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A ROSE OF SAVOY
BY THE SAME AUTHOR
Madame R^camier and her Friends
Madame de Pompadour
Madame de Montespan
Madame du Barry
Queens of the French Stage
Later Queens of the French Stage
Five Fair Sisters
Queen Margot
A Princess of Intrigue
The Women Bonapartes
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A ROSE OF SAVOY
MARIE ADELAIDE OF SAVOY, DUGHESSE
DE BOURGOGNE, MOTHER OF LOUIS XV
BY
H. NOEL WILLIAMS
AUTHOR OF "THE WOMEN BONAPARTES
WITH SEVENTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1909
PREFATORY NOTE
THE principal authorities, both contemporary
and modern, which I have consulted in the
preparation of these volumes are mentioned
either in the text or the footnotes. I desire, how-
ever, to acknowledge my obligations to the following
works by modern writers : the Comtesse Faverges,
Anne d'Orleans, premiere reine de Sardaigne ; M. A.
Gagniere, Marie Adelaide de Savoie, Lettres et
Correspondances ; M. A. Geffroy, Madame de Main-
tenon d'apres sa Correspondance authentique ; the
Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne
et V Alliance savoy arde sous Louis xiv ; Imbert
de Saint-Amand, les Femmes de Versailles : la
cour de Louis xiv ; M. Ernest Jaegle, Correspond-
ance de Madame, duchesse d'Orleans ; Theophile
Lavallee, Correspondance generale de Madame de
Maintenon ; M. G. de Leris, £tude historique sur la
comtesse de Verrue et la cour de Victor Amedee de
Savoie ; the Contessa della Rocca, Correspondance
inedite de la duchesse de Bourgogne et de la reine
d'Espagne ; Viscount Saint-Cyres, Frangois de
Fenelon ; Luisa Sarredo, Anna di Savoia ; the
Marchesa Vitelleschi, The Romance of Savoy :
Victor Amadeus and his Stuart Bride ; and
the Marquis de Vogiie, le Due de Bourgogne et le
due de Beauvilliers.
viii A ROSE OF SAVOY
I must also express my thanks to Messrs. Harper
& Brothers for their courtesy in allowing me to
include two illustrations and several passages from
my work on Madame de Montespan, and to Mr.
Heinemann for kindly permitting the reproduc-
tion of the portrait of the Duchesse de Bourgogne
which appeared in the Correspondence of Madame,
Princess Palatine, mother of the Regent, of Marie
Adelaide de Savoie, Duchesse de Bourgogne, and of
Madame de Maintenon in relation to Saint-Cyr,
published by him in 1899.
Lastly, I should like to express my appreciation
of the care which has been bestowed on the Index
by Mrs. Eileen Mitchell.
H. Noel Williams
London
May i<)og
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
The Duchy of Savoy — Its prominent position in Europe mainly
the result of its geographical position— Skilful conduct of its
rulers — Charles Emmanuel i of Savoy and Henry iv —
Policy of the latter prince towards Savoy reversed by
Richelieu — The Treaty of Cherasco secures Pinerolo to
France — French influence all-powerful at Turin during the
regencies of the Duchess Christine and Jeanne Baptiste de
Savoie-Nemours — Victor Amadeus ii — His remarkable pre-
cocity and powers of dissimulation — His dishke of his
mother, Madame Royale, who denies him all share in the
government which she exercises in his name — His hostility
towards France — The Regent arranges an alliance between
her son and the Infanta Dona Isabella Luisa of Portugal —
Victor Amadeus attains his majority and postpones the
marriage for two years — ^The Duke intrigues against his
mother — Rupture of the Portuguese marriage-project —
Negotiations for an alUance between Victor Amadeus and
Maria Anna Luisa de' Medici abandoned owing to the
opposition of Louis xiv — The Duke is constrained to accept
the hand of Anne Marie d' Orleans — The marriage cele-
brated by procuration at Versailles (April 8, 1684) — Victor
Amadeus emancipates himself from Madame Royale's
control and takes the government of his dominions into
his own hands ......
CHAPTER II
Anne Marie d'Orleans — Her appearance and character —
Meeting with the Duke of Savoy at the Pont-de-
Beauvoisin — The bridal pair arrive in Turin — Portrait
physical and moral of Victor Amadeus 11 — His neglect of
his wife — Morals of the Court of Turin — Amours of the Duke
— His liaison with the Contessa di Verrua — Devotion of
the Duchess to her husband — Her solicitude for his health
— She nurses him during his serious illness at Embrun in
1692 — Birth of Marie Adelaide of Savoy, the future
Duchesse de Bourgogne (December 6, 1685) — • D'Urfe's
letters from Turin — Birth of a second daughter — Chagrin
of Victor Amadeus at the non-arrival of a son — Remon-
strances of Louis XIV on his treatment of his wife — Educa-
A ROSE OF SAVOY
tion of the Princess Adelaide and her sister — Their life at
the Vigna di Madama — The Duchess and her daughters —
Affection of the two girls, and particularly of Adelaide, for
their grandmother, Madame Roy ale . . -19
CHAPTER III
Victor Amadeus ii and Louis xiv — Incessant interference of the
latter in the affairs of Savoy and the domestic hfe of the
Duke — Victor Amadeus compelled by him to engage in a
cruel persecution of his own Protestant subjects, the Vau-
dois — The League of Augsburg — Double game of Victor
Amadeus — Rupture between Savoy and France — The aUies
are defeated at Staffarda, Savoy and Piedmont are overrun
by the French, and Turin threatened — Invasion of Dau-
phine by the AlUes fails, owing to the serious illness of Victor
Amadeus — Siege of Pinerolo and Battle of Marsaglia —
Louis XIV anxious to detach Savoy from the League — ^The
Comte de Tesse — Secret negotiations with the Court of
Turin — Propositions of Victor Amadeus — He proposes a
marriage between the Princess Adelaide and the Due de
Bourgogne — Secret visitof Tesse to Turin — Victor Amadeus
sends an envoy to Vienna to propose an alUance between
the Princess Adelaide and the King of the Romans — Re-
fusal of the Emperor — The Duke resumes his negotiations
with France — Treaty signed between France and Savoy —
Its terms — Joy of Victor Amadeus . . -44
CHAPTER IV
Tesse's mission to Turin — Joy of the Duchess of Savoy at the
conclusion of peace with France and the approaching
marriage of her daughter to the Due de Bourgogne — Senti-
ments of the Princess Adelaide — An amusing comedy — -
Reports of Tesse concerning the princess — Portraits of her
sent to Versailles — Mission of Mansfeld to Turin — Victor
Amadeus, in conjunction with the French, invades the
MUanese — Suspension of hostilities in Italy — Indignation
of the Alhes at the defection of the Duke of Savoy — Mar-
riage-contract of the Princess Adelaide and the Due de
Bourgogne — Trousseau of the princess^The signing of the
contract — Formation of the princess's household — Great
and acrimonious competition for the post of dame d'honneur
— The Duchesse du Lude nominated — Other nominations
— The question of the waiting-women — Victor Amadeus
decUnes to permit the Duchess of Savoy to accompany her
daughter to France — Selection of the envoys . . 64
CHAPTER V
Reluctance of Victor Amadeus to permit his daughter to set out
for France — TheFrench escort leaves Versailles — Departure
of the Princess Adelaide from Turin — Her journey to the
CONTENTS xi
frontier — Letter of the Conte di Vernone to Victor Amadeus
— The princess at Chambery — Questions of etiquette —
Reception of the princess at the Pont-de-Beauvoisin —
Arrival at Lyons — ^Impressions of the escort — The princess
is received by Louis xiv at Montargis — DeUght of the King
— His letter to Madame de Maintenon — Meeting of the
Princess Adelaide and the Due de Bourgogne — Arrival
at Fontainebleau . . . . . .89
CHAPTER VI
The Due de Bourgogne — Frenzied rejoicings at his birth— His
parents — The Dauphin (Monseigneur) and Maria Anna of
Bavaria — Total failure of the elaborate scheme for the
education of Monseigneur— Ris singular character — His ap-
pearance— Melancholy disposition and unhappy life of the
Bavarian Dauphine — Her early death — Monseigneur and
Mile de Choin — Childhood of the Due de Bourgogne — The
Due de BeauvilUers appointed his gouverneur, and Fenelon
his tutor — Early career of Fenelon — A born teacher —
Saint-Simon's portrait of him — Methods which he pursues
in the education of the Due de Bourgogne — His wonderful
success — Daily hfe of the Due de Bourgogne and his
brothers — Their physical training — Appearance of the Due
de Bourgogne — Aspirations of Fenelon . . ■ 1 1 5
CHAPTER VII
The Princess Adelaide at Fontainebleau — Madame de Main-
tenon entrusted with the supervision of her education —
Letters of that lady to the Duchess of Savoy — Bhndman's
buff — Arrival of the princess at Versailles — Decision of the
King as to the life which she is to lead until her marriage —
She is visited by James 11 and Mary of Modena — Motives of
her conduct towards the King and Madame de Maintenon
considered — Relations between Louis xiv and his legiti-
mated children — The Due du Maine — The Comte de
Toulouse — The Dowager-Princesse de Conti — Madame la
Duchesse — The Duehesse de Chartres — The King is com-
pletely subjugated by the little princess — His attentions
to her — Dullness of the Court since the conversion of Louis
XIV — The arrival of the Princess Adelaide brings about a
reaction — Amusements of the princess . . . 140
CHAPTER VIII
Madame de Maintenon — Widely divergent views in regard to
her character — The probable truth — Extent of her in-
fluence considered — Her " hfe of slavery " — Her afiection
for children — She succumbs to the charms of the Princess
Adelaide — Education of the princess — Madame de Main-
tenon and Saint-Cyr — First visit of the princess to that in-
stitution— She becomes a frequent visitor, and shares in the
xii A ROSE OF SAVOY
studies and recreations of the pupils— Anecdotes of her life
there — She takes part in a representation of Racine's Esther
— Madame Maintenon's views on marriage — Her advice to
the princess in reference to her future husband . . 162
CHAPTER IX
Sentiments of the Due de Bourgogne in regard to the Princess
Adelaide — Fenelon and Madame Guyon — Fenelon ap-
pointed Archbishop of Cambrai — The conference at Issy —
The Maximes des Saints — Indignation of Louis xiv — Dis-
grace of Fenelon — Preparations for the marriage of the Due
de Bourgogne and the Princess Adelaide — Ruinous rivalry
between the courtiers in the matter of dress — Completion
of the future Duchesse de Bourgogne's Household — The
marriage — The wedding-night — The ball of December
II, 1697 ....... 184
CHAPTER X
Relations of the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne to one another
after their marriage — Studious habits of the duke — The
princess begins to hold receptions — Efforts of social aspir-
ants to take advantage of her inexperience — Removal of
the restrictions hitherto imposed on her choice of amuse-
ments— She assists at a performance of the Bourgeois gentil-
homme — Hervisit to the Fair of Saint-Laurent — Herpassion
for dancing — She is encouraged to play cards — Pleasure
which Louis xiv finds in her society — Her letters to Madame
Royale — A water-party at Trianon — Consequences of the
King and Madame de Maintenon's foolish indulgence of
the little princess — Her conduct severelv criticised by
Madame — A welcome improvement — The review at
CompiSgne — Consummation of the marriage of the Due
and Duchesse de Bourgogne .... 204
CHAPTER XI
Contrast between the Duo and Duchesse de Bourgogne —
Attempt of the latter to enter into the serious views of her
husband — She raUies him on his gravity, and makes game
of him behind his back — Happiness of the first years of
their married fife — The Carnival of 1700 — Madame la Chan-
celihe's ball — The Duchesse de Bourgogne aspires to fame
as an amateur actress — A theatre is organised for her
amusement in the apartments of Madame de Maintenon —
Representations of Jonathas, A hsalon, and A thalie — Gamb-
Ung at the Court of Louis xiv — Losses of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne at lansquenet — She is compelled to seek the
good offices of Madame de Maintenon to get her debts paid
CONTENTS xiii
—Her grateful and contrite letter to that lady — " High
play still her dominant passion " — She gets into a serious
scrape over lansquenet — Injurious effect upon the princess's
health of her insatiable appetite for pleasure — Her alarm-
ing illness in August 1701 ..... 227
CHAPTER XII
Death and testament of Carlos 11 of Spain — Louis xiv resolves
to accept the succession to the throne of Spain on behalf of
his grandson, Phihppe, Due d'Anjou — "// n'y a plus de
Pyrenees ! " — The new king treated at the French Court
as a foreign sovereign — His parting present to the Duchesse
de Bourgogne — His departure for Madrid — Position of
Victor Amadeus 11 in regard to the Spanish succession (1696
1700) — His designs on the Milanese — He seeks to obtain a
promise from Louis xiv to secure this province for him on
the death of Carlos 11 — His claims ignored in the First Par-
tition Treaty — The death of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria
revives his hopes — His indignation at being excluded from
the benefits of the Second Partition Treaty — ^Negotiations
between Savoy and France for the cession of the Milanese
to the Duke interrupted by the death of Carlos 11 — Anger
of Victor Amadeus against Louis xiv — His equivocal
behaviour — He is constrained by France to enter into a
fresh alUance which offers him no hope of an increase of
territory ....... 252
CHAPTER XIII
Life of the Due de Bourgogne — Brief period of frivoUty termin-
ated by the serious illness of lus wife, which he regards
as a judgment upon him — His increasing austerity:
renunciation of dancing and the theatre, and finally of play,
except for trifling sums — His piety — His exaggerated
scruples — Impatience of the Duchesse de Bourgogne with
the conduct of her husband — Extraordinary diffidence of
the duke towards women encourages her and her ladies to
indulge in practical jokes at his expense — Fondness of the
duchess for practical joking — Her persecution of the
Princesse d'Harcourt — Beginning of hostilities in Flanders
and Alsace — The Due de Bourgogne placed in nominal com-
mand of the French army in Flanders — His interview with
Fenelon at Cambrai — First campaign of the young prince —
He is associated with Tallard in the command of part of
the Army of the Rhine ; but their connection is not a
fortunate one — The taking of Brisach — -The duke's intense
desire to see his wife the true explanation of his return to
Versailles before the conclusion of the campaign — His
pathetic letters from the army to the duchess's confidante,
Madame de Montgon ..... 266
xiv A ROSE OF SAVOY
CHAPTER XIV
PA(
Impatience of Louis xiv .to see a son born to the Due and
Duchesse da Bourgogne — Severe regime imposed upon the
young princess when she becomes enceinte in the autumn
of 1703 — Birth of the first Due de Bretagne (June 24, 1704)
■ — Marriage of the Duchesse de Bourgogne's younger sister,
Maria Luisa of Savoy, Princess of Piedmont, to Philip v of
Spain — The war in Italy : Victor Amadeus 11 generalissimo
of the Army of the Two Crowns — Consequences of his delay
in j oining the army and the want of unanimity between him
and the French and Spanish generals — Villeroy supersedes
Catinat — Defeat of the allies at Chiari — The Duke of Savoy
suspected of having betrayed the plans of the allies to the
ImperiaUsts — His indignation at the insolent famiUarity
of ViUeroy — Failure of negotiations between France and
the Duke of Mantua for the cession of Montferrato to
Savoy — Offers of the Emperor to Victor Amadeus — Philip
v in Italy — Refusal of the King of Spain to accord his
father-in-law the honours due to an equal removes the
Duke's last scruples about breaking with his alhes —
Successes of Vendome in Italy — Negotiations of Victor
Amadeus with Vienna — Louis xiv, convinced of his treason-
able intentions, orders Vendome to take vigorous measures
against him — Victor Amadeus deserts his alhes, and signs
a treaty with the Emperor . . . .28
CHAPTER XV
Distress of the Duchesse de Bourgogne at the defection of Victor
Amadeus 11 — Her apprehensions that the conduct of her
father may affect her own position prove to be unfounded —
Saint-Simon's portrait of the princess — Imprudence of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne in her relations with the opposite
sex — She falls in love with the Marquis de Nangis— Em-
barrassing position in which this nobleman finds himself
between the Duchesse de Bourgogne and his mistress,
Madame de la VriUifere — The princess, piqued by Nangis's
hesitation to take advantage of his good fortune, encour-
ages the Marquis de Maulevrier — Nature of the latter's
relations with the Duchesse de Bourgogne considered —
Maulevrier feigns illness in order to remain at Court — His
mad conduct — Alarm of the Duchesse de Bourgogne —
Maulevrier is persuaded to go to Spain, but his indiscre-
tions at Madrid necessitate his recall to France — The Abbe
de Pohgnac first favourite with the princess — Fury of
Maulevrier, who bombards the Duchesse de Bourgogne
with threatening letters — His tragic end — Grief of the
princess — Pohgnac is sent to Rome . . . 301
CONTENTS XV
CHAPTER XVI
PAGE
Death of the httle Due de Bretagne — Letters of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne to Madame Royale, and of the Duo de Bour-
gogne to Philip v — Desperate position of Victor Amadeus ii :
Turin invested by the French under La Feuillade —
Cruel anxiety of the Duchesse de Bourgogne, who endea-
vours to persuade her father to come to terms with France
— Her letters to Madame Royale — Siege of Turin — -Inca-
pacity of the French generals — Eugfene is permitted to
effect a junction with the forces of Victor Amadeus, and
inflicts a crushing defeat on the investing army — The
historian Duclos's accusation of treachery against the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, and the legend of the princess
having seduced the French generals from their duty,
considered . . . . . . -321
CHAPTER XVn
Birth of the second Due de Bretagne (January 8, 1707) — Letters
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne to Madame Royale — Egotism
of Louis XIV— Miscarriage of the Duchesse de Bourgogne
at Marly — The scene at the carp-basin — The Due de Bour-
gogne receives the nominal command of the Army of
Flanders, with the Due de Vendome to guide him — Char-
acter and career of Vendome — Extraordinary ovation
which he receives on his return from Italy — Louis xiv's
reasons for associating his grandson with him — Appre-
hensions of Saint-Simon — The cabal of Meudon : its ob-
jects . . . . . . .338
CHAPTER XVni
Departure of the Due de Bourgogne for Flanders — His interview
with Fenelon at Cambrai — Conduct of the Dues de Bour-
gogne and de Berry towards the ChevaUer de Saint-Georges
— Composition of the Army of Flanders — Anomalous
relations of the Due de Bourgogne and Vend6me — Posi-
tion of the AUies — Advance of the French — Differences
between the Due de Bourgogne and Vend6me retain the
army inactive for a month — Occupations of the prince —
Ghent and Bruges taken by the French, who advance to
the Scheldt, with the intention of investing Oudenarde —
Eugene joins Marlborough at Brussels — The AlUes, by a
rapid march, interpose themselves between the enemy and
his own frontier— Battle of Oudenarde — Question of the
responsibiUty for the defeat of the French considered 358
CHAPTER XIX
Efforts of Vendome to cast the blame for the loss of the Battle
of Oudenarde upon the Due de Bourgogne — The prince
seeks the support of Madame de Maintenon — Vend6me
xvi A ROSE OF SAVOY
resolves to appeal to the public — Letter of Alberoni : sensa-
tion which it arouses — Letters of the poet Campistron
and the Comte d'Evreux — Violent outcry against the Duo
de Bourgogne, organised by the cabal of Meudon — Dis-
tress of the Duchesse de Bourgogne — Her courageous de-
fence of her husband — The serious quaUties of the princess
begin to reveal themselves — She persuades the King to
exercise his authority to restrain the attacks upon the Due
de Bourgogne ...... 370
CHAPTER XX
Position of the rival armies in Flanders after Oudenarde —
Failure of Vendome and the Due de Bourgogne to appre-
ciate the danger of the situation — The AUies resolve to lay
siege to LiUe — The French make no effort to intercept the
siege-train on its passage from Brussels to LiUe — Extra-
ordinary inertia of Vendome — The army of the Due de
Bourgogne effects its junction with that of Berwick —
Character of Berwick — Antagonism between him and
Vendome — The united French armies march to the succour
of Lille, but find their advance opposed by Marlborough
— Dissension between the French generals : appeal to
Louis XIV — Painful suspense at Versailles — Agitation of the
Duchesse deBourgogne — ThelFrench fallback to Tournai —
Renewed outcry against the Due de Bourgogne in France :
apparent triumph of the cabal — Madame de Maintenon
espouses the prince's cause — Affair of Wynendale —
Capitulation of LiUe — The Due de Bourgogne sets out
for Versailles — Marlborough recovers Ghent and Bruges . 383
CHAPTER XXI
Question of the responsibility for the disasters in Flanders con-
sidered— The Due de Bourgogne far from being altogether
blameless — His conduct and manner of life while with the
army condemned by his friends — His return to Versailles
and reception by Louis xiv — He is partially reconciled to
Monseigneur — Arrival and reception of Vend6me — ^The
King suspends judgment — Vendome retires to Anet — Out-
cry against the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne in Paris —
Vendome is affronted by the Duchesse de Bourgogne at
Marly — The princess persuades the King to exclude Ven-
dome from Marly, and to forbid Monseigneur to invite him
to Meudon — Effects of the Duchesse de Bourgogne's
victory — Final discomfiture of Vendome — He rehabiUtates
his mihtary reputation by his brilUant campaign of 1710
in Spain — His death ..... 397
CONTENTS xvii
CHAPTER XXII
PAGE
The winter of 1708-1709 — Misery of the people — Generosity of
the Due de Bourgogne, who inspires his wife with a desire
to follow his example — Refusal of Louis xiv to allow the
Due de Bourgogne to serve as a simple officer in the Army
of the Rhine — Birth of the Due d'Anjou (afterwards Louis
xv) — The marriage of the Due de Berry — The King gives
the Duchesse de Bourgogne the entire control of her House-
hold ....... 416
CHAPTER XXIII
Illness and death of Monseigneur — Scene at Versailles on the
night of his death — Grief of the Due de Bourgogne —
Funeral of Monseigneur — The Due de Bourgogne becomes
Dauphin — Division of Monseigneur' s property — Mile de
Choin — The Duchesse de Bourgogne is accorded honours
usually reserved for a Queen — The Duo de Bourgogne,
encouraged by the dispersal of the cabal and the confidence
which the King shows in him, takes his natural place in
society — His extraordinary popularity — His antipathy to
the theatre — His projects of reform — Change in the con-
duct of the Duchesse de Bourgogne — Her devotion to
France — " I shall be their Queen ! " . . . 430
CHAPTER XXIV
Letters of the Duchesse de Bourgogne to her mother — The ~1'2 '
princess in very weak health — Her illness and death — ■
Grief of the Court — The Due de Bourgogne goes to Marly — • ; "
A touching scene — His interview with the King — His illness
and death — The lying in state of the Due and Duchesse de ' |
Bourgogne — -Their bodies are conveyed to Saint-Denis —
Death of the Due de Bretagne — Suspicions of poison — The
snuff-box of the Due de Noailles — Accusations against the
Due d'Orleans — The probable truth . . . 450
Index ...... . . 467
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Marie Adelaide of Savoy, Duchesse de
BouRGOGNE ..... Frontispiece
From the Painting by Santerre at Versailles. From
a Photograph by Neurdein
FACING PAGE
Marie Jeanne Baptiste de Savoie - Nemours,
Duchess of Savoy .... lo
From an Engraving by Nanteuil, after the Painting
by Latjrenx du Trie
Victor Amadeus, Duke of Savoy (afterwards King
OF Sardinia) . . . . .22
From a Contemporary Print
Marie Louise d'Orleans, Duchess of Savoy (after-
wards Queen of Sardinia) . . .38
From an Engraving by L'Armessin
Rene de Froullay, Comte de Tesse ... 52
From an Engraving by Tardieu fils, after the Painting
by RiGAUD
Louis de France, Due de Bourgogne . . .84
From a Contemporary Print
xix
XX A ROSE OF SAVOY
FACING PAGE
Louis, Dauphin of France (son of Louis xiv) . ii8
From an Engraving by Van Schuppen, after the
Painting by FRANgois de Troy
Franqois de Salignac de la Mothe Fenelon,
Archbishop of Cambrai .... 132
From an Engraving by Drevet, after the Painting by
Vivien
Franqoise d'Aubigne, Marquise de Maintenon . 166
From an Engraving after the Painting by Mignard.
By permission of Messrs. Harper
Marie Adelaide of Savoy, Duchesse de Bour-
GOGNE (at the time of her marriage) . . 196
From an Engraving by Desrochers, in the British
Museum
Philippe de Courcillon, Marquis de Dangeau . 242
From an Engraving by Drevet, after ' the Painting
by RiGAUD
Marie Adelaide of Savoy, Duchesse de Bour-
gogne ... . . . . 280
From a. Painting attributed to Santerre, in the
Palazzo Reale, Turin. By permission of Mr.
William Heinemann
Abbe (afterwards Cardinal) Melchior de Polignac 316
From an Engraving by Daull£, after the Painting
by Rigaud
Louis Joseph, Due de Vend6me . . . 348
From a Contemporary Print
LIST OF ILLLUSTRATIONS xxi
FACING PAGE
Louis XIV ....... 376
From an Engraving after the Painting by Fiter.
By permission of Messrs. Harper
Marie Adelaide of Savoy, Duchesse de Bour-
GOGNE, as Diana ..... 408
From the Statue by Coyzevox in the Louvre. From
a Photograph by Neurdein
Louis xiv, with Madame de Maintenon, the Grand
Dauphin, the Dug de Bourgogne and the Dug
d'Anjou (afterwards Louis xv) . . . 442
From the Painting by Largilli^re, in the Wallace
Collection at Hertford House
A ROSE OF SAVOY
CHAPTER I
The Duchy of Savoy — Its prominent position in Europe mainly
the result of its geographical position— Skilful conduct of its
rulers — Charles Emmanuel i of Savoy and Henry iv — PoUcy of
the latter prince towards Savoy reversed by Richelieu — The Treaty
of Cherasco secures Pinerolo to France — French influence all-
powerful at Turin during the regencies of the Duchess Christine
and Jeanne Baptiste de Savoie-Nemours — Victor Amadeus ii —
His remarkable precocity and powers of dissimulation — His dis-
like of his mother, Madame Royale, who denies him all share in the
government which she exercises in his name — His hostility towards
France — The Regent arranges an alliance between her son and the
Infanta Dona Isabella Luisa of Portugal — Victor Amadeus
attains his majority and postpones the marriage for two years —
The Duke intrigues against his mother — Rupture of the Portuguese
marriage-project — Negotiations for an alUance between Victor
Amadeus and Maria Anna Luisa de' Medici abandoned owing to
the opposition of Louis xiv — The Duke is constrained to accept
the hand of Anne Marie d'Orleans — The marriage celebrated by
procuration at Versailles (April 8, 1684) — Victor Amadeus eman-
cipates himself from Madame Royale's control and takes the govern-
ment of his dominions into his own hands
EVER since the days of Humbert aux Blanches
Mains (985-1048), from which the auto-
nomy and history of Savoy may be said to
date, that little State occupied in Europe a pro-
minence altogether out of proportion to its size
and its resources. For this, of course, it was
chiefly indebted to its geographical position. The
2 A ROSE OF SAVOY
rulers of Savoy were the gate-keepers of the Alps ;
their eastern gate gave access to Italy, their
western, to France and Switzerland; and their
alliance was constantly of vital importance to their
more powerful neighbours.
And the immense advantages which Nature had
placed in their hands the rulers of Savoy exploited
to most excellent purpose. The centuries passed ;
counts and dukes succeeded one another ; some
reigned in peace, others saw their territories over-
run by half the nations of the Continent ; but all
seem to have been animated by the desire for
aggrandizement, and to have possessed a remarkably
keen appreciation of the marketable value of their
friendship. And ever the dominions of their House
— that House which was some day to wield the
sceptre of a united Italy — expanded, now on one
side of the Alps, now on the other, since the weak
are generally more crafty than the strong, and
the pen of the diplomatist often proves a more
serviceable weapon than the sword of the con-
queror.
However, the acquisitions of the House of Savoy
on the western side of the Alps were not destined
to be permanent ; and, in June 1601, the astute
Charles Emmanuel i, having come to the conclusion
that the hereditary ambition of his family could
best be satisfied in Italy, abandoned his dream of
ruUng over a reconstructed Burgundian kingdom
which was to extend to the Rhone, and ceded to
Henri iv the counties of Bresse, Bugey, Gex,
and Valromey, forming the modern Department of
the Ain, in exchange for the marquisate of Saluzzo
in Piedmont, a strip of country lying in the shadow
A ROSE OF SAVOY 3
of Monte Viso, and communicating directly with
France by the passes of the Briangonnais Alps.^
From that time, the House of Savoy regarded
itself as an Italian State ; and, if Henri iv had
lived a year or two longer, it would in all prob-
ability have acquired a preponderating influence
in Upper Italy, since there was an understanding
between Henri and Charles Emmanuel that, after
the latter had assisted in driving the Spaniards out
of the peninsula, he should receive Lombardy, in
return for the cession of Savoy and his possessions, in
the East of France. But the knife of Ravaillac
brought this and many other calculations to
naught, and it was not till two and a half centuries
later that the hopes which Charles Emmanuel had
cherished were realised.
Louis XIII — or rather Richelieu — pursued towards
Savoy a different policy from that of Henri iv.
Henri had desired to make Savoy the friend and
ally of France ; Richelieu wished to make her a
vassal. Charles Emmanuel naturally objected, and
prepared to throw himself into the arms of Spain ;
but, in January 1629, a French army, commanded by
Louis XIII in person, forced the passes of the Alps
and took Susa, and the Duke was forced to sue
for pardon and embrace His Majesty's boot : an
act of humiliation which Louis " made not the
semblance of an attempt to prevent." ^
^ Although Henri iv's acquisition was territorially four times
as great as Savoy's, he lost the footing in Italy which had cost his
predecessors so much blood and treasure, and Lesdiguiferes remarked
bitterly : " Le roi de France a fait une paix de marchand, et Monsieur
de Savoie a fait un paix de roi."
^ Saint-Simon, Memoires. Claude de Saint-Simon, father of the
author, was an eye-witness of this episode.
4 A ROSE OF SAVOY
In the early spring of the following year, Charles
Emmanuel i died, his end having been hastened
by grief and mortification, and was succeeded
by his son Victor Amadeus i, who had married,
in 1619, Marie Christine de France, Henri iv's
eldest daughter. Upon him, in 1631, Richeheu
imposed the Treaty of Cherasco, whereby the
fortress of Pinerolo — better known, perhaps, by
the gallicized form of the name — and with it the
entrance to Piedmont, was secured to France.
This acquisition was regarded by Richelieu as a
great triumph for French supremacy; but, though
it certainly made him more formidable than ever
to the Imperialists in Italy, France was called upon
to pay a heavy price for it in after years. Just as
the sight of Calais in English hands had been to
France a constant source of exasperation, so the
French occupation of Pinerolo was regarded by
Savoy as a national humiliation which must at
all costs be removed, and until the end of the
seventeenth century her whole policy was sub-
ordinated to one object — its restoration. " All
her manoeuvres, all her subterfuges, all her dupli-
cities will be explained by that. She will leave
one alliance to enter into another, according as
she believes that a greater or less chance exists of
obtaining Pinerolo in exchange. Pinerolo, in the
hands of the French, was, according to the ener-
getic expression of Carutti, ' Piedmont in servitude,'
and from this servitude the Dukes of Savoy will
continually seek to escape." ^
Victor Amadeus i died in 1637, leaving a son,
1 Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et l' Alliance
savoyarde sous Louis xiv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 5
Charles Emmanuel 11, a child of three, and the
regency in the hands of his widow, Christine of
France, Madame Royale as she was called.^
Madame Royale naturally inclined towards the
country of her birth, and for many years French
influence predominated at the Court of Turin.
Her policy was continued by Marie Jeanne Baptiste
de Savoie-Nemours,^ the second wife of Charles
Emmanuel 11,* likewise called Madame Royale, a
beautiful, fascinating, and intelligent, but dis-
solute and unscrupulous woman, who, on her
husband's death, in 1675, also assumed the reins
of government, and was even more blindly devoted
to French interests than the previous regent.
By his marriage with Jeanne - Baptiste de
Savoie-Nemours, Charles Emmanuel 11 had a son,
Victor Amadeus 11, who at the time of his father's
death was nine years old. He was a delicate
lad — indeed, during his childhood it had been
feared that he would never live to grow up ; and he
is said to have owed his preservation to the good
sense of a village doctor named Petechia, whom
the Duchess called in, and who, having vetoed the
various drugs prescribed by the Court physicians,
ordered the little patient to be brought up
on the very simplest fare, and thus saved his
^ Madama Reale ; but we employ the French form, which seems
to be generally used, not only by French, but by English historians.
^ She was the daughter of Charles Amedee de Savoie, Due de
Nemours, who was kiUed by his brother-in-law, Frangois de Vendome,
Due de Beaufort, in a celebrated duel in 1652. See the author's
"A Princess of Intrigue " (London, Hutchinson ; New York,
Putnams, 1907).
' His first wife was Franfoise d'Orleans, Mile, de Valois, daughter
of Gaston d'Orleans, brother of Louis xiii. She died a few months
after the marriage.
8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
and so disgusted the young Duke that on the rare
occasions when Madame Royale condescended to
embrace her son before retiring for the night, the
latter was observed to rub his cheek vigorously,
as though he had been touched by some plague-
stricken person.^
Victor Amadeus felt keenly, too, the humiliating
position to which his country was reduced, for
Louis XIV, pushed by Louvois and encouraged
by the complaisance of Madame Royale, treated
Savoy as an appanage of the crown of France,
rather than an jindependent State, and the
condition of servitude to which he desired to
condemn her grew every year more intolerable.
The climax was reached in 1681, when the King of
France, not content with the possession of Pinerolo,
purchased from Charles iv, Duke of Mantua, the
fortress of Casale and established a garrison there,
thus securing the free passage of his troops through
Piedmont and shutting in Turin on both sides.
To wrest Casale from France became, from that
time, in the eyes of Victor Amadeus, an object
second only in importance to the recovery of
Pinerolo.
However, the young sovereign felt that the
moment when he would be in position to attempt the
liberation of his kingdom from the yoke of France
was yet far distant, as, before any steps could be
taken in that direction, he must first secure his
own emancipation from the tutelage of his mother.
He was, therefore, at pains to dissimulate the
hostility which he entertained towards France,
the more so, since he was aware that the goodwill
' Camille Rousset, Histoire de Louvois.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 9
of Louis XIV would be of material assistance to him
in his efforts to assert his independence of the
maternal control.
In 1677, Madame Roy ale proposed to her sister,
the Queen of Portugal/ a marriage between Victor
Amadeus and the Infanta Donna Isabella Luisa,
only child of Dom Pedro of Braganga, King of
Portugal, and heiress to the throne. A funda-
mental law of Portugal prohibited an infanta who
was heiress to the throne from marrying a foreign
prince ; but Madame Royale overcame this obstacle,
by proving that her son was not a foreign prince,
since he was descended in the direct line from Em-
manuel Philibert, who, in 1580, had been offered
the throne of Portugal. The Regent was exceed-
ingly anxious for this match, since the Portuguese
insisted that both the Infanta and her husband
must reside in Portugal until the birth of an heir,
an event which, having regard to the youth of the
parties, was unlikely to take place for several
years, during which she would continue to exercise
uncontrolled influence at Turin. Madame Royale
forbore to communicate to her son her plans for
his future until the affair should be so far advanced
that it would be difficult for him to draw back.
The boy, however, soon learned from other sources
what was in the wind ; but his powers of self-control
enabled him to disguise his feelings, and he allowed
nothing to escape him which might be interpreted
either as approval or the reverse.
His subjects were less reticent, and a strong
^ Marie de Savoie-Nemours, born June 21, 1646; married 1666
to Alfonso VI, King of Portugal, and after the dissolution of this
marriage, two years later, to his younger brother, Pedro 11.
lo A ROSE OF SAVOY
party among the nobility could not conceal its
hostility to the proposed expatriation of their
youthful sovereign. The Marchese Pianezza and
two other members of the Council of Regency
entered into a conspiracy to carry off Madame
Royale, shut her up in a convent, and declare the
majority of her son. But their intentions were
discovered by the Regent, and it was the con-
spirators themselves who went into confinement.
When at length, in March 1629, the marriage-
contract stipulated in his name was submitted to
Victor Amadeus, the young Duke at first flatly
refused to sign it. But eventually he yielded and
agreed to ratify it, although he had not yet com-
pleted his thirteenth year, the age when the Dukes
of Savoy attained their majority. Nevertheless,
if he judged it prudent not to protest against the
alliance which his mother desired to thrust upon
him, he was none the less determined that nothing
should induce him to enter into it ; and his first
act on his majority being proclaimed was to post-
pone the date of his departure for Portugal for
two years.
Although on May 14, 1679, the regency nomin-
ally came to an end, Madame Royale continued to
govern with the full consent of her son, whose
part in affairs of State appeared to be confined
to signing the decrees which she laid before him.
But, unknown to his mother, the Duke sent to his
ambassadors instructions diametrically opposed to
those which they received from the princess, and
worked in secret to strengthen his party at the
Court and in the country, which daily received
fresh accessions.
MARIE JEANNE BAPTISTE DE SAVOIE-NEMOURS, DUCHESS OF SAVOY
("MADAME ROYALE")
FROM AN ENGKAVINC liV NANTEL'IL, AFTEK THE I'AINTTNG nV LAURENT DU TRIE
A ROSE OF SAVOY ii
The two years of grace for which Victor Amadeus
had stipulated expired, and in the spring of 1682 a
Portuguese squadron of twelve vessels, which had been
sent to escort the Duke to Lisbon, cast anchor in the
harbour of Villefranche ; and the Duke of Cadoval,
in his quality of Ambassador Extraordinary, pro-
ceeded to Turin, where he met with a very flattering
reception from the Regent. However, the national
party was resolved to prevent, even by force, the
departure of their young sovereign ; and Victor
Amadeus, encouraged by its attitude, was suddenly
seized with a diplomatic illness, which the Court
physicians declared would render it impossible for
him to undertake the voyage for some months at
least.
Madame Royale, in despair at the threatened
failure of her machinations, assured Cadoval that
the physicians exaggerated the gravity of her son's
condition, and implored him to wait until he
should be restored to health. But Cadoval, who
had become aware of the hostility with which a
considerable party at the Court regarded the pro-
jected marriage, and had a shrewd suspicion of
the nature of the Duke's illness, replied that he
must seek instructions from Lisbon. These were
of such a nature that immediately he received them
he quitted Turin, without even taking leave of
Madame Royale, and on October i set sail for
Portugal.
The rupture of the Portuguese marriage-project
was followed by two comparatively uneventful
years, during which Madame Royale continued to
govern, without, so far as appearances went, any
opposition from her son, who judged the time had
12 A ROSE OF SAVOY
not yet come to strike a blow for his independence.
In secret, however, the young Duke continued to
work to strengthen the hands of his party, and
kept a very watchful eye on the actions of his
mother, whose rule he perceived, with great satis-
faction, was becoming more and more unpopular.
Meanwhile, the Ministers had been urging the
advisability of finding a suitable bride for the
Duke, and in 1684 they proposed a marriage
between him and Maria Anna Luisa, the daughter
of Cosmo III, Grand-Duke of Tuscany. Such an
alliance they represented would be of great ad-
vantage to Savoy, since it would secure to her an
ally in Central Italy, whose assistance might prove
of the highest value against foreign adversaries.
Victor Amadeus was favourably disposed to the
project, as was the Grand-Duke of Tuscany, but
both were very doubtful as to how the matter
would be regarded by France ; and negotiations
between the Courts of Turin and Florence were
carried on with such secrecy, lest any inkling of
what was under consideration should reach Ver-
sailles, that no trace of them are to be found in the
Archives of either city.
However, Madame Royale, who had been fever-
ishly anxious for her son's marriage when such an
event would have necessitated his prolonged
absence from Savoy, viewed the prospect of one
which would probably entail his immediate emanci-
pation from her authority with very different
feelings, and strove by every means to hinder the
negotiations, which it was of the utmost importance
to conclude with the least possible delay. The
time thus wasted enabled France to discover the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 13
project. Louis xiv, who did not conceal his dis-
pleasure on learning that the House of Savoy was
contemplating an alliance which suggested a desire
to free itself from his control, immediately resolved
to intervene ; and, on the pretext of strengthening
the authority of the Regent, threatened by the
friction between her and the chiefs of the national
party, Louvois gave orders for three thousand
French troops to cross the frontier into Piedmont.
Madame Royale expostulated vigorously against
this high-handed action, being well aware that the
arrival of foreign troops would be the death-blow
of the little popularity that remained to her. But
her remonstrances came too late ; the French had
already entered Piedmont, and there Louis xiv
intended them to remain until the Tuscan marriage
had been definitely abandoned. At the same
time, the French Ambassador at Turin intimated
to the Regent that it was his master's desire that
her son should wed a princess of the Royal House
of France.
Perceiving the futility of persisting in a course
which would end by entirely alienating his all-
powerful neighbour and bringing about the ruin of
his country, Victor Amadeus summoned the French
Ambassador to a secret audience, and informed
him that he had definitely abandoned his intention
of marrying the daughter of the Grand-Duke of
Tuscany, and was prepared to accept the hand of
the princess whom it might please his Most Christian
Majesty to choose for him. Louis xiv, however,
had not even waited for this surrender to his will
to choose the princess who was to become the
future Duchess of Savoy, and the Duke was forth-
14 A ROSE OF SAVOY
with informed that a demand for the hand of
Anne Marie d' Orleans, the second daughter of
Monsieur'^ by his first wife, the beautiful and
ill-fated Henrietta of England, immortalised by
Bossuet, would meet with favourable consideration.
Madame Royale endeavoured to prolong her
tenure of power by delaying the nuptials, and
instructed the Marchese Ferrero della Marmora,
the Ambassador of Savoy at Versailles, to represent
to Louis XIV all the satisfaction and gratitude
which she experienced at the prospect of this
alliance, but to inform him that the Duke had no
intention of marrying at present, " since there was
no example of a prince who had done so at so
early an age." Such a line of argument from a
princess who had left no stone unturned to push
her son into matrimony two years before must
have caused His Excellency no small amusement.
But Victor Amadeus sent him secret orders to
hasten the marriage by every possible means ; and,
being a prudent man, he not unnaturally preferred
to serve the interests of the rising rather than of the
waning star, with the result that the prehminaries
were settled in a surprisingly short space of time, and
on April 8, 1684, the nuptials of "the demoiselle Anne
d' Orleans with the very high and puissant prince,
Victor Amadeus, Duke of Savoy," were celebrated
by procuration, at Versailles, with great splendour.
The bride presented herself at the altar escorted
by the Duke du Maine, eldest son of Louis xiv
1 Philippe, Due d'Orleans, younger son of Louis xiii and Anne
of Austria, and only brother of Louis xiv. Bom 1640 ; married,
firstly, in 1660, Henrietta of England, daughter of Charles i;
secondly, in 1671, Elizabeth Charlotte of Bavaria, Princess
Palatine ; died 1701.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 15
and Madame de Montespan, and the Conte di
Magliano, Envoy-Extraordinary of Savoy. She was
dressed in " a silver brocade trimmed with lace,
also of silver, and covered with jewels," the train
of which, borne by her half-sister. Mile, de Chartres,
was nine ells in length. The princes and princesses
who assisted at the ceremony were dressed with
equal magnificence, notwithstanding that the Court
was still in mourning for the late Queen, Maria
Theresa of Austria. " Of all the august personages,
the King and the Dauphin, on account of their
mourning,^ alone wore no jewels; the rest of the
company, though dressed in mourning, were covered
with j ewels. The Duke du Maine wore a black Vene-
tian costume, the whole of which was ornamented
with diamonds ; the trimmings were of narrow rose-
coloured ribbons ; the feathers in his cap were of
the same colour, covered with diamonds. Nothing
could be more magnificent than the dress of Madame
la Dauphine.^ Monsieur's waistcoat was entirely
covered with diamonds, tied by strings formed of
diamonds. The Duke de Chartres had a set of
emeralds ; and his crape shoulder-knot, as well as
the bow in his cap, sparkled with diamonds. The
Prince de Conti had diamond buckles on his
waistcoat. The Comte de Toulouse,^ Mile, de
^ The mourning of the Royal Family was, of course, violet, not
black. Up to 1 80 1, when the title of sovereign of France was relin-
quished, the Kings of England also mourned in violet, because they
claimed to be Kings of France. James 11, even when the guest of
Louis XIV at Saint-Germain, adhered to this custom.
' Maria Anna Christina Victoria^of Bavaria. Born, 1660; married
1680, to Louis, Dauphin of France ; died 1690.
' Louis Alexandre de Bourbon, the youngest son of Louis xiv and
Madame de Montespan. Born in 1678 ; married in 1728 to MUe. de
Noailles, widow of the Marquis de Gondrin ; died 1737.
1 6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Nantes/ and Mile, de Blois/ owing to their youth,
were not required to appear in deep mourning ;
they wore costumes of black and silver, and their
jewels were arranged in such good taste that they
aroused murmurs of admiration on all sides.
" It is a long time," wrote Ferrero to the Duke
of Savoy, " since such magnificence and an assembly
so noble and numerous as this one has been, seen."
Victor Amadeus sent his bride some magnificent
jewels, which included a pearl-necklace valued at
30,000 pistoles (about 300,000 francs), a diamond
pendant, and a diamond- clasp, which Ferrero
assures the Duke created such a sensation at the
Court of France, that the King himself had praised
the good taste shown in their selection, and spoken
of these objects as truly superb and worthy of the
occasion." And the Ambassador profited by his
Majesty's satisfaction to secure an order on the
Treasury for 100,000 livres on account of the
princess's dowry,^ which he lost no time in con-
verting into cash, his master's finances being just
then in a far from satisfactory condition.*
The marriage-contract credited Victor Amadeus
1 Louise Fran9oise de Bourbon, second daughter of Louis xiv
and Madame de Montespan. Born 1673 ; married 1685, to the
Due de Bourbon ; died in 1743.
* Frangoise Marie de Bourbon, youngest daughter of Louis xiv
and Madame de Montespan. Born 1677 ; married 1692, to the Due
de Chartres (the future Regent) ; died in 1749.
' Louis XIV gave his niece a dowry of 900,000 livres, to which he
added jewellery to the value of 60,000 livres, and 240,000 Uvres
previously deducted from the dowry of her mother, Henrietta of
England. Victor Amadeus, in addition to the jewellery above
mentioned, assured his consort an annual pension of 100,000 livres
and a dowry of 40,000 livres.
* Dangeau, Journal ; Comtesse de Faverges, Anne d'OrUans ;
Gagnifere, Mane Adilaide de Savoie : Lettres et correspondances.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 17
with sentiments in regard to France which that
prince was very far from entertaining, and Louis xiv
with a confidence in his new nephew's amicable
intentions which is difficult to reconcile with the
instructions he sent his Ambassador at Turin. But,
if the autocrat of Versailles had not the smallest
intention of acting in accordance with his declara-
tion that " no one could doubt that the very high
and puissant Princess, Marie Jeanne Baptiste de
Nemours had succeeded in inspiring her son with
the same sentiments towards the interests of his
Majesty which she had shown during the period of
her regency," he was undoubtedly well satisfied
with the match, which not only frustrated an
alliance that might have gone far to neutralise
the advantage he derived from the possession of
Pinerolo and Casale, but afforded him, on the
score of relationship, an excellent pretext for
interfering in the internal affairs of Savoy.
Victor Amadeus had much less cause for satis-
faction. Nevertheless, the mortification which he
experienced at finding himself compelled, for
some time at least, to continue the subservience
towards France which his father and grandfather
had shown, was sensibly modified by the knowledge
that his marriage with a niece of Louis xiv assured
his determination to emancipate himself from the
control of his mother meeting with no opposition
from that quarter.
In this persuasion, no sooner had he learned
that the negotiations for the marriage had been
concluded than he summoned two of his con-
federates, the Principe della Cisterna and the
Abbate della Torre, with whose assistance he
20 A ROSE OF SAVOY
task in a manner worthy of the highest praise, and
under her firm yet kindly guidance the two children
grew into charming, accomplished, and high-
principled girls, regarded with affection and respect
by all who knew them.
Anne d' Orleans could not pretend to either the
beauty or the intelhgence which distinguished the
Queen of Spain, but she was, nevertheless, a far
from unattractive young lady. At the time of her
marriage, when she was within a month of com-
pleting her fifteenth year, she is described as tall
and graceful, with black hair falling in long curls
upon white and shapely shoulders, an oval face,
a high forehead, an aquiline nose, smiling lips,
and " an air of dignity tempered by an expression
of goodness." Her countenance did not belie her
character, for her stepmother, the second Madame —
no mean judge of her own sex by the way — describes
her as " one of the most amiable and virtuous
of women," and speaks in high terms of her tact
and good sense ; and, indeed, her subsequent
career proves her to have been a woman of a
singularly sweet and gentle disposition.
Immediately after the marriage the princess
set out for Turin, and on May 6 reached the Pont-
de-Beauvoisin, which at this period marked the
boundary between Dauphine and Savoy,^ where
she was met by Victor Amadeus, at the head of
his military household, "en grande parade et tym-
hales sonnantes," escorted by a great number of
Savoyard and Piedmontese gentlemen.
1 The Pont-de-BeauvoisiQ was a village situated on the little
river Guiers. A narrow bridge, from which it derived its name,
crossed the river, the western half of the bridge being considered
French territory and the eastern Savoyard.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 21
The young Duchess, it is related, had been
carefully instructed by the Conte di Magliano,
the Envoy-Extraordinary of Savoy, in regard to
the formalities which it was necessary to observe
on this important occasion ; but, when she per-
ceived her husband, she promptly forgot all that
the worthy count had been at such pains to impress
upon her, and, hastening forward, threw herself
into his arms. This bold disregard of etiquette
greatly shocked the more punctilious members of
his Highness' s entourage, who could not conceal
their disapproval. But the Duke, charmed and
touched by the action, embraced his wife tenderly,
" and they exchanged for some moments," writes
an eye-witness, " those first sentiments which beat
in every heart." ^
The same evening, the bridal pair arrived at
Ghambery, where, in the chapel of the ancient
chateau, the Archbishop of Grenoble pronounced
the nuptial blessing upon them, and two days later,
at two o'clock in the morning, made their entry
into Turin, amid great rejoicings.
At the time when he married Anne d' Orleans
and assumed the government of his dominions,
Victor Amadeus 11 was just eighteen, but, thanks
to the peculiar circumstances in which his lot
had been cast, already possessed of a fund of
worldly wisdom which many a prince of mature
years might have envied. His appearance was
certainly very striking : "Of middle height,
slender, admirably made. A bearing which denoted
^ Letter of the Conte Scaravelli, gentleman of the Chamber to
Victor Amadeus 11, cited by the Comtesse de Fa verges, Anne
d'OrlSans.
22 A ROSE OF SAVOY
independence and pride, an animated expression,
aquiline features. He had inherited from the
House of Nemours very fair hair and eyes of a
pecixliar shade of blue and of exceptional vivacity." ^
His character, according to a contemporary,
whose account, though a trifle highly - coloured
here and there, is in the main corroborated by the
events of the Duke's life, was even more remarkable,
though far less pleasing.
" He is a prince with many good and an infinite
number of bad quaUties. He has a vivid imagina-
tion, an admirable memory, a great facility of ex-
pression, a serious application for affairs, ambition,
a desire for fame, and an incomparable dexterity
in concealing his designs. But he possesses little
sense of justice or breadth of view, greater bril-
liancy than sohdity, a bad heart, a strong feeling
of hatred and ingratitude towards every one, an
avarice which extends even to his mistresses,
little knowledge, little religion, more ostentation
than true worth, more obstinacy than firmness of
character, and, above all, a great love of his own
opinions and contempt for those of others." ^
With such a husband it would have been
difificult for any woman to have found happiness,
much less a gentle and sensitive girl like Anne
d' Orleans. Nevertheless, for the first few months
of her married life her path seemed strewn with
roses. The handsome young Duke conquered her
heart at once, and she conceived for him a deep
affection, a passionate admiration which survived
^ Costa de Beauregard, Hisioire de la Maison de Savoie.
* Relation de la Cour de Savoie, in G, de Ldris, la Comtesse de
Verrue.
VICTOR AMADEUS II, DUKE OF SAVOY
FROM A CONTEMl'ORARV PRINT
A ROSE OF SAVOY 23
all the just causes of complaint which he subse-
quently gave her and endured to the day of her
death. She was so proud of being the consort of
this youthful sovereign, who, at an age when most
young princes scarcely know the meaning of the
word affairs, supervised every department of the
administration like a consummate statesman ; so
proud of the confidence which he seemed to repose
in her, and of the deference which he paid to her
wishes. And, above all, she believed that he
returned, in some measure at least, the wealth of
affection which she lavished upon him.
She was soon disillusioned. Scarcely had the
f^tes which followed the marriage terminated than
Victor Amadeus, wearying of conjugal bliss, became
entirely absorbed in the government of his dominions
and the organisation of his army, and forgot the
young wife who thought only of him. When he
did condescend to remember her existence, it was
as often as not to complain that she was leading
either too retired or too gay a life, for he was of
a changeable humour, and what pleased him one
week irritated him the next. Nor were his neglect
and his caprices the only trials which she had to
endure.
The little Court of Turin, as might naturally
be expected, from its long and intimate connection
with France, was modelled very closely upon that
of its powerful neighbour, and in no respect was
this resemblance more striking than in the matter
of morals ; indeed, it seemed as though Victor
Amadeus, in his relations with the opposite sex,
had taken Louis xiv — that is to say, the Louis xiv
of twenty years before — for his example. Jeanne
24 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Baptiste de Nemours, like the late Queen of France,
had gathered round her a bevy of fair ladies and
maids-of-honour, drawn from the first families of
the duchy, who appear to have been well-nigh as
proficient in the arts of seduction as the celebrated
escadron volant of Catherine de' Medici. " This
princess only accepted those of surpassing loveh-
ness. Thus the sovereign and the young noblemen
of his suite were able to flit from beauty to beauty,
and, thanks to the variety of these charming
objects, to resume their pleasures without ever
becoming satiated." ^
Victor Amadeus, who was of a decidedly ardent
temperament, did not fail to profit by the favour
with which these charming objects naturally
regarded one who was not only their sovereign,
but a very handsome youth ; and, not long before
his marriage, he had discovered his La Valliere,
in the person of a certain Mile, di Cumiana, a
pretty brunette, " whom he overwhelmed with
extraordinary benefits, which distinguished her in
a little time from her colleagues by spoiling her
figure." ^ This intrigue, which, for " reasons of
State," Madame Roy ale judged it advisable to put
an end to, by promptly marrying the young lady
to her grand equerry, the Conte di San Sebastiano,
was renewed many years later, and in 1730, when
the countess had lost her husband and the Duke
of Savoy — or rather the King of Sardinia, as he
had then become — his wife, Victor Amadeus con-
tracted with her a secret marriage, which he
acknowledged after his abdication.
^ Lamberti, Histoire de V abdication de Victor Amedie ii.
2 Ihid.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 25
The young Duke soon found consolation for the
loss of his inamorata in the society of another of
his mother's maids-of-honour. Mile, di Saluzzo by
name. But, as the damsel in question happened
to be nearly related to a nobleman who had been
implicated in the conspiracy against the Regent
of which we have spoken elsewhere, and Madame
Royale feared that she might seek to influence her
son in a direction contrary to her own interests,
she decided to nip this romance in the bud also,
and married off the lady to the Comte de Prie.
Victor Amadeus was at first inconsolable, and,
a fortnight after the marriage, we find the French
Ambassador, who had strict injunctions to keep his
Court informed of every detail of " Monsieur de
Savoie's " life, writing to Lou vols that " the
attachment of the Duke for Madame de Prie
seemed stronger than ever." Madame Royale now
took the prudent step of appointing the Comte de
Prie Ambassador of Savoy at Vienna, and, after
a while, Victor Amadeus appeared to forget all
about the lady, his interest in whom had perhaps
been stimulated by a spirit of opposition to his
mother's authority. Shortly before his marriage
with Anne d' Orleans, however, the count and his
wife returned to Turin, and when the prince's
all too-brief honeymoon had terminated, it began
to be remarked that his Highness was paying his
former enchantress considerable attention. But
the liaison — if liaison there were — was conducted
very discreetly, and does not appear to have
occasioned the young Duchess much uneasiness.
Very different was the state of affairs when
Jeanne-Baptiste d'Albert de Luynes, Contessa di
26 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Verrua, the heroine of Dumas fare's romance,
la Dame de Volupti, appeared upon the scene.
The countess was, hke the legitimate owner of the
ducal affections, a Frenchwoman, one of the five
daughters of Louis Charles, Due de Luynes, a pious
and estimable old gentleman and a profound
admirer of the devots of Port-Royal. There was,
however, nothing of the Jansenist in the career
or character of Jeanne-Baptiste, and it was perhaps
just as well that the worthy Duke was gathered to
his fathers within a few weeks of completing his
seventieth year, since otherwise he must have
experienced even more than the usual share of
labour and sorrow which is supposed to fall to
those who exceed the allotted span of life.
In August 1683, when she was not yet fourteen,^
Jeanne-Baptiste was married to the Conte di
Verrua, a young Piedmontese noble connected with
the ancient family of Scaglia, and, some six months
before the marriage of Anne d' Orleans, came to
reside with her husband in Turin.
" Most of his daughters were beautiful," says
Saint-Simon, in speaking of the Due de Luynes,
" but this one [the Contessa di Verrua] was ex-
tremely so." But the girl possessed something
more than mere perfection of face and form, and
the testimony of her contemporaries is almost
unanimous in declaring her to have been one of the
most fascinating women of her time, — witty, viva-
cious, amiable, and intelligent.
For four years Madame di Verrua seems to have
* She was born on January 18, 1670, and not on October 8, 1675, as
stated by the Comte d'Haussonville, in his la Duchesse de Bourgogne.
The distinguished historian has confused her with her younger sister,
who married, in 1698, the Comte de Clermont-Lodfeve.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 27
frequented the Court, where her husband held
the post of Gentleman of the Chamber to Victor
Amadeus, without arousing more than a passing
interest in the Duke. But during the severe
winter of 1687-1688, when for some weeks the
country round Turin was covered with snow and
sleighing parties were much in vogue, we find
d'Arcy, the French Ambassador, reporting that
the invariable occupant of the Duke's sledge was
" Madame di Verrua, a daughter of the Due de
Luynes, about seventeen or eighteen years of age,
beautiful and very modest." ^
The intimacy between his Highness and the
lady made rapid progress, and, a month later, the
Ambassador writes again : —
" Since your Majesty continues to give me orders
to keep him informed very precisely of the private
employments and amusements of the Duke of
Savoy, I must inform him that, since he took
young Madame di Verrua out sleighing, he appears
to continue, and even to redouble, his attentions
to her. Not a day passes at the Opera but he is
seen in this lady's box, where they laugh so loudly
together that they attract every one's attention.
However, the lady's youth and high spirits may
be more accountable for this, at least on her side,
than anything else, and as yet one cannot perceive
any understanding between them which justifies
the suspicion of an approaching intrigue." ^
But d'Arcy was mistaken, and before many
months had passed the nature of the relations
* D'Arcy to Louis xiv, January 17, 1688, published by M. G. de
Leris, la Comtesse de Verrue.
" Despatch of February 14, 1688.
28 A ROSE OF SAVOY
between Victor Amadeus and Madame di Verrua no
longer permitted of any doubt. To do the lady
justice, however, she did not capitulate without a
struggle, and even took refuge for a time with
her father in France, to escape the compromising
attentions of the Duke. Induced to return to
Turin, her life, if we are to beUeve Saint-Simon,
was rendered so unendurable by the malicious
accusations brought against her by an uncle of
her husband, the Abbate di Verrua, whose odious
advances she had scornfully rejected, that " virtue
eventually yielded to dementia and to the ill
treatment to which she was subjected at home;
she listened to M. de Savoie and delivered herself
to him to deliver herself from persecutors." ^
Nevertheless, if Madame di Verrua's surrender was
a reluctant one, when once the die had been cast,
she showed a remarkably keen appreciation of the
rights and prerogatives attached to the position of
mattresse en titre, and exercised over her royal
lover, who had hitherto been credited with far too
much shrewdness ever to permit himself to become
the victim of a really serious attachment, an
empire even more despotic than Madame de
Montespan had wielded over Louis xiv.
Following the evil example set him by le Grand
Monarque, who had named his mistress Super-
intendent of the Queen's Household, Victor
Amadeus appointed Madame di Verrua his wife's
Mistress of the Robes, legitimated the two children
whom he had by her, and, though as a rule parsi-
monious to the last degree, overwhelmed her with
benefits. Her toilettes were the envy and despair
^ M&moires,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 29
of all the ladies of the Court ; her apartments in
the palace were furnished with a sublime disregard
for expense, and filled with bronzes, cameos,
porcelain, 'statuary, and valuable pictures — for the
countess was an insatiable art-collector — and, when
she travelled, her retinue was composed of the
greatest nobles of Savoy, and governors and pre-
fects waited upon her to offer her homage. The
almost sovereign honours paid to her were not
confined to the dominions of the Duke of Savoy,
for when in 1695 she passed through the Milanese,
on her way to the waters of San Moritz, we hear
of her being received with the firing of cannon,
escorted by torchlight processions, and regaled with
sumptuous banquets.
Madame di Verrua's reign lasted twelve years —
until the autumn of 1700 — at the end of which
time, growing weary of the restraints imposed upon
her liberty by the Duke, and the frequent and
violent quarrels to which his jealousy and her own
indiscretions gave rise, she profited by Victor
Amadeus's absence from Turin to escape to France,
with the assistance of her younger brother, the
Chevalier de Luynes,^ having first taken the pre-
caution to transfer the greater part of her art
collection to Paris. For some four years previously
she appears to have been in the pay of France, and
to have been in the habit of communicating to
that Court anything of importance which Victor
Amadeus happened to let fall in his unguarded
moments ; and the fear that her treachery was in
* The Chevalier de Lu5rQes was a captain in the French Navy,
and displayed on this occasion all the fertility of resource which we
are accustomed to associate with that profession.
30 A ROSE OF SAVOY
danger of being discovered was probably not un-
connected with her flight.
The Duke of Savoy, on learning of his mistress's
desertion, so far from being " wounded to the
quick," as Saint-Simon would have us believe,
received the news with an equanimity bordering on
indifference ; and when his representative in Paris,
the Conte di Vernone, demanded how he was to
treat the fugitive, contented himself by replying
that he pardoned her conduct, since she had acted
under the influence of her brothers. He never saw
or corresponded with her again, though in October
1702 we find him instructing Vernone to visit her and
render her any assistance she required, adding : " We
shall always retain a sincere regard for this lady." ^
Madame di Verrua passed the four years which
followed her flight from Turin, partly at Dampierre,
the country-seat of the de Luynes family, and
partly in a convent ; but, after the death of her
husband in the Battle of Blenheim had left her
entire mistress of her actions, she took up her
residence in Paris, where she passed the rest of
her life. She died on November 18, 1736, in her
sixty-seventh year, leaving behind her one of the
finest private art-collections in Europe, containing
some splendid examples of the work of Teniers,
Rubens, Van Dyck, Rembrandt, and other Flemish
masters, and a library of several thousand volumes,
which comprised many rare and valuable works.
The inventory of her possessions, which necessi-
tated more than two months' continuous labour,
covers forty quires of large-sized paper.*
1 A. Gagnifere, Marie AdSlatde de la Savoie : Lettres et Cones-
pondances. ' G. de L6ris, la Comtesse de Verrue„
A ROSE OF SAVOY 31
Shortly before her death, Madame di Verrua is
said to have composed for herself the following
epitaph —
Ci-git dans line paix profonde
Cette dame de volupt6,
Qui, pour plus grande sdret6,
Fit son paradis en ce monde.
During the years that Madame di Verrua' s
reign lasted, poor Anne d' Orleans garnered, as
may be imagined, a plentiful crop of humiliations ;
nevertheless, she continued to oppose to her
husband's neglect and infidelities an unalterable
resignation, and to render the most implicit obedi-
ence tp his imperious and capricious will. Did
the Duke express a desire that, during his absence
with the Army, she should lead a retired life,
" her Royal Highness passed her time in the most
extraordinary retirement, and we only meet at
the promenade or when we visit churches to-
gether." ^ Did he, in order to ingratiate himself
with Louis XIV, who had reproached him with
" leading a solitary life, contrary to the indispens-
able needs of absolute power," resolve to impart
a little gaiety to his Court, the Duchess immediately
organised fetes, balls, and card-parties, and danced
and gambled till the small hours of the morning,
abandoning, however, these unaccustomed diver-
sions with equal promptitude the moment Victor
Amadeus judged it safe to revert to his former
habits of economy.
Nor did this sweet-tempered and loyal wife
confine herself to mere obedience to her husband's
^ Letter of Madame Royale to Madame de la Fayette, G. de
Leris, la Comtesse de Venue.
32 A ROSE OF SAVOY
wishes, but lavished upon him the most touching
proofs of her love and devotion.
Victor Amadeus, as we have seen, had given
very early evidence that he had inherited the
martial instincts of his race, and he held it to be
the imperative duty of a sovereign to command
his troops in person. When he was but twelve
years of age, some one happened to refer in his
presence to the failure of a campaign which had
been undertaken during the reign of his father,
Charles Emmanuel ii, against the Republic of
Genoa. He inquired whether the Duke had him-
self directed the operations, and, on being told
that he had not, observed : "I shall never make
war without being at the head of my armies, and
I shall recommend my successors to do the same."
He was faithful to this resolution, and, since war
was the almost permanent condition of his reign,
found himself obliged to spend the greater part of
his time in the camp. As a general, he showed no
little skill, as well as remarkable courage and
tenacity; but his health, never vigorous, was
severely tried by the fatigues and privations he
was compelled to undergo, and this occasioned the
Duchess the most intense anxiety. Whenever
her husband was absent on a campaign, she
never knew a moment's peace of mind until his
return, and the torments of anxiety which she
suffered on his account are pathetically depicted
in the numerous letters written by her, preserved
in the State Archives of Turin. Her letters were
at first addressed to Victor Amadeus himself, but,
since the Duke detested writing except on affairs of
State, and seems to have seldom or never troubled
A ROSE OF SAVOY 33
to reply to them — in the whole voluminous port-
folio devoted to his correspondence in the Turin
Archives there is not a single letter addressed to
his wife — she was forced to have recourse to the
Marquis de Saint-Thomas, the Duke's confidential
Minister, who always accompanied him on his cam-
paigns, and directed him to keep her informed with un-
failing regularity of the state of his master's health.
When, during his absences, Anne learned that
he was ill — which happened several times — her
anxiety knew no bounds, and she wrote demanding,
in the most touching terms, permission to join
him. " Give me this consolation," she writes to
him on August 30, 1692, when he was lying danger-
ously ill of small-pox at Embrun ; " it would be the
greatest mark of affection which you could bestow
upon me. I assure you that I can come without
causing the least embarrassment. Only my two
ladies need accompany me. I shall be satisfied at
being near you, and you will see of what a tender
affection is capable. I shall neglect nothing which
can show you that I love you as my own life." ^
On this occasion, the permission she so ardently
desired was accorded her, and, braving the con-
tagion, she established herself at her husband's
bedside and tended him with unremitting care.
As Victor Amadeus was in a most critical condition
when she arrived, and the Duchess states, in a
letter to Madame Royale, that no doctors were
' state Archives of Turin, published by the Marchesa Vitell-
eschi, "The Romance of Savoy;" This letter — or rather portions
of it — has also been published by Luisa Sarredo {Anna di Savoia),
Madame de Faverges {Anne d'OrUans), and the Comte d'Hausson-
ville {la Duchesse de Bourgogne), but neither of the last three writers
gives the date.
3
34 A ROSE OF SAVOY
available, it is probable that, under Heaven, it was
to her devoted nursing that he owed his recovery.
Nevertheless, his gratitude was of short duration,
and scarcely was his health re-established, than
Madame di Verrua resumed her empire over him.
In these years of neglect and humiliation the
only joys which Anne d' Orleans seems to have
known were those of maternity, which, since she
bore her husband eight children, and had, besides,
several miscarriages, were not spared her. Of her
numerous family, however, two sons and two
daughters alone survived their infancy. The elder
son, a handsome and intelligent lad, died in his
sixteenth year ; the younger, a pitiable contrast
to his brother in both mind and body, lived to
succeed his father as Charles Emmanuel iii. Of
the girls, the elder, Maria Luisa, married Philip v
of Spain, and became the ancestress of the Spanish
Bourbons ; the elder, Marie Adelaide — better known
to history by the gallicized form of her name, by
which we propose to speak of her — is the subject
of the present volume.
Marie Adelaide was the Duchess's firstborn,
and made her appearance in the world on Decem-
ber 6, 1685. The little lady's arrival nearly cost
her mother her life ; indeed, Anne's condition was
at one time so critical that the viaticum was
administered. However, after two very anxious
days, during which, according to d'Arcy, " the
Court, the town, and every one were in a state of
consternation and affliction which had never been
surpassed," ^ she was declared out of danger, a
1 D'Arcy to Louis xiv, January i, 1686.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 35
result which seems to have been chiefly due to the
attentions lavished upon her by Victor Amadeus,
whom gratification at becoming a father, and the
fear of losing his long-suffering consort, had moment-
arily roused from his habitual indifference. " The
Duke of Savoy," writes d'Arcy, " performs his
duties as a good husband and father. He has had
a little camp-bed taken to his wife's room, in order
that he may sleep there, and is continually mounting
to the princess's [Marie Adelaide] apartment." ^
The baptism of the little princess, which took
place on December 1685, Madame Royale and
Victor Amadeus' s uncle. Prince Philibert di Carig-
nano, acting as sponsors, was not accompanied by
any great rejoicings, for the Court was sorely dis-
appointed that the new arrival was not a boy.*
At Versailles there was much discussion as to
whether etiquette demanded that an envoy should
be sent to Turin to compliment the Duke of Savoy,
" since it was only a daughter." But, after pre-
cedents had been consulted, it was found that
his Majesty had sent one to Lisbon on the occa-
sion of the birth of the Infanta Isabella Luisa,
the princess whom Madame Royale had once
intended as the bride of Victor Amadeus ; and the
Marquis d'Urfe, a grand-nephew of Honore d'Urfe,
the author of I'Astree, was chosen for the mission.
When d'Urfe reached Turin, the Duchess was
^ D'Arcy to Louis xiv, December 8, 1685.
' In December 1698, Marie Adelaide, then Duchesse de Bour-
gogne, wrote to Madame Royale : " I believe, my dear grandmother,
that I did not occasion you much joy thirteen years ago, and that
you would have preferred a boy ; but, from aU the kindness that
you have shown, I cannot doubt that you have forgiven me for
being a girl."
36 A ROSE OF SAVOY
still confined to her bed, which the envoy describes,
in one of his despatches, as " rather handsome,
with canopy and hangings of crimson velvet
embroidered with pearls." And he adds : " Those
who have not seen the furniture which the King
[Louis xiv] possesses imagine it to be the finest
in the world. As I am not charged to disabuse
their minds, I contented myself by expressing my
opinion in such a way as to let them understand
that it is sumptuous, but not the finest that I have
seen." ^
Before the envoy returned to France, however,
her Highness was sufficiently recovered to be
churched. On these occasions it was the custom
at Turin, after the ecclesiastical ceremony had
been performed, for the Duchess to receive all the
ladies of the Court, who each in turn approached
and kissed her hand. The beauty of the Turinese
ladies was celebrated throughout Europe, but
d'Urfe could not be prevailed upon to admit that
their charms were in any way comparable to those
of his own fair countrywomen, and " praised them
as he had praised the bed."
Some eighteen months later (August 15, 1688),
the Duchess of Savoy gave birth to a second
daughter, Maria Luisa, the future Queen of
Spain. On this occasion, Victor Amadeus had
been so confident of an heir that he had already
nominated the envoys who were to carry the glad
tidings to all the Courts of Europe, and he did not
attempt to conceal from his consort the mortifica-
tion which this contretemps occasioned him. In-
1 D'Urfe to Croissy, January 14, 1686, published by the Comte
d'Haussonville.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 37
deed, the ostentatious indifference he displayed
towards the poor lady about this time was the
subject of public comment ; and Monsieur, highly
indignant at the manner in which his daughter
was being treated, appealed to Louis xiv to remind
the Duke of Savoy of the respect he owed to a
princess of the blood royal. This ill-advised inter-
ference in his domestic affairs greatly irritated
Victor Amadeus, and, instead of bringing about
any improvement in his attitude towards his wife,
seems to have estranged him still further from her.
However, if the Duke of Savoy seemed to resent
the arrival of his two little daughters as a personal
grievance, they proved an infinite consolation to
their mother, and, as they grew older, they became
more and more the principal interest of her sad and
lonely life. Whereas in those days the children of
the great, and in particular of royal persons,
were usually left very much to the care of their
attendants, and the gouvernante of a young princess
often filled, to all intents and purposes, the place
of a mother, the Duchess preferred to keep her
daughters with her as much as possible, and to
confine the authority of their preceptresses to the
exercise of purely scholastic duties. Even these
would appear to have been performed in a very
perfunctory manner, as, although Marie Adelaide's
sous-gouvernante, the Comtesse des Noyers,^ had
the reputation of being a lady of the very highest
attainments, she never succeeded in teaching her
pupil either how to write or to spell, and to the end
' Fran90ise de Lucinge, granddaughter of^Guillaume de Lucinge,
Comte de Faucigny. The name is sometimes written Dunoyer,
but the above appears to be its correct form.
3 8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of her life the princess remained faithful to the
laborious copybook hand of her childhood — which
perhaps accounts for the brevity of her epistles —
while her spelHng was a thing to marvel at, even in
an age of fantastic orthography.^
The Duchess Anne did not care for Turin, and
during the frequent and prolonged absences of her
husband from his capital, she was accustomed to
pass the most of her time with her children at one
or other of the country-residences of the Crown.
Of these there were several within the compass of
a few miles from the city. In the south-eastern
environs, on the banks of the Po, in the midst of
a spacious park, now the Giardino Pubblico, stood
the Castello del Valentino, an imposing chateau
in the French Renaissance style, with four towers,
built for Christine of France. Some four miles
farther south, was the Chateau of Moncaheri —
now the residence of Princess Clotilda of Saxony,
widow of Prince Jerome Bonaparte — perched on a
height above the town of that name, and command-
* Here are two amusing specimens of her spelling and punctua-
tion, the first written a few days after her arrival in France, the
second some eighteen months later. Both letters are addressed
to her grandmother, Jeanne-Baptiste de Nemours : —
" De Versaie ce 13 Novembre [1696].
" Vous me pardonere Madame si ie ne uous est pas ecrit la peur
de uous anuier me la fait fair ie fini Madame uous embrasan. — Tres
humble tres obeisantes petite fille, M. Adelaide de Sauoie."
" Versaile ce 25 Mars, 1698.
" lespere que iescrire assez bien, ma chere grandmaman jai un
maitre qui se donne beaucoup de paine jaurois grans tort de ne pas
proffitter des soins qu'on prend de tout ce que me regarde la D. du
Lude estre revenue auprais de moy dont je suis ravie et il est vrais
que Mme. de Mentenon me voit Ie plus souvent qui lui est possible
ie croys pouvoir vous assurer sans saut [trop ?] me flatter que ces
deux dames maimen. Ne douttes jamais ma chere gran maman que
ie ne vous aime tous jours autan que ie Ie dois."
l^-^tji/Ze^/, £f7 /jr^uft?yicr A dlrn 77taj ^di? 772cmijcfQ/ae ^adf /aDnuuhttie., ^tz /77^et JelllaJ^
^uJ)iJ£: Dc Cnot'h'iStJ. ft c)c' 77Jcza'^ "^j-a. Soeitf^, ae^J^rirtca^x^^pferi^tz-J^i^-if 5^ Sana ae. lilnion^jno
7rjS/'/<? /??:/^- v\ V\ '\'i'/j ivdiJ Mc'if7<a tin flam S^Cde F^-art.ft't
ANNE MARIE D'ORUaNS, DUCHESSE OF SAVOY
FROM AN ENGRAVING UY l'aRMESSIN
A ROSE OF SAVOY 39
ing a magnificent view of the surrounding country.
About the same distance from Turin, in an easterly
direction, was Rivoh, where, in 1684, Victor
Amadeus had announced his assumption of the
government of his dominions, and which, by a
singular coincidence, was to witness, fifty-six years
later, his formal abdication of the authority which
he had exercised with such extraordinary ability
and success ; while a Httle to the north lay II
Veneria, the Versailles of the Dukes of Savoy.
But the favourite residence of the Duchess was the
Vigna di Madame, a charming country-house on
the slopes of a wooded hill overlooking the Po,
about half an hour's drive from the capital. The
Vigna, which derived its name from the vineyards
which had once occupied the spot on which it
stood, had been built, in 1649, by Cardinal Maurice
of Savoy, younger son of Charles Emmanuel i,
who cleared away the vines and laid out the grounds
in terraces in the French fashion of the period.
On his death, he left the property on which he
had expended so much money and care to his
niece, Ludovica Maria of Savoy, who in her turn
bequeathed it to the successive princesses of her
house.^
In later years, when Marie Adelaide and her
sister had left their home, the elder for Versailles,
the younger for Madrid, the name of the Vigna is
frequently mentioned in their letters as that of the
place where the greater part of their childhood was
passed. But, though this little palace, " hidden
* The Marchesa Vitelleschi, " The Romance of Savoy." After
the Duchess Anne became Queen of Sicily, the Vigna di Madame
was known as the Villg, della Regina, which name it still retains.
It is now an institute for the daughters of military of&cers.
40 A ROSE OF SAVOY
in a nest of verdure," was undoubtedly a delightful
residence, and the pure, invigorating air of the
hillside made it an equally desirable resort from
the Court physicians' point of view,^ it is to be
feared that, as they grew older, the two girls must
have found their sojourns there decidedly dull,
since the Duchess brought only a small part of her
Household with her, and passed nearly the whole
of her time out of doors ; and the only recreation
which she seems to have permitted her daughters
were long walks, in which she herself was generally
their companion. " You are then all alone in
Turin, since my mother and brothers have gone
to the Vigna," wrote the Queen of Spain to her
grandmother, Madame Royale, some years later.
" The small number of persons whom she has taken
with her does not surprise me, since it was the
same in my time." ^
The Duchess was the most tender and devoted
of mothers. She insisted on nursing her daughters
with her own hands in all their childish ailments,
and once, when one of the young princesses had
contracted some contagious malady, she shut
herself up with her, and would not permit even
Madame Royale to enter the sick-room. Never-
theless, despite the care and affection which she
lavished upon the girls, there was little of that
intimacy between her and her children which we
should naturally expect to find, and this is par-
ticularly noticeable in regard to the future Duchesse
de Bourgogne. It was her grandmother, Madame
^ It was here that Victor Amadeus came to recruit his shattered
health after the serious illness of which we have already spoken.
* Contessa della Rocca, Correspondance inidiie de la Duchesse de
Bourgogne et de la Reine d'Espagne.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 41
Royale, and not her mother, ' who seems to have
been the recipient of Marie Adelaide's childish
confidences ; it is to her to whom, in years to come,
she will write those brief yet charming letters,
full of little details about herself and her life at
the French Court, whom she will implore not to
love less than her sister, with whom she will desire
" to share all her troubles." In the Archives of
Turin, which contain more than a hundred of her
letters to Madame Royale, only eight addressed to
her mother are to be found, and these, though
affectionate in tone, are always a trifle ceremonious.
" I pique myself now on being a great personage,"
she writes to her, in January 1702, " and I think
that ' Mamma ' is not suitable. But I shall love
my dear mother even more than my dear mamma,
because I shall be better able to understand all your
worth, and all that I owe to you." To her mother,
indeed, she is the dutiful, obedient, and grateful
daughter, but it is from her grandmother that she
will seek counsel and sympathy.
Nor is this difficult of explanation. It is a sad
but undeniable fact that to very young girls the
beautiful, fascinating, light-hearted woman of the
world, whose mUier is to charm and amuse all
about her, appeals far more strongly than her
grave, devout, retiring sister, however worthy of
confidence and affection the latter may be; and,
from the little princesses' point of view, the widow
of Charles Emmannel 11 was a much more attractive
personality than their own mother.
What few pretensions to beauty Anne d' Orleans
had possessed at the time of her marriage had not
survived the tribulations of childbirth, which had
42 A ROSE OF SAVOY
been for her peculiarly severe, and on more than
one occasion had nearly cost her her life ; while
her natural seriousness of disposition had been
intensified by her repeated disappointments at the
non-appearance of the son so ardently desired, and
by the infidelities and neglect of her husband.
Excellent woman though she was, she does not
appear to have understood that it was her duty to
forget her own sorrows when in the company of
her little daughters, to affect an interest in their
childish amusements, and to do everything in her
power to gladden their lives ; that children are
attracted by gaiety and repelled by melancholy ;
that though daily attendance at Mass and listening
to the reading of works of devotion may be good
for the youthful soul, and long " constitutionals "
excellent for the body, the mind occasionally
requires a little distraction ; and that the mother
who would gain the confidence and affection of
her children must be to them something more than
a moral preceptress.
On the other hand, the years had dealt leniently
with Jeanne-Baptiste de Nemours, who, although
she had grown somewhat stout, was still beautiful,
while she had retained all her wonderful charm of
manner. With the approach of old age, she had
renounced the gallantries which had disgraced the
first half of her life, and, disdaining to have recourse
to art to repair the ravages of Time, had accepted
it in the spirit of the true philosopher, finding, as
so many women of a like temperament have done
both before and since, consolation for the loss of
her adorers in the homage paid to her intelligence
and wit. Her circle, however, would appear to
A ROSE OF SAVOY 43
have been a somewhat Hmited one, since Victor
Amadeus not only denied his mother every vestige
of influence, but regarded her with a hatred which
he was at Httle pains to conceal, and those who
had the courage to brave their sovereign's dis-
pleasure by paying court to Madame Royale were
comparatively few. The weekly visits which the
old princess received from her grand-daughters at
the Palazzo Madama — that huge, ungainly mediaeval
pile in the midst of the Piazza Castello, now occupied
by the State Archives and other institutions — which
during her later years she seldom quitted, were
therefore the more welcome, and she exerted herself
to interest and amuse the children and to encour-
age them to make her their friend and confidante.
In this she was eminently successful, particularly
with Adelaide, in whose affections her " chere gran
maman " always retained the foremost place.
But we must now turn to the consideration of
certain political events which were to have a very
important bearing on Adelaide's future career.
CHAPTER III
Victor Amadeus ii and Louis xiv — Incessant interference of
the latter in the affairs of Savoy and the domestic life of the Duke
— Victor Amadeus compelled by him to engage in a cruel per-
secution of his own Protestant subjects, the Vaudois — The League
of Augsburg — Double game of Victor Amadeus — Rupture between
Savoy and France — The allies are defeated at StafEarda — Savoy and
Piedmont are over-run by the French, and Turin threatened —
Invasion of Dauphine by the AUies fails, owing to the serious iUness
of Victor Amadeus — Siege of Pinerolo and Battle of Marsaglia —
Louis XIV anxious to detach Savoy from the League — The Comte
de Tesse — Secret negotiations with the Court of Turin — Pro-
positions of Victor Amadeus — He proposes a marriage between
the Princess Adelaide and the Due de Bourgogne — Secret visit of
Tesse to Turin — Victor Amadeus sends an envoy to Vienna to
propose an alUance between the Princess Adelaide and the King
of the Romans — Refusal of the Emperor — The Duke resumes
his negotiations with France— Treaty signed between France and
Savoy — Its terms — Joy of Victor Amadeus
IF Louis XIV, in giving his niece to Victor
Amadeus, flattered himself that he had
secured a nephew whom it would be easy to
bend to his imperious will, he had fallen into a very
grievous error. Nevertheless, it must be admitted
that for some years the conduct of the Duke was
such as to encourage this pleasing illusion, since,
though he frequently endeavoured to evade the
execution of the orders he received from Versailles,
he generally ended by obeying them. But the
yoke of France was very heavy ; nominally an
A ROSE OF SAVOY 45
independent sovereign, the Duke of Savoy found
himself treated exactly as though he had been a
vassal of the French Crown. Louis xiv interfered
incessantly, not only in every act of his government,
but in those of his private life. He remonstrated
with him on his treatment of his wife, thereby, as
we have seen, making the lot of that unfortunate
princess still more difficult to bear ; intimated that
he lived too much in retirement, and that it behoved
him to maintain a gay and brilliant Court ;
espoused with the utmost warmth Madame Royale's
side in her frequent quarrels with her son ; and
ordered the Duke to forbid the marriage of his
uncle, Prince Philibert di Carignano, heir-pre-
sumptive to the throne, with Catherine d'Este,
daughter of the Duke of Modena, and when Phili-
bert, ignoring his nephew's wishes, contracted a
secret marriage, compelled Victor Amadeus to
banish him and his wife from Savoy.
When, after the rupture with France, of which
we are about to speak, peace was concluded and
diplomatic relations between the two Courts were
about to be resumed, it was indeed with good
reason that Victor Amadeus said to the French
envoy at Turin : " Implore the King to give me
an Ambassador who will leave us in peace with our
sheep, our wives, our mothers, our mistresses, and
our servants. The charcoal-burner ought to be
the master in his own hut, and from the day when
I had the use of my reason until that on which I had
the misfortune to engage in this unhappy war,
scarcely a week has passed in which there has not
been demanded of me, either in regard to my own
conduct or that of my family, ten things, or, when
46 A ROSE OF SAVOY
I have accorded only nine, that I have not been
threatened." ^
But a humihation far more intolerable than
any interference in his private or family affairs
was imposed on Victor Amadeus when, in the
spring of 1686, the Most Christian King, carried
away by his zeal for the extermination of heresy,
forced him to undertake, in conjunction with
French troops under Catinat, a cruel and bloody
persecution of his own Protestant subjects, the
Vaudois, and to lay waste their peaceful valleys
with fire and sword. Wounded at once in his
pride as a sovereign and in his natural sentiments
of kindness for his people, the Duke returned from
this expedition bitterly incensed against France,
and impatient for an opportunity of casting off
the fetters which weighed so heavily upon him.
In July of that year, the celebrated League of
Augsburg was formed against the monarch whose
ambition and imperious manners had alarmed and
offended all the princes and peoples of Europe,
Catholic and Protestant alike, and was joined by Eng-
land, the Emperor, the Kings of Spain and Sweden,
the Dutch Republic, the Palatine and Saxon Electors,
and the Circles of Bavaria, Franconia, and the Upper
Rhine. Victor Amadeus at once began coquetting
with the Allies, but, finding the guarantees which
they offered him insufficient, declined to commit
himself, and accordingly, while making his pre-
parations for war, in anticipation of the moment
when military exigencies should wring from them
more satisfactory terms, continued to profess an
unalterable devotion to the interests of France.
' Rousset, Hisloire de Louvois,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 47
This double game proceeded until the late
spring of 1690, when, French agents having inter-
cepted some very compromising correspondence
between William of Orange and Victor Amadeus,
Louis XIV directed Catinat to call upon the Duke to
deliver up to his uncle, as a pledge of his fidelity,
not only the fortress of Verrua, on the confines of
Piedmont and Savoy, but the citadel of Turin as
well, — that is to say, nothing less than his own
capital. Victor Amadeus, finding himself with his
back to the wall, hesitated no longer, but despatched
an envoy to Milan to announce his adhesion to
the League, and to demand assistance from the
Spaniards; for Catinat with 18,000 French troops
was now at the gates of Turin, and it was only by
haggling with him over the conditions on which
the citadel was to be delivered up that he could
prevent him from commencing hostilities.
The Allies received the news of the Duke of
Savoy's belated decision with joy, and a Spanish
army at once advanced to the relief of Turin.
On its approach, Victor Amadeus flung aside the
mask; informed the Comte de Rebenac, who had
succeeded d'Arcy as French Ambassador, that the
extremity to which his master had reduced him
left him no alternative but to accept the assistance
which Spain had several times. offered him ; signed
with his own hand a treaty of aUiance, offensive
and defensive, with the Emperor Leopold (June
14, 1674) ; and convened a great meeting of the
nobility at the Palazzo Reale, and addressed to
them what Rebenac styles " a very eloquent and
very bellicose harangue," in which he announced
his intention of " entering the universal cause and
48 A ROSE OF SAVOY
going to seek the French army at the head of his
faithful people."
The nobles, no less eager than their sovereign
to avenge the long series of humiliations which
France had inflicted on their country, welcomed
this announcement with frenzied applause ; the
enthusiasm for war rapidly spread to the Army,
the people, and even to the clergy, who voluntarily
offered the valuables which their churches con-
tained to the war fund ; and the remnant of the
persecuted Vaudois, seeing in the outbreak of
hostilities an end of the cruel persecution to
which they had been subjected, sent a deputation
to the Duke to offer their services, and on being
assured by him that their religion should henceforth
be respected, and that " so long as he had a morsel
of bread in his mouth, he would share it with
them," furnished a contingent, which served through-
out the war and fought with the utmost heroism
and ferocity. In short, within a few days of
Victor Amadeus entering the Coalition, the whole
of Savoy and Piedmont, noble and peasant. Catholic
and Protestant alike, had risen in arms.
