Regiment, 198.
Ern6e, 28, 74.
Etampes, 28, 74.

Eustace, Sir Maurice, 151 n., 166.
Eustace's Regiment, 151, 170.
Evans, Mr., 190.
Evelyn, John, 45 n.
Exclusion Bill, 7 n.
Eyre, Mr., 203.

Famechon, 123 n., 157 n.

Fane Bridge, 81.

Fare, Marquis de la, 102 n.

Ferjuson, Ensign, 23.

Field, J., 71 n.

Filmer, Sir Robert, 13 n.

FitzGerald, Colonel Sir John, 90 n.,

118.
FitzGerald 's Regiment, Ii8n., 143,

168, 187, 198, 200.
Fitzgerald, Nicholas, 72 n.
Fitz James, Henry (Lord Grand

Prior), 59, 72 n.-73 n., 107 n.,

112.
Fitzjames's Regiment, 59, (>t, 72,

86, 89, 91, 105, 107, no, 1 12-13,

117, 122, 124, 129 n., 130, 142-3,
149, 151, 157, 164-5, 167-8,
170-2, 177-8, 179 n., i8on.,
181-2, 184, 186-7, 189, 198-9,
216.

Fitz James, James. See Berwick,
Duke of.

Fleet, French, 42.

Fleming, Lady Mary, 210 n.

Fleurus, Battle of, xxxviii.

Flux, The, 82, 166 n.

Forbes Castle, 9 n.

Foreland, North, 16.

Forraud, Rear-Admiral, 42.

Fortescue, Captain, 28.

Fountain, Major, 33.

Four Crosses, 12, 73.

Franciscan Abbey, Limerick, 147-8,
176.

French, Arthur, 217.

Gabaret, Vice-Admiral, 42.
Gafney, Captain, Iviii.
Galmoy, Piers Butler, Lord, 179.
Galmoy's Regiment, 105 n., 117,
1x8 n., 125 n., 129 n., 173 n.,
180 n., 187.
Galway, xxxv, 48 n., loi n., 123 n.,

145 n., 163, 197-8, 207 n., 217.
Galway, Lord, 159 n.
Galway's Regiment, 125 n., 204,

207 n.
Gaming, Seigneurial, 26 n.
Gernon, Luke, Ivii.
Gilbert, Sir John, xxiii.
Giles, John A., xiv.
Ginkell. See Athlone, Earl of.
Girardin, Marquis de, 113.
Gore, Arthur, xvii.
Gormanstown, 108.
Gormanstown's Regiment, Ii4n.,
125 n., 149, 151, 165, 167, 180 n.

Gort, 160.

Gouz, Boullaye le, Ivii-x.

Grace, Colonel Richard, 151, 188 n.

Grace's Regiment, 186-7.

Granard, Arthur Forbes, Earl of, 9.

Graves, Bishop, xxx.

GrStves, J., xxx.

Graves, J. C, xxx.

Gravesend, 14.

Greene, Colonel, 128 n.

Grenadiers, 150, 216.

Gresham, Sir Thomas, xlvi.

Guards, 105 n., 115, 197-9, 214-15.

INDEX

235

Guards, Foot, 10911., no, iiz, 141,
143,150, 168, 171-2, 187, 190,215.

GuEirds, Horse, no, 112, 128 n., 187,
190.

Guards, Life, 109.

Guevara, x-xi.

Gur, Lough, 197.

Hamilton, Gustavus. See Boyne,

Lord.
Hamilton, Richard, xvii, 105 n.,

152, 165 n., 171 n.
Hamilton's Regiment, 151, 159 n.,

164-5, 167, 170, 204.
Hardy,. Mr. W. J., xxi.
Hartlib, Samuel, xl.
Hazlitt, W. C, xvi.
Hennebont, 34, 74.
Henry IV, 25 n., 29 n.
Herbert, Admiral, 44 n.
Herbert, Lord, 7.
Herbignac, 32, 74.
Herrera, Antonio de, xiii-iv.
Hickford, Lieutenant, 23.
Highgate, 13.
Hoffmann, 102 n.
Hogarth, William, 18 n.
Hoguette, Marquis de la, 123-4,

157 n-
Holywell, 8-9, 73. 75-
Hounslow Heath, 9 n.
Huguenots, The, 29 n.
Hume, Martin A. S., xvi.
Hunsdon, Lord, 28.
Hunt, Mr., 58-9.
Hunter, A., 71 n.
Hurst, W., xiv.
Hyde, De la, x.

Ikerrin, Lord, 137.

Ingram, Major, 31, 33.

Innes, Principal, xix.

Innocent XI, xxxviii, Iv, 5 n., I2n.

Irish Town, Limerick, 146, 148, 163,

178, 196.
Iveagh, Bryan Magennis, Lord, 205n.
Iveagh's Regiment, 186, 198, 204.

Jackson, Bishop, 13.

Jacobite, English and Irish, 1-ii.

James I, Ix-i, 5 n.

James II, xvii-xxiv, xxx-iii, xxxvii,
xl, xliii-iv, xlvi-vii, xlix-lvi, 3,
6n., 7n., 8, 9n., 11, 12 n., 13-14,

27. 53-4, 55 n-> 57-8. 60 n., 65 n.,
66-8, 69 n., 70, 72 n.-73 n., 79 n.,
80-1, 82 n., 85, 86 n., 88 n.-9l n.,
93 n., 95, loi n., 104, 105 n.,
107 n., inn., 113 n., 118 n.,
I20n., I22n.-I23n., I25n., I27n.-
128 n., 133 n., 143 n., 145 n.,
151 n., 158 n.-i59 n., 164 n.-
165 n., 173 n., 179 n., 205 n.,
207 n., 214 n.

Jenkinstown, 109.

Jesuits, The, 13 n., 40.

Joan of Arc, 29.

John, King, 148.

John, King of Portugal, xiii.

John's Church, St., Limerick, 148.

John's Gate, St., Limerick, 148-9,
156, 168, 170, 174 n., 175. 178.
183.

Jones of Welshpool, 7.

Kavanagh, Morgan, 152 n.
Kearney, Sir Charles, 86 n.
Kearney's Regiment, 86.
Keating, John, Chief Justice, 62 n.
KeUs, R., 71 n.
Kelly, Colonel, 172.
Ken, Bishop, 4 n.
Kenmare, Lord, 187, 198.
Kenmare's Regiment, 187, 198.
Kerry, Lord, 171 n.
Kervoyal, 33, 74.
Kilcooly, 136-7.
Kilcullen, 50, 75, 133.
Kilkenny, 48-9, 75, 135-6, 148.
Killaloe, 152-3, 199.
Killelagh, 145 n.
Killenaule, 137.
Kilmainham, 131.
Kilmallock, 184, 188-90.
KilmaUock, Dominick Sarsfield,

Lord, 131 n.
Rilmallock's Regiment, 129 n., 131-

2, 151, 168, 173 u.
Kilultagh, 145 n.
Kilworth, 47, 75.
King, WiUiam, xxv-vii, xxxviii.
King's Castle, Limerick, 147.
King's Island, Limerick, 3dvi, 146,

163-4, 169-70, 176, 180, 184, 196.
Kingsland, Lord, 133 n.
Kinsale, xvui, 43, 101 n., 10$ n.,

inn., 187 n.
Kirk, John, xxviii-ix.
Koniggratz, 121 n.

236

INDEX

La Bruyfere, 102 n.

Lake, Bishop, 4 n.

Landen, 15911.

Landevant, 34, 74.

Lauzun, xviii, xxiv, xli, 92 n., loi,
113 n., 120 n., 123, 13311., 157 n.,
16411., 197 n.

Lazenby, Mr., 46-7.

L'Estrange, Sir Roger, xii, xvi.

Le Faou, 39, 74.

Le Notre, 27 n.

Leghorn, xviii-ix.

Leighlinbridge, 49, 75.

Lenan, Mr., 90 n.

Leopold I, xxxviii, 205 n.

Lfery. See Girardin, Marquis de.

Leslie, Charles, xxvi.