The odds against the little State were, however,
very heavy, opposed as it was to the finest troops
of the Continent and to one of Louis xiv's most
experienced generals. Austria sent to the assist-
ance of Victor Amadeus his cousin Eugene of
Savoy, the "little abbe" whose sword le Grand
Monarque had once so contemptuously rejected,
and who was ere long to become a veritable thorn
in the side of France. But the two young princes
conducted their operations with more courage
than discretion, and in August they were completely
A ROSE OF SAVOY 49
defeated by Catinat at Staffarda, and Savoy and
Nice and the greater part of Piedmont fell into
the hands of the French, who ravaged and burned
in the most ruthless fashion, since Louvois had
given orders " to treat the country like the Palati-
nate, and make fire and sword do their work there."
Catinat even pushed his advance - posts almost
within sight of the walls of Turin, and threw the
capital into a state of the utmost consternation.
Victor Amadeus gave orders for the Duchess and
her children to retire to Vercelli ; but the French
general decided that the forces under his command
were insufficient to invest so large a town, and,
having burned the ducal chateau of Rivoli,^ retired
to Coni, to which he proceeded to lay siege. The
garrison, however, aided by the inhabitants, offered
a desperate resistance, and gave Eugene time to
bring up an army to their succour and compel
Catinat to raise the siege.
Encouraged by this success, and by the arrival
of reinforcements under Maximilian of Bavaria,
the Allies decided to assume the aggressive ; and
Catinat found himself so hard pressed that he
was forced to evacuate Piedmont and fall back
into Savoy, though the surrender of the fortress of
Montmelian, which the French had been besieging
for several months, afforded him some consolation
for this retrograde movement.
At the opening of the following campaign, Victor
Amadeus proposed the investment of Pinerolo, the
key of Piedmont, which had been in the hands of
' On learning of this catastrophe, Victor Amadeus observed that
he would cheerfully submit to the destruction of his own palaces
if the enemy would spare the houses of his people.
4
50 A ROSE OF SAVOY
France ever since the Treaty of Cherasco, and which
he had always been intensely anxious to recover.
But the Imperialists had other views, and desired
to carry the war on to French soil, by the invasion
of Dauphine. Their counsels ultimately prevailed,
and in August the Allies crossed the frontier in
two divisions, the Duke marching on Embrun,
while the Germans invested Gap. Both places fell,
and the most deplorable excesses were committed
by the invaders, eager to avenge the ravaging of
the Palatinate and Piedmont.
Here, however, their successes terminated; for,
at Embrun, Victor Amadeus was seized with the
dangerous illness of which we have spoken else-
where, and this so discouraged the AUies that,
though Grenoble lay to all appearances at their
mercy, they decided not to prosecute the campaign,
and fell back into Savoy.
The following July found the Duke, though
still weak from sickness, once more at the head of
his troops. Pinerolo was now invested, and the
Fort of Santa-Brigida, one of its outlying defences,
carried by assault. But on Pinerolo itself the
Allies could make no impression ; and on October 4,
Catinat suddenly swooped down from the moun-
tains, fell upon the investing army at Marsaglia,
and utterly routed it.
Notwithstanding the successes of Catinat, Louis
XIV had been for some time past anxious to detach
Victor Amadeus from the League, in order to
strengthen his armies on the Rhine and in the
Netherlands; and Croissy, who on the death of
Louvois — whose aggressive counsels in regard to
Savoy had been the principal cause of the rupture
A HOSE OF SAVOY 51
with that country— had resumed the entire direction
of foreign affairs, was of the same mind. Accord-
ingly, at the end of December 1691, the Marquis
de Chamlay was sent to Pinerolo, with instructions
to intimate to the Court of Turin his Majesty's
desire to come to terms. His advances, however,
were by no means favourably received, the super-
cilious tone which he adopted towards Victor
Amadeus having, it would appear, greatly irritated
the Duke, and at the end of two months he returned
to France, leaving matters much as they were
before.
Recognising that so delicate a mission called
for the services of a more skilful and supple diplo-
matist, Louis XIV chose, to succeed Chamlay, Rene
de FrouUay, Comte de Tesse, a person little estim-
able as a man, if we are to believe Saint-Simon,
but " of distinguished appearance, shrewd, adroit,
courteous, polished, and obliging," a noted raconteur,
and one of the most charming letter - writers of
his time. Saint-Simon, with his usual indifference
to the truth where persons whom he dislikes are
concerned, states that " he pushed his good-fortune
to such remarkable lengths as to become a Marshal
of France without having heard a musket fired." ^
But, so far from being a carpet-knight, Tesse saw
service in Flanders, Italy, and Spain, and at the
siege of Veillane, in 1691, was wounded "par un
tclat de grenade gros comme un petit ceuf de poule." ^
However, though he appears to have been a brave
and capable officer, his true mStier was not war
^ MSmoires.
' Letter of Tesse to Louvois, June 7, 1691, Rouaset, Histoire de
Louvois.
52 A ROSE OF SAVOY
but diplomacy, in which he rendered his country
services which history has perhaps too Uttle
recognised,
A few weeks before Chamlay was sent to
Pinerolo, Tesse had estabhshed himself there as
" commandant for the service of the King of the
fortresses and frontiers of Piedmont," and after
the marquis's return to France, he lost no time
in picking up the thread of the negotiations. War
in the seventeenth century was a singular com-
pound of cruelty and courtesy. If conquered
territory were mercilessly ravaged, towns and
villages burned to the ground, and neither age
nor sex respected, this did not prevent the generals
on either side from sending each other presents of
wine and fruit, facilitating the passage of letters
relating to private affairs, and, in short, showing to
one another every consideration which one gentle-
man might expect from another ; and Tesse was
careful to allow no opportunity to pass of rendering
himself agreeable to the Duke of Savoy and his
Ministers. Thus, we find him felicitating Victor
Amadeus on the improvement in his health after
his dangerous illness at Embrun, and assuring him
that his master would be only too willing to place
the services of the best French physicians at his
disposal ; offering the Marquis de Saint-Thomas,
when he also fell ill, passports for any watering-
place in France which his medical advisers might
recommend, adding that, if it were inconvenient
for the Minister to leave his post just then, he would
give orders for whatever waters he desired to be
bottled and despatched to Turin, and giving per-
mission for the passage of certain relics which the
■Mil
RENE DE FROULLAY, COMTE DE TESSE
FROM AN ENGRAVINC BV TARDIEU FILS, AFTER THE PAINTINC, BY RIGAUD
A ROSE OF SAVOY 53
Duchess of Savoy was anxious to send to the
Convent of the Val-de Grice.^
The excellent relations which the astute French-
man soon succeeded in estabhshing with the Court
of Savoy did not a little to facilitate the negotia-
tions, which were carried on through the medium
of one Groppel, auditor of the War Office at Turin,
who went to and fro between Pinerolo and the
capital disguised as a peasant, since it was of the
utmost importance that no inkling of what was
in progress should reach the Duke's allies, and
the slightest indiscretion might have ruined
everything. Victor Amadeus had suffered far too
severely at the hands of his redoubtable foe not
to desire an accommodation, if such could be
arranged on his own terms. But the price he
demanded for his defection was a very high one,
since he was well aware, as was Louis xiv, that
though, from a military and financial point of view.
Savoy was one of the weakest members of the
League, her geographical position rendered her
co-operation absolutely essential to the success-
ful carrying on of the war. The evacuation of
his dominions by the French, the restoration
of all conquests, an ample indemnity for the ex-
pense to which he had been put, and, lastly, the
cession — or rather the restoration — of Pinerolo,
the fortress to the possession of which Richelieu
had attached such enormous importance,
these were the conditions on which this prince,
who had seen his territory over-run, his palaces
burned, and the enemy encamped almost at the
1 Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne ei F Alliance
savoyarde sous Louis xiv.
54 A ROSE OF SAVOY
gates of his capital, was prepared to treat with his
victorious foe. If they were acceded to, he would
engage to abandon the League, and use his good
offices with the Emperor and the King of Spain to
bring about a general peace ; while, in the event
of his mediation being unsuccessful, he would be
prepared to range himself openly on the side of
France.
Nevertheless, exorbitant as the Duke's pro-
positions may appear, Louis xiv, after some little
hesitation, decided to accept them; for, in his
opinion, no sacrifice was too great, if only thereby
the compactness of the League could be shaken.
But, since his nephew's conduct during recent
years had inspired him with the most profound
distrust, he insisted on receiving guarantees against
any breach of faith on his part, and suggested
that certain towns and fortresses in Savoy and
Piedmont should remain in the possession of
France, or, at any rate, be garrisoned by the troops
of some neutral State, until the conclusion of the
general peace. To this Victor Amadeus demurred,
but expressed his willingness to give hostages in-
stead, and proposed that his elder daughter, the
Princess Adelaide, and the eldest son of the Prince
di Carignano, then heir presumptive to the throne,
should be sent to France.
The Duke's offer, however, does not appear to
have been taken very seriously at Versailles, for
Victor Amadeus had not shown himself so affection-
ate a father as to lead Louis xiv and his Ministers
to believe that the prospect of an indefinite separa-
tion from one of his daughters would deter him
from breaking his engagements to them, if he
A ROSE OF SAVOY 55
were so inclined ; and, as the Prince di Carignano
refused, on any consideration, to part with his son,
the negotiations looked like breaking down, when
the Duke of Savoy made a fresh proposal. This
was that the Princess Adelaide should be brought
up at the French Court ; and that when she had
attained a marriageable age, she should wed Louis,
Due de Bourgogne, eldest son of the Dauphin.^
The documents preserved in the French Archives
leave us in some doubt as to whether this proposal
was a spontaneous one on the part of Victor
Amadeus, or whether he had not received a hint
from Tesse that such an arrangement would be
the easiest way out of the difficulty. Any way,
Louis XIV seems to have regarded it as a sufficient
proof of the Duke's intention to keep faith with
him, and by the middle of April 1693 matters
had so far progressed that the Court of Turin sub-
mitted to Tesse a rough draft of the projected
treaty, one of the articles of which stipulated that,
though the marriage in question should not take
place until the parties had reached a suitable age,
the contract should be drawn up forthwith. To
which proposition Tesse replied : "I shall have
the honour of treating, in the name of the King and
of Monseigneur,^ of the marriage of the Due de
Bourgogne with the Princess of Savoy, the contract
relating to which shall be signed and concluded at
the same time as the present treaty, the consumma-
tion thereof to be postponed to the time when age
will permit of it."
' The Due de Bourgogne was now in his eleventh year, having
been bom on August 6, 1682.
' The Dauphin.
56 A ROSE OF SAVOY
However, though in principle the parties were
now in accord, the time which had been consumed
in hagghng over the price of Victor Amadeus's
defection had brought them to the verge of a new
campaign, and it was impossible for the Duke to
conclude the negotiations and abandon his allies
at that moment, however much he might desire
to do so. His immediate object, indeed, was to
conceal from the Imperialists the game he was
playing ; and it was no doubt this motive which
led him to assist at the siege of Pinerolo, notwith-
standing that he was still so weak from sickness
as scarcely to be able to keep his saddle.
The campaign ended in the sanguinary defeat
of the Allies at Marsaglia, and it is certainly a
striking proof of the strength of Victor Amadeus's
position that, a month after this disaster, he should
have resumed the negotiations with France without
abating one jot of his demands, and that Louis
XIV, despite this fresh victory, should have shown
himself no less anxious to come to terms.
The Duke now suggested that progress might
be facilitated if Tesse were to pay a personal visit
to Turin ; and thither the Governor of Pinerolo
accordingly repaired, disguised in a suit of the
prince's livery, which had been sent him, and an
immense black wig, and was introduced, in the
dead of night, by a back staircase, into the Palazzo
Reale. Here he remained for four days in the
utmost secrecy, and had several long conferences
with Victor Amadeus and the Marquis de Saint-
Thomas. The former repeatedly protested his
desire to make his peace with the King of France ;
but he clung tenaciously to the conditions on which
A ROSE OF SAVOY 5;
he had already expressed himself wiUing to abandon
the League, though, after the recent disastrous
campaign, it was obvious that, if he were to continue
the war, he must be prepared to act entirely on the
defensive. He particularly insisted that if his
daughter went to France, it should be as the
affianced wife of the Due de Bourgogne, and one
day, when in the company of Tesse, he sent for the
little princesses and talked to them for some time,
in order that the Frenchman might have an oppor-
tunity of forming an opinion of Adelaide. Finally,
Tesse yielded on every point, and promised to set
out at once for Versailles to obtain Louis xiv's
assent to the Duke's demands ; and Victor Amadeus,
putting his hand in his, " swore by his faith and
his word as a man of honour and a prince, that if
he played false in this matter, he would be willing
to pass for a knave and a dog." ^
However, the affair was still very far from
concluded, for the Duke of Savoy was a prince as
deficient in scruple as he was fertile in resource ;
and he believed that, since Louis xiv were willing
to pay a high price to detach him from the League,
the Emperor Leopold might be disposed to bid
even higher to retain him in it. He had promised
Tess6 that, so soon as he received a favourable
answer from Versailles, he would send the Abbate
Grimani, an astute Venetian in the service of
Savoy, to inform the Emperor of his intention to
withdraw from the Coalition, and to urge him to
make peace. But, though, when the Duke was
informed of Louis xiv's assent to his proposals, he
^ Archives des Affaires ilfctrangeres, Correspondance Turin.
Unsigned note of December 10, 1696, cited by Comte d'Haussonville.
58 A ROSE OF SAVOY
lost no time in despatching Grimani to Austria,
the mission with which the latter was entrusted
was of quite a different nature. His instructions
were to demand from the Emperor reinforcements
sufficient to secure the total expulsion of the
French from Italy, and to propose the betrothal
of the Princess Adelaide to Leopold's eldest son,
the King of the Romans, then thirteen years of age,
the marriage to take place when the former had
completed her fourteenth year, until which time
she was to be brought up at Innsbruck, under the
eye of the Empress. He was further instructed
to inform his Imperial Majesty that, if his pro-
posals were rejected, the Duke of Savoy would
undoubtedly be compelled, in sheer self-preserva-
tion, to accept the very advantageous offers he
had already received from Versailles, to enter
into an alliance with France, and give the Princess
Adelaide in marriage to the Due de Bourgogne.
These propositions, which, it will be observed,
were, with the change of names, almost identical
with those which Tesse had carried to Louis xiv,
proved anything but acceptable to the Emperor.
Leopold had too much on his hands in Ger-
many to think of sending reinforcements into
Italy, and he naturally considered that the heir
of the Holy Roman Empire ought to look far
higher than the daughter of a prince of the second
rank. However, he did not venture on a direct
refusal, but begged for delay, in order to enable
him to consult the Empress and his Ministers ; and,
to the intense disgust of Grimani, the matter
dragged on until the spring of 1695, Leopold
raising all kinds of objections to the proposed
A ROSE OF SAVOY 59
marriage, the most curious of which was perhaps
his fear that, if his son were obhged to wait until
the mature age of nineteen before taking unto
himself a wife, he might be tempted into vicious
courses.
In the meanwhile^ the Emperor, determined
not to yield to the demands of the Duke of Savoy,
but anxious to prevent that prince from throwing
himself into the arms of France, found means to
enlighten Louis xiv as to the real object of Grimani's
mission to Vienna, in the belief that the discovery
of the double game which Victor Amadeus was
playing would so incense the King that he would
immediately break off his negotiations with Savoy.
This not very creditable proceeding, however,
served only to hasten the defection which Leopold
sought to prevent. Louis xiv and his Ministers
had by this time gauged the character of Victor
Amadeus too accurately for his duplicity to cause
them either surprise or indignation, and contented
themselves by calling upon him for an explana-
tion. The Duke, through Saint-Thomas, of course
indignantly denied the conduct attributed to him,
protesting that the prolonged stay of Grimani in
Vienna was due to the difficulty of persuading the
Emperor to listen to his master's pacific counsels.
But, recognising the danger of hesitating any
longer between France and Austria, he immediately
despatched a courier to Vienna to obtain a definite
reply concerning the marriage of his daughter with
the King of the Romans.
The courier returned with an autograph letter
from the Emperor, in which, while expressing his
pleasure at the Duke's desire to give the Princess
6o . A ROSE OF SAVOY
Adelaide in marriage to his son, he regretted that,
owing to the youth of the parties, it was impossible
for him to arrive at present at a definite decision.
He concluded by thanking Victor Amadeus for
the " ardent zeal " he had shown in their common
cause, — a touch of irony which perhaps did not
make this disguised refusal any the more palatable
to its recipient.
Seeing that he had nothing to hope for from
the side of Austria, Victor Amadeus hastened to
resume his negotiations with France, whom he
found still as willing as ever to come to terms,
though the discovery of his double - dealing had
shown Louis xiv the importance of obtaining
from him some more substantial guarantees for
the execution of his engagements than the person
of the Princess Adelaide ; and this caused the
pourparlers to be prolonged for many months.
However, soon after the resumption of hostilities
in the spring of 1695, France agreed to the Duke's
proposal that Casale, which he was preparing to
invest at the head of a .composite force of Imperial-
ists, Spaniards, and Piedmontese, should be sur-
rendered to him, after a sham siege, on condition
that it should be subsequently handed over to the
Duke of Mantua, its former owner, from whom
Louis XIV had purchased it. Thus, one of the
great objects of Victor Amadeus' s policy was
already achieved, and the fortress which had shut
in Turin on its eastern side, and cut Piedmont off
from communication with Central Italy, passed
into friendly hands.
Slowly but surely the negotiations drew to
a conclusion. On the night of June 4-5, 1696,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 6i
Tesse paid a second secret visit to Turin, " dis-
guised as a servant of the Adjutant-General of
Savoy," and wearing " a very dark wig belonging
to Monsieur le Marechal de Catinat " ; ^ and, after
more than three weeks of incessant haggling, a
treaty was signed by him and Saint -Thomas
(June 24, 1696).
This treaty stipulated that Pinerolo should be
given up to Savoy, on condition that its fortifica-
tions were dismantled ; that France was to restore
forthwith all conquests, with the exception of
Montmelian and Susa, which were to remain in
her possession until the conclusion of the general
peace ; and that the Princess Ad61aide should be
formally betrothed to the Due de Bourgogne and
sent to the French Court, where, so soon as she
had attained her thirteenth year, the marriage was
to be celebrated, Louis xiv engaging to provide the
dowry. Finally, Victor Amadeus obtained a dis-
tinction which his House had long coveted, namely,
that his Ambassadors should be treated hence-
forth in France like those of crowned heads, and
the title of Royal Highness conferred on himself
in all public acts.
In return for these concessions, the Duke
engaged to use his influence to obtain from his old
allies their recognition of the neutrality of Italy;
and, should they refuse, to unite his forces with
those of the King of France. In this eventuality,
he was to be given the command of the Franco-
Piedmontese troops, and receive, in virtue of this
* A treaty had already been signed by Tesse and Groppel, at
Pinerolo, on the 30th of the preceding month ; but Victor Amadeus
subsequently refused to ratify it, on the ground that he could not
accept the conditions on which Pinerolo was to be restored to him.
62 A ROSE OF SAVOY
appointment, the sum of 100,000 crowns a month
so long as the war lasted.
Thus, after six years of warfare, in which he
had suffered an almost unbroken series of reverses,
Victor Amadeus, thanks to his own adroitness and
the exhausted condition to which her sovereign's
pride and ambition had reduced France, had the
satisfaction of realising the double end which from
his boyhood he had always kept steadily in view :
the restoration of Casale to Mantua and that of
Pinerolo to Savoy ; had rescued his country from
the servitude in which she had been held since
the Treaty of Cherasco ; had re-established with
her western neighbour, if only for a brief period,
those cordial relations which were so greatly to
the interests of both States to maintain ; and had
betrothed his daughter to a prince who would in
all probability live to ascend the greatest throne
in Christendom.
Reserved and secretive though he naturally was,
the Duke had great difficulty in dissimulating the
exultation which this extraordinary transforma-
tion in his fortunes occasioned him ; and Tesse
wrote to Louis xiv, that in the privacy of his own
apartments, when he believed himself unobserved
save by his confidential attendants, he might be
seen " striking attitudes before his mirror, feUcita-
ting himself on the great affair which he had brought
to a conclusion, and capering like a man whom
joy inspired with involuntary movements."
Yet, in the light of future events, who shall
say that the delight which manifested itself in so
ludicrous a manner was not abundantly justified ?
For the treaty signed that summer's day at Turin
A ROSE OF SAVOY 63
had secured to the House of Savoy infinitely more
than what we have mentioned above — infinitely
more than the Duke could have foreseen, even in
his most ambitious dreams. It had laid the
foundation on which, more than a century and
a half later, the descendants of Victor Amadeus
were to rear the fabric of an independent and
united Italy.
CHAPTER IV
Tesse's mission to Turin — Joy of the Duchess of Savoy at the
conclusion of peace with France and the approaching marriage
of her daughter to the Due de Bourgogne — Sentiments of the
Princess Adelaide — An amusing comedy— Reports of Tesse con-
cerning the princess — Portraits of her sent to Versailles — Mission
of Mansfeld to Turin — Victor Amadeus, in conjunction vnth the
French, invades the Milanese — Suspension of hostihties in Italy —
Indignation of the Allies at the defection of the Duke of Savoy
— Marriage - contract of the Princess Adelaide and the Due de
Bourgogne — Trousseau of the princess — The signing of the con-
tract— Formation of the princess's household — -Great and acri-
monious competition for the post of dame d'honneur — The Duchesse
du Lude nominated — Other nominations — The question of the
waiting-women— Victor Amadeus dechnes to permit the Duchess
of Savoy to accompany her daughter to France — Selection of the
envoys
ON July 12, i6g6, an armistice for two months
was signed between France and Savoy, and
Victor Amadeus suggested that Tesse should
be again sent to Turin, nominally as a hostage,
but really to complete the arrangements for the
marriage of the Princess Adelaide and the Due de
Bourgogne. The French Government assented,
though Tesse does not appear to have relished
altogether the idea of putting himself in the power
of the Duke of Savoy, and wrote pathetically to
Croissy, begging him " not to leave him too long
in the ambiguous position of a hostage," as he
recalled an instance in which, through some un-
fortunate misunderstanding, which was not recti-
64
A ROSE OF SAVOY 65
fied until too late, one of these gentlemen had
been hanged; adding that nothing but his regard
for the service of the King would have induced him
to accept such a post.
However, as he was a very magnificent person-
age indeed, these apprehensions did not prevent
him from making a most imposing entry into
Turin, where he arrived on the day after the signing
of the armistice, accompanied by the Marquis de
Bouzols, a son-in-law of the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, who was also to remain as a hostage until
the end of the truce, and a suite which required
thirty mules to transport their baggage. He
speedily discovered that there was to be very
little ambiguity about his mission in the eyes of
the citizens ; for, though the treaty which had been
signed a fortnight before had been kept a profound
secret, the impression that the armistice was but
the harbinger of peace was general, and the arrival
of the commandant of Pinerolo was regarded as
placing the matter beyond all doubt. As the
Turinese were by this time heartily weary of the
war, their delight at the prospect of its speedy
termination knew no bounds; and scarcely had
Tesse passed the gates, when he found himself
surrounded by an enormous crowd, which greeted
him with frenzied acclamations, amid which cries
of " Vive le Roif" might have been heard.
The cortege made its way through the surging
throng to the Palazzo Reale, at one of the windows
of which stood the Duchess of Savoy, with the
Princess Adelaide behind her. The conclusion
of the peace between France and Savoy, and the
stipulation of the marriage by which the agree-
5
66 A ROSE OF SAVOY
ment had been sealed, was a great joy to Anne
d' Orleans. During six years her heart had been
torn between her natural affection for the country
of her birth and her loyalty to the land of her
adoption, while her fears for her husband's safety
had made her life one perpetual martyrdom.
I)Iow, at last, she was to know peace of mind once
more, and moreover the dearest wish of her heart,
next to that of occupying the first place in her
husband's affections, was about to be realised.
For Anne, in the words of Tesse, had " remained
as much a Frenchwoman as though she had never
crossed the Alps," and^ almost from the day when
she found herself a mother, it had been the dream of
her life to see her eldest daughter wedded to the
Due de Bourgogne, and one day sharing with him
the throne of France. " I could not render an
adequate account to your Majesty of the lively
and indescribable joy of the Duchess of Savoy,"
writes Tesse to Louis xiv. " She is quite unable
to repress it, and, although she has been warned to
be on her guard, so as not to allow the leaders of
the Allies to become aware of the inclinations of
her heart, this princess cannot contain herself,
and seizes every occasion to converse with me,
and to speak of your Majesty, of her happiness,
and of her past troubles and mortifications." ^
And, good courtier that he was, he added, in a sub-
sequent despatch : " Assuredly, she has a heart
worthy of the honour of being your Majesty's
niece."
That the Duchess had early communicated her
^ Despatch of July 20, 1696, published by the Comtesse de
Faverges, Anne d^Orlians.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 6^
ambitious hopes to her little daughter, and had
brought her up in the belief that she was reserved
for this exalted destiny, there can be no doubt,
since, so far back as the spring of 1688, we find the
industrious Sourches recording in his Memoires
that the Dauphine had been very distressed on
learning of the serious illness of the Duke of Savoy's
eldest daughter/ " not only on account of the
near relationship, but also because this princess,
child though she was, had already declared that
she could not be happy unless she married the
Due de Bourgogne." ^
Nor can we wonder that so brilliant a prospect
should have made an irresistible appeal to Ade-
laide's precocious imagination, when we reflect
that she must have been continually hearing from
her mother, her grandmother, and her gouvernante,
Madame des Noyers, of the splendour and magni-
ficence of that Court, the like of which Europe had
never seen before and will certainly never see
again ; of the brilliant throng of fair women and
brave men, radiant in many-hued silks and satins
and velvets, and glittering with jewels, who basked
in the rays of the Sun King ; of the round of
splendid balls, fgtes, and masquerades in which
these favoured beings passed their days ; * of
the adoration with which that mighty monarch
before whose frown the nations trembled, and
every member of his family, were regarded.
1 Probably the illness in which the Duchess of Savoy fulfilled
the duties of nurse. See p. 40, supra.
^ Marquis de Sourches, Memoires, April 20, 1688.
' The three ladies in question had, of course, left the Court of
France before the Maintenon regime began. It was a much less
entertaining place now.
68 A ROSE OF SAVOY
On entering the palace, Tesse was required to
play his part in an amusing little comedy. Although
he had already paid two visits to Turin, one of
which had lasted more than three weeks, he had
on each occasion preserved the strictest incognito,
and appears never to have quitted the apartments
allotted him, save under cover of night and with
the most elaborate precautions. As it was still
of the utmost importance to keep the treaty
between France and Savoy from the knowledge
of the Allies until the moment for proclaiming
it had arrived, he was now, of course, officially
understood to be visiting Turin for the first time ;
and his diplomatic gravity seems to have been
severely tested when, after Victor Amadeus had
expressed the pleasure it gave him to welcome
to his Court a nobleman whom he had so long
desired to meet, the Marquis de Saint-Thomas,
with whom Tesse had formerly been closeted for
hours in earnest conclave, approached and, with
a perfectly grave face, begged the Master of the
Ceremonies to present him to the distinguished
foreigner, " as though he had never cast eyes on
him in his life."
The comedy was continued with the Princess
Adelaide, who, although she immediately identified
Tesse as the person whom she had previously met
in her father's cabinet, notwithstanding that he
had then been carefully disguised, followed the in-
structions she had received from the Duke to the
letter, and gave not the slightest sign of recog-
nition when the diplomatist was presented to her.
Tesse had been expressly enjoined by Louis xiv
to take every opportunity of observing his pros-
A ROSE OF SAVOY 69
pective grand-daughter, and to furnish him with
the most minute details concerning her. In the
eyes of the King, the physique of the little princess
whose children were to carry on his dynasty was
of infinitely more importance than her character,
and on this point the envoy was fortunately able
to assure his master that he need entertain no
misgivings. " The more I observe this Princess,"
he writes, " the more I am convinced that she
is healthy and possessed of a sound constitution."
And he adds : " Whenever I have the honour of
seeing her, she blushes with becoming modesty,
as though the sight of me reminded her of the
Due de Bourgogne."
A miniature of Adelaide had been given to
TessCj by Groppel^ during the conferences at Pinerolo
in the preceding spring, and duly forwarded to
Versailles, and this was followed by a full-length
portrait sent by the Duchess of Savoy to her
father, which the latter, needless to observe, lost no
time in showing to the Due de Bourgogne. That
young gentleman was graciously pleased to express
his approbation of the appearance of his bride-
elect ; indeed, so gratified was he that, happening
to meet Barbezieux, the Minister for War, he
carried him off to his apartments to admire it
in his turn.
The next objects of interest relating to the
princess to reach Versailles were a corsage and a
ribbon lately worn by her Highness, which Tesse
had procured^ to give the King a correct idea of
the young lady's physical proportions. They
were directed to the Minister for War, and must
have occasioned that functionary no little mystifica-
^o A ROSE OF SAVOY
tion, if he happened to open the package containing
them before the accompanying letter.
The Court was now fully enlightened as to the
face and figure of the Princess Adelaide, but it
was still in doubt as to the exact colour of her
hair, for Tesse had informed the King that, in his
opinion, the painter of the portrait which the
Duchess of Savoy had sent to Monsieur had
represented her hair " a little less dark than it
really was." However, he subsequently dis-
covered that he had done the artist an injustice,
and writes to Barbezieux, begging him to tell his
Majesty that, " owing to the excessive quantity of
essence with which the princess's hair had been
sprinkled on the first days on which he had seen
her," he had been deceived as to its colour, which
was, in reality, " a rather light chestnut, and
lighter than the Dauphine's ^ had been."
While Tesse was occupied in studying the
Princess Adelaide, and in reporting the result of
his observations to his master at Versailles, the
Allies had become seriously alarmed at the cessation
of hostilities between France and Savoy and the
presence of Tesse at the latter Court; and, at the
beginning of August, the Imperial Commissioner
in Italy, the Graf von Mansfeld,^ arrived in Turin,
' Maria Anna Christina Victoria of Bavaria.
° Mansfeld came to Turin preceded by a very unsavoury re-
putation. He had formerly been Austrian Ambassador in Spain,
and it was during his embassy at Madrid (February 9, 1689) that the
Duchess of Savoy's elder sister, Marie Louise d'Orleans, consort
of Carlos 11, had died suddenly, under highly suspicious circum-
stances. The behef that the Queen died from the effects of poison
administered by some agent of the Austrian faction at the Court
was held by many well-informed persons, including Rebenac, the
French Ambassador at Madrid (see his despatch to Louis xiv
A ROSE OF SAVOY 71
charged by the Emperor to do everything pos-
sible to induce Victor Amadeus to reject the
offers of France and continue his support of the
League.
Although Mansfeld was unaware that a treaty
between Franc^ and Savoy had actually been
signed, he soon perceived that matters had now
progressed so far that nothing but the highest
bribe in his master's power to offer could avert
such a catastrophe ; and he accordingly proposed to
renew the propositions which Grimani had brought
to Vienna at the beginning of 1694, and to sub-
stitute the alliance with the King of the Romans
for that with the Due de Bourgogne.
But now it was the turn of Victor Amadeus to
refuse, and it was not without a touch of irony
that he replied that " the mother and daughter
were not disposed to profit by so great an advantage,
and that, just as his Imperial Majesty had appeared
to believe, at one time, that an alliance with
Denmark was more suitable for the Emperor than
that of Savoy, it was now believed at Turin that
that of France was the more advantageous."
And when the Austrian pressed him to reconsider
his decision, and offered to engage, in his master's
name, to compel France to restore Pinerolo, curtly
responded that " the affront which his Imperial
Majesty had offered the House of Savoy over that
in the author's "Five Fair Sisters," pp. 386-388), and rumour even
credited Mansfeld with being privy to the crime. That he was
in any way connected with it is, however, extremely improbable,
and the story related by Saint-Simon of Olympe Mancini, Comtesse
de Soissons having prepared a glass of poisoned milk at the
Austrian Legation appears to be a mahcious invention of that
chronicler.
72 A ROSE OF SAVOY
matter was still too recent to be effaced in a
moment." ^
And so Mansfeld took his departure, much
crestfallen, to the great joy of the Princess Adelaide,
who had been terribly alarmed lest he should
succeed in persuading her father to renounce
the marriage on which she had set her heart.
" This princess observed yesterday to her mother,
who spoke to her of the Comte de Mansfeld :
' Mon Dieu, what has he come here for ? You
will see that papa will listen to what he says,
as he has done before. That man has no busi-
ness here. Why does he not leave you in
peace ? '" ^
The armistice expired on September 15, and
Victor Amadeus having failed in his efforts to
induce the Allies to recognise the neutrality of
Italy, joined his forces to those of Catinat, and,
at the head of an army of fifty thousand men,
entered the Milanese and proceeded to lay siege
to Valenza. This bold stroke brought the war in
Italy to a speedy conclusion, since Carlos 11 of
Spain, learning that the town was on the point
of capitulating, brought so much pressure to bear
on the Allies, that, in October, a treaty was signed,
at Vigevano, stipulating for a suspension of arms
until the proclamation of a general peace. This
was not long delayed, as the termination of
hostilities in Italy left France free to throw all
her strength into the Netherlands and Spain ; and
by the end of October 1697 the two treaties of
^ Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et l' Alliance
savoyarde sous Louis xiv.
"Tesse to Louis xiv, August 11, 1696.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 73
Ryswick had been signed, and peace at length
reigned over the exhausted Continent.
The defection of Victor Amadeus excited the
utmost indignation amongst his former allies.
In England, his name was never mentioned save
in terms of derision and contempt; at Milan, the
bitterest imprecations were heaped upon him by
the Spaniards, who " spoke of him as a traitor,
and accused him of black ingratitude towards the
Allies, whose blood he had shed for the gratification
of his own interests"; while at the Hague, the
fury of the people was such that the Piedmontese
Legation had to be guarded by troops, and the
Ambassador wrote to the Duke that " a plot had
been discovered to pillage his house and tear him
in pieces." ^ " But," writes the Italian historian
Muratori, " persons skilled in politics were of a
different opinion. There was general satisfaction
(among the Italians) at this prince having closed
to Louis XIV the barriers of Italy by a treaty. All
the Peninsula soon came to regard Victor Amadeus
as its benefactor." ^
By the middle of September 1696 the marriage-
contract of the Princess Adelaide and the Due
de Bourgogne had been drawn up, and Tesse had
received authorisation from Versailles to sign
it, in the name of Louis xiv and his grandson.
Most of the articles had presented Uttle difficulty,
but that which provided for the princess's re-
nunciation of her rights to the throne of Savoy
had greatly exercised the minds of the juris-
consults of the Crown, since the matter was one
> The Marchesa Vitelleschi, "The Romance of Savoy."
2 Muratori, A nnali, MDCXCVI.
74 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of much more importance than may at first sight
appear. The Duke had no son and his health
was far from robust, while the heir-presumptive.
Prince Philibert di Carignano, was a deaf mute,
and though, having regard to his affliction, he
was a man of quite remarkable intelligence, his
claim to succeed was able to be contested. In
the event, therefore, of her father's death it might
very well happen that Adelaide would find only
one hfe — that of Philibert di Carignano' s little
son — between her and the throne; and Victor
Amadeus, mindful of what had occurred almost
on the morrow of the Treaty of the Pyrenees, when,
on the pretext of the non-payment of Maria
Theresa's dowry, Louis xiv had repudiated his
consort's renunciation of her rights to the Spanish
throne, was determined to leave no loophole
which might enable his greedy and unscrupulous
neighbour to absorb Savoy.
The stipulations respecting the dowry of the
princess are not without their humorous side.
It will be remembered that, in the recently-signed
treaty between France and Savoy, it was Louis xiv
who had engaged to dower the young lady. But
since, on reflection, Victor Amadeus had come
to the conclusion that it would be contrary to his
dignity to marry his daughter without a dot,
Article II stipulated that he should provide her
with " the sum of two hundred thousand gold
crowns ^ or their just equivalent," de la manure
qu'il a He convenu d part} Well, this separate
• About 600,000 livres tournois.
^ See Gagni^re, Marie A delaide de Savoie : Lettres et Covrespond-
ances, pp. 119 et seq., in which the complete text of the marriage-
contract will be found.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 75
arrangement was a deed whereby Louis engaged
to give his future grand-daughter 200,000 crowns,
and — another proof that Victor Amadeus had
not forgotten what followed the Treaty of the
Pyrenees — to guarantee and to hold absolved the
said lord Duke of Savoy and his heirs from all
annoyance on the subject of the said dowry."
Although Victor Amadeus had, by this singular
expedient, succeeded in shifting the burden of his
daughter's dowry on to the shoulders of Louis xiv,
while, at the same time, preserving his dignity, he
was naturally obliged to defray the cost of her
trousseau out of his own purse. He seems, how-
ever, to have been determined to escape as cheaply
as he could, and the bills for the princess's frills
and furbelows only reached the comparatively
moderate total of 53,905 francs. And, sad to
relate, it was not until more than fifteen years had
elapsed, and poor Adelaide was in her grave, that
his Royal Highness — or rather his Majesty, as
Victor Amadeus had by that time become — could
make up his mind to discharge them.
We append the accounts, which have been
published in M. Gagniere's work, and may not be
without interest to the reader : —
Summary of the expense incurred for the trousseau
of the late Dauphine of France, elder daughter
of their Majesties of Sicily.
Bistori and Giovanneti, merchants, for gold and
silver brocades i3'i6o fr. 15
Barberis and Roland, linen and lace . . . 24,210 fr. 9
Andrea Ricaldini, for Venetian point . . . 1,642 fr. 9
Peretti and Sachetti, silver-smiths, gold and
silver work for the toilette .... 9,538 fr. 13
T6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Servan, embroiderer, for embroidery on petticoats 2,750 fr.
Maurel, shoemaker, for shoes .... 106 fr.
Marchetti, for ribbons 195 fr.
Bassurello Compaire, for baskets .... 261 fr. 50
Ausermetto, joiner, for a box of violet- wood for
the silver toilette-set 360 fr.
Varnier, coachmaker. Cost of the sedan-chair,
and repairs for those of the ladies of her suite 1682 fr. 11
Total . . 53.905 fr- 19
M. Gagniere observes that, at 5 per cent,
interest, the unfortunate tradesmen of the House
of Savoy must have lost, through the delay in
settling their accounts, close upon 26,000 francs.
Assuredly, the privilege of placing the Royal Arms
over the doors of one's shop was a costly one in
those days !
The signing of the marriage-contract, which
took place on September 15, 1696, was a most
impressive ceremony. Between ten and eleven
o'clock in the morning, the whole Court of Savoy,
dressed in gala costume, repaired to the apart-
ments of the Duchess, where they found the
Royal Family assembled. The Duke " was
powdered and habited in a handsome costume " ;
the Duchess, " whose countenance expressed in-
effable joy," wore " a suitable quantity of dia-
monds " ; Madame Roy ale was " adorned with
all the jewels she possessed " ; while the two
princesses, their aunt the Princess di Carignano,
and their respective suites, were all in full Court
toilette.
When all were assembled, the company pro-
ceeded to the Chapel Royal to hear Mass. Tesse,
A ROSE OF SAVOY TJ
who had lately been nominated equerry to the
bride-elect, having the honour of escorting that
princess, " who," he assures Louis xiv, " acquitted
herself of her duties with a facility which had
astonished him." Mass over, the Royal Family,
accompanied by the Nuncio, the Archbishop of
Turin, Tesse, the Chancellor of Savoy, the
Ministers^ the Marchese di Dronero, Grand Marshal
of the Palace,^ and the princesses' ladies - of -
honour, returned to the Duchess's apartments,
where the Marquis de Saint-Thomas read to them
the marriage - contract. Then a copy of the
Gospels was brought in, and after Adelaide and
Tesse, on behalf of the Due de Bourgogne, had
touched it "at every place where the contract of
marriage is mentioned," the all-important docu-
ment was signed by every one present,^ the young
princess appending her signature " with courage,
modesty, and dignity."
At the conclusion of the ceremony, the doors
were thrown open, and all who desired were per-
mitted to enter and kiss the princess's hand. Soon
the enthusiasm increased and culminated in
general and spontaneous salutations ; and the
diverting spectacle might have been witnessed of
a hundred women and twice as many men, falling
'Philibert d'Este. He was descended from a legitimate
daughter of Charles Emmanuel i, and was styled a " nobleman of
the Blood."
2 But not until there had been a heated dispute between the
Archbishop of Turin and the Marchese di Dronero, as to which had
the right to sign before the other, the marquis claiming to take
precedence of the prelate, in virtue of his connection with the
Royal Family. See RHation du manage de la Pnncesse Marie-
AdHaide de Savoie avec le Due de Bourgogne, by the Conte di Vernone,
Master of the Ceremonies at Turin, in Gagnifere.
78 A ROSE OF SAVOY
on one another's necks and " exchanging all the
outward manifestations of a veritable satisfaction." i
The marriage-contract signed, the question of
the ceremonial to be observed during the Princess
Adelaide's journey to France and on her arrival
there, and that of the composition of her House-
hold, engaged the attention of the two Courts.
Since there was no longer either a Queen or a
Dauphine in France, Maria Theresa having died
in 1683, and Maria Anna of Bavaria in 1690, the
wife of the Due de Bourgogne would become
the first lady in the land, though, of course, during
the King's lifetime, the influence exercised by
his morganatic consort, Madame de Maintenon,
was never likely to be challenged. The coming of
the Princess Adelaide was therefore regarded at
Versailles as an event of supreme importance, and
there were few, indeed, who were not already
busily speculating as to what effect the advent
of this little girl of eleven was likely to have upon
their own prospects.
Louis XIV had decided that the princess's
Household was to be composed of a lady-of-honour
[dame d'honneur), a mistress of the robes {dame
d'atour), six ladies-in-waiting {dames du -palais),
five waiting - women {femmes de chambre), a
chevalier d'honneur, a first equerry, an almoner,
and a confessor ; and the question of who were to
fill the more important of these posts threw the
Court into a perfect ferment of excitement.
The most important office of all was that of dame
d'honneur, the fortunate holder of which would
enjoy several highly-prized privileges, among which
' Tess6 to the King, September i6, 1696.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 79
may be mentioned those of taking precedence of
all ladies not of the royal blood or married to
Princes of the Blood, and of riding with her mis-
tress in the King's coach. That such a post
should have at once become an object of ambition
to every lady whose rank or degree of favour gave
her the smallest hope of being selected for it is
easy to understand, and, as none of them seem to
have been particularly fastidious as to the means
she employed to exalt her own qualifications
and disparage those of her competitors — " anony-
mous letters, delations, and false reports " were
freely employed, if we are to believe Saint-Simon
— the contest, if not very edifying, did not
lack features of interest. The candidates whose
chances were the most highly esteemed were the
Duchess de Crequy, who had been dame d'honneur
to Maria Theresa, the Duchess d'Arpajon who
had held the same post in the Household of the
late Dauphine, the Marechale de Rochefort, dame
d'atour to the Duchess de Chartres ; ^ the Duchesse
de Ventadour, a daughter of the Marechal de la
Mothe-Houdancourt, celebrated in the days of the
Fronde ; and the Duchesse du Lude, a lady who
had married en -premieres noces poor Henrietta of
England's devoted admirer, Armand de Gramont,
Comte de Guiche, and is said to have received the
news of that nobleman's untimely death with the
remark : " He was an amiable person. I should
'Fran9oise Marie de Bourbon, called Mile, de Blois, youngest
daughter of Louis xiv and Madame de Montespan ; born 1677,
legitimated 1681 ; married in 1692 to Philippe d'Orleans, Due
de Chartres, afterwards Regent of France, whose mother, the
second Madame, was so infuriated on learning of her son's betrothal
that she boxed his ears before the whole Court,
8o A ROSE OF SAVOY
have loved him passionately, if he had loved me a
little."
It was the last-named of these grandes dames
who bore away the coveted prize, a result which
Saint-Simon attributes to bribery and corruption
of the most outrageous kind. If we are to believe
his story, a certain Madame Barbesi, a waiting-
woman of the Duchesse du Lude, went to Madame
de Maintenon's waiting- woman, Nanon, who had
been in her service " since the time when she was
the widow Scarron, living on the charity of her
parish," and enjoyed her entire confidence, and
engaged her, in consideration of a sum of 20,000
ecus, to persuade her mistress to use her influence
with the King in favour of the duchess. When
Madame de Maintenon is in question, however, it
is generally advisable to take Saint-Simon's asser-
tions with a pinch of salt ; and the Duchesse du
Lude would certainly appear to have stood in no
need of such questionable methods of bringing her
claims to the notice of the King. Not only was
she a very great lady indeed, both by birth and
marriage, but she was very wealthy, very gracious,
of a most amiable and kindly disposition, and — what
Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon probably
considered the most important qualification of all —
though she had been one of the most beautiful
women of her time, she could boast of a reputation
which had come quite unscathed through forty
years of Court life. Any way, her selection for the
post, as Saint-Simon himself admits, was generally
applauded ; and the Princesse des Ursins, in a
letter to one of her friends, expresses the opinion
that " the King could not, from every point of
A ROSE OF SAVOY 8i
view, have made a better choice than the Duchesse
du Lude."
The post of dame d'atour (mistress of the robes)
to the princess was almost as eagerly " ambitioned"
by the marchionesses and countesses as that of
dame d'honneur had been by the duchesses and
marichales. But here the influence which Madame
de Maintenon was actively, though discreetly,
exercising in the formation of the new Household
revealed itself in no uncertain manner; and the
Comtesse de Mailly, who possessed the inestimable
advantage over her rivals of having that lady for
her aunt, was the successful candidate.
The same influence made itself felt in the
selection of the five dames du palais, since one of
those nominated was the Comtesse de Montgon,
daughter of Madame d'Heudicourt, one of the
most intimate friends of Madame de Maintenon' s
early widowhood. The other four were the
Marquise de Nogaret {n&e Mile, de Gontaut-Biron) ;
the Marquise d'O, the wife of a descendant of
Henri ill's favourite, the Marquise du Chatelet, a
member of Bellefonds family, who previous to her
marriage had been maid-of-honour to the late
Dauphine ; and the Marquise de Dangeau,^ the
lovely and amiable German wife of the compiler
of the famous Journal.^
1 Sophie von Lowenstein (not Levenstein, as Dangeau himself
writes the name). Madame de Sevigne, speaking of her at the
time of her marriage, describes as " la plus helle, la plus jolie, la
plus jeune, la plus d&licate, la plus nymphe de la cour " ; and
Saint-Simon declares that she was " beautiful as the day, formed
like a nymph, with all the graces of the mind and the body."
"PhiUppe de Courcillon, Marquis de Dangeau (1638-1720),
soldier, diplomatist, poet, courtier, diarist, and gambler. Although
6
82 A ROSE OF SAVOY
That versatile personage was himself appointed
chevalier d'honneur ; while Tess6, as a reward for
his diplomatic services in Piedmont, received the
post of first equerry.i For the of&ce of confessor,
a certain Pere Emerique was first proposed, ap-
parently by Cardinal de Noailles, Archbishop of
Paris ; but this suggestion was rejected by the King
and Madame de Maintenon, on the ground that
he was too austere a directeur for a young girl, and
a Jesuit, Pere Le Comte, formerly a missionary in
China, was chosen.
There remained the selection of the femmes de
chambre, which, singularly enough, occasioned the
King infinitely more embarrassment than that of
all the rest of the princess's Household together,
and involved almost as much correspondence
between his Majesty and Tesse as the marriage
itself.
The difficulty, however, was not that of decid-
ing between the rival claimants for the honour of
brushing her Highness' s hair and supervising her
complexion, but the demand of the Duke of
Savoy that certain of the ladies who performed
these duties for his daughter in Turin should be
successful in all these varied r61es, he is now best remembered
by his Journal, which, in spite of the ridicule poured upon it
by Voltaire, who had a grudge against the author, is a work of
great value, " the necessary complement, if not the counterpart,
of the MSmoires of Saint-Simon." Dangeau is the Pamphilus
of La Bruyfere's CaracUres.
1 Tess6 wrote asking for the post in a letter which the Comte
d'Haussonville describes as " a masterpiece of solicitation, worthy
to be cited in its entirety, in a collection of letters, as a model of
its kind." It is, however, too long to insert here. He might have
spared himself the trouble of its composition, since the King had
already decided to give him the appointment.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 83
permitted to continue them, for a time at least,
at Versailles.
Although there had been for many years past a
rule at the Court of Louis xiv that foreign prin-
cesses coming to France to marry princes of the
Royal House should not be permitted to retain in
their service any woman of their own nationality —
a very wise precaution, indeed, in view of the
troiibles occasioned by the foreign favourites of
Marie de' Medici and other queens — this regula-
tion, though rigidly enforced in regard to ladies-
of-honour and ladies-in-waiting, had been oc-
casionally relaxed in favour of those occupying
subordinate posts. Thus, the Bavarian Dauphine
had been permitted to bring with her from Munich
a girl named Bezzola, who attained so extraordinary
a degree of favour with her mistress, that the
latter was never happy unless in her company,
and when, on one occasion, Mile. Bezzola fell ill,
the princess installed herself at her bedside, and
no persuasion could induce her to leave it until
her favourite was convalescent. This infatuation
naturally gave the greatest umbrage to the rest
of her Household and to all the ladies of the Court,
and determined the King on no consideration to
grant a similar concession to the Princess Adelaide,
lest haply a second Bezzola should appear upon
the scene.
Accordingly, so early as July 26, we find Louis
XVI directing Tesse to inform the Duke of Savoy
that he considered it essential to the princess's
future welfare that she should come to France un-
accompanied by any of the women at present in
her service. And he added : " He is himself aware
84 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of the inconveniences which the practice entails,
and I am persuaded that he will conforna in this
matter to what you give him to understand is my
wish."
Greatly to his Majesty's annoyance, however,
Victor Amadeus showed himself very far from
disposed to conform to his wishes ; indeed, he
argued the matter as stoutly as he had any clause
in the recent treaty. It would be positively cruel,
he declared, to isolate his daughter, " a mere baby of
eleven years," from every one whom she had been
used to see about her ; and he demanded that two of
her waiting-women and one of the Court physicians
should be permitted to accompany her to France,
and remain with her for a few months, by which
time she would have become accustomed to her
new surroundings, and her Majesty's physidians
would have begun to understand her constitu-
tion.
To this Louis xiv replied that the separation
from her Piedmontese attendants would be quite
as distressing for the princess three or four months
hence as it would be now, and that it would be
much better for her to accustom herself from the
moment of her arrival to the services of those whom
he had selected. As for the physician, so soon
as he had acquainted those in the King's service
with her Highness' s constitutionj his presence would
be altogether superfluous.
In the hope of persuading the Duke to with-
draw his demand, Tesse showed him the King's
despatch. But Victor Amadeus, instead of yield-
ing, as he expected, shed tears of emotion, as he
bemoaned the sad fate which his Majesty desired
LOUIS DE FRANCE, DUC DE BOURGOGNE
FROM A CONTEMPORARY PRINT
A ROSE OF SAVOY 85
to inflict upon his daughter ; and the display of so
much sensibihty on the part of a man generally
so self-contained affected Tesse to such a degree
that he began to weep also, and wrote to the King
advising him to grant the concession demanded,
since " it certainly appeared to him that, in this
matter, the Duke of Savoy was actuated by no
other consideration than misplaced tenderness for
his daughter." ^
Louis XIV, however, was of a different opinion.
He knew too much of the domestic life of Victor
Amadeus to have much faith in the sincerity of
that prince's sudden solicitude for his daughter,
which he shrewdly suspected was nothing but a
pretext to enable him to establish spies, or, at
least, correspondents of his own, at the Court of
France, who would keep him informed of all that
was passing there. ^ He therefore remained ob-
durate, and wrote to Tesse that he " persisted in
his belief that the counsels of the women whom
it was proposed should accompany the princess
would be prejudicial to her happiness," and that
he was absolutely resolved not to permit her to
retain them in her service ; and he directed him
to request the Duke of Savoy to give orders that
they should not go farther than the Pont-de-
Beauvoisin, where his envoys would receive her.
" For," he concludes, "if he believes that it will
be a grief to his daughter to part from them, it is
more to the purpose to allow her time to console
'■ Tesse to the King, August 11, 1696.
^ This suspicion was probably correct, since it subsequently-
transpired that Victor Amadeus had acted entirely on his own
initiative, and that the little princess was quite resigned to the
idea of parting with her Piedmontese attendants.
86 A ROSE OF SAVOY
herself for it during the journey, than to cause her
this pain when she reaches me." ^
After some further correspondence, however,
the King finally consented to a doctor and two
of Adelaide's waiting- women accompanying her to
France. But he said nothing as to the length
of time he intended to allow them to remain there,
and, though Victor Amadeus seems to have been
under the impression that they were to stay in-
definitely with his daughter, his Majesty had, in
point of fact, decided that they should be sent back
to Turin as soon as the princess reached Fontaine-
bleau, and had given orders to that effect.
In the meanwhile, the future Duchesse de
Bourgogne's Household had been completed by
the selection of five French waiting-women, of
whom the chief was Madame Quantin, wife of Jean
Quantin, maUre d'hdtel to the King.
The last matter which Louis xiv was required
to decide was the person who was to receive the
Princess Adelaide, in his Majesty's name, on her
arrival at the frontier, and since etiquette de-
manded that the King's representative should
be of the same rank as the one charged by the
Duke of Savoy to escort his daughter thither, it
was necessary to ascertain the intentions of the
Court of Turin. The King had directed Tesse to
inform Victor Amadeus that it would afford both
him and his brother the greatest pleasure to see
the Duchess of Savoy again after a separation of
so many years, and that he sincerely hoped that
he would permit her to bring the little princess, in
* The King to Tesse, September 9, 1696, published by the Comte
d'Haussonville.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 87
which case he and Monsieur would come as far as
Nevers to receive her.^ But the Duke, either
because he feared to give umbrage to Madame di
Verrua, who was at this time still high in favour
and apt to take offence at any consideration
which was shown to her rival, or, more probably,
because he was disinclined to give his long-suffering
consort an opportunity of explaining personally
to her father and uncle the state of the royal
menage at Turin, excused himself from complying
with his Majesty's wishes, on the plea that the
Duchess's health was not strong enough to permit
her to undertake a long journey so late in the year.
And, though Tesse wrote to the King that the poor
lady was " dying of desire " to behold her beloved
France once more, and he and Saint-Thomas used
every persuasion to induce the Duke to relent,
he was inexorable.^
There remained two other princesses of the
House of Savoy, namely, Madame Royale and the
Princess di Carignano, to one of whom, under
ordinary circumstances, the duty of escorting the
Princess Adelaide would have been confided.
But Victor Amadeus detested the former far too
heartily to grant her any such satisfaction; while
the marriage of the latter had, it will be remem-
bered, given great offence to Louis xiv, and her
selection, it was feared, might be resented by
that monarch. He was therefore obliged to seek
his representative among the chief nobility of
his Court, and nominated the Principessa della
' Despatch of July 26, 1696.
2 The Marchesa Vitelleschi states that Louis xiv was opposed
to the idea of the Duchess of Savoy accompanying her daughter,
but she cannot be acquainted with the King's letter of July 26.
88 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Cisterna, first lady-of-honour to the Duchess, with
whom he associated the Marchese di Dronero,
Grand Marshal of the Palace, and first chamber-
lain to the Duke, who, in virtue of his descent from
a legitimated daughter of Charles Emmanuel i,
ranked as a semi-royal personage.
These nominations freed Louis xiv from the
necessity of sending any member of his family to
the frontier, but, since the Marchese di Dronero
was regarded in Savoy as " of the Blood," he
selected as his representative the Comte de Brionne,
son of his grand equerry, the Comte d'Armagnac,i
who, as a scion of the princely House of Lorraine,
might reasonably consider himself the equal, if not
the superior in rank, of the marquis. With him
went Dangeau and the Sieur Desgranges, his
Majesty's Master of the Ceremonies, to assist him
with his advice on the questions of etiquette
which were sure to arise ; and, of course, the
Duchesse du Lude and the other ladies of the
princess's Household.
• The Comtesse d'Armagnac had, in 1684, conducted Anne
d'Orlfeans to Savoy, and the recollection of this circumstance may
not have been unconnected with her son's selection.
CHAPTER V
Reluctance of Victor Amadous to permit his daughter to set
out for France — The French escort leaves Versailles — Departure of
the Princess Adelaide from Turin — Her journey to the frontier —
Letter of the Conte di Vernone to Victor Amadeus — The princess
at Chambery — Questions of etiquette — Reception of the princess
at the Pont-de-Beauvoisin — Arrival at Lyons — Impressions of
the escort — The princess is received by Louis xiv at Montargis
— DeUght of the King — His letter to Madame de Maintenon —
Meeting of the Princess Adelaide and the Due de Bourgogne —
Arrival at Fontainebleau
WHETHER from one of those tardy awakenings
of affection with which the prospect of an
indefinite separation from their children
often inspires even the most indifferent of parents,
or because he desired to keep the Uttle princess
with him as a kind of hostage for the performance
of Louis xiv's engagements, Victor Amadeus
showed himself strangely reluctant to part with
his daughter, and Tesse experienced the greatest
difficulty in persuading him to name a day for
her departure. The Duke even proposed that,
since the year was so advanced, and the passage
of the Alps in bad weather might prove a trying,
not to say, a dangerous one, for so young a traveller,
that her journey should be postponed until the
spring, when the risk of her contracting a chill
would be appreciably lessened ; and, though Tesse
protested that, so long as the princess was protected
90 A ROSE OF SAVOY
by " six chemises and a cloak," she might brave
the elements with impunity, desired him to ascer-
tain his Majesty's views upon the matter.
The King at once directed Tesse to intimate
to the Duke that he could not possibly curb his
impatience to see his future grand-daughter for
another six months. Nevertheless, Victor Amadeus
continued to find pretexts for delay, and it was not
until Louis xiv caused him to be informed that,
since he proposed to come as far as Fontainebleau
to meet the princess, and feared that, if her arrival
were delayed until the late autumn, the dampness
of the forest at that season might be prejudicial
to his health, that he consented to fix her de-
parture for the first days of October.
So soon as this decision was known at Ver-
sailles, Louis XIV, in order apparently to allow
the Duke no opportunity of changing his mind,
issued orders for the immediate departure of the
retinue he had selected to receive the future
Duchesse de Bourgogne at the Pont-de Beauvoisin ;
and on September 17 the cortege set out for the
frontier. It was, as may be supposed, a most im-
posing one, and comprised five of the splendid
royal coaches, each drawn by six or eight horses
ridden by postilions, which were reserved for the
use of Brionne, Dangeau, the Duchesse du Lude,
and the other ladies of the princess's Household,
and a physician, a surgeon, and an apothecary
chosen from the medical staff of his Majesty ;
and a number of less sumptuous equipages for
the use of the minor officers, the servants of the
great personages, and certain officials of the royal
kitchen, whom the King had despatched, under
A ROSE OF SAVOY 91
the guidance of his first maitre d'hdtel, to prepare
her Highness's meals. The whole company, in-
cluding the officers and soldiers of the Garde du
Corps and Swiss Guards who escorted it, numbered
some six hundred persons.
The cortege travelled by easy stages to Lyons,
where it halted to await news of the Princess
Adelaide's movements, for, as the accommodation
at the Pont-de-Beauvoisin was of a primitive
kind, the ladies of the party had no desire to
arrive there a day earlier than was absolutely
necessary. At length, on October 12, a courier
arrived with intelligence that the princess had
quitted Turin on the 7th, and the following day
the escort resumed its journey to the frontier.
The departure of the princess had been preceded
by splendid fetes and rejoicings at Turin, which
no doubt greatly diverted the citizens. The young
lady in whose honour they were organised, how-
ever, passed a much less pleasant time, since from
morning till night she appears to have been occupied
in listening to addresses of congratulation from
the numerous deputations who came to wait upon
her, and in holding out her hand to be kissed until
it was positively sore. Indeed, her grief at leaving
her native city must have been sensibly mitigated
by the respite from these wearisome functions
which it afforded her.
The streets of Turin were densely crowded as
the royal cortege passed through them, and the
acclamations of the citizens testified in no un-
certain manner to the popularity of Victor Amadeus
and their affection and sympathy for his daughter.
Many of the bystanders were moved to tears at
92 A ROSE OF SAVOY
the sight of the little princess whom political
exigencies had summoned from her home at so
tender an age ; but Adelaide was careful to control
her own feelings, and bowed and smiled graciously
in response to the cheers which greeted her. The
Duchess of Savoy, Madame Royale, and the Prince
and Princess di Carignano accompanied the trav-
eller as far as Avigliano, where she passed the first
night of her journey.
The leave-taking with her mother and grand-
mother on the morrow was naturally a very trying
moment for Adelaide, and, despite all her heroic
resolutions, she was unable to restrain her tears.
Butj since Tesse, who was remaining at Turin until
a French Ambassador had been appointed, told
her that the future Duchesse de Bourgogne ought
not to cry at anything which made her unhappy,
she hastened to write to him that " though she
wept much, she had remembered that he had
enjoined her, in case she wept, to laugh immedi-
ately afterwards, and to bear in mind the position
she was destined to occupy." ^
After bidding farewell to her daughter, the
Duchess of Savoy, with Madame Royale and the
Princess di Carignano, returned to Turin, but the
Prince di Carignano accompanied the little traveller
as far as Susa, where he also took his leave. The
cortege crossed the Alps safely, and entered Savoy,
where its progress seems to have been considerably
^ Tesse to the King, October i6, cited by the Marchesa Vitel-
leschi. M. d'Haussonville, who also cites this passage, seems to
be under the impression that it relates to the princess's parting
with her Piedmontese attendants at the Pont-de-Beauvoisin on
the 17th, but the date of the letter shows that it must refer to
what happened at Avigliano nine days earher.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 93
impeded by the enthusiasm of the inhabitants.
Every one wanted to see this httle princess, who
had become a gage of peace between the two
nations ; every town wished to present her with
an address of welcome. At Montmehan, which
was still occupied by the French, the garrison
received her under arms, and the governor escorted
her for a considerable distance. On bidding her
farewell, he begged her to name the password for
the day, upon which she immediately replied :
" Saint-Louis," and added : " He will be my saint
henceforth."
Chambery was reached on the evening of
October 13, whence the Conte di Vernone, the
Duke of Savoy's Master of the Ceremonies, ad-
dressed the following letter to Victor Amadeus : —
" October 13, 1696
" Most Illustrious and Most Excellent Lord and
Most Beloved Master, — This evening, the Most
Serene Princess has arrived at Chambery, in
excellent health, having met with no other mishap
than the accidental entry of a gnat into her left
eye, near Montmelian, which has occasioned her
some annoyance, but caused little loss of time ; and,
although this evening she still suffers some slight
inconvenience in the eye, I trust that by to-morrow
she will be altogether rid of it.
" The stay which she will make here to-morrow
was absolutely essential, on account of the fatigue
which one is bound to take into consideration in
the case of one of such tender years, in order that
she may remain in the same good health as when
she left Turin, and that she may be conducted
to the Pont-de-Beauvoisin in the best possible.
"Throughout the journey the demonstrations
94 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of joy and affection among the people have been
all that one could possibly desire, and this town
has shown more than on any previous occasion,
though, since the relation would be too long to
set down here, I shall reserve it for an audience. On
Monday, the Princess will sleep at fichelles, where
she will breakfast on Tuesday morning, and in
the evening she will reach the Pont. These two
easy stages are to be undertaken with the inten-
tion that the Princess shall arrive there in good
health, as we have recognised that to cover the
remainder of the way by a long journey, as that to
the Pont is, would not be to her advantage.
" I beg Your Excellency to honour me with a
continuance of your powerful protection, and that
you will believe me with respect and devotion, which
will endure so long as I live,
" Your Excellency's very humble, very respect-
ful, and very grateful servant,
" CONTE DI VeRNONE " ^
The ancient capital of Savoy had prepared for
the daughter of its sovereign a splendid reception.
The municipality had raised for the occasion a
company of twenty-four cavalry, dressed in scarlet
greatcoats, while the trappings of their horses were
of the same colour, who, together with a great
number of the gentlemen of the neighbourhood,
met the princess some distance from Chambery,
and escorted her into the town, which was brilliantly
illuminated. Moreover, it had provided all the
children with plumes to wear in their hats, and all
the servants with red coats with a star on the
sleeve.
At the chateau, where she was, of course, lodged,
' A. Gagnifere, Marie Adelaide de Savoie: Lettres et Correspondances,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 95
she found the principal ladies of the town awaiting
her, whom, we are told, she received with the
utmost graciousness. On the morrow, she began
the day by hearing Mass in the chapel and receiv-
ing an address from the clergy, after which, having
fortified herself by breakfast, she spent some hours
in giving audience to the various public bodies which
came to felicitate her. Vernone had announced
that only persons of a certain rank were to be per-
mitted to kiss her Highness' s hand, and this enabled
her to escape the indiscriminate osculations which
she had been compelled to endure at Turin. Never-
theless, it is to be feared that the benefit which the
little traveller was expected to derive by breaking
her journey at Chambery must have been seriously
discounted by the intolerable ennui of these official
receptions.
Nor when the last deputation had bowed itself
out of her presence, was she permitted to rest, since
she was then required to attend a service at the
Church of Saint-Frangois ; next, to partake of a
collation with the nuns of the Convent de la Visita-
tion ; and, finally, to hold a sort of " drawing-room "
at the chS,teau.
When the princess and her escort had reached
Chambery the previous evening, they had found
awaiting them there a grave and important person-
age, who announced that he was M. Desgranges,
the French Master of the Ceremonies, and that he
had preceded the rest of his company in order to
discuss with the Conte di Vernone the momentous
question of the ceremonial to be observed on the
arrival of her Highness at the Pont-de-Beau-
voisin.
96 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Doctors, lawyers, divines, and diplomatists are
all proverbially fond of argument, but their powers
of disputation are feeble indeed compared with
those of the officials to whom was entrusted the
duty of regulating the minute ceremonial of the
Courts of the seventeenth century; and, on the
present occasion, both Vernone and Desgranges
were compelled to admit that in the other he
had certainly found a foeman worthy of his steel.
While the Princess Adelaide was engaged in
receiving addresses and visiting churches and
convents, these two functionaries were closeted
together in strenuous argument, every point which
admitted of the smallest difference of opinion being
debated with as much fervour and eloquence as
though the fate of Europe depended upon it. The
question most difficult of solution was whether the
French escort should advance on to Savoyard
ground to receive the princess, or await her on
French soil. Vernone argued for the former course,
citing the precedent of Victor Amadeus himself,
who, in 1684, had crossed the Pont-de-Beauvoisin
to welcome his wife. But to this Desgranges replied
that the Duke's eagerness to behold his bride had led
him, in his opinion, to commit a breach of etiquette ;
but that, even presuming he had not, the circum-
stances of 1684 were very different from those
which they had now to consider, since Anne
d' Orleans had been already married by procuration,
while her daughter was only betrothed. Neither
functionary would give way an inch, and it seemed
as if the princess would have to remain at Cham-
bery until the question had been referred to their
respective Courts. At length, however, they hit
A ROSE OF SAVOY ^j
upon a truly brilliant idea, of which each subse-
quently claimed the credit.
We have mentioned that the western half of
the Pont-de-Beauvoisin was regarded as French
territory, and the eastern as Savoyard ; and it was
now arranged that the royal coach destined for the
princess should be brought to the middle of the
bridge, in such a way that the front wheels should
rest in France and the hind wheels in Savoy ; while
the two escorts should also advance on to the bridge,
each, however, remaining on its own territory.
Her Highness was then to enter the coach, and
the difficulty would thus be solved without being
decided, and the dignity of both nations and the
reputation of the two high priests of etiquette duly
safeguarded.
But the questions which he had discussed with
the Conte di Vernone were not the only ones with
which M. Desgranges was called upon to deal.
Louis XIV had not yet decided the exact rank
which the Princess Adelaide was to occupy in
France until the celebration of her marriage, and
the problem now presented itself whether she
was to be treated as the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
that is to say, as the first lady in the land, or merely
as a foreign princess. If as the former, then the
Comte de Brionne must stand when she was seated ;
if as the latter, then, since he was a member of the
princely House of Lorraine, he had the right to
sit down also. This delicate question caused poor
Desgranges much perplexity, particularly as Brionne
informed him that, unless the lady were to receive
at once all the honours which would eventually
be hers, he should insist on asserting his claim.
7
98 A ROSE OF SAVOY
His resourcefulness, however, again saved the situa-
tion; and it was agreed that, whenever they had
anything to say to one another, both the princess
and the count should carry on their conversation
standing up. Nevertheless, this was by no means
the only embarrassment to which the ambiguous
position of the princess threatened to give rise ; and
the worthy Desgranges was therefore immensely
relieved when a courier arrived from Versailles
with his Majesty's instructions that she was to be
accorded the rank of Duchesse de Bourgogne, and
to receive all the honours usually paid to a
Daughter of France, with the exception of the title
of Royal Highness.
All the preliminaries having been thus satis-
factorily settled, on the morning of October 16,
the Princess Adelaide and her escort, which had
been swollen to the size of quite a small army by
the accession of nobles and gentry from all the
country round, quitted fichelles, where she had
passed the night, and at three o'clock in the after-
noon reached the Pont-de-Beauvoisin. In the
exact centre of the bridge stood the royal coach
which was to receive her, draped in violet, since the
French Court was in mourning, with the horses'
heads turned in the direction of France. Beyond
it the French escort was drawn up, while both
banks of the little river were thronged with spec-
tators.
But we will allow the Conte di Vernone to
describe the ceremony which followed : —
" Near the middle of the bridge stood the Comte
de Brionne, the Duchesse du Lude, the Marquis
A ROSE OF SAVOY 99
Dangeau, and all the rest of the King's Household.
There the Princess's sedan-chair stopped, and I
said to the Comte de Brionne : ' Monsieur, here is
the Marchese di Dronero,' and to the Duchesse du
Lude : ' Madame, here is the Principessa della
Cisterna.' The Marquis (sic) Desgranges said to
the Marchese di Dronero : ' Monsieur, here is the
Comte de Brionne,' and to the Principessa della
Cisterna : ' Madame, here is the Duchesse du Lude.'
Finally, the Marchese di Dronero said to the Comte
de Brionne : ' Here is the Princess of Savoy,' and
the Marchese di Dronero repeated the same phrase
to the Principessa della Cisterna and to the Duchesse
du Lude. And all immediately bowed and saluted
the Princess, according to the custom of France,
as did also the Marquis d'Anjou [Dangeau]. Then
the Marchese di Dronero showed the order that
he carried to consign the Princess to his care ; and
the Comte de Brionne, to whom the order to
receive the Princess had been given, thanked him
in civil and courteous terms." ^
Brionne next made a speech to the princess,
who had alighted from her sedan-chair, expressive
of the pride and joy which he felt at having been
deputed by the King to receive her, and presented
to her Dangeau, the Duchesse du Lude, and the
other ladies of her suite. These presentations
concluded, a French page stepped forward and
took the train of the princess's gown from the
hands of the Savoyard page who held it, upon
^ ceremonial du Comte de Vernon, Annie 1696. Rilation du
mariage de la Princesse Marie AdUatde de Savoie avec le Due de
Bourgogne, published by Gagnifere.
roo A ROSE OF SAVOY
which the latter began to weep copiously, — a mark
of sensibility which, we are told, was " regarded
with all the attention which the heart of this
worthy gentleman merited." Then Brionne took
the princess's right hand and Dangeau her left,
and assisted her to mount into the royal coach,
into which she was followed by the Principessa
della Cisterna and the Duchesse du Lude ; and,
amid cries of " Vive le Roi et la princesse de Savoie!"
from the crowd which had gathered at the head
of the bridge, the future Duchesse de Bourgogne
made her entry into France, and was driven to the
lodging which had been prepared for her.
On her arrival, all the officers of the King's
Household who had accompanied the escort were
presented to her in turn, " the princess receiving
them with infinite grace, and giving them proofs
of her great benevolence." In the evening, she
supped with the Principessa della Cisterna and
her sous-gouvernante, Madame des Noyers, while
the Comte de Brionne and the Duchesse du Lude
entertained the principal nobles and ladies of the
Piedmontese escort. Then the princess was put to
bed by the Principessa della Cisterna, who slept
in her chamber, " the Duchesse du Lude having
willingly surrendered to her this honour."
The Duchesse du Lude was delighted with the
princess, whose modesty, sweet temper, and charm-
ing manners conquered her heart at once. " I
wish," she remarked to the duchess, " that you
could have been in some little corner, when mamma
has spoken to me of you, to hear all the kind things
that she said to me " ; and, when a courier arrived
from the Court with a letter for her Highness,
A ROSE OF SAVOY loi
she immediately handed it to the dame d'honneur
and begged her to open it, observing that she was
still too young to open her own letters. The other
ladies of her Household seem to have been equally
pleased with their little mistress, and Dronero
wrote to Victor Amadeus that he had found the
princess conversing with them with as much
self-possession as though she had known them all
her life.
It had been arranged that Adelaide should
set out for Fontainebleau in the early afternoon
of the following day (October 17). Before the two
escorts parted company, however, Brionne and
Desgranges, on behalf of the King, presented
gifts of more or less magnificence, according to
their several degrees, to all the principal per-
sonages who had accompanied the princess from
Turin : jewels and diamond - bracelets to the
ladies, rings and miniatures of Louis xiv set with
diamonds to the men. The present received by
the Principessa della Cisterna was valued at 31,628
livres, that of Dronero at 14,620 livres, and that
of Vernone at 8719 livres. The humbler members
of her escort received presents of money.
All were loud in their praise of his Majesty's
generosity, with the single exception of an equerry
of the Duke of Savoy named Maffei, who had
been despatched by his master to bid the princess
bon voyage, and to bring him an account of her
reception. Since his arrival had not been fore-
seen, there was no suitable present for him ; and
though Brionne offered him a considerable sum
of money, he intimated that it would be beneath
his dignity to accept it. At the same time, he
I02 A ROSE OF SAVOY
let it be known that he would be quite satisfied
with a sword, if one worthy of his acceptance
could be found ; and, rather than allow him to
depart empty-handed, Dangeau, whose courtesy,
tact, and good-humour had made a very favourable
impression upon the Piedmontese, immediately
offered his own — a magnificent weapon — the hilt
and scabbard of which were set with diamonds.
The moment for departure having arrived, the
Piedmontese attendants came to take their leave
of the princess. The Duchesse du Lude had
urged that this ceremony should be curtailed as
much as possible, in order that her little mistress
might not be too much distressed. But Adelaide,
although in a very lachrymose condition, insisted
on receiving every one; and when the ordeal was
over, turned to her dame d'honneur and, smiling
through her tears, exclaimed, " Now I shall be
sad no more, since I know that I am going to be
henceforth the happiest person in the world."
The princess and her escort passed the night
of the 17th at Bourgoin, and at four o'clock on
the following afternoon arrived at Lyons, — then,
as to-day, the second city in France, — where
" ceremonies such as had never been seen before
in like circumstances " awaited her. Some distance
from the town she was met " by two thousand
horsemen, and a great number of ladies occupying
a very great number of carriages," who escorted
her to the Porte-de-Rhone, the gate by which she
was to make her entry. Here she was welcomed
by the Provost of the Merchants, who delivered
a long harangue in the approved fashion of the
period, declaring that " Heaven could not reserve
A ROSE OF SAVOY 103
for her a more brilliant destiny ; that all France
tasted in anticipation the fruits of the union of
the two noblest families in the world," and so
forth.
The princess having acknowledged the compli-
ments of the Provost/ the cortege proceeded to the
Place Bellecour, where her Highness was to lodge
at the house of a certain M. de Mascagny, which
was considered the finest in the town ; the inter-
vening streets being lined by thirty-six companies
of the citizen militia under arms. On alighting
from her coach, she was received by the Marquis
de Canaples, commandant of the garrison, who
conducted her to the apartments prepared for her,
amid the firing of cannon and muskets, the ringing
of church bells, and other manifestations of joy.
Here she was presently waited upon by two of
the city officials in their robes of office, who came
to present her, in the name of their colleagues,
with " a number of boxes of sugar-plums and
sweetmeats," which, we may conjecture, pleased
the little lady infinitely more than the high-flown
compliments that accompanied the gift. At night
the entire city was illuminated, and, as a further
concession to the youth of its illustrious guest,
the municipality thoughtfully arranged for a display
of fireworks on the " Place," opposite her windows.
1 The Comte d'Haussonville, who follows the official account pre-
served in the City Archives, says that the princess merely " thanked
the Provost, from her carriage, by an incUnation of the head and
body, and told him that she would acquaint the King with the
honour that had been paid her." But Madame de Maintenon
told Govone, the Envoy Extraordinary of Savoy at Versailles,
that " the princess had made a better response than the King
himself could have done," which seems to imply that she made
something in the nature of a speech.
I04 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Adelaide remained three days in Lyons,^ her
time being chiefly occupied in receiving deputations,
and visiting churches, convents, and colleges ; while,
on one occasion, she dined au grand convert, that is
to say, in the full gaze of the public, as did Louis xiv
at Versailles. On the 21st, she departed, the citizen
militia being again placed under arms, and acclaim-
ing her as she passed by as " la Princes se de la
Paix " ; " and joy," writes the chronicler of these
events, " ceased in the town of Lyons." "
The amiability, modesty, and charming manners
of the little princess won golden opinions from all
her escort, and the letters which Dangeau and
Desgranges addressed to Versailles were full of her
' Soon after the princess's company reached Lyons, a courier
arrived from the Marchese di Dronero, bearing the acte de deliver-
ance, or formal acknowledgment of the safe deUvery of the
princess's person into his hands, which Brionne had handed him at
the Pont-de-Beauvoisin, and a letter in which he pointed out
that in this document his master the Duke of Savoy was referred
to, not as " Royal Highness," — by which title he had been mentioned
in all the other acts relating to the marriage, — but as " Highness "
only, and stated that he should refuse to accept it unless the
error was rectified. Vernone had remarked this omission at the time
when the document was handed to him for his approval ; but, being
unwilling to delay the departure of the princess, he had refrained
from mentioning it to Dronero, and it was not until the following
day that the marquis had discovered it. The omission was, of
course, intentional, since Brionne was, as we have mentioned, a
member of the House of Lorraine, between which and the House
of Savoy there was a long-standing quarrel over precedence ; and
now, despite all the persuasions of Dangeau and Desgranges, he
firmly refused to repair it. The difficulty, however, was finally
overcome by a new " receipt " being drawn, in which the Duke
of Savoy was not mentioned at all.
" "Relation des receptions qu'a eues la Princesse Marie- Adelaide
dans les diverses cit^s de France, du Pont-de-Beauvoisin jusqu'd,
Versailles, A I'occasion de son voyage pour contracter son mariage
avec le due de Bourgogne, et de la maniire avec laquelle elle fut
regue du Roi et de la Cour," Mercure de France, November, 1696.
A ROSE OP SAVOY 105
praises. " The more we see of her," writes Dangeau
to Torcy from Lyons, " the more the good opinion
which we have formed of her increases. And, some
days later : " She is quite a child ; but, with much
childishness, she shows good-sense and intelligence,
amiability, and animation." Desgranges is not less
flattering, though he seems to have considered her
much more advanced for her age than did Dangeau,
since, after paying tribute to her sweet temper and
other good qualities, he adds : " On my part, I
persist in asserting that she is not a child of eleven
at all, but a sensible woman, capable of being married
at once. The serious little replies that she makes
to the compliments paid her are spontaneous, and
are assuredly not suggested to her." ^
The princess continued her journey northwards,
relieving the tedium of the official receptions which
awaited her in every town through which she
passed by playing various games with the ladies
and gentlemen of her escort. Like the great
Napoleon, she seems to have been particularly par-
tial to bhndman's buff ; and Dangeau, who was her
favourite playmate, wrote that her Highness had
been greatly disappointed, on reaching the Httle
town of Saint-Pierre, to find that her apartment
was too small to admit of her indulging in this time-
honoured pastime.
' Published by the Comte d'Haussonville. On the other hand,
Adelaide's appearance would not appear to have impressed her
suite very favourably at first, since we find Madame de Maintenon
writing to her friend Madame de Berval : " We are informed that
the Princess of Savoy, although plain, is not displeasing." Sub-
sequently, however, much more reassuring reports in regard to
this must have reached Versailles, since, a few days later, the same
lady tells Dangeau that she will " esteem it a happiness to super-
intend the education of one so beautiful and so naturally good."
io6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
At la Charity, where they arrived on All Hallows'
Eve, and remained three days, they learned that
Louis XIV, whose original intention had been, it
will be remembered, to receive the princess at
Fontainebleau, had altered his plans, and decided
to come as far as Montargis to meet her, and that
he would be accompanied by almost the entire Court.
Such condescension on the part of his Majesty,
which was the more remarkable, since he was in
indifferent health at the time, and Montargis did
not contain any residence of sufficient size to accom-
modate himself and his suite, proves that he must
have been all impatience to behold his future grand-
daughter, and to judge for himself the truth of the
reports which had reached him concerning her.
The King left Fontainebleau at a little after noon
on November 4, accompanied by the Dauphin, the
Prince de Conti, the Due du Maine, the Comte de
Toulouse, and a brilliant suite, and reached Montargis
at four o'clock, where the Presidial had been pre-
pared for his accommodation. Monsieur and his son,
the Due de Chartres, who were, of course, Adelaide's
nearest relatives, had preceded the Court, with the
intention of meeting the princess en route and of
being the first of the Royal Family to embrace her.
But considerations of etiquette appear to have
intervened, and they went no farther than
Montargis.
At six o'clock in the evening, the princess, who
had quitted la Charit6 at ten that morning,
arrived, and proceeded to the Pr6sidial, where
Louis XIV was awaiting her. But let us allow the
correspondent of the Mercure to relate what followed
in his own words :
A ROSE OF SAVOY 107
" So soon as the King, who was on the balcony
of his lodging, caught sight of the carriage, his
Majesty descended with all the Princes to receive
her. On stepping out of her coach, she wished to
fall on her knees, but the King embraced her and
prevented her, saying, ' Madame, I await you with
much impatience.' And the King kissed her three
times. She took his Majesty's hand and kissed it
very tenderly. That Prince presented Monseigneur
[the Dauphin], whom she kissed twice, and Monsieur
once. She inquired where her dear uncle, the Due
de Chartres, was. The King gave her his hand to
mount the staircase, which occupied some time,
since the steps were occupied by an immense number
of distinguished persons, to whom they had the
kindness to show her, by the light of the torches
which the ushers carried. That Prince conducted
her to the chamber which was prepared for her,
where he presented to her all the great nobles in
turn, whom she saluted according to their quality.
The Princes and the dukes and peers she kissed,
the King being unable to refrain from remarking her
grace and intelligence. And, as the young Princess,
in replying to the questions which his Majesty
addressed to her, made use of the word Sire, the
King told her that henceforward she must call him
Monsieur. Monseigneur did not appear less pleased
than his Majesty, who asked her many questions,
to which she replied very intelligently and clearly.
During this conversation, the Princess twice took
his Majesty's hand, which she kissed very affec-
tionately. In short, she did not appear in the
slightest degree embarrassed. His Majesty then
went to his apartment until supper-time, while
io8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
she received the compUments of the Presidial, the
Mayor, the Sheriffs, and all the public bodies of
the town." ^
On reaching his apartment, Louis xiv sat down
at his desk to give Madame de Maintenon his first
impressions of the new arrival — this little rosebud
of Savoy, which had come over the mountains to
gladden with its beauty and its fragrance his dull
and ceremonious life. And here is his letter,
which is not only an admirable pen-picture of
Adelaide, but is so eminently characteristic of the
writer that, lengthy though it is, it would be impos-
sible to omit it.
" MoNTARGis, 4 November, 6.30 p.m.
" I arrived here before fiveo'clock; the princess did
not arrive until six. I went to the coach to receive
her ; she allowed me to speak first, and afterwards
replied extremely well, but with a little embarrass-
ment that would have pleased you. I conducted her
to her room through the crowd, letting her be seen,
from time to time, by causing the torches to be
brought near to her face. She bore this progress
with grace and modesty. At length we reached
her room, where there was a crowd and heat enough
to kill us. I showed her now and then to those who
approached her, and I studied her in every way,
in order to write you my impressions of her. She
has the best grace and the most beautiful figure that
I have ever seen : dressed to paint, and coiffee the
same ; eyes bright and very beautiful, the lashes
black and admirable ; complexion very harmonious,
white and red, all that one could desire ; the most
1 " Relation des receptions qu'a eues la Princesse Marie Adelaide
dans les diverses citis de France, etc.," Mercure de France, November
1696.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 109
beautiful hair, and a great quantity of it. She is
thin, as befits her age ; her mouth is rosy, the Hps
full, the teeth white, long, and ill-placed ; the hands
well-shaped, but the colour of her age. She speaks
little, so far as I have seen, and shows no embarrass-
ment when she is looked at, like a person who has
seen the world. She curtseys badly, and with rather
an Italian air. She has also something of the
Italian m her face ; but she pleases ; I saw that in
the eyes of all present. For my part, I am very
satisfied with her.^ She bears a strong resemblance
to her first portrait, not to the second." To speak
to you, as I always do, I find her all that could be
wished ; I should be sorry if she were more beautiful.
" I say it again ; everything is pleasing except
the curtsey. I will tell you more after supper, for
then I shall remark many things which I have not
been able to see as yet. I forgot to tell you that she
is short rather than tall for her age."
At this point in his letter the King laid down
his pen and returned to Adelaide's apartments,
where he found the Dauphin, Monsieur, the Due
de Chartres, Govone, the Envoy Extraordinary
of Savoy, and Dangeau. " I wish," said he to
his brother, " that her poor mother could be here
for a few moments to witness the joy that we feel.
I would not have her changed in any way what-
ever." He then set the princess to play with her
ladies, and admired her graceful movements.^
1 " I took the liberty of inquiring of him, as he was re-entering
his apartment, if he were satisfied with the princess. He answered
that he was, but too much so, and that he found it di£&cult to contain
his joy." Dangeau, Journal, November 4, 1696.
* That is to say, to the miniature which Tesse had sent from
Pinerolo, and not to the full-length portrait which the Duchess
of Savoy had sent to Monsieur. See p. 69, supra.
' Dangeau, Journal, November 4, 1696.
no A ROSE OF SAVOY
When supper was announced, Dahgeau, in his
capacity of chevalier d'honneur, gave the princess
his hand to conduct her to table, where she sat
between the King and the Dauphin. Her be-
haviour during the meal was perfect ; and it was
particularly remarked that she partook of no dish
without prettily thanking the officer who handed
it to her. His Majesty playfully inquired what
she thought of his son's figure {Monseigneur had
a very decided tendency to embonpoint), to which
she gravely replied that, although he was certainly
stout, he did not seem to her too stout, and that
she had expected to find him much more so.
After supper, His Majesty accompanied her to
her bedchamber, telling her that "he did not
know whether she was tired of him, but that, for
his part, he could not bring himself to leave her."
And he waited while her women put her to bed,
and then departed to his cabinet, in high good-
humour ; and, before retiring to rest, added the
following postscript to his letter to Madame de
Maintenon, which he despatched to Fontainebleau
by one of his equerries : —
" The more I see of the princess the more satis-
fied I am. We have had a further conversation,
in which she said nothing ; and that is saying
all. Her figure is very beautiful, — one might say
perfect, — and her modesty will please you. We
supped, and she failed in nothing, and showed
charming courtesy to every one ; but towards me
and my son she failed in nothing, and behaves as
you might have done. She was closely watched
and observed, and every one seemed in good faith
to be satisfied. She has a noble air and polished
A ROSE OF SAVOY iii
and agreeable manners. I take pleasure in telling
you such good of her, for I find that, without either
prepossession or flattery, I can do so, and that
everything impels me to do so." ^
As it had been decided to start for Fontaine-
bleau early on the following day, the princess rose
at six o'clock. The King did her the honour of
attending her toilette, and " admired her hair,
which is the most beautiful in the world." At
nine, he conducted her through the midst of an
enormous crowd, which the Mercure de France
estimates at more than twenty thousand persons,
to the church of the college of the Barnabite
Fathers,^ to hear Mass, during which the " Princess
prayed to God with an edifying piety." Dinner
1 Sainte-Beuve's comments on this letter are interesting :
" Language excellent, phrases neat, exact and perfect, terms
appropriate, good taste supreme in everything which concerns
what is external and visible, in whatever belongs to regal repre-
sentation. As for the moral basis, that, one must allow, is thin
and mediocre, or rather it is absent. . . . There is certainly a
mention of modesty once or twice in this letter ; but it is of the
modest demeanour, of the good effect which it produces, of the
grace which depends on it. For all the rest, it is impossible to find
in these pages anything other than a charming description, physical,
external, mundane, without the smallest concern as to the inward
and moral quahties. Evidently, in this case, he troubles as Uttle
about these as he is deeply concerned for externals. Let the
princess succeed and please, let her charm and amuse, let her
adorn the Court and enliven it, let her then have a good confessor,
a Jesuit confessor and a reUable one ; and, for the rest, let her
be and do as she pleases. The King her grandfather asks nothing
else of her. That is the impression which the letter leaves upon
me."—Causeries du Lundi, la Duchesse de Bourgogne.
" This college had been founded by Monsieur as a thank-
offering for the victory he had gained over WiUiam of Orange,
at Cassel, in April 1677. If we are to believe La Fare, Louis xiv
was exceedingly jealous of his brother's success in a pitched battle.
Any way. Monsieur was never again given the command of an
army.
112 A ROSE OF SAVOY
was taken at eleven, after which the Court set out
for Fontainebleau, the princess riding in the King's
coach, with the Dauphin, Monsieur, and the Duchesse
du Lude. The remaining place in the coach was
reserved for the Due de Bourgogne, who was to
meet them on the way.