Limerick, ix, xxii-iii, xxv, xxxv,
xxxvii, xlv-vi, Iv, 44 n., 48 n.,
72 n., 79 n., 93 n., loi n., no n.,
11311.-11411., 122 n., 124, 12511.,
129, 131 n., 136, 138, 141, 143,
145-9, 152, 154-6, 159-60, 162,
17311., 17911., 187-8, 191, 193-4,
197-9, 202, 207 n., 214.

Limerick, Articles of, 86 n., 113 n.,
151 n., 168 n., 205 n., 210 n.

Limerick, Siege of, 163-86.

Limerick, William Dungan, Earl of,
54, 126 n.

Linage, Joseph de V., xv.

Literature, Spanish and English
compared, x-xvii.

Lloyd, Bishop, 4 n., 5.

Lloyd, Captain Thomas, xxiv.

Locke, John, 4 n.

Locronan, 38-9, 74.

Loire, 29-31.

London, xxi, 7, 9-10, 12-13, 24. 43.
73. 75. 217-

Loughrea, 158-9.

Louis XIII, 29 n.

Louis XIV, xviii, xxi-iv, xxxviii,
xliii, li, liv-vi, 3n., sn., 9n., I2n.,
27n., 29n., 33. 45n-. 55 n-. 70n.,
73n., 86 n., ioin.-i02n., iion.-
II in., I24n.,i4in., 143 n., isin.-
I52n., I57n., i65n., i67n.-i68n.,
I73n., 179 n., I97n.-i98n., 2ion.

Louis XV, 29 n.

Louth, 116.

Louth, Earl of, 87 n.

Louth's Regiment, 114, 134 n., 215.

Louvois, xliii-iv, 102 n.

Lucbeux, 26, 74.

Ludlow, 7.

Lundy, Robert, 105 n.

Lusk, 89.

Luttrell, Henry, 90 n., 173 n.

Luttrell's Regiment, 135 n., 166,

168, 174 n., 180 n.
Luttrell, Simon, 90-91 n., 113 n.,

114 n.
Luttrell's Regiment, 134.
Luxemburg, Francis Henry, Duke

of, 159 n.
Luzarches, Robert de, 24 n.

Mabbe, James, xi-xii.

Macarthy, Justin. See Mount-

cashel. Viscount.
Macarthy's Regiment, 105 n., I29n.,

173 n., 19711., 198.
Macarty, Father, 90 n.
Macaulay, Lord, xliii.
Macclesfield, Earl of, 10, 173 n.
Macculla, Lieutenant, 27.
Macdonnell, Alexander. See Antrim,

Earl of.
Macdonnell, Colonel, 218.
M'EUicott, Colonel Roger, inn.
M'Ellicott's Regiment, inn.
MacGiUicuddy, Colonel Denis, 187.
MacGiUicuddy's Regiment, 198.
Macguire, Colonel C, 198 n.
Macguire's Regiment, 198.
Macguire, F. Dominick, 54.
Mackay, General Andrew, 167 n.,

204 n.
MacMahon, Art, 186 n.
MacMahon's (Art) Regiment, 186,

198.
MacMahon, Brian, 186 n.
MacMahon, Gelasius, 186 n.
MacMahon, Hugh, 186 n.
MacMahon's (Hugh) Regiment, 186,

198.
Macpherson, J., xviii, xx-i.
Maguire, Captain Brian, 179 n.
Malplaquet, Battle of, 179 n.
Margate, 15-16.
Mariana, P. Juan de, xiii.
Marlborough, Duke of, 46 n., 107 n.,

109 n., inn., 122 n., 187 n.
Marsaglia, Battle of, I24n.-i25 n.,

129 n., 167 n., 199 n.
Martin, Richard, 217.
Mary of Modena, xviii, xx, 3 n.,

8, 13, 27, loi n.-io2 n., 104 n.,

129 n., 165 n., 214 n.