The young prince, who had quitted Fontaine-
bleau at noon with his gouverneur, the Due de
Beauvilliers, met the Court half a league beyond
Nemours. Impatient to behold his future wife,
he alighted from his carriage while some little
distance still separated it from the royal coach,
which headed the procession, and advanced on
foot. However, notwithstanding his eagerness, he
seemed very embarrassed when actually in the
presence of the princess, and, instead of paying
her the pretty compliment which he had doubtless
prepared, contented himself by twice kissing her
hand, at which the lady blushed becomingly.
Fontainebleau was reached at five o'clock.
The King's coach entered the Cour du Cheval
Blanc, and his Majesty himself assisted the princess
to alight. The steps leading from the court to
the chateau, the terraces, the windows of the
galleries, even the roofs, were thronged with
spectators. The King, holding the hand of the
princess, " who seemed," remarks Saint-Simon,
" to emerge from his pocket," mounted the stair-
case at the top of which the Due de Bourgogne' s
younger brothers, the Dues d'Anjou^ and de
1 Philippe, Due d'Anjou, bom December 19, 1683 ; became
King of Spain, as Philip v, on the death of Carlos 11, October, 1700 ;
married, firstly, in 1702, Maria Luisa of Savoy, younger daughter
of Victor Amadeus 11; secondly, in 17 15, Elizabeth Famese of
Parma ; died July 9, 1746.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 113
Berry ^ were awaiting them. Having presented the
princes to their future sister-in-law, he conducted
her to the chapel, where a short service was held,
and thence to her apartments, which were those
formerly occupied by his mother, Anne of Austria.
Here the Princesses of the Blood, Madame de
Maintenon, and an immense crowd of courtiers
were waiting to be presented, and the pushing and
jostling were so great, that people were scarcely able
to keep their feet, and the Duchesse, de Nemours
and another lady collided violently with Madame
de Maintenon, who was only prevented from falling
by Madame catching her by the arm.^
The King remained for some time, and himself
presented the Prince and Princesses of the Blood.
Then he retired to his cabinet, leaving his brother
to take his place. Monsieur stood by his grand-
daughter's side, naming each person who approached,
and telling her how he or she was to be received.
The most had only the privilege of saluting the
hem of her Highness' s dress ; but when a duke,
a prince, or a marshal, or their wives, appeared,
Monsieur gave her a little push, saying, " Kiss,"
and she embraced them.
This ceremony continued for more than two
hours, at the end of which, although there was
still a number of persons awaiting their turn, the
poor girl, who had been standing the whole time,
was so tired that it was decided to postpone further
presentations until the following day. Neverthe-
1 Charles, Due de Berry, born August 31, 1686; married 1710,
Marie Louise Elisabeth d'Orleans, eldest daughter of the future
Regent ; died May 4, 1714.
'^ Correspondance de Madame, Duchesse d'Orlians (edit. Jaegle),
Letter of November 8, 1696.
8
114 A ROSE OF SAVOV
less, several ladies succeeded in persuading the
Duchesse du Lude to allow them to remain and
present them to her mistress while she was being
prepared for bed; and seldom has the rest of a
little princess been more thoroughly earned than
the one which Marie Adelaide of Savoy enjoyed
on her first night in the ChMeau of Fontainebleau.
But let us leave the little lady to her slumbers,
while we speak of the young prince whose
bride she is to become, and of certain other
actors on that stage on which she will presently
play so prominent a part.
CHAPTER VI
The Due de Bourgogne — Frenzied rejoicings at his birth — His
parents — The Dauphin (Monseigneur) and Maria Anna of Bavaria
— Total failure of the elaborate scheme for the education of Mon-
seigneur— His singular character— His appearance — Melancholy
disposition and unhappy life of the Bavarian Dauphine — Her
early death — Monseigneur and Mile, de Choin — Childhood of
the Due de Bourgogne — The Due de BeauviUiers appointed his
gouverneur, and Fenelon his tutor. Early career of Fenelon —
A born teacher — Saint-Simon's portrait of him — ^Methods which
he! pursues in the education of the Due de Bourgogne — His
wonderful success — ^Daily life of the Due de Bourgogne and his
brothers — Their physical training — Appearance of the Due de
Bourgogne — Aspirations of Fenelon.
LOUIS, Due de Bourgogne, the eldest of the
three sons of the Dauphin, or Monseigneur
as he was called at the Court, and Maria
Anna of Bavaria, was at the time of the Princess
Adelaide's arrival at Fontainebleau just completing
the first quarter of his fifteenth year, having been
born at Versailles on August 6, 1682.
Few events of the reign had been awaited with
such intense anxiety, and few had given rise to
such frenzied rejoicings. From the early morning
of August 5, when the pains of labour began, until
a little after ten o'clock on the evening of the follow-
ing day^ when the princess was safely delivered,
" one might have said that all the Court, all the
nobiUty of France, surrounded the apartment of
Madame la Dauphine." ^ The King and Mon-
^ Mercure de France, August 1682.
Ii6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
seigneur passed the whole of the night of the 5th
there, without undressing ; while the Place d' Armes
and all the approaches to the chateau were made
light as day by a multitude of lanterns and torches
carried by persons awaiting the auspicious event.
As, in the case of the birth of a son, Louis xiv
desired to announce the news himself ; he had
arranged with Clement, the accoucheur who
attended the princess, certain words by which
he was to be informed of the sex of the child. If
the new arrival were a girl, Clement was to reply
to his Majesty's inquiry: " Je ne sais pas" ; if a
boy, he was to answer : " Je ne sais pas encore."
So soon as the physician pronounced the encore,
the King turned to the members of the Royal
Family and the Princes and Princesses of the Blood
gathered about the bed, and cried in joyful tones :
" We have a Due de Bourgogne ! " and then,
hastening to the door communicating with the
apartment in which the duchesses and dames du
palais were waiting, communicated the glad
tidings to tbern ; \Vhile tTtie Duchesse de Crequy, the
Dauphine's dant/g d'honneur, informed the nobles,
who occupied another ante-chamber.
Instantly all was uproar and commotion. The
joy bordered on delirium. " Some broke through
the crowd to spread the news on every side ;
others, without knowing precisely where they
were or what they did, were transported. There
were tears of joy ; animosities were forgotten ;
people embraced those nearest them, without
distinction of rank." ^ The happy father kissed
all the ladies indiscriminately. Every one took
' Mercure de France, August 1682.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 117
the liberty of embracing the King, and one gentle-
man, in the fervour of his enthusiasm, bit the
monarch's finger. " Sire," he exclaimed, as Louis
uttered an exclamation of pain, " I crave your
Majesty's pardon, but, if I had not bitten you,
you would have paid no attention to me." From
the Dauphine's apartments the enthusiasm quickly
spread to the exterior of the chateau. " Nothing
could equal the zeal and activity of M. d'Ormoy.^
He ran up and down the staircases, shouting
everywhere that it was a prince, and he shouted
so much that for some time afterwards he could
scarcely speak." One of the King's guards
dragged the straw mattress on which he had been
sleeping into the first courtyard and set it on fire ;
and, as though this were a preconcerted signal,
lackeys and soldiers carne running from all direc-
tions, bearing tables, bedding, benches, chairs,
everything, in short, on which they could lay
their hands, and soon the flames of gigantic bon-
fires were mounting to the skies, while about
them sparsely-clad figures capered and shouted.
Bontemps, the King's first valet de chambre,
fearing that such uproarious demonstrations of joy
might be displeasing to his master, hastened to
inform him of what was taking place. But Louis,
whose own satisfaction at an event which seemed
to assure his throne and his race made him forget
for a moment the rigid etiquette with which he
loved to surround himself, only laughed, and
answered good-humouredly : " Let them alone, so
long as they do not burn us ! "
The little prince whose entry into the world had
' He was one of the King's Gentlemen-in-Ordinary.
ii8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
been hailed with such transports of joy was far
from fortunate in his parents, save from a purely
worldly point of view ; and it was certainly well for
him that they exercised little or no control over his
upbringing. Monseigneur was a singular person-
age ; " the most incomprehensible man in the world,"
according to Madame. Louis xiv, who had never
ceased to regret the defects in his own education, had
early resolved that his son should lack for nothing
in that respect, and had planned for the Dauphin
a course of mental and moral training which was
intended to make him the most accomplished and
virtuous prince in Europe. The austere old Due
de Montausier — the husband of the " incomparable
Julie " of the Hotel de Rambouillet ^ — whom
many believed to have been the original of Alceste
in the Misanthrope, was appointed his gouverneur ;
the great Bossuet was his tutor ; Huet, Bishop of
Avranches, distinguished alike as a theologian, a
philologist, and a mathematician, his sous-pricep-
tenr. It was for him that Bossuet wrote his
celebrated Discours sur I'Histoire universelle; that
Fl^chier composed his life of Theodosius, and
Tellemont his life of Saint-Louis ; that Huet, in
collaboration with Danet, Pere de la Rue, and
other savants, published that splendid edition of
the Latin classics, ad usum Delphini, enriched with
notes and explanations. Finally, it was to initiate
him into the mitier de Roi that his royal father
wrote those MSmoires which have impressed the
world with so profound a belief in Louis xiv's
kingly qualities, though it is not improbable that
1 Julie d'Angennes, daughter of the celebrated Madame de
Rambouillet.
LOUIS, DAUPHIN OF FRANCE (SON OF LOUIS XIV)
FKOM AX Ei\GUA\'ING BY \ AX SCHUPFEN, AFTER THE I'AENTIXG IIV FRAXCOIS DE TRO\'
A ROSE OF SAVOY 119
the maxims and instructions which Mazarin had
left behind him for the guidance of his young
sovereign were incorporated therein.
And the result of all these labours, of all this
solicitude, was that Monseigneur became, not the
ripe scholar, the virtuous prince, the accomplished
gentleman, whom Louis xiv had expected to see,
but — the greatest wolf-hunter of his time ! Nor
is the total failure of one of the most elaborate
schemes of education ever devised for the benefit
of a young prince difficult to understand. The
boy was dull, obstinate, and idle ; his teachers,
over-conscientious and over-anxious, and their
zeal defeated the end which they desired to attain.
It was Montausier who was mainly responsible
for this lamentable fiasco. He was a worthy
man, but harsh, unsympathetic, and intolerant
of failure, and a firm believer in Solomon's precept
concerning the use of the rod.^ !His severity
inspired the unfortunate Dauphin with a perfect
horror of the schoolroom,^ and, since neither
Bossuet nor Huet seem to have been capable of
condescending to the level of their pupil's dull
and sluggish mind, all their pains and all their
learning were absolutely thrown away. " The
1 Dubois, valet de chambre to the Dauphin, relates, in his Journal,
several instances of Montausier's severity to his pupU, of which
he was an eye-witness. One evening, in August 1671, when the
toy was ten years old, his gouverneur gave him " five cuts with all
Ms might on each of his hands," for making the same mistake
twice over in repeating his Oraison dominicale. " The next day
he showed me his hands, which were quite purple."
" " Do you have to write essays ? " inquired the Dauphin one
day of a lady who had been teUing him of some misfortune which
had befallen her. " No, Monseigneur." " Ah ! then you don't
know what sorrow means," rejoined the lad.
120 A ROSE OF SAVOY
harsh methods by which he was forced to study,"
writes Madame de Caylus, " gave him so great a
disUke for books, that he determined never to
open one when he should become his own master ;
and he kept his resolution." ^
Monseigneur, in fact, emerged from his teachers'
hands a timid, taciturn, awkward youth, incorrig-
ibly indolent, entirely without ambition, and
supremely indifferent to everything which did not
affect his personal comfort. He never read any-
thing save the Gazette de France, in which the births,
deaths, and marriages of persons of importance
were recorded ; he never was known to take the
faintest interest in affairs of State, save on the
occasion of the meeting of the Council called to
decide whether France should accept or reject the
will of Carlos ii, which left the Crown of Spain to
Monseigneur' s second son, the Due d'Anjou, when
he spoke with a warmth which astonished every one
present in favour of the acceptance of the legacy ;
and he would spend whole afternoons lolling in a
chair and tapping his shoes with a cane.*
" Nevertheless," says Madame, " he was far
from being a fool, although he always behaved as
if he were one, through idleness or indifference."
He was a shrewd observer, told stories agreeably,
possessed a wonderfully retentive memory, and,
though Saint-Simon charges him with being without
taste, he was a good judge of pictures and objets
d'art, and " one saw in the cabinets of his apart-
ments an exquisite collection of all that was most
rare and precious, not only in respect to the neces-
1 Souvenirs.
• Duclos, Memoires pour servir A I'histoire de Louis xiv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 121
sary furniture, tables, cabinets, porcelains, mirrors,
and chandeliers, but also paintings by the most
famous masters, bronzes, vases of agate, jewels,
and cameos." ^
The chief — one might say, the only — occupation
of his life was hunting. He hunted practically
every day, even in the height of summer, rising
frequently at five o'clock in the morning, and some-
times not returning to Versailles until nearly mid-
night. The wolf was his favourite quarry, and he
pursued these animals with such persistence, that
eventually they became exceedingly scarce in that
part of the country, much to Monseigneur's annoy-
ance, but to the great satisfaction of the peasantry.
For the rest, Monseigneur was " rather above the
middle height, very fat without being obese, with
a noble and distinguished air, which had nothing
repellent about it, a face that would have been
pleasing, if the Prince de Conti had not accidentally
broken his nose while they were playing together
as children, fair hair, a ruddy complexion, the finest
legs imaginable, and singularly small and delicate
feet " ; ^ a docile son, with an almost superstitious
reverence for his imperious father ; a punctilious
observer of the fasts of the Church, though any-
thing but strict in his observance of her moral
ordinances ; * a brave soldier ; an indulgent master,
and very affable towards his inferiors, particularly
to the lower-class Parisians, with whom he enjoyed
great popularity.
^ Felibieiij in Dussieux, le Chdteau de Versailles.
^ Saint-Simon, Memoires.
2 Apropos of this, the Princess Palatine relates the following
anecdote : " One day the Dauphin brought Raisin, the actress,
to Choisy, and hid her in a mill, without giving her anything to
122 A ROSE OF SAVOY
It is probable that the Dauphin might have
become a more useful, or at any rate a more agree-
able, member of society, if he had been married to
a princess of any strength of character. But Maria
Anna of Bavaria was a poor creature, wholly un-
fitted for the great position to which destiny called
her. Not only had she no pretensions to beauty—
Madame de Caylus goes so far as to declare that
she was not only ugly, but repulsive — but she was
shy, retiring, melancholy, and none too sweet-
tempered. Notwithstanding her unsociable dis-
position, Monseigneur seems to have been at first
attached to her, but she made little effort to retain
his affections, which were presently transferred to
one of her filles d'honneur, Mile, de la Force.
When the death of the Queen had made the
Dauphine, from the hierarchical point of view, the
first lady of the Court, Louis xiv used every effort to
draw her out, and persuade her to undertake the
duties which her position demanded. But the
princess thought, like Massillon, that " grandeur is
a weight which wearies," and, after a while, the King
gave up the attempt in despair, and he and all the
Court left her to her own devices. Thenceforth she
passed the most of her time with her confidante
Bezzola and a few friends in the petits cabinets
behind her State apartments, which had " neither
air nor view." Of her children she appears to have
eat or drink ; for it was a fast-day, and the Dauphin thought there
was no greater sin than to eat meat on a fast-day. After the Court
had departed, he gave her for supper some salad and bread toasted
in oil. Raisin laughed at this very much, and told several persons
about it. When I heard of it, I asked the Dauphin what he meant
by making his mistress fast in this manner. ' I had a mind,' he
replied, ' to commit one sin, not two.' "
A ROSE OF SAVOY 123
seen but little, and the only occasion on which we
hear of her intervening in the bringing up of the
Due de Bourgogne was in 1687, when the boy had
a severe attack of fever, and she strenuously opposed
his gouvernante's desire to give him quinine, then
a newly-discovered remedy. The last years of her
life were spent in isolation and a kind of semi-dis-
grace, due to her fidelity to her brother Maximilian
of Bavaria, who, to Louis xiv's intense indignation,
had joined the League of Augsburg. The ravages
committed by the French troops in Germany occa-
sioned her great distress, and her health, which
had always been delicate, grew steadily worse. The
Court physicians appear to have regarded her
malady as nothing more serious than an aggravated
form of " vapours " — the king of fanciful com-
plaints— brought on by the secluded life which she
persisted in leading; but there can be little doubt
that it was consumption. Any way, the poor
Dauphine terminated her melancholy existence
" willingly and with calmness," according to the
expression of her compatriot the Duchesse d' Orleans,
in April 1690, at the age of twenty-nine.
The Dauphin does not appear to have wasted
much time in mourning for his consort, and a week
after the funeral Dangeau records that " Monseigneur
hunted the wolf." Some years later — probably
in 1695 — he followed the example of his father
and contracted a secret marriage d la Maintenon
with Mile, de Choin, one of the filles d'honneur of
his half-sister, the Princesse de Conti. Saint-Simon
paints a far from alluring portrait of this lady,
whom he describes as " stout, squat, swarthy,
and snub-nosed " ; but, if she had no pretensions
124 A ROSE OF SAVOY
to beauty, she possessed intelligence, charming
manners, and an abundance of good-humour.
Moreover, she was singularly free from ambition,
and appears really to have cared for the vacuous
prince, who, on his side, remained devoted to her
until the day of his death.
Louis XIV, who, in the later years of his life,
showed himself very severe in the matter of morals,
and had, some time before, banished another
inamorata of the Dauphin from Court, was at first
highly displeased at his son's intimacy with Mile,
de Choin, dismissed the lady from the service of the
Princesse de Conti, and ordered her to withdraw
to Paris. When, however, he learned that the
connection had been regularised, he relented —
possibly regarding his son's morganatic union as
a compliment to himself — offered to receive his
new daughter-in-law, and even to give her apart-
ments at Versailles. His offers were, however,
declined, Mile, de Choin preferring to play the same
role at Meudon as did Madame de Maintenon at
Versailles ; while, when Monseigneur was not at
his country-seat, she lived very quietly in Paris.
Such were the parents of the Due de Bourgogne.
Happily for him, he bore little resemblance to
either of them. Nevertheless, there were few in-
dications in his childhood of what he was eventu-
ally to become; indeed, his arrogance, wilfulness,
and ungovernable temper drove his gouvernante,
the Marechale de la Mothe-Houdancourt, and the
other women to whose care he was at first confided,
almost to distraction. The earliest portrait which
Saint-Simon has drawn of the prince whom he
afterwards came to regard as a prodigy of saintli-
A ROSE OF SAVOY 125
ness, altogether too virtuous for this wicked world,
is really a terrible one : —
" This prince was born terrible, and in his early
youth made people tremble. He would fall into
ungovernable fits of rage, even against inanimate
objects, would break the clock which summoned
him to some unwelcome duty, or storm at the
rain when it prevented him from going out. He
was impetuous with frenzy ; incapable of support-
ing the least resistance ; obstinate to excess ;
passionately fond of all kinds of pleasure. He
had an ardent inclination for everything which is
forbidden the mind and the body, and a biting
cruel wit, which spared no one and never missed
its mark. His pride and arrogance were inde-
scribable. As from the height of the sky, he looked
down upon men, whoever they were, as flies and
atoms, and even his brothers scarcely seemed to
him connecting-links between himself and the
human race, although all three had been brought
up together in perfect equality." ^
Although it is probable that Saint-Simon has
exaggerated the faults of the child, in order to
exalt by contrast the noble qualities of the young
man, there can be little doubt that the portrait
is, in its main lines, faithful enough ; and when,
at the age of seven, the Due de Bourgogne passed
out of the hands of the women, who had been
only too ready to purchase peace and quiet by
humouring the little tyrant, into those of the
Due de Beauvilliers and Fenelon, both gouverneur
1 M6moires.
126 A ROSE OF SAVOY
and tutor must have realised that a task of ex-
ceptional difficulty confronted them.
Happily, they were in no way daunted by it,
for two wiser selections it would have been
impossible to make. Beauvilliers, a younger son,
who until the death of his elder brother had
been intended for an ecclesiastical career, was an
excellent man, profoundly religious, kindly, patient,
and gentle. Both he and his wife were close
friends of Madame de Maintenon, " who dined
with them once or twice every week, with a hand-
bell on the table, so that they might have no
servants about them, and might converse without
restraint " ; ^ and it is not improbable that to
this lady's influence the duke owed his appoint-
ment. Nevertheless, it was a nomination which
met with general approval, as did that of Fenelon ;
and Madame de Sevign6 wrote that the King
had made three men out of one duke — in allusion
to Beauvillier's three offices, gouverneur, First
Gentleman of the Chamber, and sinecure President
of the Council of Finance — and that Saint-Louis
himself could not have chosen better. She added
that the Abbe de Fenelon was a man of rare merit
for intelligence, knowledge, and piety.*
Frangois de Salignac de Lamothe Fenelon — to
give the future archbishop his full name — entirely
deserved the high opinion which the writer had
formed of him, since no divine of the Galilean
Church has left behind him a more honoured
memory than the good and gifted man who, at
the age of thirty-eight, became the preceptor of
' Saint-Simon, Mimoires.
' Madame de Sevigne to Madame de Grignan, August 1689.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 127
the Due de Bourgogne. A member of a noble
and ancient, but impoverished, P^rigord family,
his feeble health and studious habits had early
decided his parents that the priesthood was his
vocation, and, after a preliminary training in
classics at the University of Cahors, and in
philosophy at the College du Plessy, he was sent
to the theological seminary of Saint-Sulpice, then
under the direction of the Abbe Tronson, where
he remained for ten years. Soon after his
ordination — which appears to have taken place
some time in the year 1675, though the exact
date is uncertain — animated partly by evangehcal
motives, and partly, as he tells us, by " a wish
to inhale among those precious monuments and
ruins the very essence of the antique," he formed
the project of making a missionary journey to
the Levant, which, however, he abandoned, in
deference to the wishes of his relatives. For the
next two or three years his time was mainly
occupied with attendance at the hospitals and
other parochial duties in the parish of Saint-
Sulpice, but in 1678 he was appointed diredeur
of the Nouvelles Catholiques, an institution
founded in 1634 by Jean Frangois de Gondi,
Archbishop of Paris, " to provide young girls
converted from Protestantism with a safe retreat
from the persecutions of their relatives and the
artifices of heretics," though, as a matter of fact,
most of the inmates were Huguenot children, who
had been legally kidnapped, in order to bring them
up in the vState religion.
Although, even at this early period of his
career, the sincerity of Fenelon's religious con-
128 A ROSE OF SAVOY
victions cannot be doubted, there seems to have
been a strong vein of ambition in his character,
and he did not disdain " to knock at every door," ^
to utilise to the full the opportunities which his
aristocratic connections gave him for making
powerful friends, and even to become " one of the
most outrageous flatterers of Bossuet." ^ Among
the great houses at which he was a frequent
visitor, was that of the Beauvilliers, and it was
at the request of the Duchesse de Beauvilliers —
a mother of many daughters — that he wrote his
celebrated treatise De I'Sducation des filles, which,
originally intended only for private circulation,
attracted so much attention that in 1687 it was
given to the public.
The success which had attended Fenelon's
gentle persuasiveness with the New Catholics led
to his appointment as head of a mission which,
at the end of the year 1685, was despatched to
Saintonge to preach among the Protestant
population of that province and complete the
work which the dragonnades had begun. This
mission, which lasted until the following July,
and was renewed for a few months in the spring
and summer of 1687, resulted in the bringing
back of many a lost sheep to the Catholic fold;
but though Fenelon's methods of proselytism
seem to have been gentleness itself in comparison
with those in vogue in other parts of France, " it
is on the whole a dark page in his life." ^
However that may be, it undoubtedly increased
1 Saint-Simon.
^ Brunetifere, Art. " Fenelon," in la Grande EncyclopSdie
" Viscount St. Cyres, Frangois de FMelon (Methuen, 1901).
A ROSE OF SAVOY 129
the favour with which F^nelon was regarded in
high quarters, and when, two years later, Beau-
vilhers begged Louis xiv to give him for his
principal coadjutor in the training of the Due de
Bourgogne the young ecclesiastic whose treatise
on the education of girls had demonstrated his
aptitude for so responsible a post, the King,
recollecting the good seed sown in Saintonge,
granted the request without hesitation.
He soon had reason to felicitate himself upon
his decision, for rarely has the value of a sound
and judicious education in eradicating the evil
propensities of a child been more strikingly de-
monstrated. What Montausier and Bossuet had
so conspicuously failed in doing for the father,
Beauvilliers and Fenelon did for the son. But
it is to the preceptor to whom the credit of the
achievement mainly belongs, since Beauvilliers,
though officially his superior, was really his disciple,
who readily adopted all his suggestions and left
him an entirely free hand. Fenelon was a born
teacher in the highest sense, gifted with all the
qualities that make for success in that most
difficult of professions, and combining with these
gifts an extraordinary personal charm, which left
a deep impression even upon those who had but
the slightest acquaintance with him. Saint-Simon
tells us that he " knew him only by sight," yet
that mere sight was enough to enable the chronicler
to grasp the wonderful fascination of the man,
and to furnish him with materials for one of his
most arresting portraits.
" He was," he writes, " a tall thin man, with
a large nose, eyes from which fire and intellect
9
130 A ROSE OF SAVOY
streamed like a torrent, and a physiognomy the
like of which I have never seen in any other man,
and which, once seen, could never be forgotten.
It combined all things, and yet the contradictions
produced no want of harmony. It united gravity,
gaiety, and courtesy ; it equally expressed the
man of learning, the bishop, and the grand seigneur.
But its prevailing characteristic, as in everything
about him, was elegance, refinement, grace, modesty,
and, above all, nobility. It was difiicult to take
one's eyes off him. His manner was in complete
accord with his appearance ; his perfect ease was
infectious to others, and his conversation was dis-
tinguished by that grace and good taste which are
only acquired by constant intercourse with the best
society and the great world." ^
Fenelon quickly perceived that, though, thanks
to the foolish indulgence of his gouvernante and
her assistants, the boy's faults had hitherto alone
attracted attention, there was in him the germ
of much that was good ; that he was, like most
passionate children, capable of sincere affection ;
that his quickness and penetration were remark-
able, and that he was frank and truthful to a
fault. He therefore set himself to gain the affection
and confidence of his pupil, and this once secured
his task was immensely facilitated. Recognising
that, with so sensitive and highly strung a lad,
corporal punishment would be a fatal mistake, and
that even direct reprimands might provoke resent-
ment rather than contrition, he had recourse to
other means of bringing home to his pupil the
gravity of his faults, and awakening in him a desire
' Mimoires.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 131
for amendment. Thus, one day, after he had
fallen into a violent passion, his attendants received
orders to remark how ill he was looking, which so
alarmed him that he asked that Fagon ^ should
be sent for. Fagon, who was, of course, in the
secret, felt his patient's pulse, looked at his tongue,
and, after pretending to reflect for a few moments,
inquired whether something had not occurred to
irritate the prince. His Royal Highness admitted
that he had been very much irritated indeed, and
demanded if that were the cause of his indis-
position. The doctor rejoined that it was un-
doubtedly the case, and proceeded to enumerate
all the maladies to which excess of anger might
give rise, adding that he had even known instances
in which those who had been unable to control
their passion had suddenly fallen down dead.
Frequently the preceptor made use of object-
lessons to illustrate the faults of the prince, setting
him to study La Fontaine's Fables, and to dis-
cover for himself the moral which they pointed,
or to compose essays concerning historical per-
sonages whose pride, obstinacy, or passions had
brought them to ruin. Sometimes, in order that
these object lessons might take a form more
likely to impress themselves on the mind of his
pupil, he did not shrink from employing deception.
One morning, a carpenter came to execute some
repairs in the gallery on to which the prince's
apartments opened. The boy went out to watch
what was going on, and began to examine the
man's tools. Thereupon, the carpenter, who had
1 Guy Crescent Fagon, chief physician to Louis xiv, and the
most celebrated doctor of his time.
132 A ROSE OF SAVOY
received his instructions from F6nelon, pretended
to fly into a violent rage. " Off with you, prince ! "
he shouted, " when I am in a temper, I break
every bone in the bodies of those who come near
me." The prince, terribly frightened, ran to his
tutor and told him that the carpenter must be a
terribly wicked man. " What then," replied Fene-
lon, " would you call a prince who beats his valet
de chambre, when the poor fellow is doing his best
to serve him ? "
On another occasion, the preceptor contrived
a much more elaborate piece of deception. He
showed his pupil a letter which he pretended
he had received from Bayle, then in exile in Hol-
land, in which the philosopher spoke of a curious
medal, which had been sent him by a Dutch anti-
quary named Vanden, who was travelling in
Italy. On one side, this medal represented a
handsome and noble-looking boy, surrounded by
Apollo, Minerva, and other denizens of Olympus.
On the reverse, the same boy appeared, but his
body ended in the tail of a monstrous fish, and,
instead of the deities and the Muses, he had for
companions serpents, witches, owls, and satyrs.
And the writer expressed his belief that this medal
had been struck by the orders of the enemies of
France, and was intended to depreciate the good
qualities of a certain young prince, by imputing to
him all kinds of vices. ^
When the little duke's humour happened to
be more than usually tempestuous, and F^nelon
felt that punishment was absolutely necessary,
1 Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et l' Alliance
savoyarde sous Louis xiv.
JiHiiiiiiiiiii III il I I I mil iiiiiwiiiii nil iiiiiiiiiniiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiNiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii
Mi||iiiiiiiiiiiiiiii«iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiraiiiB
FRANCOIS DE SALIGNAC DE LA MOTHE FENEI.ON, ARCHBISHOP OF
CAMERA!
FROM AN ENGKAVING iJV DKEVE I', AFTER THE PAINTING BV VIVIEN
A ROSE OF SAVOY 133
he condemned him to a kind of solitary confine-
ment. He was not allowed to go out, and no one
was permitted to visit him ; his books and play-
things were taken away from him ; he dined and
supped alone, and his attendants went about with
sad and averted faces, replied to his questions
in monosyllables, or ignored them altogether, and
treated him with mingled pity and contempt, as
though he were not responsible for his actions.
A day or two of this treatment generally sufficed
to bring about the result desired, when the boy
would confess his fault and ask pardon of those
whom he had offended.
Then it appears to have been Fenelon's practice
to request the penitent to commit his promise
of amendment to writing, which was presumably
handed to the prince on the next occasion that
he showed signs of unruliness, and must have
served to check many a passionate outburst. One
of these engagements has been published by the
Due de Bourgogne's eighteenth-century biographer,
the Abb6 Proyart, and is thus conceived : —
" I promise Monsieur I'Abbe de Fenelon, on
the word of a prince, to do at once what he tells
me, and to obey him the moment he gives me
any order ; and, if I fail in this, I will submit to
any kind of punishment and disgrace.
" Written at Versailles, the 27th of November
1689. Louis " ^
Kindly, tactful, sympathetic, and " more
patient than patience itself," ' yet concealing
1 Vie du Dauphin, pire de Louis xv.
' Joubert.
f34 A ROSE OF SAVOY
beneath all his gentleness an inflexible deter-
mination, Fenelon gradually succeeded in estab-
lishing over the mind and heart of his pupil the
most complete ascendency, and in bringing about
that reformation which his contemporaries appeared
to have regarded as little short of miraculous.
" God, who is the master of hearts," writes Saint-
Simon, " worked a miracle in this prince. From
the abyss he emerged affable, gentle, kindly,
tolerant, modest, humble, even austere, more than
was compatible with the duties of his position." ^
Indeed, in later years, when Fenelon was no longer
at hand to guide and direct him, he sometimes
carried his religious scruples to lengths which
brought upon him the ridicule of the ungodly,
and tried the patience even of his old tutor him-
self, who wrote in 1708, when the duke was in
command of the French troops in Flanders, re-
proaching him with " a piety which attempts to
govern an army like a nunnery." *
' Saint-Simon places the date of the " miracle " between the
duke's fifteenth and eighteenth years, but, as a matter of fact,
it was accomplished several years earlier, probably about the
time of his first Communion, which produced upon the boy's mind
a most profound impression. " Since the first Communion of
the Due de Bourgogne," writes Madame de Maintenon, " we have
observed the gradual disappearance of all the faults which, in
his childhood, inspired us with great anxiety for the future. His
progress in virtue was remarked from year to year. At first jeered
at by all the Court, he has become the admiration of the most
pronounced Libertines. He continues to do violence to himself
in order to eradicate entirely his faults. His piety has so trans-
formed him that, passionate though he is, he has become even-
tempered, sweet, complaisant. One would say that this is his real
character, and that virtue has becopie natural to him."
' Lord St. Cyres, in his admirable and impartial study of
F6nelon, blames him for "a dangerous extravagance in the moral
and spiritual education of his pupil" ; but M. d'Haussonville is of
A ROSE OF SAVOY 13S
And the boy's intellectual progress kept pace
with his moral development — or rather, outstripped
it — since he was remarkably inteUigent and
possessed of a real passion for knowledge. At
eleven, he had already read Virgil, Homer, Horace,
Livy, and portions of Tacitus, possessed a good
general knowledge of modern history, and had
been so well grounded in geography, that his
tutor declared that he knew that of France as
well as he knew the park of Versailles. Yet, so
far from Fenelon making an attempt to "cram"
his charge, four hours a day were all that were
spent in the schoolroom, and the tutor strictly
adhered to the principle which he himself had laid
down in his treatise on the education of girls :
" The less formal lessons that there are, the better.
An infinite amount of instruction, more useful
even than lessons, can be imparted in the course
of pleasant conversation." It was these conversa-
tions, in which Fenelon succeeded in stimulating
the interest of his pupil in a variety of subjects,
which constituted the most valuable part of the
Due de Bourgogne's education.
The daily life of the prince and that of his
younger brothers, the Dues d'Anjou and de Berry,
when they, in their turn, came under the control
of Beauvilliers and Fenelon, was marked by a
simplicity at that time very unusual in the case
of children of their rank. They rose at a quarter
to eight, and, so soon as they were dressed, went
opinion that this reproach ought to be more justly addressed to
Beauvilliers, under whose influence the Due de Bourgogne came
during the two years which separated Fenelon's nomination to
the archbishopric of Cambrai from the prince's marriage, and who
" set him the example of an almost ascetic piety."
136 A ROSE OF SAVOY
to hear Mass. Then they attended their father's
lever, and afterwards that of the King. At nine
o'clock, they returned to their apartments, where
they were free to do what they pleased till ten,
when the first lesson of the day began. This lasted
until noon, at which hour they dined. After
dinner, which never occupied more than three-
quarters of an hour, they had a dancing- or a
drawing-lesson. At two o'clock, they played
tennis or some other game with their sous-gouver-
neur, Denonville or their gentlemen until a
quarter to three. In summer, they worked with
Fenelon from three to five, and walked or rode
from five to seven ; but in winter this order was
reversed. From seven until a quarter to eight,
when they supped, they were permitted to amuse
themselves by reading anything they chose, and
after supper they played games until bedtime.
This was generally nine o'clock, but, if they had
behaved well during the day, they were permitted
to stay up a quarter of an hour later, as a reward ;
while if, on the other hand, they had been idle or
disobedient, they were sent to bed immediately
after supper.
Their fare was very plain — much plainer, in-
deed, than that of the children of many a well-to-do
citizen of Paris. Breakfast consisted of dry
bread and a tumbler of water, or water mixed
with vin ordinaire, whichever they preferred ;
dinner of boiled beef, stewed chicken, or roast
pheasant, with a great deal of bread, the con-
sumption of which was considered of the highest
importance, and a couple of glasses of light bur-
gundy, cider, or beer ; supper of roast mutton or
A ROSE OF SAVOY 137
veal, with a little venison or chicken, and some
cake or oranges ; while for their " collation " —
the seventeenth-century equivalent of the modern
afternoon tea — they were given dry bread or
biscuits and a glass of water. Ragouts and
such-like rich dishes were seldom seen upon their
table, and champagne and other strong wines were
altogether forbidden. This simple fare was no
doubt the prescription of the tutor, since he lays
down very similar rules of diet in his iSducation des
filles. But their outdoor life was regulated by
their gouverneur, who was a believer in the value
of manly exercises, and it should not be over-
looked that, if the credit for the mental and moral
training of the Due de Bourgogne and his brothers
belonged mainly to Fenelon, that of the physical
was due to Beauvilliers, and that the benefit which
their bodies derived from the almost Spartan
system which he insisted upon must have materially
aided the preceptor informing their minds. "As
for the exercises which they are made to practise,
they are of such a kind that no citizen of Paris
would suffer his children to take the risk of a
similar training. They are brought up as though
they were one day intended to become athletes,
and so persuaded is the Due de Beauvilliers that a
delicate prince is good for nothing, particularly in
France, where they are bound to command their
armies in person, that all the accidents that one
can foresee from this are powerless to divert him
from his purpose." Whether the weather were
wet or fine, they walked or rode every afternoon.
Neither in the burning sun of July nor in the
snows of January were they ever permitted to
138 A ROSE OF SAVOY
cover their heads. They were made to follow the
chase on foot, and to play tennis until they were
bathed in perspiration. Colds, coughs, and such-
like ailments were ignored, and, in case of fever,
bleeding and purgatives were strictly forbidden,
and quinine substituted for these fashionable
remedies.^
Unnecessarily rigorous as such a system may
appear, it seems to have proved highly beneficial,
particularly in the case of the Due dfe Bourgogne,
whom it transformed from a frail, sickly child,
always imagining that " his soul was about to take
her flight into his pocket handkerchief," and
" kingly neither in face nor carriage," ^ if not into
a robust, at least into a well-grown, pleasant-
featured, dignified youth. He was, according
to Saint-Simon — whose description is borne out
by the portraits of the prince at Versailles — rather
below the middle height, with a long sallow face,
thick curly brown hair, a broad forehead, fine
expressive eyes, a long nose, a pointed chin, and a
very pleasing expression. He was slightly de-
formed, one shoulder having early outgrown the
other and defied all the efforts of the surgeons to
set it right, and this defect became more marked
as he grew older ; ^ but, on the other hand, he could
show a well-turned leg and a small and shapely
foot.
' Marquis de Louville, MSmoire sur I'Sducalion des dues de
Bourgogne, d'Anjou, et de Berry.
' Proyart, cited by Viscount St. Cyres.
' This was generally attributed to his over-anxiety to learn
to write. In order to effect a cure, the surgeons condemned him
to wear an iron collar and cross, from which he suffered considerable
pain, without deriving any benefit.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 139
Fenelon did not confine himself, as Bossuet
had formerly done, to instructing the prince in his
duties in general. He strove to prepare the mind
and heart of his pupil for the great responsibilities
that, in the natural course of events, he would
one day be called upon to bear as the ruler of
France, and gave him lessons in politics as well
as in morals. The books which he wrote for the
duke's use : the Fables, the Dialogues des Marts,
and, above all, Telemaque,^ in which he subse-
quently admitted that he had " set down truths
most necessary to be known by one who was about
to reign, and described the faults that cling most
closely to the sovereign power," had a political
rather than a moral end to serve. " He regarded
himself as invested with the mission not only
to educate the prince, but, through him and
with him, to reform the State, and the courtiers
seemed to admit that the success of the Due de
Bourgogne's education foreshadowed that of
his fortunate preceptor's plans of government." ^
However, these high hopes were never destined to
materialise, since in 1697 the Quietist controversy
arose to ruin Fenelon' s credit at Court, and destroy
in a few months the fruit of so many years' patience
and perseverance.
' Fenelon also wrote for his pupil a translation of the Mneid. of
Virgil and a Vie de Charlemagne. But the manuscript of the
former has been lost, while that of the latter was destroyed in the
burning of the archiepiscopal palace at Cambrai in 1697.
' Bruneti^re, Art. "Ftoelon," in la Grande EncyclopMie.
CHAPTER VII
The Princess Adelaide at Fontainebleau — Madame de Main-
tenon entrusted with the supervision of her education — Letters
of that lady to the Duchess of Savoy — BUndman's bufi — Arrival
of the princess at Versailles — Decision of the King as to the
life which she is to lead until her marriage — She is visited by
James ii and Mary of Modena — Motives of her conduct towards
the King and Madame de Maintenon considered — Relations between
Louis XIV and his legitimated children — The Due du Maine —
The Comte de Toulouse — The Dowager-Princesse de Conti —
Madame la Duchesse — The Duchesse de Chartres — The Bang is
completely subjugated by the little princess — His attentions to
her — Dullness of the Court since the conversion of Louis xiv — The
arrival of the Princess Adelaide brings about a reaction — Amuse-
ments of the princess
THE Court remained at Fontainebleau for three
days after the arrival of the Princess Adel-
aide, that is to say, until November 7. On
the 5 th, after hearing Mass, her Highness received
at her toilette the persons whose presentations had
been postponed from the previous evening. At
noon, she dined alone in her apartments, and then
went to pay her first visit to Madame de Maintenon,
in whose apartments she found Louis xiv awaiting
her.
It had long since been decided that the educa-
tion of the princess was to be completed under the
care of Madame de Maintenon, a task for which
the ex-governess's great experience in the manage-
ment of children eminently fitted her. " The Duke
A ROSE OF SAVOY 141
of Savoy," wrote Louis xiv to Tess6, some weeks
earlier, " may make his mind easy in regard to the
care which will be taken of her [his daughter's]
education when she arrives at my Court. A skilful
hand will complete the fashioning of the intelligence
of which this princess has already given proof. She
will receive the knowledge and instruction con-
formable to the rank which she is to occupy, and
the example of the most perfect virtues will
strengthen every day the instructions which will be
given her to cause her to love her duties. I have
reason to hope that she will follow the sentiments
wherewith she will be inspired, and that she will
be made to understand those which she must enter-
tain in order to ensure the happiness of her life." '
Notwithstanding the glowing account of the per-
fections of the new arrival which she had received
from the King, Madame de Maintenon must have
looked forward to the princess's visit with no little
anxiety, for she was aware that, if her charge were
to show herself in the least inclined to resent her
supervision, these rebellious tendencies would be
sedulously fostered by her enemies at Court, and
her task might become one of exceptional difficulty.
She was, however, speedily reassured on that score,
as will be gathered from the following letter which
the lady wrote to the Duchess of Savoy : —
" She [the Princess] has a natural courtesy
which does not permit her to say anything disagree-
able. When I wished to resist the caresses which
she was bestowing upon me, because I was too old,
she replied : 'Ah/ point si vieille ! ' She ap-
1 Despatch of September 9, 1696, published by the Comte
d'Haussonville.
142 A ROSE OF SAVOY
preached me when the King quitted the room,
and did me the honour to embrace me. Then,
having noticed at once that I could not remain
standing, she made me sit down, and seating her-
self with a caressing air almost on my lap, she said
to me : ' Mamma has charged me to give you a
thousand friendly greetings from her, and to ask
your friendship for myself. Teach me well, I beg
you, all that I must do to please the King.' These
are her very words, Madame ; but the gay, sweet,
and graceful manner which accompanied them
cannot be described in a letter." ^
Later in the afternoon, the princess accompanied
the King and Madame de Maintenon for a drive,
the Duchess du Lude, and the Comtesse de Mailly,
her dame d'atour, also occupying seats in the royal
coach ; while Monseigneur and a number of nobles
followed in their own coaches, each of which was
drawn by a team of six horses. The direction taken
was by the side of the canal, and, to amuse the little
lady, his Majesty gave directions for the cormorants
which were kept there to be set to catch fish. On
her return to the chateau, the princess paid visits
of ceremony to Madame, the Dowager-Princesse
de Conti, Madame la Duchesse (the Duchesse de
Bourbon), and the Duchesse du Maine, in the order
of their rank, which duties performed, she returned
to her own apartments and received the Due de
Bourgogne and his brothers.
The exigencies of etiquette having thus been
complied with, on the morrow the princess was
allowed a day of repose in her own apartments,
where she had leisure to contemplate the splendour
1 Correspondance ginSrale de Madame de Maintenon, Letter of
November 6, 1696. ;
A ROSE OF SAVOY 143
of the Crown jewels, a portion of which Louis xiv
had sent her on the evening of her arrival, with
directions that she was to wear them whenever she
pleased,! and to enjoy a game of blind-man's buff
with her ladies and several distinguished persons
who came to pay her informal visits. " Every
one is becoming a child again," writes Madame to
her aunt, the Electress Sophia of Hanover. " The
day before yesterday, the Princesse d'Harcourt and
Madame de Pontchartrain played at blind-man's
buff ; and yesterday it was the turn of the Dauphin,
the Prince and Princesse de Conti, two of my ladies,
and myself. What think you of the company ? " ^
Every one, indeed, from the King downwards,
seems to have been delighted with the intelligence,
sweet disposition, and high spirits of the little
princess, and to have been genuinely anxious to
please and amuse her ; and, allowing for the flattery
inseparable from such communications, Madame
de Maintenon undoubtedly expressed the general
opinion of the Court when she wrote to the Duchess
of Savoy : —
" She is perfect in every respect, which is a very
agreeable surprise in a person eleven years old. I
do not venture to mingle my expressions of admira-
tion with those which alone ought to be counted ;
but I cannot refrain from telling you that, according
to all appearances, she will be the glory of her time."
' The Crown jewels at this period, according to Dangeau, were
valued at 11,333,000 hvres, "without reckoning those which have
been added since M. de Pontchartrain has had them in his keeping."
He adds that at the death of Louis xiii their computed value was
only 700,000 hvres.
" Conespondance de Madame, Duthesse d'OrUans (edit. Jaegl6),
Letter of November 8, 1696.
144 A ROSE OF SAVOY
And she ^ adds : —
" Your Royal Highnesses do me too much
honour in expressing your approval of my taking
her under my supervision. I believe that it will
have to be confined to preventing people from
spoiling her, and to praying to God to bless this
amiable marriage." ^
On November 7, the Court quitted Fontaine-
bleau for Versailles. The King did not leave until
after mid-day, but the princess preceded him by a
couple of hours, as Prudhomme, formerly barber
to Louis XIV, who, on his retirement from his
Majesty's service, had gone to reside at Le Plessis,
about an hour's journey from Fontainebleau, had
begged the honour of being allowed to entertain
her to dinner, and his request had been granted.
This worthy man was a great favourite with the
Royal Family, and particularly with the Due de
Bourgogne and his brothers, who often accepted
his hospitality when traveUing between Versailles
and Fontainebleau. It is not a little singular that
Louis XIV, always quick to resent the slightest
attempt at familiarity on the part of his great nobles,
should have been generally easy and affable in his
intercourse with his confidential domestics, and
should have frequently given them marks of con-
descension which would have been highly prized
by those in infinitely more exalted stations. But
the bitter lessons of the Fronde had disinchned
him to allow the nobility to decrease by a hair-
breadth the distance between them and their
1 Correspondance gSnSrale de Madame de Maintenon Letter of
November S, 1696. ,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 145
sovereign ; while, on the other hand, he was aware
that the condescension which rewards long and
faithful service by humbler persons stands in no
danger of being misunderstood.
The Court arrived at Le Plessis soon after the
princess had dined, and her carriage having taken
its place behind that of the King, the long pro-
cession of coaches continued its journey to Ver-
sailles, which was reached at five o'clock in the
afternoon. His Majesty again gave the princess
his hand to assist her to alight, and conducted her
to the apartments formerly occupied by the late
Queen, and, after her death, by the Bavarian
Dauphine,! which, Dangeau tells us, had been
superbly furnished, in honour of their new mistress.
Louis XIV had, as we have mentioned, decided
as to the rank which the future Duchesse de
Bourgogne was to occupy before her arrival at
the Pont-de-Beauvoisin, and, while the Court
was still at Fontainebleau, he had also announced
his decision on the question of how she was to be
addressed and the life she was to lead during
the interval which must elapse before her marriage.
Since, until that event took place, she could not
well be called "Madame la Duchesse de Bourgogne,"
or even " Madame la Princesse," such being the
designation of the Princesse de Conde, the King
directed that she was to be called simply " the
Princess," by which title Dangeau invariably
refers to her up t6 the time when she becomes
Duchesse de Bourgogne, not a little to the mystifi-
1 And after the Duchesse de Bourgogne, by the Infanta of
Spain, the fiancie of Louis xv, from 1722 to 1725, when the pro-
jected marriage was broken off ; next, by Queen Marie Lecziaska ;
and, finally, by Marie Antoinette.
146 A ROSE OF SAVOY
cation of students of the period who are unac-
quainted with his Majesty's decision on this matter.
The question of the hfe she was to lead
presented some difficulty, since, on the one hand,
a princess who had already an almost complete
Household — dame d'honneur, dame d'atour, and all
the rest of it — could scarcely be treated as a
child ; while, on the other, she was still too young
to hold a little court of her own, like the married
princesses. He therefore decided on a middle
course, and directed that the Court should pay
its respects to her Highness at her toilette twice
a week — on Tuesdays and Fridays — but that she
was to dine and sup in solitary state, served by
the Duchesse du Lude. At the same time, he
regulated her relations with the Due de Bourgogne,
who was permitted to visit his bride-elect once a
week, while his brothers were authorised to pay
her a monthly visit.
Two days after the Princess Adelaide's arrival
at Versailles, the ex- King of England, James ii,
and his consort, Mary of Modena, came from
Saint-Germain to visit her. This visit was regarded
as one of great importance by the Court, since it
was the first occasion on which the princess,
in accordance with the King's decision, claimed
the prerogative to which otherwise she would not
have been entitled until her marriage — that of
occupying an armchair exactly similar to that
of Mary of Modena. The princesses and duchesses
who were present at the interview sat on tabourets,
according to the custom of the French Court.^
1 Despatch of Govone, Envoy Extraordinary of Savoy, to
Victor Amadeus ii, November 12, 1696, in Gagnifere.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 147
A week later, the princess went to Saint-
Germain to return their Majesties' visit, and again
occupied the coveted fauteuil.
The princess continued to make progress in
the good graces of the Court, and particularly in
those of the King and Madame de Maintenon.
Madame and Saint-Simon assert that, from the
first moment of her arrival, she expressly laid
herself out to win the hearts of these two all-
powerful persons, in obedience to the instructions
she had received from her parents, who were
aware how greatly their daughter's future happi-
ness depended on the impression she succeeded
in making in that quarter. Madame, in one of
her letters to the Electress of Hanover, declares
that " for a child of her years, she is very supple.
She pays little attention to her grandfather
[Monsieur), and scarcely notices my son (the Due
de Chartres) and myself. But, so soon as she
perceives Madame de Maintenon, she smiles at
her, and goes to meet her with open arms. You
can understand from this that she is already
politic." And, in another letter : " It is im-
possible to be more politic than the little Prin-
cess. She no doubt owes this to her father's
training." ^
As Madame, who had been the first lady of
the Court since the death of the Dauphin, six
years before, was naturally piqued at having to
yield her place to the new arrival, we might expect
her to view the conduct of the little princess with a
somewhat jaundiced eye ; but Saint-Simon, whose
'■ Correspondance de Madame, Duchesse d'OflSans (edit. Jaegle).
Letters of November 8 and November 25, 1696.
148 A ROSE OF SAVOY
admiration for the Duchesse de Bourgogne is well
known, is here in accord with her.
" Never," he writes, " had princess, arriving
so young, come so well schooled and better capable
of profiting by the instructions which she had
received. M. de Savoie, who possessed a thorough
knowledge of our Court, had depicted it to her,
and had taught her the only way to make herself
happy there. A great deal of natural intelligence
seconded him, and other amiable quahties attached
people's hearts to her, while her position in regard
to the King and the Due de Bourgogne attracted
to her the homage of the ambitious. From the
very moment of her arrival she understood how
to work to obtain this, nor did she cease so long
as she lived to continue a work so useful, and
from which she was continually gathering all the
fruits." 1
That her parents and Madame Royale had been
at pains to impress upon the little princess the
importance of doing everything possible to gain
the favour of Louis xiv and Madame de Maintenon
cannot be doubted ; her letters prove it, and,
after her death, some instructions which the
Duchess of Savoy had given her on this matter
were found among her papers. But, at the same
time, it would be unjust to her to suppose that
her efforts to please the King and his wife were
mainly dictated by the politesse of which Madame
speaks. For Adelaide of Savoy was a child of a
singularly sweet and lovable nature, in whose
^ Mimoires.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 149
heart kindness and affection awakened a ready
response ; and if, like a true daughter of Victor
Amadeus 11, she did not fail to perceive in which
direction her interests lay, it is certain that she
soon conceived both for the King and Madame de
Maintenon a warm and lasting attachment.
But let us listen to the latter' s niece, Madame
de Caylus, a very shrewd observer, and one whose
criticisms of her contemporaries certainly do not err
on the side of benevolence.
" The public finds it difficult to imagine that
princes behave simply and naturally, because it
does not see them close enough to form a correct
opinion of them, and because the marvellous,
which it is constantly looking for, is not met with
in simple conduct and ordinary sentiments. People
accordingly preferred to believe that the Dauphine
[the Princess Adelaide] ^ resembled her father,
and that she was, from the age of eleven, at which
she came to France, as crafty and politic as he
was himself, and affected for the King and Madame
de Maintenon an attachment which she did not
entertain. As for myself, who had the honour
of being admitted to her intimacy, I judge the
matter differently, and I have seen her weep with
such sincerity over the great age of these two
persons, whom she believed, with good reason,
must die before her, that it is impossible for me
to doubt her affection for the King." ^
Whatever the sentiments which chiefly prompted
* The Duchesse de Bourgogne became Dauphine after the
death of Monseigneur, in April 171 1.
^ Souvenirs.
ISO A ROSE OF SAVOY
the conduct of the little princess in those early
days at the French Court, her conquest of the
King was both speedy and complete. Nor is this
difficult to understand. Egotist though Louis xiv
was, he combined with his egotism a keen sensi-
bility. He was capable of deep and sincere
affection, as is proved by his stubborn resist-
ance to the arguments and entreaties of Anne
of Austria and Mazarin in the affair of Marie
Mancini,^ and all his life he had craved for love.
In the days of his passionate youth, even his
most evanescent attachments had been redeemed
by a touch of sentiment.'* He lavished titles and
riches upon his mistresses, but these gifts were
the reward of their affection — or what he fondly
imagined to be affection — not the price of their
favours. Never did he use his position as King
to force his attentions upon any woman whom he
had reason to believe was indifferent to him as
a man ; never did he condescend to such odious
bargains as his grandfather struck with Henriette
d'Entragues or his contemptible successor with
Madame de Chateauroux.
Now that old age and penitence had come
upon him, it was another kind of affection of
which he felt the need : that of his own family.
But hitherto this need had remained unsatisfied.
^ For a full account of the romance of Louis xiv and Marie
Mancini, see the author's " Five Fair Sisters " (London, Hutchinson ;
New York, Putnams, 1906).
' " The late King (Louis xiv)," wrote Madame, many years
later, " was undoubtedly very gallant. ... At the age of twenty,
all sorts and conditions of women found favour in his eyes —
peasant girls, gardeners' daughters, maid-servants, waiting-women,
ladies of quahty — provided that they were able to make him
believe that they loved him."
A ROSE OF SAVOY 151
The heavy, commonplace Dauphin was certainly
not the kind of person to inspire affection, and he
stood far too much in awe of his royal father to
have any to bestow, though he always displayed
towards him the most admirable docility. As
for his legitimated sons and daughters — the Due
du Maine, the Comte de Toulouse, the Princesse
de Conti, the Duchesse de Bourbon, and the
Duchesse de Chartres — their origin and the differ-
ence of rank constituted a barrier between himself
and them which the splendid positions to which he
had elevated them had been powerless to remove.
In their relations a certain restraint was always
present, for though the King treated them as his
children, it was impossible for them to treat him
as their father.
Nor, with the exception of the Comte de Tou-
louse, a quiet, amiable, unassuming youth, who
in after years served with considerable distinc-
tion in the Navy, and in August 1704 defeated
the Anglo-Dutch fleet, under Admiral Rooke,
off Malaga, did they afford Louis much cause
for satisfaction. The Due du Maine, a great
favourite with Madame de Maintenon, who had
brought him up, which perhaps explains the
ferocity with which Saint-Simon assails him, was
an intelligent, well-read, and poHshed young
man, and particularly assiduous in his attendance
on the King, but ambitious, intriguing, and
wanting in personal courage. His pusillanimous
conduct in Flanders during the campaign of
1695 had occasioned his father the bitterest
mortification, and, if we are to believe Saint-
Simon, was the cause of his Majesty forgetting.
1 52 A ROSE OF SAVOY
for almost the only time in his life, his dignity
in public.'^
Of his daughters, the Dowager-Princesse de
Conti — often called la Grande Princesse de Conti,
to distinguish her from Marie Therese de Bourbon,
the wife of the present holder of that title — pos-
sessed much of the grace and charm of her mother,
Louise de la Valliere ; indeed, in outward attrac-
tions, she far surpassed her, and until an attack
of smallpox, ten years before, spoiled the fresh-
ness of her complexion, had passed for one of
the most beautiful women of her time. But she
was frivolous, coquettish, and spiteful, and had
lately fallen into sad disgrace with the King,
through the discovery of certain letters written
by her, in which his Majesty's relations with
Madame de Maintenon were turned into ridicule.
1 " The King, so perfectly composed, so thoroughly master of
his sUghtest movements, even upon the gravest occasions, was
overcome by this event. On rising from the table at Marly, he
perceived a servant, who, while removing the dessert, helped
himself to a biscuit, which he shpped into his pocket. In a moment
the King forgot his dignity, and, cane in hand, rushed at this
servant (who Uttle suspected what was in store for him), struck
him, rated him soundly, and broke the cane upon his body. In
truth, it was a very thin one, which snapped easily. However,
with the stump in his hand, and still muttering abuse of this valet,
the King walked away, Uke a man beside himself, and entered
Madame de Maintenon's apartment, where he remained nearly
an hour. Upon leaving, he met Pfere la Chaise [his confessor],
' Father,' said the King to him in a loud tone, ' I have chastised
a knave, and broken my cane upon his back, but I do not think
I have offended God.' Every one standing near trembled at this
pubhc confession, and the unfortunate priest murmured some-
thing that sounded hke approval, in order to avoid irritating the
King further. The sensation that this affair aroused, and the
alarmi it inspired, may be conceived. For some time none could
divine the cause, although every one readily perceived that the
apparent reason could not be the real one."
A ROSE OF SAVOY 153
Her half-brother the Dauphin was much attached
to her, and when he was not hunting or with
Mile, de Choin, passed most of his time in her
company.
The Duchesse de Bourbon — or Madame la
Duchesse, as the Court called her — the elder of
Louis xiv's two surviving daughters by Madame
de Montespan, was an exceedingly pretty, accom-
plished, and charming young woman. If, how-
ever, she had inherited her mother's beauty, intelli-
gence, and fascination, she had also her full share
of that too-celebrated lady's less agreeable qualities,
being selfish, extravagant, and deceitful, while
her mordant wit made her universally dreaded.
"Her wit shines in her eyes," writes Madame;
" but there is some malignity in them also. I
always say that she reminds me of a pretty cat
which, while you play with it, lets you feel its
claws." Moreover, she was far from an exem-
plary wife, and infinitely preferred the society
of the Prince de Conti to that of her liege lord,
" though this affair was conducted with such
admirable discretion, that they never gave any
one any hold over them." ^
Her younger sister, the Duchesse de Chartres,
wife of the future Regent, whose marriage with
her had caused Madame so much indignation,^
was, according to Saint-Simon, a person of con-
siderable intelligence, " having a natural eloquence,
a justness of expression, and a fluency and singu-
larity in the choice of language, which always
1 Saint-Simon. The chronicler says that Madame la Duchesse
was " the siren of the poets ; she had all their charms and all
their perils."
^ See p. 79 supra.
154 A ROSE OF SAVOY
astonished one, together with that manner peculiar
to Madame de Montespan and her sisters, which
was transmitted to none save those intimate with
her or those whom she had brought up." How-
ever, she appears to have been far too indolent
to employ her intelligence except in conversation,
and altogether failed either to gain the affection
of her husband — which is perhaps not surprising,
if we are to put any faith in Madame' s description
of her as " a disagreeable person, who gets as drunk
as a currier three or four times a week " — or to
give a suitable education to her eldest daughter,
afterwards the notorious Duchesse de Berry, the
heroine of some of the worst scandals of the
Regency. The pride of this princess was " almost
Satanic," and Duclos tells us that people jocosely
compared her to Minerva, who, recognising no
mother, prided herself on being the daughter of
Jupiter.^ With all her haughtiness, however, she
was timidity itself in the presence of Louis xiv
and Madame de Maintenon. " The King," says
Saint-Simon, " could make her swoon by a single
severe look, and Madame de Maintenon too, per-
haps ; at all events, she trembled before her,
and in public she never replied to them without
stammering and looking frightened. I say replied,
since to address the King first was beyond her
strength." In appearance, Madame de Chartres
was handsome, though not nearly so attractive as
her sister or the Princesse de Conti, while Nature
had endowed her with a figure that was too ample
for grace. Both she and Madame la Duchesse
detested their half-sister, who fully reciprocated
' Mimoires pour servir d, I'Mstoire da Louis xiv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 155
their sentiments towards her, and their
constant bickerings caused the King so much
annoyance, that one day he summoned the prin-
cesses before him and warned them that, unless
they could contrive to compose their differences,
he would banish all three of them from Court.
When not united by their common aversion to the
Princesse de Conti, the two younger ladies quar-
relled with one another, and we hear of Monsieur
complaining to the King that Madame la Duchesse
persisted in addressing his daughter-in-law as
" Mignonne," which appellation, having regard to
the generous proportions of the latter, was plainly
intended to cast ridicule upon her.
The three princesses delighted in practical
jokes, and were for ever in some " scrape " or
other. One night, at Trianon, they procured a
petard and exploded it beneath the window of
Monsieur's bedchamber ; while once, when the
Court was at Marly, the odour of an exceedingly
pungent tobacco was wafted to the King's nostrils
as he was on the point of retiring to rest, which,
on inquiry being made, was found to proceed from
the apartments of Madame de Chartres, where she
and her sister were smoking pipes borrowed from
the Swiss Guards !
Thus, his own children offered Louis xiv but
little of the consolation which most fathers find
when old age is creeping upon them, and, in spite
of his devotion to Madame de Maintenon and her
unwearying efforts to amuse and divert him, there
were many moments when he must have yearned
for that more complete relaxation which the affec-
tion and companionship of -youth affords.
IS6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
And now there had come into his hfe a charming,
high-spirited, lovable, unspoiled child, who, so far
from being overawed by this great King, before whom
every one else in France trembled, seemed to regard
him as a species of grown-up playfellow specially
created for her benefit ; who " in private clasped
him round the neck at all hours, jumped upon his
knees, tormented him with all kinds of playfulness,"
who was always ready to be his companion in his
daily walk or drive, to charm away his ennui with
her artless prattle, to make him feel that he was not
only a monarch, but a man and a grandfather. It
was indeed a novel and delightful experience for
one who never in his whole life had been on really
familiar terms with any human being, not even
with his mistresses. " The King was enchanted
by her ways," writes Sourches, " and showed for
her an astonishing affection, passing whole hours
with her in his cabinet, or in the Marquise de Main-
tenon's apartments."
Louis XIV seemed, indeed, as though he could not
see enough of the little princess, or show her sufficient
attention, and almost every day Dangeau notes in
his Journal, or Govone mentions in his despatches
to Turin, some fresh instance of the pleasure his
Majesty is deriving from the society of his pros-
pective grand-daughter. Let us listen to th?
Italian : —
" She [the Princess] continues to enjoy good
health, and to possess the good graces of the King,
who visits her regularly twice a day, not ceremoni-
ously, but from affection, since his attention is
continuously occupied in procuring her amusements
suitable to her age, but which exceed all that she
A ROSE OF SAVOY 157
can dream about. Yesterday the King took her
to visit all the gardens and fountains, to which I
had the honour of following them ; and I observed
with surprise and emotion the kindness of his
Majesty, who was pleased to permit the young
Princess to walk by his side on foot, and when he
perceived that she was tired, to make her enter a
sedan-chair with him, while he explained every-
thing to her, and made his observations in the
affectionate tone of a very loving father. This
spectacle was for me, a simple spectator, a true
gourmet's banquet."
And a week later: —
" The Princess understands how to attach the
hearts of his Majesty, Manseigneur, and Madame
de Maintenon more and more closely to her. . . .
His Majesty continues to relate to me with tender-
ness the questions and answers which are exchanged
between himself and the Princess, and to say how
rejoiced he is at finding such childish ways joined
to a fund of good sense."
And in a third despatch he writes : —
" The Princess continues to give further and
stronger proofs of good sense and good conduct,
in demonstrating the lively affection which she
feels for his Majesty. Moreover, the affection
which the King entertains for her grows stronger
every day. Madame de Maintenon does not cease
to teU me of the satisfaction of his Majesty, of
herself, and of the whole Court." ^
Here, too, are some extracts from the diary of
the omniscient Dangeau : —
1 Govone to the Duke of Savoy, despatches of November 12,
November 19, and December 3, 1696.
158 A ROSE OF SAVOY
" November 12. — On leaving the Council, the King
sent for the Princess ; he has given her masters to
teach her dancing and to play the harpsichord.
" November 13. — The King went to dine at
Marly, and took thither the Princess, with Madame
de Maintenon, Madame de Chevreuse, and all the
Princess's ladies.
" November 15. — The Princess came here [Meu-
don] to dine with the King, and brought all
her ladies. After dinner, the King took her into
the gardens, but their walk did not last long, as the
weather was very bad. The King told the Princess
that all the Princesses possessed menageries around
Versailles, and that he wished to give her a much
finer one than the others, and accordingly proposed
to give her the real menagerie, which is the Mena-
gerie of Versailles.^
" November 17. — The King returned early from
Meudpn, and on his arrival went to see the Princess.
1 The Menagerie was situated at the extremity of the southern
arm of the grand canal. All kinds of wild animals and birds were
kept there : bears, wolves, peUcans, ostriches, gazelles, herons,
foxes, Uons, and even an elephant. The aviary was the finest in
France, and there was also an immense pigeon-house, containing
three thousand pigeons, a poultry-yard, and a farm for cows and
horses. The little chateau of the Menagerie, originally a hunting-
pavihon, contained a handsome octagonal salon, surmounted
by a dome, and hghted by seven windows, in which Louis xiv
often dined when he visited the Menagerie, and a number of smaller
rooms, all very tastefully decorated and furnished. There were,
however, no bedchambers, since the chiteau was intended merely
as a house in which to give dinner- or supper-parties, and not as a
residence. The Menagerie soon became a favourite resort of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, who came frequently with her ladies to
partake of a " collation " and spend a few hours there, and after
1698, when the improvements which the King had caused to be
carried out at the chiteau for her benefit, had been completed,
she sometimes entertained his Majesty and other members of the
Royal Family.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 159
" November 18. — The King went out shooting and
returned early. "When he had entered Madame
de Maintenon's apartment he sent for the Princess,
and gave her the rest of the Crown jewels, of which
some had already been taken to her during her
stay at Fontainebleau.
" November 21. — The King drove after dinner
to Marly. He returned at six o'clock, and sent
immediately for the Princess to come to him in
Madame de Maintenon's apartments.
"November 24. — The King went to the chase,
but the bad weather caused him to return at three
o'clock. After his unbooting,^ he went to the
Princess's apartments, where he remained a long
time."
Since the King's conversion, the Court, once the
centre of gaiety and pleasure, had become decidedly
dull, and but for the fact that his Majesty regarded
it as a sacred duty on the part of his nobility to sun
themselves in his presence, many of them would
have certainly preferred the cheerful and unre-
strained life of Paris, or even the seclusion of their
country-houses, to the dreary round of aimless
pomps and ceremonies, varied by attendance at
the services of the Church, in which they were
compelled to pass their time. Writing in 1687,
Madame declares that " the Court was growing
so dull that people were getting to loathe it, for the
King imagined that he was pious if he made life
a bore to other people." Moreover, since de-
1 The unbooting {dibottS) of the King after hunting was, like
everything else in his daily life, a more or less solemn function.
It was alvfays performed by the First Gentleman of the Chamber
on duty at the time.
1 60 A ROSE OF SAVOY
votion — or at least a skilful affectation of it — was
judged to be the most potent of all passports to
the royal favour, the amount of hypocrisy which
prevailed was simply appalling ; "an ordinary
Sunday had become like an Easter Sunday," and
people flocked to services as they had done to the
masquerades and ballets of the pre-devotional days.
But now it seemed as though the advent of
this little girl was to bring about a reaction, if not
to the gaiety of the early part of the reign, at least
to something resembling that joyous time. For
the King was sincerely desirous of finding amuse-
ment for the child who had so speedily captured
his heart, and " sought every day something new
to divert her." The visits to Marly and Meudon
multiplied ; there were hunting-parties at which
the princess followed the chase in his Majesty's
" soufflet " ; ^ and when the spring came, picnics
in the forest of Marly, an invitation to which
soon came to be regarded as a great honour, and
excursions in gondolas or barges on the grand
canal of Versailles,^ which in warm weather were
often prolonged until the small hours of the
morning. Sometimes the King took the princess
to the riding-school of the Grande £curie to watch
the pages exercising their horses ; at others he
set her to fish for carp. Nor did he neglect
^ A light carriage, built to hold two persons, and drawn by
four swift ponies. In his later years, Louis xiv usually preferred
to follow the chase in his soufflet to the fatigue which a long day
on horseback entailed.
' In 1678, the RepubUc of Venice had presented Louis xiv
with a magnificent gilded gondola, and his Majesty was so pleased
with it that he bought several others, and also engaged the services
of a number of Venetian gondoUers, who were lodged at the head
of the canal, in the buildings which are still called " Little Venice.''
A ROSE OF SAVOY i6i
amusements more suitable to her age. He sent
for a conjurer from Paris — probably the same
artiste who had given a siance for the benefit of
the Due de Bourgogne two or three years before,
and had greatly diverted not only the little
prince, but his Majesty himself, " who had never
been known to laugh so heartily," — ordered a
performance of marionettes, and organised little
lotteries. On the other hand, the King refused
to allow the princess to attend the Opera or the
theatre, to be present at a ball, or to join in any
game of cards, until she was married, and even
gave orders that these forbidden pleasures were
not to be so much as mentioned before her, lest
she should be seized with a desire to participate
in them. Such restrictions seem to have been
regarded with disapproval by many persons, and
Madame declared that " she pitied the poor child,"
but, having regard to the " poor child's " tender
years, there can be no doubt that Madame de
Maintenon, upon whose advice they were, of
course, imposed, acted judiciously.
II
CHAPTER VIII
Madame de Maintenon — Widely divergent views in regard
to her character — The probable truth — Extent of her influence
considered — Her " hfe of slavery " — Her affection for children —
She succumbs to the charms of the Princess Adelaide- — Education
of the princess — Madame de Maintenon and Saint-Cyr — First
visit of the princess to that institution — She becomes a frequent
visitor, and shares in the studies and recreations of the pupils —
Anecdotes of her hfe there— She takes part in a representation of
Racine's Esther — Madame Maintenon's views on marriage — Her
advice to the princess in reference to her future husband
SINCE Madame de Maintenon is destined to
play a by no means unimportant part in
the life of the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
it may be as well for us to say something con-
cerning her here ; not in regard to her career,
since her romantic story is sufficiently well known,
but as to her character and influence.
During the last half-century, the popular
conception of Madame de Maintenon, until then
largely derived from the highly-coloured pages of
Saint-Simon — who, by the way, had no personal
knowledge of the woman whom he so rancorously
assails — has undergone a remarkable change, and,
in place of the scheming hypocrite who, foreseeing
that, in her case, religion and virtue were the
safest cards to play, passed from a youth of secret
vice to a middle-age of ostentatious piety, and,
after basely betraying her benefactress, Madame
162
A ROSE OF SAVOY 163
de Montespan, contrived to bewitch a superstitious
monarch into a humiliating subjection to her,
the unacknowledged wife of Louis xiv is not
infrequently represented as "a sort of courtly
Jeanne d'Arc, divinely appointed to convert a
licentious King from the error of his ways."
The truth, as we have pointed out in a previous
work,^ would appear to lie midway between these
two extremes. Madame de Maintenon deserves
neither the shameful aspersions of her enemies
nor the extravagant praises of her friends. Her
character was a singularly complex one, in which
the two dominating traits were an intense religious
conviction and a worldly prudence pushed to the
verge of unscrupulousness. That she was ever
guilty of the irregularities of which certain of her
contemporaries accuse her is in the highest degree
improbable ; in the first place, because the charge
rests on very unsatisfactory evidence ; and, in the
second, because such conduct is entirely alien to
the character of a woman whom " every trust-
worthy record proves to have moved in a plane
that diverged at right angles to the path which
leads to sins of the flesh," ^ and whose favourite
maxim was that an irreproachable behaviour is
also the cleverest in a worldly sense.^
On the other hand, to maintain, as her enthusi-
1 See the author's " Madame de Montespan," from which, by the
courtesy of Messrs. Harper & Brothers, we have been permitted
to reproduce several passages.
^ Cotter Morison, " Madame de Montespan : an Stude."
' On the supposed irregularities of Madame de Maintenon, see
our " Madame de Montespan " (p. 86), where the question of her
relations with the Marquis de ViUarceaux, whom Saint-Simon,
Madame, and Ninon de I'Enclos assert to have been her lover, is
discussed.
1 64 A ROSE OF SAVOY
astic admirers insist on doing, that her whole
conduct was dictated by the purest and most
disinterested motives, that her sole object was
the salvation of Louis xiv, will not bear the test
of investigation. That she ardently desired to
pluck the monarch as a brand from the burning is
beyond question, but that she was fully alive
to the material advantages which the post of
keeper of his Majesty's conscience would confer
is no less certain. The motives which guided her
in this matter, as in every action of her life, were
two, and two which are generally considered to
be utterly incompatible — worldly advancement and
eternal salvation. She would seem, in short, to
have been of opinion that there were exceptions
to the Scriptural precept concerning the impossi-
bility of serving two masters, and that she might
hold to the one without necessarily despising the
other.
But let it not be supposed that it was worldly
advancement in any vulgar sense that Madame
de Maintenon desired. To give her her due, she
set small store by the things to which other royal
favourites attached so much importance ; reason-
able comfort in the present, reasonable security
for the future, was all she demanded. But she
loved the praise of men, and especially the praise
of the godly. It was to her what tabourets and
pensions and resplendent toilettes and eight-horse
coaches and royal guards were to the Montespans
and the Fontanges. And the praise of the godly
she had indeed received : good measure, pressed
down, running over. " All good men," writes M.
Lavallee, " the Pope, the bishops, applauded the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 165
victory of Madame de Maintenon, and considered
that she had rendered a signal service to the King
and to the State." ^ " I am but too much
extolled {glorifiie)," wrote the lady, with proud
humility, " for certain good intentions which I
owe to God."
When, after the death of the Queen, Louis xiv,
unwilling to expose the State to the inconveniences
and dangers which a second family might entail,
unable to dispense with a wife, and yet sincerely
desirous of leading a regular life, decided to offer
his hand to the keeper of his conscience, whose
age prevented her from having children, and
whose companionship had already become almost
a necessity of his existence, her triumph was
complete. Nor did the King ever have cause to
regret an action, which, though never publicly
acknowledged, shocked the prejudices of the great
majority of his subjects and involved the sacrifice
of some of his most cherished principles. He
found in Madame de Maintenon a wife who, if she
were no longer young, still retained many of the
" thousand charms " of which MUe de Scudery
speaks in her portrait of Lyrianne,^ " reminding
one of those last fair days of autumn, when the
sun's rays, though no longer dazzling, have none
the less a penetrating softness," ' — a wife, amiable,
self-sacrificing, discreet, disinterested, who, notwith-
standing her narrow views, gave him much good
counsel, and the value of whose moral support
during the political and domestic misfortunes which
' Correspondance g&n^rale de Madame de Maintenon.
2 Mile, de Scudery, CUlie.
' Imbert de Saint-Amand, les Femmes de Versailles ; la Cour de
Louis XIV.
1 66 A ROSE OF SAVOY
clouded the last years of his reign can scarcely
be overestimated.
The extent of the influence exercised by Madame
de Maintenon after her marriage with Louis xiv
has been the subject of almost as much discussion
as her character, and is by no means easy to deter-
mine. But we are inclined to think that in affairs
of State it was really very small — infinitesimally
small compared with that wielded by Madame de
Pompadour in the succeeding reign — and that
the charge so often brought against her of having
pushed the King to the Revocation of the Edict
of Nantes, and the persecution which accompanied
that shameful and disastrous measure, is quite
unfounded.^ Louis xiv never let the reins of
government out of his hands for a single moment ;
and, if he transacted business with his Ministers
in her apartments, if he sometimes jestingly in-
quired : " What does your Solidity think about
this matter ? " he was quick to resent the slightest
attempt on her Solidity's part to interfere in matters
which he deemed outside the province of a woman,
as Madame de Maintenon' s own letters abundantly
testify. Here, for instance, is one which she wrote,
1 Madame de Maintenon undoubtedly approved of the Revoca-
tion itself, but so did practically all the most influential persons
about the King, Colbert and Vauban alone excepted. The chief
responsibility for the measure rests with Louvois and his father,
Michel Le Tellier, and it had been resolved upon long before
Madame de Maintenon was in a position to exercise much influence.
Moreover, if she approved of the Revocation, she certainly did
not approve of the steps taken to give effect to it, and, so far as
she dared, she strove to obtain some mitigation of the severities
practised against -the unfortunate Huguenots. " I fear, Madame,"
observed the King to her on one occasion, " that the mildness
with which you wish the Calvinists to be treated proceeds from
sojne remaining sympathy with your former religion."
WllilPIlT
FRANCOISE D'AUBIGN^, MARQUISE DE MAINTENON
FROM AN ENGRAVING AFTER THE PAINTING BY MIGNARD
A ROSE OF SAVOY 167
in September 1698, to Cardinal de Noailles, Arch-
bishop of Paris : —
" The King will allow only his Ministers to
talk to him about business. He was displeased
because the Nuncio addressed himself to me.
Make him understand the position once and for
all, I implore you. I can only give general advice
on occasions, and have no control over particular
events, which are seldom spoken of before me.
I should be well rewarded for the life of slavery
I lead, if I could do some good. I can only groan,
Monseigneur, over the turn matters are taking. . . .
Pray tell the Nuncio that I do not venture to
interfere in affairs of State, that my views are
what he does me the honour of believing them to
be, but that I am compelled to keep them to my-
self." ^
At the same time, if she possessed little or
no political power, it is beyond question that the
King made few Court or ecclesiastical appoint-
ments without consulting her ; that her influence
in such matters as the distribution of honours,
and pensions and places was very great indeed,
and that a word from her was sufficient to make
or mar the fortune of any courtier. How else
are we to account for the fact that, as she her-
self tells us, her apartment was like a crowded
church, and that Ministers and Marshals and even
members of the Royal Family were content to
cool their heels in her ante-chamber until it was
her good pleasure to receive them ? How else
for the virulence with which contemporaries like
Saint-Simon and Madame have assailed her ?
1 Correspondance genSrale, Letter of September 12, 1698.
1 68 A ROSE OF SAVOY
But, despite her astonishing success, Madame
de Maintenon was far from a happy woman. In
her letter to the Cardinal de Noailles, she speaks
of her " life of slavery," and her conversation
with Madame de Glapion at Saint-Cyr in 1705
shows that this was no mere figure of speech. There
was, indeed, scarcely an hour in the day which
she could call her own. She seldom left her apart-
ment, save to attend Mass, to drive with the King,
or to visit Saint-Cyr ; the most of the morning
and afternoon was occupied in receiving persons
who came to pay their court to her, in listening to
the more or less vapid conversation of members of
the Royal Family, all of whom visited her almost
daily, and her voluminous correspondence ; while
the evening hours, which Louis xiv invariably
passed in her apartments, were the most trying
of all.
" When the King returns from the chase, he
comes to me ; my door is closed, and no one is
allowed to enter. So I am alone with him, and
have to listen to his troubles, if he happens to have
any, and bear with his melancholy and his vapeurs.
Sometimes he bursts into tears, which he cannot
control, or else he complains of illness. He has
no conversation. Then some Minister arrives,
who is often the bearer of bad news, and the King
works with him. If they wish me to be a third
in their consultation, they call me. If not, I
withdraw to a little distance, and it is then that
I say my afternoon prayers. . . .
" While the King is still working, I sup ; but
it is not once in two months that I can do
so at my leisure. I know that the King is
alone, or that I have left him sad, or when M.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 169
Chamillart ^ has almost jfinished with him, he some-
times sends and begs me to make haste. Another
day, he wishes to show me something. In con-
sequence, I am always hurried, and am forced to
eat quickly. I have my fruit brought in with the
meat, in order to save time.
" After this, as you may suppose, it is late.
I have been up since six in the morning, and I
have not had time to breathe freely the whole
day. I am overcome with fatigue ; I yawn . . .
and at length I find myself so tired, that I can
hold out no longer. Sometimes the King perceives
it, and says : ' You are very tired, are you not ?
You ought to go to bed.' So I go to bed ; my
women come and undress me, but I know that the
King wishes to say something and is waiting till
they go ; or some Minister is present, and he is
afraid of being overheard by my women. That
makes him ill at ease, and myself also. What
can I do ? I hurry, and to such an extent that
I am almost faint ; and you must know that all
my life I have hated being hurried. . . . Well,
at last I am in bed ; I dismiss my women ; the
King approaches and sits down by my pillow.
Although I am in bed, there are many things
I require, since mine is not a glorified body with-
out wants. But there is no one present whom
I can ask for what I need ; not one of my women.
It is not because I could not have them ; for
the King is kindness itself, and, if he thought that
I required one woman, he would put up with ten.
But he never realises that I am uncomfortable.
Since he is his own master ever5Avhere, and does
precisely what he pleases, he cannot imagine
that any one should do otherwise, and beUeves
that, if I ask for nothing, I require nothing. He
1 Michel de Chamillart, Comptroller - General of Finance and
Minister of War.
I70 A ROSE OF SAVOY
remains with me till he goes to supper. At ten
or a quarter-past every one leaves me, and I take
the relief of which I am in need ; but frequently
the anxieties and fatigues I have endured during
the day prevent me from sleeping."
Her lot would undoubtedly have been easier
to bear if she had had any love for the man to
whom she had dedicated her life. But, though
she entertained for Louis xiv veneration, gratitude,
and devotion, she did not love him. Nor is this
difficult to understand. " Women," observes one
of her biographers, " are seldom enamoured of
the men to whom they owe their fortune. In
general, they prefer to protect than to be pro-
tected. They find it sweeter to inspire gratitude
than to experience it. What they like best of
all, is to show their superiority, and precisely
because their sex seems to be condemned by
Nature to a position of dependence, they are happy
when the roles are inverted, when it is they who
dominate, protect, oblige. Madame de Maintenon
was too much indebted to Louis xiv to be in love
with him." ^
But, since she was a woman, and, moreover, a
woman of sensibility, she must needs bestow
her affection somewhere, and it was on children
that she lavished it. " She was always devoted
to children," writes her secretary and confidante.
Mile. d'Aumale, " and liked to see them behave
naturally," and children so well understood this
goodness that " they were more at their ease with
her than with any one." Having no children of
1 Imbert de Saint-Amand, les Femmes de Versailles : la Cour
de Louis xiv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 171
her own, she was compelled to seek satisfaction
for her maternal sentiments in devoting herself
to those of other people. The first objects of
her solicitude were the adulterine offspring of
Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan, partic-
ularly the Due du Maine, who probably owed his
life to her devoted care, and for whom she always
retained the deepest affection. Then, when they
had passed out of her hands, certain of the de-
moiselles of Saint-Cyr became very near to her
heart, among whom may be mentioned Madame
de Glapion, the recipient of the confidence we
have just cited. Mile. d'Aumale, and a Mile, de
Pincre, to whom she was so much attached that
she permitted her to address her as " maman."
Finally, the little Princess of Savoy appeared upon
the scene, before whose charms she succumbed
almost as easily as had the King.
The success of the princess in conquering the
good graces of Madame de Maintenon was un-
doubtedly facilitated by the deference which,
from the very first, she was careful to pay that
lady, and the docility with which she listened to
her counsels. "I do what you order me about
Madame de Maintenon," she writes to Madame
Roy ale. " I have much affection for her, and con-
fidence in her advice. Believe, my dear grand-
mother, all that she writes to you about me,
though I do not deserve it ; but I should like you
to have that pleasure, for I count on your affection,
and I never forget all the proofs that you have
given me of it."
The girl solved very happily the somewhat
delicate question of how she was to address Madame
172 A ROSE OF SAVOY
de Maintenon by calling her " ma tante," com-
bining thus prettily, observes Saint-Simon, rank
and friendship. According to Languet de Gergy,
she was merely following the example of the lady's
niece. Mile. d'Aubigne, — daughter of Madame de
Maintenon's dissipated brother, Charles — who
naturally addressed her thus.^ But the Contessa
della Rocca points out " that the Piedmontese
equivalent ' magna ' was in common use in families
to denote women whose age, position, degree of
relation, or friendship entitled them to a certain
superiority, and that the princess no doubt im-
ported the custom from her own country." "
Madame de Maintenon quickly perceived that
the task of completing the education of her charge
would be no sinecure ; since, from a scholastic
point of view, it could scarcely be said to have
begun. The girl was surprisingly ignorant, and,
though she began by giving her professors of
music and dancing, she soon decided that a writing-
master was a more immediate necessity. However,
though the princess really seems to have taken
pains, and assures her grandmother, some months
after her marriage, that she was sensible of " the
disgrace of a married woman [setat 13] having a
master for so common a thing," ^ writing and ortho-
graphy were, as we have already mentioned, obstacles
which, to the end of her days, she never succeeded
in more than partially overcoming.*
^ Mimoires pour servir d I'histoire de la fondation de la maison
de Saint-Cyy et de Madame de Maintenon, cited by M. d'Haussonville.
^ Contessa della Rocca, Conespondance inedite de la Duchesse de
Bourgogne et la Reine d'Espagne.
' The Duchesse de Bourgogne to Madame Royale, May 26, 1698,
in Gagnifere. * See p. 37 supra.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 173
Madame de Maintenon was much exercised in
her mind to find that the ignorance of the Uttle
princess extended to history, a subject which,
in those days, played an important part in the
curriculum of all royal personages. To remedy
this omission, she had recourse to the good offices
of Dangeau, whom she persuaded to give her High-
ness lessons in Roman History — recommending
for that purpose the Histoire de I' Empire romain
of Nicolas Coeffeteau, " because the chapters are
short, and our princess does not care for what is
long." 1 In another letter, she begs Dangeau to
endeavour to cure the princess of a little mocking
laugh to which she was addicted, and advises him
to read her a certain conversation on the subject
of raillery which she herself had composed for the
benefit of the young ladies of Saint-Cyr. It would
be interesting to know how this versatile personage
acquitted himself in his new role, but unfortunately
his modesty prevents him from enlightening us.
In the eyes of Madame de Maintenon, the
moral and religious training of the princess was
naturally of far greater importance than the
purely intellectual. This she had the satisfaction
of finding had been as efficient as the other had
been the reverse, and that the moment the child
was assured that anything she proposed doing was
" sinful," she invariably replied : " If it is sinful,
I will not do it." However, since her charge was
now at an age when the mind is peculiarly suscep-
tible to new impressions, and the younger ladies
of the Royal Family certainly did not share her
horror of sin, Madame de Maintenon decided to
1 Correspondance'genirale, Letter of June 21, 1697.
174 A ROSE OF SAVOY
remove her as far as possible from the sphere of
their influence, and, as we have mentioned, to
place a veto on certain pleasures which she held
to be highly undesirable for one so young.
At the same time, with her usual sagacity in
dealing with young girls, she encouraged such
amusements as might be safely indulged in, and,
recognising that the child naturally required the
companionship of those nearer her own age than
the ladies of her Household, resolved that she
should spend as much time as possible at Saint-
Cyr.
A few words concerning this celebrated insti-
tution may not be out of place.
The idea of rendering assistance to poor girls of
gentle birth, and protecting them from the dangers
through which she herself had passed, was one
which Madame de Maintenon had long cherished,
and for some years before her marriage to Louis
XIV she had maintained, first at Rueil, and after-
wards at Noisy, an institution in which a number
of the daughters of the petite noblesse were educated
in a " Christian, reasonable, and noble " manner.
Lack of funds, however, naturally prevented her
from accepting more than a small proportion of the
candidates who presented themselves for admis-
sion, or from giving those whom she selected all
the advantages which she wished them to enjoy.
But in 1684 — the year of her marriage — she per-
suaded the King to perfect the undertaking, and
to build and endow for the benefit of her protegies
a house at Saint-Cyr, where her benevolent designs
might have full scope.
This house, constructed from designs by
A ROSE OF SAVOY 175
Mansart, at a cost of 1,200,000 livres, was com-
pleted by July 1686, when the school was trans-
ferred thither, and contained accommodation for
some two hundred and fifty pupils ^ and their
mistresses. The latter, who were caUed "dames
de Saint-Louis," were nuns, and were recruited,
as occasion arose, by postulants selected from
among the elder scholars. The first Superior was
Madame de Brinon, a member of the Ursuline
community.