INDEX

237

Mary's Cathedral, St., Limerick,

147, 197-
Maxwell, Thomas, 65 ri., 1 1 5, 167 n.,

17011., 173 n., 198 n.
Maxwell's Regiment, 112, 115, 167,

198 n.
Mayenne, Duke of, loi n.
Mazarin, 35.
Meelick, 202.
Melfort, John Drummond, Lord,

xlvii, liii, 73 n., 133 n., 150 n.
Mellifont, no.
Mello Francisco, M. de, xv.
Mercer, xxxvi-vii.
Merode, 123 n., 157 n.
Middletou, Lord, 125 n.
Milk, Sour, Ivi-vii, 47, 49, 139.
Mockler, Sir James, 174, 180.
Molowny, Bishop, lii-iii.
Molyneux, Lord, 8.
Monelly, Bog of, 136.
Money, Brass, xlvi-ix, 6j, 83, 102,

104, 142, 157-8, 164, 191-2, 197-
Monmouth, James, Duke of, xliv,

7, ion.
Mons, 197.
Montesquieu, 122 n.
Montpensier, Princess of, lOi n.
Montrose, James Graham, Marquess

of, 9 n.
Moore, Colonel C, 171 n.
Moore's Regiment, 125 n., 171-2,

180 n.
Moreau, 122 n.

Moryson, Fynes, Ivi-viii, Ix-i.
Moscow, xlvi.
Mountcashel, Viscount, xlvii, 64,

65n., loin., I05n., ii8n., I43n.,

159 n.
Mountjoy, William Stewart, Vis-
count, 9, 65 n.
Mountjoy's Regiment, 105 n.
MuUenaux, Samuel, xxvii.
MuUingar, 203.
MuUins, Captain, 16.
Munchin's Church, St., Limerick,

147.

Naas, 50, 75, 126 n., 131-2.
Nagle, Sir Richard, 97 n.
Naime, David, xxi.
Nantes, 30-2, 74-6.
Napoleon, xxviii, xlvi.
Newcomen's Regiment, 105 n.
Newport, 10, 73.

Newry, Ixiii, 116, n8, 143 n.

Newton-Butler, 65 n., 72 u., 207 n.

Nore, The, 14.

North, Sir Thomas, xi-ii.

Northampton, 6, 12, 73.

Nugent, Colonel, 107 n.

Nugent's Regiment, 134 n., 189,

198, 209.
Nugent, Richard, 113 n.

O'Brien's Regiment, 207.
O'Connell, Daniel, 22 n.
O'Donnell, Lieutenant-Colonel, 132.
O'Donnell's Regiment, 198.
O'Donovan, Colonel Daniel, 1 50 n.
O'Douovan's Regiment, 150.
O'Gara, Oliver, 210 n.
O'Gara's Regiment, 207 n., 210.
O'Kelly, Colonel Charles, xxiii-v,

xxxvii, Ii6n., 167 n.
O'Kelly, Denis, Ii6n.-ii7n.
O'More, Rory, 171 n.
O'Neill, Cormuck, 145 n., 210 n.
O'Neill's Regiment, 86, 199, 210,

212.
O'Neill, Felix, 145 n., 165, 168.
O'Neill's Regiment, 165 n., 168,

186, 198.
O'Neill, Gordon, 145 n., 151, 165,

168.
O'Neill's Regiment, 150, 168, 186,

198, 206, 215.
O'Neill, Sir Henry, 144 n.
O'Neill, James, 212.
O'Neill, Sir Neill, 144 n., 165 n.
O'Neill's Regiment, 144 n., 207 n.
O'Neill, Sir Phelim, 168 n.
O'Neill, Turlough, 165 n.
O'Regan, Major, 28.
O'Regan, Thady, 99 n., 100.
Officers, Type of, xliii, 64.
Ogleby, Colonel, 198 n.
Oldbridge, 120.
Omagh, no n.
Oresme, Nicolas, xlvii.
Orleans, 28-30, 74-5.
Ormonde, Duke of, xii.
Orsay, 28, 74.
Osborne, Alexander, xli.
Ossory, Lord, xl.
Oswestry, 12 n. ■
Oudenarde, 1 18 n.
OutarvUle, 28, 74.
Oxburgh's Regiment, 125 n.
Oxmantown, 108.

238

INDEX

Paris, xvii-xx, 20, 25-9, 47, 53,
68 n., 74-5.

Parker, Colonel John, 1 28 n.

Parker's Regiment, xliii, 111-12,
121, 128.

Parker, John (Master of the Rolls),
128 n.

Parker, Captain Robert, xxvii, 1 28 n.