Although the mistresses of Saint-Cyr ^vere
under vows, and Madame de Maintenon lent a
sympathetic ear to the appeal of any demoiselle
who felt that religion was her vocation, the aim
of Saint-Cyr was not to manufacture nuns, but " to
bring the girls up piously to the duties of their
condition," that is to say, to people the chateaux
and manor-houses of provincial France with a
race of high-principled, practical young women,
who would make excellent wives and mothers,
and who would not disdain " to see that the cattle,
the turkeys, and the fowls were properly tended,
and occasionally to lend a hand themselves."
Indeed, during the first few years of Saint-Cyr' s
existence, the education given there seems to have
been conducted on sound and judicious lines, and
the results to have been eminently satisfactory
from every point of view.
However, after the remarkable success which
1 The pupils were divided, according to their age, into four
classes, named after the colour of the ribbons which they wore
to distinguish them. The Red Class contained the youngest
girls, from seven to eleven years of age ; the Green Class, those
fromi eleven to fourteen ; the Yellow Class, those from fourteen to
seventeen ; and the Blue Class, those from seventeen to twenty.
176 A ROSE OF SAVOY
attended the pupils' representations of Racine's
Esther before the King and the Court, which led
to several of the damsels being asked in marriage,
Madame de Maintenon learned, to her profound con-
sternation, that a spirit of worldliness and frivolity
— nay even of coqtietry — was gaining ground
among her proUg&es ; that some of them declined
to sing Latin chants in church, from fear of in-
juring their pronunciation, and that they were
" becoming more proud and haughty than would
be seemly in great princesses." She therefore
decided that she had been " building on sand,"
and that the harm which had been done could
only be repaired by a complete change in the
system of education. From that time, the regu-
lations to which the girls were subjected became
much more severe, and, from fear of corrupting
the heart, much that might have served to enlarge
the mind was banished from the curriculum. The
result of thus permitting her scruples to get the
better of the sound judgment which she had
hitherto shown was fatal to the best interests
of the institution, and the remark made by Louis
XV, more than half a century later, that Saint-
Cyr produced nothing but prudes, was probably
not without justification, though perhaps le Bien-
Aime can scarcely be regarded as an impartial
critic.
Saint-Cyr was the pride and joy of Madame
de Maintenon' s life ; she regarded it as her work,
her creation, her own domain, wherein she had
at last succeeded in producing the perfect ideal
that she cherished, and her devotion to it amounted
to a positive passion. " Sanctify your house," said
A ROSE OF SAVOY 177
she to the dames de Saint-Louis, " and through
your house the whole kingdom. I would shed
my blood to be able to communicate the education
of Saint-Cyr to all religious houses which educate
young girls. In comparison with Saint-Cyr, every-
thing else is foreign to me, and my nearest re-
latives are less dear to me than the least of the
good daughters of the community." When-
ever she could escape for a few hours from the
tedium of the Court, she repaired to this beloved
retreat for rest and consolation. " When I see
the door closing behind me as I enter here," she
once observed to Madame de Glapion, " I am full
of joy, and I never depart without pain. Often
on returning to Versailles, I think : ' This is the
world, and apparently the world for which Jesus
Christ would not pray on the eve of His death. . . .
Here all the passions are in action : self-interest,
ambition, envy, pleasure.' I confess to you that
this reflection inspires me with a sense of sadness
and horror for that place where, nevertheless,
I have to live."
However, as one of her most profound ad-
mirers is fain to admit, it was not religion alone
which made her prefer the convent to the palace.
" At Versailles, she is constrained, incommoded ;
she obeys. At Saint-Cyr, she is free, she com-
mands, she governs. ... At Versailles, she poss-
ibly regrets the crown and the ermine mantle
which are lacking to her. At Saint-Cyr, she has
no need of them, for there her sovereignty is un-
disputed. Her lightest words are accepted as
oracles. Her letters, read in the presence of the
whole community, evoke universal admiration.
178 A ROSE OF SAVOY
The inmates to whom they are addressed boast
of them as titles of glory. Madame de Maintenon
is almost the Queen of France. She is absolutely
Queen of Saint-Cyr." ^
About a fortnight after the Princess Adelaide's
arrival at Versailles — to be exact, on November
25, 1696 — Madame de Maintenon took her to Saint-
Cyr for the first time, where her visit naturally
aroused the liveliest interest. She had decided
that, on this occasion, the princess was to be re-
ceived with all the honours due to her rank, and
the whole community, in long cloaks, met her
at the door of the cloister, where the Superior,
Madame du Peyrou, bade her welcome in a com-
plimentary speech. AU the demoiselles were
drawn up in a double line, through which she
was escorted to the church, and afterwards shown
over the refectory, the dormitories, the class-rooms,
and the rest of the establishment. The reception
concluded with a dialogue, recited by the pupils,
which had been composed for the occasion by one of
the dames, and " was seasoned with delicate praise." "
The princess was delighted at all she saw, and
on her return to Versailles went to find the King,
to tell him how much she had enjoyed herself.
She was eager to return, and, as Madame de Main-
tenon was only too pleased to gratify her wish,
she soon became a kind of habituSe of Saint-Cyr,
and went there at least once a week. Sometimes
she accompanied Madame de Maintenon on her
afternoon visits, but more often she went early
1 Imbert de Saint- Amand, les Femmes de Versailles : la Cour
de Louis xiv.
' Lavallee, Histoire de la maison toy ale de Saint-Cyr.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 179
in the morning and remained all day, sharing
the lessons, meals, and recreations of the pupils.
On these occasions, she was treated without cere-
mony, though always with respect, wore the
ordinary dress of the school, and answered to
the name of Mile, de Lastic, which was that of a
pupil who had recently left."
The MSmoires of the dames of Saint-Cyr
furnish us with some interesting and amusing
details concerning the visits of the princess :
" She was good, affable, gracious to everybody,
interesting herself in the different duties of the
dames, and in all the occupations and studies of
the demoiselles ; subjecting herself readily to all
the regulations of the establishment, even to
silence ; running and playing with the " Reds "
in the long alleys of the garden ; going with them
to choir, confession, and catechism; appearing
also at the novitiate and following its austere
exercises, and even at the assembhes of the Chapter,
in order that she might learn to take interest
in the community."
Although the princess's age entitled her to
join the Green Class, which, as we have said, was
composed of girls from eleven to fourteen years of
age, her education had been so neglected that
it was found necessary to place her among the
" Reds," whose instruction was Hmited to the
" three R's," the elements of grammar, a little
Scriptural History, and the Catechism. Since it
was the custom to test each pupil's knowledge
of the Catechism in the presence of her class-
mates, and great importance was attached to
proficiency therein, the dames always took
i8o A ROSE OF SAVOY
the precaution of warning the princess of the
questions which were to be put to her, in order
that she might learn the answers by heart and
fire the rest with a spirit of emulation.
Among her Highness' s favourite companions,
was Madame de Maintenon's niece, MUe. d'
Aubigne, already mentioned. Notwithstanding
their affection for each other, however, quarrels
between them appear to have been of not in-
frequent occurrence, and sometimes they even
came to blows. On one such occasion^ it hap-
pened that the affray was interrupted by the
arrival of a message from Pere Lecomte, the
princess's confessor, who had sent to remind the
young lady that it was her day for confession, and
that he was awaiting her convenience. " Oh ! "
cried MUe. d' Aubigne, with a malicious smile, " how
my conscience would prick if it were I who had
been sent for to go to confession ! "
Apropos of confession at Saint-Cyr, Madame de
Caylus relates an amusing anecdote, which shows
that the austere atmosphere of that establish-
ment was sometimes powerless to quell the mis-
chievous spirit of childhood. One afternoon, when
the princess came there in the company of Madame
de Maintenon, she found that a general confession
was in progress, and accordingly went into the
confessional and knelt down, but without sa5dng
who she was. Now, on this occasion, she was
not wearing the simple uniform of the inmates,
but the costly gown in which she had come from
Versailles ; and the worthy priest, hearing the
rustle of silk, and concluding that his penitent
was some fashionable sinner from the Court, who
A ROSE OF SAVOY i8i
preferred not to reveal her identity, proceeded
to administer such admonition as he considered
needful. The princess, choking with suppressed
merriment, heard him to the end, and then ran
off to find Madame de Maintenon. " Ma tante,"
cried she, " I am enchanted with that confessor ;
he told me that I was worse than Magdalene ! "
Although the alarming consequences which had
followed the representations of Esther and the
invasion of the profane had determined Madame
de Maintenon never again, under any circum-
stances, to leave the door of her dovecot ajar, she
stUl permitted the two plays which Racine had
written at her request ^ to be performed occasionally
at Saint-Cyr, on the understanding that every one
not connected with the estabUshment should be
rigorously excluded.* Thus, on January 30, 1697,
1 The second play was Aihalie, which was played before the
King and five or six persons whom he had brought with him.
This was the last occasion on which profane society was admitted
to a theatrical performance at Saint-C}^:.
" Her instructions to the dames on this point were very expUcit :
"Confine these amusements to your institution, and do not give
them publicity under any pretext whatsoever. It wiU always
be dangerous to permit men to see weU-made young girls, who
increase the attractions of their persons by playing their parts
well. Suffer, then, no man to be present, rich or poor, young or old,
priest or layman ; no, nor even a saint, if there be such a thing
on earth " — ^LavaUee, Histoire de la maison royale de Saint-Cyr.
Madame de Maintenon, we may here observe, always seems to
have entertained a poor opinion of the opposite sex, and, as
she grew older, to have regarded the most of those who composed
it as so many roaring Uons seeking whom they might devour.
" Flee from men," she told the demoiselles, " as from your mortal
enemies. Never be alone with them. Take no pleasure in hearing
that you are pretty, amiable, or have a fine voice. The world is
a mahgnant deceiver, which seldom means what it says ; and the
majority of men who say these things to girls do it in the hope
of finding some means of ruining them."
1 82 A ROSE OF SAVOY
a representation of Esther was given, and the
Princess Adelaide coaxed Madame de Maintenon
into giving her consent to her appearing in it. As,
however, she was of course too young to fill any of
the leading parts, she had to content herself with
a very minor role — that of " une jeune Israelite." ^
Nevertheless, the pleasure she derived from having
taken part in a representation of " that adorable
play" — as Saint-Beuve rightly terms Racine's
masterpiece — no doubt sufficed to make the day
a memorable one in her life.
Madame de Maintenon, of course, did not neglect
to give her charge frequent counsels as to her
conduct when she became Duchesse de Bourgogne,
and particularly in regard to her relations with
her future husband. Entertaining as she did so
poor an opinion of men, her attitude towards
matrimony was naturally pessimistic, and, indeed,
she appears to have regarded it as a kind of neces-
sary evil. Thus, while deprecating the disin-
clination of certain of the dames de Saint-Louis to
speak to their pupils upon the subject as " false
delicacy," she impressed upon them the duty of
fortifying the girls' minds against any illusions
which they might be inclined to harbour, and
representing marriage as a condition in which
loyalty to her husband's interests, " a sincere and
discreet zeal for his salvation," the management of
her servants, economy in her household, and the care
and education of her children, must be a woman's
paramount considerations ; while love, companion-
ship, and sympathy were of altogether secondary
importance ; in a word, as one of ceaseless and
1 Dangeau.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 183
arduous responsibility, with few, if any, compensat-
ing advantages. " When once they are married,"
she writes, " they will discover that it is no laughing
matter. You must accustom them to speak of it
seriously, and even sadly, for I think that it is the
state in which one experiences the most tribulations,
even in the most favourable circtunstances." And
in her instructions to the girls themselves, she
observes : " There is no novitiate to prepare you
for marriage. It is difficult to foresee how far a
husband may carry his authority. One finds few
good ones ; in truth, I have only known two, and
were I to say only one, I should not be exaggerating."
Such counsels were scarcely calculated to inspire
her -protigies with any consuming desire to enter
the Holy Estate, and it is not altogether surprising
to learn that many of them preferred to become
the brides of Heaven, rather than those of His
Majesty's lieges. Nor was the advice which she
gave the Princess Adelaide, " in reference to
Monsieur her husband," though certainly judicious,
particularly exhilarating. For instance, she teUs
her that she must not expect perfect happiness;
that she must not expect her husband to love her
as much as she loved him, " since men, as a general
rule, are less affectionate than women," and that
she must pray to God that she might not be jealous.
If, however, her husband was so iU-advised as to
give her cause for that, then she must not seek to
win him back by complaints and reproaches, but
by sweetness and patience. " But I hope," she
adds, " that the Due de Bourgogne will not subject
you to such trials."
CHAPTER IX
Sentiments of the Due de Bourgogne in regard to the Princess
Adelaide — Fenelon and Madame Guyon — Fenelon appointed
Archbishop of Cambrai — The conference at Issy — The Maximes
des Saints — Indignation of Louis xiv — Disgrace of Fenelon —
Preparation for the marriage of the Due de Bourgogne and the
Princess Adelaide — Ruinous rivalry between the courtiers in the
matter of dress — Completion of the future Duchesse de Bourgogne's
Household — The marriage — The wedding-night — The ball of De-
cember II, 1697
MADAME DE MAINTENON would perhaps
have been more optimistic in regard to the
matrimonial future of the Princess Adelaide,
if she had been aware of the sentiments of the
Due de Bourgogne towards that young lady.
Although the prince was only permitted to see his
bride-elect once a week, and always under the
Argus-eye of the Duchesse du Lude, he had soon
conceived for her a warm interest and affection,
which was ere long to ripen into a passionate
devotion ; and, a few days after the princess's
arrival at Versailles, we find Govone writing to the
Duke of Savoy : —
" I was present yesterday at the conversation
which the princess had for half an hour with the
Due de Bourgogne, which is fixed regularly for each
Saturday, in order to inspire him with a desire to
return to her. From the outset the young couple
began to converse familiarly, and concluded more
184
A ROSE OF SAVOY 185
sadly, when they perceived that the moment when
they must separate was at hand." ^
It was well for the Due de Bourgogne that he
was able to contemplate his approaching marriage
with such satisfaction, since it was to be preceded
by one of the greatest trials of his life : in the
summer of 1697, his beloved tutor Fenelon, to
whom he owed so incalculable a debt, fell into
disgrace, and was banished from Court.
Shortly before his nomination as preceptor to the
Due de Bourgogne, Fenelon had made the acquaint-
ance of that singular illuminee, Madame Guyon,
authoress of le Moyen court et facile de faire
Voraison, V Exposition du C antique des C antiques, and
several other mystical works, in which she expounded
her views concerning the inner life. Although not
a professed follower of Molinos, Madame Guyon
favoured his doctrines at least to the extent of
maintaining that, in the state of perfect con-
templation of God, the soul resigns itself so entirely
to the divine wiU, and the love of God is so purified
from all personal considerations, that it cares not
whether it be damned or saved ; and there can be
no doubt that, from the orthodox point of view,
her teaching was distinctly dangerous.
With this lady, who joined to her intellectual
attainments a great personal charm, Fenelon eventu-
ally formed a " lien d'dme," ^ and, under her influence,
1 Despatch of November 16, 1696, published by Gagni^re.
^ " II me semble," says Madame Guyon, in her autobiography,
"qiie mon S,me a un rapport entier avec la sienne, et ces paroles
de David pour Jonaihas : que son ^me itoit colUe h celle de David, me
paroissoient propris a cette union." In the theological war which
subsequently arose, some of Fenelon's enemies did not hesitate
1 86 A ROSE OF SAVOY
began to develop " a taste for refined and subtle
piety suited only for choice souls," ^ and to com-
pose little mystical treatises of his own. These
were freely circulated at Saint-Cyr, to which, on
Fenelon's recommendation of her as a " prodigy
of saintliness," Madame de Maintenon had granted
Madame Guyon free access, and, amid such con-
genial surroundings, the new mysticism made rapid
progress.
In 1694, Madame de Maintenon' s confessor,
Godet des Marais, Bishop of Chartres, who had
become diredeur of Saint-Cyr, growing alarmed at
the disturbing influence which Madame Guyon' s
doctrines were exercising upon his flock, subjected
her works to a searohing examination, and, having
found them " full of dangerous errors and suspicious
novelties," intimated to the lady that her visits
to Saint-Cyr would no longer be tolerated, and
persuaded Madame de Maintenon to cease all
relations with her.
Fenelon, without abjuring the opinions which
he held in common with Madame Guyon, recom-
mended her to submit her writings to a commission
composed of Bossuet, Louis de Noailles, Bishop of
Chalons, who soon afterwards became Archbishop
of Paris, and Tronson, his old tutor at Saint-Sulpice,
and promised that he himself would abide by its de-
cision ; indeed, his conduct at this stage of the affair
was marked by such prudence and moderation, that
to assert that there was something more than spiritual sympathy
between him and the lady, and Pfere de la Rue, an anti-Quietist
Jesuit and a friend of Bossuet, compared them in the pulpit to
Abelard and Heloi'se ; but for such a charge there does not appear
to have been the smallest justification.
1 Sainte-Beuve.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 187
most persons regarded him merely as the victim
of the errors or indiscretions of his friend.
Nevertheless, his appointment in February
1695, at Madame de Maintenon's suggestion, to
the vacant archbishopric of Cambrai, was pro-
bably dictated as much by a desire to remove him
to a distance from the Court as by the wish to find
a suitable reward for the great services he had
rendered in the education of the Due de Bour-
gogne ; and it was undoubtedly a sore disappoint-
ment to his disciples, who had confidently antici-
pated that when Harlay de Chanvallon, the aged
Archbishop of Paris, died, Fenelon would step into
his shoes.
Louis XIV, who does not appear as yet to have
had any suspicion how deeply his grandson's pre-
ceptor was compromised by the conduct of Madame
Guyon — Madame de Maintenon, aware that she
was herself to blame for having permitted that lady's
doctrines to take root at Saint-Cyr, was naturally
anxious to hush the matter up — ^would have been
willing to release the new prelate from the obli-
gation of residing in his diocese until the education
of the Due de Bourgogne and his brothers was
finished. But Fenelon, feeling the impossibility of
reconciling such neglect of his episcopal duties
with his conscience, declined his Majesty's offer, and
announced his intention of residing at Cambrai for
the full nine months prescribed by the Council of
Trent, and devoting the remainder of the year to
his pupils.
In the following August, he left the Court to
take up his duties at Cambrai, but, even while ab-
sent, he continued to direct the studies of the young
1 88 A ROSE OF SAVOY
princes, his instructions on every point being
faithfully followed by Beauvilliers and the sous-
pr^cepteur, the Abbe de Fleury. However, as
matters fell out, this temporary separation from
the Due de Bourgogne was but the prelude to a
complete severance between tutor and pupil.
After his nomination to the see of Cambrai,
Fenelon had taken part in the conference of divines
which met at Issy, nominally to examine the works
of Madame Guyon, but really for the purpose of a
general investigation of the new spirituality.
The report drawn up by this commission was
of such a nature that he at first refused to sub-
scribe to it ; but, after it had been amended so as
to meet his objections to some extent, he signed,
though with great reluctance.
But Fenelon felt that the matter could not be
permitted to rest here. Bossuet was pursuing the
unfortunate Madame Guyon with an intemperate
zeal which could not but be repugnant to one who
entertained for her the greatest sympathy and
respect ; and he ascertained that he was contem-
plating a work whereby he intended to inflict the
coup de grdce upon her already discredited effu-
sions.
Partly from a chivalrous desire to defend his
friend, and partly from a belief that her complete
discomfiture might involve his own discredit, and
ruin all hope of his ever realising the political
ambitions which he had so long cherished, he
determined to constitute himself her champion,
and to anticipate the attack of Bossuet by a
treatise in her defence.
This work — the famous Maximes des Saints
A ROSE OF SAVOY 189
sur la vie inUrieure, published in February 1697 —
and Bossuet's trenchant reply in his Instruction
sur les Hats d'oraison, fanned the dying embers
of the Guyon affair into a furious blaze, which
speedily consumed the remains of Fenelon's favour
in high circles. Louis xiv, although his ignorance
of theological subtleties would have moved any
junior student at Saint-Sulpice to irreverent
mirth,^ had always piqued himself upon his ortho-
doxy, and having put down Jansenism with a
ruthless hand, he was not disposed to show him-
self more complaisant towards Quietism. Accord-
ingly, at the end of July, he wrote to Innocent iii
to denounce the Maximes des Saints as a " very
bad and dangerous book," and, a week later,
without waiting for the Pope's decision, sent
orders to Fenelon, who was then at Versailles,
to retire to his diocese and to remain there. If
we are to believe Proyart, the Due de Bourgogne,
who had an audience of the King that same day,
threw himself at his Majesty's feet and implored
him not to separate him from the man whom he
had come to regard almost as a father. To which
his Majesty replied that no other course was
possible, since it was " a question of the purity
of the Faith," adding : " Monsieur de Meaux
[Bossuet] knows more about this matter than
either you or I."
Although the disgrace of Fenelon was followed
1 Saint-Simon asserts that, in religious matters, he was as
" ignorant as a child," while Madame declares that " it was
impossible for a man to be more ignorant of religion than the
King was." They probably exaggerate, but there can be no
doubt that, for " the eldest son of the Church," Louis xiv's know-
ledge of theology was deplorably deficient.
190 A ROSE OF SAVOY
by the dismissal of nearly all the officers of the
Due de Bourgogne's Household who had enjoyed
his confidence, Beauvilliers retained his post, and,
through the medium of the gouverneur' s brother-
in-law, the Due de Chevreuse, a devoted admirer
of the exiled archbishop, the latter still continued,
to some extent, to direct the life and studies of his
former piipil. As for that prince, though for
several years he strictly obeyed the orders of the
King, whose wishes he held to be " an emanation
of the divine will," to hold no communication with
Fenelon, time and absence, as we shall see here-
after, seem only to have strengthened the affection
and esteem which he entertained for him.
That but for the unauthorised publication of
Telemaque,^ under the allegorical disguise of which
Louis XIV, notwithstanding the author's denials,
persisted in recognising a satire against his own
principles of government, it is probable that the
King, despite his zeal for the " purity of the Faith,"
might have been ultimately induced to pardon
Fenelon. But the appearance of that work effectu-
ally destroyed all hopes of the archbishop regaining
the royal favour, and he remained in disgrace for
the rest of his life.
It will be remembered that the marriage-
contract of the Princess Adelaide and the Due de
Bourgogne, signed at Turin on September 15,
1696, stipulated that their union should take place
so soon as the princess had completed her twelfth
year, although it was, of course, understood that
for some time after its celebration the marriage
' Vie du Dauphin, p&re de Louis xy.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 191
would be one in name only. Louis xiv, delighted
to find in his future grand-daughter an intelligence
and self-possession beyond her years, and impatient
for her to take her place in the ceremonies and
pleasures of the Court, had, on the morrow of her
arrival in France, announced his intention of
marrying her the very day after she was twelve
years old, that is to say, on December 7, 1697 ;
and, in point of fact, the auspicious event was
finally fixed for that date.i
For fully two months previously nothing was
heard of at Versailles but the approaching
marriage, the preparations for which were marked
by a lavishness altogether unprecedented, even
in the annals of that prodigal Court. The King,
having been injudicious enough to express one
evening a hope that the balls which were to follow
the marriage would be brilliant affairs, every one
appeared to consider it a point of honour to eclipse
his or her neighbour, and " there was no longer any
question of consulting either one's purse or one's
rank." ^ The gazettes — for let it not be imagined
that the sartorial expert is the exclusive product
of modern journalism — were fuU of eloquent de-
scriptions of the ravishing confections which were
to be worn by this or that noble dame ; the cou-
turihes of the Rue Saint-Honore and the Rue de
Richelieu laboured day and night, and did not
' But we learn, from the despatches of Ferrero to the Duke
of Savoy, that the loth had been the date originally decided upon,
and that it was changed to the 7 th, because, since that day fell
upon a Saturday, the Parisians would thus have two days for
rejoicings.
* Saint-Simon. The chronicler tells us that his own and his
wife's habiliments cost 20,000 livres.
192 A ROSE OF SAVOY
forget to raise their prices, to an extent which, in
ordinary times, would have been considered pre-
posterous, but were now accepted without protest ;
the jewellers' shops on the Quai des Orfevres were
besieged by persons in quest of costly gems where-
with to enhance the splendour of their apparel ;
and so great was the demand for coiffeurs that
twenty louis were readily offered for the services
of one of these artists for a single hour on the day
of the marriage. Not a few of those who partici-
pated in this insane rivalry saw ruin staring them
in the face, but, since to a courtier of Louis xiv
a financial dibdcle was always preferable to
social extinction, it is doubtful if this had the
effect of curtailing their outlay by so much as
a sol.
Although most of the chief offices of the future
Duchesse de Bourgogne's Household had been fiUed
prior to her arrival in France, several important
posts still remained to be allotted, among which
were those of first almoner, first maUre d'hdtel,
secretary, surintendant, physician, and surgeon.
The services of Bossuet in exposing the fallacies
of the Maximes des Saints were recognised by his
nomination to the office of first almoner — an
appointment which, as may be supposed, was
viewed with anything but a favourable eye by the
Due de Bourgogne; but the other charges were
put up for sale, and realised sums which, in view
of the heavy expenditure which the marriage
entailed, must have been very welcome to the
Treasury, the Marquis de VUlacerf paying no less
than 300,000 livres for the honour of supervising
the princess's cuisine. Many of the minor posts
A ROSE OF SAVOY 193
were disposed of in the same manner, but the King
reserved a certain number of these for persons who
had been in the service of the late Dauphine, to
compensate them for the pecuniary loss they had
suffered through the premature death of their
mistress. Nothing was neglected to make the
entourage of the princess in every way worthy
of a future Queen of France. Her Household,
including the staff of her stables, numbered at
least five hundred persons ; her plate, her linen,
and all the appointments of her table were of the
most costly description ; her liveries, resplendent
with gold and silver lace ; her carriages, hardly
inferior to those of the King ; while Tesse, in his
quality of first equerry, despatched agents in
every direction, even so far as Naples and The
Hague, in search of horses worthy to draw these
magnificent equipages, and eventually nearly fifty
splendid animals were got together.
The eventful day arrived. Soon after eleven
o'clock, the princes and princesses and the principal
ladies of the Court assembled in the bedchamber
of the Princess Adelaide. At half-past eleven,
the Due de Bourgogne, accompanied by the Due
de Beauvilliers, was conducted thither by the
Marquis de Blainville, Grand Master of the Cere-
monies, and our old acquaintance Desgranges,
Master of the Ceremonies, and took a seat near his
betrothed, who was still at her toilette. The duke
wore a suit of black velvet, with a mantle of the
same, which was embroidered in gold and lined
with cloth of silver, likewise embroidered with gold,
but of a very fine embroidery. He was in doublet
and open hose, and covered with lace, " with broad
13
194 A ROSE OF SAVOY
garters, ribbons on his shoes, and an aigrette in
his hat." 1
Presently a message arrived to say that the
Council had broken up, and that the King was
awaiting the bride in the Galerie des Glaces. The
Due de Bourgogne then gave his hand to the prin-
cess, whose dress was "of cloth of silver, em-
broidered in silver, with a set of rubies and pearls,"
and she left her chamber, Dangeau, her chevalier
d'honneur, supporting her dress on one side, and
Tesse on the other ; while an exempt of the Guards
staggered beneath the weight of her enormous
train.
In the gallery they found the King and the
whole Court assembled. All, men and women alike,
wore costumes of the utmost magnificence, and
the princesses were literally ' covered with jewels.
" Never had splendour of apparel been carried so
far." 2
1 Mercure de France, December 1697.
2 We extract from the Mercure, which devotes some fifty pages
to an account of the marriage and the fetes which followed it, a
description of some of the wedding garments, which may not be
without interest : " The King wore a suit of cloth of gold, reUeved
on the seams by a rich and heavy gold embroidery. Monseigneur
was habited in gold brocade, with gold embroidery on the seams.
. . . Monsieur's dress was superb. His coat was of black velvet,
with button-holes of heavy gold embroidery and large diamond
buttons. His waistcoat was of cloth of gold, and the rest of his
costume of a like sumptuousness. The Due de Chartres wore a
suit of grey velvet, very tastefully embroidered, and enriched
with diamonds, rubies, and emeralds. . . . The dresses of Madame,
the Duchesse de Chartres, and Madame la Duchesse, were of the
most beautiful cloth of gold, embroidered in gold as heavily and
richly as possible. Their coiffures and their persons were covered
with all kinds of jewels. The dress of Mademoiselle [:^lisabeth
Charlotte d'Orleans, Monsieur's daughter by his second marriage],
which aroused universal admiration, was of green velvet, exquisitely
A ROSE OF SAVOY 19S
The procession to the chapel was at once
formed. First came the bridal pair ; next, Mon-
seigneur and Monsieur, their nearest relatives ;
then the King, who was followed, by his Majesty's
orders, by the Marchese Ferrero deUa Marmora,
the Ambassador of Savoy, accompanied by the
introdudeur of the Ambassadors ; ^ then the prin-
cess and princesses, headed by Madame ; while the
nobles and ladies in the order of their rank brought
up the rear. But let us listen to the Mercure :
" The Court in this magnificence passed through
the grand gallery and the State apartments,
descended the Grand Staircase, and entered the
chapel. In all the apartments the crowd of spec-
tators was very great, but in the chapel they kept
excellent order. The Due de Bourgogne and the
Princess of Savoy knelt on cushions opposite one
another at the foot of the altar steps. The Cardinal
de Coislin, Bishop-elect of Metz, first almoner to
the King, performed the betrothal ceremony,*
which was followed by that of the marriage. In
both these ceremonies the Due de Bourgogne
turned towards the King and Monseigneur to ask
their consent ; and the Princess of Savoy did
likewise, and also turned towards Monsieur and
embroidered in gold, with a parure of diamonds and rubies. That
of Mile, de Conde [Anne Louise de Bourbon, daughter of Monsieur
le Prince] was of carnation-coloured velvet, with gold and silver
embroidery and many jewels."
- Ferrero to the Duke of Savoy, December 7, 1697, in Gagnifere.
Ferrero's despatch leaves one in doubt as to whether the rest of
the Diplomatic Corps walked in the procession, though he tells
us that places were reserved for them in the chapel.
' This was a deviation from custom. When Princes or Prin-
cesses of the Blood married, the betrothal ceremony was generally
performed the evening before the wedding in the King's private
apartments.
196 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Madame to demand theirs as well.^ The Due de
Bourgogne placed a ring on the finger of the Princess
of Savoy, and presented her with thirteen pieces
of gold. Then the cardinal began the Mass. At
the Offertory, the Due de Bourgogne and the
Princess of Savoy went to the offering, after having
made the usual obeisances to the altar, to the King,
and to Monseigneur. The Marquis de Blainville
presented to the Due de Bourgogne a wax taper
and ten louis d'or, and M. des Granges did the
same to the Princess of Savoy, together with an
equal number of louis. After the Mass, the King
signed the register of the parish, and the Dauphin,
the Due de Bourgogne, the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
the Due d'Anjou, the Due de Berry, Monsieur
and Madame, the Due and Duchesse de Chartres,
Monsieur le Prince and Madame la Princesse, and
the other princes and princesses signed after him." ^
The procession then reformed and returned to
the apartments of the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
by which title we must henceforth speak of the
Princess Adelaide. In the ante-chamber a large
table in the form of a horse-shoe had been arranged,
at which the King, the bridal pair, and all the
princes and princesses, to the number of twenty-one,
dined, the guests including the Due du Maine and
the Comte de Toulouse, " who, up to the present,
had not enjoyed this honour"* and the Duchesse
de Verneuil, widow of Henri de Bourbon, Henri iv's
1 " When the moment arrived to say ' Yes,' the fiancie made
four reverences, and the fianci two, since he asked the consent
of his father and grandfather only ; while the fiancde asked the
consent of Monsieur and myself also as grandparents." Letter of
Madame to the Electress of Hanover.
* Mercure.
^ Ferrero to the Duke of Savoy, December 7, 1697.
MMMilMMlimilMlM
III n!.r/ci'C <ta tA^stin ./c ^r,i /i.mli' ^yhitU,i/tcc
fn<r/i /ji/nc/i ,i ^^Lyn.jc in i/ui't'/;/i' .iu\i- I'/zA-'/;'-
cV f/cfim/'.i Ifit-ntSt i/^o fi'i/ircs u /./ fi-.incc
qui Cn<T'f^7ef'i'*/r(- ti^iit- / U/iit-cro-
MARIE ADELAIDE OF SAVOY, DUCHESSE DE BOURGOGNE, AT THE
TIME OF HER MARRIAGE
FROM AN ENGRAVING BY DESROCHER, IX THE BRfTISH MUSEUM
A ROSE OF SAVOY 197
son by Henriette d'Entragues.^ " So that," observes
Saint-Simon, " M. de Verneuil became thus ' Prince
of the Blood,' so many years after his death, without
having suspected it." *
During dinner, it was remarked that the Due
de Bourgogne cast many affectionate glances in
the direction of his bride. " I see my brother
ogling his little wife," whispered the Due de Berry
to Madame, who sat next him. " But, if I wished,
I could ogle quite as well; you have to look
steadily, sideways." Saying which, he proceeded
to imitate his brother in so droll a manner, that
Madame was quite unable to restrain her merriment.
Upon leaving table, the company returned to
the Duchesse de Bourgogne' s bedchamber, where
the King remained a few minutes and then retired
to his own apartments. The Due de Bourgogne
and the other princes also withdrew, and the
duchess was able to lay aside her heavy bridal
robes and rest for a couple of hours. At six o'clock,
however, she was compelled to don them again, in
order to receive the Ambassador of Savoy, who
came to compliment her on her marriage, and
present to her several Italian nobles, who had
come to assist at the ceremony and the fetes. At
a quarter past seven, followed by a number of
ladies, she repaired to the King's apartments,
where Louis xiv was awaiting her, to receive
James 11 and his consort. Upon their Majesties'
arrival, the whole Court moved off to the gallery
to see the fireworks, which had been prepared at
the end of the Swiss lake.
1 Ferrero to the Duke of Savoy, December 8, 1697.
' Memoires.
198 A ROSE OF SAVOY
" Then, in the grand gallery, illuminated by
lustres/ which shed their dazzling light on the robes
of the ladies and the costumes laced with gold
and silver embroidery and covered with precious
stones, appeared the King, holding by the hand
the Queen of England, who, together with the
King of England, he conducted to the windows
overlooking the garden, where, in the midst of
that great sheet of water, there burst forth the
most magnificent display of fireworks that had
ever been seen." ^
After this spectacle, the effect of which was
somewhat marred by the wind and rain which
prevailed, the Court proceeded to the Duchesse
de Bourgogne's bedchamber to view the nuptial
couch — a veritable chef-d'ceuvre of the upholsterer's
art, with a counterpane of green velvet, em-
broidered in gold and silver — and the princess's
toilette-set, which was laid out in an adjoining
room, and was " much admired, both for its articles
of gold and silver and for its embroidery and lace."
Supper was then served, in the ante-chamber,
to the King and the same persons who had had
the honour of dining with him, with the addition
of the ex-King and Queen of England. During
the meal, the Due de Bourgogne's toilette-set
was laid out in the duchess's grand cabinet, and
aroused almost as much admiration as had that of
his wife.
1 " The gallery was lighted by three lines of lustres and a great
number of candelabra." — Mercwre.
* Despatch of the Venetian Ambassador, Nicolo Erizzo, to the
Doge, December 13, 1697, in Gagnifere. "Everything was so
arranged as to form arches of fire over the water, at the sides of
which an immense number of lamps in earthen pots made a
parterre of light." — Mercure.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 199
The time had now arrived for the pretended
consummation of the marriage, without which the
union would not have been considered binding.
But this singular ceremony we will permit the
Mercure to describe for us :
" After the supper, the Grand Master of the
Ceremonies [Blainville] and the Master of the
Ceremonies [Desgranges] went to summon the
Cardinal de Coislin, who was to pronounce the
benediction of the bed. The Due de Bourgogne
undressed in the cabinet in which his toilette-set
had been placed, and, at the same time, the
Duchesse de Bourgogne was undressed and knelt
down at her prie-dieu, as soon as they had made
all persons leave her bedchamber who had not the
right to remain. The King of England [James 11]
handed the shirt to the Due de Bourgogne, and
the Queen of England the nightdress to the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, who gave her garters
and her nightcap to Mademoiselle. So soon as
the Duchesse de Bourgogne was in bed, the King
sent to summon the Due de Bourgogne, who
entered the room in his dressing-gown, with his
nightcap in his hand, and his hair tied behind
with a flame-coloured ribbon, and placed him-
self in bed on the right side. The curtains at
the foot of the bed were closed, but those at the
sides remained half-open. The King and the
King and Queen of England withdrew, but
Monsieur remained in the bedchamber. A mo-
ment later, the Due de Bourgogne rose, passed
into the grand cabinet, where he dressed again,
and returned to his own apartments to sleep." ^
• " The Due de Bourgogne rose at the end of a quarter of an
hour. . . . The Duchesse du Lude and all the Duchesse de
Bourgogne's ladies remained around the bed. . . . The Due de
200 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Both Saint-Simon and the Venetian Ambassador
relate an amusing incident, mentioned neither
in the semi-official account given by the Mercure,
nor in the discreet pages of Dangeau, which took
place before the young couple parted for the night.
We give the preference to Erizzo's version, which,
though less piquant, is probably the more accu-
rate.
" The Most Christian King and his Britannic
Majesty, and the greater part of those who had
been invited having retired, the Dauphin, by
dint of affectionate encouragements, persuaded
his son to approach his spouse and embrace her.
The pious and austere Due de Beauvilliers, his
gouverneur, objected strongly to this, reminding
them of the King's stringent orders to the con-
trary.^ But the Due de Bourgogne, on this occa-
sion, preferred to obey his father rather than the
other, and called the princess, who ran forward,
threw herself into his arms, and gave immense
proofs of her satisfaction. But, the first embraces
exchanged, they will not find themselves together
again until after the expiration of the two years
necessary to reach the age of maturity." *
The following evening, the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne, wearing a dress of red velvet, embroidered
in gold, and a set of diamonds, held a cercle in
her grand cabinet, which was attended by nearly all
the princesses and duchesses, magnificently attired.^
Beauvilliers, gouverneur of the Due de Bourgogne, remained in the
ruelle of the bed all the time that he was with the Duchesse de
Bourgogne." — Dangeau, Journal, December 7, 1697.
1 Saint-Simon says that it was the Duchesse du Lude, and not
BeauviUiers, who objected.
^ Erizzo to the Doge, December 13, 1697. ' Mercure.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 201
On the gth, the young lady went to receive
the felicitations of her friends at Saint-Cyr. " She
was all in white, and her gown was so heavily em-
broidered with silver that she was scarcely able
to support it." However, she seems to have
enjoyed herself. On her arrival, she was received
with great pomp, and conducted to the church,
where the Te Deum was sung ; while afterwards
a choir composed on the plan of the choruses in
Esther, recited verses in her honour, written by
the dames}
On the loth, the prince, who was in after years
to be known as the "Old Pretender," and his
sister, came to Versailles to offer her their con-
gratulations, and in the evening she and the Due
de Bourgogne supped with Madame de Maintenon
in that lady's apartments ; while, on the nth,
the first of the two grand balls which it had been
arranged to give took place in the gaUery, and
is described by the Mercure as the " largest and
most magnificent that had ever been seen at Court."
But let us listen to the impressions of the Venetian
Ambassador, amplified by a few details from the
above-mentioned journal.
" The grand gallery was illuminated by more
than five thousand candles, and between the
reflections from the mirrors and the diamonds, this
place was rendered brighter than if it had been
lighted by the rays of the sun, when, on a sudden,
the Due de Bourgogne, wearing a costume starred
with gems,^ gave the signal for the grand dance." ^
1 Lavall^e, Histoire de la maison royale de Saint-Cyr.
' " The Due de Bourgogne's coat was of black velvet, with
many diamonds." — Mercure.
' The branle, which the Duke opened with his wife.
202 A ROSE OF SAVOY
" In this dance, in which beauty and magnificence
showed to advantage, the eye and the mind ex-
perienced enchantments such as the blessed can
scarcely conceive. The princes and the nobles
were in gala costume, the princess and the ladies
wore the most sumptuous gowns that had ever
been seen.^ Part of their hair fell in long curls,
and the other part was confined by sparkling gems.
" The cost of the least sumptuous of these vest-
ments was computed at twelve thousand livres,
and the most sumptuous at thirty thousand livres,
not including the precious stones, which were
numberless and priceless.
" At that hour the grandeur and brio of France
was made manifest, and one understood how
poor and miserable are the attempts of other
countries to imitate it. The presence of the King
gave lustre, and, at the same time, imposed a
restraining influence on the f6te, in which the
silence and constraint were so great, that one
would have imagined oneself in the midst of a
Senate of grave men rather than in a ball-room.
"The dancing was followed by the collation,
which was brought in by a hundred lackeys ; and
the ball-room was so skilfully arranged, that in a
moment it was transformed into a garden covered
with flowers, fruit, and sweetmeats." ^
And Erizzo adds:
" In the midst of so much joy fulness, one saw
1 " The dress of the Duchesse de Bourgogne was of cloth of
gold, with a trimming of diamonds, in which, as in her head-dress,
were the most beautiful of the Crown diamonds. All the ladies
at the ball were in cloths of gold or silver, or in velvets of all
colours, and covered with jewels." — Mercure.
" " At eight o'clock, the King called for the collation, which
was brought in on twelve tables, covered with moss and verdure,
instead of table-cloths. When all together, they formed a fragrant
parterre, in which were four orange-trees." — Mercure.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 203
tears flowing from the eyes of the King and Queen
of England, unhappy spectators of this great ball." ^
The second ball was given three nights later
(December 14). It was equally magnificent, and
more enjoyable than the one which had preceded
it, on which occasion the crowd of spectators had
been so great as to cause serious inconvenience to
the dancers. The Duchesse de Bourgogne wore
that evening " a dress of black velvet all covered
with diamonds ; her hair was braided with pearls,
and the rest of her coiffure was so full of diamonds,
that one might say without exaggeration that the
eye could scarcely endure such dazzling splendour." ^
The little princess's dancing was much admired,
particularly in the minuet.
The fgtes nominally concluded on the 17th,
with the performance of the opera of Apollon el
Issi, " an heroic pastoral in three acts," the music
of which had been composed by Destouches, in the
theatre of Trianon ; but, as a matter of fact, un-
official rejoicings continued for some days longer.
' Erizzo to the Doge, December 13, 1697.
* Mercure de France, December 1697.
CHAPTER X
Relations of the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne to one
another after their marriage — Studious habits of the duke — The
princess begins to hold receptions — Efforts of social aspirants to take
advantage of her inexperience — Removal of the restrictions hither-
to imposed on her choice of amusements — She assists at a per-
formance of the Bourgeois gentilhomme — Her visit to the Fair
of Saint-Laurent — Her passion for dancing — She is encouraged
to play cards — Pleasure which Louis xiv finds in her society
— Her letters to Madame Royale — A water-party at Trianon —
Consequences of the King and Madame de Maintenon's fooUsh
indulgence of the httle princess — Her conduct severely criticised
by Madame — A welcome improvement — The review at Compifegne
— Consummation of the marriage of the Due and Duchesse de
Bourgogne
THE marriage of the Due de Bourgogne and
the Princess Adelaide made Httle immediate
difference in their relations to one another,
and they continued to lead a separate existence,
the one under the charge of the Due de Beau-
villiers, the other under that of the Duchesse du
Lude. However, as Louis xiv considered that it
would be unreasonable, now that they were
husband and wife, to restrict their intercourse to
the weekly meeting which had been the rule since
the princess's arrival in France, the Due de Bour-
gogne was permitted to see her every day, and
to talk to her without restraint, provided that one
of the Duchess's ladies always remained in the room.^
''■ If we are to beUeve the unknown correspondent of Madame
Dunoyer, the Due de Bourgogne rebelled against these restrictions ;
304
A ROSE OF SAVOY 205
Although nominally a married man, the young
prince continued in statu fupillari, studying as
diligently as ever to fit himself for the great
position which, unhappily for France, he was
destined never to occupy. His favourite study
at this period was political philosophy, and he
read and analysed with great care the Republic
of Plato, while, " since he was persuaded that
justice is the basis of true policy, he made himself
acquainted with the principles of Roman and
French jurisprudence." ^
Highly pleased with his grandson's industry,
Louis XIV determined to give him practical lessons
in the art of government, and accordingly directed
the intendants throughout the kingdom to furnish
detailed reports concerning the districts within
their jurisdiction — their manufactures, agricultural
products, roads, canals, ports, and so forth. The
digestion of so stupendous a mass of statistics
would have constituted a formidable undertaking
for even the trained mind of a statesman ; but the
and one fine night, with the connivance of a complaisant waiting-
woman of the princess, concealed himself in her chamber, and, so
soon as he believed that the Duchesse du Lude, who occupied the
same room as her mistress, was asleep, emerged from his hiding-
place. But scarcely had he done so, when the dame d'honneur, who
apparently slept with one eye open, precipitated herself upon the
intruder and promptly ejected him from the room. The writer
adds that, next morning, Madame du Lude complained to the King,
who sent for his grandson and drily observed : "I have ascertained,
Monsieur, that something has happened which might be injurious
to your health; I must beg you not to let it occur again" — Lettres
historiques et galantes. The writer's weakness for the picturesque,
however, renders the authenticity of this anecdote open to suspicion.
1 " Pfere Martineau, Recueil des vertus du due de Bourgogne, et
ensuite dauphin, pour servir ^ V Education d'un grand prince " ; —
Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et l' Alliance savoy arde sous
Louis XIV.
2o6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
knowledge of the resources of the country subse-
quently shown by the young prince proves that
he had grappled with it with remarkable success,
and that he must have been endowed, not only
with unwearying industry and a veritable passion
for details, but an astonishing memory.
While the Due de Bourgogne was employed
in analysing Plato and Justinian, and digesting
statistics, his wife had taken her place in the
ofi&cial life of the Court. She now held a cercle
of her own, newcomers to the Court were presented
to her, and the Ambassadors received in public
audience. That she would very willingly have
dispensed with the right of holding these formal
receptions is more than probable, since in an age
and in a society which attached such extraordinary
importance to the minutiae of etiquette, she was
constantly required to be on her guard against the
commission of some error which might enable
aspiring persons, who were only too ready to take
advantage of the youth and inexperience of the
first lady in the land, ^ to lay claim to privileges to
which they were not entitled.
Nevertheless, she appears to have emerged
from these decidedly trying ordeals with much
credit, though, on two or three occasions, her
ignorance or timidity might have entailed very
serious consequences, from the hierarchical point
of view. Thus, at the reception of Madame van
Heemskirke, the wife of the Dutch Ambassador,
she conferred the cousinly kiss, not only on the
Ambassadress, but on that lady's daughter as well ;
while, at another reception, she permitted, without
a word of protest, the haughty and enterprising
A ROSE OF SAVOY 207
Princesse d'Harcourt, who, in virtue of her con-
nection with the House of Lorraine, claimed prece-
dence over the wives of all the dukes not of the Royal
Blood, to deprive Madame de Rohan by force of her
place at the head of the duchesses. Both ladies
felicitated themselves on having established their
respective claims to the privileges they coveted.
But, in the first instance, Madame, the second
lady of the Court, firmly refused to consider the
example of an inexperienced child binding upon
her, and speedily dissipated the fond illusion of the
Ambassador's daughter ; while, in the second, the
King himself intervened, ordered the Princesse
d'Harcourt to tender a public apology to the
Duchesse de Rohan, and pronounced against her
pretensions.^
However, the Duchesse de Bourgogne found
abundant compensations for such little mortifica-
tions in the gradual removal of the restrictions
hitherto imposed on her choice of pleasures. On
October 30, 1698, she was permitted to go to the
play for the first time, as were the Due de Bour-
gogne and his brothers ; and, in company with
them, witnessed a performance of the Bourgeois
gentilhomme at the Comedie-Frangaise, on which
occasion the delight of the young people must
have afforded the audience almost as much diver-
sion as the antics of the immortal M. Jourdain.
" The Due de Bourgogne," writes Madame,
" quite lost his gravity, and laughed till the tears
came into his eyes; the Due d'Anjou was so de-
lighted that he sat in ecstasies, with his mouth
wide open ; the Due de Berry laughed so much
1 Saint-Simon, Memoires.
2o8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
that he nearly fell off his chair. The Duchesse de
Bourgogne, who understands better how to dis-
guise her feelings, controlled herself very well at
the beginning, laughed but little, and contented
herself with smihng ; but now and then she forgot
herself, and rose from her chair in order to see
better. She was also very amusing in her way." ^
Two months later, we hear of the princess gracing
with her presence a performance of Bajazet —
though, unfortunately, we are not told what
impression this tragedy made upon her; and
Dangeau announces that the King had given her
permission to visit the " Comedie " whenever she
wished.''
The Duchesse de Bourgogne's expeditions to
Paris, however, were not confined to the occasions
when she visited the Comedie-Frangaise or the
Opera, which she attended for the first time on
January 28, 1699, under the escort of the Dauphin.
She went there pretty frequently to inspect the
latest modes ; for, young as she was, she was already
beginning to appreciate the important part which
the toilette and its accessories played in the life of
a lady of rank. But, since she loved amusements
of all kinds, the days generally selected for her
visits were those of some popular f6te, when the
great city wore its gayest aspect. Thus, in August
1698, escorted by Tesse and accompanied by a
number of ladies of the Court, she drove to the
Fair of Saint-Laurent, in a magnificent coach
drawn by eight horses. On arriving at the fair,
1 Correspondance de Madame, Duchesse d'Orlians (edit. Jaegl6).
Letter of November i, 1698, to the Electress of Hanover.
' Dangeau, Journal, December 28, 1698.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 209
which was held outside the Porte Saint-Denis, she
aUghted from her coach and mingled with the
people, who all applauded her charm and her
gracious manners, and were lost in admiration
at the magnificence of her attire, which consisted
of " un habit gris de lis en falbala, trimmed with
silver -lace, diamonds, and emeralds." First
she went to see the tight-rope dancers and the
marionettes, whose performances were always one
of the principal attractions of the famous fair, and
was so pleased with their skill that she presented
them with a handsome donation. Then she made
the round of the principal shops, including that of
a jeweller, who, in anticipation of her visit, had pre-
pared for her a most sumptuous collation, and made
numerous purchases, which she subsequently distri-
buted among the ladies who had accompanied her.
She remained at the fair until nearly seven o'clock,
when, after leaving a considerable sum of money
for distribution among the poor of Paris, she re-
entered her coach and returned to Versailles by a
circuitous route, which enabled her to make the
acquaintance of the Place Royale, the Rue Saint-
Antoine, the Place de Greve, the quays, and the
Cours-la-Reine.^
The interdict which had been placed on her
attendance at balls was also removed, and, since
she was passionately fond of dancing, this diversion,
which had been for some time past out of fashion,
became once more the mode, and all the principal
personages of the Court desired to give a ball or a
masquerade in honour of the princess. Several
of these entertainments were very splendid affairs
^ Mercure de France, August 1698.
14
2IO A ROSE OF SAVOY
indeed, particularly the masquerades given by the
King at Marly, in February 1698, at which, we are
told, many of the dancers disguised themselves four
or five times every evening, and where " nothing
was lacking which might please the eye, flatter
the ear, and satisfy the taste." ^
Among the balls given by members of the
Court, one of the most magnificent was that of
Madame de Pontchartrain, the wife of the Chan-
cellor, in connection with which the Lettres histori-
gues et galantes relate an amusing anecdote :
" On the morning of the day on which Madame
la Chanceliere gave her ball to the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, the princess sent a "^ coach drawn by
six horses to the Professionist Monastery to fetch
Pere Le Comte [her confessor]. On his arrival,
the Jesuit, greatly surprised at this summons,
inquired ' if it were her wish to confess at so
unseasonable an hour.' To which the princess
replied : ' No, Father ; I did not send for you to
shrive me, but to design for me as quickly as
possible a Chinese lady's costume. I know that you
have lived in China, and I want to wear the dress of
that country at the ball this evening.' The confessor
frankly avowed that he had had more to do with the
men of China than with the women. Nevertheless,
she insisted on his sketching her a design, after which
she dismissed him, and set people to work upon
her costume."^
The King and Madame de Maintenon would
certainly have been well-advised if they had con-
tinued their prohibition of cards and similar diver-
sions for some years longer. But play was so popular
1 Mercure de France, February 1698.
" Madame Dunoyer, Lettres historiques et galantes, Lettre xxi.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 211
an amusement at Court, that their complaisance in
this matter, though very regrettable, is not difficult
to understand, since to deny the little lady permis-
sion to worship at the shrine of Fortune would have
been to condemn her to spend many a dull evening.
What, however, is surprising, is that, so far from
counselling moderation in the pursuit of this
insidious pastime, Louis xiv actually appears to have
encouraged a taste for play in the child, organising
games of chance and raffles for her in Madame de
Maintenon's apartments, taking her with him to
watch the gambling orgies which went on in the
Princesse de Conti's, and even now and again
permitting her to take a hand at lansquenet, at this
period the most popular medium for speculation.
The consequence was that the little princess soon
began to develop a passion for play, which was to
bring upon her serious embarrassments and much
unhappiness ; but of this we shall have occasion to
speak later on.
Deplorable as such imprudence on the part of
Louis XIV may seem, it no doubt proceeded from
his inability to deny any pleasure to the child
who had so completely conquered his heart, and
in whose company he seemed to renew his youth,
and to experience sentiments to which he had been
for too many years a stranger. " The King," writes
Sourches, " entertains for her all the affection and
all the kindness which it is possible to conceive."
He never allowed a day to pass without seeing her.
If he remained in bed, because he was unwell or had
" taken medicine," he sent for her to come to his
room. If, on the other hand, the princess was con-
fined to her apartments, which happened occasionally.
212 A ROSE OF SAVOY
as most of her teeth were decayed, and she suffered
much from toothache, his Majesty always came to
see her. Every day, she either walked or drove with
him ; and when he followed the chase, almost in-
variably occupied the second place in his soufflet,
wearing a hunting costimie of red velvet trimmed
with gold lace and a plumed hat, which every
one declared suited her to perfection.
Since, however, Louis xiv did not hunt so
frequently as in his younger days, and walks and
drives were somewhat monotonous occupations
for a young girl, the King frequently spent the
afternoon in giving the princess lessons in pall-
mall, at which ancient game he was an expert per-
former. Pall-mall had been for some years rather
neglected; but no sooner was his Majesty and
the Duchesse de Bourgogne seen playing it, than
its vogue revived with quite extraordinary rapidity ;
and we find Monseigneur, when he proposed
spending a few days at Meudon, inviting none
but votaries of the game to accompany him.
The little princess would certainly have been
hard to please if she had not been happy when
so many pains were taken to keep her amused;
and the brief letters which she wrote during the
two years which followed her marriage to Madame
Royale show that she was enchanted with her
new life, and far from insensible to all the kind-
ness and attention of which she was the object.
A selection from these letters ^ may not be without
interest to the reader :
1 These letters have been pubhshed by the Contessa della Rocca,
in her Correspondance inSdite de la Duchesse de Bourgogne et de la
Reine d'Espagne (Paris, 1864), and by M. Gagnifere, in his Marie
Adelaide de Savoie, Letires et Correspondances (Paris, 1897).
A ROSE OF SAVOY 213
" Versailles, 13 February 1698
" I hope, my dear grandmamma, that the Marquis
de Cirie ^ will tell you agreeable things of this
country, and particularly of myself, who have a
great desire to please you. I envy the pleasure
that he will have in giving you an account of every-
thing ; you will have no difficulty in understanding
how happy I am. My only desire is that it will
long continue, and you have enough affection for
me to interest yourself therein."
" {February 1698]
" If I were able to amuse you by my letters,
my dear grandmamma, you would receive them
more often ; but I am afraid of wearying you by
constantly assuring you of my affection, about which
you can entertain no doubt. I know that a thou-
sand ladies send you news of me, and you know better
than myself what happens here. It only remains
for me to tell you that I appreciate all my happiness,
and that I love you tenderly."
" 28 February 1698
" I hope to remedy, when I have learned how to
write, the faults, which I now commit, and to
make you understand then, my dear grandmamma,
that I write to you seldom, because I write very
badly, but that I do not love you less tenderly.
I am going to the ball."
" 2 July [1698]
" They are working on my menagerie.^ The
King has ordered Mansart ^ to spare nothing.
Imagine, my dear grandmamma, what it will be.
* The Marquise de Cirie, a member of the House of Doria, had
been sent by the Duke of Savoy to compliment Louis xiv on the
marriage.
^ She means, of course, the Chiteau of the Menagerie, in which
various alterations were being carried out.
' Jules Hardouin Mansart, the famous architect.
214 A ROSE OF SAVOY
But I shall not see it until my return from Fon-
tainebleau. It is true that the King's kindnesses
to me are wonderful ; but I love him well also.
I have made him your compliments, and he orders
me to make them to you on his behalf. Love me
always, my .dear grandmother ; I shall treat you
the same."^
" Versailles, [September] 1698
" Those who love me as you do, my dear grand-
mamma, have every reason to rejoice with me at
the King's kindness, for he gives me every day
fresh proofs of it. I have reason to hope that it
will increase. At any rate, I shall forget nothing
on my part to deserve it. I am going to try a
new pleasure — that of travelling. But I shall
love you everywhere, my dear grandmamma."
" FoNTAiNEBLEAU, 3! October 1698
" The stay at Fontainebleau is very agreeable to
me, particularly as it is the second place where I
had the honour of seeing the King ; and I hope
one thing, my dear grandmamma, which is that
I shall be happy, not only at Fontainebleau, but
everywhere, being resolved to do everything that
depends on me to be so."
" Versailles, 16 December 1698
" I do not dare to tell you, my dear grandmamma,
that I could not have the pleasure of writing to
you sooner, because I have very little time to
myself. I am shown every day something new
and beautiful. The King continues his kindness
to me, and I am very happy. I beg you, my
dear grandmamma, to love me always, and to be
assured of my respect for you."
' M. GagniSre considers this letter " too well expressed for
us to doubt for a moment that it was dictated by Madame de
Maintenon." He places it among the letters of 1699, although
it undoubtedly belongs to the previous year.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 215
"Versailles, December 1698
" I could not write to you by the last courier, my
dear grandmamma, because I am out continually,
and every evening I go to see the King. I am
sure that this excuse will not displease you, and
that you will think that my time is well employed,
when I spend it with the King. His kindness to
me cannot be expressed, and, since I know the
interest you take in my happiness, I am very
pleased to assure you that it is perfect, and that
it will never cause me to forget the tenderness
that I ought to have and do have for you."
" May 18, [1699]
"You have then attained the summit of happi-
ness, my dear grandmamma, since you find it in
having a grandson.^ Your joy increases mine,
since I cannot but share all that you feel, loving
you as much as is possible, and being as grateful
as I am for all your kindness to me."
" Marly, 3 July 1699
'' I am very glad, my dear grandmamma, that
you are not tired of telling me of your affection,
for I always receive the assurances of it with a
new joy. I wish I could tell you of the beauties
of this place, and of the pleasures we have here.
I am delighted to be on the footing of coming here
on all the visits, for I like them as much as the
Marlys-Bourgogne.^ I embrace you, my dear
grandmamma, and I am going to bathe."
1 The Duchess of Savoy had given birth to the ardently-desired
heir on April 26, 1699. Unhappily, as we have mentioned else-
where, Victor Amadeus, Prince of Piedmont, did not live to succeed
his father, as he died in 171 5.
2 This sentence is somewhat enigmatical. But M. Gagnifere is
of opinion that the princess means by " les Marly-Bourgogne " the
brief visits to Marly on which she often accompanied the King, as
distinguished from the formal sojourns of the Court there.
2i6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
" 7 September [1699]
" They tell you the truth, my dear grandmamma,
when they assure you of my happiness, and I may
say that I have too many amusements, for they
take up all my time. It is, however, true that
the kindnesses of the King and of Monseigneur
are my great pleasure.
" I am well persuaded, my dear grandmamma,
that you interest yourself in me, and I beg you
to believe that I deserve it, in some degree, by
the affection I have for you."
Singularly enough, though there is scarcely
one of the princess's letters written during these
two years in which the King is not mentioned,
her husband is only once referred to, namely, in a
letter dated January 10, 1699, when she writes as
follows :
"10 January 1699
" I am not yet free enough, my dear grand-
mamma, with M. le Due de Bourgogne to do
the honours for him. I am only very pleased
that you are satisfied with his letters."
However, it should be borne in mind that
the young couple were not yet really married.
When the summer came, water-parties appear
to have been again a favourite means of amusing
the princess. Dangeau describes at some length
one which was organised in June 1699 at Trianon.
" At six o'clock in the evening," he writes,
" the King entered the gardens, and, after pro-
menading for some time, took a seat on the terrace
which overlooked the canal, and watched Mon-
seigneur, the Duchesse de Bourgogne, and all the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 217
Princesses embark. Monseigneur was in a gondola,
with the Due de Bourgogne and the Princesse
de Conti. The Duchesse de Bourgogne was in
another, with the ladies whom she had chosen ;
the Duchesse de Chartres and Madame la Duchesse
in others. All the King's musicians were on a
yacht. The King remained until eight o'clock,
listening to the music, which was brought as near
to him as possible. When the King re-entered
the chateau, the gondolas went to the end of the
canal, and the party did not return to the chateau
till supper time. The King had originally intended
to embark ; but, as he had some tendency to rheu-
matism, M. Fagon dissuaded him, although the
weather was very fine. Monseigneur and the
Duchesse de Bourgogne walked in the gardens
and on the terrace above the chateau tiU two
hours after midnight, when Monseigneur went to
bed, and the Duchesse de Bourgogne entered a
gondola with some of her ladies, and remained
on the canal until sunrise."
Dangeau adds that even then the young lady,
so far from seeking repose, insisted on staying up
until seven o'clock to see Madame de Maintenon
start for Saint-Cyr, when she at length retired to
bed, " without appearing the least fatigued by so
long a vigil." ^
Unhappily, neither Louis xiv nor Madame
de Maintenon seem to have stopped to consider
the probable effect of so much indulgence upon the
character of the Httle girl. The King desired
to see the princess happy ; and, since, to the very
^ Journal, June 10, 1699.
21 8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
young, happiness is generally synonjnnous with
the pursuit of pleasure, multiplied the balls, Mtes,
and other entertainments which afforded her so
much delight. Madame de Maintenon desired the
child's affection, partly because she was really
attached to her, and partly from motives of
expediency, since she foresaw that a day might
come when the princess would be in a position
to exercise considerable influence. The easiest
way to gain and to retain this affection seemed
to be to render her life as pleasant as possible,
and, though she can scarcely have failed to perceive
the danger of the empty and frivolous existence
which her former charge was leading, she com-
forted herself with the reflection that she had
done all in her power to inspire her with sentiments
of religion and duty while she was under her care,
and that she might now be left to follow her own
inclinations.
The consequences of this injudicious treatment
were not slow in revealing themselves. On her
arrival in France, nothing about the princess had
been more favourably remarked upon than the
modesty of her behaviour and the charming
courtesy with which she had treated every one
with whom she came in contact. But, after her
marriage, the attentions lavished upon her by
the King and the flattery of the time-serving
courtiers, always quick to follow their master's
lead, began to turn the child's head, and, if we
are to believe Madame, her manners deteriorated
in the most alarming fashion, and, emboldened
by the indulgence which was extended to her,
she ended by developing into a veritable hoyden.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 219
In her letters to the Electress of Hanover, the
outspoken German criticises the girl's conduct
in the most severe terms.
"18 September 1698
" They [the King and Madame de Maintenon]
are absolutely spoiling the Duchesse de Bourgogne.
When she goes for a drive, she does not remain
in her place for a moment, but seats herself upon
the knees of all who happen to be in the same
coach, and jumps about like a little monkey.
All this is considered charming. In her own
apartments she is absolute mistress, and people
do everything ^he wishes. Sometimes she takes
it into her head to go and ramble about at five
o'clock in the morning.^ Everything is permitted
and admired. Any other person would give his
child a whipping if she behaved in this way. A
time will come, I am sure, when they will regret
having allowed this child to act just as she pleases."
And, a month later, she writes again :
" 22 October 1698
Mon Dieu ! how badly, in my opinion, is
the Duchesse de Bourgogne being brought up !
This child makes me pity her. In the middle of
dinner, she begins to sing, she dances on her chair,
pretends to bow to the servants, makes the most
hideous grimaces, tears the chickens and partridges
on the dishes to pieces with her hands, thrusts
her fingers into the sauces. In short, it is im-
possible to be worse brought up, and those who
stand behind her exclaim : ' What grace she
has ! how pretty she is.' She treats her father-
1 This is confirmed by the Lettres historiques et galantes : " Some-
times she [the Duchesse de Bourgogne] took it into her head to get
up at night and go out for a walk in the park ; and then the worthy
Madame du Lude must needs get up, too, and go after her.
2 20 A ROSE OF SAVOY
in-law [Monseigneur] disrespectfully, and addresses
him as ' thee ' and ' thou.' He imagines then that
he is in favour, and is quite delighted by it. She
treats the King with more familiarity still."
However, if the young princess's head was a
little turned, her heart remained good, and Madame
herself relates, with evident satisfaction, the grief
she had shown in taking leave of the writer's
daughter, filisabeth Charlotte d' Orleans, who in
October i6g8 was married to the Duke of Lorraine,
and adds that it was a proof that she possessed
a good disposition. Nor were the bad manners
of which she had complained of long duration,
since by the end of the year Madame is able to
report that a very welcome change has taken
place in her Royal Highness' s behaviour, and
that she " eats quieilj .and soberly," and has
entirely ceased to*-ging.'ind jump about, or thrust
her fingers mto/ fhe dishes. This reformation
she attributes to.'' the fact that one of her letters
had been open,'5id by the officials of the Post Office,
and the attention of the Duchesse de Bourgogne
drawn to its contents ; and, as a similar fate befell
that princess's correspondence on several other
occasions, her supposition is probably well founded.
The chief event of the year 1698 was the great
review at Compiegne, which was intended by
Louis XIV to serve the twofold purpose of de-
monstrating to Europe that, so far from being
enfeebled by the immense efforts she had made
during the recent struggle, France was still as
redoubtable as ever, and of giving the Due de
Bourgogne his first lessons in the art of war. The
A ROSE OF SAVOY 221
manoeuvres, which began in the first days of
September, lasted three weeks, and were witnessed
by the King, Madame de Maintenon, and almost
the entire Court, for whom the officers of the
different regiments engaged kept open table and
dispensed such lavish hospitality, that many are
said to have been well-nigh ruined. The Due de
Bourgogne was nominally in command of the
troops, which consisted of 35,000 infantry, nearly
3000 cavalry, and several batteries of artillery,
though the Marechal de Boufflers really directed
the operations. These included a cannonade, the
passage of a river, a skirmish, a general engage-
ment, and the investment of Compiegne, which was
undertaken, according to the rules of war, with
trenches, batteries, mines, and so forth, and con-
cluded with a grand assault upon the town.
The assault, which took place on September 13,
was regarded as the chief spectacle of the man-
oeuvres. Early in the morning the inhabitants of
Compiegne were awakened by the thunder of
cannon, and the King and all the Court proceeded
to the top of the ramparts, from which a splendid
view of the surrounding plain and all the disposi-
tions of the troops could be obtained. " It was
the most beautiful sight that can be imagined,"
writes Saint-Simon, " to see all that army, and the
prodigious number of spectators on horse and foot,
and that game of attack and defence so cleverly
carried out." But what the chronicler declares
interested him infinitely more than the martial
panorama beneath him, was the sight of Madame
de Maintenon in her sedan-chair, which her porters
had laid upon the ground, with the Duchesse de
222 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Bourgogne seated on the left pole in front, the
other princesses and the ladies of the Court standing
round in a semicircle, and the King at the right
window, bending ever and anon, with bared head,
to explain to his wife the reason for the different
movements which the troops were executing.
Madame de Maintenon, who had a horror of fresh
air, and even on the hottest days kept the windows
of her apartments and her carriage closed, declined
to let down the glass of her sedan-chair more than
a few inches when his Majesty wished to address
her, and put it up again the moment he had finished
speaking, so that conversation was carried on
with some difficulty, and the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne was compelled to shout to her " aunt "
through the front window.
The spectacle of his enemy receiving in the
presence of Court and Army the honours due to
a queen impressed itself so vividly on Saint-Simon's
mind, that he assures us that he could describe it
"forty years hence as well as to-day"; and, if
hatred and malice were as powerful a stimulus to
his memory as they were to his imagination, we
can well believe it.
On September 15, a " pitched battle " was
fought, in which the Due de Bourgogne, aided by
the counsels of Boufflers, commanded one of the
armies, and the Marquis, afterwards the Marechal,
de Rosen, the other. It had been, of course, ar-
ranged that the young prince should be victorious ;
but, owing to some misunderstanding, the oppos-
ing army found itself in an unexpectedly favour-
able position when the King sent orders for it to
retire from the field; and it is to be feared that,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 223
in actual warfare^ retreat in such circumstances
would have resulted in its commander being
promptly cashiered.
A few days later, the manoeuvres, from which
Dangeau tells us the Due de Bourgogne had derived
" great pleasure and much profit," terminated,
and the Court returned to Versailles, to the intense
relief of the ladies, most of whom had been com-
pelled to put up with very poor accommodation,
and were heartily tired of spending long hours
under a hot sun, and counterfeiting an interest
in matters in regard to which their indifference was
only surpassed by their ignorance. The Duchesse
de Bourgogne, on the other hand, seems to have
rather enjoyed herself, and went frequently to
the camp to dine with Boufflers and show herself
to the soldiers, whose rations she on more than one
occasion assisted in distributing.
In the summer of 1699, Louis xiv having decided
that the time was now approaching when the
young couple might be permitted to live together,
gave orders that apartments should be prepared
for the Due de Bourgogne, who had up to then
shared a suite with his two brothers in the southern
wing of the chateau. The apartments selected
were those occupied by the former gouvernante
of the young princes, the Marechale de le Mothe,
which were situated on the first floor of the old
wing, overlooking the Cour Royale,^ and communi-
cating both with the ante-chamber of the King
1 These apartments were the ofiScial lodging of the gouvernante
of the Children of France ; but, though the last of the young princes
had passed out of the Marechale de la Mothe's hands some years
before, the King had permitted her to retain them.
224 A ROSE OF SAVOY
and with the grand cabinet of the Duchesse de
Bourgogne ; and here the Due de Bourgogne lived
until the death of his father in 171 1.
The necessary alterations were completed by
the time the Court returned from its annual
autumnal visit to Fontainebleau, and the Due and
Duchesse de Bourgogne began their married life
forthwith. Under date October 22, 1699, Dangeau
writes in his Journal :
"The Due de Bourgogne passed the night for
the first time with the Duchesse de Bourgogne. At
first, he will only pass alternate nights with her.^
The King, after he had supped, decided to go and
see them in bed together ; but he went a little too
late, and, finding the doors closed, discreetly
declined to cause them to be opened."^
^ This arrangement, however, only" lasted three weeks ; for on
November ii, Dangeau announces that in future the Due de Bour-
gogne will always pass the night with his wife.
' A fragment from the MSmoires of the Baron de BreteuU, who
shared with Nicolas Sainctot the duties of introducteur of the Am-
bassadors, which has been pubhshed by Cimber and Danjou in the
Archives curieuses de I'Histoire de France, under the title, De la
SoirSe et du lendemain de la premihe nuit\que M. le due et madame
la duchesse de Bourgogne ont passSe 'ensemble, contains some
curious details concerning this event which, to his evident regret,
took place " without any ceremony or pubUcity," the King having
decided that, since the marriage had nominally been consummated
two years before, there was no necessity for a repetition of the
formahties which had been observed on that occasion :
" The Duchesse de Bourgogne, who supped in Madame de
Maintenon's apartments, retired to bed at ten o'clock, and so un-
expectedly, that, with the exception of her first femme de chamhre,
none of her women were awaiting her. The Due de Bourgogne,
who supped with the King, went, after supper, to undress in his
new apartment, which had been prepared for him during the visit
to Fontainebleau, and which communicated, on one side, with the
ante-chamber of the King, and, on the other, with the grand cabinet
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne. So soon as he was undressed, he
passed into the apartments of the Duchesse de Bourgogne; and
A ROSE OF SAVOY 225
"The rapprochement of the Due and Duchesse
de Bourgogne was duly announced by the Mercure,
and subsequently by the foreign journals, and
celebrated in the capital by public rejoicings and
by the composition of niunerous chansons, some
of which were of so very gai a character that the
lieutenant of police gave orders to his myrmidons
to confiscate them, though their efforts do not
appear to have been attended with much success.^
At the Court, it was immediately followed by the
emancipation of the young prince from the authority
of the Due de Beauvilliers, and the recognition of
his arrival at man's estate. The King added three
noblemen to the number of his gentlemen,^ offered
him a substantial increase of the allowance which
he had made him at the time of his marriage, —
though the duke declined it, observing that, what
he already enjoyed was sufficient for his needs,
and that if at any future time he should find it
inadequate, he would take the liberty of informing
his Majesty, — and finally, to mark his appreciation
of his high character and the aptitude for affairs of
all this occupied so short a time, that the King, who had told them
that he was coming alone to their apartment to see them in bed,
arrived too late and did not go in. The Due de Bourgogne's hair
was frizzled, and the magnificence of his deshabilli and his toilette
savoured of marriage. He quitted his apartment with a courageous
and rather sprightly air, and, as I had the honour of holding his
candlestick, I conducted him up to the door of the nuptial chamber.
As for Madame de Bourgogne, she wept copiously all the evening
at Madame de Maintenon's; and the King told us, at his petit
coucher, that her alarmed modesty had begun to cause her to shed
tears four or five days ago.''
1 According to the Lettres historiques et galantes, the most
popular of these had been composed by Madame la Duchesse.
" These three noblemen were called menins, and one at least
of them accompanied the prince wherever he went.
15
2 26 A ROSE OF SAVOY
which he was already beginning to give promise,
nominated him a member of the Council of
Despatches,^ an honour which had never before
been conferred upon so youthful a prince.
1 The Council of Despatches was that in which the internal
affairs of the kingdom were discussed. Every prince was re-
quired to attend its deliberations for some time before he was
admitted to the Council of Finances and the Council of State.
CHAPTER XI
Contrast between the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne — Attempt
of the latter to enter into the serious views of her husband — She
ralhes him on his gravity, and makes game of him behind his back
— Happiness of the first years of their married life — The Carnival
of 1700 — Madame la Chancelidre's ball — The Duchesse de Bourgogne
aspires to fame as an amateur actress — A theatre is organised for
her amusement in the apartments of Madame de Maintenon —
Representations of Jonathas, Absalon, and Athalie — GambUng at
the Court of Louis xiv — Losses of the Duchesse de Bourgogne
at lansquenet — She is compelled to seek the good offices of Madame
de Maintenon to get her debts paid — Her grateful and contrite
letter to that lady — " High play stiU her dominant passion " —
She gets into a serious scrape over lansquenet — Injurious effect
upon the princess's health of her insatiable appetite for pleasure —
Her alarming illness in August 1701
IT would have been difficult to find two persons
more dissimilar in character than the young
people who thus began their married life
at a time when their united ages scarcely exceeded
thirty years ; the husband grave, studious, pious
to the verge of austerity, guided in his every action
by that stern sense of religion and duty which had
enabled him to subdue the promptings of an excep-
tionally passionate and stubborn nature ; the
wife amiable, affectionate, high-spirited, and intelli-
gent, but impulsive, thoughtless, and greedy for
all kinds of pleasure. Nevertheless, they would
appear to have been for some years happy enough.
The Due de Bourgogne adored his wife ; and, if the
228 A ROSE OF SAVOY
girl did not reciprocate his passionate devotion,
she was of too affectionate a nature to remain
wholly unresponsive ; while it is certain that she
felt for him the warmest esteem, and though too
young and frivolous to sympathise with his serious
views of life, at any rate, made some effort to
understand them. In this connection, Proyart
cites an amusing letter which she wrote about this
time to Madame de Maintenon.
" I am not content with doing the wiU of the
Due de Bourgogne, but I even enter into his views,
which is no small matter for me. For you must
understand, my dear aunt, that he sometimes
offers them to me in three degrees, — the good, the
better, the perfect, — just as M. de Cambrai [Fenelon]
would do, and leaves me free to choose. Some-
times I have a good mind to declare for neut-
rality; but, by what enchantment I know not, I
always conform to his wishes, even in spite of
myself.^
But the young princess's respect for her husband
and her anxiety to conform to his wishes did not
prevent her from rallying him incessantly on a
gravity of speech and manner so far beyond his
years, and making game of him behind his back;
and, on one occasion, if we are to believe the
correspondent of Madam Dunoyer, the girl's
fondness for ridicule came very near to causing a
serious breach between her and the prince.
We have mentioned that one of the Due de
Bourgogne' s shoulders had outgrown the other,
and, as he advanced in years, this defect increased
^ Vie du Dauphin, pire de Louis xy.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 229
to a degree which spoiled his figure and seriously-
hampered him in walking. Writing in the spring
of 1701, Madame declares that " the Due de Bour-
gogne is more deformed than the Due de Luxem-
bourg. The latter was merely a hunchback, but
the Due de Bourgogne is quite awry. One of his
legs is much shorter than the other, and so much
so, that, when he wishes to stand up, the heel of one
of his feet is in the air, and he only touches the
ground with the toes." ^
Now, the Duchesse de Bourgogne was an
admirable mimic, and frequently diverted the King
by the cleverness with which she imitated the
peculiarities of prominent persons at the Court.
One day, at Madame de Maintenon's, encouraged
by the laughter and applause which her efforts
evoked, she so far forgot what was due to her
husband as to include him among her victims, and
counterfeited both his mannerisms and his gait
with merciless skill.
Unhappily, one of the company informed the
Due de Bourgogne of what had taken place. The
prince, as might be expected, was exceedingly
angry, and that night, instead of repairing as usual
to his wife's room, he slept in his own apartments,
and sent one of his gentlemen to tell the duchess
that " he was greatly displeased at her conduct,
and that, though she would place him under an
obligation by informing him at once of his defects
of mind or character, so that he might hasten to
correct them, there was nothing witty in holding
his physical infirmities up to ridicule."
1 Correspondance de Madame, Duchesse d'Orleans (edit. Jaegle).
Letter of March 31, 1701, to the Electress of Hanover.
2 30 A ROSE OF SAVOY
The young lady would not appear to have
taken this well-merited rebuke in very good part,
and the prince, in consequence, kept to his own
apartments for some days. Nor was it until the
King himself intervened that a reconciliation was
effected.^
However, this quarrel, which gossip has perhaps
exaggerated, was the only misunderstanding of any
consequence that occurred to mar the harmony
of the first few years of their married life. In
general, the duke was the kindest and most indul-
gent of husbands; while the princess, if she were
unable to resist the temptation of bantering him
on his serious life, in which the pleasures which she
herself held so dear found no part, was seldom
ill-natured, and seems to have lived with him on
very affectionate terms. It is true that Madame,
in September 1701, expresses her belief that the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, " provided she had given
birth to a prince or two, would see without regret
the worthy man [the Due de Bourgogne] take his
departure for the celestial regions."^ But that
lady's predilection for exhibiting people whom she
disliked in the most unfavourable colours is almost
as pronounced as that of Saint-Simon, and, any
way, it is difficult to reconcile such a statement
with the account given by Dangeau of the affec-
tionate meeting between husband and wife on the
duke's arrival from the Spanish frontier a few
months earlier, when " it would have been impos-
sible to testify more joy than they have both shown
' Madame Dunoyer, Lettres historiques et galantes. Letire xvi.
2 Correspondance de Madame, Duchesse d'OrUans (edit. Jaegl6).
Letter of September 26, 1701.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 231
at seeing one another again," ^ or with the princess's
conduct on her husband's return from his first
campaign in the autumn of 1702 : " The Due de
Bourgogne, who was not expected until to-morrow,
arrived a Httle before midnight. . . . The Duchesse
de Bourgogne, warned promptly of his arrival,
ran to the King's cabinet by way of the gallery,
although she was en deshabille, having been on the
point of getting into bed. The embraces were
warm and tender. She carried him off to her
apartments and into her petits cabinets. Livry
[first maitre d'hdtel to the King] sent for food for
him, and he was served by the waiting-women.
The meal lasted but a short time, such was his
impatience to find himself alone with her." ^
Nevertheless, as we shall presently see, a time
did arrive when the growing austerity of the Due
de Bourgogne began to weary his young wife, and
to transform the affection and respect which she
had hitherto entertained for him into something
very like indifference and contempt. Happily,
this phase of their married life was not of long
duration, and was succeeded by an almost perfect
understanding, which lasted until death claimed
them both.
Although the commencement of the married life
of the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne was not
signalised by any festivities, so far as the Court
was concerned, their absence was fully atoned for
during the Carnival of 1700, which was the gayest
that had been known for many years.
The openly-expressed desire of Louis xiv to see
' Dangeau, Journal, April 20, 1701.
2 Dangeau, Journal, September 8, 1702.
232 A ROSE OF SAVOY
his idolized grand-daughter the centre of a Court
whose gaiety and splendour should recall the joyous
days when Versailles was a synonym for all the
delights which the heart could desire, was hailed
with enthusiasm by the younger generation, who
had listened with envy to the tales which their
elders had told them of fites galantes and iles
enchantees, and bemoaned their sad lot at being
born into a world which had apparently forgotten
how to be merry. Like some mountain torrent
which has been dammed by the ice and snow of
winter, and, with the return of spring, finds its
swollen waters at length released, the long-
repressed gaiety of Versailles seemed to burst forth
in an overwhelming flood, sweeping away in its
headlong career all ideas of prudence and modera-
tion. Madame de Sevigne's old friend and corre-
spondent Madame de Coulanges, in a letter to
Madame de Grignan, thus describes the rage for
pleasure which had taken possession of the Court :
" You cannot conceive, Madame, the extent of
the frenzy for all kinds of pleasure which now exists.
The King wishes the Duchesse de Bourgogne to
do exactly as she pleases from morning till night,
and that is sufficient for her to give herself up to
it to her heart's content. In consequence, one
no longer hears of anything but visits to Marly
and Meudon, and trips to Paris for the operas, the
balls, and the masquerades ; and nobles who,
so to speak, lay the knives on the table, in order
to secure the good graces of the young princess.
The ladies who take part in these pleasures have
need, on their side, of having their finances in a
sound condition, since expenses are quadrupled ;
the materials of which the costumes worn at the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 233
masquerades are composed never cost less than
from one hundred to one hundred and fifty francs
an ell ; and when, by ill-luck, any one is obliged to
appear twice in the same dress, people observe
that they are sure that she only comes to Paris
to wear her old clothes."
The Duchesse de Bourgogne lived in a per-
petual whirl of gaiety, and the Mercure describes,
with a wealth of detail which no Society journal
of our own day can hope to emulate, the magni-
ficence of the balls which she graced with her
presence. The young princess herself naturally
occupies the chief place in these relations, where
the writer rhapsodises, in turn, over her toilettes,
her beauty, her grace, the charm of her manner,
and the perfection of her dancing, until one is
tempted to believe that so enchanting a creature
had never before been seen on earth.
Since dancing was her Royal Highness' s great
delight, and there was no surer passport to her
good graces than to offer her a ball, everybody
wanted to give one ; and, though the Duchesse du
Maine was in an interesting condition and com-
pelled to keep her bed, this did not prevent her
from giving " not less than twenty balls " in honour
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne. The guests danced
in her bedchamber, and it is not surprising to learn
that the crush was terrible. Monseigneur, the
Prince de Conde, the Due d'Antin, — Madame de
Montespan's only legitimate son,^ — and, in fact,
almost all the leaders of the Court, organised balls,
1 Louis Antoine de Pardaillan de Gondrin. For an account
of this personage, see the author's " Madame de Montespan "
(London, Harpers ; New York, Scribners, 1903).
234 A ROSE OF SAVOY
that given by Monsieur le Prince being particularly
successful. But, by common consent, the most
brilliant f6te of the whole Carnival was one given by
Madame de Pontchartrain [Madame la Chanceli^re)
at the Hotel de la Chancellerie, on February 8,
1700, who, says the Mercure, " contrived to com-
bine in one evening all the diversions which are
usually indulged in during the Carnival period,
namely, those of comedy, fair, and ball."
" When the evening came, detachments of Swiss,
together with a number of Madame la Chanceliere' s
servants were posted in the street and in the court-
yard, so that there was no confusion either at the
gates or in the courtyard, which was brilliantly
illuminated by torches. On alighting from her
coach, the Duchesse de Bourgogne was received
by Monsieur le Chancelier, Madame la Chanceliere,
their son, the Comte de Ponchartrain, and many of
their friends and relatives, and conducted to the
ballroom, which was lighted by ten chandeliers
and magnificent gilded candelabra. At one end,
on raised seats, were the musicians, hautboys, and
violins, in fancy dress, with plumed caps. Above
the fireplace was a full-length portrait of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne. Beyond the ballroom
was another room, brilliantly lighted, in which were
hautboys and violins. This was reserved for the
masks, whose numbers were such that the ball-
room could not have contained them.
" After remaining about an hour at the ball,
Madame la Chanceliere and the Comte de Pont-
chartrain escorted the Duchesse de Bourgogne into
another room, filled with lights and mirrors, where
a theatre had been erected to furnish the diversion
A ROSE OF SAVOY 235
of a little comedy, which Madame la Chancelilre
had persuaded M. Dancourt to write expressly for
this f^te. All the actors belonged to the Comedie-
Frangaise. Their acting was perfection, and they
were much applauded.
" The comedy over, Madame la Chancelilre
conducted the Duchesse de Bourgogne into another
room, where a superb collation had been prepared
in an ingenious manner. At one end of the room,
in a semicircle, were five booths, kept by merchants
attired in the costumes of different countries : a
French pastrycook, a Provengal seller of oranges
and lemons, an Italian limonadiere, a sweetmeat
merchant, and an Armenian vendor of tea, coffee,
and chocolate. They were from the King's mu-
sicians, and chanted the merits of their wares to
the accompaniment of music, while pages served
the guests. . . . After the collation, as the ball-
room was so crowded with masks, the Duchesse de
Bourgogne returned to the room in which the
comedy had been performed, and here a smaller
ball was kept up until two o'clock. Then she went
to the grand ball to see the masks, and amused
herself there until five in the morning. When
Madame la Chanceliere and the Comte de Pont-
chartrain escorted her to the foot of the staircase,
she informed them, in the most gracious manner,
that the entertainment which they had just given
her had afforded her great enjoyment, and that
she was extremely pleased with it. Thus terminated
this fgte, which brought Madame la Chanceliere
many congratulations." ^
The little princess's passion for dancing seems
1 Mercure de France, February 17CX).
236 A ROSE OF SAVOY
to have been quite insatiable, and, though there
were balls on almost every night of the Carnival,
she invariably danced until the small hours of the
morning, and was quite offended if any of her
friends wished to leave the ballroom before she
did ; indeed, Saint-Simon tells us that when, on
one occasion, he tried to slip away early, he was
informed that she had given orders that he was not
to be allowed to pass the doors. The chronicler
adds that he and his wife passed the last three
weeks of the Carnival " without seeing the day,"
and that when Ash Wednesday arrived, they were
both completely worn out.
Although dancing was at this time the Duchesse
do Bourgogne's favourite diversion, she was also
an enthusiastic playgoer; and, as theatrical repre-
sentations were frequently given at Versailles, while
during the annual sojourn of the Court at Fontaine-
bleau a play was performed almost every evening,
she had ample opportunities for gratifying her
taste, without the necessity of making the journey
to Paris. She also occasionally assisted at the
amateur performances which the Duchesse du
Maine had already inaugurated at the Chateau of
Clagny, and which she subsequently continued
with so much hlat at Sceaux ; and the applause
which greeted the histrionic efforts of this enter-
prising little lady inspired the princess with a
desire to make her reappearance upon the boards,
and in some more prominent role than that which
she had filled at Saint-Cyr. Neither Louis xiv
nor Madame de Maintenon would hear of her
taking part in the representations at Clagny, to
which not only the friends of the Duchesse du
A ROSE OF SAVOY 237
Maine, but even the public were admitted; but
they had no objection to her pla5dng before them-
selves and such persons as they should select ;
and accordingly a little theatre was erected in the
apartments of Madame de Maintenon, the audience
being limited to the princes and princesses and a
few of the most favoured courtiers.
The theatre was inaugurated on December 5,
1699, by the representation of Jonathas, a " de-
votional play," in three acts, by Duche de Vancy,
a protege of Madame de Maintenon, who wrote,
at that lady's instigation, several pieces of a similar
character for the demoiselles of Saint-Cyr. The
Duchesse de Bourgogne was supported by Madame
de Maintenon's niece, Frangoise d'Aubigne, who
had married the Comte d'Ayen, eldest son of the
Due de Noailles, her husband^ and other members
of the Noailles family ; but, beyond this, we are
given no information concerning the cast. The
first representation was witnessed only by the
King, Madame de Maintenon, Monsieur, and the
ladies of the Duchesse de Bourgogne ; but, on the
following evening, when a second performance was
given, several other members of the Royal Family
were present ; while ChamiUart, and Dangeau and
his little son, the Marquis de Courcillon, were also
admitted.
Dangeau, who seems to have regarded the
invitation which he and his son had received
as a signal honour, tells us that the piece was
excellently represented, and that the King and
Monsieur " found it very touching." He praises
the acting of the Comte and Comtesse d'Ayen, but,
singularly enough, has nothing to say about that
2 38 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne, from which we may
infer that the young princess's performance must
have left a good deal to be desired, even in the
eyes of such an indulgent spectator as the Court
diarist.^
Apart from giving a third performance of
Jonathas some months later, the Duchesse de
Bourgogne's company rested on its laurels for two
years, when Absalon, another of Duche's religious
tragedies, was produced. Much greater pains were
taken to assure the success of this play than its
predecessor ; the rehearsals occupied a whole month,
and the celebrated actor Baron was engaged
as stage-manager and " coach " to the young
amateurs.^ The first performance took place on
January 19, 1702, the Comte d'Ayen pla3dng the
title - part ; the Comtesse d'Ayen, Thares, the
wife of Absalon; the Due d' Orleans (the, future
Regent), David ; and the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
who was attired in a magnificent dress embroidered
with all the Crown jewels,* Absalon's daughter ;
while Baron was himself in the cast, though in a
role of secondary importance. The audience on
this occasion consisted of nearly forty persons, and
included the King and Madame de Maintenon,
1 Dangeau, Journal, December 5 and 6, 1699.
* Baron, the most distinguished of all the pupils of Moli&re,
had retired from the stage six years before, after a brilUantly suc-
cessful career. Happily for the future of French acting, however,
his retirement was not permanent, and in 1720 he returned to
the theatre and rendered invaluable assistance to Adrienne
Lecouvreur in her efforts to replace the inflated style of elocution
then in vogue by " a declamation simple, noble, and natural." See
the author's "Queens of the French Stage" (London, Harpers;
New York, Scribners, 1905).
8 Dangeau, Journal, January 19, 1702.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 239
nearly all the princes and princesses, the Duchesse
de Bourgogne's ladies, and several members of the
Noailles family. Thanks, in a great measure no
doubt to Baron's careful tuition, the piece seems
to have created a very favourable impression;
and Madame assures Philip v of Spain that she
" wept like a fool, and that the King had likewise
great difficulty in restraining some tears." ^
Absalon was succeeded by a little comedy,
in which the Duchesse de Bourgogne again ap-
peared, though, in Madame's opinion, with less
success than in the tragedy, which was represented
on two other occasions.
Encouraged by the success which had attended
the performance of Absalon, the princess proposed
to Madame de Maintenon that her company should
attempt Athalie ; and, on the following February
14, Racine's tragedy was played before Louis
XIV and another distinguished company. The
wife of President de Chailly, who had had the
honour of " creating " the role of Athalie at Saint-
Cyr, came from Paris, at Madame de Maintenon' s
request, to undertake the title-part ; the Duchesse
de Bourgogne played Josabeth ; the Comtesse
d' Ayen, Salomith ; ^ her husband, Joad ; the little
1 Letter of February 16, 1702.
" We learn, from a letter of Madame de Maintenon to the Comte
d'Ayen, that the Comtesse d'Ayen had been originally cast for the
part of Josabeth, and the Duchesse de Bourgogne for that of Salo-
mith ; but that the latter, who wished to play the more important
r61e, thereupon declared her behef that the play was " too cold "
to succeed, an opinion, however, which only lasted until Josabeth
was given her. " The Duchesse de Bourgogne told me that she
did not beheve that Athalie would be a success ; that it was a very
cold play, and several other things which enable me to perceive,
through the knowledge that I have of this Court, that her 'part
240 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Comte de Lesparre, second son of the Due de
Guiche, Joas ; and the Due d' Orleans, Abner.
The Mercure, to whom we owe these details,
since Dangeau confines himself to the bare state-
ment that " to-day the Duchesse de Bourgogne
played in Athalie, in Madame de Maintenon's
apartments," ^ distributes commendations all round
with lavish hand, though its eulogy of the young
princess contains a hint that she was more than a
little nervous :
" The Duchesse de Bourgogne played Josabel
{sic) with all the grace and the intelligence
imaginable, and, though her rank might have
justified her in displaying more boldness than
another, that which she has shown, merely to
prove that she was mistress of her part, was always
joined to a certain timidity, which ought perhaps
to be accounted modesty rather than nervousness.
The costumes of this princess were of great magnifi-
cence ; nevertheless, one may say, that the stage
was more adorned by her person than by the
richness of her dresses." ^
A second performance of Athalie was given on
the 23rd of the same month, and a third two days
later, and with her appearance on the latter
occasion the histrionic career of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne came to an end. Whether the
young princess had not met with quite the measure
displeases her. She wants to play Josabeth, which she cannot play
as well as the Comtesse d'Ayen. ... I told her that she need not
undertake anything against her will in an amusement which was
only arranged for her pleasure. She is dehghted and finds Athalie
a very fine play."
1 Journal, February 14, 1702.
^ Mercure de France, February 1702.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 241
of success she had been led to anticipate, and
was a Httle annoyed at finding her own efforts
eclipsed, as they undoubtedly were, by her old
friend the Comtesse d'Ayen, or whether Madame
de Maintenon was tired of having the tranquillity
of her apartments disturbed by the noise and
confusion which the preparations for these per-
formances entailed, and, after the little un-
pleasantness we have mentioned, was no longer
inclined to undertake the responsibiUty of organis-
ing them, there were no more amateur theatricals
at Versailles ; and the princess henceforth con-
fined her interest in the drama to the role of
spectator.
But the drama, except during the annual
visit of the Court to Fontainebleau, and dancing,
save during the Carnival, were not pleasures which
could be indulged in every evening of the week.
There were, however, other methods of passing
the time agreeably, and preventing young ladies
with no taste for serious occupation from becoming
bored, which were quite independent of the seasons ;
and the most popular of these was play.
The France of Louis xiv was remarkable for
its passion for play ; and, if the vice were not quite
so widespread as in the eighteenth century, the
stakes were infinitely higher. " Play without
limit and without regulation," said the celebrated
Jesuit preacher Bourdaloue, in one of his sermons,
" which is no longer an amusement, but a business,
a profession, a trade, a fascination ; nay, if I
may say so, a rage and a madness ; which brings
inevitably in its train the neglect of duty, the
ruin of families, the dissipation of fortunes, the
16
242 A ROSE OF SAVOY
mean trickery and knavery which result from
greed of gain, insanity, misery, despair." ^
The Court in this matter set a deplorable
example to the rest of the country, and the Royal
Family a deplorable example to the Court. Even
the devout Queen found it not inconsistent with
her religious scruples to play for much higher
sums than she could conveniently pay, and on
her death, in 1683^ was found to have left debts
of honour amounting to 100,000 ecus (300,000
francs) behind her, which Louis xiv promptly
discharged. Madame de S6vigne, writing in 1676,
tells us that when the King played with the Court
at reversi, the pools ranged from 500 to 1200
louis, and each player began by contributing
20 louis. But this semi-public gaming was a mere
bagatelle to what went on in private, where such
prodigious sums were won and lost as would seem
scarcely credible, were they not vouched for by a
score of witnesses.
Madame de Montespan, who was one of
the greatest gamblers of which history makes
mention, thought nothing of winning or losing
a million livres at bassette at a single sit-
ting.^ On Christmas Day 1678, she lost 700,000
ecus (2,100,000 francs) and at the beginning of
the following March took part in company with
Monsieur Bouyn — a wealthy financier of the time —
and certain other kindred spirits in an all-night
stance, at which the players staked as though
they had the coffers of the State behind them :
' Hurel, les Orateurs sacris d. la Cour de Louis xiv.
* Madame de Montmorency to Bussy-Rabutin, December 9,
1687, Correspondance de Bussy-Rabutin.
PHILIPPE DE COURCILLON, MARQUIS DE DANGEAU
FROM AN ENGRAVrNG IJV DREVET, At-TER THE I'AINTING UY RIGAUD
A ROSE OF SAVOY 243
" Madame de Montespan lost 400,000 pistoles
[4,000,000 francs] playing against the bank, which,
however, she eventually won back. At eight o'clock
in the morning, Bouyn, who kept the bank, wished
to stop, but the lady declared that she did not
intend to go to bed until she had won back another
100,000 pistoles which she owed him from a previous
occasion. Monsieur only left Madame de Monte-
span's apartments in time to attend the King's
lever. The King paid 30,000 pistoles which
Monsieur and Madame de Montespan still owed
the other players." ^
The most consistently successful gambler at
the Court was undoubtedly Dangeau, who, though
he never appears to have indulged in any such
orgies as the above, must have amassed a very
large fortune at the card-table. "I saw Dangeau
play," writes Madame de Sevigne to her daughter,
" and could not help observing how awkward
others appeared in comparison with him. He
thinks of nothing but the game ; gains when others
lose ; never throws a chance away ; profits by
every mistake ; nothing escapes or distracts him.
Thus, two hundred thousand francs in ten days,
a hundred thousand ecus in a month, are added to
his receipt-book." Another person who gained
great wealth at play was Langlee, the son of a
waiting-woman of Anne of Austria, who, by his
skill and address, had succeeded in making his
way into the very highest society. Neither he
nor Dangeau ever fell under the suspicion of
assisting Fortune, but as much cannot be said
1 Letter of the Marquis de Trichateau to Bussy-Rabutin, March
6, 1687, Correspondance de Bitssy-Rabutin.
244 A ROSE OF SAVOY
for several other successful players ; and we learn
that in 1700 such unpleasant rumours were in
circulation in regard to the persistent good-luck
enjoyed by the Due d'Antin, that his mother,
Madame de Montespan, fearing a scandal, persuaded
him to renounce the card-table, in consideration
of a substantial increase of his allowance.
It might be supposed that Louis xiv's conversion
would have been followed by some abatement
of this evil, but the very opposite was the case.
Recognising that his courtiers must have some
amusement to replace the brilliant fetes which he
had ceased to offer them, the King rather en-
couraged than frowned upon the votaries of Chance,
granted them certain dispensations of etiquette,
such as permission to remain seated when he
passed through the rooms where the card-tables
were set out, and played himself for much higher
stakes than in former days.^
The result of the absence of rival attractions
and of the royal approval was that Versailles
became a veritable hotbed of gambling, and about
the time of the Princess Adelaide's arrival the
mania for play seems to have reached its height.
Lansquenet, a game which had hitherto been
confined to the lower classes, had recently become
the fashion at Court, and fortunes changed hands in
the course of a single siance. " Here, in France,"
writes Madame, " so soon as people get together
they do nothing but play lansquenet ; the young
people no longer care about dancing. . . . They
^ Dangeau and Sourches both mention a game of reversi, which
the King played with Monseigneur, Monsieur, Dangeau, and Langlfee
in the winter of 1 686-1 687, at which each player brought with
him to the table a sum of 5000 pistoles.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 245
play here for frightful sums, and the players
seemed bereft of their senses. One shouts at the
top of his voice ; another strikes the table so
violently with his fist that the whole room re-
sounds ; a third blasphemes in a manner to make
one's hair stand on end ; all appear beside them-
selves, and it is horrible to watch them." ^ Brelan
was another game much in vogue, and the Princesse
de Conti had a brelan-party nearly every evening
in her apartments. Both she and her half-sister,
Madame la Duchesse, were terrible gamblers, and in
May 1700 the latter wrote to Madame de Maintenon
to tell her that she had lost " from 10,000 to 12,000
pistoles, which it was impossible for her to pay just
then." Madame de Maintenon showed the letter
to the King, and begged him to come to his
daughter's assistance. His Majesty consented,
and, having directed Langlee, " whom Madame la
Duchesse honoured with her confidence," to draw
up and submit to him a detailed statement of the
whole of the lady's liabilities, paid them in full,
and without saying a word to the lady's husband,
which was distinctly kind of him.^
With such examples all around her, it is not
surprising that the Duchesse de Bourgogne should
speedily have become a constant habitude of the
card-table, nor that she should have been compelled
to pay pretty dearly for her initiation into the
mysteries of hombre, brelan, and lansquenet, since
young ladies of fifteen or thereabouts are not
generally endowed with the self-restraint which
1 This was, of course, at private gambling-parties. When
people played in the State apartments, the stakes were comparat
ively moderate, and the utmost decorum was observed.
" Dangeau, Journal, May 17, 1700.
246 A ROSE OF SAVOY
enables older and more experienced gamblers to
cut their losses. Lansquenet was her passion, and
the cause of her most disastrous reverses, and,
singularly enough, about the same time that
Madame la Duchesse found herself obliged to
have recourse to the good ofi&ces of Madame de
Maintenon to get her debts paid, the latter received
a similar petition from the Duchesse de Bourgogne.
We are not told the amount of the princess's
liabilities, but it was no doubt very considerable;
and since, according to Saint-Simon, she was very
punctilious about her debts of honour, the matter
must have caused her the keenest distress. How-
ever, her appeal was successful, and, in acknow-
ledging the money, she wrote the following grateful
and contrite letter to Madame de Maintenon : —
"Friday, Midnight, May 1700
" I am in despair, my dear aunt, at always
committing follies, and giving you reason to find
fault with me. I am firmly resolved to correct
myself, and not to play again at this wretched
game [lansquenet], which serves only to damage
my reputation and to diminish your affection,
which is more precious to me than anything. I
beg you, my dear aunt, not to speak to me about
it, if I keep my resolution. If I fail only once, I
shall be delighted for the King to forbid me the
game, and to endure everything which may result
from the bad impression which he will form of me.
I shall never console myself for being the cause
of your sufferings, and I shall not forgive this
accursed lansquenet.
" Pardon, then, my dear aunt, my past faults. I
hope that my conduct hereafter will generally
make amends for my follies, and that I shall be
A ROSE OF SAVOY 247
worthy of your affection. All that I shall desire
in this world is to be a princess whose conduct
renders her estimable, and this I shall strive to
deserve in the future. I flatter myself that I am
not yet too old, nor my reputation too tarnished,
for me to succeed in time. I am overwhelmed
by all your kindness, and by what you have sent
me to enable me to pay my debts. ... I am in
despair at having displeased you. I have aban-
doned God, and He has abandoned me ; but I
trust that, with His help, which I ask of Him
with all my heart, I shall get the better of all my
faults, and restore to you your health, which is
so dear to me, and which I am the cause of your
having lost. To my sorrow, I should not dare to
flatter myself that you will forget my faults, nor
to ask you to give me back again, my dear aunt,
an affection of which I have rendered myself
unworthy. I trust, however, that in time I shall
merit it once more ; and I shall have no other
occupation." ^
The Duchesse de Bourgogne was no doubt
perfectly sincere in her expressions of penitence
and her resolution to amend her ways. But
circumstances proved too strong for her, and,
though she certainly did renounce lansquenet for a
season, hombre, brelan, and reversi — in which last
game Dangeau tells us that he had the honour of
giving her lessons — seem to have provided her
with ample opportunities for dissipating her super-
fluous cash, and often a good deal that was not
superfluous ; and, some eighteen months later,
we learn that " high play is stiU her dominant
1 Melanges de litterature et d'histoire, published by the Societe
des Bibliophiles Frangais ; Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de
Bourgogne et l' Alliance savoyarde sous Louis xiv.
248 A ROSE OF SAVOY
passion." ^ Finally, lansquenet reasserted its fatal
fascination, and in the summer of 1707 her desire
to indulge in this dangerous pastime led her to
represent to Madame de Maintenon that a
gambling orgy to which she had been invited by
Madame la Duchesse at La Bretesche, a little
village between Versailles and Marly, was merely
an innocent hunting-collation, which piece of de-
ception so angered the King that he forbade her
to play the game again. Under date July 16,
1707, Madame de Maintenon writes to Madame
de Dangeau : —
"It is to speak to the Duchesse de Bourgogne
that I asked you to postpone your visit to Paris
until to-morrow. The King told me yesterday
that he had been surprised to find the card-players
at La Bretesche, so I knew that the Duchesse
de Bourgogne had been deceiving me. . . . The
King said to me : ' Was not a dinner, a ride, a
hunt, and a collation enough for one day ? ' Then
he added, after a little reflection, ' I shall do well
to tell these gentlemen that they are not paying
their court to me in an acceptable way by playing
cards with the Duchesse de Bourgogne.' I told
him that lansquenet had always been a source of
trouble to me, from my fear lest it should lead
her to do something which might injure her and
place her in an equivocal position. We then
talked of other matters, but the King returned to
the subject and said to me : ' Ought I not to
speak to these gentlemen ? ' I answered that I
thought that such a step would hurt the Duchesse
de Bourgogne, and that it would be better for
^ Madame de Maintenon to the Princesse de Soubise, December
1701, in GeSroy, Madame de Maintenon d'apres sa correspondance
authentique.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 249
him to speak to her and keep the affair a secret.
He told me that he would do so to-day, and it
is in order to warn her, Madame, that I have
begged you to remain. Here we are then, and,
sooner than I expected, on the verge of that
estrangement which I have always dreaded. The
King will think that he has offended her by for-
bidding her to play lansquenet, and will be more
distant to her ; and it is certain that she will
be angry and more cold towards him. I shall
think the same, but I am not yet sufficiently in-
different to the world's good opinion as to suffer
it to believe that I approve of such conduct . . ." ^
The incessant pursuit of pleasure in which the
Duchesse de Bourgogne continued to pass her
days : balls, fetes, card-parties, the chase, visits
to the Opera and the Comedie-Frangaise, ex-
peditions to the fairs in and around Paris, water
excursions, collations at the Menagerie, picnics
in the forests of Marly and Fontainebleau, and so
forth, not only left her no time for any useful
occupation, and fostered a craving for novelty
and excitement which, as will be seen hereafter,
she sometimes carried to dangerous lengths, but
was exceedingly injurious to her health, since it
frequently entailed a good deal of physical exer-
tion and the keeping of very late hours. Even
to a young girl of robust constitution such a life
would have been a severe strain, and the Duchesse
de Bourgogne was naturally delicate. Moreover,
as we have already mentioned, she had very bad
teeth and suffered severely from toothache, from
1 Gefiroy, Madame de Maintenon d'apres sa correspondance
authentique.
2 so A ROSE OF SAVOY
which, as the science of dentistry was then in its
infancy, she was never able to obtain any permanent
rehef, and also from what would appear to have
been an acute form of indigestion. During the
first three years which followed her marriage, she
had several slight attacks of fever, and in the first
week of August 1701 fell seriously ill, the result,
according to Saint-Simon, of having bathed in the
Seine immediately after she had eaten a quantity
of fruit.
The Court was then on the point of starting
for Marly, and, although quite unfit to leave her
bed, she would not hear of the visit being postponed
or of being left behind. On the 9th — the day after
arriving at Marly — she was in a high fever, which
lasted until late on the following day, when, as
the result of the administration of an emetic, she
took a turn for the better, and Fagon, who attended
her, confidently asserted that all danger was over.
However, on the 13th she had a relapse, and
speedily became delirious, and, though the violent
remedies to which Fagon had recourse brought
her back to consciousness, they reduced her to
such a pitiably weak condition that she believed
her case to be hopeless and asked for her confessor.
As that worthy man had not accompanied the
Court to Marly, and some hours must elapse before
he could arrive, it was judged advisable to send
for the cure of the parish, " to whom she made
her confession, and with whom she was very
satisfied." ^
The King and Madame de Maintenon were in
despair, and the grief of the Due de Bourgogne
' Dangeau, Journal, August 13, 1701.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 251
was such that even Madame, between whom and
the young princess there was very little love lost,
could not refrain from weeping with him.^ The next
day, however, she was much better, and on the i6th
she was pronounced convalescent, and Dangeau
reports that " the Duchesse de Bourgogne is very
gay, and not so weak as might be expected after so
severe an illness and so many remedies." ^ Never-
theless, her convalescence, through which she was
nursed by Madame de Maintenon with a devotion
to which even Saint-Simon renders justice, was a
long one, and it was some weeks before she was
able to leave her room.
It might be supposed that this narrow escape
would have served as a warning to the young lady
of the danger of constantly drawing bills upon
Nature ; but no sooner was she restored to health,
than she resumed her pursuit of pleasure with all
the zest begotten of long abstinence ; nor does
Madame de Maintenon, though she admits that the
girl's illness " must be considered as a result of the
irregular life which she was leading," appear to
have made any effort to restrain her.
1 Letter oi Madame to the Raugravine Luise, August 14, 1701.
Correspondance de Madame, Duchesse d'Orleans (edit. Jaegle).
^Journal, August 16, 1701.
CHAPTER XII
Death and testament of Carlos ii of Spain — Louis xiv resolves
to accept the succession to the throne of Spain on behalf of his
grandson, Philippe, Ducd'Anjou — "Iln'yaplus de PyrSnSes / " — The
new king treated at the French Court as a foreign sovereign —
His parting present to the Duchesse de Bourgogne — His departure
for Madrid — Position of Victor Amadeus ii in regard to the Spanish
succession (1696- 1700) — His designs on the Milanese — He seeks
to obtain a promise from Louis xiv to secure this province for
him on the death of Carlos 11 — His claims ignored in the First
Partition Treaty — The death of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria
revives his hopes — His indignation at being excluded from the
benefits of the Second Partition Treaty — Negotiations between
Savoy and France for the cession of the Milanese to the Duke
interrupted by the death of Carlos 11 — Anger of Victor Amadeus
against Louis xiv — His equivocal behaviour — He is constrained
by France to enter into a fresh alliance which offers him no hope
of an increase of territory
ON November g, 1700, news reached Fontaine-
bleau, where the Court was then in residence,
that the childless Carlos 11 of Spain was
dead, and that, by a will which he had signed on
the preceding October 7, the whole of the vast
dominions of the Spanish crown had been be-
queathed to Philippe, Due d'Anjou, the second son
of the Dauphin.^ On the following day, a solemn
council was held to decide whether France was to
accept or reject the Will, to which were summoned
^ The Dauphin had formally renounced his claims in favour of
his second son, while the Emperor Leopold had done likewise in
favour of his second son, the Archduke Charles.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 253
the Chancellor Pontchartrain, Beauvilliers, President
of the Council of Finance, Torcy, Minister for Foreign
Affairs, Monseigneur, and Madame de Maintenon.
The Council was divided. Torcy and Monseigneur
were strongly in favour of acceptance ; Beauvilliers
declared his conviction that such a course would
inevitably be followed by a war which would cause
the ruin of France ; the Chancellor confined him-
self to a judicial survey of the whole situation,
and concluded by begging to be excused from
committing himself either way; while Madame de
Maintenon does not appear to have spoken at all,
nor ever to have expressed a decided opinion, at any
rate publicly, and the part she played in this
matter, as in so many others, remains an enigma.
It is probable that Louis xiv had already
decided in the af&rmative, and that the arguments
to which he listened had little effect upon him.
Any way, on the 12th a despatch was sent to
Madrid conveying his Majesty's acceptance of the
Will on behalf of his grandson, and the Spanish
Ambassador was informed of the momentous
decision which had been arrived at. This, however,
was not made public until the morning of the i6th,
the day after the Court had returned to Versailles,
when Louis xiv, at his lever, presented the Due
d'Anjou to the expectant crowd of courtiers and
diplomatists as Philip v of Spain, and the Spanish
Ambassador uttered those celebrated words, which
many historians still persist in putting into the
mouth of Louis himself : " II n'y a plus de Pyrenees ;
elles sont abimSes I" ^
1 " The Ambassador threw himself at his [the Due d'Anjou's]
feet, and kissed his hand, his eyes filled with tears of joy ; and,
2 54 A ROSE OF SAVOY
From that hour until the 'departure of the new
monarch to take possession of his inheritance, he
was treated in all respects as a foreign sovereign;
and the lad, who only a few hours before had been
under the authority of his gouverneur, became
forthwith the equal of his grandfather and the
superior of his brothers. Louis xiv, indeed, took
pleasure in emphasising the new position which his
grandson occupied, and on the first evening insisted
on accompanying him to the door of his bed-
chamber, where he observed as he parted from him :
" Je souhaite que sa Majeste repose Men cette nuit! "
However, the comic side of the situation proved too
much for Louis's gravity, and he was unable to
repress a smile.
Visits of ceremony were exchanged between the
King of Spain and the different members of the
Royal Family precisely as though he had been a
foreign sovereign newly arrived at the Court, and,
though the three young princes lived on terms of
the greatest familiarity and affection, the rigid
etiquette of the time did not permit them to forego
a single detail of the formalities prescribed for these
occasions. Thus, during the visit which Philip
paid to the Due de Bourgogne, both brothers
remained standing the whole time, and the same
uncomfortable custom was observed when he
visited the Due de Berry. In the case of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, however, etiquette was
relaxed, not improbably because that young lady
had intimated to his Catholic Majesty that she
having risen, he made his son and the Spaniards of his suite advance
and do likewise. Then he cried : ' Quelle joie ! il n'y a plus de
Pyr6n&es, elles sont aMmees, et nous ne sommes plus qu'un.' " Mercure
de France, October 1700.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 255
preferred to be seated when there was no useful
object to be served by standing ; and their visits
were exchanged without any ceremony whatever.
The princess's behaviour towards the new King,
indeed, was sadly wanting in respect, for, shortly
afterwards, she secreted herself in the ruelle of the
royal bed to listen to an address of congratulation
with which the Academy was to present him. How-
ever, his Majesty would not appear to have re-
sented this familiarity, and, a few days before his
departure for Spain, he begged her to accept, as a
souvenir of the close friendship which had always
existed between them, a pair of magnificent diamond-
earrings, which had been left him by his mother,
the ill-fated Bavarian Dauphine, having first,
Dangeau tells us, consulted Madame de Maintenon
"to know if this present were not too insigni-
ficant." ^
On December 4, Philip v set out on his long
journey to Madrid, accompanied by the Dues de
Bourgogne and de Berry, and an imposing escort,
under the command of Beauvilliers. The King
parted from his brothers, neither of whom he was
ever to see again on earth, at Saint-Jean-de-Luz,
whence they returned to Versailles by way of
Languedoc and Provence, this circuitous route
being selected in order that the Due de Bourgogne
might make himself acquainted with as much of
France as possible ; while the young sovereign
continued his journey to his capital, which he
reached in safety on February 18, 1701. Before
the year had run half its course the Imperialists
had invaded the Milanese, and that long and
1 Dangeau, Journal, November 27, 1700.
256 A ROSE OF SAVOY
sanguinary struggle known as the War of the
Spanish Succession had begun.
We have no intention of entering here upon the
vexed question of how far Louis xiv was morally
and politically justified in accepting the crown
of Spain for his grandson, in defiance of the terms
of the Second Partition Treaty,^ nor of discussing
whether the series of provocative steps afterwards
taken by him, which caused England and Holland
to range themselves on the side of the Emperor,
who, without their co-operation, would have been
powerless to offer any effective opposition to the
accession of Philip v, were merely the result of
" the fumes of pride which had mounted to his
brain and obscured his judgment," ^ as so many
French writers would have us believe, or " all
parts of a definite policy, which arose out of a sure
belief that war must result from the Spanish Will," *
which seems to be the opinion of most English
historians. Such questions naturally lie beyond
the scope of a volume which is concerned mainly
with the Duchesse de Bourgogne and with matters
which affected her more or less directly; and we
shall therefore confine ourselves to a brief account
of the events which led up to the rupture of the
1 By the Second Partition Treaty, which was signed by England,
France, and Holland in May 1700, the contracting parties agreed
that, on the death of Carlos 11, the Due d'Anjou should receive
the Two SiciUes, the Tuscan ports, Giupuscoa, and the Milanese,
the last-named territory to be handed over to the Duke of Lorraine
in exchange for his duchy, which was already, to all intents and
purposes, a French fief ; while the Archduke Charles was to have
Spain, the Spanish Netherlands, and the Indies.
2 Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et I' Alliance
savoyarde sous Louis xiv.
3 Kitchin, History of France, vol. iii.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 257
peace of 1696 between France and Savoy and
caused Victor Amadeus 11 to return to his old allies.
But, to explain this more clearly, it will be
necessary for us to go back to the time of the
peace.
The ambitious and enterprising ruler of Savoy
was not the man to stand aside when so momentous
a question as the disposal of the vast possessions
of the Spanish crown was occupying the attention
of Europe, nor could it be denied that he possessed
sufficient reason to justify his intervention. He
was himself a relative of Carlos 11, beirig descended
from the Infanta Catherine, daughter of Philip
II, who had married, in 1585, Charles Emmanuel
I, Duke of Savoy ; and the Will of Philip iv, while
excluding his daughter Maria Theresa, Queen of
France, and her children from the succession, had
provided that, in the event of the death without
issue of his son Carlos, his third daughter Margaret
Theresa, wife of the Emperor Leopold i, and his
sister the Empress Maria Anna, widow of the
Emperor Ferdinand iii, the crown should descend
to the Duchess of Savoy. The right of Philip
IV to dispose thus in advance of the inheritance
of his son was disputed, and, even if it had been
admitted, there were, in 1696, two princes with
superior claims between Victor Amadeus and the
succession, namely, Joseph Ferdinand, the Electoral
Prince of Bavaria, and the Archduke Charles.
Nevertheless, the fact of the Duke's descent from
the Infanta Catherine certainly entitled him to
consideration, if the Powers of Europe were to
decide upon a partition of the Spanish mon-
archy.
17
258 A ROSE OF SAVOY
And the part of the Spanish monarchy which
he coveted was the Milanese, the great object of
the ambition of his House in those far-off days
before Savoy had felt the yoke of France. That
yoke once lifted and Pinerolo and Casale wrested
from the grip of his western neighbour, Victor
Amadeus turned longing eyes towards the fertile
plains of Lombardy, and in the treaty of 1696
he persuaded Louis xiv to consent to the insertion
of a secret article, which stipulated that, " in the
event of the death of the Catholic King [Carlos
II of Spain], without children, during the course of
the present war, his Most Christian Majesty [Louis
xiv] would undertake to render every possible
assistance to his Royal Highness [Victor Amadeus]
to obtain the Milanese," and that, " in the event
of the death of the said Catholic King, he would
renounce all pretensions, whether by conquest or
otherwise, to the Duchy of Milan." ^
Although the sickly Carlos 11 survived the war,
and thus freed Louis xiv from the obligations
which this article imposed, Victor Amadeus con-
sidered that he still remained under a kind of
moral obligation to secure the Milanese for his
nephew, and all his energies were henceforth
directed to obtaining a fresh and binding promise.
However, for some time he could secure nothing
more satisfactory from Louis than an assurance
that, when the death of the King of Spain occurred,
he would " find him favourably disposed to every-
thing which might contribute to his personal
advantage " ; and his indignation was intense when,
'■ Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et I'alliance
Savoyards sous Louis xiv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 259
in the autumn of 1698, he learned of the terms af
the First Partition Treaty, concluded between
England and France and subsequently ratified
by Holland, whereby the Spanish dominions were
divided between the Electoral Prince of Bavaria,
the Due d'Anjou, and the Archduke Charles, and
his own claims were entirely ignored.^ Nor does
he appear to have been at all mollified when news
came that Carlos 11, so far from being grateful
for the forethought of their Majesties of England
and France in drawing up his will for him, had
answered the Partition Treaty by leaving the
whole of his possessions to the Electoral Prince;
and he intimated very plainly to the French
Ambassador at Turin that, if his master con-
templated taking up arms to oppose the Bavarian
prince's succession, he must expect no help from
him. But the death of Joseph Ferdinand, in
January 1699, entirely changed the situation and
revived the hopes of Victor Amadeus, who could
with difficulty conceal his joy, since he was con-
vinced that, whether a partition or a regular
succession was to be the ultimate fate of the
Spanish monarchy, his claims could now no longer
be overlooked.
That he had grounds for this belief is proved
by the despatches of Louis xiv to Tallard, the
French Ambassador at St. James's, wherein he
suggests that Victor Amadeus should have the
Two Sicilies, in exchange for Nice and Savoy, which
were to be ceded to France, or even the crown
1 This Treaty stipulated that the Electoral Prince was to have
Spain, the Spanish Netherlands, and the Indies ; the Due d'Anjou
was to receive the Two Sicilies, the Tuscan ports, Finale, and Giu-
puscoa ; and the Archduke Charles, the Milanese.
26o A ROSE OF SAVOY
of Spain, with the Indies, provided that Piedmont
were also surrendered.
But nothing came of these proposals, chiefly
no doubt because they tended to make France
more formidable than ever to Austria, but also
because neither William iii nor the Emperor had for-
given the defection of Victor Amadeus three years
before, and regarded with anything but favour
the suggested aggrandisement of their faithless ally.
And so the Duke of Savoy had the mortifica-
tion to find himself excluded from the benefits
of the Second Partition Treaty, as he had been
from its predecessor, and his indignation at what
he considered to be his betrayal by Louis xiv
was in proportion to his disappointment. When
Phelypeaux, the French Ambassador at Turin,
was instructed by his master to obtain his ad-
hesion to the treaty, it was refused, Victor Amadeus
observing ironically that he was " too smaU a
prince to enter into so important an affair, in which
it had not been thought necessary to give him
either part or portion " ; and the Ambassador
wrote to Versailles that he was informed that in
the privacy of his apartments the Duke had
abandoned himself to transports of rage.
The attitude of Victor Amadeus caused Louis xiv
considerable uneasiness, since, in view of possible
complications with Austria, it was of the highest
importance to France to be able to count upon
the alliance of the prince who held the keys of
the Alps. When, therefore, it was suggested that
he should undertake to secure such amendment of
the Partition Treaty as would meet the Duke's
wishes in regard to the Milanese, he lent a very
A ROSE OF SAVOY 261
favourable ear to the proposal, and, as the result
of numerous conferences between Torcy and Ver-
none — who had been sent as Ambassador of Savoy
to Versailles in the summer of 1699 — it was arranged
that the Duke of Lorraine should receive the Two
Sicilies instead of the Milanese, which, it will be
remembered, was to be the price of the cession of
his duchy to France, and that the Milanese should
be given to Victor Amadeus, Louis xiv receiving
in exchange Savoy and the county of Nice. An
alliance offensive and defensive was also to be
signed between France and Savoy.
Such an arrangement was not only highly
advantageous to the Duke of Savoy, but equally
so to France, since it enabled Louis xiv to extend
his frontiers on the south-east, as well as on the
side of Germany. But, unfortunately, Victor
Amadeus, instead of being satisfied with the pro-
spect of realising the dream of his ancestors and
exchanging his thinly-populated dominions on the
western side of the Alps for the wealthiest State
of Northern Italy, desired to get possession of
Montferrato ^ and Finale as well, and also to retain
the valley of Barcellonnette, which would give him
access to France. These new demands caused the
negotiations to be protracted for many months,^
and, though, on learning that the King of Spain was
in extremis, the Duke realised the fatal mistake he
1 Montferrato formed part of the Duchy of Mantua. Victor
Amadeus considered that he had an hereditary claim upon it.
" Louis XIV was himself partly responsible for the delay, since
he desired Pinerolo to be included in the cession of Savoy and
Nice, but it was understood that he would not insist on this, if
Victor Amadeus were prepared to surrender the valley of Bar-
cellonnette and withdraw his pretensions to Montferrato and
Finale.
262 A ROSE OF SAVOY
had committed and endeavoured to repair it, it
was then too late, and neither of the treaties had
been signed when the news of the death and testa-
ment of Carlos ii reached Fontainebleau.
These events destroyed all hope of Victor
Amadeus obtaining the Milanese by the aid of
France, since no sane person could imagine that
Louis XIV would be so ill-advised as to compel his
grandson to incur the odium of his new subjects by
dismembering the Spanish monarchy, in order to
satisfy the cupidity of the Duke of Savoy. This
the French Ambassador at Turin did not fail to
point out to the mortified prince ; but the latter
elected to pose as a singularly ill-used person, and
told Phelypeaux, in very plain terms, that he
refused to admit his Most Christian Majesty's right
to repudiate his engagements.
As the weeks went by, and Victor Amadeus, not-
withstanding Louis's assurance that he would "lose no
opportunity of furthering his interests ' ' and a promise
to secure the payment of considerable sums long due
from Spain to Savoy, declined to be placated, the
King became seriously alarmed, for the Imperialists
were preparing to invade the Milanese, and, unless
the Duke of Savoy were willing to open the Alpine
passes to the French troops, the Spanish forces
in that State might be completely crushed before
their allies could come to their assistance. He
accordingly directed Phelypeaux to sound the Duke
upon the matter, but neither he nor Tesse, who
visited Turin on his way to Milan to confer
with the Prince de Vaudemont,* the Governor of
' He was a natural son of Charles iv of Lorraine and Beatrix
de Cantecroix, and had entered the service of Spain.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 263
the Milanese, in regard to the approaching cam-
paign, were able to obtain from him any satis-
factory assurances. " The King of France," he told
Phelypeaux, " was so powerful that he did not
need his consent to march his troops through his
States." But when the Ambassador spoke of the
arrangements necessary for provisioning the French
troops during their passage through Savoy and
Piedmont, he replied angrily that he was not an
army-contractor, and that he declined to concern
himself with such matters.^
Greatly irritated by this response, and in the
belief that Victor Amadeus was meditating, even
if he had not already begun, negotiations with the
Emperor, Louis xiv now directed Phelypeaux to
demand an unconditional passage for his Majesty's
forces through the Duke's States, and to offer him,
as the price of his alliance, the marriage of his
second daughter, Maria Luisa, — known as the
Princess of Piedmont, then in her thirteenth year,
with the young King of Spain, and the title of
Generalissimo of the French and Spanish troops
in Italy during the forthcoming year, together with
a subsidy of 50,000 6cus a month, on condition that
he placed 3500 cavalry and 8000 infantry in the
field.
These propositions were very far from satis-
factory to Victor Amadeus, who considered that
the services which were in his power to render
merited a much higher recompense than a marriage
which, though flattering to his family pride, was
evidently intended to chain him to the side of
> Despatch of Phelypeaux to Louis xiv, January 26, 1701, cited
by Hausson villa.
264 A ROSE OF SAVOY
France and Spain and destroy his hopes of terri-
torial aggrandisement.^ He therefore strove to
secure the insertion of a secret article in the pro-
posed treaty of alliance, stipulating that if, at the
conclusion of the war, the Milanese were allotted
to France, any of the Italian princes, or the Duke
of Lorraine, Louis xiv would secure its cession to
him, in exchange for Savoy, Nice, and the valley
of Barcelonnette. Louis xiv, however, not only
expressed his inability to comply with this demand,
but declined to hold out to the Duke any hope
of an increase of territory whatever ; and the treaty
presented for his acceptance contained a clause
providing for the maintenance of the status quo
ante helium in Italy.
That in directing the insertion of this clause,
the King committed a grave error of judgment
cannot be doubted, for Phelypeaux had warned
him that the refusal of the Milanese would pro-
bably result in driving Victor Amadeus into the
arms of the Emperor, and he could therefore have
been under no illusion as to the real sentiments
of his ally. Nevertheless, Victor Amadeus ac-
cepted the terms offered him (April 6, 1701), since,
with the French on one side of him and the Spanish
forces in the Milanese on the other, and the Im-
perialists still on the farther side of the Alps, to
refuse would have been worse than folly. But he
did so with a bitter heart, and with the full deter-
mination to turn his back upon his allies the
moment his interests justified such a step ; indeed,
scarcely was the ink dry upon the parchment of
' Costa de Beauregard, MSmoires de la Maison de Savoie.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 265
the treaty, than he sent instructions to his Ambas-
sador at Vienna to represent to the Emperor
that he had acted wholly under constraint, and
to pave the way for the defection which he medi-
tated.
CHAPTER XIII
Life of the Due de Bourgogne — Brief period of frivolity,
terminated by the serious ilhiess of his wife, which he regards
as a judgment upon him — His increasing austerity : renunciation
of dancing and the theatre, and finally of play, except for trifling
sums — ^His piety — His exaggerated scruples — Impatience of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne with the conduct of her husband — Extra-
ordinary diffidence of the duke towards women encourages her and
her ladies to indulge in practical jokes at his expense — Fondness
of the duchess for practical joking — Her persecution of the Princesse
d'Harcourt — Beginning of hostihties in Flanders and Alsace — The
Due de Bourgogne placed in nominal command of the French army
in Flanders — His interview with Fenelon at Cambrai — First
campaign of the young prince — He is associated with Tallard in
the command of part of the Army of the Rhine ; but their connec-
tion is not a fortunate one — The taking of Brisach — The duke's
intense desire to see his wife the true explanation of his return
for Versailles before the conclusion of the campaign — His pathetic
letters from the army to the duchess's confidante, Madame de
Montgon
THE life of the Due de Bourgogne presented a
singular contrast to that of his light-hearted
little wife. It is true that for the first
year or two after his emancipation from the
authority of his gouverneur his new-found liberty
was not without its attractions, and he availed him-
self pretty freely of the permission now accorded
him to participate in all the pleasures of the Court.
Thus, we hear of him accompanying his father
to the Opera, of which Monseigneur was a great
supporter, and even of taking part in an amateur
performance of LuUi's Alceste in the apartments
A ROSE OF SAVOY 267
of the Princesse de Conti ; of attending balls and
masquerades, and of winning and losing consider-
able sums at the card- table.
But this period of frivolity did not survive the
serious illness of his wife in August 1701, which
he appears to have regarded as a judgment of
God for having permitted himself to be ensnared
by worldly pleasures, and a solemn warning to him
to abandon them and allow nothing but religion
and duty to occupy his time and thoughts : —
" I began to pray to God," he writes to Beau-
villiers ; "I bemoaned in His presence my sins,
for I firmly believe that He was punishing me
for them by this means. I beseeched Him to
cast on me the burden of them all, and to spare
this poor innocent ; and that, if she had committed
any sins, to let me bear the iniquity of them. He
had pity upon me, and, thank God, the Duchesse
de Bourgogne is entirely out of danger. ... I
cease not to thank God for this benefit, since it is
obvious that He intended to punish me, but that
he stayed His wrath, and had compassion upon
me." ^
From that time, the Due de Bourgogne gradually
withdrew from the pleasures of the Court, and
lived a life of increasing austerity. He began
by giving up dancing on the ground " that it was
his misfortune to lack adroitness at that exercise," ^
and only appeared at those balls where etiquette
required him to be present. Next, he ceased to
visit the Opera or the theatre, and, not content
1 Mcirquis de Vogiie, le Due de Bourgogne et le Due de Beau-
villiers (Paris, 1 900).
^ Dangeau.
268 A ROSE OF SAVOY
with abstaining from this form of amusement
himself, endeavoured to persuade those of the
courtiers with whom he was most intimate to follow
his example. Finally, though not without con-
siderable effort, since, like his wife, he had caught
the gambling fever in a rather severe form,^ he
resolved to renounce play, or rather those games
at which the stakes generally ruled high, and to
confine himself to playing for small sums, while,
in the event of losing, he made a rule of settling
his debts before leaving the table. As he was a
very unlucky player, it was his custom to select
his opponents from among the poorer members
of the Court, to whom the money they might win
from him would be of assistance, and thus his
gambling may be regarded as a delicate form of
charity.^
The only fashionable pastimes, indeed, in which
his conscience appears to have permitted him
1 Dangeau tells us that in 1702 the duke had to apply to the
King for money to pay his card-debts, and that his Majesty gave
him more than he asked for, at the same time telUng him " to play
without anxiety, since money would not fail him."
' It may seem at first sight not a little singular that the Due
de Bourgogne should have been able to reconcile gambling far
more easily with his conscience than attendance at the play. But it
should be remembered that to the bulk of the French clergy, and
to many of the devout, the theatre was anathema (see the author's
" Queens of the French Stage ") ; while that, on the other hand,
the attitude of so many worthy people to-day, whose principles
will not permit them to indulge in even the most modest rubber,
would have been as unintelligible to a Frenchman of the early
eighteenth century as the idea that a man should refuse to drink
a glass of wine, because many of his fellows are guilty of excess in
this respect. As a matter of fact, both Saint-Simon and the duke's
two panegr5dcal biographers, Martineau and Proyart, are fain
to admit that their hero was, not only a great eater, hke all the
Bourbons, but a lover of good wine as well, and that he thought it
no sin to be merry with his friends.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 269
to indulge freely were hunting and shooting,
though, unhke his father, he took care that his
love of the chase should never interfere with his
duties, and was so generous in the matter of
compensation for any damage which he or his
gentlemen might happen to commit, that it is to
be feared that those over whose land he rode not
infrequently took advantage of him.
Never since the time of Louis xiii had the
Court of France seen so pious a prince. He passed
hours every day in prayer and in the study of the
Scriptures and devotional works ; he composed
Reflexions four chaque jour de la semaine ; he
was often closeted with his confessor for a couple
of hours at a time ; he attended three services
on Sunday, and kept the day almost as strictly
as a Puritan ; he communicated every Sunday and
every Saint's Day, always in the splendid costume
of the Order of the Saint-Esprit, that he might
do more honour to the Sacrament; and, though
so fond of good cheer at other seasons, he fasted
in Lent until he became, according to Madame,
" thin as a packing-stick."
Unfortunately, the Due de Bourgogne forgot
that the life of a saint is scarcely compatible with
the duties of a prince, and Saint-Simon deplores
" the ever-increasing devotion which inspired him
with an austerity which went beyond all bounds,
and often gave him, without his perceiving it,
the air of a censor " ; while his confessor and
biographer, Pere Martineau, admits that " his
scruples entailed inconveniences." ^
The duke's exaggerated scruples, indeed, some-
1 Pere Martineau, Recueil des vertus du due de Bourgogne, etc.
270 A ROSE OF SAVOY
times rendered him ridiculous in the eyes of most
of the Court, and were condemned even by his
devout friends. Thus, on Twelfth-Night 1702, he
declined to attend a ball at which the King had
expressed a desire that he should be present, and
persisted in his refusal, although the austere
Beauvilliers himself endeavoured to persuade him
to waive his objections on this particular occasion,
out of deference to his Majesty's wishes.^
The growing austerity of the young prince
was scarcely likely to appeal to his merry little
consort, who was quite unable to understand
his attitude towards amusements which were
countenanced even by persons the sincerity of
whose religious convictions could not be doubted.
In the early days of their married life, she had
endeavoured, though without much success, to
S3mipathise with his serious views, and, if she
frequently rallied him upon his scruples, she at
heart respected them. But when she found that
they prevented him from accompanying her to
baU or play, and that he preferred to spend long
hours in his cabinet in prayer and meditation to
joining in her amusements ; when she learned
from her confidantes that the semi-monastic
existence which he persisted in leading was a
subject of ridicule with the younger members of
the Court, she became impatient and a little con-
temptuous, and did not hesitate to express openly
her opinion of such exaggerated piety. " I
should like to die before the Due de Bourgogne,"
she observed one evening to her ladies, " but to
see, nevertheless, what would happen here. I
'■-^ ' Saint-Simon, MSmoires. j
A ROSE OF SAVOY 271
am certain that he would marry a soeur grise^
or a tourilre of the Filles de Sainte-Marie."
When the Duchesse de Bourgogne said this,
she was no doubt referring more particularly to
the extreme reserve with which her husband
treated the somewhat coquettish ladies by whom
he was surrounded. As though fearful lest he
should be tempted to follow in the footsteps of
his father and grandfather, the duke avoided
feminine society as much as possible, and was
cold and constrained when in the company of all
ladies, save those whose age or reputation for
piety rendered them above suspicion. " He con-
sidered himself at the Court," writes the worthy
Proyart, "as in the midst of that voluptuous
isle of which his dear Mentor had depicted the
dangers." He was continually on his guard against
the insidious artifices of those perfidious nymphs
who contended for the glory of triumphing over
the virtue of Ulysses." *
The prince's diffidence where women were
concerned soon became a standing jest at the
Court, and the ladies of the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
encouraged by their mistress, frequently amused
themselves by practical jokes at his expense.
One of them, the Marechale de Coeuvres, once
attempted to snatch a kiss from his Royal Highness.
The latter offered a desperate resistance, but the
marechale, who was a muscular young woman,
was not to be denied, and was on the point of
effecting her purpose, when the angry prince
' A nun of the community now known as the Sisters of Saint-
Vincent-de-Paul.
^ The writer is referring to Fenelon's T6Umaque.
' Vie du Dauphin, pere de Louis xv.
2/2 A ROSE OF SAVOY
drew a pin and drove it with such force into his
assailant's head, that she was compelled to keep
her bed for several days. " Joseph himself was
outdone," writes Madame, who tells the story,
" since he saved himself by leaving his garment
behind him, but did not strike or scratch any one.
Never was such modesty seen."
The same writer relates another anecdote, which,
for the sake of the Duchesse le Bourgogne's reputa-
tion with posterity, we will hope contains at least
as much fiction as fact, though it is quite in keeping
with the character of an age in which coarse practical
jokes were regarded as the highest form of wit.
One night the princess, "wishing to tease her
husband a little," retired to rest at an unusually
early hour, on the plea of feeling very sleepy.
But, when she reached her room, instead of getting
into bed, she directed one of her friends, Madame
de la Vrilliere, a giddy young matron of eighteen,
to take her place, while she and other kindred
spirits hid themselves in different parts of the
room to await events.
Presently the Due de Bourgogne arrived, and,
anxious not to disturb his consort, who appeared
to be slumbering peacefully, immediately extin-
guished his candle, undressed, got into bed, and
composed himself to sleep. But, scarcely had
he done so, when, to his amazement, the curtains
were drawn aside, and the duchess stood beside
him, and, with admirably-simulated indignation,
demanded an explanation of his conduct.
The poor prince's wrath when he recovered
from his first astonishment, and heard the tittering
of the concealed ladies, knew no bounds. He
A ROSE OF SAVOY 273
dragged the rash Madame de la VriUiere out of bed,
flung her on to the floor, poured upon her a torrent
of invectives, " of which * shameless hussy ' was
the least strong," and was proceeding from words
to blows, when she prudently took to flight.
" They wanted to make him listen to reason,"
concludes Madame, " but no one could speak for
laughing."
The Duchesse de Bourgogne, it may here be
observed, had a weakness for practical jokes,
particularly at the expense of persons whom she
disliked. One of her favourite butts was the
Princesse d'Harcourt, the lady who, it will be
remembered, had endeavoured to take advantage
of her ignorance when she first began to hold
receptions. Madame d'Harcourt was one of the
ugliest women at the Court, "a great fat creature,
with a mottled complexion, ugly thick lips, and
hair like tow";^ and her manners matched her
appearance. She cheated at cards, underpaid
and beat her servants,^ behaved with intoler-
able insolence to her inferiors, and often to her
equals as well, and was so gluttonous as to disgust
those at whose tables she dined. She was also a
notorious coward, and nothing diverted the younger
courtiers more than to devise some means of
terrifying her. One evening, at Marly, the
Duchesse de Bourgogne caused a number of petards
to be placed along the whole length of the avenue
1 Saint-Simon, MSmoires.
" " She was lodged immediately above me," writes Madame,
" and I often used to hear her chasing the servants about the room,
cane in hand." One day, however, one of her maids, a sturdy
peasant-girl, retahated by wrenching the cane out of her mistress's
hand and administering a severe thrashing.
274 A ROSE OF SAVOY
which led from the chS,teau to the Perspective,
where the Princesse d'Harcourt lodged. When
the lady in her sedan-chair had proceeded a short
distance, the petards began to explode on all sides,
upon which the porters, who were in the secret,
dropped the chair and took to flight, leaving the
princess screaming with terror, to the huge delight
of a number of people who had followed her to
enjoy the fun. The princess was furious at the
trick which had been played upon her, and sulked
for some time. So, as it was winter and the ground
was covered with snow, the Duchesse de Bourgogne
and her ladies took to paying her nocturnal visits
and snowballing her when she was in bed. This
form of pleasantry proved too much for Madame
d'Harcourt's fortitude, and, with many tears, she
" asked pardon for having taken offence, and
begged that they would cease to amuse themselves
with her." ^
In April 1702, hostilities, which had hitherto
been confined to Italy, broke out in Flanders
and Alsace as well, preceding by nearly a month
the official declaration of war by the Grand Alliance.
The Due de Bourgogne was naturally eager to
be given a chance of winning his spurs, and, Dangeau
tells us, addressed to the King a letter, in which
" he besought his Majesty to permit him to serve
him, in order that he might render himself worthy
of the honour of being his grandson." Louis xiv
willingly granted his request, and gave him the
nominal command of the Army of Flanders, the
Marechal de Bouffiers being associated with him,
1 Saint-Simon, Mimoires.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 275
as he had been in the manoeuvres at Compiegne
three years before, to give him the benefit of his
military experience.
The position was not perhaps one which that
veteran greatly coveted, since, if it were a signal
proof of his Majesty's confidence, the responsi-
bilities attached to it were very heavy, while, in
the event of the prince declining to regard the
counsels which he gave him as orders, the blame
for the disasters which might follow would fall
upon his shoulders. However, he was too good a
courtier not to express himself deeply sensible
of the honour which the King had done him in
confiding to his care " the person and reputation
of Monseigneur le Due de Bourgogne," though
he ventured to add that considerations of such
importance must necessarily render him a little
more cautious than he would otherwise be. For
the post of chief adviser, Louis xiv selected
the Comte d'Artagnan, a nephew of the hero
of Dumas's immortal romance, who, combined
with soldierly qualities a decided talent for
espionnage,^ and was charged by Chamillart, the
Minister for War, to report to him, not only every-
thing which his Royal Highness did in his pro-
fessional capacity, but all his private actions, in
order that he might keep the King informed. His
Majesty also nominated six gentlemen to act as
his aides-de-camp, while the Marquis de Saumery,
formerly sous-gouverneur to the young princes, was
attached to his staff.
These matters having been settled, on April
25, 1702, the Due de Bourgogne bade a " tearful
• Saint-Simon, Memoires.
276 A ROSE OF SAVOY
and tender farewell " ^ to his wife, who was perhaps
not quite so inconsolable at his departure as we
should like to believe, and left Versailles to join
the Army of Flanders, which was then engaged in
defending a line which extended from the sea to
Kaiserworth on the Rhine, a town belonging to
the Elector of Cologne, one of France's few German
allies, which the Imperialists were already besieging.
Before leaving, he had entreated the King's
permission to stop at Cambrai and see Fenelon, and
his request had been granted, on condition that
the interview should take place in the presence of
Saumery. The archbishop had now been con-
fined to his diocese for nearly five years, during
which he and his former pupil had had no direct
communication, with the exception of an exchange
of letters towards the end of the previous year,
though they had contrived to keep in touch with
each other by the indirect channels of which we
have spoken elsewhere ; and their joy at this brief
reunion may be imagined.
The meeting took place at the post-house,
where a large crowd had assembled to welcome the
prince, who greeted Fenelon with a delight which
he made no attempt to conceal, and embraced him
tenderly. The presence of the watchful Saumery,
who, according to Saint-Simon, executed the
orders which he had received from the King
" with an air of authority which scandalised
every one," and never quitted the duke's side
for an instant, naturally prevented the discussion
of private matters ; but " the prince's piercing
and expressive eyes expressed much more effectually
1 Dangeau.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 277
than his words what was passing in his mind,
and the archbishop, whose eyes were not less
eloquent, responded with all his being, while
maintaining the most scrupulous reserve." The
interview, however, was a very brief one, and at
its conclusion the Due de Bourgogne resumed his
journey, and a few days later arrived at Santen,
a village near the left bank of the Rhine, opposite
Wesel, where the main body of the French army
lay.
In the campaign which followed, the young
prince gained the good opinion of all ranks by
his courage under fire, his zealous discharge of
his duties, the courtesy and consideration with
which he treated his officers, and the solicitude
which he displayed for the welfare of the soldiers,
and particularly for the wounded ; and the de-
spatches of Boufflers and d'Artagnan are full of his
praises. But he gained nothing else, except ex-
perience, though public opinion, much more just
to the Due de Bourgogne on this occasion than it
was to show itself some years later, readily ad-
mitted that the failure to bring Marlborough to a
decisive engagement, and the consequent loss
of Venloo, Liege, and other towns, ought not to
be ascribed to him. When, therefore, at the
beginning of September, Louis xiv recalled the
prince to Versailles, the latter found himself the
object of a kind of ovation, and, to give him a
public token of his satisfaction, the King, a few
weeks later, made him a member, not only of the
Council of Finances, but of the Council of State
as well.
Louis XIV did not send his grandson again to
278 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Flanders when hostilities recommenced in the
spring of 1703, since his confidence in Boufflers
had been somewhat shaken by the events of the
previous year. He and his Ministers had decided
to make a vigorous attack upon the Empire, for
which purpose the Army of the Rhine had been
divided into two corps. One corps under Villars,
recently created a marshal, in recognition of his
victory over the Imperialists at Friedlingen, was
to cross the Rhine, traverse the Black Forest,
effect a junction with Maximilian of Bavaria,
who had now declared for France, and enter the
Tyrol from the North ; while Vendome, at the
head of the Army of Italy, entered it from the
Lago di Garda on the South, and united his forces
with theirs for a combined advance upon Vienna
by the valley of the Danube. The other corps
under Tallard, formerly French Ambassador at
St. James's, who in the following year commanded
the French in the disastrous Battle of Blenheim,
was to manoeuvre along the Rhine and hold in
check the army commanded by Louis of Baden;
and with Tallard the King decided to associate
the Due de Bourgogne.
He would have better served the duke's
military reputation by selecting Villars, who
gained plenty of glory, if no lasting success.
Tallard was but an indifferent general, and, unlike
Boufflers, he was inclined to resent his nominal
subordination to the young prince, and to saddle
him with the responsibility for errors which were
really his own. They permitted the Prince of
Baden to escape them, cross the Danube, take
Augsburg, and threaten Villars' s rear, thus con-
A ROSE OF SAVOY 279
tributing not a little to frustrate that marshal's
plans, and, though on September 6, thanks chiefly
to Vauban's skill, they succeeded in reducing
Brisach, after a fortnight's siege, they effected
little else. On the i8th, the Due de Bourgogne
quitted the army and returned to Versailles,
where he again met with a flattering reception,
and the Court poets vied with one another in
celebrating the taking of Brisach.
Prendre Brisach en treize jours,
C'est une plus belle besogne. . ,
Ces exploits vigoureux et courts
Sont du gout du Due de Bourgogne.
Saint-Simon asserts that the prince had been
anxious to remain with the army until the termina-
tion of the campaign, and that he only quitted it in
deference to the orders of the King. But the Due
de Bourgogne' s correspondence proves that he
did so at his own desire, and that, in point of
fact, he had solicited his congi even before the
capitulation of Brisach, stipulating, however, that
he might be permitted to rejoin in the event
of any movement of importance being determined
upon. Nor does the same correspondence leave
any room for doubt as to the reason which
prompted his return — a step which he had soon
reason to regret, since, after his departure, Tallard
gained a victory over the Imperialists at Speyer,
which enabled him to lay siege to and reduce
Landau.^
1 According to Proyart, the duke had earnestly pressed tjie
King to permit him to rejoin the army, but his Majesty, learning
that he had exposed himself somewhat rashly during the siege
of Brisach, refused.
28o A ROSE OF SAVOY
" A soldier," wrote Napoleon, in 1801, to his
brother-in-law, Joachim Murat, in refusing him
permission to come to Paris for Caroline Murat' s
confinement, " ought to remain faithful to his
wife, but not to wish to return to her whenever
he thinks he has nothing else to do." Louis xiv
might have replied to the Due de Bourgogne in
similar terms, for it was the young prince's intense
desire to see his wife again, after what appeared to
him an intolerably long separation, which rendered
him comparatively indifferent to the call of duty
and the possibilities of glory. Unfortunately, none
of the letters which he addressed to the Duchesse
de Bourgogne in the course of the campaign of
1703 have been preserved; but we have, on the
other hand, a number written by him to her dame
du palais and confidante, Madame de Montgon.
This lady occupied, in regard to the young couple,
very much the same position in which, in years
gone by, the Marquis de Saint-Thomas had stood
to the Duchess of Savoy and Victor Amadeus, that
is to say, she acted as a kind of intermediary
between them, and was in the habit of furnishing
the amorous prince with the information con-
cerning his wife's health and occupations which
the object of his adoration did not condescend to
supply personally. For though, during the cam-
paign of the previous year, the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne had written to her husband every day — or,
at least, she assures Madame Royale that she did
so ^ — in 1703 her letters appear to have been like
' Letter of the Duchesse de Bourgogne to Madame Royale,
June 12, 1702, Contessa della Rocca, Correspondance in&dile de
la Duchesse de Bourgogne et de la Reine d'Espagne.
MARIE ADELAIDE OF SAVOY, DUCHESSE DE BURGOGNE
FROM A PAINTING ATTRIBUTED TO SANTERRE, IN THE I'ALA/ZO REALE, TURIN
A ROSE OF SAVOY 281
angels' visits ; and the poor young man, aware
as he was of her somewhat frail health and the
heavy demands she was continually making upon
it, was, in consequence, a prey to the keenest
anxiety. His letters to Madame de Montgoni
indeed, are an eloquent and pathetic testimony
to the sincerity of a passion which met as yet with
but a feeble response. Here is one which he
wrote on June 12, a fortnight after leaving Ver-
sailles, in which he complains that his wife has
allowed an " interminable time " to pass without
writing him more than a couple of letters :
" I am astonished, Madame, at not having yet
received anything from you, and still more at the
irregularity of your illustrious mistress, who allows
an interminable time to pass without writing to
me more than two letters. ... I know not whether
I shall weary you by returning to my sheep, but
you can well understand that I must say a few
words about this irregularity. I have decided not
to begin by reproaching her ; nevertheless, I am
unable to bear this with patience, and I was really
angry yesterday evening at not receiving any letters
by the courier who arrived from Franche-Comte.
I would that you had seen me at supper, looking
as gloomy as a chimney, speaking to no one, with
my hat pulled down to my eyes.
" Make my compliments to your mother,^ from
whom I have been expecting a letter every day,
1 These letters, which are now in the possession of the Marquis
de Montgon, a descendant of the lady to whom they were addressed,
have been pubhshed by the Marquis de Vogiie, in his interesting
work, le due de Bourgogne et le due de Beauvilliers, and, in part, by
the Comte d'HaussonviUe in la Duchesse de Bourgogne et I' Alliance
savoyarde sous Louis xiv.
" Madame d'Heudicourt, the old friend of Madame de Main-
tenon.
282 A ROSE OF SAVOY
and, as for the other naughty one of whom I have
spoken, tell her that, if in future I do not receive
letters from her more often, I shall quarrel with
her, and shall not write to her during the whole
campaign.
" P.S. — I greatly fear that these threats will be
useless, since I should certainly be more severely
punished than she."
In one of her rare moments of tenderness for her
absent husband, the Duchesse de Bourgogne had
charged Madame de Montgon to send him a letter
written in the princess's own blood. The uxorious
duke was transported with joy on receiving what
he considered so convincing a proof of his beloved's
affection, and hastened to reply in like fashion,
bidding Madame de Montgon assure her mistress
that he had " kissed a thousand times, and would
continue to kiss several times a day, the adorable
blood he had received " ; that he had not lost a
moment in drawing some of his own, and that he
would gladly shed every drop in his body for her,
as the princess had declared that she was prepared
to do for him. He continues : —
" But we must preserve it for each other, and
unite our hearts, like those which I have sketched
here, with my own blood drawn from the fingers of
my left hand.
" This letter, as well as the little sketch, is
scrawled entirely with the blood which love caused
me to shed on the instant, only too happy to have
shed it for her : —
"Quoy done! voila le sang qui colore ses joues,
Cast luy qui la fait vivre et qui jusqu' en ses yeux
Met le feu qui me rend amant et bienheureux.
Qui dans trois mois au plus fera tourner mes roues.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 283
Gardez-le done ce sang, ce thr6sor prdcieux,
Pour vous le mien est prest k couler dans ces lieux.
Car, en cherchant icy la gloire,
C'est votre coeur dont je veux la victoire.
" You must promise me faithfully to carry this
letter to her so soon as you receive it. Endeavour
to see her in private. Go on your knees before her,
and, after kissing both her hands for me, offer her
the blood which has been shed for her alone. I
know not whether you will entertain doubts about
my sanity ; but can I do enough to prove to this
queen how much I love her, although she is already
well aware of it ? Let me know how she has
received the commission I am entrusting to you,
and her very words, and ask her, at the same time,
if she does not love me with all her heart, and if I
deserve it. Farewell, my dear Montgon. If some
further extravagance comes into my mind between
now and this evening, when the post leaves, I shall
add it to this letter."
Some further extravagance did occur to him,
and he adds the following postscript : —
"6 p.m.
" The more I think of it, the more delighted I
am with the idea of your having written to me
with the blood of the beloved one. But I should
have liked two lines in her own handwriting ; not
because I believe that she does not think of it, but
because the letter would have been more tender
and more touching. But make her clearly under-
stand that the blood which she will see has not been
shed by the orders of any doctor, and sent by
chance, but for her alone, and in the tender emotion
of my heart, which has prevented me from feeling
the little injury I have done myself. . . . Farewell,
my dear Montgon, I thank you a thousand times
284 A ROSE OF SAVOY
for the ingenious letter which you have written me,
and I shall keep it all my life, for the sake of the
precious ink which has been used ; and I shall love
you more sincerely than ever."
But, if the Duchesse de Bourgogne were ready
to shed a little of her blood ^ in order that Madame
de Montgon might write to her husband, she seems
to have had a singular objection to penning even
the briefest epistles herself ; for, a little later, we
find the Duke complaining bitterly to the con-
fidante that, though he has despatched six letters
to his wife within the past week, five successive
couriers have arrived without a line from the
princess, " a proof that she had not written to him
for at least nine days."
"... I should be very much tempted to write
to her no more until I have received some letters,
and even to discontinue writing for some time. But
if, on her side, she did the same, I should be a
hundred times more punished than she would be,
since she, apparently, no longer cares at all for me,
who would not hesitate to shed my blood in order
to give her a fresh proof of a love of which she can
entertain no doubt ; who would expose myself to
frightful perils for her sake ; who would sacrifice
everything for her. These are my sentiments, and
I am sure that she understands them perfectly.
Could I deserve more to be loved and to be less
worthy of the forgetfulness and coldness which I
have suffered for eleven whole days ? It would be
in truth far too much for a heart less tender and
1 The Marquis de Vogiie rather unkindly suggests that the
" adorable blood " had been drawn by the princess's physician,
for reasons quite unconnected with her Royal Highness's corre-
spondence.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 285
faithful than mine. I say nothing of the promise
which she made me on my departure, to write to
me at least twice a week ; but, even if she were not
bound by her word, ought she not to do so of her
own free will ? Ask her again for me, I entreat you,
the reason why she does not write ; whether it is
that she is angry with me, in which case tell her
that I shall endeavour to make amends as soon as
possible ; whether my frequent letters weary her ;
finally, if she is tired of being so passionately be-
loved, and if she speaks the truth when she says
that she loves me with her whole heart. But,
above aU, do not send an answer to this letter
without a little line in her handwriting at the foot ;
for, if there is none, I shall be in despair, and shall
believe in good earnest that she does not care for
me any more. I ask your pardon if I speak so
much of her, but she occupies my mind more than
ever, and it seems that her neglect serves but to
increase my ardour. ..."
As this touching appeal failed to bring the little
lines for which he craved, he wrote again to Madame
de Montgon, bidding her remind " this coquette "
that, even at the very moment in which she was
speaking to her, the duke might be risking his life
in the trenches, " into which the cannon and
musket-shot were constantly falling, and where the
dead and wounded were all about him." And he
concludes : —
" Picture to her also the arrival of a courier
with the news that I am dangerously wounded, in
which condition my only thought would be that I
might perhaps never see her again, and that, in
dying, I should regret no one in this world save
her. I think that it will be well for you to read
286 A ROSE OF SAVOY
this passage to her, in order to tell me exactly
what you may be able to divine of the sentiments
of her heart, from the effect which it produces upon
her outwardly."
As the campaign proceeded, the letters of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne became less and less fre-
quent, and at length she allowed so long a time to
elapse without writing to him, that the poor prince
began to fear that she was seriously ill, and that
Madame de Montgon and his other correspondents
at the Court were conspiring together to keep him
in ignorance. Tormented by this idea, he writes to
Madame de Montgon : —
" If anything were to happen in conformity
with my gloomy presentiments, I should take a
walk along the palisades of the covered way, to
find there the end of my sorrows ; and I should
think myself fortunate, if she were ill, to get some
bullet-wound which would reduce me to the same
condition."
When the princess did eventually break through
her long silence, it was to advise her husband to
remain with the army instead of returning to
Court. On September 12, the Due de Bourgogne
writes to his ex-gouverneur, the Due de Beau-
villiers : —
" I received this morning also a long letter
from the Duchesse de Bourgogne, in which she
begins by telling me that she has not written
sooner, because she was too angry, and then, after
having exhorted me not to hasten my return like
last year, she continues as follows : ' The King
has been greatly surprised that you are so soon
A ROSE OF SAVOY 287
demanding permission to return, as the campaign
is not yet very far advanced, and you are still
engaged in the siege [of Brisach], and this inclines
him to think that you do not care for war any
more than the others, and has annoyed him very
much, which you will apparently understand, from
the letter that he has written to you.' I confess
that this has caused me some surprise, since I have
found nothing to correspond to it in the King's
letters. . . ." ^
A subsequent chapter will explain the true
reason of the princess's silence, and why she had
so little desire to see the return of this too-devoted
husband ; and it was certainly just as well for the
Due de Bourgogne's peace of mind that he was un-
aware of it.
1 Marquis de Vogiie, le Due de Bourgogne et le Due de Beau-
villiers.
CHAPTER XIV
Impatience of Louis xiv to see a son born to the Due and
Duchesse de Bourgogne — Severe regime imposed upon the young
princess when she becomes enceinte in the autumn of 1703 — Birth
of the first Due de Bretagne (June 24, 1704) — Marriage of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne's younger sister, Maria Luisa of
Savoy, Princess of Piedmont, to PhiUp v of Spain — The war
in Italy : Victor Amadeus 11 generalissimo of the Army of the
Two Crowns — Consequences of his delay in joining the army and
the want of unanimity between him and the French and Spanish
generals — Villeroy supersedes Catinat — Defeat of the allies at
Chiari — The Duke of Savoy suspected of having betrayed the
plans of the allies to the Imperiahsts — His indignation at the
insolent familiarity of Villeroy — Failure of negotiations between
France and the Duke of Mantua for the cession of Montferrato
to Savoy — Ofiers of the Emperor to Victor Amadeus — Philip v
in Italy — Refusal of the King of Spain to accord his father-in-
law the honours due to an equal removes the Duke's last scruples
about breaking with his aUies — Successes of Venddme in Italy —
Negotiations of Victor Amadeus with Vienna — Louis xiv, convinced
of his treasonable intentions, orders Vendome to take vigorous
measures against him — Victor Amadeus deserts his alhes, and signs
a treaty with the Emperor
ALTHOUGH the Due and Duchesse de Bour-
gogne had now lived together for nearly
four years, the primary object of their
marriage still remained to be accomplished. Louis
XIV, who desired to see the succession to the throne
in the direct line secured against all possibility
of failure — and it must be admitted that the
successive deaths of Monseigneur, the Due de
Bourgogne, the second little Due de Bretagne,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 289
and the Due de Berry, in the closing years of his
reign, fully justified an anxiety which in 1703 may
have appeared to many persons unwarranted —
was becoming very impatient ; and his impatience
was sensibly increased by the fact that in the
spring of 1701, and again in the summer of the
following year, the princess had been enceinte,
and that on each occasion his hopes had been
disappointed, through her refusal to comply with
the commonest precautions.
However, soon after her husband's return to
Versailles in the autumn of 1703, the young lady
was once more in an interesting condition, and this
time his Majesty determined that the most severe
regime should be imposed upon her, in order to
guard against a fresh accident. Not only were
hunting, dancing,^ and every amusement which
entailed exertion strictly forbidden, but, when
she drove out, her coachmen had orders to avoid
paved roads and to walk their horses the greater
part of the way ; while, about three months
before she expected her confinement, Clement,
the accoucheur to whose care she had been en-
trusted, finding that she was not progressing as
satisfactorily as he could desire, ordered her to bed,
where, in spite of her indignant protests, she was
condemned to pass the remainder of the time.
These somewhat excessive precautions did not
go unrewarded, and on the afternoon of June 24,
1704, " at one minute and a half after five," ^
1 As the princess's medical advisers feared that during the
coming Carnival she might insist on dancing, in defiance of their
prohibition, the King gave orders that during that festive season
no balls were to be given at the Court.
' Dangeau.
19
290 A ROSE OF SAVOY
the Duchesse de Bourgogne gave birth to a son,
to the great joy of the whole Court. Louis xiv
stationed himself at the foot of the bed from the
moment when the pains of labour began until the
princess was delivered, as he had done for the
late Dauphine ; but the Due de Bourgogne, unable
to bear the sight of his wife's sufferings, remained
in his cabinet until his brother, the Due de Berry,
brought him the glad news. The infant prince,
to whom the King gave the title of the Due de
Bretagne, was baptized at once by the Cardinal
de Coislin, Bishop of Orleans, assisted by the
cure of Versailles, after which he was wrapped
in his swaddling-clothes and carried by the Mare-
chale de la Mothe, gouvernante of the Children of
France, to his father, who kissed him. A sedan-
chair was then brought to the door of the bed-
chamber, and the marechale, with the child in
her arms, entered it, and was conveyed to the
apartments which had been prepared for the
newcomer, to whom, a little later in the evening,
the King sent the cross and blue ribbon of the
Order of the Saint-Esprit. Then his Majesty and
the Due de Bourgogne went to the chapel to return
thanks to God, and remained there in prayer for
three-quarters of an hour.^
The birth of her little son must have been
doubly welcome to the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
since it occurred at a time when she stood in sore
need of something to divert her thoughts from an
event which was causing her great distress.
It will be remembered that, at the beginning
^ Mercure de France, June 1704.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 291
of April 1701, Victor Amadeus 11 had signed the
treaty which Louis xiv had, so to speak, offered
him at the sword's point, though with the full deter-
mination to desert his allies so soon as he could
obtain satisfactory terms from the Emperor. A
month later, he received a formal demand from
Philip V of Spain for the hand of his daughter,
the Princess of Piedmont, to which he, of course
returned a favourable answer. But, at the same
time, he charged his Ambassador at Vienna to
inform the Emperor that he was not a free agent
in the matter, and that, had he been at liberty to
choose a husband for his daughter, he would have
infinitely preferred an alliance between her and the
Archduke Charles.
The young princess was thirteen years of age,
two years older than her sister Adelaide at the
time when the latter left Turin for France. In
appearance she was not unlike the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, but possessed of far greater ability
and strength of character ; and, young as she was,
she already gave promise of the qualities which
were to make her the right arm of her feeble and
indolent husband and the idol of the Spanish
people.
The marriage was celebrated by proxy, at
Turin, on September 12, 1701, the old Prince di
Carignano representing Philip v ; and the same
day the young queen set out on her journey to
Madrid.
Since early summer, hostilities had been in pro-
gress in Northern Italy, where Prince Eugene
with some thirty thousand Imperialists was pitted
against a composite force of French, Spaniards,
292 A ROSE OF SAVOY
and Savoyards, which is usually designated as
the Army of the Two Crowns. The French were
commanded by Catinat/ the Spaniards by the
Prince de Vaudemont, Governor of the Milanese;
while Victor Amadeus, in accordance with the
treaty of the previous April, was invested with the
title of generalissimo. The responsibihties of the
last-named seem to have sat very lightly upon him,
for his troops did not begin to put in an appearance
until the patience of his allies was almost exhausted,
and then only by single battalions at a time, while
he himself, in spite of the urgent representations
of the French Ambassador at Turin, invented so
many pretexts to delay his departure for the
front, that that personage began to entertain
serious doubts as to whether he intended to go at
all.
So consummate a general as Eugene did not
fail to profit by these delays. In the first days of
July, he advanced towards the Adige, routed a
French division at Carpi, forced the passage of
the river, and made himself master of the whole
country between the Adige and the Adda. Nor
did the situation improve when Victor Amadeus
at length arrived upon the scene, for neither Catinat
nor Vaudemont were inclined to place any con-
fidence in his judgment, and the want of unanimity
between the three generals enabled Eugene to
outmanoeuvre them, cross the Adda, and push
his advance-posts to the frontiers of the Milanese,
without firing a shot.
Louis XIV, much irritated by these reverses,
now resolved to replace Catinat by Villeroy, who
1 Prior to the arrival of Catinat, Tesse had held the command.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 293
was one of his Majesty's favourite generals, though
quite unworthy of the confidence reposed in him.
But there seems to be no truth in the charge made
in the so-called Mimoires of Catinat, and repro-
duced by Michelet and other historians, that the
Duchesse de Bourgogne had persuaded the King
to this step, because in his despatches to Versailles
the marshal had accused her father of treason ;
and Catinat, at his own request, was permitted to
serve under the orders of ViUeroy.
With the arrival of Villeroy, matters went from
bad to worse. The marshal had received orders
from Louis xiv, who appears to have imagined
that he could direct operations quite effectively
from his cabinet at Versailles, to assume the
offensive, and, contrary to the advice of his old
colleagues, he insisted on attacking the Imperialists,
who were strongly entrenched at Chiari (September
g, 1701).^ The result was a disastrous defeat for
the allies, in which Catinat was wounded, and the
Duke of Savoy, whose coldness in the Bourbon cause
did not prevent him from displaying great bravery
and leading a charge in person, had his horse killed
under him and his uniform pierced by musket-balls.
After this reverse, the Army of the Two Crowns
was compelled to fall back into the Milanese, and
the whole of the Duchy of Mantua, with the excep-
tion of the capital and Goito, passed into the hands
of Eugene, whose information concerning the move-
ments of the allies was declared by the French
to be so extraordinarily accurate, that they
'When Victor Amadeus protested against this rash under-
taking, Villeroy answered insolently that " the King of France had
not sent so many brave warriors to the Army of Italy to observe
the enemy through field-glasses."
294 A ROSE OF SAVOY
were forced to the conclusion that there must be
treachery at work.
If we are to beheve the Mentoires of Catinat,
that marshal did not hesitate to express this opinion
openly, and one day, at a council of war, looked
the Duke of Savoy in the face and observed :
" Not only is Prince Eugene kept informed of the
movements of our army, of the strength of the
detachments which leave it, and of their destina-
tion, but he is even acquainted with the projects
which are discussed here."
This anecdote, which has been reproduced, with-
out comment, in a recently-published biography
of Victor Amadeus, to which we have several
times had occasion to refer,^ seems of very doubtful
authenticity,^ since, as the Comte d'Haussonville
points out, the despatches of Catinat are char-
acterised, where the Duke of Savoy is concerned,
by great reserve. Moreover, while Villeroy and
Tesse suspected Victor Amadeus, Phelypeaux, the
French Ambassador at Turin, who had accom-
panied the Duke to the army, and Louis xiv
believed the Prince de Vaudemont, who had a
son and a nephew with Eugene, to be the traitor ;
and the King gave instructions for him to be
closely watched. The probability is that both
were innocent of any military treason, and that
the reverses of the Army of the Two Crowns are
1 The Marchesa di Vitelleschi, " The Romance of Savoy : Victor
Amadeus and his Stuaxt Bride."
2 Villeroy wrote in almost identical language to Louis xiv in a
despatch of September 25, 1701, though without actually naming
the Duke of Savoy. It is possible that the compiler of Catinat's
MSmoires was acquainted with this document, and put Villeroy's
words into the mouth of his hero.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 295
sufficiently explained by the jealousy and in-
capacity of its leaders and the immeasurable
superiority of Eugene as a general.^
However that may be, it is certain that the
Duke of Savoy's dislike of the alliance which had
been forced upon him had been greatly increased
since the arrival of Villeroy, who addressed the
prince habitually as " Monsieur de Savoie " and
treated him with the most insolent familiarity.
He complained bitterly to Phelypeaux of the
conduct of the marshal, and, to mark his dis-
pleasure, sent his troops into winter-quarters even
before the conclusion of the campaign, and re-
turned to Turin.
Louis XIV, warned by Phelypeaux that, if
matters continued to go badly in Italy, the Duke
of Savoy would certainly change sides, began at
last to recognise the necessity of attaching his
slippery ally to his cause by some surer tie than
that of the treaty of the previous April, and
accordingly permitted negotiations to be opened
with a view to obtaining from the Duke of Mantua
the cession of Montferrato to the Kings of France
and Spain, and subsequently to Victor Amadeus,
in return for a money indemnity. This affair
dragged on for some months, but without result,
since, though the Duke of Mantua was only a
little prince, he was a very proud one, and he
declared that no sum which their Majesties might
offer could induce him to part with any portion
of his dominions.^
1 Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et V Alliance
savoyarde sous Louis xiy.
* This decision was the more creditable to him, since, if we
are to believe Tesse, he kept no less than three hundred and sixty-
296 A ROSE OF SAVOY
It was, of course, open to Louis xiv to compel
the Duke to accede to his wishes, but Mantua was
an old ally of France, and the idea of employing
coercion was distasteful to him; and he therefore
forbore to press the matter.
He would probably have been less complaisant,
if he had been aware that simultaneously with this
negotiation the Duke of Savoy had been carrying
on one with the Emperor, and that, almost at the
same moment that Victor Amadeus was informed
of the refusal of the Duke of Mantua, he had
received from Leopold, who cared nothing for the
interests of that prince, a promise of Montferrato,
with the addition of the rich province of Ales-
sandria, in return for his desertion of the Bourbon
cause.
The Duke of Savoy had now no longer any
inducement to remain faithful to his engagements,
save that natural reluctance to join the party
opposed to his two sons-in-law to which Louis xiv
seems to have attached an altogether exaggerated
importance. But, unhappily for his Majesty's
calculations, an incident which occurred in the
summer of 1702 served to remove any scruples
that Victor Amadeus might have entertained on
that score.
In April, the new King of Spain, recognising
the necessity of making himself known to his
Italian subjects, and stimulating by his presence
the zeal of the Spanish troops in Italy, sailed for
Naples, and, after taking formal possession of his
eight mistresses, and must therefore have been often pressed for
money. Tesse adds that, notwithstanding his amative propen-
sities, he was " a pious and charitable prince."
A ROSE OF SAVOY 297
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, proceeded to the
Milanese. A meeting between Philip v and his
wife's family was arranged, and the Duke and
Duchess of Savoy and Madame Royale set out for
Alessandria, where the two princesses remained,
while the Duke went on to Acqui, a little town
some miles distant, to meet his royal son-in-law.
Now, when this interview was first proposed,
Victor Amadeus, through his Ambassador at Ver-
sailles, had endeavoured to enlist the good offices
of Torcy, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs,
to obtain from Philip v a promise that he would
accord his father-in-law the honours due to a
sovereign, as Philip 11 had done to the Duke's
ancestor Charles Emmanuel i, when he journeyed
to Spain to wed Catherine of Austria. Torcy, how-
ever, had excused himself from intervening, on
the ground that he could not presume to regulate
the ceremonial of a foreign Court. Nevertheless,
in view of the precedent we have mentioned, their
relationship, and their alliance, the Duke of Savoy
fully expected to be received as an equal.
Nothing occurred at the first interview between
the two sovereigns to destroy this illusion. The
King of Spain alighted from his carriage and
embraced his father-in-law warmly, regretted that
the carriage in which he was travelling was too
small for him to be able to offer him a seat, but
invited him to sup with him in the evening ; and
the Duke departed, convinced that his dignity
was safe.
But, when supper-time arrived, he found that
he was mistaken, for though two arm-chairs exactly
similar to one another had been placed side by
298 A ROSE OF SAVOY
side, it was the one on the left hand and not that
on the right — the place of honour, which a sovereign
always offered to a guest whom he desired to treat
as an equal — which was reserved for him.
Bitterly mortified, Victor Amadeus excused
himself from remaining to supper, on the plea of
indisposition, and almost immediately withdrew ;
and, when, on arriving at Alessandria on the fol-
lowing day, Philip v aggravated this affront by
advancing two paces only from the threshold of
his apartment to receive the Duchess of Savoy and
Madame Royale, his wrath against his son-in-law
knew no bounds.^
From that moment, his last lingering scruples
vanished, and, if he delayed an open rupture with
his allies for some time longer, it was simply be-
cause the course of the war in Northern Italy
rendered it advisable for him to wait upon events.
For, in February 1702, the incapable Villeroy had
been succeeded by the Due de Vendome, a general
of a very different stamp, of whom we shall have
occasion to speak at length later on, who relieved
Mantua, checked Eugene's victorious career in the
obstinate battle of Luzzara, compelled the Im-
perialists to fall back behind the Mincio, and held
them in check during the whole of the campaigns
of 1702 and 1703.
Victor Amadeus took no part personally in
either of these campaigns, but remained at Turin,
and devoted his energies to endeavouring to wrest
1 Yet, with characteristic dissimulation, he wrote, a day or
two later to his daughter, the Queen of Spain, that he had " been
charmed by the obliging manner in which he [the King] had spoken
to him, and that he regretted having been compelled to leave him
A ROSE OF SAVOY 299
still more favourable terms from the Emperor ;
while, at the same time, he again approached
Louis XIV on the old question of the cession of the
Milanese in exchange for Savoy and Nice.
According to the Italian historian, Denina,
the Cabinet of Vienna, which, since the arrival of
Vendome in Italy, had become increasingly anxious
to detach Victor Amadeus from his allies, had re-
course to a ruse in order to effect its purpose :
" Letters and documents addressed to the Court
of Turin, and explaining the measures which
would be taken to put the Duke of Savoy in
possession of three towns of Lombardy, were
entrusted to a Neapolitan. This messenger had
orders to allow himself to be captured by the
French, and, on seeing these despatches, the
King of France, ignorant of the ruse, did not
doubt that the alliance had been ratified." ^
Whatever truth there may be in this story, it is
certain that the Emperor's agents did endeavour
to force the Duke's hand by spreading reports that
he had joined the Grand Alliance, and, in the
second week in September, Louis xiv, convinced
that he had betrayed him — or, at least, was on the
point of doing so — sent orders to Vendome to
surround and disarm the Piedmontese contingent
of 6000 men, then encamped at San-Benedetto,
near Pavia, and conduct them as prisoners to the
fortress of Fenestrella ; which done, he was to
demand from Victor Amadeus the surrender of
Vercelli and Coni, as places of surety for his loyalty,
and, in case of refusal, to invade Piedmont.
Victor Amadeus' s reply to the disarmament
' Cited by Faverges, Anne d' Orleans.
300 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of his troops was to arrest every Frenchman in his
States, inchxding the Ambassador Phelypeaux,
who was condemned to detention in the French
Legation, and to despatch envoys to every Court
in Europe to denounce what he stigmatized as a
violation of the law of nations.
Meanwhile, Vendome had advanced to the
frontiers of Piedmont ; ^ but the necessity of detach-
ing a considerable part of his forces to hold the Im-
perialists in check rendered it dangerous for him
to attempt an invasion until reinforcements arrived
from France. Victor Amadeus did not neglect to
profit by the inaction of the French general to push
on his negotiations with Vienna, and on November
8, 1703, a treaty was signed at Turin between him
and the Emperor, whereby, in consideration of
the Duke's adhesion to the Grand AUiance, Ales-
sandria, Montferrato, the Lomellina, and the vaUey
of the Sesia were ceded to him, and guaranteed by
England and Holland, while all conquests which
might be made in the course of the war in Dau-
phine and Provence were to remain in his pos-
session.
1 Several writers speak of a plot organised by Vend6me to
seize and carry off Victor Amadeus while he was hunting in the
neighbourhood of II Veneria, which, however, was discovered and
checkmated ; but that such a step was ever contemplated is more
than doubtful.
CHAPTER XV
Distress of the Duchesse de Bourgogne at the defection of
Victor Amadeus ii — Her apprehensions that the conduct of her
father may affect her own position prove to be unfounded —
Saint-Simon's portrait of the princess — Imprudence of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne in her relations with the opposite sex — She falls in
love with the Marquis de Nangis — Embarrassing position in which
this nobleman finds himself between the Duchesse de Bourgogne
and his mistress, Madame de la Vrilhfere — The princess, piqued
by Nangis's hesitation to take advantage of his good fortune,
encourages the Marquis de Maulevrier — Nature of the latter's
relations with the Duchesse de Bourgogne considered — Maulevrier
feigns illness in order to remain at Court — His mad conduct —
Alarm of the Duchesse de Bourgogne — Maulevrier is persuaded to
go to Spain, but his indiscretions at Madrid necessitate his recall
to France — The Abbe de PoUgnac first favourite with the princess
— Fury of Maulevrier, who bombards the Duchesse de Bourgogne
with threatening letters — His tragic end — Grief of the princess —
PoUgnac is sent to Rome
THE suspicions concerning the loyalty of
Victor Amadeus which had been openly
expressed at Versailles for some months
preceding his defection had not failed to reach
the ears of the Duchesse de Bourgogne, and had
occasioned the young princess the keenest distress ;
and, when she learned of the orders which had
been sent to Vendome, she was "in a state of
despair which was apparent to the eyes of every
one." ^ For this strange man, so indifferent to
the first duties of a husband and a father, so cold,
1 Vemone to the Duke of Savoy, October lo, 1703.
302 A ROSE OF SAVOY
capricious, and secretive, had, nevertheless, the
gift of inspiring affection. By his neglected wife,
as we have seen, he was passionately beloved, and
both his daughters seemed to have cherished for
him a warm attachment.
Nor were her fears for the future of her
father and her family at Turin the sole cause
of her distress. She was greatly alarmed lest
the rupture between the country of her birth
and that of her adoption might affect her
own position, and saw herself in a kind of
semi-disgrace, like the late Dauphine, when her
brother, the Elector of Bavaria, had turned his
arms against France, the object of covert sneers
and contemptuous glances. What a terrible pros-
pect for one who for nearly six years had been
the joy of the King and the idol of the Court !