Parker, Samuel, xxix.

Parliament of 1689, liii-iv, 45 n.,
54 n., 68-70, 90 n., 103, 109 n-
III n., 113 n., 125 n., 131 n.,
I34n., 143 n., 150 n., 152 n.,
155 n., 173 n., 186 n., 198 n.,
202 n., 205 n., 209 n.-2io n.

Parliament of 1692, 1 10 n.

Parsons, Father, 22.

Passage, 123 n.

Pay of Soldier, xliv-v, 19 n.

Phillipps, Sir Thomas, xx, xxx.

Pignerol, loi n.

Pineda, xvii.

Plunket, Nicholas, xxi-ii, xxv.

Pointis, 70 n., 114 n.

Pollen, Father, xxviii.

Popish Plot, 118 n.

Porter, Major, 107 n.

Portland, Duke of, xx.

Portumna, 201.

Poultney, Captain, xxviii.

Poverty at Bantry, 45.

Power, Colonel, 173.

Power's Regiment, 198.

Powis, Marquis and afterwards
Duke, 7, 55.

Price, Sir John, 7.

Price, Major, 46-7, 78.

Price, Thomas, 12.

Prices, 36, 84-5, 90, 102, 150 n.,
157-8.

Prior, Lord Grand. See Fitz James,
Henry.

Provisions, 85, 87, 113, 163, 191-2,
200-2.

PurceU, Colonel, 173.

Purcell's Regiment, 173 n., 198.

Puritans, The, 29 n.

Quevedo, xv-vii.
Quimper, 36, 47, 74.
Quimperi6, 35, 74-'
Quin, 161.
Quintana, Manuel Jos6, xiii.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, xii.

Ranke, L. von, xx, xxx, xxxiii-iv.

Rapin, Captain, 99 n.

Rapparees, 62.

Ra-thcoole, 51, 75.

Rathcormack, 47, 75.

Rebellion of 1641, 9 n., 1 1 3 n., 131 n.,

205 n.
Regent, The Prince, xix.
Regiments : —

Abercorn, Duke of, 129 n.,

134 n., 207 n.
Antrim, Earl of , 1 1 3, 1 1 7, 1 98 n. ,

202 n., 215.
Bagnall, Dudley, 173 n.
Bellew, Lord, 114 n., 125 n.,

134 n., 149, 151, 16s, 167,

180 n., 215.
Boisseleau, Major - General,

129 n., 143, 150-1, 177,

179 n., 180, 186-7.
Bophin, Lord, 207.
Burke, Walter, 151, 197.
Butler, Edward, 173 n., 186.
Butler, Piers (Galmoy).
Butler, Thomas, 46, 86, 88 n.,

92, 129 n., 180 n.
Carroll, Francis, 184 n., 198.
Clancarty, Earl of, 45, 46 n.,

105 n.. III.
Clanricarde, Earl of, 86, 207 n.
Clare, Earl of , 115, 129, 173 n.
Clifford, Robert, 129 n., 180 n.
Connel, Maurice, 198.
Creagh, Sir Michael, 115 n.,

125 n., 129 n., 155, 17311.,

186-7.
Dillon, Henry, 86, 207.
Dungan, Lord, 86, 110-12, 125,

198 n., 214.
Enniskillen, Lord, 198.
Eustace, Sir Maurice, 151,

170.
FitzGerald, Sir John, n8 n.,

143, 168, 187, 198, 200.
FitzJames, Henry (Lord Grand

Prior), 59, 67, 72, 86, 89, 91,

105, 107, no, 112-13, 117,

122, 124, 129 n., 130, 142-3,

149, 151. 157, 164-5, 167-8,

170-2, 177-8, 179 n., 180 n.,

181-2,184, 186-7,189, 198-9,

216.
Galmoy, Lord, 105 n., 117,

118 n., 125 n., 129 n., 173 n.,

i8on., 187.