She was soon reassured on that score, for Louis
xiv's attachment to the girl was far too strong
for him to permit her to suffer for the conduct of
her father ; and, to testify that his feelings towards
her had undergone no change, and, at the same
time, to divert her thoughts from the events which
were passing in Italy, he multiplied the balls and
f6tes which afforded her so much pleasure, and
those which followed the birth of the little Due de
Bretagne were of the most brilliant description.
That the defection of Victor Amadeus should
have been powerless to injure his daughter's
position at the French Court is scarcely a matter
for surprise, when we pause to consider to what
an unprecedented degree of favour the young
princess had now attained. But, to appreciate
this, let us turn to that wonderful physical and
A ROSE OF SAVOY 303
moral portrait by Saint-Simon, which, though it
may be famihar to some of our readers, will none
the less bear reproduction :
" Gentle, timid, but adroit, unwiUing to give
the slightest pain to any one ; all lightness and
vivacity, and, nevertheless, capable of far-reaching
views ; constraint, even to the point of annoyance,
cost her no effort, though she felt all the burden
of it. Complaisance was natural to her, flowed
from her, and was bestowed on every member
of the Court.
" Regularly plain, with pendant cheeks, a
forehead too prominent, thick biting lips ; hair
and eyebrows of dark chestnut, and well planted ;
the most eloquent and the most beautiful eyes in
the world ; few teeth, and those all decayed,
about which she was the first to talk and jest ; the
most beautiful complexion and skin ; not much
bosom, but what there was, admirable ; the throat
long, with the suspicion of a goitre, which did not
ill become her ; a carriage of the head gallant,
graceful, majestic, and the manner the same,
the smile most expressive ; a figure long, round,
slender, easy, perfectly shaped ; the walk of a
goddess upon the clouds — she pleased to a super-
lative degree. Grace accompanied her every step,
her manners, and her most ordinary conversa-
tion. An air always simple and natural, often
rather naive, but seasoned with wit, aided by that
ease peculiar to her, charmed all who approached
her, and communicated itself to them. Her gaiety
(youthful, quick, active), animated everything, and
her nymph-like lightness carried her everywhere,
like a whirlwind which fills several places at once,
304 A ROSE OF SAVOY
and gives them movement and life. She was the
ornament of all diversions, the life and soul of all
pleasure. . . .
" She spared nothing, not even her health, to
gain Madame de Maintenon, and, through her, the
King. Her suppleness towards them was un-
paralleled, and was never for a moment at fault.
She accompanied it with all the discretion that
her knowledge of them, which she had acquired
by study and experience, had given her, and could
measure their dispositions to an inch. In this way
she had acquired a familiarity with them such
as none of the King's children had approached.
In public, grave, reserved with the King, and
timidly decorous with Madame de Maintenon, whom
she never addressed except as ma tante, thus prettily
confounding affection and respect ; in private,
prattling, skipping, fi3dng round them ; now
perched upon the arms of their chairs, now plapng
upon their knees, she clasped them round the
neck, embraced them, kissed them, rumpled them,
tickled them under the chin, tormented them,
rummaged their tables, their papers, their letters,
broke open the seals and read the contents in spite
of their resistance, if she perceived that her pranks
were likely to be received in good part.
" The King really could not do without her.
Everything went wrong with him if she were not
present ; even at his supper, if she were absent,
an additional cloud of seriousness and silence
settled upon him. She took great care to see him
every day ; and, if some ball in winter, some
pleasure-party in summer, caused her to lose
half the night, she nevertheless arranged matters
A ROSE OF SAVOY 305
so well that she went and embraced the King
the moment he was awake, and amused him with
an account of the fSte."
Idolised by Louis xiv and Madame de Main-
tenon, she was scarcely less beloved by the Court,
certain members of the Royal Family and their
satellites alone excepted. For she never used
her favour with the King to the detriment of any
one ; but, on the contrary, was always ready to
plead the cause of those who had been so un-
fortunate as to incur the royal displeasure. " She
was gracious to all ; she wished to please even the
most useless and the most ordinary persons ;
and you were tempted to believe her wholly and
solely devoted to those with whom she happened
to be. She was the darling of the Court, adored
by all ; everybody, great and small, was anxious
to please her, everybody missed her when she
was away ; when she reappeared, the void was
filled. In a word, she had attached all hearts to
her." 1
If Victor Amadeus had led an invading army
to the gates of Paris, the Duchesse de Bourgogne
would stiU have reigned supreme over the heart
of the old King, still have been the idol of the
Court. To resist so bewitching a young creature
was an impossibility.
Naturally, the young princess did not lack
for admirers in other than a platonic sense.
Naturally, too, she was not altogether insensible
to the admiration which she read in so many
eyes — admiration which needed but a little com-
plaisance on her part to declare itself in a bolder
1 Mimoires.
20
3o6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
fashion. For a time, however, scandal found
nothing substantial to lay hold of. The girl had
received an excellent moral training at Turin,
and again at Saint-Cyr, and, if she did not exactly
love, she was, at least, fond of her husband, and
anxious to please him, which served at first to
counteract, in some degree, the baneful effects of
the empty, frivolous life which she led and the
constant adulation of which she was the object.
Nevertheless, shrewd observers, like Madame, did
not fail to perceive that the lady was by no means
as prudent as could be desired in her relations with
the opposite sex, and that the day might not be
far distant when she would have cause to regret
it. Thus, so early as April 1701, we find that
princess writing to the Electress of Hanover : —
"The Duchesse de Bourgogne is very intelli-
gent, but she is, as every young person would
be who had been allowed such great liberty,
extremely coquettish and giddy. If she had been
with people who would have exercised over her
the control which she needed, one might have been
able to make something good of her Highness, but
I fear, from the way she is allowed to behave, that
many little stories will come to light."
Possibly, Madame would have been wrong, and
there would have been no " little stories," if the
too-sensitive conscience of the Due de Bourgogne
had not driven him to a semi-renunciation of
the world, and to spend in devotion and conversa-
tion with his confessor hours which might have
been more suitably employed in looking after his
young wife, sharing her harmless pleasures, and
A ROSE OF SAVOY 307
endeavouring to inspire her with a taste for some
useful occupation. But the worthy youth was
too short-sighted, too self-centred, to recognise
the probable consequences of his conduct ; and the
princess, resenting her husband's lack of interest
in her amusements, and mortified by the merriment
which his asceticism aroused among her thoughtless
companions, began to find indifference and some-
thing like contempt replacing the affectionate
regard she had hitherto entertained for him;
took more and more pleasure in the homage which
was so freely offered her, and finally entered
upon the dangerous path of flirtation, which
promised her a new and agreeable form of excite-
ment.
" The Due de Bourgogne," writes Madame, in
1703, "is so steeped in devotion that, in my
opinion, he will become stupid from it. . . . His
wife is mischievous and coquettish; she will
furnish him matter for mortification."
One of the most fascinating cavaliers of the
Court at this time was the Marquis de Nangis,
who, though only about the same age as the Due
de Bourgogne, was already a past-master in the
art of gallantry. His popularity with the ladies
was immense. To an agreeable, if not strikingly
handsome face, a fine figure, and charming manners,
he joined a reputation for great personal courage,
which he had gained during the campaigns of 1701
and 1702, and "a discretion which was beyond his
years, and did not belong to his time." ^
In the early summer of 1703, soon after the
1 Saint-Simon.
3o8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Due de Bourgogne had left Versailles to take up
his command on the Rhine, Nangis, who had
been serving in Flanders under Villars, and had
been ill or slightly wounded, was invalided home,
to the great joy of the ladies of the Court, who
vied with one another in their efforts to beguile
the tedium of his convalescence.
It was now that he appears to have first attracted
the attention of the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
who could not help contrasting the handsome,
soldierly young marquis, who seemed to have
not a care in the world, and was never so happy
as when he was paying agreeable compliments
to pretty women, with her grave, reserved, and
deformed husband, with results that were far from
flattering to the absent prince.
According to Saint-Simon, who, as we have
observed elsewhere, is generally trustworthy enough
when he feels compelled to relate the pecca-
dilloes of his friends, the first advances came
from the princess herself, in the form of certain
" speechless messages," which a gentleman of M.
de Nangis' s experience in affairs of the heart could
scarcely fail to interpret correctly.
He, on his part, was not ungrateful, but
decidedly alarmed, since he was at that moment
engaged in a liaison with Madame de la Vrilliere,
the heroine of the not very creditable incident
mentioned in a previous chapter,^ and the lady
in question showed not the slightest intention of
resigning her conquest. Indeed, the moment that
jealousy had enlightened her as to what was taking
place, it became doubly precious in her estimation,
* See p. 272, supra.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 309
and she intimated to the marquis that he would
abandon her at his peril.
The hapless Nangis found himself in a most
embarrassing situation, and, for the first time in
his life, began to wish that he was a trifle less
irresistible. " He dreaded the fury of his mistress,
who pretended to be more ready to make a com-
motion than she really was ; and, apart from his
love for her, he feared the result of a scandal, and
already saw his fortune lost. On the other hand,
any reserve on his part towards a princess who
had so much power in her hands, who one day
would be all-powerful, and who was not likely
to yield to or even to suffer a rival, might
be his ruin." ^ Was ever a gallant so distracted
before ?
While Nangis was racking his brains to discover
some way of escape, the two ladies disputed for his
possession, Madame de la Vrilliere conducting herself
with bitterness, and sometimes insolence towards
her royal rival, who, on her side, " gently manifested
her displeasure." No wonder that the poor Due
de Bourgogne's letters from the army remained
unanswered while his wife's attention was con-
centrated upon this singular duel !
The affair was soon the talk of the Court, or,
at least, of all who, like Saint-Simon, " made it
their special ambition to be well informed of every-
thing"; but, whether from fear of incurring the
princess's resentment, or, more probably, from the
affection which they entertained for her, the gossips
seem to have exercised, on this occasion, a most
commendable restraint, and no hint of what was
^ Saint-Simon.
310 A ROSE OF SAVOY
in progress was allowed to reach the King or
Madame de Maintenon.
And now a new actor made his appearance upon
the scene. Piqued apparently by Nangis's hesi-
tation to take advantage of his good fortune,
the Duchesse de Bourgogne resolved to excite
his jealousy by encouraging a rival, and selected for
the purpose Fran9ois fidouard Colbert, Marquis
de Maulevrier, a nephew of the famous Minister,
and a son-in-law of her first equerry, Tesse.
Maulevrier, who, like Nangis, was still in his
premiere jeunesse, and, like him, had served with
some distinction in the Army, where he had just
been made brigadier of infantry, could not lay
claim to the elegance of that redoubtable squire of
dames, being, indeed, a very commonplace-looking
young man. But, en revanche, he was clever,
witty, fertile in resource, enterprising, and intensely
ambitious. He was also more than a trifle mad,
and needed little to render him altogether irre-
sponsible for his actions, though, as is frequently
the case in the early stages of insanity, his disorder
revealed itself in an audacity and a cunning which
often proved of considerable assistance to his
ambitious projects.
Overjoyed at the prospect of a bonne fortune
which would make him, he believed, the most
envied of men, Maulevrier hesitated not a moment.
Through his relationship to Tesse and his wife's
intimacy with the Duchesse de Bourgogne, he
enjoyed easy access to the princess, and at once
began to pay her the most assiduous court. The
latter, somewhat alarmed by his boldness, pre-
tended to misunderstand him, whereupon he
A ROSE OF SAVOY 311
addressed to her eloquently-reproachful letters, to
which she had the imprudence to reply. The
intermediary was Madame Quantin, the princess's
first femme de chambre, who appears to have been
under the impression that the letters which her
mistress handed to her came from Tesse, and that
those which Maulevrier wrote were intended for his
father-in-law.
This affair, like the other, was soon an open
secret, but was treated with the same discretion.
According to Saint-Simon, there were not wanting
persons who believed that matters did not stop at
flirtation, but this seems highly improbable. In
the first place, it is doubtful whether the princess
ever really cared for Maulevrier, though his
audacity amused her, and she found it not un-
pleasant to be the recipient of a kind of homage
from which her exalted station had hitherto de-
barred her. In the second, she was far too closely
guarded and watched, not only by her ladies, who
might perhaps have been a little inclined to com-
plaisance, but by the Swiss spies who roamed
day and night through the palaces and gardens
of Versailles, Marly, and Fontainebleau,^ to
1 " The King, more anxious to know everything that was passing
than most people believed, although they credited him with not a
little curiosity in this respect, had authorised Bontemps [his con-
fidential valet de chambre] to engage a number of Swiss, in addition
to those posted at the gates and in the parks and gardens. These
attendants had orders to roam, morning, noon, and night, along the
corridors, the passages, and the staircases, and, when it was fine,
in the courtyards and gardens, and in secret to watch people, to
follow them, to notice where they went, to notice who was there,
to listen to all the conversations they could hear, and to make reports
of their discoveries. This was done at Versailles, at Marly, at Trianon,
at Fontainebleau, and in every place where the King happened to
be." — Saint-Simon.
312 A ROSE OF SAVOY
have been able to grant a rendezvous to any
member of the opposite sex, without the King
being immediately aware of it. Nevertheless,
however innocent she may have been, she was soon
to discover that — to parody Chateaubriand's
aphorism — while the sins of a private individual
may go unpunished till the next world, the indiscre-
tions of royalty are invariably punished in this,
and to receive a sharp lesson on the danger of
young princesses playing with fire.
The favour shown by the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne to Maulevrier put an end to the hesitations
of Nangis, who could not endure the sight of
another aspiring to the place which he felt to be
rightly his ; and, braving the wrath of Madame
de la VriUiere, he too entered the lists. His
opposition greatly incensed and alarmed Maule-
vrier, who, to get the better of his rival, bethought
himself, if we are to believe Saint-Simon, of a
singular stratagem. This was to feign an affection
of the chest, which deprived him almost entirely
of the use of his voice, and prevented him from
speaking above a whisper. By this means, he not
only escaped active service, and was permitted to
remain at Court, but enjoyed facilities for the most
intimate conversation with the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne, without exciting the least suspicion.
For more than a year, Maulevrier pressed his
suit, but the result was far from answering his
expectations ; and, at length, perceiving the iU-
humour of Madame de la VriUiere, he concluded
that Nangis' s wooing must have been crowned with
success, and " jealousy and rage transported him
to the last extremity of folly."
A ROSE OF SAVOY 313
One morning, as the Duchesse de Bourgogne
was returning from Mass, and he was aware that
Dangeau, her chevalier d'honneur, was absent, he
met her and offered his hand to conduct her to
her apartments. The gentleman whose duty it was
to take Dangeau's place courteously waived his
claim to this honour, out of consideration for
Maulevrier's loss of voice, and fell back out of
earshot, so that the marquis had the full advan-
tages of a private audience. Then, while careful
to preserve the low tone in which he had trained
himself to speak, Maulevrier "railed against Nan-
gis ; called him by all sorts of names ; threatened
to reveal everything to the King and Madame
de Maintenon, and to the prince her husband ;
squeezed her fingers as though he would break
them ; and led her in this manner, hke the madman
that he was, to her apartments." ^
Half-fainting with pain and terror, the un-
fortunate princess entered her garde-robe and sent
for her favourite dame du palais, Madame de
Nogaret, to whom she related what had occurred,
" declaring that she knew not how she had reached
her apartments, or how it was she had not sunk
beneath the floor or died." Madame de Nogaret,
after taking counsel with Saint-Simon and his
wife, advised her mistress to humour this danger-
ous lover, but to avoid committing herself in any
way with him. But, though such advice was no
doubt excellent, it came a little too late to be of
service, since Maulevrier had now turned the
vials of his wrath upon Nangis, and, by abusing him,
to every one whom he could induce to listen to
1 Saint-Simon.
314 A ROSE OF SAVOY
his tirades, was doing his utmost to provoke him
to a duel. Nangis, brave though he was, did not
at all relish the idea of an encounter the real
motive of which would have been patent to every
one, and would have ruined him irretrievably ; and
prudently kept out of the way of his infuriated rival.
Nevertheless, for some six weeks, the Duchesse
de Bourgogne lived in constant dread of hearing
that her two admirers had met in mortal combat,
and her state of mind was scarcely one to be envied.
This intolerable situation was at length ended
by the diplomacy of Tesse. Warned of how
matters were going, that skilful personage took
Fagon into his confidence and persuaded him to
assure Maulevrier that, as the remedies he had
tried had proved ineffectual, he must go to a
warmer climate, as to spend the approaching winter
in France would inevitably kill him.^ At the same
time, he begged his son-in-law to follow him to
Madrid, whither he was about to proceed on an
important mission, promising that he should meet
with a cordial welcome at the Spanish Court.
Maulevrier allowed himself to be persuaded,
and Tesse and Fagon having assured the King that
he was really ill, the necessary permission was readily
accorded, and in November 1704 he set out for
Spain, furnished with a letter of recommendation
to Philip V from the Due de Bourgogne, who had
not the least suspicion of the mortal terror with
which his protigS had inspired his wife.
The relief of the Duchesse de Bourgogne at the
1 It would appear from this that, though Maulevrier had greatly-
exaggerated the state of his health, he was really consumptive, and
wasfalarmed about himself.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 315
departure of her terrible admirer may be imagined ;
and, as Tess6 had promised to do everything in his
power to keep his son-in-law in Spain, she flattered
herself that it would be many a long day before
she saw him again. But in this she was mistaken.
Admitted, thanks to the recommendations of
the Due de Bourgogne and Tesse into the intimacy
of the King and Queen of Spain, the audacious
Maulevrier, if we are to beUeve Saint-Simon and
Madame de Caylus, did not hesitate to abuse their
Majesties' condescension, and made love to the
younger sister as he had made love to the elder.
Saint-Simon adds that his advances were not ill
received, and that the affair caused so much talk
that the Due de Gramont, the French Ambassador
at Madrid, deemed it necessary to inform Louis xiv
of the rumours which had reached him. In con-
sequence, the King prohibited Maulevrier from
accepting any honours which might be offered him
by Philip v, — there was a report that he was about
to be made a grandee of Spain, — and ordered him to
join Tesse at the siege of Gibraltar, and, on learn-
ing, subsequently, that he had quitted Gibraltar
and returned to Madrid, recalled him to France.
What is certain, is that Maulevrier did com-
mit some indiscretion at Madrid, which caused
his father-in-law to beg Louis xiv to summon him
back to France ; and that in the autumn of 1705
he reappeared at Versailles, and at once resimied
his persecution of the Duchesse de Bourgogne.
In the interval, he had become madder than
ever, and his wrath was terrible on learning that
he had now not one rival, but two, to contend
with. For, far from profiting by her recent sad
3i6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
experience, the princess had added a fresh string
to her bow, in the person of the Abb6 Melchior de
PoUgnac, afterwards cardinal.
The abbe was a much older man than either
of his competitors for the princess's favour, for he
was in his forty-fifth year; but, in every other
respect, his qualifications for the role to which he
aspired were infinitely greater than theirs. Writing
fifteen years earlier to her friend Madame de
Coulanges, Madame de Sevigne had described him
as " one of the men of the world whose disposition
appeared to her the most agreeable " ; while Saint-
Simon, though he disliked him heartily, is com-
pelled to pay tribute to his good looks, his ver-
satility, his cultured tastes, his conversational
powers, and the won^erinl fascination of his
manner. " PlesSihg, ^ay, most fascinating in
manner," he writes, ." the abbe was a man to gain
all hearts. He de^sired to please the valet and the
maid, as well as the master and the mistress. To
succeed in this, he stopped at no flattery. One
day, when following the King through the gardens
of Marly, it came on to rain. The King con-
siderately noticed the abbe's dress, which was
little calculated to keep off rain. " It is no matter,
Sire," observed Polignac, "the rain of Marly does
not wet."
Notwithstanding all his suppleness, the abbe fell
into disgrace in 1698, when, as French Ambassador
in Poland, he failed in his negotiations to secure
the uneasy crown of that kingdom for the Prince
de Conti, and, on his return to France, he was
banished from Court. But his exile lasted only
three years, and, thanks to the publication of a
ABBE (AFTERWARDS CARDINAL) MELCHIOR DE POLIGNAC
FROM AN ENGRAVINC; UY DAL'LLE, AFTER THE PAINTING BY HVACINTHE RIGAUI)
A ROSE OF SAVOY 317
philosophical poem in Latin, the Anti-Lucretius,
which greatly pleased both the Due de Bourgogne
and the King, and procured its author's election
to the Academy, in succession to Bossuet, he was
now in high favour once more.
The astute Polignac succeeded in ingratiating
himself with the Due de Bourgogne, by sympa-
thising with his religious views and flattering his
taste for the sciences ; and made friends with the
duchess's intimates, the Marechale de Coeuvres
and Madame d'O. He thus found many oppor-
tunities of approaching the princess, of which he did
not fail to take advantage. The attentions of
distinguished middle-aged are often very accept-
able to the vanity of youth ; and, besides, the
abb6 was still a handsome man. " He sought to
be heard, and he was heard. Soon he braved the
danger of the Swiss, and on fine nights walked
with the duchess in the gardens of Marly." The
star of Nangis began to pale ; Maulevrier, on his
return, found himself altogether forgotten.
The latter gallant, however, had not the smallest
intention of accepting his dismissal, and, to recall
himself to the princess's memory, began to bom-
bard her with threatening letters. Terrified lest
she should find herself the victim of the scandal
which she had so narrowly escaped twelve months
before, the lady replied to them, and charged
Madame Quantin, who again acted as the inter-
mediary, to assure Maulevrier that he might always
count upon her friendship. But Maulevrier refused
to be placated ; and, when he heard that his wife,
" who concealed beneath a virginal appearance a
most malignant disposition," resenting her lord's
3i8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
infatuation for the Duchesse de Bourgogne, had
begun to make advances to Nangis, and that
Nangis seemed inclined to meet her half-way, he
lost what little reason was left him, and committed
so many follies that his friends were obliged to
have him confined to his hotel in Paris and care-
fully watched. At length, in the early morning
of Good Friday 1706, the unfortunate man succeeded
in eluding the vigilance of his gaolers, threw him-
self from an upper window into the courtyard
below, and was instantly killed/
News of the tragedy was brought to the Duchesse
de Bourgogne as she was on her way to TenebrcB,
in the midst of all the Court. She succeeded in
controlling her feelings in public, but Saint-Simon
assures us that, on her return to her apartments,
she shed tears, and that for some days afterwards
her eyes were suspiciously red. Perhaps, however,
her emotion was due less to sorrow for the tragic
end of her embarrassing admirer as to the fact
that the letters which she had been indiscreet
enough to write him had fallen into the hands of
Madame de Maulevrier, who obstinately refused to
surrender them. People also observed that Madame
de Maintenon seemed constrained and abrupt in
her manner towards the princess, and that they
had several long interviews, from which the latter
emerged in a lachrymose condition ; and it was
shrewdly suspected that the old lady was acquainted
with the whole story. This suspicion was con-
firmed when, shortly afterwards, Polignac was
nominated one of the auditors of the Rota at Rome,
and departed into a kind of disguised exile. His
^ Saint-Simon.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 319
removal was certainly a prudent step, since the
Duchesse de Bourgogne " wished him a pleasant
journey in a manner very different from that in
which she was accustomed to dismiss those who
came to take leave of her," and shut herself up for
the rest of the day in Madame de Maintenon's
apartments, on the plea of a headache. A few
days later, Madame, walking in the gardens of
Versailles, found on the pedestal of a statue some
verses on the subject, " which she was neither
discreet enough nor benevolent enough to ignore."
The Court, however, was more good-natured, and
observed about the Polignac business the same
reticence which it had shown in regard to Nangis
and Maulevrier, and neither the King nor the lady's
husband ever appear to have entertained any
suspicion — a really remarkable testimony to the
popularity of the princess.
After the departure of the fascinating Polignac,
we hear of no more flirtations — there does not
seem to be any reason to suppose that her conduct
deserves a harsher name — on the part of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne. Perhaps, the lesson of
the terrible fate of Maulevrier, victim of dis-
appointed passions and ambitions which she had
certainly done something to encourage, was not
lost upon her ; perhaps, she realised that it is not
generally the good fortune of princesses to be
loved for themselves alone, and that the homage
which is offered them is seldom disinterested ;
and certainly, as time went on, she began to
understand more fully the obligations which her
position exacted, and to appreciate at something
approaching its true worth the devotion of her
320 A ROSE OF SAVOY
husband. Any way, she appears henceforth to
have conducted herself towards the opposite sex
with perfect propriety, and to have given no
further cause for scandal.^
1 We ought perhaps to except the affair in 171 1 with the fifteen-
year-old Due de Fronsac, afterwards the too-celebrated Due de
RicheUeu, who was found one day concealed in the princess's bed-
chamber. But, though much has been made of this episode by the
scandal-loving writers of the latter part of the eighteenth century,
it seems to have been regarded at the time as merely a piece
of boyish impertinence, and the letfre de cachet, which sent the
precocious young gentleman to the BastiUe was granted at the
request of his indignant father, who appears to have had several
other causes of complaint against him.
CHAPTER XVI
Death of the Uttle Due de Bretagne — Letters of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne to Madame Royale, and of the Due de Bourgogne
to Phihp V — Desperate position of Vietor Amadeus ii : Turin
invested by the French under La Feuillade — Cruel anxiety of
the Duchesse de Bourgogne, who endeavours to persuade her
father to come to terms with France — Her letters to Madame
Royale — Siege of Turin — Incapacity of the French generals —
Eugfene is permitted to effect a junction with the forces of Victor
Amadeus, and inflicts a crushing defeat on the investing army
— The historian Duclos's accusation of treachery against the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, and the legend of the princess having
seduced the French generals from their duty, considered.
THE Duchesse de Bourgogne had other troubles
besides those in which her imprudences
with Nangis, Maulevrier, and Polignac in-
volved her. In April 1705, the little son whose
birth had been celebrated by such brilliant f6tes
died from convulsions, and the young princess
knew, for the first time in her butterfly existence,
the meaning of real sorrow. Her grief for her
child was such that all the Court was moved with
compassion, and, a few days after his death, we
find her writing the following touching letter
to her grandmother : —
" I cannot, my dear grandmamma, be longer
without comforting mj'^self with you in the sorrow
which has befallen me. I am well persuaded that
you have felt it, for I know the affection which you
have always had for me. If we did not take all
31
321
322 A ROSE OF SAVOY
the sorrows of this life from God, I know not what
would become of us. I think He wishes to draw
me to Him, by overwhelming me with every kind
of grief. My health suffers greatly from it, but
that is the least of my sorrows. I have received
one of your letters, my dear grandmamma, which
gave me very great pleasure. The assurances of
affection which you give me bring me consolation.
I have great need of it in my present state." ^
The grief of the young mother was not only
very great, but some time seems to have elapsed
ere she succeeded in conquering it, since two
months later Madame de Maintenon informs the
Princesse des Ursins that " the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne wept yesterday for her son as on the day
of his death, because it was that of his birth."
The young princess suffered also the keenest
distress and the most cruel anxiety on behalf of
1 Contessa della Rocca, Correspondance in&dite de la Duchesse de
Bourgogne et de la Reine d'Espagne. On the previous day, the
Due de Bourgogne had written to his brother, the King of Spain,
a letter in which he expresses his resignation to the Divine WUl,
and his ardent desire to fulfil the duties of his position in such a
way that he may one day be permitted to rejoin his child :
" I have not written you, my dear brother, since the loss of my
son, and I beheve that the affection which you entertain for me will
have caused you to feel it keenly. It would have been desirable, not
only for my own sake, but for that of affairs in general, that this mis-
fortune should not have befallen us, but men ought always to submit
bhndly to that which comes from above. God knows better than
ourselves what is right for us ; He has hfe and death in His hands,
and has taken my son to a place where I ardently desire to rejoin
him one day. However, to desire that is not sufiicient ; I must
work for it, and I should be a Jansenist if I said otherwise, which
you are well aware I am far from being. The position in which you
are, my dear brother, and for which I am destined in the course of
Nature (though I desire that the time may be very far distant), this
position, I say, is as full of dangers as there are duties to discharge,
and these dangers are so much the more pressing as the duties are
great ; but, at the same time, what degree of glory is reserved in
Heaven for those who discharge them worthily 1 . . , "
A ROSE OF SAVOY 323
her relatives in Italy. The course of the war
in Flanders, Germany, and Spain during the years
1704 and 1705 and the first part of 1706 was
disastrous to the Bourbon cause. Tallard was
crushed at Blenheim ; Villeroy at Ramillies ; nearly
the whole of Flanders fell into the hands of the
Allies ; the meteoric Peterborough carried all
before him in Spain, and Philip v was compelled to
leave Madrid and fly to Burgos, while the Allies
entered the capital and proclaimed the Archduke
Charles king, as Charles iii.
But in Northern Italy the condition of affairs
was very different. The events which had pre-
cipitated the defection of Victor Amadeus had been
so rapid, that his new allies had had no time to
send him assistance, and he found himself com-
pelled to face unaided the storm which quickly
burst upon him.
The results might well have daunted a less
resolute spirit. The counties of Nice and Savoy
were over-run ; three French armies penetrated
by different roads into Piedmont ; and one after
another almost every place of importance, with
the exception of Turin, fell into the hands of the
invaders. The Imperialists were too hard pressed
themselves to be able to render any effective
assistance to their stricken ally, and, after Vendome's
victories at Cassano and Calcinate had driven
them back across the Adige, it seemed as if nothing
could prevent the fall of Turin and the ruin of the
House of Savoy. The Court of Versailles, indeed,
exasperated by the defection of the Duke, seemed
to regard the taking of his capital as an affair of
honour, to which every other consideration ought
324 A ROSE OF SAVOY
to be subordinated. Immense preparations were
made for the siege, and in the last days of May the
city was invested by a splendid army, commanded
by the Due de la Feuillade, a son-in-law of Chamil-
lart, the Minister for War.
The Duchesse de Bourgogne was in the utmost
consternation, when she learned of the proposed
investment of Turin, and aware that its reduction
would administer the coup de grdce to the tottering
fortunes of her ambitious father, she endeavoured
to induce him to come to terms with France.
Since, however, she did not dare to address the
Duke directly, it was to her mother that she wrote :
"May3 [1706]
" I have had no letters from you by this courier,
my dearest mother ; I hope, however, they will
arrive in a few days.
" We have had very good news from Barcelona,^
and from all sides agreeable tidings are reaching us.
All that is passing in Italy affords me much cause
for reflection, and gives me many hopes. I confess
the truth, my dearest mother, that it would be
the greatest pleasure that I could have in this
life, if I could see my father brought back to reason.
I cannot understand why he does not make terms,
especially in the unfortunate situation in which
he now finds himself, and without any hope of
being succoured [by the Austrians]. Does he still
wish to allow Turin to be taken ? The rumour
1 Barcelona had been taken by Peterborough in the previous
October ; but early in 1706 a great effort was made to recover it,
and Philip v and Tesse besieged it from the land side, while the
French fleet, under the Comte de Toulouse, blockaded the harbour.
At the time when the Duchesse de Bourgogne wrote, it seemed that
the town must succumb, but it was subsequently reUeved by the
arrival of the English fleet, against which the French ships did not
venture to contend.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 325
afloat here is that it will not be long before the
siege is begun. Conceive, therefore, my dear
mother, the state in which I must be in, sensitive
as I am to all that concerns you ! I am in despair
at the situation to which my father is reduced by
his own fault. Is it possible that he believes that
we should not grant him favourable terms ? I
assure you that all that the King desires is to see
his kingdom tranquil, and that of his grandson,
the King of Spain, also. It appears to me that
my father ought to desire the same thing for himself,
and, when I reflect that the power of making it so
is in his hands, I am astonished that he does not
do it.
" I fear, my dearest mother, that you will
think me very bold in writing all that I have ;
but I cannot restrain myself, feeling as I do my
father's position. I feel that he is my father, and
a father whom I deeply love. Therefore, my
dearest mother, forgive me if I write you too freely.
It is my intense desire that we should escape
these difficult moments that cause me to write as I
do.
" Continue to love me, my dearest mother, and
do not take all this in bad part, for you understand
my intention in speaking, and the motive which
inspires me. I send you a letter from my sister,
who is as vexed as I am at all that is happening."
M. Gagniere, who, by the way, gives the date of
this letter as 1711, although, as M. d'Haussonville
points out, the double allusion to the sieges of
Barcelona and Madrid leaves no possible doubt
that it belongs to 1706, is of opinion that it was
dictated by Madame de Main tenon, "not because
Marie Adelaide did not cherish in her heart senti-
ments of peace and concord, but because she was
326 A ROSE OF SAVOY
unable to express them" ;^ and, since we know
that, at this juncture, Louis xiv would have been
very willing to enter into negotiations with his
enemies and to purchase peace, even at the price of
considerable sacrifices, his assumption is not unlikely
to be correct. However that may be, Victor
Amadeus remained deaf to the entreaties of his
elder daughter, as he did to those, not less urgent
and pathetic, which were addressed to him by her
sister, the Queen of Spain ; and the Duchesse de
Bourgogne was condemned to spend more than
three months of the most terrible suspense, while
the fate of the House of Savoy was trembling in
the balance, although true to her role of always
pleasing the King, no matter at what cost to
herself, she did not cease to participate in the
pleasures of the Court , and to affect a gaiety which
she was very far from feeling.
What her real sentiments were, will be gathered
from two letters which she wrote at this time to
Madame Roy ale, who, with the Duchess of Savoy and
the two young princes, had been sent for safety to
Mondovi, and, subsequently, to Genoa, where the
Doge and the Senate had offered them an asylum.
" Marly, June 21, 1706
" I can be no longer, my dear grandmamma, with-
out sharing all our sorrows with you. Imagine my
anxiety as to all that is happening to you, loving
you as I do very tenderly, and having all possible
affection for my father, my mother, and my brothers.
I cannot see them in so unhappy a situation
without tears rising to my eyes, for assuredly, my
dear grandmamma, I am very sensitive to all that
' Marie A delaide de Savoie : Lettres et Correspondances.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 327
concerns you, and I see, by all that is in me, to what
point my affection for my family goes.
" My health is not so much injured as it might be.
I am fairly well, but in a state of sadness which no
amusements can mitigate, and which will never
leave me, for it serves to console me in my present
condition.
" Do not deprive me, I entreat you, of your
letters. They afford me much pleasure, and I
have need of them in the state I am in. Send me
news of what is dearest to me in the world."
" Marly, July 25, 1706
" I have not written you, my dear grandmamma,
as I do not know whether you are still with my
mother, having been unable to obtain any informa-
tion. You know my heart ; imagine therefore the
state I am in! I received yesterday one of your
letters, by which I was very affected. I am not
less at the state in which you are, and I cannot
reconcile myself to all your misfortunes. I see
them increasing with extreme sorrow, and there is
not a day when I do not feel them very keenly and
weep in thinking of what a family which is so dear
to me, and which I would give my life to comfort
for a moment, is suffering.
" I am very glad, my dear grandmamma, that the
fatigues of a journey so long and painful as that which
you have just made has not injured your health;
which I trust will continue good, in spite of every-
thing. I pity greatly my mother, who, for additional
sorrow, is anxious alDOut the illness of her children,
and yet is obliged to continue to travel in such
excessive heat and over such frightful roads.
" I have no other consolation, my dear grand-
mamma, than that of receiving your letters and the
continued assurances of your affection. We have
all need of great courage to sustain such terrible
32 8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
trials as those which we have had of late. God
wishes to try me by all the means to which I am
most sensitive. I must resign myself to His will,
and pray that He will soon deliver us from the
state in which we are.
"As for myself, I feel that I cannot sustain it
longer, if He does not give me strength to do so.
"Love me always, and be assured, my dear
grandmamma, of my respect and affection, which
will end only with my life." ^
When this last letter was written, the siege of
Turin had been in progress for just seven weeks,
the first cannon-shots having been fired by the
besiegers on June 3. Victor Amadeus was not
himself in the city, but lay with what troops he
could muster at Cherasco, from whence he could
harass the investing army, while awaiting the
arrival of Prince Eugene, now advancing from the
Tyrol at the head of an Austrian force, which had
been placed in the field owing to the representa-
tions of Marlborough, who had impressed upon
the sluggish Cabinet of Vienne the vital importance
of saving Turin. In the absence of the Duke, the
defence was entrusted to two Savoyard nobles, the
Marquis de Carrail and the Comte de la Roche
d'Allery, who had greatly distinguished them-
selves in the defence of Nice and Verrua, with
whom was associated an Austrian officer, the Graf
von Daun, father of the celebrated general of the
Seven Years' War.
Unanimity and enthusiasm reigned within the
beleagured city, where the entire population,
women as well as men, aided in the defence, and
1 Gagnifere, Marie Adilaide de Savoie ; Lettres ei Correspondances.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 329
displayed the utmost courage and devotion. But
in the camp of the besiegers a very different state
of affairs prevailed. La Feuillade, a younger
Villeroy, incapable, presumptuous, and insolent,
who owed his appointment to the command of the
Army of Piedmont entirely to his relationship to
Chamillart, the Minister for War, declined to
listen to the advice of Vauban and the other ex-
perienced officers who served under him, and
conducted the operations with a sublime disregard
for all the rules of siege- warfare.
Meanwhile, Eugene was gradually drawing
nearer. By a bold and skilful manoeuvre, he out-
witted Vendome, who was guarding the Adige and
the Po, crossed both those rivers, and marched
up the southern bank of the Po towards Turin.
At this critical moment, Vendome was summoned
to Flanders, to replace Villeroy, who had just met
with his deserts at Ramillies, leaving the command
of his army to the young Due d' Orleans, who, as
the fashion was, had arrived with a general to
guide him, in the person of Marsin, who had com-
manded part of the French forces at Blenheim.
Orleans begged Vendome to postpone his departure
and endeavour to repair his errors ; but the latter,
wishing, according to Saint-Simon, that his suc-
cessor should remain charged with them, declined
and left the duke to get out of the difficulty as
best he might.
This was no easy matter, since Marsin, when
ordered by Orleans to prevent the Imperialists
crossing the Tanaro, a tributary of the Po, pro-
duced full powers from Louis xiv, and refused to
move ; and the mortified prince had no alternative
330 A ROSE OF SAVOY
but to lead his forces to Turin to reinforce the
investing army.
Here long and heated discussions took place
between the three commanders concerning the
measures to be taken to oppose the approaching
enemy. Orleans, who, though no great general,
was infinitely more capable than either of his
colleagues, strongly urged that they should at
once advance against the Imperialists and make
a last effort to prevent their junction with the
Duke of Savoy ; while Le Feuillade insisted on
awaiting battle in their own lines, although these
extended over fifteen miles of country, and thus
served to neutralise the superiority in numbers
which the French possessed. Marsin, however,
" who wished to keep in the good graces of the
son-in-law of the all-powerful Minister," and
without whom Orleans could do nothing, sided
with La Feuillade ; the other officers present
supported him likewise, and " the throat of France
was cut." ^
On the morning of September 7, the investing
army was suddenly attacked by Eugene and Victor
Amadeus, who had effected their junction some
days previously at Carmagnola, and, on learning
of the straits to which the besieged were now
reduced through famine and sickness, had resolved
to put their fate to the touch without delay.
The French were vastly superior in numbers,
and were behind entrenchments, to attack which
the Allies had to cross an open plain. But their
extended line presented several weak points and
was easily broken, while the whole army was de-
1 Saint-Simon.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 331
moralised by the dissensions between its leaders
and the contradictory orders which were issued.
After an obstinate combat, discipline and general-
ship carried the day, and the French were completely
routed. Marsin was killed ; Orleans, who had
displayed great courage and presence of mind,
wounded ; and the besiegers fell back in utter con-
fusion on Susa and Pinerolo; while Eugene and
Victor Amadeus entered Turin in triumph.
In losing the Battle of Turin, Louis xiv lost
Italy as well. The French evacuated all Piedmont
and Savoy, with the exception of the fortresses,
which one after another were compelled to open
their gates ; the Milanese and the Duchy of Mantua
passed into the possession of the Emperor, who
gave Montferrato to the Duke of Savoy ; and in
March 1707 the Convention of Milan secured
Northern Italy for the Allies. The Bourbon
troops were also driven from the Kingdom of
Naples, since it was no longer possible to send
reinforcements thither by land, and the English
fleet swept the seas ; and the Neapolitans has-
tened to make a separate peace with the Empire.
Thus, in less than twelve months from that fatal
day, their Most Christian and Catholic Majesties
found themselves without a rood of ground in the
whole peninsula.
We have dealt at greater length upon these
events than would otherwise have been necessary,
since they have been made the occasion of serious
charges against the Duchesse de Bourgogne.
" This fascinating child, so dear to the King,"
writes Duclos, " none the less betrayed France,
by informing her father, then Duke of Savoy and
332 A ROSE OF SAVOY
our enemy, of all the military plans which she
found the means of perusing. The King dis-
covered the proof of this in the princess's desk,
after her death. ' The httle rogue,' said he to
Madame de Maintenon, ' was deceiving us.' " ^
This sensational story, regarded by historians
in other countries as the invention of Duclos — a
recorder of gossip rather than of fact — has, singu-
larly enough, been credited by several French
historians, and even a writer usually so just and
discriminating as Sainte-Beuve accords it a kind
of semi-acceptance. But, when we examine it,
its absurdity becomes at once apparent. Quite
apart from the untrustworthiness of Duclos, and
the fact that no allusion to this supposed treachery
is to be found in the memoirs and correspondence
of any of the Duchesse de Bourgogne's contem-
poraries, not even in those of the lynx-eyed and
far from benevolent Madame, is it in the least
degree probable that Louis xiv or his Ministers
would have left important military plans lying
about ? And, even supposing them to have been
guilty of such criminal negligence, and the princess
to have taken advantage of it, how, one may well
ask, could she have transmitted her information to
Turin ? It is true that she was still permitted to
communicate with her relatives in Italy ; but,
from what we know about the fate of the epistles
of Madame and other prominent members of the
Court, even in time of peace, we may be very sure
that every letter she wrote was closely scrutinised
before being forwarded to its destination.
But there is another legend, which, though
1 Memoires secrets suv Us rignes de Louis xiv. et de Louis xy.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 333
equally frivolous, was, according to Voltaire, who
himself regards it with contempt, long beUeved by
almost all the officers who had fought in the French
army at Turin, and has been accepted by many
eighteenth century historians, and even by some
of more recent date.
" Almost all the historians," he writes, " have
assured us that the Due de la Feuillade did not
wish to take Turin. They pretend that, having
dared to cast passionate glances in the direction
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne, he had promised her
to respect her father's capital ; and they declare
that this princess had engaged Madame de Main-
tenon to cause the measures to be taken which
were the salvation of this town. It is true that
almost all the officers of that army were long
persuaded of this, but it was one of those popular
rumours which discredit the judgment of the news-
mongers and dishonour histories." ^
The Duchesse de Bourgogne is then accused of
having seduced La Feuillade — or, according to
Michelet, Marsin — from his duty to his sovereign,
and Madame de Maintenon, in order to please her,
of having betrayed her husband and her country,
by sending timely warning to the Duke of Savoy
of the intention of the French to lay siege to Turin,
which enabled him to place his capital in a state
of defence. But, incredible as these charges may
appear, their acceptance by so many writers makes
it impossible for a biographer of the Duchesse de
Bourgogne to dismiss them without comment, and
we must therefore examine them.
1 Siicle de Louis xiv.
334 A ROSE OF SAVOY
First — to take them in chronological order — as
to the warnings of the intention of the French to lay
siege to Turin which Madame de Maintenon, at
the instance of the princess, is supposed to have
sent to Victor Amadeus.
Well, such warnings would have been alto-
gether superfluous. From the very beginning of
hostilities, the Duke of Savoy must have been well
aware that Turin was the objective of the French
armies — had it not been twice threatened by
Catinat in the previous war ? — and, even before
his rupture with France in the autumn of 1703, he
had already begun to strengthen its fortifications.
Moreover, we know from Saint-Simon that the
siege had been resolved upon during the campaign
of 1705, and would have been undertaken forth-
with, but for differences between Vauban, who
wished to direct the siege. La Feuillade, and
Vendome, which caused it to be postponed until
the following year ; and that no secret was made
of this project. Between that time and the late
spring of 1706, Victor Amadeus had ample time
to complete his preparations.
Next, as to the charge that the Duchesse de
Bourgogne corrupted La Feuillade or Marsin.
According to Mile. d'Aumale, when La Feuillade,
" who had been chosen to besiege Turin," came to
take formal leave of the princess before setting out
for the army, the latter said to him, in a low voice :
" Do not drive my father to extremities " ; and
these pathetic words, and the charms of the
princess, which she enhanced by the gracious
reception which she accorded him, " made this
nobleman resolve not to grieve her by ruining the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 33 5
Duke of Savoy." The duke, the chronicler adds,
then sought out his father-in-law Chamillart, and
" showed him very plainly that the taking of
Turin would be disagreeable to the Duchesse de
Bourgogne " ; and having apparently made every-
thing right with the War Minister — who, it may be
incidentally remarked, was as honest as he was
inefficient — departed for Italy, and " began the
siege of Turin by a romantic attack upon the
citadel, failed to take it, and was forced to raise
the siege, the while he said to himself : ' If I succeed,
I shall have the greater glory, and it will not be for
want of having done everything to ensure failure.' " ^
The utter absurdity of Mile. d'Aumale's story
is exposed by the Comte d'Haussonville, who
points out that La Feuillade could not possibly
have had an interview with the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne just before the siege of Turin began, as he
had been in command of the Army of Piedmont
since February 1705, and did not visit the Court
at all between that time and the investment, and
that though it is possible that, at the moment of
his departure for Italy, the princess may have
addressed to him some such request as the writer
mentions, it could have had no reference to the
siege of Turin, since that project had not then been
resolved upon. He also shows that the plan of at-
tacking the citadel originated not with La Feuillade,
but with Vendome, and that the former, as his
despatches prove, was at first strongly opposed to it.^
Moreover, the conduct of La Feuillade certainly
1 Mile d'Aumale, Cahiers, cited by Haussonville.
' Comte d'Haussonville, la Duchesse de Bourgogne et V Alliance
Savoyards sous Louis xiv.
336 A ROSE OF SAVOY
showed very little desire to spare the feelings of
the Duchesse de Bourgogne, as Saint-Simon and
Voltaire both reproach him with having several
times quitted the siege and weakened his lines of
circumvallation, in order to pursue the Duke of
Savoy, who was constantly harassing the besiegers,
in the chimerical hope of making him prisoner.
"It is difficult to believe," observes the latter,
" that the same general should have desired to fail
before Turin and take the Duke of Savoy prisoner." ^
There remains the question of Marsin, for, if we
are to believe that implacable enemy of the Bour-
bons, Michelet, it was he, and not La Feuillade,
who was the real victim of the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne's intrigues and the direct cause of the dis-
aster. " The rumour of the time, of which the
trace remains in very frivolous monuments (in the
chansons), but which, nevertheless, appears to me
grave and extremely probable, is that Marsin,
friend and confidant of Madame de Maintenon,
sympathised with the designs and fears of the
ladies, and particularly with those of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne. Madame de Maintenon would not
have welcomed a victory gained by the Due
d' Orleans ; the Duchesse de Bourgogne would
have feared a pitched battle, in which her father
would have received scant consideration, whereas
in an attack upon the lines of the besieging army,
he could risk his person as much or as little as he
pleased. Duclos (very well informed) says harshly
that ' the princess betrayed us and informed the
Duke of Savoy of everything.' That is difficult
to believe ; but it is very probable that, in such
' Si^cle de Louis xiv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 337
terrible circumstances, she warned him. At any
rate, she was able to admonish (chapitrer) Marsin on
his departure [for Turin], and to make him promise
that he would offer the advice which would be the
least dangerous for her father." And the his-
torian asks us to believe that it was for these
reasons that Marsin opposed the proposal of the
Due d' Orleans to attack the allies, instead of waiting
to be attacked.^
Now, Michelet states that this supposed inter-
view took place on the departure of Marsin for
Turin ; but when Marsin received orders to set out
for Italy, he was not at Versailles, but in Alsace,
whither he had just been transferred from Flanders,
to take command of the army of the Rhine, in
place of ViUars, whom the King had originally
intended to associate with the Due d' Orleans ; and
he travelled to Piedmont by way of Switzerland,
and did not return to France.^ What then becomes
of Michelet' s story ?
1 Histoire de France, vol. xiii.
' Dangeau, Journal, June 23 and July 2.
CHAPTER XVII
Birth of the second Due de Bretagne (January 8, 1707) — Letters
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne to Madame Royale — Egotism of
Louis XI v^ — ^Miscarriage of the Duchesse de Bourgogne at Marly
— The scene at the carp-basin— The Due de Bourgogne receives
the nominal command of the Army of Flanders, with the Due
de Vend6me to guide him — Character and career of Vend6me —
Extraordinary ovation which he receives on his return from Italy
— Louis xiv's reasons for associating his grandson with him —
Apprehensions of Saint-Simon — The cabal of Meudon : its objects.
ON January 8, 1707, the Duchesse de Bourgogne
made amends for the loss of the Uttle Due
de Bretagne by giving birth to a second son,
who received the same title as the dead child had
borne, and, like him, was to meet with a premature
death. Louis xiv's satisfaction was great, but,
in view of the disasters of the previous year, and
the terrible drain upon the resources of the country
which the war was entailing, he prohibited all
public celebrations, and informed the inhabitants
of Versailles that " it was his desire that the joy
of his subjects should be manifested only by their
anxiety to pray." Notwithstanding his resent-
ment against the Duke of Savoy, the King wrote
to him with his own hand to announce the happy
event, " and received in reply a letter of con-
gratulation and thanks." ^
Two months after the birth of her little son,
> Dangeau.
338
A ROSE OF SAVOY 339
the Duchesse de Bourgogne wrote the following
interesting letter to Madame Royale.
"Versailles, March 14, 1707
" I am delighted, my dear grandmamma, that you
exhort me to give you frequent news of my son ;
I assure you that I have no need of that to do so.
He is, thank God, very well. ... I found him
much grown and changed for the better on my
return from Marly. He is not handsome as yet,
but very lively, and much stronger than he was
when he came into the world. He is only two
months old, and I should not be astonished if, a
few months hence, he were to become pretty. I
do not know whether it is the fact that I am begin-
ning to blind myself about him, which makes me
hope that. But I believe that I shall never be
blind about my children, and that the love I shall
have for them will enable me to see their faults
easily, so that I may endeavour to correct them in
good time.
" I only go to see my son very seldom, in order
that I may not grow too attached to him, and
also to note any change in him ; for he is not old
enough to play with as yet ; and, so long as I know
that ne is in good health, I am satisfied, and that
is all that I need wish for." ^
Her expectation that her little son would in a
few months' time be a pretty child was realised,
for at the end of October, on her return from the
annual visit of the Court to Fountainebleau, she
writes to her grandmother : —
" I have not been insensible to the pleasure of
seeing my son again ; and I have found him greatly
1 A. Gagnifere, Marie Adelaide de Savoie . Lettres et Corres-
pondances.
340 A ROSE OF SAVOY
improved. I may say, with truth, that he is the
prettiest child in the world. He is beginning to
know me, and has very lovable ways. If this
continues he will be extremely so."
After having given her husband an heir, the
Duchesse de Bourgogne seems to have considered
that she had done aU that could be reasonably
required of her in this respect, for in another letter
to Madame Roy ale, written in June of that year,
we find her rejoicing that her belief that she was
again in an interesting condition had proved
unfounded : —
" I believe, my dear grandmamma," she writes,
" that you will share my joy that I am not pregnant.
I have been in fear of this for a long time ; but,
thank God, my uneasiness on the subject is now
at an end."
We do not know whether Madame Royale
shared her grand-daughter's satisfaction, but
Madame de Maintenon assuredly did not. "It is
certain, Madame," she wrote to the Princesse des
Ursins at Madrid, " that our princess is too much
afraid of becoming pregnant. Yours [the Queen
of Spain] is so reasonable, that I trust that she
will not get these ideas, which I believe to be very
wrong in the sight of God. They ought still, for
many other reasons, to wish for children." And,
in a subsequent letter to the same lady, she declares
that " the Duchesse de Bourgogne is not yet
sufficiently alive to her true interests."
However, by the beginning of the following
spring, the Duchesse de Bourgogne had become
A ROSE OF SAVOY 341
more reasonable, and, though Madame de Main-
tenon's hopes were doomed to disappointment,
it was not, on this occasion, the carelessness of the
princess, but the deplorable selfishness of the
King which was the cause.
Although Louis xiv had insisted on the strictest
precautions being taken by the Duchesse de
Bourgogne previous to the birth of both her sons,
these had certainly been dictated far more by his
desire to see the succession in the direct line assured
than by solicitude for the princess herself, since
he did not usually permit consideration for the
health or comfort even of those most dear to him
to interfere with his own convenience. In his
younger days, he had compelled the Queen and
his mistresses to follow him in his campaigns,
no matter in what state of health the unfortunate
ladies happened to be ; and his conduct in the
winter of 1678-1679, when, although the roads
were in such a terrible condition that the cumber-
some coaches of the time sank almost to their
axle-trees in the mud at every few yards, he ordered
Madame de Montespan, then four months enceinte,
to accompany him to Lorraine, was absolutely
inhuman.^
Early in April 1708, the King announced
his intention of paying a visit to Marly, and
naturally desired to take the Duchesse de Bourgogne
with him. The journey was a short one, but the
roads were rough ; Fagon intimated that it would
be very inadvisable for the princess to undertake
it, and Madame de Maintenon suggested that the
1 See the author's "Madame de Montespan" (London, Harpers;
New York, Scribners, 1903), pp. 197 et seq.
342 A ROSE OF SAVOY
visit should be abandoned or the young lady
left at Versailles. The egotistical monarch, how-
ever, who, now that his grand-daughter had pre-
sented her husband with a son, saw no reason
why he should any longer allow his plans to be
disarranged by consideration for her health,
declined either to forego the proposed visit or to
leave the princess behind, and all that he would
consent to, was that the journey should be post-
poned from the day after Quasimodo to the Wednes-
day of the following week (April i8). But we will
allow Saint-Simon to relate the sequel in his own
words :
" On the following Saturday, as the King was
taking a walk after Mass and amusing himself at
the carp-basin between the chateau and the Per-
spective, we beheld the Duchesse du Lude ad-
vancing towards him, on foot and alone, which,
as no lady was with the King, was a rare occurrence
in the morning. We understood that she had
something of importance to communicate to him,
and stopped so as to permit him to join her. The
interview was not long ; she withdrew, and the
King rejoined us, without saying a word. Every-
one surmised what had happened, but no one was
anxious to speak. At length, the King, when
quite close to the basin, glanced at the principal
persons about him, and, without addressing any
one in particular, observed, with an air of vexation,
these few words : ' The Duchesse de Bourgogne has
had a miscarriage.' ^
" M. de Bouillon, the Due de Tresmes, and the
1 "La Duchesse de Bourgogne est hless&e" — "blessSe" being the
term then in use to denote accidents of this nature.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 343
Mar^chal de Boufflers repeated in a low tone the
words I have mentioned ; while M. de la Roche-
foucauld declared aloud that it was the greatest
misfortune conceivable, and that, as she had already
had miscarriages on other occasions, she might
never, perhaps, have any more children.
" ' And if it should be so,' interrupted the King,
with a sudden burst of anger, ' what difference
would that make to me ? Has she not already a
son ? And, if he died, is not the Due de Berry
old enough to marry and have one ? What does
it signify to me who succeeds ? Are they not
equally my grandchildren ? ' And he added im-
petuously : ' Thank Heaven it has happened,
since it was to be ! and I shall not have my journeys
and my plans disarranged again by the representa-
tions of doctors and the arguments of matrons. I
shall go and come at my pleasure, and shall be
left in peace.'
" A silence so deep that an ant might have been
heard to walk succeeded this singular outburst.
All eyes were lowered ; scarcely any one dared
to breathe. Every one seemed stupefied. Even
the servants and the gardeners stood motionless.
" This silence lasted more than a quarter of an
hour. The King broke it by leaning over the
balustrade to speak about a carp. No one replied.
He addressed himself subsequently on the subject
of the carp to the servants, who did not ordinarily
join in the conversation, but spoke of nothing else.
Presently the King went away. As soon as we
dared to look at each other, our eyes met and told
all. Every one present was, for the moment,
the confidant of his neighbour. We wondered,
344 A ROSE OF SAVOY
we marvelled, we grieved, we shrugged our
shoulders. However distant may be that scene,
it is always equally present to me. M. de la
Rochefoucauld was furious . . . M. le Premier
[the First Equerry] was ready to faint with horror ;
I myself examined every one with my eyes and
ears, and commended myself for having long
since been of opinion that the King loved and
cared for himself alone, and was himself his only
object in life. This strange speech was reported
far and wide — much beyond Marly."
It is possible that Saint-Simon's weakness for
the sensational has here tempted him into ex-
aggeration ; but, even if it has not, it would be
unjust to judge Louis xiv too harshly. Warped
though his character was by half a century of
flattery, adulation, and arbitrary power, he was far
from being the callous despot that some historians
would have us believe ; and we should regard
this petulant outburst on the part of a man
generally so dignified and self-contained rather as
evidence of remorse for the suffering which his
selfishness had brought upon the Duchesse de
Bourgogne than as an aggravation of his offence.
Happily, the princess's mishap was followed
by no very serious consequences to her health,
and, a fortnight later, she is able to assure her
grandmother that she is " going on very well and
beginning to regain her strength." Nevertheless,
the year 1708 was fated to prove one of the most
trying of her life, for scarcely had she recovered
from the effects of this illness, than she was called
upon to face troubles of another kind, which were
to test to the uttermost those sound qualities of
A ROSE OF SAVOY 345
heart and mind which had hitherto lain concealed
beneath a gay and frivolous exterior, and of
which she herself was perhaps as yet only half-
conscious.
Since his campaign of 1703 upon the Rhine,
the Due de Bourgogne, greatly to his disappoint-
ment, had remained without military emplojTxient.
Why Louis xiv should have been unwilling to
avail himself of his eldest grandson's services is
uncertain, but the most probable reason was his
belief that, although the young prince had proved
himself a brave and conscientious officer, he had
no genius for war, and that it would be better
for him to remain at Court, than destroy the
favourable impression he had already made by
futile efforts to follow in the footsteps of the Great
Conde. However, as the war proceeded and
disaster followed upon disaster, he recognised
that the presence of the heir-presumptive to the
throne might serve to reanimate the drooping
spirits of the French troops demoralised by con-
tinuous reverses ; and when, in the summer of
1707, Victor Amadeus and Eugene, flushed with
success, had the hardihood to invade Provence
and lay siege to Toulon, he decided to give the Due
de Bourgogne the command of the army which
was intended to drive them from French soil. But
the Allies found the taking of Toulon a much more
difficult task than they had bargained for, and, a
few days after the prince's appointment, raised the
siege and retreated across the frontier, to the
great mortification of the Due de Bourgogne, but,
we may well believe, to the no small relief of the
346 A ROSE OF SAVOY
duchess, who would have found herself in a
singularly embarrassing situation with her husband
and her father directly opposed to one another.
Compensation for the prince's disappointment
was not long delayed. The events of 1707 — the
triumphs of Berwick in Spain, the raising of the
siege of Toulon, the defeat of the Margrave of
Bayreuth, by Villars, at StoUhofen, and the success
of Vendome's defensive campaign in the Nether-
lands— had done much to restore the confidence of
the French armies, and determined Louis xiv
to make great exertions to restore the fortunes of
war in the following year.
It was, however, in Flanders that the chief
effort was to be made. The position of affairs
there afforded Louis much encouragement, for
opinion had once more declared itself strongly for
Philip V, and a single considerable success would
undoubtedly be the signal for nearly every town
to throw open its gates to the French ; while the
Dutch, whose deputies had thwarted Marlborough's
plans throughout the campaign of 1707, were
known to be weary of the war and to incline to a
separate peace.
By incredible efforts the strength of the Army
of Flanders was raised to close upon 100,000 men,
and the nominal command entrusted to the Due
de Bourgogne, with Vendome to guide him.
" On April 30, after dinner," writes Sourches,
" when the King returned from hunting the stag, he
proceeded to the Duchess de Bourgogne' s apart-
ments, and informed her that the Duke her husband
would set out on May 14, with the Due de Berry,
his brother, to take the command in Flanders,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 347
where he would have under him the Due de
Vendome." ^
Great was the joy of the prince " to find him-
self," as he wrote to Philip v, " after an interval
of four whole years, re-entering the service, instead
of continuing to lead a useless life at Versailles,
Fontainebleau, or Marly." His satisfaction, how-
ever, must have been considerably discounted by
the King's choice of the general who was to be
associated with him, for no greater contrast could
possibly have been presented than that between
the Due de Bourgogne and the victor of Cassano
and Calcinato ; and it seems astonishing that
Louis XIV could ever have imagined that two
such contrary natures could work harmoniously
together.
Louis Joseph, Due de Vendome, at this time
in his fifty-fourth year, was the eldest son of Louis,
the second duke, who, after the death of his wife,
Laura Mancini, the eldest of the five celebrated
sisters of that name,^ entered the priesthood and
was created a cardinal and Legate a latere in France.
He had, however, nothing in common with his
devout father, and declared that he " derived his
talents from a more distant source," that is to say,
from Henri iv, from whose liaison with Gabrielle
d'Estrees he was directly descended. It was this
direct descent from the first Bourbon King which
probably accounted for the extreme indulgence
with which Louis xiv treated Vendome, for not
only did he see in him some resemblance to the
great ancestor whom he held in almost super-
stitious reverence, but he hoped that the elevation
1 MSmoires. ' See the author's "Five Fair Sisters."
348 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of a descendant of his grandfather's amours might
justify to some extent the elevation of his own
legitimated children.
" The King," observes Saint-Simon, " tolerated
in M. de Vendome what he never would have
pardoned in a Son of France," and he proceeds to
describe, with a wealth of lurid detail which it
would be impossible to reproduce, the character of
this extraordinary personage, who, according to
him, com.bined the most nauseous of all vices with
a " ravenous pride," an intolerable insolence, and
a filthiness of person which revolted all decent-
minded men.
Saint-Simon probably exaggerates. Neverthe-
less, there can be no doubt that Vendome was
shamelessly immoral, overbearing and insolent
towards persons of his own rank, though affable
and familiar with his inferiors, and inconceivably
slovenly and dirty in his personal habits — a fault
which he shared with his younger brother, the
Grand Prior.^ But what must have been quite
as obnoxious to Louis xiv, was the fact that his
kinsman was a sceptic, and that, unlike most of
the " Libertines " who, from fear of the royal
displeasure, were careful to comply with the
religious observances which custom enjoined, he did
not hesitate to avow his opinions, which renders
the indulgence the King extended to him all the
more remarkable.
It must be admitted, however, that the vices
and faults of Vendome were redeemed by great
1 " These two princes, great-grandsons of Henri iv, neglected
their persons to a degree of which the lowliest of men would have
been ashamed." — Voltaire.
LOUIS JOSEPH, riUC DE VENDO.ME
FHOIVI A CONTEMI'ORARV I'Hint
A ROSE OF SAVOY 349
qualities. " He had," Saint-Simon confesses, " a
very noble countenance and a distinguished bearing.
He was naturally graceful in his movements and
in his speech, possessed much innate wit, which
he had never cultivated ; spoke easily, supported
by a natural boldness ; knew the world and the
Court, and was, above all things, an admirable
courtier. Voltaire mentions other and more
attractive qualities, about which Saint-Simon is
silent. He was, he tells us, " intrepid as Henri iv,
kind, benevolent, unaffected, incapable of harbour-
ing envy, hatred or vengeance, and, if haughty
towards the princes, willing to treat aU other
persons as equals." ^
Vendome also possessed military talents of a
high order, but they were often neutralised by his
defects of character. His indolence was almost
incredible. When he had found quarters to his
liking, nothing was so difficult as to induce him
to resume his march. He rose late — sometimes,
if we are to believe Voltaire, not untU four o'clock
in the afternoon — never broke up camp before
midday, and invariably halted at nightfall. Such
was his carelessness, that he sometimes neglected
to post his sentries or to send out patrols, and, on
more than one occasion, he allowed himself to be
surprised by the enemy for lack of the commonest
precautions ; while the provisioning of his troops
seems to have been left very much to chance.
When, however, he was roused by any great
emergency, he was a wholly different man. Then
his energy and resource were such as had been
found in no French general since the death of
1 Siicle de Louis xiv.
350 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Luxembourg, and "in the day of battle he made
amends for all, by his presence of mind and by a
genius which danger rendered the more dazzling." ^
He had the eye of a hawk for a weak spot in
the enemy's line ; he seemed to divine instinctively
the exact moment when a charge could be delivered
with the greatest prospect of success ; the white
plume which, in imitation of the hero of Ivry, it
was his custom to wear in his hat, might always be
descried at the point where the greatest danger
threatened, and his splendid courage communicated
itself to every man under his command. The
soldiers and the junior officers adored him, for he
allowed them all the license which he took himself,
had a cheery word for all, and would jest and drink
at the camp-fires with the youngest recruit. " He
was the only general," says Voltaire, " under whom
the duty of serving, and that ferocious instinct,
purely animal and mechanical, which obeys the
voice of the officers, did not drive the soldiers to
the combat. They fought for the Due de Vendome ;
they would have given their lives to extricate him
from one of those false positions in which the
impetuosity of his genius sometimes involved
him." ^
Greatly favoured by Fortune, which had saved
him from the disastrous consequences which his
indolence and negligence might have been expected
1 Slide de Louis xiv.
2 SiicU de Louis xiv. A touching instance of the devotion of
which Voltaire speaks is related by Saint-HUaire in his MSmoires.
At the Battle of Luzzara, Vendome's horse was killed under him,
and, as he was endeavouring to rise, an Austrian soldier advanced
and levelled his musket at him. At that moment, Cotteron, the
captain of his guards, rushed forward, threw himself before him, and
received in his own body the ball intended for his chief.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 351
to entail, Vendome's military record was a brilliant
one. Beginning his career in 1673, as a subaltern
in the Garde du Corps, he passed through every
grade to that of lieutenant-general, and could have
asserted, without fear of contradiction, that his
advancement had been thoroughly earned.
Although he showed courage and ability in his
early campaigns in Holland, Germany, and the
Netherlands, and had at the time of the Peace of
Nimeguen attained the rank of marichal de camp,
it was not until the war against the League of
Augsburg began that he was afforded much oppor-
tunity for distinction. His chance came at Steen-
kirke, where the brilliant cavalry charges which he
led checked the advance of the English and
materially contributed to Luxembourg's victory.
From the Netherlands, he passed to Piedmont,
where he commanded the left wing of the French
in the Battle of Marsaglia (October 1693) and,
eighteen months later, Louis xiv decided to give
him the command of the troops in Catalonia.
This proved a most happy choice, and a series of
successes closed in August 1697 with the capture
of Barcelona. Of Vendome's campaigns in Italy
during the early years of the War of the Spanish
Succession we have already spoken.
When, in the summer of 1706, Vendome returned
from Italy, he found himself a popular hero, since,
in times of national crisis, generals who have never
suffered reverses soon attain immense popularity,
and people are inclined to exaggerate their services
and attribute to them talents far beyond those
which they possess. " There was a terrible
hubbub," writes Saint-Simon ; " boys, sedan-
3S2 A ROSE OF SAVOY
chairmen, all the lackeys of the Court, left their
work to swarm round his post-chaise. Scarcely
had he ascended to his chamber, when every one
rushed thither. The Princes of the Blood were
the first to arrive ; the Ministers hastened after
them, and no one was left in the salon but the
ladies. In a few minutes, he was sent for by the
King and Monseigneur, and, so soon as he could
dress, he went to the salon, carried rather than
accompanied by the crowd which surrounded him.
Monseigneur stopped the music that was being
played in order to embrace him. The King left
his cabinet, where he was at work, came out to
meet him, and embraced him several times.
Chamillart, on the morrow, gave a f6te in his
honour, which lasted two days. Pontchartrain,
Torcy, and the most distinguished noblemen of
the Court followed his example. People begged
and entreated to be allowed to offer him f^tes ;
people begged and entreated to be invited to them.
Never was triumph equal to his ; each step he
took procured him a new one." ^
The enthusiasm of the Parisians surpassed
even the enthusiasm of the Court. When he
went to Paris to attend a performance of Lulli's
Roland, which the Opera gave in his honour,
cheering crowds lined the streets ; every seat
in the boxes and the amphitheatre was engaged a
week in advance, and, though prices had been
doubled, the parterre was unable to accommodate
half the people who clamoured for admission.
From the moment that the hero of the evening
took his seat until the opera began, the audience
1 Mimoiyes.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 353
did nothing but clap and shout, Vive Venddme !
and the ovation was repeated at the close of the
performance. " If he had remained in his box,"
writes Sourches, " no one would have quitted the
Opera." ^
AU this adulation might well have turned the
head of a far more modest man than Vendome,
whose natural haughtiness it aggravated to such
a degree that he actually declined the post of
" Marshal-general of the camps and armies of the
King," which had never been conferred upon
any one since the death of Turenne, because the
patent contained no allusion to his birth. We
can therefore readily understand that he must
have learned with very mixed feelings that he
was to be associated in the following campaign
with a young prince, under whose orders he would
be nominally at least, and who would rob him
of a share of the glory which he confidently ex-
pected to reap. Besides, sceptic and profligate
that he was, he disliked and despised the Due de
Bourgogne as a sanctimonious bookworm, who
was incapable of appreciating the good things of
life and allowed priests and divots to lead him
by the nose ; and he did not doubt that some
of the officers whom the King had chosen to
accompany his grandson to the army would en-
courage him to question the general's decisions
and thwart his plans.
That Louis xiv should have anticipated that
anything but disaster could result from the associa-
tion of two men, beside whom fire and water were
congenial elements, is difficult to understand. Yet,
' Mimoires.
23
354 A ROSE OF SAVOY
SO far from entertaining any misgivings on the
subject, he seems to have flattered himself that he
had made a singularly happy choice. The Due
de Bourgogne's presence, he believed, would inspire
the soldiers with a new vigour ; his zealous and
punctual discharge of his duties would shame
Vendome out of the indolence and negligence
which had more than once brought him to the
brink of disaster ; his caution would temper his
colleague's audacity, and his strict ideas of dis-
cipline would serve as a useful check upon the
license which the other was accustomed to allow
his troops.
All this was explained by the excellent Beau-
villiers to Saint-Simon, who, unlike his friend,
by no means shared his Majesty's optimism. But
the chronicler tells us that he declined to be con-
vinced, and predicted that the struggle which was
bound to ensue between two characters so opposed
must result in the triumph of the stronger, and
that " while Vendome emerged from it covered
with glory, the Due de Bourgogne would be ruined
at the Court, in France, and in all Europe." And
he adds, complacently : " He soon had good cause
to admit that I had not spoken without justice."
Saint-Simon's forebodings were strengthened
by the knowledge that there existed at the Court
a party, numerically insignificant but, in other
respects, decidedly formidable, which for some
time past had been actively intriguing to destroy
the credit of the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne.
The moving spirits of this cabal were two of
Louis xiv's legitimated daughters, the Princesse
de Conti and Madame la Duchesse, of whom we
A ROSE OF SAVOY 355
have had occasion to speak at some length in
an earlier chapter. These ladies disliked each
other heartily, but they hated the Duchesse de
Bourgogne. During the period which separated
the retirement of Madame de Montespan from the
arrival of the Duchesse de Bourgogne, the beautiful
and charming daughter of Louise de la Valliere,
thanks to her influence over Monseigneur and
attractions of mind and person which far surpassed
those of Madame and the Duchesse de Chartres —
her superiors in rank — had occupied a sort of semi-
royal position, and she had seen with bitter morti-
fication the homage which she had come to regard
as her due transferred to the young princess from
Savoy. The position of Madame la Duchesse,
less attractive and less courted than her half-
sister, had been naturally less affected by the advent
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne ; but she had inherited
to the full her mother's jealous and vindictive
nature, and the extraordinary degree of favour
enjoyed by that fortunate young lady was quite
sufficient to inspire her with the bitterest enmity.
The two princesses found a couple of efficient
allies of their own sex in the Princesse d'Espinoy,
and her younger sister. Mile, le Lillebonne, members
of the ambitious and intriguing House of Lorraine,^
the latter of whom was believed to have contracted
a secret marriage with the late Monsieur' s unworthy
favourite, the Chevalier de Lorraine. The two
ladies in question, who, according to Saint-Simon,
" exuded the spirit of the League at every pore,"
1 Their mother, Anne de Lorraine, Princesse de Lillebonne, was
a daughter of Charles iv. Duke of Lorraine, and Beatrix de Cante-
croix, and sister to the Prince de Vaudemont, already mentioned.
356 A ROSE OF SAVOY
had attached themselves to the interests of the
Princesse de Conti, and founded their hopes of
advancement on their patroness's recovery of her
lost supremacy.
Although these four women exercised the con-
trolling influence in the cabal, the male element,
which was animated by hostility to the Due de
Bourgogne rather than to his wife, was not un-
important, and included Vendome, and his younger
brother, the Grand Prior, — who was a sort of
understudy of the duke in the matter of morals—
the Due du Maine, his half-brother d' Antin, the Due
de Luxembourg, son of the victor of Steenkerke
and Neerwinden, and the Marechal d'Huxelles.
The object of the cabal was twofold : to estrange
Monseigneur from his eldest son and daughter-
in-law, so as to insure that, when that prince should
ascend the throne, they would be reduced to im-
potence, and to destroy the influence of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne with the King.
The first part of this programme presented
comparatively little difficulty, since all the con-
spirators were welcome guests at Meudon, and the
seed they sowed fell on ground which needed no
tilling. The Dauphin, though he was as much
attached as his lethargic nature would permit
to the hvely young Due de Berry, had never cared
for his eldest son, whose ascetic and studious life
was a tacit reproach to his own sensual and aimless
existence, and he was jealous of the high opinion
which the King entertained of him and the favour
enjoyed by his wife. The task of poisoning his
mind against the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne
was soon accomplished, and, though the young
A ROSE OF SAVOY 357
prince endeavoured to disarm his growing hostility
by treating Mile, de Choin with the greatest
deference whenever he visited his father's country-
seat, and by directing his wife to sit on a stool
instead of an arm-chair in her presence, it was to
no purpose ; the " Parvulos " of Meudon, as the
Court called the Dauphin's house-parties, gradually
became the centre of all that was hostile to husband
or wife, and it was very evident that, if Monseigneur
survived the King, they would find themselves
entirely without influence in the new reign.
But the second object of the conspirators was
infinitely more difficult of attainment ; indeed,
they recognised that the Duchesse de Bourgogne
had secured far too firm a hold upon Louis xiv's
affections to be dispossessed by any direct form of
attack. Their only hope of success was to strike
at the wife through the husband ; to wait for
some opportunity of ruining the duke's credit
with the King, and, in so doing, to undermine,
if they could not destroy, that of the duchess
also. This opportunity arrived with the campaign
of 1708.
CHAPTER XVIII
Departure of the Due de Bourgogne for Flanders — His interview
with Fenelon at Cambrai — Conduct of the Dues de Bourgogne and
de Berry towards the ChevaUer de Saint-Georges — Composition of
the Army of Flanders — Anomalous relations of the Due de Bour-
gogne and Vendome — Position of the Allies — Advanee of the
French — Differences between the Due de Bourgogne and VendSme
retain the army inactive for a month — Occupations of the prince
— Ghent and Bruges taken by the French, who advance to the
Scheldt, with the intention of investing Oudenarde — Eugene joins
Marlborough at Brussels — The AlUes, by a rapid march, interpose
themselves between the enemy and his own frontier — Battle of
Oudenarde — Question of the responsibiUty for the defeat of the
French considered
ON May 14, 1708, the Due de Bourgogne quitted
Versailles and set out for Flanders. It was
the anniversary of the death of Louis xiii,
and the fact that the King, who was decidedly
superstitious, had selected that day for the departure
of his grandson seems to have excited not a little
surprise. The Duke's parting with his wife was,
according to the Mercure, a very tender one, and
" the extent to which this princess was affected
after the departure of her husband revealed to the
whole Court the grief by which she was over-
whelmed and the affection which she entertained
for the prince." ^
To accompany the Due de Bourgogne and
assist him with their advice, Louis xiv had nominated
* Mercure de France, May 1708.
3S8
A ROSE OF SAVOY 359
the Marquis de Puysegur, the Comte de Gamaches,
and the Marquis d'O, one of the Prince's menins.
The first named, who had already served with dis-
tinction in several campaigns in Flanders, was an
excellent choice ; but as much could not be said
for the others, and d'O, in particular, who appears
to have considered that all other considerations
ought to be subordinated to the personal safety of
his master, was to prove himself a deplorable mentor.
As had happened on the prince's journey to
Flanders six years before, he again stopped at
Cambrai, where another meeting took place between
him and Fenelon. They had not met in the
interval, but their feelings towards one another
had undergone no change. " The young prince
embraced his preceptor tenderly several times,
and said aloud that he would never forget the
great obligations under which he had placed him,
and, though he said nothing which could not be
heard by others, he spoke only to him, and the
intensity of the gaze which he fixed on the arch-
bishop, coupled with the first words he addressed
to him, atoned for all that the King had forbidden,
and thrilled all the spectators." ^ A few days
later, the prince wrote to the archbishop, asking
for his prayers on his behalf, and engaging him to
assist him with his advice in the many difficulties
with which he was bound to be confronted. Fenelon
readily consented and sent his pupil much excellent
counsel, not only on spiritual matters, but on
those connected with his military duties.
At Valenciennes, the Due de Bourgogne was
met by Vendome, who had preceded him and
I Saint-Simon, Mimoires.
36o A ROSE OF SAVOY
established his headquarters at Mons; and here
he was also joined by the Due de Berry and James
Stuart, the heir of James ii, lately returned from
his abortive expedition to the Scotch coast, who
served incognito, under the name of the Chevalier
de Saint-Georges. The two French princes, Saint-
Simon confesses, " took advantage of the modesty
of this prince to treat him with the greatest in-
difference and disdain." And, though the Comte
de Gamaches, who was accustomed to speak his
mind freely, expostulated with them warmly on
their conduct, his remonstrances were unheeded.
On May 26, the Army of Flanders was passed
in review by the Due de Bourgogne, " who was
very satisfied with it." He had certainly every
reason for his satisfaction, since it was not only
numerically imposing, but comprised the best
regiments in the French service, commanded for
the most part by experienced officers ; was excep-
tionally strong in artillery ; possessed an admir-
able commissariat, and was animated by the finest
spirit. In short, nothing which makes for victory
was wanting, with the exception of efficient general-
ship, and, unhappily for France, the efforts of this
splendid force were to be entirely paralysed by
the dual control under which it had been placed.
For Louis xiv's instructions had been so contra-
dictory that neither the Due de Bourgogne nor
Vendome really knew how far his authority ex-
tended ; each considered himself entitled to the last
word, yet neither was willing to take upon himself
the responsibility for any important movement.
Meanwhile, the allies had not been idle. The
Anglo-Dutch army, of which Marlborough had
A ROSE OF SAVOY 361
taken the command on May g, lay at Ghent, and
it had been arranged that Eugene, who commanded
the Army of the Moselle, should elude Berwick,^
who had been sent to hold him in check, and unite
his forces with those of the duke. Marlborough
was eager for battle, for a striking success was
imperative in order to revive the waning zeal of
the Dutch and save the tottering Government at
home. But his inferiority in numbers rendered
it inadvisable for him to risk an engagement until
the arrival of Eugene, and he therefore reluctantly
decided to remain on the defensive.
In the last days of May, the French army
advanced from Mons, with the intention, apparently,
of marching on Antwerp, where a rising in favour
of Philip v was expected. Marlborough, however,
had got wind of this affair, and, hurrying from
Ghent, barred the way ; and the French thereupon
tvuned to the east and halted at Braine-l'AUeud,
near the field of Waterloo, in a position threatening
at once both Louvain and Brussels. Four leagues
only separated the two armies, and, if either had
made a forward movement, they would probably
have met on the same ground which a century
later witnessed the final overthrow of Napoleon.
A decisive action, indeed, seemed imminent; but
Marlborough, whose plan was to remain on the
defensive, fell back to Pare, in order to cover
Louvain, and took up so strong a position that
Vendome and the Due de Bourgogne decided to
leave him unmolested.^
1 James Fitzjames, Duke of Berwick (1670-1733), son of James 11,
by Marlborough's sister, Arabella Churchill.
" "Marlborough's Despatches," vol. iv. ; Allison, "The Military
Life of John, Duke of Marlborough.''
362 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Hitherto the two French commanders had been
in accord, but now differences arose. Vendome
proposed that they should lay siege to the small
town of Huy on the Meuse, which promised them
an easy prey; but the Due de Bourgogne objected,
apparently on the ground that the place was not
of sufficient importance to justify the exclusive
attentions of so powerful an army. As neither
would give way, it was decided to ask for instruc-
tions from Versailles ; and Louis xiv upheld his
grandson. Vendome next suggested that an
attempt should be made to surprise Brussels, where
the citizens were known to be ready to welcome
the French with open arms. This enterprise,
however, was regarded by the prince as far too
hazardous, and his view was shared by the King,
who was again appealed to. The whole of June
was wasted in these discussions, while the army
remained at Braine-l'AUeud, from which neither
of its leaders seemed to be in any hurry to depart ;
Vendome, because he had found very comfortable
quarters ; the Due de Bourgogne, because he appears
to have been satisfied to occupy " a position which
enabled them to bear to right or left, according as
they pleased," and he expresses a hope that " the
campaign which had commenced so weU, would
continue the same." ^ For all that the French
army had effected up to this time, it might just
as well have remained in its winter quarters !
The blame for this deplorable inaction, however,
undoubtedly lay with Vendome, since it was
obviously the duty of a general of his experience
' Letter of the Due de Bourgogne to Philip v, June 20, 1708,
pubUshed by the Comte d'Haussonville.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 363
to have advocated a bold plan of campaign, and,
if he had proposed to advance against Marlborough,
and endeavour to force him to an engagement
while the Allies were still inferior to the French,
there is no reason to suppose that the Due de
Bourgogne, who was eager to win his spurs, would
have offered any opposition. Nevertheless, so far
as the prince himself was concerned, the time
passed at Braine-l'AUeud was far from being a
period of idleness, and he exerted himself to some
purpose to re-establish discipline among the soldiers,
while paying the greatest attention to their health
and comfort. He, at the same time, combated
the luxurious habits of the officers, to whom he
prohibited the use of carriages, and himself set
them the example, by using only horses.
The duke had brought his confessor, the worthy
Pere Martineau with him, and his religious duties
were performed with the same regularity as when
at Versailles. The whole army, the Mercure assures
us, was " edified by his piety " ; and it relates that
on June 7, which was a Saint's-Day, his Royal
Highness ordered a procession on the place of
Braine-l'Alleud and followed it on foot, in conse-
quence of which he did not mount his horse to
visit the outposts until the afternoon. The Mercure
adds, with unconscious irony : " The morning of
the same day. Milord Marlborough, accompanied
by several generals, went to reconnoitre the fords
and ground along the Dyle."^
However, in the first week in July, the Army
of Flanders at last did something to justify its
' Mercure de France, June 1708 ; Comte d'Haussonville, la
Duchesse de Bourgogne et V Alliance savoy arde sous Louis xiv.
364 A ROSE OF SAVOY
existence. Among those who had accompanied
the Due de Bourgogne to Flanders, was the Comte
de Bergeyck, who had occupied the post of
Minister of Finance of the Spanish Netherlands,
until the successes of the Allies had obliged him
to seek refuge in France. Bergeyck had been
busily intriguing for some time past with the
partisans of Philip v in the principal Flemish
towns, and he now proposed that advantage
should be taken of the disaffection which existed
in Ghent and Bruges to make a sudden descent
upon these two places. His advice was acted
upon, and the attentions of the Allied army having
been momentarily diverted by a feint in another
direction, two French divisions swooped down
upon Ghent and Bruges, and, with the help of the
citizens, took them both, almost without striking
a blow (July 4).
The capture of these two towns — and particu-
larly of Ghent — was a success of real importance,
and had it been followed up by that of Oudenarde,
the French would have been masters of the whole
course of the Scheldt, and Marlborough's water
communications would have been entirely cut.
But the Due de Bourgogne and Vendome could
not agree as to the manner in which this was to be
attempted, and the arbitration of Louis xiv had
again to be sought ; and this entailed so much
delay, that it was not until July 10 that the French
army reached the banks of the Scheldt, where it
took up its position at Gavre, some leagues below
Oudenarde.
In the meantime, Marlborough had been joined
by Eugene, who had arrived at Brussels on July 6.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 365
Eugene's army was still far away, and the prince
had hurried on, attended only by his staff. How-
ever, his presence alone was worth a considerable
force, and the English general welcomed him
warmly. " I am not without hope," said he,
" of congratulating your Highness on a great
victory ; for my troops will be animated by the
presence of so distinguished a commander."
The two great captains lost no time in deciding
on their course of action. Instead of advancing
directly against the enemy, they resolved to throw
themselves between him and his own frontier, cut
him off from his base of operations, and compel
him to fight with his face towards Paris and his
back to Antwerp.
This plan was as brilliantly executed as it was
admirably conceived, and, marching rapidly south-
wards, the Allies crossed the Dender on the morning
of July 10, and took up a strong position at Les-
sines, between Oudenarde and the frontier.^
Intelligence of the alarming situation in which
they were placed reached the French camp on
the evening of the same day, but, according to
Saint-Simon, Vendome " treated it with contempt,
according to his custom," and, though the Due de
Bourgogne urged that they should cross the
Scheldt that night, and endeavour to outstrip
the enemy and re-establish their communications
with France, he declined to move until the following
morning.
However that may be, it is probable that the
passage of the river might have been postponed with
safety until the next day, if all preparations for it
' Allison, "Life of Marlborough."
366 A ROSE OF SAVOY
had been completed during the night. But, in-
conceivable as it may appear, when morning came,
the bridges were not ready, and their construction
entailed so much delay, that when at length the
vanguard under Biron reached the left bank, it
found the whole of the Allied cavalry and twelve
battalions, which, under the command of General
Cadogan, had crossed the river at dawn, strongly
posted on the summit of some rising ground,
opposite the village of Eynes.
The battle which followed has been described
in detail by so many military historians that a very
brief account will here suffice.
Biron, on perceiving the enemy, immediately
sent an aide-de-camp to inform Vendome ; but
that general, who had not risen till ten o'clock ^
and was tranquilly eating his breakfast, at first
refused to credit the news ; and it was not until
two other aides-de-camp had arrived hard upon
each other's heels, that, " declaring that devils
must have brought the enemy," he sent orders to
Biron to attack, promising to support him im-
mediately.^
After an obstinate struggle, Cadogan was
driven back, but his resistance had given the main
body of the Allies time to cross the Scheldt and
form in order of battle, while the bulk of the French
were still passing the river. Vendome and the Due
de Bourgogne, entirely disconcerted at finding
themselves engaged in a battle which neither had
foreseen, issued contradictorj^^ orders ; several
1 Vend6me himself admitted this in a despatch to the King,
giving as an excuse that he had been thirty hours in the saddle, and
was ill.
' Saint-Simon, Mimoires.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 367
regiments as they came hurrying up in column
were charged and broken before they were able
to deploy ; cavalry and infantry were mixed up
together, and the utmost confusion prevailed.
Nevertheless, the French fought with splendid
courage, and, if Vendome, who dismounted from
his horse and led the infantry of the left wing in
person, had only displayed half as much ability
as he did valour, the day might still have been
theirs. But, as evening was falling, the old Dutch
general, Marshal Overkirk, with the cavalry of
the reserve and twenty Dutch and Danish
battalions, succeeded in turning the French right,
which the Due de Bourgogne commanded, and
drove it in in hopeless confusion. This movement
decided the battle, and night alone saved the con-
quered army from annihilation. As matters were,
95 standards and 7000 prisoners were taken,^ and
the discomfited French fell back in disorder on
Ghent, and did not halt till they reached Loven-
deghem, between that town and Bruges.
Before the retreat began, an improvised council
of war was held by the French generals, at which,
says Saint-Simon, M. de Vendome, " furious at
being so terribly out of his reckoning, affronted
everybody. When the Due de Bourgogne wished
to speak, he silenced him, by saying to him, in an
imperious tone, before every one, that ' he had come
to the army only on condition of obeying him.'
These insolent words, pronounced at the fatal
1 This is the number given by Marlborough, but the French only
admitted to have left 4000 prisoners in the enemy's hands. What-
ever the actual number, it must have been much larger, but for the
courage and skill with which the rearguard, under the Duchesse de
Bourgogne's old admirer, Nangis, covered the retreat.
368 A ROSE OF SAVOY
moment when they were experiencing the conse-
quences of the obedience rendered to his idleness
and obstinacy, made every one tremble with
indignation. The young prince to whom they
were addressed achieved a more dif&cult victory
than that which his enemies were gaining over
him, and was suificiently master of himself to keep
silent." Vendome, he goes on to relate, then
proceeded to harangue the assembled generals,
declaring that the battle was not lost, and that they
could resume it on the morrow, but finding every
one but his cousin, the young Comte d'Evreux,^
of a contrary opinion, flew into a violent passion,
and exclaimed, " Oh, very well, Messieurs ! I see
clearly what you wish. We must retire then."