INDEX

239

Regiments (continued) —

Galway, Lord, 125 n., 204,

207 n.
Gormanstown, Lord, 1 14 n.,

12511., 149, 151, 165, 167,

180 n., 215.
Grace, John, 186-7.
Grenadiers, 150, 216.
Guards, 105 n., fij, 197-9,

214-15.
Guards, Foot, 109 n., no, 112,

141, 143. 150, 168, 171-2,

187, 190, 215.
Guards, Horse, no, 112, 128 n.,

187, 190.
Guards, Life, 109.
Hamilton, Richard, 151, 159 n.,

164-S, 167, 170, 204.
Iveagh, Lord, 186,198, 204.
Kearney, Sir Charles, 86.
Kenmare, Lord, 187, 198.
Kilmallock, Lord, 129U., 131-2,

151, 168, 173 n.
Louth, Earl of, 114, 134 n., 215.
Luttrell, Henry, 135 n., 166,

168, 174 n., 180 n.
Luttrell, Simon, 134.
Macarthy, Justin (Mount-

cashel), 105 n., 129 n., 173 n.,

197 n., 198.
M'EUicott, Roger, inn.
MacGiUicuddy, Denis, 198.
Macgnire, Cuconaught, 198.
MacMahon, Art, 186, 198.
MacMahon, Hugh, 186, 198.
Maxwell, Thomas, 112, 115,

167, 198 n.
Moore, Charles, 125 n., 171-2,

180 n.
Mountjoy, Lord, 105 n.
Newcomen, 105 n.
Nugent, Richard, 134 n., 189,

ig8, 209.
O'Brien, Daniel (Clare), 207.
O'Donnell, 198.
O'Donovan, Daniel, 150.
O'Gara, Oliver, 207 n., 210.
O'Neill, Cormuck, 86, 199, 210,

212.
O'Neill, Felix, 165 n., 168, 186,

198.
O'Neill, Gordon, 150, 168, 186,

198, 206, 215.
O'Neill, Sir Neill, 144 n-. Z07 n.
Qxburgh, Sir Heward, 125 n.

Regiments (continued) —

Parker, John, xliii, 1 1 1-12, 121,

128.
Power, 198.

Purcell, Nicholas, 173 n., 198.
Russell, 105 n.
Sankey, 49 n.
Sarsfield, Patrick, xliii, 129 n.,

159 n.
Saxby, 198, 200.
Slane, Lord, 143, 150-1, 170,
177, 180 n., 186-7, 1981 206.
Sutherland, Hugh, no, 112,

129 n.
Talbot, Mark, 199-200, 204,

206, 208, 211.
Tyrone, Earl of, 109, in,

129 n.
Tyrconnel, Duke of, xliii,
I04n.-i05n., 117, 120 n.,
180 n., 190, 214.
Westmeath, Earl of (Colonel
Francis "Toole), 117, 125 n.,
180 n., 186.
Regium Donum, 9 n.
Reunes, 68 n.
Repeal, Act of, 70.
Rice, Sir Stephen, 9 n.
Richelieu, 18 n.
Rinuccini, Giovanni B., Ix.
Roane, John, 152 n.
Rochefort, 152 n.
Rochester, xxxi, 3.
Ronquillo, Don Pedro, 55.
Roscommon, Earl of, 1 10 n.
Rosen, Count of, xli, 72 n., 85,
loi n., non., 113 n., 134 n.,
197 n.
Rosnaree, 145 n.
Rosporden, 36, 74.
Ross, 218-19.
Rosse, Lord, 133 n.
Rostopchin, Count, xlvi.
Rousele Courthuy, Baron of , 2 1 7- 1 9.
Route, The, 18-19, 31-6, 42.
Rowland, David, xi-xii.
Russell, Lady, 46 n.
Russell's Regiment, 105 n.
Ryswick, Peace of, 46 n.

St. Albans, 73.

St. Denis, 26, 74.

St.-Germain, xviii, li, 8 n., 27, 53,

74-5, 118 n.,, 198 n.
St.-Omer, 20-2, 74.

240

INDEX

St.-Pol, 23, 74.

St.-Ruth, XXV, 12411., 13311., 170 n.,
197, 20411., 206 n., 211 n.

St. Simon, 102 n.

Salisbury, 6 n.

Salkeld, Colonel, xliv.

Salt, 87.

Sancroft, Archbishop, 4 n.

Sandoval, xii.

Sandwich Bay, 15.

Sankey's Regiment, 49 n.

San Pedro, x.

Sarsfield, Patrick, xxii, xxiv, xxvii,
xxxvii, xlvi, Iv, iion., 125 n.,
133 n., 141 n., 143 n., 158, 159 n.,
164 n., 173 n., 206 n., 210 n., 217.

Sarsfield's Regiment, xliii, 129 n.,
159 n.

Saucerstown, 108.

Saumur, 30.

Savenay, 32, 74.

Saxby's Regiment, 198, 200.

ScarrifE, 153, 200.

Schomberg, Frederick, Count of,
afterwards Duke, xxvii, xli, xliii,
79 n.-84 n., 86 n., 90 n.-gi n.,
93 n., 97, 9911., 100, I2in.,
128 n., 134 n., 155 n., 167 n.,
186 n.

Screen, 117 n.

Search, Mr., 7.

Settlement, Act of, 7 n., 69.

Shakespeare, William, 10 n., 162 n.

Shanganagh, 135.

Shannon, 44 n., 114 n., 146-8, 152-3,
160, 163, 166, 176, 181, 187 n.,
196-7, 200-3, 211.

Sheldon, General, 65 n.

Shelton, Thomas, xi-xii.

Shrewsbury, 6, 12.

Shrule, 217.

Sidney, Algernon, 4 n.

Sixnulebridge, 163, 188.

Slane, 121, 127, 165 n.

Slane, Lord, 143 n., 145, 151.

Slane's Regiment, 143, 150-1, 170,
177, 180 n., 186-7, 1981 206.

Sligo, 9 n., 82, 83 n., 145 n., 172 n.

Smith, Colonel, 180.

Social Conditions, Ivi-lxiii.

Soissous, 68 n.

Sousa, Manoel de Faria y, xii-xiii,

XV.

Southey, Robert, xii.
Southwell, Edward, xviii.

Southwell, Sir Robert, xviii.
Spenser, Edmund, Ix-lxi, 10 n.,

131 n.
Spenser, Hugolin, 131 n.
StafFarda, xxxviii.
Stanihurst, Richard, Ix.
Steinkirk, Battle of, 9.
Stevens, John, ix-xvii.
Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William, xii.
Stormanstown, 112.
Story, George, xlvi, Ixiii.
Strafiord, Thomas Wentworth, Earl

of, 50.
Style, Old and New, 17 n.
Suck, River, 204-5.
Sunderland, Earl of, 54 n., 58 n.
Sussex, Duke of, xx.
Sutherland, Colonel, 65 n., 1 10 n.
Sutherland's Regiment, no, 112,

129 n.
Swift, Jonathan, xvi, Ivii.
Swords, 108.

Talbot, Colonel, 150.

Talbot, Mark, 145, 198, 202.

Talbot's Regiment, 199-200, 204,
206, 208, 211.

Tallanstowu, 87-8, 115.

Tapi6, The, 18 n., 32, 35-6, 39.

Terriesi, xviii.

Thewles, Mr., 89 n.-90 n.

Thom Core Castle, Limerick, 148.

Thoresby, Ralph, xiv.

Ticknor, George, xii, xvi.

Timolin, 50, 75.

Toberreendony, 160.

Tomgraney, 153, 200-1.

Tonge, M., 71 n.

Torbay, 6.

Tours, 30, 68 n.

Toury, 28, 74.

Trelawney, Bishop, 5 n.

Trinity College, Dublin, 89, 90 n.

Tunis, xix.

Turenne, xx, 122 n., 157 n.

Turner, Bishop, 4 n.

Tyrconnel, Duke of, ix, xvii, xxii,
xxiv-v, xliv, lii-iii, Iv, 7 n., 9, 58 n.,
60 n., 81 n., loi n., I04n.-I05 n.,
Ii3n.-ii4n., 126 n., 133, 134 n.,
136, 138, 141 n., 143 n., 144-6,
159 n., 163 n., 164, 165 n., 167 n.,
170 n., 173 n., 198, 202 n., 206 n.

Tyrconnel's Regiment, I04n.-i05n.,
117, 120 n., 180 n., 190, 214.