And, turning towards the Due de Bourgogne, he
added, in a tone which left no doubt as to his
meaning : "I know that you have long wished
to do so, Monseigneur." ^
This anecdote has been accepted by many
historians, both French and English, and Michelet
has even endeavoured to improve upon it.* But
its authenticity is extremely doubtful, for, though
Saint-Hilaire, who was one of the officers present
on the occasion, admits that Vendome fell into a
passion on his advice being disregarded, he says
nothing of any insulting words used by him to the
Due de Bourgogne, and even attributes his obstinacy
to his solicitude for the honour and glory of the
prince ; * nor do the letters of the Due de Bour-
gogne, though full of complaints regarding the
1 Henri Louis de la Tour-d'Auvergne. He was the son of the
Due de Bouillon and Marianne Mancini.
" Saint-Simon, Memoires. ' Histoire de France.
* Saint-HUaire, Memoires.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 369
conduct of Vendome, contain any allusion to such
an incident. It would therefore appear that Saint-
Simon has been once more drawing upon those
imaginative powers which have led so many-
historians astray.
In the case of a joint-command, like that
exercised by the Due de Boiirgogne and Vendome,
it is always very difficult to apportion the blame
for any disaster. Both Coxe and Allison in their
accounts of the battle are very severe upon the
Due de Bourgogne, and the latter writer accuses
the prince, " who was jealous of Vendome's re-
putation," of countermanding orders issued by his
colleague.^ But the most trustworthy of French
historians and contemporary writers, who include
several officers who took part in the engagement,
are not of this opinion, and though Saint-Simon
has probably exaggerated the faults of Vendome
and ignored those of his hero, his account appears
to be substantially accurate. The primary cause
of the disaster was undoubtedly the time lost
on the morning of the nth in the passage of the
Scheldt, due to the bridges not having been con-
structed overnight ; and for this Vendome was
certainly responsible. Nevertheless, as we shall
now see, that general, aided by his friends, both
in the army and at home, endeavoured to shift
the odium of the defeat on to the shoulders of the
Due de Bourgogne, and, at first, with only too much
success.
J " Life of Marlborough."
24
CHAPTER XIX
Efforts of Vendome to cast the blame for the loss of the Battle
of Oudenarde upon the Due de Bourgogne — The prince seeks the
support of Madame de Maintenon — Vendome resolves to appeal
to the pubUc — Letter of Alberoni : sensation which it arouses —
Letters of the poet Campistron and the Comte d'Evreux — Violent
outcry against the Due de Bourgogne, organised by the cabal of
Meudon — Distress of the Duchesse de Bourgogne — Her courageous
defence of her husband — The serious quahties of the princess
begin to reveal themselves — She persuades the King to exercise
his authority to restrain the attacks upon the Due de Bourgogne
THE news of the capture of Ghent and Bruges
had reached Fontainebleau, where the
Court was then in residence, on the night
of July 6, where it excited a " frenzied joy," ^
among all save the personal enemies of the Due
de Bourgogne, who, however, had the good sense
to dissemble their mortification. The consterna-
tion was therefore all the greater when, shortly
after mid-day on the 14th, as the King was leaving
the Council of Finance, a courier arrived, bringing
" the sad news of a great engagement in Flanders,
in which we have not had the advantage." * The
following day brought a despatch from Vendome,
in which he complained bitterly of the conduct
of the Due de Bourgogne, and had the effrontery
to declare that the battle had been going in favour
of the French, and that victory was actually in
1 Saint-Simon. ' Dangeau.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 371
sight, when the prince, notwithstanding his pro-
testations, had insisted on retreating. In a second
despatch, he attributed the reverse to the incom-
petent officers who abused the confidence of the
Due de Bourgogne, and whose advice his Royal
Highness preferred to his, on all important
occasions ; and he implored the King to recall
him [Vendome], in order to spare him the humilia-
tion of finding his counsels disregarded and of
being the witness of the failure of his Majesty's
arms.
The Due de Bourgogne, on his side, also wrote
to the King, but he confined himself to informing
him that the army had been compelled to retreat
to Lovendeghem, and referred him for details to
Vendome. " But, at the same time, he wrote
to the duchess, very clearly expressing to her
where the fault lay " ; ^ and this epistle, it is fair
to presume, soon found its way into his Majesty's
hands.
According to the Chevalier de Bellerive,^ Louis
XIV, after receiving Vendome's first despatches,
had actually resolved to recall his grandson and
leave the command of the army to Vendome,
but was dissuaded by the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
who, warned by Madame de Maintenon, threw
herself at the King's feet and implored him to
spare her husband such a dishonour. It seems
doubtful if there is any truth in this story, for
Bellerive was a particularly ardent supporter of
' Saint-Simon.
" He was believed by many to be a natural son of Vend6me.
He accompanied him during the Spanish campaign of 17 10, of which
he subsequently wrote a history.
372 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Vendome.^ However, that general certainly did
everything possible to induce Louis xiv to relieve
him of the duke, declaring that " the princes
were a terrible burden for an army " ; that they
had nearly as possible been taken prisoners at
Oudenarde ; that no good purpose could be served
by their remaining with the troops during the
remainder of the campaign, and that he entreated
his Majesty not to continue to charge him with
the care of persons so precious.
The King, however, contented himself by
advising his grandson "to do nothing except
after mature deliberation," and by telling Vendome
that, in order to avoid further regrettable incidents,
he had directed the prince to consult with him
about their future course of action, and had re-
commended him to repose in the general all the
confidence which the zeal, experience, and so
forth of the latter merited.
This, so far from soothing the mortified
Vendome, seems to have exasperated him to the
last degree, and he replied by a long and scathing
criticism of the Due de Bourgogne, or rather —
since he was too good a courtier to make a direct
attack upon the King's grandson — of Puysegur,
the prince's favourite counsellor, who, he asserted,
had persuaded his master to disregard his in-
structions, and, in particular, to allow a considerable
part of the army to remain inactive on a height and
" look on at the battle as people look on at the opera
1 Bellerive's Mimoires, which are preserved in the Bibliothfeque
Nationale, have never been published, but his account of the cam-
paign of 1708 in Flanders has been reproduced by M. BoisUsle, in
his edition of Saint-Simon's MSmoires, vol. xvi.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 373
from the boxes on the third tier." ^ By the same
courier, he wrote to the Minister for War, declaring
that, if he had been the master in Flanders as he had
been in Italy, all would have been well, and hinting
that, in his opinion, the personal courage of the Due
de Bourgogne was more than a little doubtful.
The Due de Bourgogne, aware that Vendome
was endeavouring to throw the blame upon him,
felt compelled to defend himself, and having
decided that it would be better to secure the
advocacy of Madame de Maintenon than to appeal
directly to the King, addressed to that lady a
lengthy letter, in which, after expatiating upon
the faults committed by Vendome, both before
and during the battle, he declared that the latter
had lost the confidence of both officers and men ;
that he did " scarcely anything but eat and sleep " ;
that his health did not permit him to perform his
duties ; that he was always convinced that the
enemy would never do anything which he did not
wish him to do, and believed himself invincible ;
and that, in a word, he was " not a general at all,"
and quite unworthy of the trust which his Majesty
reposed in him. And he demanded that the
King should, in future, invest him [the Due de
Bourgogne] with full powers.*
If Vendome had remained satisfied with venting
his spleen in despatches to Louis xiv and Chamillart,
little harm would have been done ; but, knowing
1 Despatch of July 16, published in Pelet, Histoire militaire,
where the full text is given. M. d'Haussonville, who has also pub-
Ushed a portion of it, declares that the responsibihty for this extra-
ordinary blunder was Vendome's alone.
2 Letter of July 13, 1708, pubhshed by the Marquis de Vogue
le Due de Bourgogne et le Due de Beauvilliers.
374 A ROSE OF SAVOY
that he could reckon on the support of a powerful
faction at Court, he resolved to appestl to the
public. During his campaigns in Italy, he had
made the acquaintance of a lowborn, unscrupulous,
but exceedingly able adventurer, the Abbe Alberoni.
This personage, who, some ten years later, was
to become cardinal and first Minister of Spain,
and to set the country of his adoption and France
once more by the ears, had gained Vendome's
favour by his wit, his servile flattery, and his skill
in concocting various Italian dishes, and had
followed him to France and subsequently to
Flanders. At his patron's instigation, Alberoni
now wrote to one of his friends in France, lauding
Vendome to the skies and declaring that the dis-
aster at Oudenarde was entirely due to his plans
having been thwarted by the Due de Bourgogne,
or rather by his pernicious counsellors, for he did
not venture to name the prince.
" I am a Roman," the letter concludes (he
was, as a matter of fact, a Placentian), " that is to
say, I belong to a race that speaks the truth ;
' in civitate omnium gnara, et nihil reticente,' says
our Tacitus. Permit me, after that, to tell you,
with all due respect, that your nation is quite
capable of forgetting all the marvels which the
good prince [Vendome] worked in my country,
which will render his name immortal and always
honoured ; injuriarum et beneficiorum ceque im-
memores. But the good prince is perfectly tranquil,
knowing that he has done nothing with which to
reproach himself, and that, so long as he followed
his own judgment, he was always successful." ^
1 Jean Galbert de Campistron (1656-1723). Saint-Simon
describes him as " one of those dirty, starving poets who are ready
A ROSE OF SAVOY 375
This letter created an extraordinary sensation.
Its recipient, as was of course intended, showed
it to every one he knew ; copies were made of it,
and, finally, it found its way into the Gazette
d' Amsterdam, the principal organ of the Grand
Alliance on the Continent. It was speedily fol-
lowed by two others, the first, from the pen of
Vendome's secretary, the poet Campistron, " con-
taining a virulent attack on the Due de Bour-
gogne's counsellors ; the second, written by
Vendome's cousin, the Comte d'Evreux, which,
though couched in more measured terms than
those of Alberoni or Campistron, was perhaps even
more damaging to the unfortunate young prince,
owing to the high rank and military reputation
of the writer.
The chance which the enemies of the Due and
Duchesse de Bourgogne had long sought had at
length come, and they were quick to seize it.
" The emissaries of the cabal," says Saint-Simon,
" paraphrased the letters in the cafes, in public
places, among the newsmongers, in gambling-dens,
in private houses. Vaudevilles, pieces of verse,
atrocious songs ^ about the heir to the Crown, which
erected Vendome into a hero on the ruins of his
reputation, circulated all over Paris and throughout
to do anything for a living " ; but his tragedies were considered
of sufficient merit to secure him admission to the Academy.
1 These songs, several of which were believed to be the com-
position of the malevolent Madame la Duchesse, were generally
set to popular airs, and were thus assured of a vogue. One was
at the expense of the Due de Bourgogne and his confessor ; another
declared that the prince had refused to continue the battle, from
fear of sending souls to hell ; while a third — the most cruel of aU —
accused him of having taken refuge in a mill and remained there
throughout the action.
376 A ROSE OF SAVOY
the kingdom with a Ucence and a rapidity which
no one tried to check ; while at the Court and
in fashionable circles the " Libertines " and the
dandies applauded, and the supple politicians,
who know the ground best, joined with them, and
so influenced the crowd, that in six days it was
thought disgraceful to speak with moderation of
the son in his father's house ; in eight, it had
become dangerous, since the leaders of the " pack,
encouraged by the success of the cabal which they
had so well organised, began to reveal themselves,
and to show that whoever should dare to contra-
dict them would sooner or later have to deal with
them."
The friends of the Due de Bourgogne — Beau-
villiers, Chevreuse, and Saint-Simon — were aghast ;
to stem the tide of public opinion seemed imposs-
ible ; " all France was in the cabal." ^ The
Duchesse de Bourgogne was " in a state of extreme
affliction" ; ^ for she recognised that her own happi-
ness and reputation were at stake as well as her
husband's. Greatly as she was beloved by the
King and Madame de Maintenon, and immense as
was her popularity with the great majority of the
Court, it would be, nevertheless, impossible for
her to retain her exceptional position, if the Duke
remained under the cloud which now rested upon
him, and continued to be an object of derision and
contempt to half the nation.
But let it not be supposed that her distress
was solely on her own account, for that would
Michelet, Histoire de France.
^ Letter of Madame de Maintenon to the Princesse de Ursins,
July 23, 1708, in Geffroy.
LOUIS XIV
FROM AN ENGRAVING AFTER THE PAINTING BV FITER
A ROSE OF SAVOY 377
be to do her a grave injustice. Notwithstanding
her thoughtlessness and frivolity, and her lack of
sympathy with her husband's views, she was at
bottom a loyal wife, and she was exasperated by
the calumnies published about one whom she knew
to be a brave and honourable man, utterly in-
capable of the conduct ascribed to him.
And the shameful injustice of this persecution
not only roused her indignation, but drew her
closer to its victim, since it often happens that
those to whom, in the time of their prosperity, we
are comparatively indifferent, become, when mis-
fortune overtakes them, objects of our sympathy
and affection. This welcome change in the
princess's feelings towards her husband is indicated
by Madame de Maintenon in one of her letters to
the Princesse des Ursins.
" She [the Duchesse de Bourgogne] shows in these
sad circumstances the feelings of a good French-
woman, which I always knew she possessed, although
I confess that I did not believe that she loved the
Due de Bourgogne as much as we now see. Her
affection makes her very sensitive, and she feels
keenly the unfortunate result of the first action
in which he has taken part. She would wish him
to expose himself like a grenadier, and yet to
return without a scratch ; she feels the difficult
position in which the misfortune which has occurred
has placed him; she shares all the anxieties which
the present position must occasion him ; she
would like a battle to take place, so that he might
win it, and yet she dreads it. In short, nothing
escapes her, and she is worse than I am. The
distress in which she is gives me, on the one hand,
much pleasure, since it is a proof of her good
378 A ROSE OF SAVOY
qualities ; but, on the other, makes me very uneasy
about her health, which appears much altered
by it." 1
And in another letter she writes : —
" I assured him [the Due de Bourgogne] the
other day that he would not understand the extent
of her sensitiveness on his account, however great
may be his intelligence and his love for her."
No longer had the Due de Bourgogne to com-
plain, as in the campaign of 1703, of the absence
of his wife's letters, and though, unfortunately,
none of their correspondence has been preserved,
we know, from the prince's letters to Madame de
Maintenon and Beauvilliers, that the regularity
with which she wrote delighted as much as it
astonished him. " Nothing makes me better under-
stand," he writes to the former, " the affection
which you have always said that she entertains
for me " ; while to Beauvilliers he declares that
" his belief that she really loves him is confirmed."
But the princess did far more than send her
husband assurances of her loyalty and affection.
She constituted herself the guardian and defender
of his honour at the Court, and became the avowed
enemy of the cabal which was seeking his ruin.
She seems, indeed, to have been inclined to
champion his cause with rather more zeal than
discretion, since we find the duke writing to Madame
de Maintenon on August 7, from the camp at
Lovendeghem^: — "''"''- r .n t -I'V^; j :
" It has come to M. de Vendome's ears that the
1 Letter of July 23, 1708, Geffroy, Madame de Maintenon d'apris
sa correspondance autheniique.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 379
Duchesse de Bourgogne has inveighed against him
in public, and he has appeared to me extremely
pained. Speak to her about it, I beg you, Madame,
in order that she may be on her guard that her
affection for me may not lead her to vex and offend
others ; for this affection, though it affords me
great joy, would not please me in that case." ^
Madame de Maintenon's admonitions, however,
would not appear to have had much effect, for,
ten days later, he writes to her that " the affection
of which she [the Duchesse de Bourgogne] has
given him such signal proofs makes him appre-
hensive that she has gone a little too far in certain
things which she has said."
His anxiety is, however, all on his wife's
account, and not on his own, for he adds : —
" I have known before to-day that there are per-
sons at the Court who do not love her, and who see
with annoyance the affection that the King shows
for her. I believe I am not altogether ignorant
of their names. It will be for you, Madame, when
I see you, to enlighten me more particularly on
this matter, that proper precautions may be taken
to prevent the Duchesse de Bourgogne J from
falling into certain very dangerous snares, which
I have often perceived that you dreaded. As for
mischief - making, it would be very unjust to
accuse her of that ; she despises it utterly, and
her mind is very far removed from what one caUs
the feminine mind. She has assuredly a solid in-
telligence, much good sense, an excellent and very
noble heart. But you know her better than I, and
this portrait is superfluous. Perhaps the pleasure
* Marquis de Vogiie, le Due de Bourgogne et le Due de Beau-
villiers.
38o A ROSE OF SAVOY
that I derive from speaking of her prevents me
from perceiving that I do it too often and at too
great a length." '^
The tribute which the Due de Bourgogne pays
to his wife in this letter was not undeserved.
During the last two years, the princess had altered
very much from the frivolous, pleasure-loving girl
we have hitherto known, and, though this change
had perhaps been scarcely perceptible, save to
those who knew her most intimately, it was none
the less real. The cruel anxiety she had suffered
on behalf of her family in Savoy during the crisis
of 1706 ; the terrible end of the unfortunate Maule-
vrier, for which, as we have said, she could scarcely
fail to regard herself as in some degree responsible ;
the death of her little son ; the suffering and
misery which the war was entailing ; and, finally, the
danger which menaced her husband's honour and
her own position, had all combined to bring home
to her the fact that there is another side to life than
that which is represented by balls and f6tes and
toilettes and jewels and the struggles of contend-
ing vanity, and had strengthened and developed
those serious qualities which had, until then, lain
dormant within her. " Ma tante," said she to
Madame de Maintenon, " I am under infinite
obligations to you ; you have had the patience
to wait for my reason." Reason had, indeed,
asserted itself at last, and it was well for her husband's
interests that its triumph was no longer delayed.
The odds against the princess in her struggle
1 Letter of August 17, 1708, published by the Contessa della
Rocca, Correspondance inedite de la Duchesse de Bourgogne et de la
Reine d'Espagne.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 381
with her husband's calumniators were heavy, for,
though she had loyal friends, none of them were
persons whose opinion carried much weight in military
matters, and it was difficult to convince Louis xiv
that a general in whom he reposed so much con-
fidence, who had hitherto proved himself almost
invincible, and whose cause was espoused by
nearly the whole Court, could possibly be in the
wrong. She had, however, one invaluable ally
in the person of Madame de Maintenon ; and,
emboldened by that lady's support, she did not
hesitate to importune the King to use his authority
to put a stop to the reports which were in circu-
lation, and even ventured to complain of Chamillart,
who had allowed himself to be carried away by
the current, and had written a letter to the Due
de Bourgogne, begging him to compose his differ-
ences with Vendome.
His Majesty was not best pleased to see the
princess, whose first care had always been to charm
away his ennui by her gaiety and high spirits,
appear before him with tears in her eyes and com-
plaints on her lips, and one day, according to
Saint-Simon, rebuked her in public for her " ill-
temper and bitterness." But her efforts were
not wasted, for the King, who had hitherto known
nothing of the letters which had created so much
sensation, reprimanded Chamillart for not having
brought them to his notice, and ordered him to
write in very strong terms to Alberoni and the
Comte d'Evreux, ordering them to keep silence for
the future. Soon afterwards, the Comte d'Evreux,
at the instigation of his mother, the Duchesse de
Bouillon, who was fearful lest he should compromise
382 A ROSE OF SAVOY
himself and his family with the King, wrote another
letter in direct contradiction to the first, which his
parents went about declaring was an impudent
forgery ; and, though this very transparent fiction
does not appear to have deceived any one, it brought
some consolation to the Duchesse de Bourgogne.
But, if the princess had succeeded in stemming
for a time the tide of calumny, she had not as yet
succeeded in doing anything to repair the mischief
it had already wrought. She felt, indeed, that for
the rehabilitation of her husband she must wait
until the winter brought the officers of the Army
of Flanders back to Court, and the truth became
known, and hope that, in the meanwhile, some
striking success might redeem the disaster of
Oudenarde, and dispose public opinion more
favourably towards the prince.
CHAPTER XX
Position of the rival armies in Flanders after Oudenarde —
Failure of Vend6me and the Due de Bourgogne to appreciate the
danger of the situation — The AUies resolve to lay siege to Lille
— The French make no effort to intercept the siege-train on its
passage from Brussels to Lille — Extraordinary inertia of Vend6me
— The army of the Due de Bourgogne effects its junction with
that of Berwick — Character of Berwick — Antagonism between
him and Vendome — The united French armies march to the succour
of Lille, but find their advance opposed by Marlborough — Dis-
sension between the French generals : appeal to Louis xiv —
Painful suspense at Versailles — Agitation of the Duchesse de
Bourgogne — The French fall back to Tournai — Renewed outcry
against the Due de Bourgogne in France : apparent triumph of
the cabal — Madame de Maintenon espouses the prince's cause —
Affair of Wjniendale — Capitulation of LUle — The Due de Bourgogne
sets out for Versailles — ^Marlborough recovers Ghent and Bruges
IT will be remembered that, after the Battle
of Oudenarde, the French had retreated
to Lovendeghem, between Ghent and Bruges.
A few days later, Eugene's army arrived at
Brussels, but, as almost at the same time Berwick's
corps, which had been watching it and marching
parallel with it, reached Tournai, no real difference
was made in the relative strength of the rival
forces. The four armies of the Due de Bourgogne,
Marlborough, Eugene, and Berwick occupied, so
to speak, the four corners of a chessboard, and
whichever general first succeeded in effecting a
junction with his colleague would obviously possess
a great advantage.
383
384 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Although France now lay open to invasion,
and it was of the last importance to the French
to prevent the Allied generals from uniting their
forces, the Due de Bourgogne and Vendome entirely-
failed to grasp the danger of the situation. Ven-
dome, indeed, refused to believe that the Allies
would venture to cross the frontier, leaving so
formidable a hostile force in their rear ; and he
accordingly proceeded to entrench himself in an
exceedingly strong position behind the canal which
runs from Ghent to Bruges, in the confident antici-
pation that Marlborough's first movement would
be an attempt to recover these two towns.
Berwick was ordered to remain at Tournai, to
watch Marlborough and repel any incursions which
the Anglo-Dutch army might be disposed to make
into the Cambresis or Artois.
Marlborough's intentions, however, were very
different from those with which he was credited.
On the very morrow of Oudenarde, he boldly
proposed to cross the frontier between Lille and
Tournai and advance straight upon Paris. But
this plan — which was precisely that which Welling-
ton and Bliicher executed with such signal success
a century later — was considered too hazardous
by Eugene and the Dutch ; and it was therefore
resolved to begin the invasion of France by the
siege of Lille, the strongest and most important of
the places in French Flanders and the bulwark
of the capital.
This was in itself a sufficiently formidable
undertaking, since the fortifications of Lille were
regarded as one of Vauban's masterpieces, and it
was garrisoned by some 15,000 men. Moreover,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 385
the interruption of the water-communications
of the Allies, through the capture of Ghent and
Bruges, necessitated the transport of everything
that was required for the siege by land-carriage
from Holland ; and Brussels, the nearest depot for
ordinary and military stores, was nearly thirty-five
leagues distant. Such, however, was the fatuous
optimism of Vendome that, in spite of repeated
warnings from Berwick, he scouted the idea that it
was the intention of the enemy to lay siege to Lille,
and remained inactive in his camp at Lovendeghem ;
and on August 12, Eugene, who had returned to
Brussels after Oudenarde, appeared before Lille,
with a siege-train which comprised eighty heavy
cannon, twenty mortars, and three thousand am-
munition-waggons. From Brussels to the Scheldt,
where Marlborough with a detachment of his army
was awaiting him — that is to say, for fully half the
journey — this immense convoy, which required
16,000 horses to transport it, and stretched, when
in a line of march, over fifteen miles, was only
protected by fifty-three battalioii^ and ninety
squadrons,^ and had lain exposed to the attack
of an infinitely superior force ; and yet not the
least attempt had been made to molest it.
The blame for this shameful inaction must
rest mainly with Vendome, who, in a despatch
to the King, written on the day after the convoy
had left Brussels, had ridiculed the fears enter-
tained at Versailles, declaring that the roads
were " absolutely impracticable on account of
rain," and that it was out of the question to trans-
port siege-guns and heavy waggons along them. It
1 These figures are taken from Allison, "Life of Marlborough."
25
386 A ROSE OF SAVOY
is true that the Due de Bourgogne shared to a great
extent his colleague's optimism, although he did
go so far as to send, on his own initiative, a detach-
ment to watch the movements of the convoy, and,
if necessary, to attack it, which, however, it was
far too weak to attempt. But it would be mani-
festly unfair to blame a young and comparatively
inexperienced commander, who had just been so
unsparingly denounced for having refused to defer
to the counsels of a veteran officer, because he
failed to take measures which the latter declared
to be altogether unnecessary.
It might be supposed that the news of the
arrival of the siege-train at Lille would have spurred
Vendome to some great effort to atone for his
blunder, or, at least, have aroused him to some
extent from his lethargy. Nevertheless, in spite
of the most urgent despatches from the King,
who impressed upon him that his sole object must
now be to preserve Lille, and the representations
of the Due de Bourgogne,^ it was not until August
27 — ten days after the investment of the fortress
had been completed and the trenches opened —
that he would consent to begin his march to its
succour. Three days later, the Army of Flanders
effected its junction with that of Berwick, in
the plain between Grammont and Lessines, the
united strength of the two armies amounting to
nearly 110,000 men, exclusive of a corps of 20,000
which had been detached, under the Comte de la
Mothe, to cover Ghent and Bruges.
1 The despatches of the Due de Bourgogne to Louis xiv prove
that he, at any rate, appreciated the necessity of immediate
action.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 387
The appearance of Berwick upon the scene
introduced a new and, as it proved, a most un-
fortunate factor into the situation. This natural
son of James 11 was a brave and high-principled
man, and a most capable general, as he had shown
by his brilliant victory at Almanza in the spring
of the previous year. But he was cold, reserved,
sarcastic,^ and excessively haughty, while his
military talents were infinitely more suited to
defensive operations than to the kind of under-
taking in which he now found himself engaged.
He bitterly resented being placed under the orders
of Vendome, whom he disliked and despised;
for, though the latter was only a lieutenant-general,
while Berwick was a marshal, all the marshals
were obliged to take orders from him, in virtue
of his rank as a legitimated prince ; and this
resentment, joined to his predilection for cautious
methods of warfare, was to bring him into con-
tinual conflict with Vendome, and to increase
the timidity and irresolution of the Due de Bour-
gogne, who since Oudenarde appears to have lost
all confidence in his own judgment.
The antagonism between the two generals
manifested itself almost immediately they met, in
a lively dispute as to the line of march the army
was to follow. According to Berwick, the route
suggested by Vendome was chosen, but, after the
troops had proceeded some little distance, it was
found to be impracticable, and the Due de Bour-
gogne gave orders for them to retrace their steps,
1 At the funeral oration of James 11, the preacher declared that
this pious king had never committed a mortal sin. " And what of
me ? I am then a venial sin I " Berwick was heard to mutter.
388 A ROSE OF SAVOY
to the indignation of Vendome, " who laid the
blame upon me and made use of very strong ex-
pressions, to which, out of respect for the Due
de Bourgogne, I made no reply." ^
Meanwhile, Eugene was pressing the invest-
ment of Lille with all the, vigour that the im-
perfect resources at his disposal would permit,
while Marlborough commanded the covering army.
Although the force under his orders was greatly
inferior to that of the recently-united French
armies, he had no uneasiness as to the result of an
engagement. " If God continues on our side,"
wrote he to Godolphin, " we have nothing to
fear, our troops being good, though not so
numerous as theirs. I dare say that, before half
the troops have fought, success will declare, I trust
in God, on our side." ^
No sooner did he receive intelligence that the
. Due de Bourgogne and Vendome had effected
their junction, than he appears to have divined
the point at which they would endeavour to break
through the lines of the besiegers ; and when, on
September 4, the French reached Mons-en-Puelle,
on the little river Marck, they found their redoubt-
able antagonist awaiting them in an exceedingly
strong position, with his right and left covered by
marshes.
Vendome, who, when actually in the presence
of the enemy, was always eager for battle, strongly
urged an immediate attack ; but Berwick was of
the contrary opinion, and declared that Marl-
borough was so strongly posted that to advance
1 Berwick, Mimoires.
' Despatch of August 30, 1708, in Allison.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 389
against him would be to risk, not merely a repulse,
but a crushing defeat. Both appealed to the Due
de Bourgogne, and, if he had decided in Vendome's
favour, the attack would have begun forthwith.
But the prince, who found himself very much in
the position of a young medical practitioner called
in to arbitrate between two eminent specialists on
a matter of life and death, declined to take upon
himself so grave a responsibility, and referred the
matter to the King.
A courier was accordingly, despatched to Ver-
sailles, bearing long memoirs from both Berwick
and Vendome, setting forth their respective views,
and another from the Due de Bourgogne, in which
he carefully avoided expressing any definite
opinion, and requested the orders of his Majesty.
For some days past, the Court had been in a
state of painful suspense. A courier had arrived
on August 27, with intelligence that the two French
armies had effected their junction, and were
marching to the succour of Lille ; but since then
no news had been received. " It was generally
believed," says Saint-Simon, " that some decisive
battle had been fought. Every day increased
the uneasiness. The princes and the chief
nobles of the Court were with the army. Every
one at Versailles feared for the safety of a
relative or friend. Prayers were offered every-
where. Gaming, conversation, ceased. Fear was
depicted upon every countenance. If a horse
passed a little quickly, everybody ran without
knowing where. Chamillart's apartments were
crowded with lackeys, since every one wished to
be informed the moment that a courier arrived.
390 A ROSE OF SAVOY
The King wrote to the bishops to request that they
should offer up pubUc prayers suitable to the
danger of the time. It may be judged what was
the general impression and alarm."
The Duchesse de Bourgogne was in a state of
terrible agitation, since she felt that both the
honour and the life of her husband were at stake.
" She passed whole nights in the chapel/' says
Saint-Simon, " when people believed her in bed,
and drove her women to despair. The ladies who
had husbands with the army followed her example,
and did not stir from the churches." And Madame
de Maintenon writes to the Princesse des Ursins : —
" She [the Duchesse de Bourgogne] can speak
of nothing save that which occupies all her thoughts.
She strives to amuse herself, but without success ;
her heart palpitates at the arrival of every courier ;
she fears for her husband's life ; she fears for his
reputation ; she would like him to expose himself
like a grenadier ; she cannot endure him to receive
the least blame, and would be greatly distressed if
he did the least thing that the King disapproved.
In a word, Madame, she is at present one of the
most unhappy persons in the world, and it is I who
preach to her tranquillity and confidence." ^
On September 7, the general suspense was
relieved, to some degree, by the arrival of the
courier from Mons-en-Puelle. The despatches he
brought caused Louis xiv no little irritation, and
he immediately wrote both to the Due de Bour-
gogne and to Vendome, bidding them take the
offensive ; while, two days later, he despatched
Chamillart to the army, not, as several historians
1 Lettres de Madame de Maintenon et de la Princesse des Ursins.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 391
have asserted, to decide whether it was advisable
to deUver battle, but to report upon the condition
of the troops and endeavour to reconcile Vendome
and Berwick. But, when the King's orders reached
Mons-en-Puelle, the moment when it might have
been possible to execute them with any prospect
of success had passed ; for, taking advantage of
the enemy's hesitation, the Allies had succeeded in
rendering their already strong position so impreg-
nable, that even Vendome did not venture to
counsel an attack. Accordingly, after a consulta-
tion between the three generals and Chamillart, a
courier was despatched to explain the altered
situation to the King, and it was decided to
abandon all hope of relieving Lille by a direct
attack upon the investing army, and to confine
their operations to opposing the passage of the
convoys coming from Brussels, Oudenarde, and
Antwerp with supplies and ammunition for the
besiegers. With this object, on the 15th, the
French fell back behind the Scheldt, and encamped
in the neighbourhood of Tournai.
The question whether the French ought or
ought not to have attacked Marlborough on first
arriving at Mons-la-Puelle — later, as we have
explained, the undertaking was entirely out of the
question — ^is very difficult to decide. That Ber-
wick's apprehensions were well founded is proved
by a despatch of Marlborough, written on Septem-
ber 3, in which he declares that " the ground is so
much to our advantage, that, with the help of God,
we shall certainly beat them [the French.]^ But,
on the other hand, it should be remembered that
^ Coxe, "Memoirs of Marlborough."
392 A ROSE OF SAVOY
there are occasions on which a commander is jus-
tified in taking exceptional risks, and the orders
subsequently sent by Louis xiv show that he
considered this to be one of them.
However that may be, the news of the retreat
of the army without giving battle was followed
by a renewed outcry against the Due de Bour-
gogne in France. The hapless young prince was
made responsible for everything. It was he, the
cabal and its emissaries declared, who had per-
mitted the convoy from Brussels to pass un-
molested ; who had been unwilling to march
against the enemy ; who had shrunk from the
prospect of a battle which would have crushed
the Allies and delivered Lille, and preferred a
disgraceful retreat. Paris was once more flooded
with pamphlets and rhymes, some ridiculing a
devotion " which preferred to lose a town than
see soldiers die unconfessed," others freely ques-
tioning the personal courage of the duke ; Mon-
seigneur " readily swallowed all that was said
in his son's dispraise," ^ and spoke of him with
ill-concealed disgust ; and even the King per-
mitted some impatient words to escape him in
private, which were embellished by the servants
who overheard them, and reported far and wide.
" As for our little prince," wrote Fenelon, " his
reputation has been damaged incalculably ; not a
soul has a word in his favour."
But, if the voices of the Due de Bourgogne's
friends were lost in the general chorus of censure,
or rather if they deemed it prudent to remain
silent until the storm had spent its violence, he
1 Saint-Simon, MSmoires.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 393
did not lack for supporters ; and in his wife and
Madame de Maintenon he possessed two who
were worth a host in themselves. Saint-Simon
attributes Madame de Maintenon's espousal of
the prince's cause to the fact that she was
" wounded to the quick at finding, for the first
time in her life, that there were people who had
more influence over the King than she had" ; but
it would seem more just to ascribe it to her
affection for the Duchesse de Bourgogne, and
to that keen sense of justice which her letters
prove her to have possessed, outside affairs of
religion. "What," wrote she, "to the Princesse
des Ursins, " was our prince, who has not yet
had much experience, and finds himself in the
most difficult position conceivable, to do, except
trust a man who enjoys the confidence of the
King [Berwick]. How could he decide or dis-
cover by himself that the counsels which were
being given him were too timid, and that he
ought to abandon himself to the guidance of M.
de Vendome, against whom three-quarters of the
army are inveighing ? "
It must be admitted, however, that the events
which followed the retreat of the Army of Flanders
from Mons-en-Puelle, and the part played therein
by the Due de Bourgogne, were scarcely of a nature
to afford much encouragement to those who desired
to see his reputation vindicated. The French,
as we have said, had established themselves in the
neighbourhood of Tournai, in a position which they
believed would enable them to cut off the be-
siegers of Lille from all communication with their
magazines in Flanders. In this they were sue-
394 A ROSE OF SAVOY
cessful, so far as those in the interior of the country
were concerned ; and the only resource left to the
allies was to draw their supplies from England,
by way of Ostend, their communications with
which still remained open. In the last days of
September, intelligence was received that a convoy
of seven hundred waggons was about to leave that
town, escorted by some five thousand men, and La
Mothe was ordered to march from his camp of
observation near Ghent and intercept it. The
Due de Bourgogne sent reinforcements to the
assistance of La Mothe, who, however, without
waiting for their arrival, attacked the convoy in
the defile of Wynendale, and was repulsed with
heavy loss. On September 30, the convoy reached
the camp of the besiegers without losing a single
waggon, and its arrival practically sealed the fate
of Lille.
After the affair of Wynendale, indeed, the Due
de Bourgogne seems to have abandoned all hope
of saving the town, and actually wrote to the King
to ask his consent to certain measures which he
proposed to take " in anticipation of this loss."
Vendome, more optimistic, having obtained
Louis xiv's permission to take command of La
Mothe' s corps, opened the sluices of the canal of
Nieuport and laid the country round Ostend under
water, in order to intercept the enemy's com-
munications with that port. But Marlborough
defeated this device, by causing a fleet of flat-
bottomed boats to be built, which carried the
waggons containing the stores to Lef&nghen,
beyond which the inundation did not extend.^
1 Allison, " Life of Marlborough."
A ROSE OF SAVOY 395
Finally, towards the end of October, at the
moment when Vendome and the Due de Bour-
gogne, spurred on by urgent despatches from the
King, had at last decided on a forward movement,
news arrived that Lille had capitulated, " to the
great astonishment of all Europe, which believed
the Due de Bourgogne in a condition to be-
siege Eugene and Marlborough, rather than those
generals in a condition to besiege Lille." ^ No
reflection, however, rested on its gallant defenders,
who had sustained a siege of sixty days, of
which thirty were with open trenches, and repelled
six assaults ; and, after the surrender of the
town, Boufflers and the remnant of the garrison
retired into the citadel, where they continued
their defence, subsisting meanwhile entirely on
horseflesh.
Divided counsels continued to paralyse the
Army of Flanders, and nothing was done during
the rest of the autumn to repair the blunders
which had cost France so dear. A feeble attempt
was made, in conjunction with the Elector of
Bavaria, to divert the attention of the allies by
investing Brussels. But Marlborough, marching
rapidly northwards, forced the passage of the
Scheldt, which the French vainly endeavoured to
dispute ; the Elector hastened to raise the siege
of Brussels, leaving all his artillery and wounded
behind ; and on December 8 the citadel of Lille,
despairing of succour, capitulated.
The same day, the Due de Bourgogne set out
for Versailles, in obedience to orders he had re-
ceived from the King ; while, shortly afterwards,
1 Voltaire, SQcle de Louis xiv.
396 A ROSE OF SAVOY
the Army of Flanders was sent into winter quarters,
under the impression that the campaign was con-
cluded— an illusion which was rudely dispelled
by Marlborough marching upon Ghent and Bruges,
and recovering both these places.
CHAPTER XXI
Question of the responsibility for the disasters in Flanders
considered — The Due de Bourgogne far from being altogether
blameless — His conduct and manner of life while with the army
condemned by his friends — His return to Versailles and reception
by Louis xiv — He is partially reconciled to Monseigneur — Arrival
and reception of Vend6me — The King suspends judgment —
Venddme retires to Anet — Outcry against the Due and Duchesse
de Bourgogne in Paris — Vendome is afEronted by the Duchesse
de Bourgogne at Marly — The princess persuades the King to
exclude Vend6me from Marly, and to forbid Monseigneur to invite
him to Meudon — Effects of the Duchesse de Bourgogne's victory —
Final discomfiture of Vendome — He rehabiUtates his military
reputation by his briUiant campaign of 1710 in Spain — His death
THE loss of Ghent and Bruges was a fitting
termination to . a campaign which must rank
as one of the most inglorious in French
military annals. Yet the responsibility for the
glaring errors which had marked it from the very
beginning cannot be laid upon the Due de Bour-
gogne. Nor ought Vendome to be held wholly
accountable, for, though nothing can excuse the
extraordinary inertia he displayed at Braine-
I'Alleud and Lovendeghem and on the eve of
Oudenarde, it is difficult to believe that he would
have acted thus, if he had not been aware that
another shared his responsibility, while on more
than one occasion, when his advice was undoubtedly
sound, he was thwarted by the prince's counsellors.
The chief culprit was Louis xiv, who, often as
397
398 A ROSE OF SAVOY
he had blundered in his choice of generals, never
committed a more fatal error than when he
associated his grandson with Vendome, with in-
structions which were so contradictory that neither
was prepared to accept the supreme responsibility.
And this mistake he subsequently aggravated by
attaching Berwick to the prince's staff. " M. de
Vendome and M. de Berwick are two great men,"
wrote one of the officers of the Army of Flanders
to Chamillart, " but they will never be seen sleeping
with their heads in the same nightcap. When
one said a thing was white, the other said it was
black ; and this did not fail to cause frequently
considerable perplexity to the Due de Bourgogne."
But let it not be supposed that the Due de
Bourgogne ought, therefore, to be exonerated from
all blame. His conduct, indeed, lent but too much
colour to the accusations which were levelled
against him, and was severely judged, even by
his most devoted friends, as the letters of Fenelon^
and the Memoir es of Saint-Simon prove. His dis-
inclination to fight except with the certainty of
victory ; his utter inability to come to a decision,
which resulted in the loss of so much valuable
time in appeals to Versailles ; his neglect to make
himself acquainted with the movements of the
enemy ; his preference for the advice of his favourites
over that of far more distinguished officers — all this
undoubtedly contributed to the disasters we have
just recounted.
Nor was the life which he led such as to win
1 The letters of Fenelon to the Due de Bourgogne during the
campaign of 1708 will be found in his CEuvres computes (vol. vii
edit. 1851).
A ROSE OF SAVOY 399
the goodwill or respect of those under his command,
particularly during the latter stages of the cam-
paign, when he appears to have become quite dis-
heartened, and disgusted with the position he
occupied. He seldom mounted his horse, not
wishing to show himself to the soldiers, who were
naturally inclined to regard the inexperienced
prince, rather than the hitherto victorious Vendome,
as the author of their reverses, and even murmured
uncomplimentary remarks about him as he rode
by. He associated but little with the general
officers, fearing that they might perceive the per-
plexities by which he was continually harassed,
and seems to have taken no trouble to make himself
acquainted even with the names of those of inferior
rank. The greater part of his days was passed
in writing despatches to the King and the Minister
for War, or long letters to his wife and his friends
at Versailles, and in devotional exercises and con-
versations with his confessor.
On active service, even the most devout were
accustomed to abate something of their austerity,
but the Due de Bourgogne scrupled to relax one
jot of the narrow religious code which he considered
essential to his salvation. The outspoken Gamaches
did not hesitate to express his opinion of his master's
conduct. " Returning from Mass with the duke
on a critical day/' says Saint-Simon, " when he
would rather have seen him on horseback, he said
aloud : ' You will certainly win the Kingdom of
Heaven, but, as for the kingdom of this world,
Eugene and Marlborough know how to seek it
better than you.' "
When in September the army was in camp at
400 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Saulsoy, the nuns of a neighbouring convent in-
vited him to take up his quarters in their guest-
house. The prince accepted the invitation, but,
scarcely had he done so, when he was seized with
the fear that, in residing under the same roof as
the brides of Heaven, he was committing a sin,
and wrote to ask Fenelon's advice, declaring that,
if the archbishop considered it wrong for him to
remain there, he would immediately change his
quarters. Fenelon seems at first to have regarded
such scruples as an unmistakable sign of grace.
"0 que cet Hat plait d, Dieu!" he writes. But, on
reflection, he came to the conclusion that his
former pupil was going a trifle too far, and assures
him that, in time of war, the occasional residence
of officers in religious houses was a regrettable
necessity. A little later, when rumours of the
very unfavomrable impression which its com-
mander's austerity was making on the army had
reached him, he changes his tone altogether and
reproaches the prince with an attention to the
minutiae of devotion which was altogether un-
suited to the circumstances in which he was
placed : —
" Your piety tries to govern an army like a
nunnery, and wears itself out in little trifling
details, while it neglects everything that is essential
to your honour and to the glory of the arms of
France."
Saint-Simon himself admits that his hero also
consumed a good deal of time, which might have
been much more profitably employed, in amuse-
ments, some of which were quite unworthy of the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 401
commander-in-chief of a great army, and that his
devotion to them was very severely criticised.
Thus, when an officer arrived from Lille, bearing
the terms of the capitulation for his ratification,
he found him pla5dng shuttlecock with the Due
de Berry, nor would he append his signature to the
treaty until he had finished the game. The same
chronicler adds that, on another occasion, when
intelligence which would have necessitated an
immediate march was hourly expected, the prince
went off to Tournai to play tennis, " which greatly
scandalised the army and raised all manner of
unpleasant talk."
At seven o'clock in the evening of December 11,
the Due de Bourgogne arrived at Versailles, and
alighted in the Cour des Princes, where he was
received by Beauvilliers. Saint-Simon, who had
been watching from a window, met them as they
were ascending the grand staircase, and the prince,
wishing to show his gratitude for the chronicler's
championship of his cause, embraced him warmly,
" which showed that he knew better what was
going on, than how to maintain his dignity." After
exchanging a few words with his two faithful friends,
the duke, who seemed quite at ease and spoke to
every one he met, went to salute the King.
Louis XIV, as was his invariable custom at this
hour of the day, was working in Madame de Main-
tenon's apartments, whither the Duchesse de
Bourgogne had come to await her husband. Pont-
chartrain was the Minister in attendance that
evening, and he subsequently related to Saint-
Simon all that passed. From the latter's account
26
402 A ROSE OF SAVOY
we learn that, when the King was informed of his
grandson's arrival, he became embarrassed and
" changed countenance several times " ; while the
Duchesse de Bourgogne " appeared somewhat
tremulous, and fluttered about the room to hide
her agitation, pretending to be uncertain by which
door the prince would arrive " ; and Madame de
Maintenon seemed to be lost in thought. The
duke entered and advanced towards the King,
who at once recovered his composure, went two or
three steps to meet him, embraced him, " with
some demonstration of tenderness," asked him a
few questions about his journey, and then, indi-
cating the princess, said with a smile : "Have you
nothing to say to her ? "
" The prince," continues Saint-Simon, " turned
a moment towards her, and answered respectfully,
without moving from his place, as if he dared
not turn away from the King. He then saluted
Madame de Maintenon, who received him well.
Talk of travel, beds, and roads lasted, all standing,
some half-quarter of an hour, when the King
observed that it would not be fair to deprive him
any longer of the pleasure of being alone with the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, adding that they would
have time to see each other again."
The first interview had thus passed off without
anything to indicate that the Due de Bourgogne
was in disgrace, which was an immense relief to
the duchess and all his friends, though their satis-
faction was somewhat discounted by the much
more cordial reception which was accorded the
Due de Berry, who arrived later in the evening,
while the King was at supper. As for Mon-
A ROSE OF SAVOY 403
seigneur, the difference in his attitude towards the
two young princes, as may be supposed, was even
more marked : towards the elder, he was decidedly
reserved ; towards the younger, as affectionate as it
was in his nature to be.
Three days later, the Due de Bourgogne had a
long audience of the King, for the purpose of
giving him an account of the recent campaign.
At its conclusion, the prince sent a note to Beau-
villiers, in which he informed him that, in accord-
ance with the advice of his ex-gouverneur, he had
"confessed his faults and spoken freely," and that
he had "reason to beheve that the King was
satisfied with him," since he had treated him
with great kindness, and had given him to un-
derstand that he should have the command of
an army in the next campaign, if such were his
wish.^
A day or two after this audience, the Due de
Bourgogne went to Meudon, where a long con-
versation with Monseigneur and Mile, de Choin
ended in a partial reconciliation between father
and son.
For this happy result the diplomacy of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne was mainly responsible. For
some time the princess had shown her morganatic
mother-in-law so much consideration, that she
had quite won that lady's heart, and had, moreover,
persuaded Madame de Maintenon to follow her
example. Grateful for these attentions. Mile, de
Choin began to regret having permitted the cabal
to bring about an estrangement between Mon-
seigneur and his eldest son, and determined to
1 Marquis de Vogiie, le Due de Bourgogne et le Due de Beauvilliers.
404 A ROSE OF SAVOY
employ her good of&ces to heal the breach ; and,
as her influence over the feeble prince was very
great, she was in a measure successful.
The enemies of the Due de Bourgogne had
been much disappointed by the comparatively
favourable reception which Louis xiv had accorded
his eldest grandson. They counted, however, on
recovering their lost ground when Vendome arrived,
since, if his reception by the King were a cordial one,
which, after making due allowance for the near
relationship of the Due de Bourgogne to his Majesty,
could not certainly be said of that extended to
the prince, the whole Court would be obliged to
regard the King's attitude as a tacit condemnation
of the Due de Bourgogne's conduct in the late
campaign, and to trim their sails accordingly.
On December 15, Vendome arrived at Versailles,
just as Louis xiv was rising from the dinner-table.
The King received him " very agreeably," but not
quite so cordially as the cabal had hoped ; and,
when his Majesty told him that he would postpone
the audience which the duke requested until the
following day, their faces clouded visibly.
As the Dauphin had gone hunting, Vendome
went next to pay his respects to the Due de Bour-
gogne. The prince, though by this time fully
informed of all the allegations which the general
and his friends had brought against him, received
him courteously, for it was contrary to his nature,
or rather to the principles by which he guided his
life, to harbour maUce, and, as his letters to his
friends prove, he already regretted the irritation
which had prompted him after Oudenarde to write
in strong terms of Vendome's conduct.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 405
Presently Monseigneur returned from the chase,
and Vendome hastened to wait upon him in the
Princesse de Conti's apartments, which were the
stronghold of the cabal at Versailles. The Dauphin
greeted him very cordially indeed, but, when he
begged the prince to honour him by a visit to his
country-house at Anet, which would, of course,
have been regarded as a public declaration in his
favour, Monseigneur, who had evidently received
a hint from the King, seemed very embarrassed,
and asked to be excused from giving an immediate
answer. This reply aroused general surprise, and
Vendome, greatly mortified, soon took his de-
parture. Saint-Simon met him in the gallery,
on his way to visit the Due du Maine, and noted
with satisfaction that he seemed in a far from
amiable temper.
Next day, Vendome had his promised audience
of the King, but it was a comparatively brief one,
and his Majesty subsequently showed plainly that
it was his intention at present to favour neither
party, being of opinion that both were equally to
blame for the reverses in Flanders. This was, of
course, very far from what Vendome had expected,
and, after remaining a week at Versailles, where
" his Abbe Alberoni presented himself at the King's
Mass, in the character of a courtier, with unparalleled
effrontery," ^ he took himself off to Anet. His
departure seems to have been hastened by the
circumstance that he had not been able to summon
up sufficient courage to wait upon the Duchesse
de Bourgogne, as etiquette required him to do,
and that it was impossible for him to remain longer
1 Saint-Simon.
4o6 A ROSE OF SAVOY
at Court, without paying his respects to the first
Princess of the Blood.
Before leaving, he invited a number of persons
to visit him at Anet. Twelve months before, such
invitations had been not only eagerly accepted,
but actually contended for, even by the greatest
nobles. Now, however, it was very different,
since to accept would have been openly to espouse
the cause of one party in a dispute in which
the King had postponed judgment. " Some ex-
cused themselves from going," says Saint-Simon ;
" others promised to go, and did not. Every
one made a difi&culty about a journey of fifteen
leagues, which the year before had been con-
sidered as easy and as necessary as that of
Marly. Anet was deserted. The Due — or rather
the Duchesse — de Bourgogne had scored the first
point in the game.
The young couple, however, stood sorely in
need of some encouragement, for, if fear of the King
imposed silence on their enemies at Versailles, in
Paris they could say and write what they pleased ;
and the scribes of the cabal continued to assail in the
most violent manner " this devot, this shuttlecock-
player, this poltroon, trembling at the mere sound
of a cannon " — who had brought disaster and
disgrace upon the arms of France. The theo-
logical opponents of Fenelon, perceiving an oppor-
tunity of striking at the master through the pupil,
joined in the attack : —
Cambray reconnais ton pupille,
II voit de sang-froid perdre Lille
Demeurant dans I'inaction.
Toujours severe et toujours triste,
A ROSE OF SAVOY 407
N'est-ce-pas la devotion
D'un veritable qui6tiste?i
Some of the rhymesters did not spare the
Duchesse de Bourgogne. They reminded her of
her former weakness for Nangis, and contrasted
the bravery which the supposed lover had shown
in Flanders with the conduct of the husband ;
accused her of rejoicing over the Duke of Savoy's
successes against France ; and, as there was some
talk at this time of Vendome being given the
command of the Army of Dauphine, declared that
she desired to ruin him, in order to prevent so
skilful a general being employed against her father.
Vendome remained at Anet until the beginning
of February, when he decided that his continued
absence from Court might be interpreted as a
confession of defeat, and, learning that Louis xiv
was about to pay one of his frequent visits to
Marly, solicited and obtained permission to be of
the party. An invitation to Marly was highly
prized, and never bestowed upon any but the most
favoured courtiers ; and his presence there, he
considered, would put an end to any rumours to
his detriment which might happen to be in cir-
culation ; while, as the rigid etiquette observed at
Versailles was relaxed on these occasions, he would
1 Viscount Saint-Cyres, in Ms work on Fenelon, has published a
translation of these verses, which is so excellent that we cannot
refrain from reproducing it : —
Acknowledge your pupil, my lord of Cambrai,
When Lille is blockaded, he's far from the fray ;
In action takes never a part.
His face is so doleful, his mien is so sad.
That — answer me— is not the sanctified lad
A Quietist after your heart ?
4o8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
be under no necessity of exposing himself to the
risk of a pubUc affront from the Duchesse de
Bourgogne.
But in this he was mistaken. One evening,
the Dauphin and the Duchesse de Bourgogne sat
down to play brelan, when, finding that their party
was a player short, Monseigneur sent for Vendome,
whom he perceived at the other end of the salon,
to come and take the vacant place. " Thereupon,"
writes Saint-Simon, " the Duchesse de Bourgogne
said quietly, but very distinctly, to Monseigneur,
that the presence of M. de Vendome at Marly was
already sufficiently painful to her, without being
obliged to play cards with him." Monseigneur,
who had acted on the spur of the moment, realised
his mistake, and, after a glance round the room,
called for some one else ; and, when Vendome came
up, he had the mortification of being sent away
again, and seeing the place which had been offered
him taken by another. " It may be imagined to
what extent this superb gentleman was stung by
this affront. He turned upon his heel, left the
salon as quickly as he could, and soon afterwards
retired to his own room, there to storm at his
leisure." ^
But he was only at the beginning of his morti-
fications, for, so soon as the card-party broke up,
the Duchesse de Bourgogne hastened to Madame
de Maintenon ; told her of what had just occurred ;
declared that, after aU the calumnies which Vendome
and his friends had circulated about her husband,
the mere fact of his being invited to Marly, implying
as it did that he still enjoyed the favour and con-
' Saint-Simon, MSmoires.
MARIE AD£;LAiDE OF SAVOY, DUCHESSE DE BOURGOGNE, AS DIANA
FROM THE STATUE BY COVZEVOX IN THE LOUVRE
A ROSE OF SAVOY 409
fidence of his sovereign, was intolerable to her ;
and ended by entreating the old lady to use her
influence with the King to exclude him in future.
Madame de Maintenon consented, and depicted
the princess's distress in such moving terms to
the King, that, the very next morning, his Majesty
sent his first valet de chamhre Blouin to inform
Vendome that he must no longer expect to be
invited to Marly, since his presence there was
distasteful to the Duchesse de Bourgogne, and it
would be unfair to put such a constraint upon her.
Bitterly mortified, Vendome immediately retired
to the house of one of his friends at Clichy ; but,
learning that his abrupt departure had given rise
to a report that he had been expelled from Marly,
he returned there two days before the visit con-
cluded, to save appearances, and remained to the
end, " in a continual shame and embarrassment."
This reverse was soon followed by another.
Although excluded from Marly, Meudon was still
open to him ; and, as he had a standing invitation
to go as often as he pleased, he now took advantage
of it whenever Monseigneur happened to be there,
in order to show that, if the King had been weak
enough to sacrifice him to the enmity of the
Duchesse de Bourgogne, he was still as high in
favour as ever with the heir to the throne.
Now, since the partial reconciliation between
the Dauphin and his eldest son, the Due and
Duchesse de Bourgogne had become frequent
visitors to Meudon ; and they were exceedingly
annoyed to find Vendome invariably a member
of the house-party, and still more by the manner
in which he behaved. " To see him at Meudon,
4IO A ROSE OF SAVOY
you would have certainly believed him the master
of the salon. . . . He never failed audaciously
to present himself before the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne, as if to make her realise that in Mon-
seigneur's house, at all events, he was a match
for her." The Due de Bourgogne supported this
— " his piety compelled him to do so " — ^but the
duchess was mortally offended, and watched her
opportunity to close the doors of Meudon against
Vendome, as she had already closed those of
Marly. She had not long to wait.
About two months after the incident we have
just related, Louis xiv, Madame de Maintenon,
and the Duchesse de Bourgogne came to Meudon
to dine with Monseigneur. Vendome, who was,
as usual, staying there, had the effrontery to
present himself at the door of the coach as the
King and his companions alighted, in order to
compel the princess to salute him. Deeply
offended, the Duchesse de Bourgogne gave him
only a mere pretence of a bow, turned away her
head, and passed into the house. Instead of
taking warning by this rebuff, the duke had the
imprudence to approach the lady again after
dinner, as she was playing cards, only to experi-
ence the same kind of reception, which, however,
was on this occasion so very marked, that he was
obliged to retire from the room to hide his con-
fusion. As for the princess, she had recourse
to the same tactics which had served her so well
at Marly, and, after complaining to the Dauphin
of the conduct of his guest, she addressed herself
to Madame de Maintenon, and, through her,
to Louis XIV, " representing how hard it was
A ROSE OF SAVOY 411
for her to be treated by Monseigneur with less
consideration than by the King, for, while the
latter had banished M. de Vendome from Marly,
the former continued to receive him at Meudon."
Nor were her complaints unheeded, for, the
following day, while Vendome, all unsuspicious
of the storm which was impending, was playing
cards at Meudon, the Due d'Antin arrived from
Versailles, drew him into an adjoining room, on
the pretext of discussing some private business,
with which, he said, Vendome had entrusted him,
and told him that he had been instructed by the
King " to beg Monseigneur not to invite him to
Meudon any more, as he himself had ceased to
invite him to Marly, since his presence displeased
the Duchesse de Bourgogne."
The astonishment and wrath of Vendome may
be imagined ; but from the order of the master
there was no appeal ; and when, a few days later,
the return of Monseigneur to Versailles broke
up the house-party, Meudon, like Marly, saw
him no more. Nor did he venture to present
himself at Versailles, fearing that the implacable
princess might cause him to be driven from there
also — though it is unlikely that Louis xiv would
have proceeded to this extremity, so long as the
duke conducted himself with discretion — but
retired to one of his country-houses, where he
found himself completely abandoned.
The fall of " this enormous Colossus " — as
Saint-Simon terms him — immensely increased the
prestige of the Duchesse de Bourgogne. The
Court realised that she must no longer be regarded
as a spoiled child to be flattered and amused.
412 A ROSE OF SAVOY
but as an able and courageous young woman,
who would prove herself a powerful friend and a
redoubtable enemy. " All who were attached to
her," says Saint-Simon, " were charmed to see
of what she was capable ; and all who were
opposed to her or her husband trembled. This
cabal, so formidable, so swollen with pride, so
accredited, so closely united in order to over-
throw them, and reign, after the King's death,
under Monseigneur, in their place — those chiefs,
male and female, so enterprising, so audacious,
who, owing to their success, had hoped for such
great things, and whose imperious words had
reduced every one to subjection, fell now into
mortal discouragement and fear. It was a
pleasure to see them artfully and basely making
overtures to those of the opposite party whom
they believed to possess any influence, and whom
their arrogance had caused them to hate and
despise ; and particularly to see with what em-
barrassment, what fear, what terror, they began
to crawl before the young princess, and despicably
to court the Due de Bourgogne, employing towards
them all kind of obsequiousness."
Saint-Simon has here somewhat exaggerated
the gravity of the defeat which the cabal had
sustained, for, though the weaker-kneed members,
and all the time - serving courtiers whom its
momentary success had drawn into its ranks,
hastened to make their peace with the victor, its
leaders, some of whom had compromised them-
selves beyond all hope of pardon, continued to
meet and conspire at Meudon, until the death of
Monseigneur came to shatter their hopes.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 413
As for Vendome, he had not yet reached the
end of his troubles. Regarding the disgrace into
which he had fallen as due solely to the enmity
of the Duchesse de Bourgogne, and, in the belief
that the King was still inclined to accept his
explanation of the reverses of the previous year,
he flattered himself that he would be given the
command of an army in the ensuing campaign,
when another Luzzara or Calcinato might enable
him to regain the brilliant position which his
pride and arrogance had cost him. He was soon
undeceived.
It will be remembered that, in his despatches
after Oudenarde, Vendome had made a bitter
attack on the Marquis de Puysegur, to whose
influence with the Due de Bourgogne he had
attributed the loss of that battle, and in the con-
versation which he had with the King on his
return from Flanders, he had repeated his com-
plaints against that officer, whom he charged
with having several times thwarted his plans.
Unfortunately for the duke, in April 1709,
Puysegur, whose military duties had retained
him on the frontier during the winter, reappeared
at Versailles, and had a private audience of the
King, who held him in high esteem, and felt that
it was only just to hear his version of the matter.
Informed of the charges made against him by
Vendome, Puysegur not only defended himself
successfully, but carried the war into his accuser's
camp, and gave the King a full and detailed account
of all the faults committed by that personage
from the very beginning of the campaign. It
was no longer possible for the King to doubt that
414 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Vendome had grossly deceived him, for Puysegur
was a man of the highest integrity, and his state-
ments were corroborated by reports which reached
him from other quarters. A few days later,
Vendome was informed that he would cease to
enjoy the emoluments of a lieutenant-general on
the active list.
Subsequent events were to prove that, in
refusing to avail himself any longer of Vendome's
services, Louis xiv committed a grave mistake,
though it is one for which he can scarcely be
blamed. The sword which his own King had
rejected was eagerly demanded by the King of
Spain in the following year ; and, by one of the
most brilliant campaigns in the whole war, Ven-
dome completely rehabiUtated his own military
reputation and the fortunes of Philip v, at least
so far as Spain itself was concerned.
Burning to remove the stigma under which
he rested, he exerted himself to the utmost; and
seldom in military history shall we find a greater
contrast than that between the extraordinary
inertia which he had displayed in Flanders and the
almost incredible activity which preceded the
battles of Brihuega and Villa-Viciosa.^ The
1 " At this crisis, Vendome was all himself. He set out from
Talavera with his troops, and pursued the retreating army of the
Allies with a speed perhaps never equalled in such a season, and
in such a country. He marched night and day. He swam, at the
head of his cavalry, the flooded stream of Henares, and in a few
days overtook Stanhope, who was at Brihuega, with the left wing
of the Allied Army. ' Nobody with me,' says the English general,
' imagined that they had any foot within some days' march of us,
and our misfortune is owing to the incredible diligence which their
army made ' " — ^Macaulay, Essay on Lord Mahon's " War of the
Succession in Spain."
A ROSE OF SAVOY 415
grateful Philip overwhelmed Vendome with
honours, but the victorious general did not live
long to enjoy them, as eighteen months later
(June 15, 1712) he died at Vifiaroz, in Valencia,
from an illness which, if we are to believe Saint-
Simon, was caused by a surfeit of stale fish. The
King of Spain ordered public mourning, and
caused the remains to be brought to Madrid and
buried in the vaults of the Escurial.
CHAPTER XXII
The winter of 1708 -1709 — Misery of the people — Generosity
of the Due de Bourgogne, who inspires his wife with a desire to
follow his example — Refusal of Louis xiv to allow the Due de
Bourgogne to serve as a simple ofi&cer in the Army of the Rhine —
Birth of the Due d'Anjou (afterwards Louis xv) — The marriage
of the Due de Berry — The King gives the Duchesse de Bourgogne
the entire control of her Household
THE news that Vendome's services would not
be required for the campaign of 1709, which
was soon followed by the announcement
that the Due de Bourgogne had been given the
command of the Army of the Rhine, with the
Marechal d'Harcourt to advise him, indicated
clearly Louis xiv's opinion as to where the re-
sponsibility for the defeat of Oudenarde and the
loss of Lille lay, and gave a great impetus to the
reaction in the prince's favour at the Court which
the Duchesse de Bourgogne' s discomfiture of his
traducer had already started. Among the general
public, with whom Vendome had long enjoyed
immense popularity, this change of feeling was
naturally more gradual, though it cannot be doubted
that it would have been considerably accelerated,
if the Due de Bourgogne had not so rigorously
observed the Scriptural precept concerning the
secrecy of almsgiving.
The winter of 1708-1709 was one of the most
416
A ROSE OF SAVOY 417
terrible which France had ever experienced ; " the
memory of man could find no parallel to it." ^
Until the end of the first week of January, the
weather had been unusually warm for the time of
year, and in the southern provinces the trees were
in bud, and it seemed as though spring had already
come. But then the thermometer began to fall
rapidly, and the most intense cold prevailed. " In
four days the Seine and all the other rivers were
frozen over, and, what had never been seen before,
the sea froze all along the coasts, so as to bear
even heavily-laden carts upon it." ^ This Arctic
weather lasted for three weeks, when it was suc-
ceeded by a thaw, and it was hoped that the worst
was over. The contrary was the fact, for in a
few days the cold set in with greater severity than
ever, accompanied by a heavy faU of snow and
biting winds, which greatly increased the suffering.
In Paris, the Opera and the other theatres
closed their doors, and the law courts suspended
their sittings, for neither presidents nor councillors
could sit in them, on account of the cold. At
Versailles, the great state-rooms and galleries were
absolutely uninhabitable, and the shivering courtiers
fled from these gilded ice-houses to their own apart-
ments, where, however, the wood-fires, " which,"
says Madame, " scorched the face without warming
the body," afforded them but little protection.
According to Saint-Simon, " the violence of the
two frosts was such, that the strongest elixirs and
the most spirituous liquors broke their bottles in
the cupboards of rooms with fires in them " ; and
he relates how, supping one evening with the
1 Saint-Simon.
27
41 8 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Due de Villeroy, in a small room which was only
separated from the kitchen by a little ante-chamber,
they saw pieces of ice fall into their glasses as the
wine was poured out, though the bottles had been
brought from the kitchen. Many persons at the
Court fell ill of pneumonia and kindred diseases,
and several cases ended fatally, among the victims
being Louis xiv's old flame, the Princesse de Soubise/
and the Marechale de la Mothe, formerly gouver-
nante to the Due de Bourgogne and his brothers.
If such were the condition of the great, it is
easy to conceive what must have been the sufferings
of the poor. In Paris, Madame declares that " the
people died from the cold like flies," and that
" every morning one heard of persons who had
been found frozen to death " ; while among the
wretched ill-clad peasants in their tumbledown
hovels, where the unglazed windows let in all the
cold, the mortality was frightful.
To frost succeeded famine, for the cold had
been so intense that it had ruined everything.
"There were no walnut-trees, no olive-trees, no
vines left — none, at least, worth mentioning ; the
other fruit-trees died in great numbers, the vege-
tables perished, and all the grain in the earth. It
is impossible to imagine the desolation of this
general ruin." ^ The price of bread rose in pro-
portion to the despair for the next harvest ; soon it
was beyond the means of all but the comparatively
well-to-do. The evil was aggravated by speculation
and by a monstrous edict which prohibited the
' On the Princesse de Soubise and her relations with Louis xiv,
see the author's "Madame de Montespan."
' Saint-Simon.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 419
sowing of spring corn. This was subsequently
revoked, but too late to undo the harm it had
wrought.^ The Government, indeed, seemed power-
less to cope with the situation, and the ordinances
it issued did more harm than good, while the King,
by forbidding the Parlements to take steps against
the monopolists, because of his jealousy of the
smallest encroachment on the royal prerogative,
did much to encourage the heartless speculators
who were battening on the miseries of their country-
men. " The dearth is frightful," wrote Madame.
" One cannot go out without being followed by
people who are black with hunger. Everywhere
one sees people dropping, literally dead of starva-
tion." Food-riots broke out in several towns ;
in Paris, chansons, leaflets, and placards attacking
Chamillart, Madame de Maintenon, and even the
King circulated freely ; and a disturbance among
the starving labourers employed on some relief-
works near the Porte Saint-Martin, owing to their
not receiving the bad bread which was their only
wage, might have developed into a regular insurrec-
tion, but for the courage and tact of gallant old
Boufflers.
The kind heart of the Due de Bourgogne was
deeply touched by the misery of the people. If
he, instead of his grandfather, had been at the head
of the State, there can be little doubt, from the
projects of reform which were found among his
papers after his death, that prompt and effective
measures would have been taken to alleviate the
distress. But his views were far too much in
advance of his time to have found favour with
: t '■ Michelet, Histoire de France.
420 A ROSE OF SAVOY
Louis XIV and his Ministers, even if he had ventured
to express them ; and the only way in which he
could show his sympathy with the sufferers was by
assisting them from his own purse.
And this he did to an extent which no one but
his most intimate friends, and the clergy through
whom his alms were distributed, were ever allowed
to suspect. " He was so convinced of the obliga-
tion of almsgiving," writes the author of a little
book entitled Memoire des principales actions de
vertu qu'une personne de probiti a remarquees dans
Monseigneur le Dauphin, who is believed to have
been the Abbe Huchon, at that time cur6 of Ver-
sailles, " that he has often told me that I should
answer before God for the poor of Versailles who
were perishing for want of assistance, if I did not
warn him of their pressing needs. It was in this
spirit that in the year 1709, in which, owing to the
high price of food, they suffered more than in any
other, he often gave them all the money he had,
without keeping back anything."
The accounts found in the Due de Bourgogne's
desk after his death prove that the writer does not
exaggerate the extent of the prince's generosity,
since they revealed that, out of the 12,000 livres
a month which the King allowed his grandson for
his private expenses, he had been in the habit of
reserving only 1000 for his own needs ; the rest
he dispensed in charity.
Nor did his self-denial end here, Proyart tells
us that he would willingly have stripped his apart-
ments of every article of value which they con-
tained,''and soldfthem for the 'benefit of the poor,
if he had not reflected that they were really the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 421
property of the King. He possessed, however, a
fine collection of gems, of which he was an ardent
connoisseur, and this of course he could dispose of
as he pleased. " By degrees, he parted with the
most valuable, but he had retained some of them.
Precisely in this year 1709, the cur6 of Versailles
having come to inform him that the misery still
continued, he took him into his cabinet and handed
him his gems. ' Monsieur le Cure,' said he, ' since
we have no money, and the poor are dying of hunger,
die ut lapides isti panes fiant ' ; and the stones were
changed into bread." ^
The same writer relates that the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, who was inclined to be extravagant
and was frequently in debt, did not at first alto-
gether approve of the excessive generosity of her
husband. One day, when her finances happened
to be at an unusually low ebb, she ventured to
suggest that she herself might not be an unworthy
object of his charity. The prince, instead of
refusing her, wrote out a list of the persons whom
he proposed to assist, with the sums he desired
each to receive. This he gave to his wife, telling
her that she might strike out the names of any
one whose need appeared to her less urgent than
her own and keep the money herself. The
princess sat down and took up a pen, with the
intention of materially reducing the number of
the duke's pensioners, many of whom she did
not doubt had been imposing on his benevolence.
But when she read the names — honest peasants
""■ ' Vie du Dauphin, p&re de Louis xv. Saint-Simon relates that
the prince sold, on another occasion, two little silver pails which
he used to cool his wine, and sent the money to the poor.
42 2 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of the neighbourhood whom the failure of their
crops had ruined, children whose parents had
perished of cold and hunger, widows whose husbands
had fallen at Blenheim, Ramillies, or Oudenarde —
the pen fell from her hand, and she handed back
the list, observing : " One must admit that all
these people are more to be pitied than I am."
This lesson was not lost upon the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, who had a kind heart, and only re-
quired a fuller acquaintance with the misery
around her to experience an immediate desire to
relieve it ; and, some time later, her husband
learned, to his great joy, that, without saying
anything to him about it, she had not only dis-
pensed a considerable sum in charity, but had
made arrangements for forty poor persons to be
fed every day at her expense during Lent.^
Greatly to his disappointment, the Due de
Bourgogne did not, after all, serve in the campaign
of 1709. The revocation of his appointment to
the command of the Army of the Rhine, how-
ever, was due to financial and not to military
reasons, the fact being that the exhausted Treasury
was found to be quite unable to support the heavy
expense of the entourage which Louis xiv con-
sidered indispensable to the princely dignity ;
and the King accordingly cancelled, not only his
grandson's appointment, but those of Monseigneur
to the Army of Flanders, and the Due d' Orleans to
the command in Spain.
According to Proyart, the Due de Bourgogne
entreated the King to permit him to go to the
army unaccompanied by any suite, declaring that
' Proyart, Vie du Dauphin, ptre de Louis xv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 423
he was perfectly willing to live as a simple officer
and endure all the hardships of a soldier's life.
Such an example could scarcely have failed to
produce an excellent effect upon the troops, and
would have gone far to remove the unfortunate
impression which the prince had made in the
previous campaign. But Louis xiv was of opinion
that for his grandson to go to the wars without
the usual train of equerries, grooms, and lackeys
would be most derogatory to his rank, and refused
to hear of it.
In the summer of that year, the Duchesse de
Bourgogne was again in an interesting condition,
and at the end of September we find her writing
to Madame Roy ale that she " hopes very much
to give her another grandson." Her hopes were
realised, and at a quarter-past eight on the morning
of February 15, 1710, the future Louis xv made
his entry into the world, and received the title of
Due d'Anjou. "He is the prettiest child in the
world," writes the proud mother, five weeks
later to Madame Roy ale, " and I hope that he
will become a beauty. Although it is of no con-
sequence when they grow up, one always prefers
to have a pretty child than an ugly one." ^
On the occasion of the birth of the second
Due de Bretagne in January 1707, Louis xiv, it
wiU be remembered, had forbidden all public
rejoicings ; but though, in the interval, the condition
of France had become even more deplorable, he
issued no such orders now, and the event was
celebrated by f6tes in Paris and a number of other
' Letter of March 24, 1710, in Gagnifere, Marie A dilaide de Savoie :
Leiires et Correspondances.
424 A'^ROSE OF SAVOY
towns. He was no doubt prompted by the same
reason which had caused him to insist on some
attempt being made to observe the Carnival of
the previous year at the Court, notwithstanding
the horrors of that terrible winter, namely, the
desire to present a bold front to his enemies and
to show to Europe that misfortune at home and
abroad had been powerless to quell the courage
of himself and his people. As for the nation, it
appears to have regarded the birth of a prince
of the direct line as a presage of returning peace
and prosperity, though one would have imagined
that the money expended by the municipalities
on fireworks, illuminations, and such like methods
of demonstrating their loyalty, might have been
more profitably employed in relieving the distress
in their midst.
The birth of the Uttle Due d'Anjou was soon
followed by another important event in the Royal
Family, and one which served to strengthen still
further the position of the Duchesse de Bourgogne
at the Court. Although the Due de Berry, the
youngest of Monseigneur's three sons, was now
twenty-four, an age at which most princes had
been married for several years, he was still un-
provided with a wife. In time of peace, a foreign
princess of suitable rank would long ago have been
found for him ; but for the past eight years the
chief Catholic States of Europe, with the exception
of Spain and Bavaria, where there were no
princesses of marriageable age, had been at war
with France, which had, of course, rendered such
an alliance out of the question. However, of
late the Due de Berry had begun to take so much
A ROSE OF SAVOY 425
pleasure in feminine society, that Louis xiv feared
that, if he did not marry him without delay, he
might engage in some liaison from which it would
be difficult to detach him, or possibly follow his
own and Monseigneur's example and contract a
morganatic union. In default of a foreign
princess, he therefore decided that he must espouse
a French one, that is to say, either Mile, de
Bourbon, elder daughter of Madame la Duchesse,^
or the eldest daughter of the Due and Duchesse
d' Orleans, who was called Mademoiselle, '^ since
they were the only princesses of marriageable age.
The question upon which of his grand-daughters
the King's choice would fall naturally aroused
the liveliest interest at the Court. In ordinary
circumstances, the fact that Mademoiselle was
the daughter of the head of the younger branch
of the Royal Family, while her cousin was only
the daughter of the first Prince of the Blood,
would have been generally regarded as sufficient
to entitle her to the preference. But the Due
d' Orleans was in very bad odour with the King,
owing to the intrigues for his own aggrandizement
which he had carried on with the Allies, when
commanding in Spain two years before, and his
debauched life ; he was disliked by Madame de
Maintenon, and simply detested by the Dauphin,
" who always displayed his hatred in the most
indecent manner." ^ Moreover, Mile, de Bourbon
was two years older than Mademoiselle, and there-
fore nearer the Due de Berry's age, and was by
1 Louise ]Elisabeth de Bourbon, called Mile, de Bourbon, born
November 22, 1693.
' Marie Louise filisabeth d'Orleans, bom August 20, 1695.
' Saint-Simon.
426 A ROSE OF SAVOY
far the more pleasing of thejtwo young ladies.
Most people therefore inclined to the belief that the
King's decision would be in her favour.
Now, the prospect of a match between the
Due de Berry and the daughter of Madame la
Duchesse was not one which the Duchesse de
Bourgogne could afford to regard with com-
placency. In the first place, it would probably
result in the Due de Berry, hitherto so much
attached to his eldest brother and to herself,
being drawn into the ranks of the opposing faction,
and would certainly strengthen the influence of
Madame la Duchesse over Monseigneur, who,
resenting the King's prohibition to receive Ven-
dome at Meudon, had again begun to treat both
the princess and her husband with marked cold-
ness. In the second place, she was well aware
of the power of novelty over Louis xiv's mind —
was not her own exceptional favour a signal ex-
ample of it ? — and feared that if a young, pretty,
and vivacious girl, hke Mile, de Bourbon, were
admitted to the King's circle, she might find in
her a dangerous rival. On the other hand, she
and her husband had nothing to fear from the
marriage of the Due de Berry with Mademoiselle.
They had always been on very friendly terms with
both the Due and Duchesse d' Orleans; while the
girl herself, though not unattractive in person, pos-
sessed none of the qualities which were likely to
appeal to the King.
If we are to believe Saint-Simon, it was he who
aroused the Duchesse de Bourgogne to a sense of
her " great duty to herself, which was perpetually
in danger of being stifled by the fictitious and
A ROSE OF SAVOY 427
petty duties of daily life," and he certainly seems
to have displayed almost superhuman energy in
the struggle which ensued, not even disdaining to
make use of his enemies the Jesuits, who, he con-
fesses, " became a powerful instrument." It may
be doubted, however, if " all the machines which
he regularly wound up in reciprocal cadence
every day " would have succeeded in breaking
down the aversion of Louis xiv, Madame de Main-
tenon, and Monseigneur to a marriage which would
so much increase the importance of a man whom
they all three regarded with aversion, had it not
been for the persistence and address with which
the Duchesse de Bourgogne seconded their efforts.
Repulsed at first, she returned again and again to
the charge, and at length her efforts were crowned
with success ; Monseigneur, pressed by the King,
gave a reluctant consent ; the Due de Berry, who
would appear to have been allowed very little
voice in the matter, intimated his willingness to
obey his Majesty ; and, on July 5, 1710, he and
Mademoiselle were married in the chapel of Ver-
sailles, with as much splendour as circumstances
would permit.
Both the Duchesse de Bourgogne and her ally,
Saint-Simon, soon had cause to regret their work,
and the latter confesses that, if he had only known
" the half-quarter— what do I say ?— the thous-
andth part of what we have unhappily been the
witnesses," he would have worked with even
greater zeal to prevent the marriage than he did
to bring it about. The young Duchesse de Berry,
who, until her brilliant position was assured, had
succeeded in conveying the impression that she
428 A ROSE OF SAVOY
was a damsel of a singularly modest and retiring
disposition, soon began to give the Court a glimpse
of those qualities which were to secure for her
such unenviable celebrity ; though it was not until
after the death of her husband and of Louis xiv,
that she gave her vices a free rein. Her talent for
dissimulation, however, seems to have enabled
her to conceal the dark side of her character from
the Due de Berry, who, uxorious, like both his
brothers, thought her, says Madame, " the prettiest
person in the world, and that Helen was not half
so beautiful " ^ — an opinion which he shared with
his father-in-law — and he was as wax in her hands.
At the' end'of that year, the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne received what was regarded as an extra-
ordinary proof of the King's favour and confidence.
Louis XIV announced that he was giving her the
entire control of the affairs of her Household, with
the disposal of all posts belonging to it which might
become vacant, a privilege which neither the Queen
nor the Bavarian Dauphine had enjoyed. Old
courtiers could scarcely bring themselves to believe
that his Majesty really intended this to be under-
stood in a literal sense, and Dangeau tells us that one
of them ventured to observe that he presumed the
princess would render an account to him of all that
she did. To which the King replied : " I have
sufficient trust in her not to wish her to render me
' Madame — who, it should be remembered, was the lady's grand-
mother— adds : " In point of jEact, she is not pretty, at all, either
in face or figure. She is thick-set, with long arms, and short hips ;
she walks badly, and is ungraceful in all her movements ; has a
discontented face ; is marked by smaU-pox ; has red eyes— Ught
blue in the iris — and a ruddy complexion, and looks much older
than she is. What is perfectly beautiful about her, is her throat,
her hands, and her arms, which are very white and well formed."
A ROSE OF SAVOY 429
any account whatever, and I leave her absolute
mistress of her Household. She would be capable
of more difficult and important matters than that."
This fresh mark of Louis xiv's affection doubt-
less served to console the Duchess de Bourgogne,
to some extent, for the disillusionment she was
experiencing over her new sister-in-law, who, so
far from showing any gratitude to the princess
who had done so much to promote her marriage,
had promptly gone over to the Meudon faction.
However, in the early spring of 1711, a tragic event
occurred, which broke up the cabal, and freed the
Duchesse de Bourgogne from all apprehensions
concerning her future position.
CHAPTER XXIII
I Illness and death of Monseigneur — Scene at Versailles on the
night of his death — Grief of the Due de Bourgogne — Funeral of
Monseigneur — The Due de Bourgogne becomes Dauphin — Division
of Monseigneur's property — Mile, de Choin— The Duchesse de
Bourgogne is accorded honours usually reserved for a Queen —
The Due de Bourgogne, encouraged by the dispersal of the cabal
and the confidence which the King shows in him, takes his natural
place in society — His extraordinary popularity — His antipathy
to the theatre — His projects of reform — Change in the conduct of
the Duchesse de Bourgogne — Her devotion to France — " I shall
be their Queen I "
WITH the exception of a short, but rather
alarming illness in Lent 1701, occasioned by
the consumption of an abnormal quantity of
fish, Monseigneur, who was now in his fiftieth year,
had since childhood enjoyed the most robust health,
and nothing seemed more certain than that he
would outlive the King, who had aged considerably
of late, and upon whom the fatigues and anxieties
of State were beginning to weigh very heavily.
However, it was ordained otherwise.
On April 8 — the Wednesday in Easter Week —
Monseigneur left Versailles for Meudon, where
he intended to pass some days. He was accom-
panied by the Duchesse de Bourgogne, who,
however, returned in the evening. On the way,
they met a priest, who was carrying the Host to
a sick person, and, alighting from their coach,
knelt down to adore. They then questioned the
A ROSE OF SAVOY 431
priest, and were told that the Sacrament was being
taken to a man who was lying dangerously ill of
small-pox, which was very prevalent just then.
Now, Monseigneur had already had the disease
but at so early an age, and in so mild a form, that
he was not considered proof against a second attack,
and he was terribly afraid of it. The answer he
received made him very uneasy, and in the evening
he observed to Boudin, his chief physician, that
he should not be surprised if he were to have
small-pox himself.
On the following morning, he rose early, with
the intention of going wolf-hunting, but, while
dressing, was seized with a sudden feeling of
faintness, and fell back into a chair. Boudin,
who was at once summoned, made him go to bed
again, and, of course, caused the King to be in-
formed. But, though his patient's temperature
was alarmingly high, he expressed the opinion that
there was no cause for uneasiness ; and Louis xiv,
concluding that the illness was but a slight one —
perhaps another attack of indigestion — did not
think it necessary to visit his son, and, in fact,
spent the afternoon at Marly. The Due and
Duchesse de Bourgogne, however, at once started
for Meudon, and remained all day in the sick-room,
" the princess joining to the strict duties of a
daughter-in-law all that her kindness could suggest,
and giving everything to Monseigneur with her
own hands," In the evening, they returned to
Versailles.
Next morning, Monseigneur was much worse,
and the nature of his malady could no longer be
doubted. Louis xiv, who had never had any fear
432 A ROSE OF SAVOY
of exposing himself to infection/ set out for Meudon
immediately after Mass, accompanied by Madame
de Maintenon and a small suite, having previously
forbidden the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne,
and all persons who had not had small-pox, to
follow him thither, with the exception of the
Ministers, who received orders to come every
morning.
At Meudon, the King installed himself in a
suite of rooms immediately above Monseigneur,
whom he visited several times a day, but never at
the same time as Mile, de Choin, who shared the
nursing of the sick man with the Princesse de
Conti, Madame la Duchesse, Madame d'Espinoy
and Mile, de Lillebonne, all of whom happened
to be at Meudon at the time when Monseigneur
had been taken ill, and had been permitted by the
King to remain.
At Versailles, meanwhile, the most intense
excitement prevailed ; the apartments of the Due
and Duchesse de Bourgogne could not contain the
people who flocked thither, many of whom be-
longed to the Meudon faction and had hitherto
held aloof from the young couple, but, in view of
the serious condition of Monseigneur, were now
feverishly anxious to' conciliate the prince who,
in a few hours' time, might be Dauphin of France.
" When the prince and princess rose, when they
retired to bed, when they dined and supped, all
public conversation, all meals, all assemblies, were
opportunities of paying court to them. The Due
1 Madame de Caylus tells us that when Madame la Duchesse was
ill with small-pox, at Fontamebleau, in the^autumn of 1684,^ the
King insisted on visiting her, although her father-in-law, the Great
Cond6, strove by[main force to prevent him entering the sick-room.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 433
and Duchesse de Berry were treated almost as no-
body. It was like the first gleamings of the dawn." ^
On the 13th, Monseigneur seemed better, and
insisted on receiving a deputation which the fish-
wives of Paris, with whom he was immensely
popular, had despatched to Meudon to inquire
how he was progressing. " They threw themselves
at the foot of the bed, which they kissed several
times, and, in their joy, declared that they would
return to Paris and have a Te Deum sung." But
Monseigneur, who appears to have taken a serious
view of his condition from the first, told them that
it was not yet time.
In point of fact, on the morrow, his illness
suddenly took a turn for the worse ; in the afternoon
he became unconscious, and about seven o'clock it
was seen that he was slowly sinking. But Fagon,
whom Louis xiv had brought with him to Meudon,
and who, according to Saint-Simon, had obstin-
ately opposed Boudin's suggestion that they should
call in another opinion from Paris, assured the
King that Monseigneur was in no immediate danger,
and allowed him to go to supper in complete ignor-
ance of the actual state of affairs. Just as he was
rising from the table, however, the physician
appeared and told him that the prince was dying.
The King immediately hurried to the sick-room,
declaring that he must see his son again ; but was
dissuaded from entering by the Princesse de Conti,
who met him in the ante-chamber, and assured him
that the dying man could recognise no one. He
accordingly sat down on a sofa in an adjoining room,
where he was presently joined by Madame de Main-
' Saint-Simon, MSmoires.
28
434 A ROSE OF SAVOY
tenon, who took a seat beside him and " tried to
weep." ^ She urged him to return to Versailles, as he
could do no good by remaining, but he refused to
move and stayed where he was, " without shedding
a tear, but shivering and trembling from head to
foot," * until the end came, soon after eleven o'clock.
Then, supported by Madame de Maintenon and
his daughters, he descended to the courtyard and
entered his carriage, but not before he had called
Pontchartrain and told him to inform the other
Ministers that the Council would meet the follow-
ing day at Marly, for, even at such a moment as
this, he refused to neglect the duties of monarchy.
As he drove away, a crowd of Monseigneur's officers
lined both sides of the courtyard, on their knees,
beseeching him to have compassion upon them, as
they had lost all and must die of hunger."
There are few more graphic pages in the
Mimoires of Saint-Simon than those in which he
has described the scene at Versailles that April
night, when the news arrived that the Dauphin
was in extremis : the sudden throwing open of
doors ; the hurried rising and dressing of those
who had retired to bed ; the rush of ladies in their
dressing-gowns to the apartments of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne ; the departure of the princess to
meet the King, at the Orangery, on his way from
Meudon to Marly ; her return with the news that
all was over ; the " sobs, cries, nay, even yells "
of the Due de Berry, to whose nose his wife kept
holding a bottle of smelling-salts ; the " furious,"
* Saint-Simon, Mimoifes.
' Letter of Madame de Maintenon to the Princess© des Ursins,
April 16, 171 1, in Gefiroy.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 435
but far from disinterested, grief of that lady ; the
Due de Bourgogne seated on a sofa, " weeping
the tears of nature, religion, and patience " ; the
duchess sitting by his side and endeavouring to
console him, " which was a less difficult task than
that of appearing herself in need of consolation " ;
the apparition of Madame in full Court costume —
she tells us herself that she never possessed a
robe de chambre — among the ladies en deshabille,
" flooding them all with her tears and making the
chateau resound with her cries " ; ^ the varied
emotions — hope, despair, rage, satisfaction — which
showed themselves on the faces of the courtiers ;
and the groans and tears of Monseigneur's servants,
" in despair at the loss of a master who seemed to
have been expressly created for them."
At length, the worthy Beauvilliers, whose coun-
tenance was absolutely impassive, though his joy
must have been as great as that which his friend
does not hesitate to confess, suggested that it was
time that the bereaved princes were left to them-
selves ; and the Court retired to rest, or rather to
speculate on the changes that must shortly take
place, since Saint-Simon teUs us that no one closed
an eye all night.
Although the late Dauphin had never at any
time had much affection for his eldest son, and of
late years, thanks to the machinations of the cabal,
had come to regard him with a dislike which he was
not always at pains to conceal, the Due de Bourgogne,
* And, only the previous day, according to the chronicler, she
had had a long conversation with him, in which she did not attempt
to conceal her disappointment at the news that Monseigneur's
illness had taken a favourable turn, and that he seemed likely to get
over it.
436 A ROSE OF SAVOY
as the testimony of his contemporaries and his own
letters prove, was much affected by his father's
death/ and was unwell for some days afterwards.