INDEX

241

T5Tconnel, Duchess of, 133 n.
Tjnrone, Eaxl of, 46 n., 109 n.
Tyrone's Regiment, 109, 1 1 1, 129 n.
Tyrrel, Bishop, lii.

Usher, Ignatius, 59, 107 n.
Usher, Lieutenant, 23.
Usher, Mr., 15-16.

Vanbrugh, Sir John, xii.
Vannes, 34, 74.
Vardes, 102 n.
Vaughan of Lludiaths, 7.
Versailles, 157 n.
Vincent, J., 71 n.
Voltaire, 102 n.

Wages, 40.

Wales, Prince of, xviii-ix, xxi, 8,

13, 27, loi n.
Wall, Mr., 218.
Warburton, John, xxviii.
Waterford, xxv, 48 n., 173 n.
Watou, 21.
Wattlebridge, 65 n.
Wauchope, J6hn,65 n., 125, 136, 142.
Welbeck, xxi.
Welcome, W., 71 n.

Wells, 49.

Welshpool, ix, 4, 6-8, 73, 75.

Westmeath, Earl of, 113 n.

Westmeath's Regiment, 117, 125 n.,
180 n., 186.

West Water Gate, Limerick, 148.

Wharton, Miss, lix.

Whitchurch, 10, 73.

White, Bishop, 5 n.

Whitehall, 8.

Whitney, James L., xvi.

Wigan, 1 1 3 n.

Wight, Isle of, 6.

William III, xxii-v, xxxi, xxxvii-
viii, xli, li, 6, 8 n., 9, ion., 11-12,
28 n., 46 n., 55 n., 60 n., 69 n.,
96n., lion., Ii8n., I26n., 141 n.,
I59n., i63n.-i66n., I73n.-I74u.,
I76n., 181 n., i85n., i88n.,204n.-
205 n.

Windsor, xx.

Woodford, 154, 200-1.

Wrexham, 8, 73.

Young, Bartholomew, 71 n.
Young, J., xii.

Zurlauben, Colonel, 123, 157.

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

REVOLUTIONARY IRELAND AND
ITS SETTLEMENT

8vo, with five maps, los. net
LONDON, MACMILLAN & CO.

Oxford : Horace Hart, M.A., Printer to the University

IRELAND

1689-91

SCALE OF MILES

200

The Journey to Dublin - —
The Journey to Limerick — ■

I S H

S-E-A.

-^0-

-dsi-

^

^===7

•K

-^-

-3;

B

C 0_ N N

Toberree/idonyiji

Cast/e/um/iey
MelifontAbbey

lun

KJ JIX

'^"'^''° J" \hGmnanstown_^

B o / tA oSalbriqqafT
Balratneryo<L ^^

^^jjpmi^d^^^u^im

Ouin

Werg ^
oMenagh \ >

yHlaloe
O'Briens Br. J ^^.„.^^eeper

Six Mile Bridge

^ Castleconnell
qAnnaghbeg

Carrif^Lij^ierick ^

5ry/r

'Charleville<S.

i.H'^'

'al lygre nnan
llinallock ^■^^ ^J" „;>

S-^E-A.

x^.

4^

■V

-^^

i)

^-

V

1>

■^

-^

s-

Crookhaven^

^%^

SIEGES OF LIMERICK 1690-91

3tJhomas'
^Island

A. Ireton's Fort (Mackay's)

B. Old Church Fort

C. Cromwell's Fort (Nassau's)

D. Other British Works and

Batteries

E. Irish Advanced Works

F. Pontoon Bridges

G. Ball's Bridge

H. Thomond Bridge
K. The Castle
L. East Watergate Sallyport
M. Black Battery
N. John's Gate
O. Citadel

P. The Breach 1690
Q. The Breach J69I
R. The Devil's Tower
S. Mungret Gate
T. Thorn Core Castle

a. The Abbey

b. John's Church

c. Capuchin Church in Irish-

town 1688

d. Augustinian Convent

e. St. Mary's Church

f. Franciscan Convent
g. St. Dominick's Abbey
h. St. Munchin's Church

From Trafee

To Cork To Waterford

SCALE

34

Eng. Miies