The duchess, on the other hand, could scarcely be
expected to feel any sorrow for the death of the man
who had permitted himself to be made the pawn
of the faction which had so nearly contrived to
ruin her husband, and the prospect of whose
succession to the throne she had regarded with the
gravest apprehension. According to Saint-Simon,
she " found extreme difficulty in keeping up appear-
ances," and she must have been greatly relieved
when she was no longer required to simulate grief.
Owing to the infectious state of the body of
the deceased prince, the honours which would
otherwise have been rendered to him were dis-
pensed with, and, on the evening of the 15th,
the coffin was placed in one of his own carriages,
and followed by another containing the Due de la
Tremoille, one of the Gentlemen of the Chamber,
the Bishop of Metz, Monseigneur's chief almoner,
the Marquis de Dreux, Grand Master of the Cere-
monies, and one of the almoners of the King, and
escorted by twelve guards, a few footmen, and
twenty-four of the King's pages bearing torches, con-
veyed to Saint-Denis, and lowered into the royal
vault, without any ceremony. " Voild ou se termine
toute grandeur !" observes Madame de Maintenon.^
Few more singular illustrations of the vital
1 Madame de Maintenon, writing on April i6 to the Princesse
des Ursins, describes him as " benumbed, pale as death, speaking
not a word, and raising his eyes to Heaven."
'Letter to the Princesse des Ursins, April i6, 171 1. The
solemn obsequies, however, were celebrated at Saint-Denis on
A ROSE OF SAVOY 437
importance attached to questions of etiquette
at the Court of Louis xiv are to be found than
the fact that, on the very morrow of his only son's
death, the King considered it necessary to summon
his Ministers to a conference, in order to decide
upon the future title of the Due de Bourgogne.
The main question at issue was whether he was
to bear the title of Dauphin, which belonged,
strictly speaking, to the eldest son of the sovereign,
and not necessarily to the heir-apparent to the
throne, or that of Monseigneur, which was that
which his father had always borne, although no
one seemed quite to know how the practice of
calling him thus had originated. All present
were of opinion that the Due de Bourgogne should
take the title of Dauphin, in preference to the
other, which Louis xiv now declared ought never
to have been used. It was also decided, though
not until after a good deal of discussion, that the
new Dauphin was to be referred to as " Mon-
sieur le Dauphin," addressed in letters as
" Monseigneur le Dauphin," and in conversation
as " Monsieur." The Duchesse de Bourgogne
would, of course, be referred to as " Madame la
Dauphine."
Louis XIV offered his grandson the magnificent
pension of 50,000 livres a month which Mon-
seigneur had enjoyed as heir-apparent. But the
prince declined it, observing that he was quite
content with the 12,000 livres which he already
possessed, and asked that the vacant pension
June 18, and at Notre-Dame on July 3, on both of which occasions
the Due de Bourgogne wore a mourning mantle, the train of which
was twelve ells long.
438 A ROSE OF SAVOY
might be applied to the needs of the State — an
act of disinterestedness which greatly pleased
the public. The King attached to the hew
Dauphin's person the menins of Monseigneur and
the same number of guards which that prince
had had ; and, from motives of kindness rather
than from any other reason, the duke took into
his service a number of his father's old servants.
His Household and entourage were thus consider-
ably increased, but, in other respects, he continued
to live very much as he had done during Mon-
seigneur's lifetime.
With the exception of his two estates of
Meudon and Chaville, both of which he had in-
herited from la Grande Mademoiselle, and a valu-
able collection of gems and curios, Monseigneur
had left little behind him. The landed property
fell to the share of the Due de Bourgogne, while
the gems and curios were divided between the
King of Spain and the Due de Berry ; but part of
the collection had to be sold to defray the deceased
prince's debts, which were considerable.
Monseigneur does not appear to have made any
provision for Mile, de Choin, but this was no
doubt in accordance with that lady's own wishes,
since, some three years before, when he had pro-
posed to bequeath her a considerable part of
his property, and had actually executed a will
to that effect, she had persuaded him to destroy it.
After her husband's death, she withdrew to Paris,
where she lived in retirement for the rest of her days.
The King granted her a pension of 12,000 livres,
which the Duchesse de Bourgogne endeavoured,
but unsuccessfully, to persuade him to increase.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 439
The new rank of the Duchesse de Bourgogne
was marked by several important changes in the
etiquette of her everyday Ufe. During the Ufe-
time of Monseigneur, the Dues de Bourgogne
and de Berry had been on a footing of equahty,
and, when the latter married, the same honours
had been accorded to his wife as to the Duchesse
de Bourgogne. Now, however, that the elder
brother had become heir apparent to the Crown,
Louis XIV decided that the difference in their
respective positions and that of their wives must be
clearly defined, and directed that at the Dauphin's
lever the Due de Berry shoiild hand him his shirt,
and that at the Dauphine's toilette the Duchesse
de Berry should hand her her chemise. The
Due de Berry raised no difficulty about this,
but his wife was furious at the idea of being thus
publicly placed in a position of inferiority to her
sister-in-law, and vowed that nothing should
induce her to undertake what she stigmatised
as a menial service, and that, if her husband
consented to so debase himself, she should hold
him henceforth in the most supreme contempt.
The poor prince, after vainly endeavouring to
bring her to a more reasonable frame of mind,
had recourse to the good offices of the Due
d' Orleans, who eventually succeeded in per-
suading his daughter to submit to the orders of
the King, though it was not until several days
later that the young lady condescended to present
herself at the Dauphine's toilette and perform the
duty required of her. The Duchesse de Bourgogne,
who desired to live at peace with her sister-in-law,
prudently refrained from any remark upon the
440 A ROSE OF SAVOY
latter's absence on previous occasions, and " acknow-
ledged her services with all the grace imaginable
and all the most natural marks of affection." ^
Not content with directing that the new
Dauphine should be accorded all the honours
which belonged to that rank, Louis xiv decided
that she should also enjoy several of those which
had hitherto been reserved for the Queens of
France, and that when she dined au grand couvert,
she should be served in precisely the same manner
as Maria Theresa. In fact, during the few months
of life that remained to her, the Duchesse de
Bourgogne seems to have been queen in every-
thing but the name.
And the change in the outward position of
the young couple was accompanied by an inner,
personal change, which, in the case of the Due de
Bourgogne, was as astonishing as it was gratifying.
The death of Monseigneur and the consequent
dispersal of the cabal of Meudon, removed the
most blighting influence on the young prince's
life, and one which had been responsible, indirectly,
as well as directly, for much of his unpopularity.
So long as his father lived and the cabal flourished,
it was impossible for him to be otherwise than
timid and constrained in public, aware as he was
that he was surrounded by enemies ever on the
watch to catch him tripping, to turn his smallest
indiscretion to account. This, joined to his
studious and devotional habits, had combined to
inspire him with a positive distaste for social
intercourse, and prevented him from taking his
natural part in the life of the Court.
1 Saint-Simon, Mimoires.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 441
But now he need fear no more. There was
no longer a prince in the prime of life and robust
health between him and the throne ; his foot
was already on its highest step, and, in the natural
course of events, a few years — perhaps a very
few — would see him ascend it. His enemies had
melted away ; in their places he beheld only
obsequious friends ; what had been sneered at
as the intolerance of a bigot, was now belauded
as the virtue of a saint ; what had been ascribed
to poltroonery, was now attributed to prudence
and foresight ; the Court hastened to bow down
before its coming master.
And it was not only in the attitude of the Court
that he saw a change. The King, who, since the
unfortunate campaign in Flanders had been some-
what cold in his manner towards his eldest grandson,
at once began to treat him with marked gracious-
ness. Grieved though he had been by the death
of Monseigneur, he knew that his own loss had
been an immeasurable gain to France, who would
now have as her future ruler not a phlegmatic,
indolent prince, with no taste and no capacity for
government, but an industrious and conscientious
young man, who had already shown a grasp of
affairs far beyond his years. Louis xiv had com-
mitted colossal errors, for which France had paid
dearly and was to pay more dearly still, but no
one will attempt to deny that, according to his
narrow lights, he had performed his public duties
unflinchingly, and sincerely desired the welfare of
his subjects ; and it was an immense satisfaction
to him to reflect that the heir to his throne possessed
a no less keen appreciation of the obUgations of
442 A ROSE OF SAVOY
kingship. " Here," said he, as he presented the
new Dauphin to the Assembly of the Clergy, " is
the prince who will soon succeed me, and who,
by his virtue and his piety, will render the Church
still more flourishing, and the kingdom still more
happy." ^ And, to show his confidence in his
grandson, he broke through all the traditions of
his reign, and practically admitted him to a share
of that authority which he had hitherto so jealously
guarded, by " ordering the Ministers to work with
the Dauphin whenever sent for, and, whether sent
for or not, to make him acquainted with all public
affairs." ^
In circumstances so favourable, the Due de
Bourgogne rapidly acquired that ease and con-
fidence in social intercourse, the absence of which
his well-wishers had so long deplored. Instead
of shutting himself up in his cabinet, he mingled
freely in the life of the world about him, and lost
no opportunity of making himself acquainted with
his future subjects. Instead of being timid and
reserved in conversation, he spoke easily and
naturally to every one, and gained all hearts by his
good-humour, courtesy, and tact. " One beheld,"
writes Saint-Simon, " this prince diffident, un-
sociable, self-centred, a stranger in his own house,
embarrassed everywhere, become little by Uttle
easy, dignified, gay, agreeable, presiding over the
^ Dangeau.
' Saint-Simon. The writer represents the Ministers as " be-
wildered " by this order and " unable to hide their astonishment
and discomfiture." But his hatred and contempt for these " mar-
pMix de l'£tat " is well known ; and it seems more probable that
they welcomed the opportunity thus afforded them of ingratiating
themselves with their future master.
? 5
c ^'^
^-- ^
f a: >
c ^ -
A ROSE OF SAVOY 443
groups gathered about him, Uke the divinity of a
temple, who receives with kindness the homage to
which he is accustomed, and recompenses the
mortals who offer it with his kindly regard."
Now, too, the fruit of the years of earnest study
began to reveal itself, and those who knew him
little marvelled at the wide and varied knowledge
which he had acquired. History, politics, science,
finance, he discoursed upon them all, not in the
manner of a pedant, but in a light and pleasant
way, which charmed while it instructed ; and
people sometimes in gathering about him were
less anxious to pay their court, than to listen to
the conversation of a man so cultured and widely
read.
The prince's popularity increased by leaps and
bounds. "From the Court to Paris," says Saint-
Simon, " and from Paris to the depths of the pro-
vinces, his reputation flew so rapidly that the
few people formerly attached to the Dauphin asked
one another if they could believe what was reported
from all sides." Saint-Simon, however, admits that
this astonishing change in public opinion was " not
entirely due to the marvellous qualities of the
young prince," and that a natural reaction against
the hostile feeling towards him that had been
excited by the cabal, and the hope that his accession
would be the dawn of a more prosperous era,
largely contributed to it.
If the Due de Bourgogne abandoned the almost
cloistral seclusion in which he had hitherto lived,
it must not be supposed that he relaxed, to any
appreciable extent, the severity of his religious
principles. It is true that Madame, writing in
444 A ROSE OF SAVOY
May 1711, declares that he now " preaches little,"
meaning that he no longer endeavoured to persuade
his friends to look at matters of religion from his
own standpoint ; but in other respects there was
very little change. He still, for example, regarded
the theatre with a jaundiced eye, declined to
receive a deputation from the Comedie-Fran5aise,
and refused to attend a State performance there,
" because the best theatre for a dauphin's energy
was the improvement of the provinces." " But
what will you do ? " said Madame de Maintenon
to him one day, " when you become the master ?
Will you prohibit operas, comedies, and other
plays ? Many people are of opinion that, if they
were stopped, their place would be supplied by
even more reprehensible amusements." " I should
weigh carefuUy the arguments for and against," he
replied. " I should examine the inconveniences,
which might arise in either eventuality, and then
I should choose the course which would entail
the least." ^ And Proyart gives it as his opinion,
that, if he had come to the throne, he would only
have allowed the continued existence of the theatre,
on condition of " reforming it on the model of the
pieces played at Saint-Cyr." ^
We shall not attempt to discuss here the various
projects for the reform of Church and State which
have been attributed to the Due de Bourgogne :
the decentralisation of the administration by the
abolition of the intendants' and farmers of taxes ;
the summoning of the States-General and the Pro-
vincial Estates, and the establishment of local
' Entretien avec Madame de Glapion, in Gefiroy.
' Vie du Dauphin, plve de Louis xv.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 445
Councils ; the restoration of the great nobles to
the political importance of which Louis xiv had
deprived them— the dream of Saint-Simon; a
redistribution of clerical benefices, to put an end
to the scandalous contrast between the wealthy
pluralist and the poverty-stricken parish priest ;
the rigorous suppression of luxury at the Court,
which should thus set an example of economy to
the whole country ; a peaceful policy abroad, and
all the other schemes outlined by Fenelon and
Chevreuse in their Plans de gouvernement,^ or by
the Due de Bourgogne himself in the papers which
he left behind him.*
If he had lived to ascend the throne, would he
have succeeded in regenerating France, and in
securing by wise and orderly progress what was
only attained at the cost of such terrible sacrifices ?
Or had the canker already eaten so deeply into the
roots of the social system, that nothing but the re-
volutionary knife could hope to destroy it. We can
only conj ecture. Perhaps, with all his good qualities
and all his good intentions, he was scarcely the man
for the work : too narrow in his religious views —
the toleration of Jansenists or the recall of the
Huguenots formed no part of his plans — to appeal
to a sceptical age ; too inclined to repose confidence
in men whose virtues were far superior to their
abilities ; lacking that strength of character, that
' Plans de gouvernement cofcertSs avec le due de Chevreuse pour
itre proposes au due de Bourgogne. These plans were drawn up at
Chaulnes, in October 171 1, and are often spoken of as " les Tables
de Chaulnes." They will be found in the CEuvres computes de
FSnelon (edit. 1851), vol. vii.
• Some of these documents have been pubhshed by Proyart, in
his Vie du Dauphin.
446 A ROSE OF SAVOY
fixity of purpose, which alone would have enabled
him to triumph over the opposition of the more
conservative elements in the nation.
What is certain, is that he would have shown
himself the most virtuous king since Saint-Louis,
and that his exemplary private life would have
strengthened the moral authority of royalty as
much as his son's unbridled licentiousness did to
destroy it. And who can refuse to believe that
that son would have been a very different king
had he had the advantage of such a father's training
and example, instead of being exposed from child-
hood to the enervating influences which were to
prove his ruin ? The Due de Bourgogne might
not have averted the Revolution, but he would at
least have averted the excesses which accompanied
it ; he might not have saved the Monarchy, but at
least its sun would not have gone down in blood.
And in his efforts to give practical expression
to the maxim so often on his lips, that kings exist
for the sake of their people, and not people for
the sake of kings, he would have found in his
wife a loyal supporter. For that gradual change
in the Duchesse de Bourgogne's outlook on life
of which we have spoken elsewhere had been
undoubtedly stimulated by the change in her
rank. As the husband had succeeded in throwing
off the timidity and constraint which had been so
great an obstacle to his popularity and influence,
so did the wife recognise that the time had now
come when she must put away from her childish
things and do all in her power to prepare herself
for the great position which she might soon be
called upon to fill. The grace, dignity, and tact
A ROSE OP SAVOY 447
with which she discharged her social duties de-
lighted every one. " Madame la Dauphine, in
taking a more exalted place," writes Madame de
Maintenon, " becomes more courteous and
attentive than she has ever been. . . . She makes
herself adored by everybody."
She evinced, too, a lively and intelligent
interest in public affairs, and particularly in the
fortunes of the war, and set the ladies of the Court
an example of patriotism worthy of aU imitation.
" Her great gaiety," writes Madame de Maintenon
again, " does not prevent her from showing great
sympathy in trouble. . . . There is no French-
woman more devoted to the welfare of this country
than she." ^
An instance of this is related by Dangeau.
When, on August 6, 171 1, the Court which was
then at Fontainebleau, was anxiously awaiting
news of Marlborough's expected attack upon those
lines which Villars had boasted would prove the
English general's ne plus ultra^ some one suggested
to the Duchesse de Bourgogne that she should
make up a card-party. " Eh ! " she exclaimed,
" with whom do you expect me to play ? With
ladies who have their husbands, or with fathers
who have their children, engaged in a battle which
must be, according to all appearances, a sanguinary
one ? And can I be tranquil myself when it is a
question of a State affair of the greatest import-
ance ? " And, sending for her carriage, she drove
1 Letter to the Princesse des Ursins, January 11, 171 3, in
Geflfroy.
' There was no engagement, Marlborough, by a brilliant man-
oeuvre, completely outwitting Villars and gaining the position he
desired without firing a shot.
448 A ROSE OF SAVOY
along the high-road to Paris, to meet any courier
who might be on his way.
She certainly knew, however, how to make up
for the self-denial she imposed upon herself at
moments when she considered that amusements
were out of place, as the following extract from a
letter of Madame de Maintenon to the Princesse
des Ursins will show :
" Madame la Dauphine takes the most lively
interest in so joyful a subject [the prospect of
peace] ; she revels in it to its fullest extent. She
intends to do something on the day that peace is
concluded that she has never done before, and will
never do again ; but she has not yet decided what
it shall be. In the meanwhile, she is going to the
Te Deum at Notre-Dame ; to dinner with the
Duchesse du Lude, in a beautiful brand-new
house ; then to the Opera ; to sup with the Prince
de Rohan, in that magnificent Hotel de Guise ;
then to cards and a ball, which will last all night,
and, as the hour of her return will be that of my
waking, she proposes to breakfast with me on
arriving. I think, Madame, that you would find such
a day rather long, in spite of all its pleasures." ^
Louis XIV was more than usually gloomy and
thoughtful during that visit to Fontainebleau,
for the news from Flanders was bad and the
negotiations for peace made no progress ; and even
the efforts of the Dauphine were sometimes power-
less to charm away his melancholy. One evening
in September, when she had been " jabbering all
kinds of nonsense and indulging in a hundred
childish pranks in order to amuse him," she caught
sight of her two enemies, the Princesse de Conti
1 Letter of November 30, 171 1, in Geffroy.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 449
and Madame la Duchesse exchanging disdainful
glances. The Dauphine waited until the King
had gone into an adjoining room to feed his dogs,
which he did regularly every evening, and then,
catching hold of her friend Madame de Saint-
Simon, with one hand, and of Madame de Levis,
another of her favourites, with the other, she
said to them : " Did you see them ? Did you
see them ? I know as well as they do that there
is no common sense in what I have done and said,
and that it is ridiculous, but he requires rousing,
and those kind of things amuse him." And,
leaning on the arms of the two ladies, she began
to skip about and dance, exclaiming : " Ha ! I laugh
at them. Ha ! I mock at them ! I shall be
their Queen, and I have nothing to do with them,
either now or at any time. They will have to
reckon with me, and I shall be their Queen."
Madame de Saint-Simon and Madame de Levis,
much shocked, tried to prevail upon her to be
silent, but until the King returned, she continued
dancing and singing : " Ha ! I mock at them !
I have nothing to do with them ! I shall be
their Queen ! "
" Alas ! " observes Saint-Simon, who relates
this anecdote, " she believed it, this charming
princess, and who did not share her belief " ^
^ On the other hand, Madame declares that the Duchesse de
Bourgogne was convinced that her end was near. " A learned
astrologer of Turin," she writes, "had predicted to Madame le
Dauphine all that would happen to her, and that she would die in
her twenty-seventh year." . . . While Madame le Dauphine was still
in good health, she often said : " Well, I must enjoy myself, because
I cannot enjoy myself long, for I shall die this year." Where the
Duchesse de Bourgogne is concerned, however, Saint-Simon's testi-
mony is always to be preferred to Madame's.
39
CHAPTER XXIV
Letters of the Duchesse de Bourgogne to her mother — The
princess in very weak health — Her illness and death — Grief of
the Court — -The Due de Bourgogne goes to Marly — A touching
scene — His interview with the King — His illness and death —
The lying in state of the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne —
Their bodies are conveyed to Saint-Denis — Death of the Due de
Bretagne — Suspicions of poison — The snuff-box of the Due de
NoaUles — Accusations against the Due d'Orleans — The probable
truth
TWO of the few letters written by the Duchesse
de Bourgogne to her mother which have
been preserved prove that, at the close
of 1711, the young princess was in very bad health,
which is not surprising, since the autumn had
been a very wet one, and the whole country around
Versailles was flooded : ^ —
" Versailles, December 13, 171 1
"It is sad, my dear mother, that my brother
and I have the same sympathy in toothache.
I hope that he has not had it as badly as I had
last night ; it made me suffer terribly, though I
am rid of it for the moment. For more than two
months it has seized me from time to time. I have
ceased taking precautions against it, for keeping
my room does me no good; and, during the time
that I am not in it, I do not think of it, and am
1 " Floods surround us on all sides. For a month it has rained
every day and all night too." — Madame de Maintenon to the Prin-
cesse des Ursins, November 30, 171 1.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 451
always hopeful that it will not return. I merely
avoid the wind in my ears, and eating anything
which may make it bad. I believe that the dreadful
weather is largely responsible for these inflamma-
tions . . ."
" Versailles, December 18, 1711
"It is in order not to miss a week in assuring
you myself of my affection, that I am writing
to-day. For the last seven days I have been,
my dear mother, in a state of great exhaustion,
which has prevented me from dressing, for the
inflammation which I had in my teeth has spread
over my whole body. I am scarcely able to move,
and my head feels a dreadful weight.
" I wished to anticipate the first day of the
year, by offering to all my family the good wishes
that I desire for them ; but, since I am unable
to do so, I content myself, my dear mother, with
embracing you with all my heart." ^
From the correspondence of Madame de Main-
tenon, it would appear that this toothache and
rheumatism became less severe just before the
New Year ; but, a few days later, the writer men-
tions that the Dauphine had had " an attack of
fever," and that " the courtiers had been in a
state of consternation, and had talked only about
the irreparable loss she would be to them." ^
1 Gagnifere, Marie A d&laide de Savoie : Lettres et Correspondances.
''Letters of December 28, 1711, and January 11, 1712. In the
latter letter, Madame de Maintenon draws a picture of the enviable
position occupied by the Dauphine, which, in view of the tragedy
which was so close at hand, is invested with a pathetic interest :
" She has reason to be happy ; she is happily married, much be-
loved by the King and the Dauphin, and is assuredly the delight
of the Court. The people love her much, because she lets herself
be seen very readily ; and she has the most pleasing children that
452 A ROSE OF SAVOY
The rainy autumn had been followed by a
severe winter. A malignant type of measles —
called by the Faculty " rougeole pourpre " — broke
out both in Paris and at Versailles, and claimed
many victims, among them the young Marquis
de Gondrin, eldest son of the Due d'Antin, and
one of the Dauphin's menins. On January i8,
the Dauphine, who was suffering severely from a
swollen face, accompanied the Court to Marly.
On her arrival, she felt so ill that she went to bed
at once ; but, on learning that the King wished her
to be present in the salon, she rose at seven o'clock,
and played cards, as usual, " en deshabilli and
with her head wrapped up." ^ When the card-
party broke up, she went to Madame de Main-
tenon's apartments to talk to the King, as was her
custom, after which she went back to bed, where
she supped. On the morrow, she did not rise till
the evening, when, in spite of the pain she was
suffering, she again made her appearance in the
salon and at Madame de Maintenon's. On the
20th she was better, and during the remainder of
the visit lived her ordinary life. But there can
be little doubt that, by so doing, she severely taxed
her strength and rendered herself particularly
liable to infection.
On February i, the Court returned to Versailles,
and on the evening of Tuesday the 5th the Dauphine
had a fresh attack of fever. Nevertheless, she rose
at her ordinary hour and passed the day as usual.
she could possibly desire, less handsome than yours, but very
strong, and perfect pictures ; graceful Uke herself, and displaying
much intelligence."
Everything, in a word, save health I
1 Saint-Simon. , .
A ROSE OF SAVOY 453
In the night of the 6th to 7th, the fever increased,
but, as the following day was a Sunday, she rose
and attended Mass. At about six in the evening,
she was seized with " a sharp pain under the
temple, which did not extend to the dimensions
of a ten-sous piece," ^ but was so violent that she
was obliged to beg the King, who was coming to
see her, not to enter.
This excruciating pain continued all that night
and until the late afternoon of the following day,
and was proof against tobacco chewed and smoked,
a quantity of opium, and two bleedings in the arms.
" She has convulsions," writes Madame de Main-
tenon ; " she screams like a woman in childbirth,
and with the same intervals." ^
As the pain subsided, the fever increased.
Mareschal, the King's surgeon-in-ordinary, bled
her in the foot, but she passed all the 9th in a
semi-comatose condition, which greatly puzzled
the doctors. Towards evening, a rash broke out,
and Boudin, her own chief physician, pronounced
her to be suffering from measles. But during the
night the rash disappeared, the fever increased,
and the doctors were more puzzled than ever.
Bleeding in the foot was again tried, but without
effect, nor did better fortune attend the adminis-
tration of a powerful emetic, which operated " -par
en haut et -par en bas," * but brought no reUef.
1 Saint-Simon. Madame de Maintenon describes it as " a
fixed pain between the ear and the upper end of the jaw " ; adding :
" the place of the pain is so small that it could be covered by a
thumbnail."
'' Letter of Madame de Maintenon to the Princesse des Ursins,
February 7, 17 12, in Geffroy.
' Sourches, MSmoires.
454 A ROSE OF SAVOY
In the course of the loth, the Dauphin, who
had refused to move from his wife's side for three
days and nights, save for a short walk in the gardens,
which he had only been induced to take by the
King's express orders, was observed to be looking
very ill, but this was attributed to the strain which
he was undergoing and aroused no anxiety.
During the night of Wednesday to Thursday,
the patient was several times delirious, and she
appeared so near death, that it was thought advisable
that she should confess. Accordingly, Pere de la
Rue, her Jesuit confessor, " whom she had always
appeared to like very much," approached the bed
and exhorted her not to delay her confession.
" She looked at him," says Saint-Simon, " replied
that she quite understood him, and then remained
silent. Like a sensible man, he perceived what
was in her mind, and, like a good man, at once told
her that if she had any objection to confess to
him, he begged her not to constrain herself,
but only to tell him whom she desired, and he
would himself go and bring him." The Dauphine
thereupon mentioned M. Bailly, one of the mission-
aries of Saint-Lazare, who had charge of the parish
of Versailles, " a man much esteemed, but not
altogether free from the suspicion of Jansenism,"
who was the directeur of her dame du falais Madame
de Nogaret and several very devout ladies of the
Court. Pere BaiUy, however, happened to have
gone to Paris, on learning which the princess
asked for Pere Noel, a Franciscan, whom the Jesuit
hastened to bring to the sick-room. This change
of confessors, Saint-Simon declares, created a great
sensation, and was generally regarded as a repudia-
A ROSE OF SAVOY 455
tion, not so much of Pere de la Rue, as of the
Order which he represented.
Meanwhile, the Due de Bourgogne, who had
concealed his own illness so long as he could, in
order to remain at his wife's bedside, had broken
down, and when on the arrival of Pere Noel every
one withdrew from the room, the King and the
doctors persuaded him to retire to his own apart-
ments, where, however, they only succeeded in
keeping him by concealing the gravity of the
princess's condition.
The Dauphine's confession finished, the last
Sacraments were administered, Louis xiv going to
the foot of the grand staircase to meet the Host,
and conducting it to the door of the sick-room. The
princess received them with great piety, and
observed to Madame de Maintenon, " Ma tante,
I feel quite another person ; it seems to me that I
am altogether changed." She was, however, very
uneasy about her debts, and wanted to see her
husband, in order to speak to him about them ;
but the King had given orders that the Dauphin
was not to be allowed to return. Madame de
Maintenon contrived to quiet her, by the assur-
ance that the prince would see that they were
discharged as soon as possible. '^
Although the doctors had not yet abandoned
hope, and had refused to permit the prayers for
the dying to be read, the patient herself was under
no such illusion, and asked that her ladies might
be sent for, in order that she might bid them
farewell. But to the King, who came to see her
1 Mile. d'Aumale, Souvenirs sur Madame de Maintenon, published
by MM. Hanotaux and d'Haussonville.
456 A ROSE OF SAVOY
several times during the day, she said nothing
which might lead him to suppose that she believed
her end to be at hand, telling Madame de Maintenon
that " she feared to grieve him."
In the evening, seven doctors of the Court and
Paris met in consultation, in the presence of
Louis XIV and the ex-Queen of England, who had
come over from Saint-Germain. It was decided
to bleed the Duchesse de Bourgogne again in the
foot,^ and, if this failed, to give an emetic early
the following morning. Neither remedy had any
effect, and in the afternoon of the 12th she became
unconscious, and it was recognised that the end
could only be a matter of hours. As a last resource,
a quack remedy was administered, which brought
her back to consciousness for a few minutes, during
which she recognised Madame de Maintenon.
" Madame, you are going to God," said Madame de
Maintenon. " Oui, ma tante," replied the Dauphine.^
These were her last words, for immediately after-
wards she lapsed into insensibility, and at a quarter
past eight in the evening breathed her last.
A few minutes before the princess expired, Louis
XIV, who had been in and out of the sick-room all day,
entered his coach at the foot of the grand staircase,
and, accompanied by Madame de Maintenon and
Madame de Caylus, drove away to Marly. " They
were both in the most bitter grief, and had not the
courage to go to the Dauphin." ^
With some few exceptions, such as the odious
1 Saint-Simon says that all were in favour of this, but, according
to Sourches, two of them protested against it.
^ Mile. d'Aumale, Souvenirs sur Madame de Maintenon, published
by MM. Hanotaux and d'Haussonville.
' Saint-Simon.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 457
Duchesse de Berry, whom Saint-Simon represents
as " transported with joy at seeing herself de-
Uvered from a powerful rival," their grief was
shared by the whole Court, and Madame de Caylus
undoubtedly expressed the general feeling when
she wrote two days later, for Madame de Maintenon,
to the Princesse des Ursins : " Tout est mort id,
Madame ; la vie en est 6t'ee. This princess gave
life to everything, and charmed us all. We are
still stupefied and stunned by our loss." ^
" With her," says Saint-Simon, " departed joy,
pleasure, and everything gracious ; and darkness
brooded over the Court. She had been its life,
and, if it survived her, it was only to languish.
Never was princess so regretted ; never was one
more worthy of regret."
Great as was the grief of Louis xiv and Madame
de Maintenon, it was trifling in comparison with the
anguish of the bereaved husband. He remained,
however, outwardly calm, and showed the fortitude
which might have been expected from a man of
his intense religious convictions ; but, in reality,
he had received a shock which must have largely
contributed to the fatal termination of the disease
which already had him in its grip.
As, after the death of Monseigneur, he had
moved into his father's apartments, and his bedroom
was immediately below that of the Dauphine, his
friends persuaded him to follow the King to Marly,
in order to spare him the sounds from the death-
chamber, where, after the autopsy always per-
formed on members of the Royal Family had
^ Geffroy, Madame de Maintenon cHapris sa conespondance
authentique.
458 A ROSE OF SAVOY
taken place, the body of his wife would be em-
balmed and coffined. At seven o'clock on the
morning of the 13th, he was carried in a chair —
for he was too weak to walk — to his carriage and
was driven to Marly. Learning, on his arrival,
that the King was not yet awake, he had himself
carried to the chapel to hear Mass, and then to
his own apartments, where etiquette obliged him
to receive visits of condolence from the Princes
and Princesses of the Blood and a number of other
persons. Several of those who came were loud
in their condemnation of the doctors who had
attended the Dauphine, and declared that their
treatment had killed her, which was probably
true. " Whether the doctors have killed her,
or whether God has called her," replied the Due de
Bourgogne, " we must adore equally what he
permits, and what he decrees."
When Saint-Simon presented himself, he was
aghast at the change which had come over the
Dauphin since he had last seen him. " His eyes
had a strained, fixed expression, with something
wild about it " ; and he also noticed " numerous
marks, livid rather than red, upon his face."
It was evident that he was sickening for the same
complaint as his wife.
"The Dauphin was standing" he continues.
" A few moments later, they came to tell him
that the King was awake. The tears he had
hitherto restrained began to flow. He turned
round, said nothing, and remained motionless.
His three menins suggested, once or twice, that he
should go to the King. He neither answered
nor stirred. I approached and signed to him to
A ROSE OF SAVOY 459
go ; then spoke to him to the same effect. Finding
that he did not respond, I ventured to take his
arm, representing that, sooner or later, he must
see the King, who was expecting him, and that
it would be more gracious not to defer his visit;
and with that I gently pushed him towards the
door. He gave me a look that pierced my heart,
and went out. I followed him a few steps, and
then withdrew to recover myself. I never saw
him again. May God in His mercy grant that
I may see him eternally, in that place where His
goodness had doubtless placed him ! "
The interview between the two men who, each
in his different way, had loved the dead princess
so tenderly, was, as might be supposed, a very
touching one. Few words were spoken, for the
grief of both was too great for speech. The King,
however, was much alarmed at the appearance of
his grandson, as indeed was every one at his lever,
and ordered the doctors who were present to
feel his pulse. They at once recommended him
to go to bed ; and the King ordered him to follow
their advice. He obeyed, and never rose again.
We shall not relate the progress of the Dauphin's
illness, which was marked by " the most incompar-
able submission and love of God " on the part of the
poor prince, and by the most complete impotence
on the part of the doctors, who, finding themselves
in the presence of the same symptoms which had
confronted them in the illness of the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, and mindful of the failure of the
remedies which they had then employed, seemed
afraid to do anything. Early on the 17th, his
condition was seen to be hopeless; at midnight
46o A ROSE OF SAVOY
the last Sacraments were administered, and at a
little after eight on the following morning the
end came.
"France," says Saint-Simon, "succumbed be-
neath this last chastisement. God had shown
her a prince whom she did not deserve. The
earth was not worthy of him." And he adds,
" He was already ripe for eternal bliss."
No one who cares to read the touching account
of the last moments of the Due de Bourgogne
left by his confessor, Pere Martineau,^ will be in-
clined to question this last statement.
After the autopsy and the embalming had
been performed, the body of the Dauphin was
transported to Versailles, and laid beside that of
his wife, on a state bed in the Dauphin's grand
cabinet. Here they lay in state for three days,
guarded, on the right, by the menins of the Dauphin
and, on the left, by the dames du palais of the
Dauphine, and by four bishops, two on either
side of the coffins. All the Princes and Princesses
of the Blood passed in procession before the coffins
and sprinkled them with holy water.
On the evening of the 23rd, the two coffins,
covered by a pall embroidered, on the right with
the Arms of France, and on the left with those of
Savoy, were transported in great state to Saint-
Denis. Although it was after midnight when
the cortege entered Paris, by way of the Porte
Saint-Honore, the streets were lined by an immense
crowd, which, however, maintained the most perfect
order, and scarcely a voice was heard, save those
of the monks of the various convents on the way,
1 Recueil des Vertus du due de Bourgogne et ensuite Dauphin.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 461
who came with Ughted tapers to chant the De
profundis as the funeral car passed by. Saint-
Denis was reached towards six the next morning,
and the coffins formally entrusted to the abbot.
For forty days they lay in the church, covered by
the same pall, and were then lowered into the
royal vault. ^
Death had not yet finished taking toll of the
Royal House. At the beginning of March, both
the httle sons of the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne
were attacked by measles, and a few days later the
Due de Bretagne had followed his parents to the
grave. His brother, the Due d'Anjou, recovered,
and no doubt owed his life to the good sense of
his gouvernante, the Duchesse de Ventadour, who
shut herself up with him and refused to allow a
doctor to enter the room.
In an age in which the deaths of royal and
other distinguished persons were so frequently
attributed to poison, and in a Court which had
not forgotten the crimes of BrinviUiers, the investi-
gations of the Chamber Ardente, and the suspicions
which the death of the first Madame and that of
her eldest daughter, Marie Louise d'Orleans, Queen
of Spain, had excited, it was only to be expected
that the sudden and almost simultaneous removal
of the Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne should
have given rise to the same reports ; and, when the
two little princes fell ill, in their turn, and the elder
died, while the recovery of the younger was ascribed
to an antidote which Madame de Ventadour had
'^ Mercure de France, February, 17 12; Sourches, Memoires;
Dangeau, Journal.
462 A ROSE OF SAVOY
given him, few people doubted the existence of a
conspiracy to destroy the whole family of the heir
to the throne.
Nor can it be denied that circumstances were
singularly favourable to the growth of such sus-
picions. During the visit to Marly which preceded
the Dauphine's illness, she had been warned by
Boudin, her first physician, that there was a plot
to poison both her and her husband ; and, on the
very next day, the Dauphin had received a similar
warning, in a letter from his brother, the King of
Spain. Boudin, who made no secret of his informa-
tion, declared that it was trustworthy, though he
did not know whence it came ; but, as Saint-
Simon very pertinently observes : " If he did not
know whence it came, how could he be assured
that it was to be relied upon ? As for Philip v, he
likewise asserted that his information was reliable,
though he did not mention its source.
But this was not all, for at the autopsy upon
the Dauphin, and again upon that upon his wife,
both Fagon and Boudin declared emphatically that
death was due to poison.
Mareschal, on the other hand, was equally
positive that both had died from natural causes,
and besought the King, " for the tranquillity and
prolongation of his life, to dismiss from his mind
ideas terrible in themselves, false, according to all
his experience and knowledge, and which bred
only cares and suspicions the most vague and
irremediable." ^
The news of the dissensions between the doctors
' Saint-Simon. We spare our readers the details of the autop-
sies, but they will find them in Saint-Simon.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 463
soon got abroad, and both Court and city at once
decided that the prince and princess had been
poisoned. Saint-Simon mentions " a very beautiful
box, full of Spanish snuff," which the Due de
Noailles had given the Dauphine on the very
evening on which she was taken ill.^ " This box,
when looked for the next day, could not be found,
and its disappearance, joined to the iUness of the
Dauphine, aroused the most sombre suspicions.
Nothing, however, was breathed of these sus-
picions, beyond a very restricted circle ; for the
princess took snuff without the knowledge of the
King, who would have made a fine to-do if he had
discovered it." The chronicler adds that the Arch-
bishop of Rheims — a deadly enemy, by the way,
of the giver of the snuff-box — believed to his dying
day that the Due de Noailles had poisoned the
Dauphine, but that he himself could never bring
himself to believe it.
It was upon a more exalted personage than the
Due de Noailles that public suspicion fastened,
the Due d'Orleans, to wit. The future Regent
was in very bad odour just then, and people were
ready to believe anything to his discredit. If the
Dauphin and his sons were removed, said they,
would not his son-in-law, the Due de Berry, succeed
to the Crown, and his too-loved daughter become
Queen ? Did he not openly avow his contempt
for religion and morality ? Was not his private
life a scandal ? And, finally, was he not known
to be interested in chemistry, and to be the patron
of a Dutch savant named Romberg, who had
1 Snufi-taking had lately come into fashion among the ladies
of the Court, although the King strongly disapproved of the habit.
464 A ROSE OF SAVOY
doubtless assisted him in the preparation of the
poison ? What need to look further for the
criminal ?
When the Due d'Orleans went with his mother
to sprinkle holy water on the cof&n of the Duchesse
de Bourgogne, the crowd plainly showed its sus-
picions, and when, on February 21, he went alone
to perform a similar office for the Dauphin, he had
to endure " the most atrocious insults from a people
which believed it was showing him clemency in not
falling upon him and tearing him to pieces."
Similar scenes were witnessed in Paris, when he
passed through it with the funeral cortege, in
spite of the precautions taken by the police, and
" for some minutes there was everything to
fear." '
By the courtiers the duke was shunned as
though he were stricken with the plague, and if he
spoke to any one, the person addressed immediately
found an excuse for terminating the conversation.
Orleans's conduct was scarcely that of a guilty
person, since he demanded that the charges against
him should be investigated, and begged Louis xiv
to cause Homberg, and any of his own servants
whom he thought fit, to be arrested and inter-
rogated, and to allow him to go to the Bastille
until the mystery should be cleared up ; and,
though the King appears for a time to have been
inclined to share the general opinion, his natural
good sense soon reasserted itself, and when, two
years later, the death of the Due de Berry gave
^ Saint-Simon. This is in curious contrast with what Sourches
and the Mercure tell us of the orderly conduct of the crowd on that
occasion ; but probably these scenes occurred on the return from
Saint-Denis.
A ROSE OF SAVOY 465
rise to the same accusations, he did not hesitate
to express his contempt for such reports.
That the debauched but kind-hearted Phihppe
d'Orleans was, in this instance, a much-wronged
man admits of no manner of doubt ; while Saint-
Simon's attempt to fix the supposed crime upon
the Due du Maine is too obviously dictated by-
malice to merit consideration. Indeed, there seems
to be no reason to suppose that the deaths of the
Due and Duchesse de Bourgogne were due to any
but natural causes, that is to say, to the malignant
type of measles then so prevalent, aided by the
ineptitude of the doctors who attended them.
The opinion of Fagon and Boudin that both had
been poisoned was undoubtedly influenced by the
warnings of which we have spoken, and by a not
unnatural desire to find some plausible explanation
of their failure, not only to save the lives of their
royal patients, but even to diagnose the disease ;
and it should also be remembered that Mareschal,
who ridiculed the theory of poison, was a man of
unimpeachable honesty, and, in comparison with
his contemporaries, a very able practitioner.^
Finally, modern science has declared that the
symptoms which so puzzled the doctors were not
inconsistent with measles in a malignant form.^
* He was the founder of the Academy of Surgery.
" See, on this subject, the opinion of Professor Dieulafoy, cited by
the Comte d' Haussonville, in la Duchesse de Bourgogne et V Alliance
savoy arde sous Louis xiv, vol. iv., and that of Dr. Cabanas, in his
les Marts mysterieuses de I'histoire.
30
INDEX
Absalon, tragedy, 238
Alberoni, Abbe (afterwards Car-
dinal), 374, 381, 405
AUery, Comte de la Roche d', 328
Angennes, Julie d' : See Mon-
tausier, Duchesse de
Anjou, Louis Due d' : See Louis xv
Philippe Due d' : See Philip
V of Spain
Anne Louise de Bourbon : See
Bourbon, Anne Louise de
Anne Marie d'Orlfeans, Duchess of
Savoy, marriage, 14 ; childhood,
19 ; appearance, 20 ; character,
20, 31 ; husband's treatment of,
23,31,86; affection for husband,
33 ; birth of children, 34 ; re-
lationship with her daughters,
40-42 ; sentiments re Marie Ade-
laide's marriage, 66, 86 ; and
siege of Turin, 326
Anti-Lucretius, Pohgnac's, 317
Antin, Due d', 244, 356
Apollon et IssS, 203
Arcy, Comte d', 27, 34
Arpajon, Duchesse d", 79
Artagnan, Comte d', 275
Athalie, 181, 239
Aubign6, Fran9oise d' ^ See Ayen,
Comtesse d'
Augsburg, League of, formation,
46 ; fighting in Dauphin^, 50 ;
Victor Amadeus joins, 47 ; fight-
ing in Piedmont and Savoy, 1690,
49 ; attempts to detach Victor
Amadeus from, 51 ; Victor Am-
adeus abandons, 60, 72 ; Mans-
feld's mission, 70; Treaty of
Ryswick, 73
Aumale, Mile d', 170, 334
Ayen, Comtesse d' (Frangoise d'
Aul3ign6), 172 ; friendship with
Duchesse de Bourgogne, 180;
histrionic talent, 237-239
Barbesi, Madame, 80
Barbezieux, Minister of War, 69
Barcelona, siege of, 324 note
Baron, actor, 328
Beauvilliers, Due de, 112, 126
Duchesse de, 128
Bellerive, Chevalier de, 371
Bergeyck, Comte de, 364
Berry, Charles Due de, descent,
113 note; childhood, 135; phys-
ical training, 1 36 ; first visit to
the theatre, 207 ; Flanders cam-
paign, 346, 360 ; marriage, 424 ;
and death of Monseigneur, 434 ;
death, 464
Duchesse de (Marie Louise
Elisabeth d' Orleans, called Made-
moiselle), marriage, 425 ; char-
acter 427 ; appearance, 428 note ;
Cabal of Meudon, 429 ; and
death of Monseigneur, 434 ; ob-
jection to do ceremonial service
for the Duchesse de Bourgogne,
439 ; and death of Duchesse de
Bourgogne, 457
Berwick, James Fitzjames, Duke of,
descent, 361 note ; and siege of
Lille, 385 ; character, 387 ; con-
flict with VendOme, 387, 398
Bezzola, Mile, 83, 122
Biron, 366
Blainville, Marquis de, 193
Blois, Mile de : See Orleans, Duch.
esse de
Bossuet, and F6nelon, 128, 189 ;
tutor to Monseigneur, 118 ; and
Mme Guyon, 188 ; becomes Al-
" moner of Duchesse de Bourgogne,
193
Boudin, physician, 431, 462
BoufQers, Marfechal de, review at
Compiggne, 221 ; and Flanders
campaign of 1702, 274, 277, 278;
defends Lille, 393 ; quells riot at
Porte Saint-Martin, 419
Bourbon, Anne Louise de (Mile de
Cond6), 19s note
Duchesse de : See Madame la
Duchesse
4157
468
A ROSE OF SAVOY
Bourbon, Franfoise Marie de : See
Orl6ans, Duchesse de
Louis Alexandre de : See Tou-
louse, Comte de
Louise Elisabeth de, 425
Louise Fran9oise de : See
Madame la Duchesse
Bourdaloue, Jesuit preacher, quoted
241
Bourgogne, Louis, Due de, first
meeting with future wife, 112;
birth and parentage, 115 ; child-
hood, 124-130; tutors, 125;
education, 1 30 ; copy of promise
to Fenelon 133 ; first com-
munion, i34inote; Fenelon's in-
fluence, 130-134; daily routine,
135 ; physical training, 136 ; ap-
pearance, 138 ; deformity, 138,
228 ; political training, 139 ; re-
gulation of courtship, 184; feel-
ings in regard to exile of Fenelon.
185, 189 ; wedding costume, 193 ;
marriage ceremony, 195 ; cere-
mony of consummation of mar-
riage, 199 ; Louis XIV restricts
marriage relationship, 200, 204 ;
studies political philosophy, 205 ;
training for future position, 205 ;
first visit to the theatre, 207 ;
review at CompiSgne, 220 ; con-
summation of marriage, 223 ;
emancipation of, 225 ; member of
Council of Despatches, 226 ; affec-
tion for wife, 227, 250 ; early
married life, 229, 270, 306 ;
accompanies Philip v of Spain on
journey to Madrid, 255 ; period of
frivolity, 266 ; illness of his wife,
1701 ; effect on, 267 ; corres-
pondence with Beauvilliers, 267 ;
pastimes, 267 ; practical jokes
at his expense, 271 ; visits Fene-
lon at Cambrai, 276 ; letters to
Mme de Montgon, 281 et seq. ;
affection for wife, 280 et seq. ;
birth of son, 290 ; letter to Philip
V of Spain, 322 note ; and effect of
his austerity on wife, 306 ; cabal
of Meudon, 354, 356, 375, 412 ;
visits F6nelon in 1708, 359 ;
correspondence with Mme de
Maintenon about loss of Ouden-
arde, 374 ei seq. ; his wife's
attitude after Oudenarde, 373 ;
Louis xiv's reception of after
Flanders campaign of 1708, 401 ;
generosity in winter of 1708,
419-421 ; death of Monseigneur,
435; becomes Dauphin, 437;
status of Dauphin, outward effect
on, 441 ; Louis xiv's attitude
towards, as Dauphin, 441 ; pubUc
opinion towards, when Dauphin,
443 ; projects of reform, 419,
444 ; grief at wife's death, 457 ;
death and funeral, 459, 460 ;
suspicions of poison, 461, 465
, War of the Spanish Succession,
in nominal command on Flanders
campaign, 1702, 2y^etseq. ; Rhine
campaign in 1703, 278 ; takes
Brisach, 279 ; leaves campaign
before termination, 279 et seq. ;
generalship, 345, 398 ; Flanders
campaign, 1708, 345, 358 et seq.;
advisability of joint command
with Vendome in 1 708 considered,
347. 35 3 ; difficulties with Ven-
dome in Flanders campaign, 1708,
360 ; loss of Oudenarde attributed
to, 366, 370 et seq. ; and siege of
Lille, 383 ; retreat from Mons-
en-PueUe attributed to, 392,
406, 416 ; recalled from Flanders,
1708, 395 ; responsibility for
disasters in Flanders campaign
of 1708 considered, 397, 416 ; life
during campaign criticised, 399 ;
Louis XIV gives him command
of Rhine army, 1709, 416 ; com-
mand countermanded through
poverty of nation, 422
, Character: as child, 124, 130;
Saint-Simon on, 125-134; temper,
130 ; Fenelon's influence on,
130 ; Mme de Maintenon on, 134
note; Lord St. Cyres on, 134;
moral development, 1 34 ; in-
dustry and intelligence, 205 ;
contrasted with that of wife,
227 ; seriousness, 228 ; piety and
austerity, 267 ; as a soldier, 263,
277, 269, 399 ; dif&dence with
women, 273 ; Madame's opinion
of, 306 ; generosity, 419, 437 ;
status as Dauphin, moral effect
on, 440 ; religious principles,
444; attitude towards the theatre,
268, 444
Bourgogne, Duchesse de (Marie
Adelaide of Savoy), birth and
parentage, 34 ; baptism, 35 ;
education, 37 ; life at La Vigna,
40 ; filial affection, 40, 41 ; affec-
tion for grandmother, 40 ; offered
INDEX
469
as hostage to France, 54 ; pro-
posed betrothal with King of the
Romans, 58, 72 ; appearance,
69, 105 note, 108 ; physique, 69
, Betrothal to Due de Bourgogne,
political aspect, 55, 61 ; senti-
ments in regard to, 67, 72 ; mar-
riage-contract, 73, 190 ; dowry,
74 ; trousseau, 75 ; signing of
marriage-contract, 76 ; future
Household, 78-81 ; status, 78,
97 ; question of her femmes de
chambre, 82
, Journey to France, escort,
86-88 ; her father's reluctance
to part with, 89 ; leaves Turin,
91 ; farewell to her relatives, 92 ;
ceremony of welcome at Cham-
b6ry, 93 ; reception at Mont-
melian, 95 ; ceremonial welcome
by French envoys, 96 ; status
decided, 97, 145 ; at Pont-de-
Beauvoisin, 98 ; popularity, 100,
1 04 ; farewell to Piedmontese at-
tendants, 102; reception at Lyons,
102 ; conversational powers,
103 note, 105 ; Louis xiv's
reception of, 106 ; at Montargis,
106 ; Louis xiv's description
of, quoted, 108, no; meeting
with Due de Bourgogne, 112;
reception at Fontainebleau, 112,
140 ; first meeting with Mme de
Maintenon, 140
, as la Princesse, relation-
ship with Mme de Maintenon, 147,
171, 182 ; education, 140, 172,179;
Louis XIV gives Crown jewels
to, 143, 159; status and title,
145, 146 ; Louis XIV regulates
her life, 146, 161 ; courtship, 146,
185 ; James II of England visits,
146 ; poUtic attitude to Mme
de Maintenon and Louis xiv
considered, 147 ; Louis xiv's
affection for, 147, 156 ; Louis xiv
gives her the Menagerie, 158, 213 ;
her amusements, 160 ; letters to
her grandmother, 38, 171, 172 ;
moral training, 173 ; visits Saint-
Cyr, 178-181 ; friendship with
Mile d'Aubigne, 180; acts in
Racine's Esther, 182 ; prepara-
tions for marriage, 190-193 ;
future Household, 192 ; marriage
ceremony, 193-196 ; wedding
dress, 194
— , as Duchesse de Bourgogne,
wedding-day festivities, 196-198 ;
nuptial couch described, and
benediction of, 198 ; ceremony of
consummation of marriage, 199 ;
festivities, 200-203 ; fi^^st visit to
Saint-Cyr after marriage, 201 ;
ball of nth December 1697, 201 ;
regulation of marital relationship,
204 ; early official life, 206 ; first
visit to theatre, 207 ; at Fair of
Saint-Laurent, 208 ; effect of her
advent on Court, 159, 209, 232 ;
dances, 233 et seq.; plays cards,
161, 210, 245-248 ; health, 211,
212, 249, 250; relationship with
Louis XIV, 211, 246-248, 289,
301, 341, 381, 449 ; letters to
grandmother, quoted 35 note,
212, 321, 326, 339 ; amusements,
212; water-party at Trianon,
216 ; review at Compifegne, 223 ;
consummation of marriage, 223 ;
attitude to her husband, 228 et
seq., 270, 306, 375 ; carnival of
1700, 231 ; Madame la Chan-
celiire's ball, 234 ; histrionic
efforts, 236-241 ; letter to Mme
la Maintenon on card debts, 246 ;
Louis XIV forbids gambUng, 248 ;
illness of, 1701, 250 ; friendship
with Philip V of Spain, 254 ;
practical jokes, 272 et seq, ;
treatment of husband during
Flanders campaign of, 1703,
280-286 ; becomes enceinte, 289 ;
birth of Due de Bretagne, 290 ;
distress on defection of Victor
Amadeus from French alUance,
301 ; Saint-Simon's description
of. 303-305 ; popularity, 305 ;
flirtation with Marquis de Nangis,
307 ; flirtation with Marquis de
Maulevrier, 310; flirtation with
Abbe de PoUgnac, 316 ; flirta-
tion with Due de Fronsac, 320
note ; death of Due de Bretagne,
321 ; tries to induce Victor
Amadeus to come to terms with
France, 1706, 322; charged with
betraying France, 331-337; birth
of second Due de Bretagne, 338 ;
"est blessSe," 341, 289; cabal of
Meudon, 354, 375-382, 412 ; cham-
pions her husband, 376-380 ;
suspense over siege of Lille, 390 ;
humiliates VendSme, 408-410 ;
winter of 1708, 421 ; birth of
Due d'Anjou, 423 ; forwards
470
A ROSE OF SAVOY
alliance of Due de Berry, 426 ;
death of Monseigneur, 432-436 ;
becomes Madame la Dauphine,
439
, as la Dauphine, royal honours
accorded, 439 ; status, 446 ;
devotion to France, 447 ; last
illness, 452 ; last Sacraments,
454 ; death, 456 ; lying-in-state
and funeral, 461 ; suspicious of
having been poisoned, 461, 465
, Character, Dangeau's opinion
of. 105 ; Mme deMaintenou ; 141-
143 ; love of games, 143 ; diplom-
acy, 147-149 ; love of pleasure,
208, 209 ; passion for gambling,
210, 245-248 ; moral effect of in-
dulgence, 217-220 ; contrasted
with that of husband, 227-270 ;
lack of seriousness, 229, 272 ;
popularity, 305 ; Saint-Simon
on, 303-305 ; coquetry, 306 ;
flirtations, 307-320 ; effect of
mental sufiering on, 377-380 ;
Due de Bourgogne's tribute, 379 ;
generosity, 421-422 ; tact, 439 ;
realises her responsibilities, 446
Bouyn (financier), 242
Bouzols, Marquis de, 65
Braine-l'Alleud, 361
Brelan, game of, 245
Bretagne, Due de, 1704- 1705, 290,
320
Due de, 1707-1712, 338,
361
Breteuil, Baron de, 224 note
Brinon, Mme de, 175
Brionne, Comte de, 88
Brisach, siege of, 279
Bruges, capture of, 364, 396
Cabal of Meudon, Alberoni, 374, 381;
Berry, Duchesse de, 429 ; Bour-
gogne. Due de, 356, 375, 381 ;
Bourgogne, Duchesse de, 354,
376 ; Choin, Mile de, 403 ; dis-
persal of, 403, 412, 440 ; Madame
la Duchesse, 354, 375 ; Mon-
seigneur, 356, 403 ; object of,
356 ; Saint-Simon on, 412 ; Ven-
dflme, 353, 356, 407
Cadoval, Duke of, 1 1
Calcinato, battle of, 323
Campistron, Jean Galbert de, 374
note, 375
Canaples, Marquis de, 103
Card-playing at Versailles, 241-246
Carignano, Prince Philibert di.
sponsor to Marie Adelaide, 35 ;
Louis XIV forbids marriage, 45 ;
physical disabilities, 74 ; at
Princess of Piedmont's wedding,
291
Carlos II of Spain, 252, 259
Carpi, battle of, 292
Carrail, Marquis de, 328
Carutti quoted, 4
Casale, fortress of, 8, 60
Cassano, battle of, 323
Catinat, General, persecution of
Vaudois, 46 ; campaign against
Victor Amadeus 11, 1686-1690,
47 ; MarsagUa, 50 ; besieges
Valenza, 72 ; Italian campaign,
1701, 292 ; battle of Chiari, 293
Caylus, Madame de, quoted 120,
122, 149
Chailly, Mme de, 239
Chambery, town of, 21, 93
Chamillart, Michel de, 169, 373,
381, 390
Chamlay, Marquis de, 5 1
Chanvallon, Harlay de, 187
Chappuzeau, Samuel, quoted, 6
Charles iv, Duke of Mantua, sells
Casale to Louis xiv, 8 ; Casale
restored, 60 ; Louis xiv negoti-
ates with, for Montferrato, 295
Amadee de Savoie, Due de
Nemours, 5
— — Emanuel i, 2
n, 5
Ill, of Spain, 257, 323
Chartrfes, Fran5oise Marie de Bour-
bon, Duchesse de : See Orleans,
Duchesse de
PhiUppe, Due de : See Or-
leans, Due de
Mile de, 1 5
Chdtelet, Marquise du, 81
Cheraseo, Treaty of, 4
Chevreiise, Due de, 190
Chiari, battle of, 293
Choin, Mile de, marriage, 123, 124 ;
and Duchesse de Bourgogne,
403 ; Monseigneur's last illness,
432 ; Louis XIV grants pension
to, 438
Christine de France, Duchess of
Savoy, marriage, 4 ; regency, 5 ;
castle built for, 38
Ciri6, Marquise de, 213
Cisterna, Principe delia, 17
Principessa della, 88, lOi
Clement (accoucheur), Ii6
Coeuvres, Marechale de, 271
INDEX
471
Coislin, Cardinal de, 195
Colbert, F. E. : See Maulevrier,
Marquis de
Compifigne, town of, 220
Cond6, Mile de : See Bourbon,
Anne Louise de
Coni, town, 49
Conti, Prince de, costume at Anne
Marie d'Orleans's wedding, 15 ;
and Madame la Duchesse, 153 ;
and Crown of Poland, 316
Princesse de {la Grande
Princesse de), 152 ; gambling,
211, 245 ; cabal of Meudon, 354-
356 ; nurses, Monseigneur, 432,
433
Coulanges, Mme de, quoted, 232
Council of Despatches, 226
Finances, 226, 277
State, 226, 277
Courcillon, Philippe de : See Dan-
geau. Marquis de
Crequy, Duchesse de, 79
Cumiani, Mile di, 24
Dame d'honneur, office, 79
Dame de VolupU, la, 26
Danet, writer, 118
Dangeau, Marquis de (Philippe de
Courcillon), life, 8i note; Journal:
see below ; appointed to Marie
Adelaide's Household, 82 ; gives
sword to Maffei, 102 ; teaches
Marie Adelaide history, 173 ;
and reversi, 243
Marquise de (Sophie de
Lowenstein), 81, 82 note
Journal, quotations from, on
ceremony of consummation of
Bourgogne marriage, 199 note,
224 ; on affection between Bour-
gognes, 231; on affection between
Louis XIV and the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, 158, 159 ; on water-
party at Trianon, 216
Daun, Graf von, 328
Dauphin, Louis the : See Mon-
seigneur
Dauphine, the : See Maria, Anna,
Christina, Victoria of Bavaria
Dauphin^, 50
De I'iiducation des Filles, treatise,
128, 135
Denonville, M., 136
Desgranges, M., 95, 96, 193
Destouches, M., 203
Dialogues des Marts, Fenelon's, 139
Dronero, Marchese di, jy, 88, loi
Duclos (quoted), 331
Dunoyer, Madame, 204 ; Lettres,
quoted, 210, 219
Edict of Nantes, Revocation of, 166
Elisabeth Charlotte d' Orleans : See
Lorraine, Duchesse de
Elizabeth, Charlotte of Bavaria:
See Madame
Embrun, Victor Amadeus ll's illness
at, 50
Erizzo, ambassador, quoted 200,
201
Espinoy, Princesse d', 355, 432
Est6, Philibert d', yj note
Esther by Racine, 176, 181, 182
Estrades, Abbe d', quoted 6, 7
EugSne, Prince of Savoy, and
campaign in Piedmont, 1674, 48 ;
and campaign in North Italy,
1 701, 291 ; and siege of Turin,
328 ; and Flanders campaign,
1708, 361, 365 ; and siege of Lille,
38S
Evreux, Comte d' (Henri, Louis de
la Tour-d'Auvergne), descent,
368 ; letter attacking Due de
Bourgogne, 375 ; repudiates letter,
381
Fables, F6nelon's, 139
Fagon, Guy Crescent, 131, 250, 462
Famine of , 1708-1709, 418
Fenelon, Fran9ois de Salignac de
Lamothe (Bishop of Cambrai),
Ufe, 126 ; mission to Saintonge,
128 ; writings, 128, 139 ; ap-
pearance, 129 ; tutor to Due de
Bourgogne, 129-139, 187, 190 ;
moral influence over Due de
Bourgogne, 130-134; Quietism,
185 ; Mme Guyon, 185 ; ap-
pointment to Cambrai, 187 ;
defends Mme Guyon, 188 ; dis-
grace and banishment from Court,
189 ; Louis XIV and TiUmaque,
190 ; Due de Bourgogne visits,
1702, 276 ; Due de Bourgogne's
second visit to, 1708, 359; letter
to Due de Bourgogne, 400 ; verses
attacking, 407
Ferrero, Marchese Ferrero della
Marmora, 14, 195
Finale, 261
First Partition Treaty, 1698, 259
note
Flanders Campaigns, in 1702, 274;
in 1 704-1 706, 323 ; in 1707, 346 ;
472
A ROSE OF SAVOY
in 1708, 358, 383, 396 ; Ghent,
364, 396 ; Brisach, 364 ; Bruges,
364 ; Oudenarde, 365 ; respon-
sibility for French losses re-
viewed, 367, 370-373 ; LiUe, 384,
395
Flechier, 118
Frangoise, Marie de Bourbon : See
Orleans, Duchesse de
d'Orleans (Mile de Valois), 5
note
Fronsac, Due de, 320 note
FrouUay, Rene de : See Tess6,
Comte de
GagniJre, A., on trousseau of
Marie Adelaide of Savoy, 75 ;
letter of Comte de Vernone,
quoted, 94 ; on Marie Adelaide's
ceremony of reception, quoted
99 ; Duchesse de Bourgogne's
letters, quoted 212, 328, 339
Gamaches, Comte de, 359
Gaming, at Versailles, 242
Gap, town of, 50
Gex, county of, 2
Ghent, 364, 396
Glapion, Mme de, i68
Gondi, Jean Francois de. Arch-
bishop of Paris, 127
Gondola parties, 160
Gontaut-Biron, Mile de : See No-
garet. Marquise de
Govone, ambassador of Savoy at
Versailles, quoted, 146, 156,
186
Gramont, Armand de : See Guiche,
Comte de
Grand Alliance, the, 274, 300
Grimani, Abbate, 57
Groppel, auditor, 53
Guiche, Comte de (Armand de
Gramont), 79
Guyon, Madame Bossuet attacks,
186, 188-189 ; and Fenelon,
185-189 ; and Mme de Main-
tenon, 186, 187 ; quietism of,
185 ; at Saint-Cyr, 186
Harcourt, Princesse d', 207, 273
Haussonville, Comte d', quoted, 4,
134. 335. 355. 356, 36Z. 363. 36s
Henri iv. of France, 2
Henrietta Stuart, Duchesse d'Or-
leans, 19
Heudicourt, Mme d', 281 note
Huet, Bishop of Avranches, 118,
119
Humbert-aux-Blanches-Mains, i
Huxelles, Mar^chal d', 356
Isabella Luisa, Infanta of Portugal,
9
James 11 of England, 146, 198
JeannaBaptistedeSavoie-Nemours,
regency of, 5-18 ; character, 5,
7 ; amours, 7 ; subjection of
Victor Amadeus 11, 7 et seq. ;
Victor Amadeus 11, attitude to-
wards, 7, 85 ; arranges Portuguese
marriage for Victor Amadeus
II, 9 ; attitude towards Victor
Amadeus ii's French marriage,
1 4 ; and amours of Victor Amadeus
II, 24 ; sponsor to Marie Adelaide
of Savoy, 35 ; Marie Adelaide's
affection for, 40 et seq. ; Duchesse
de Bourgogne's letters, 35 note,
212, 321, 326, 339
Jonathas, play, 237
Joseph Ferdinand, Electoral Prince
of Bavaria, 157, 259
La Charite, town of, 106
La Feuillade, Duo de, siege of Turin,
324, 329 ; supposed seduction
from duty, 333-336
La Force, Mile de, 122
La Mothe, Comte de, 386, 394
La Mothe-Houdancourt, Marfechale
de, and Due de Bourgogne, 124 ;
apartments of, 223 ; birth of
Due de Bretagne, 290 ; her death,
418
Landau, town, 279
LaugUe, M. de, gambling, 243, 245,
344 note
Lansquenet, game of, 244
La Rue, Pfere de, collaborates in
edition of Classics, n8 ; and
Mme Guyon, 186 note ; and
death of Duchesse de Bourgogne,
454
La Tour-d'Auvergne, Henri, Louis
de : See Evreux, Comte de
Lavall6e, M., quoted 164, 178
La VriUifere, Mme de, 272, 308
Le Comte, Pfere, 82, 210
Leopold, Emperor, Augsburg
League, 46 ; Victor Amadeus 11,
signs Treaty with, 1674, 47 ;
Mansfeld mission to Turin, 71 ;
negotiations for marriage alliance
with Savoy, 57, 71 ; renounces
claim to Spanish throne, 252 note ;
INDEX
473
Victor Amadeus ii, signs treaty
with, 1703, 300
Lesdiguiferes, quoted, 3
Li^ge, 277
Lille, fortifications of, 384 ; siege
of. 384. 395
Lillebonne, Mile de, 355, 432
" Little Venice," i6o note
Lorraine, Duchesse de (Elizabeth
Charlotte d'Orleans), 194 note;
220
Louis XIII, of France, 3
Louis XIV, policy towards Savoy in
1 68 1, 8 ; attitude towards Victor
Amadeus ii's alliance with Tus-
cany, 1 3 et seq. ; arranges French
alliance, 13 et seq. ; gives dowry
to Anne Maria d' Orleans, 16 ;
remonstrates with Victor Ama-
, deus II on treatment of his wife,
37 ; general policy towards
Savoy, 44 ; persecution of the
Vaudois, 46 ; League of Augs-
burg, 46 ; Savoy in arms against
1674, 48 ; fighting in Piedmont,
49 ; fighting in Dauphin^, 50 ;
attempts to detach Victor Ama-
deus II from League of Augsburg,
50 et seq. ; Victor Amadeus 11
signs treaty with 1696, 61 ; Treaty
of Ryswick, 72 ; joy at birth of
Due deBourgogne, 1 16 ; arranges
education of Monseigneur, 118;
his Mimoires, 118 ; attitude
towards his domestics, 144 ;
affectionate temperament, 150;
relationship with his children,
150-155 ; his Court, 1687, 159;
Mme de Maintenon, 162-170 ;
temperament and character, 168 ;
and Saint-Cyr, 174 ; banishes
Fenelon, 189, 190 ; ignorance
of theology, 189 ; attitude
towards gambling, 242-245 ;
accepts Spanish crown for grand-
son, 253 ; and First Partition
Treaty, 259 ; and Second Par-
tition Treaty, 260 ; for opera-
tions in War of Spanish Succes-
sion : see Spanish Succession,
War of ; negotiations with Victor
Amadeus 11, in reference to
Milanese, 261 ; alliance with
Victor Amadeus ii, 1701, 264 ;
treats with Duke of Mantua for
Montferrato, 292 ; and the army
of the Two Crowns, 292 ; begins
hostilities against Victor Amadeus
1702, 299 ; attitude towards
Due de Bourgogne after disasters
in Flanders, 392, 402 ; responsi-
bility for disasters in Flanders
considered, 360, 397, 416 ; winter
of 1708, 419 ; and marriage of
Due de Berry, 424-427 ; and
death of Monseigneur, 431, 434 ;
attitude to Due de Bourgogne
when Dauphin, 441
, And the Duchesse de Bour-
gogne, gives dowry, 74 ; arranges
Household and status, 78-81,
97 ; reception of, 106 ; corre-
spondence with Mme de Main-
tenon in reference to, 106 ;
decides her title, 1 50 ; makes her
his companion, 1 56-161 ; organ-
ises amusements for, 160-161 ;
restricts her amusements, 161 ;
costume worn at her wedding,
194 note ; unable to deny her
any pleasure, 211 ; teaches her
pall-mall, 212 ; spoils her, 217 ;
forbids her to play lansquenet,
247, 248 ; war with her father
does not crush his afiection for
her, 302, 305 ; his selfishness,
341-344; grief at her death, 456,
459
Louis XV, 176, 423, 461
Louis Alexandre de Bourbon : See
Toulouse, Comte de
of Baden, 278
Louise Franfoise de Bourbon : See
Madame la Duchesse
Louville, Marquis de, 137
Lowenstein, Sophie von : See Dan-
geau. Marquise de
Lucinge, Franfoise de : See Noyers,
Comtesse de
Lude, Duchesse de, 79, 100, 199
note, 205 note
Luxembourg, Due de, 229, 356
Luynes, Jeanne-Baptiste d' Albert
de : See Verrua, Contesse di
Luzzara, battle of, 350 note
Lyons, 102
Madame (Elizabeth-Charlotte of
Bavaria (the Princess Palatine),
brings up Anne Marie d'Orleans,
19 ; opinion of Duchesse de
Bourgogne, 147, 251, 219, 306;
describes Due de Bourgogne, 229 ;
opinion of Due de Bourgogne,
307 ; portrait of Duchesse de
Berry, 428 note ; on Princesse
474
A ROSE OF SAVOY
d'Harcourt, 273 note ; on
Madame la Duchesse, 153 ;
costume at Bourgogne wedding,
194 note ; and death of Mon-
seigneur, 435
Madame la Duchesse (Mile de
Nantes, Louise Fraufoise, Duch-
esse de Bourbon), costume at
wedding of Anne Marie d'Or-
leans, 16 ; descent, 16 ; cha-
racter, 153 ; costume at Bour-
gogne wedding, 194 note ; com-
poses verses, 225, 375 ; gambling,
245 ; and Cabal of Meudon, 354 ;
and death of Monseigneur, 432
Madame Royale : See Jeanne Bap-
tiste de Savoie-Nemours
Mademoiselle (Elizabeth Charlotte
d'Orl6ans) : See Lorraine, Duch-
esse de
(Marie Louise, Elizabeth
d'Orleans) : See Berry, Duchesse
de
Maffei, loi
MagUano, Conte di, 21
Mailly, Comtesse de, 8 1
Maine, Due du, costume at wedding
of Anne Marie d'Orleans, 14 ;
descent, 15 ; character, 151 ;
Louis xiv's attitude towards, 151,
152 note ; and Madame de Main-
tenon, 151, 171; and cabal of
Meudon, 356 ; suspected of
poisoning, 465
Duchesse du, 233, 236
Maintenon, Mme, influence on
formation of Marie Adelaide's
Household, 80 ; friendship with
Beauvilliers, 126 ; on character
of Due de Bourgogne, 134 note ;
first impressions of Marie Ade-
laide, 140 ; character, 162 ei seg. ;
Saint-Simon on, 162 ; ambitions,
164 ; marriage with Louis xiv,
164 ; political power estimated,
166 ; " life of slavery," i68, 177 ;
attitude to Louis xiv, 170 ;
maternal instinct, 170; rela-
tionship with Marie Adelaide,
147, 171, 182, 217, 250 ; estab-
lishment of Saint-Cyr, 174 ; on
men and marriage, 181 note, 182 ;
and Quietism, 186; and Duchesse
de Bourgogne's card debts, 245 ;
nurses Duchesse de Bourgogne,
250 ; supports the Due de Bour-
gogne, 373, 381, 393
Correspondence of, with Louis |
XIV, 108, 1 10 ; with the Duchess
of Savoy on Marie Adelaide's
arrival, 141, 143 ; with the
Cardinal de Noailles, 167 ; with
the Duchesse de Bourgogne, 228 ;
with Comte d'Ayen, 239 ; with
Madame Dangeau, 248 ; with
the Princesse des Ursins, 340,
377. 390. 448, 451
Mausart, Jules Hardouin, 175, 213
Mansfeld, Graf von, 70
Mantua, Charles iv, Duke of: See
Charles iv, Duke of Mantua
Marais, Godet des (Bishopj of
Chartres), 186 i.». »v !
Mareschal, doctor, 462, 465 oS?' fi>^T^
Maria Anna Christina Victoria of
Bavaria (the Dauphine), descent,
IS ; birth of Due de Bourgogne,
lis ; character, 122
Anna Luisa de Medici, 12
Luisa (Princess of Piedmont,
Queen of Spain), birth, 36 ; child-
hood and I education, 37 et seq. ;
poUtical reasons for marriage,
263, 291 ; siege of Turin, 326
Theresa, Queen of France,
242, 257
Marie Adelaide of Savoy : See
Bourgogne, Duchesse de
Christine de France : See
Christine de France, Duchess of
Savoy
Jeanne Baptiste de Savoie-
Nemours : See Jeanne Baptiste
de Savoie-Nemours
Louise d'Orleans, Queen of
Spain, 19, 70 note
de Savoie-Nemours, 9
Therfese de Bourbon, Princesse
de Conti, 152
Marlborough, Flanders campaign,
1708, 360, 383
Marmora, Marchese Ferrero della :
See Ferrero, Marchese
MarsagUa, battle of, 50
Marsin, campaign in N. Italy, 1706,
320-331 ; accused of treachery
over siege of Turin, 333, 336-
337
Mary of Modena, 146, 197, 203
Mascagny, M. de, 103
Masino, Conte di, 7
Maulevrier, Marquis de (Francois
i^douard Colbert), Duchesse de
Bourgogne's flirtation with, 310
et seq. ; at Spanish Court, 314;
death, 318
INDEX
475
Maximes des Saints sur la vie in-
Urieure, F6nelon's, i88
Maxiinilian of Bavaria, 123, 278
Menagerie of Versailles, 158, 218
Mercure de France, quoted on birth
of Due de Bourgogne, 115, 116;
on Bourgogne marriage, 193 et
seq., 194 note ; on ceremony of
consummation of Bourgogne's
marriage, 199 ; on ball of Dec.
II, 1697, 202 ; on ball given by
Madame la Chanceliire, 234 ; on
histrionic efforts of Duchesse de
Bourgogne, 240 ; on birth of Due
de Bretagne, 290 ; on accession
of Philip V of Spain, 253 note;
on Due de Bourgogne's departure
for Flanders, 1708, 358
Milanese, the, invasion of 1692, 72 ;
Victor Amadeus ii's claim to,
258 ; Victor Amadeus ii's negoti-
ations with Louis XIV for 1699,
260 et seq.
Misanthrope, n8
Monseigneur (Louis, the Dauphin),
reception of Marie Adelaide, 107 ;
education, 118 ; character, 120,
121 ; appearance, 121 ; love of
hunting, 121, 123 ; marriage,
122 ; morganatic marriage, 123 ;
attitude towards Louis xiv, 151;
costume at Bourgogne marriage,
194 note ; Cabal of Meudon,
356 ; Saint-Simon on attitude
towards Due de Bourgogne after
retreat at Lille, 392 ; reception
of after Flanders campaign, 1708,
403 ; and Veud6me, 405, 408,
410 ; attitude towards Due
d'Orleans, 425 ; alliance of Due
de Berry, 427 ; last illness, 430-
436 ; deputation of fishwives to,
433 ; funeral obsequies, 436 ;
division of property, 438
Monsieur (Philippe d'Orleans, bro-
ther of Louis XIV), descent, 14 ;
costume at wedding of Anne
Marie d'Orleans, 15 ; reception
of Marie Adelaide, 107, 113 ;
costume at Bourgogne marriage,
194 note ; gambling, 242
Montausier, Due de, 118, 119
Duchesse de (Julie d'Angen-
nes), 118 note
Montespan, Mme de, daughters,
153 ; and gambling, 242 ; story
of Louis xiv's selfishness2,to-
wards, 341
Montferrato, Victor Amadeus ii's
claims, 261 ; Louis xiv negoti-
ates for, 295 ; ceded to Victor
Amadeus 11, 300
Montgon, Comtesse de, 81, 280
Montmelian, fortress of, 49, 93
Mothe-Houdancourt, Marechale de
la': See La Mothe-Houdancourt,
Marechale de
Muratori quoted, 73
Nangis, Marquis de, flirtation with
the Duchesse de Bourgogne, 307 ;
liaison with Mme de la Vrillifere,
308 ; at battle of Oudenarde,
367 note
Nantes, Mile de : See Madame la
Duchesse
Noailles, Louis de (Bishop of
Chalons and afterwards Bishop
of Paris), 167, 186 ^ >- ]
Due de, 463 .•■ - ' t-J
Noel, Pfere, 454
Nogaret, Marquise de (Mile de
Gontaut-Biron), 81
Nouvelles Catholiques, the, 127
Noyers, Comtesse des (Franjoise de
Lueinge), 37, 100
'O, Marquis d', 359\
Marquise d' , 8 1
Orleans, Anne Marie d' : See Anne
Marie d'Orleans, Duchess of
Savoy
Elizabeth, Charlotte d' : See
Lorraine, Duchesse de
Marie Louise, lilisabeth d' :
See Berry, Duchesse de
Philippe d' (brother of Louis
xiv) : See Monsieur
Philippe, Due de Chartres,
due d' (the future Regent),
costume at wedding of Anne Marie
d'Orleans, 15 ; marriage, 79
note ; costume at Bourgogne
marriage, 194 note ; siege of
Turin, 329 ; unpopularity, 425 ;
suspected of poisoning, 463
Fran9oise Marie de Bourbon,
Duchesse d' (Mile de Blois,
Duchesse de Chartres), costume
at wedding of Anne Marie
d'Orleans, 16 note ; descent, 79
note ; character, 153 ; appear-
ance, 154; costume at Bour-
gogne marriage, 194 note
Ormoy, M. d", 117
Oudenarde, battle of, 365, 366 ;
476
A ROSE OF SAVOY
responsibility for defeat con-
sidered, 367, 370-373
Pall-mall, game of, 212
Paris, winter of, in 1708-1709, 417
Partition Treaties, the first, 259 ;
the second, 260
Petechia, doctor, 5
Phelypeaux, ambassador, 260-263,
300
Philibert, Emanuel, Duke of Savoy,
9
Philip IV of Spain, 257
V of Spain, descent, 1 1 2 note ;
childhood, 135 ; physical train-
ing, 136 ; first visit to the theatre,
207 ; Louis XIV accepts Spanish
crown for, 253 ; leaves Versailles
for Spain, 255 ; marriage, 291 ;
meeting with Victor Amadeus 11,
297 ; flies from Madrid, 323 ; and
Vend6me, 414
Philippe, Due d'Anjou : See
Philip V of Spain
d' Orleans (brother of Louis
XIV) : See Monsieur
Due d' Orleans (nephew of
Louis xiv) : See Orleans, Philippe
Ducd'
Pianezza, Marchese, 10
Piedmont, Princess of. See Maria
Luisa, Queen of Spain
Pincr6, Mile de, 171
Pinerolo, fortress, Richelieu secures,
4 ; Augsbxirg allies invest, 50 ;
ceded to Victor Amadeus 11, 61
Polignac, Cardinal Melchior de,
flirtation with the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, 316 ; Mme de Sevig-
ne's description of, 316 ; Am-
bassador in Poland, 316 ; sent
to Rome, 318
Pontchartrain, Mme de, 210, 234
Pont-de-Beauvoisin, 20, 96, 98
Prie, Madame de (Mile de Saluzzo),
25
Princess Palatine, the : See Madame
Proyart, Abb6, quoted 133
Prudhomme, M., 144
Puysegur, Marquis de, accompanies
Due de Bourgogne to Flanders in
1708, 359 ; Venddme attacks, 372 ;
defends himself against Vendbme,
413
Quantin, Jean, 86
Mme, 86
Quietism, 185
Racine, 18 1
Raisin, Mile, 121
RamilUes, battle of, 323
Rebenac, Comte de, 47
Reversi, game of, 242, 244 note
Richelieu, Cardinal de, 3, 4
Rivoli, Chateau of, 18, 39, 49
Rocca, Contessa della, 212
Rochefort, Marechale de, 79
Romans, King of the (son of Emperor
Leopold), 58, 71
Rue, pare de la. See La Rue, P6re de
Ryswick, Treaties of, 72
Saint - Amand, Imbert de, cited
170, 177
Saint-Cyr, la Maison Royale de
history, 171, 174 ; Madame de
Maintenon writes for, 173 ;
theatricals at, 176, 181 ; Marie
Adelaide visits, 181, 201 ; Mme
Guyon, 186
Saint-Cyres, Lord, quoted 1 34 note,
407 note
Saint-Laurent, Fair of, 208
Saint-Simon, Due de, 3 ; cost of
clothes for Marie Adelaide's
wedding, 191 note ; attitude
towards Mme de Maintenon, 222 ;
and marriage of Due de Berry, 426
Saint-Simon (quoted), on Due de
Bourgogne, 125, 134; physical
and moral portrait of Duchesse
de Bourgogne, 303 ; on popu-
larity of Duchesse de Bourgogne,
305 ; on death of Duchesse de
Bourgogne, 448-449, 453-457:
on espionnage at Court, 311 note ;
on F^nelon, 129, 359; on Prin-
cesse d'Harcourt, 274 ; on Louis
XIII, 3 ; on Louis xiv, 152 note ;
on Duchesse du Lude, 80 ; on
Mme de Maintenon, 162 ; on
Monseigneur, 122 ; on Mme de
Montespan's daughters, 153 ; on
Marquis de Nangis, 307 ; on Oude-
narde, 376 ; on Comte de Tesse,
51 ; on Vendfime, 336, 338, 408 ;
on winter of 1708, 417
Saint-Thomas, Marquis de, 33, 61
Saluzzo, town, 2
Saluzzo, MUe di. See Pri6, Mme de
San Maurizio, Marchese di, 7
Sebastiano, Conte di, 24
Santa-Brigida, Fort of, 50
Saumery, Marquis de, 275
Savoy, Dukes and Duchesses of :
See under Christian names
INDEX
477
Scud6ry, Mile de, 165
Second Partition Treaty, the, 256,
260
S6vign6, Mme de, 126, 316
Soubise, Princesse de, 418
Sourches, Marquis de, quoted 67,
156, 157
Spanish Succession, War of the,
claimants, 257 ; in Flanders,
1702, 274 ; Grand Alliance, 274 ;
in Germany, 1702, 278; in North
Italy, 1701, 291 ; Army of the
Two Crowns, 292 ; French losses,
1704, 1705, 323 ; in Spain,
1704-6, 323; in North Italy, 1706,
323, 328 ; in France, 1707, 345 ;
other campaigns of , 1707, 346; in
Flanders, 1708, 359, 383
Staffarda, battle of, 49
Susa, town of, 3.
Tallard, Marfechal, 278, 323
TiUmaque, Fenelon, 139, 190
Tellemont, 118
Tessfe, Comte de (Rene de FrouUay),
career and character, 5 1 ; mission
to Turin, 1692, 52-56 ; secret
visit to Turin, June 1696, 60 ;
public visit to Turin, July 1696,
64 ; becomes equerry to Marie
Adelaide, yy, 82 ; persuades
Maulevrier to accompany him to
Spain, 314 ; demands his recall,
315
Torre, Abbate della, 17
Toulon, 345
Toulouse, Comte de (Louis Alex-
andre de Bourbon), descent, 15 ;
career, 151
Tronson, Abbe, 127, 186
Turin, Catinat threatens, 49 ; siege,
324, 329-330, 334
Two Crowns, Army of the, 292
Urfe, Marquis d", 35
Valentino, Castello del, 38
Valenza, 72
Valois, Mile de : See Franfois
d' Orleans
Valromey, county of, 2
Vancy, Duchfe de, 237, 238
Vauban, 279, 384
Vaudemont, Prince de, 292, 294
Vaudois, the, 46, 48
Vendome, Louis Joseph, Due de,
descent, 347 ; character, 348 ;
courage and affability with
soldiers, 350 ; early talents and
military career reviewed, 349-35 1;
popularity, 351, 416 ; opinion on
Due de Bourgogne, 353 ; and
the cabal of Meudon, 356 ;
devotion of his soldiers, 350 ;
generalship discussed, 365, 397
Military career(Vf ax of Spanish
Succession), head of Army of
Italy, 1703, 278 ; in North Italy,
1 702, 298 ; disarmament of
Piedmontese contingent, 299 ;
Flanders,iyo^-iy^6, 329; ordered
to Flanders, 1706, 329; cam-
paign of 1707, 346 ; campaign of
1708, disagreement with Due
de Bourgogne, 364 ; at Oude-
narde, 365 ; question of responsi-
biUty for defeat at Oudenarde,
365-369,413 ; siege of Lille, 383 ;
disagreement with Berwick, 387 ;
responsibility for disasters in
Flanders, 397 ; reception by
Louis XIV on return from 1708,
404 ; reception by the Court, 405 ;
discomfited by the Duchesse de
Bourgogne, 407 et seq. ; re-
moved by Louis xiv from active
list, 414 ; campaign of 1710 in
Spain, 414 ; death, 415
Vend6me, the Grand Prior, 348
Veneria, II, 39
Venloo, town of, 277
Ventadour, Duchesse de, 79
Vernone, Conte di, at wedding of
Anne Marie d'Orlfians, 30 ; letter
to Victor Amadeus 11, 93 ; his
account of the reception of Marie
Adelaide at the Pont-de-Beau-
voisin, 98 ; Louis xiv's gift to
lOI
Verrua, Abbate di, 28
Contesse di (Jeanne Baptiste
d' Albert de Luynes), liaison with
Victor Amadeus 11, 25 ; deserts
him, 29 ; her art collection, 29,
30 ; epitaph, 31
Versailles, Court of, prior to, 1686,
159 ; influence of Marie Ade-
laide's advent, 160 ; marriage
fetes of Duchesse de Bourgogne,
200 et seq. ; dancing, 209 ;
minutiae of etiquette observed,
206,254; gambling, 241 ; theat-
ricals, 236; Swiss spies at, 311
note
Victor Amadeus i, 4
Personal, childhood, 5 ; cha-
478
A ROSE OF SAVOY
racter, 6, 7, 18, 301 ; filial rela-
tionship, 7 ; appearance at eigh-
teen years, 21 ; liaison with Mile
de Cumiana, 23 ; treatment of his
wife, 23, 31 ; liaisons with Mme
de Pri6 and the Contessa di
Verrua, 25 ; his children, 34;
Political, policy towards Louis
XIV, 8 ; and Knerolo, 8, 50, 61 ;
proposed Portuguese marriage,
9-1 1 ; intrigues against his
mother's regency, 10 ; proposed
marriage with Maria Anna Luisa
de Medici, 12 ; marries Anne
Marie d' Orleans, 16; its political
significance, 17 ; emancipates
himself from mother's control,
17 ; persecution of the Vaudois,
46 ; coquets with the Allies, 46 ;
Catinat advances against, 47 ;
joins League of Augsburg, 47 ;
attempts to detach him from
League, 51-54; negotiations for
marriage of Marie Adelaide, 55,
58, 61 ; Treaty with Louis xiv,
61 ; receives title of Royal High-
ness, 61, 104 ; deserts Augsburg
League, 72 ; and question of
Marie Adilaide's Household, 82 ;
claim to possessions of Spanish
crown,257; the Partition Treaties,
259, 260 ; negotiations with Louis
XIV to acquire the Milanese, 260,
299 ; treaty with Louis xiv, 1701,
264 ; marriage of his daughter
the Princess of Piedmont, 291 ;
generalissimo in Northern Italy
(War of Spanish Succession), 292 ;
at battle of Chiari, 273 ; sus-
pected of treachery, 294 ;
promised Montferrato by the
Emperor, 296 ; PhiUp v's refusal
to accord him sovereign honours,
297 ; negotiations with Emperor
Leopold, 1702, 299 ; renewed
negotiations with Louis xiv
about the Milanese, 299 ; joins
Grand Alliance, 300 ; French
invasion of Piedmont (1706),
323 ; his daughters urge him to
make concessions, 324-326 ; and
siege of Turin, 328 ; invades Pro-
vence and lays siege to Toulon,
345
Prince of Piedmont (son of
Victor Amadeus 11), 213 note
Vie de Charlemagne, Fenelon's, 139
note
Vigevano, Treaty of, 72
Vigna di Madame, the, 39
Villacerf, Marquis de, 192
Villarceaux, Marquis de, 163 note
Villars, Marechal de, 278
Villeroy, Marechal de, 293, 295,
323
Vitelleschi, Marchesa di, 33 note,
39 note
VriUi^re, Mme de la : See La Vril-
ligre, Mme de, 216
Winter of 1708, 416-422
Wynendale, skirmish at, 394
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Morrison & Gibb Limited
Edinburgh
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