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Cornelt University Library 
DF 831.C34 

Hellas and the Balkan wars, 

3 1924 028 258 824 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 





By D. J. CASSAVETTI, M.A. Oxon. 


waOrffiaTa fiaO^fiaTU 




First published in igi^ 

[All rights reserved] 



viii PREhALh 

XVIII, "The Spirit of Hellenism." Possibly that chapter 
does not indicate sufficiently clearly that the failings of the 
Greeks therein referred to would probably soon largely de- 
cfease with the introduction of broader educational methods. 

As regards the portion descriptive of the naval and 
military campaigns of the first war, I should say that the 
information was collected at the time, and thus although 
this book is published some time after those events, it does 
not pretend to supply an account based on the considera- 
tion of all the facts and documents which bear on them. 

I am indebted to my father for much assistance over the 
chapter on Finance, and to Mr. Anthony Kephala and also 
to my father for their help over the chapter dealing with 
Agriculture, and also to Commander Cardale, R.N., for his 
co-operation in the preparation of the account of the naval 
engagement of December i6, 1912, and for making the plan 
of it. 

Of the photographs, many were taken by myself. I 
am indebted to Miss C. von Birnen for the photograph 
of Mr. Veniz^los, to Colonel de la Porta for that of the 
destroyed gun on Bezane, to Dr. Manuel for that of the 
late Constantine Manos, to Mr. Alexander Melas for 
the photograph of the late Paul Melas, to Miss Euphrosyne 
Kephala for those of the Lake of Janina and Lieutenant 
Votsis, and for other photographs to kind friends who wish 
to remain anonymous. 

My acknowledgments are due to The Times in respect 
of material contributed by me to its columns. 




December 2, 1913. 


Modern Greece and her people have very seldom been 
highly favoured by English officialism and the English 
Press, and, therefore, by English public opinion. Perhaps 
it was inevitable that during the last twelve months this 
ill-fortune should have been especially noteworthy. The 
Greeks have this year not only had to fight the Turks — 
whom they rightly attacked — and the Bulgarians — who 
attacked them, but have offended the pride of military 
Austria, and have come into direct and special conflict with 
the greed and ambitions of the politicians of Italy. This 
has meant that immensely powerful influences have been 
at work against them. The friends of four or five nations 
have attacked them in print from four or five different points 
at once. The cross-fire has been heavy. And the man in 
the street cannot be blamed if he has supposed that a nation 
which is assailed so fiercely here and abroad by so many 
enemies — some of them quite respectable — must be in the 
wrong. Or at any rate a little State whose claims cause 
friction among great Empires must be a danger and a 
nuisance, to be snubbed and suppressed right or wrong. 
So has thought the average Briton. 

This is natural but none the less unjust. The friends of 
Greece are beginning to protest against it. Individually 
they are numerous and do not lack ability. If they are 
to work effectually upon public opinion they must, how- 
ever, organize. It is with much pleasure that I am able to 
say that, roused by a sense of the ignorance, indifference, 
and misunderstandings prevailing in this country about 


Hellenic affairs, the friends of Greece are organizing to 
some purpose. In the good missionary woirk which they 
will undertake Mr. Cassavetti's book will, I venture to think» 
play a most useful part In its temperate and quietly 
worded pages it states the Greek case and the part played 
by Greece in the Balkan imbroglio. These are set out very 
soberly but very well. One feels that one is reading the 
words of a patriotic Anglo-Greek, but also of a candid and 
not uncritical writer. Pleasant and altogether readable, the 
book, in addition to its story of the war, contains far 
more information about Greece and its affairs than the 
incautious reader would suspect from its chatty and unpre- 
tentious style. It will do good teaching work, dispel pre- 
judice, and, I venture to predict, bore no one whatever. 

December 8, 1913. 


















INTRODUCTION. By the Hon. W. Pember Reeves . ix 




THE NAVY AND NAVAL CAMPAIGN (continued) . . 37 

THE NAVY AND NAVAL CAMPAIGN {continued) . -47 



SALONICA .... -99 

THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGN (continued) . . I16 


THE EPIRUS CAMPAIGN (continued) . . 144 

THE HOSPITALS., . . - . 160 

ATHENS DURING THE WAR. By " Lascaris " . .176 

GREEK WOMEN DURING THE WAR. By " Lascaris " . 1 88 



XVI. THE WAR AND FINANCE . . . . 2 00 


XVIII. THE SPIRIT OF HELLENISM. By ** Lascans " . . 242 



AGRICULTURE . . . . -274 








XXV. GRiECIA IRREDENTA . . . . -352 

INDEX ....... 360 


Note. — (a) = top, or left ; (^) = bottom, or right. 
H.M. KING CONSTANTINE .... Frontispiece 


PAUL MELAS ........ 9 























Hellas and the Balkan Wars 



The causes of the Balkan War are not difficult to find so far 
as Greece is concerned ; rather is it difficult in her case to 
distinguish those events in the history of the Balkan Penin- 
sula which have no connection with the general movement 
which resulted in the Balkan War from those which formed 
part of that movement. The best course, therefore, appears 
to the writer to be to refer briefly to such portion of the 
history of the Peninsula as will illustrate the course taken by 
the events immediately prior to the war. 

The quarrel between Mohammedan and Christian has 
existed ever since the former spread into Europe. The 
prestige of the Turks was at its highest after the capture 
of Constantinople in 1453, and continued at high-water mark 
until the defeat inflicted upon them by Johann Sobieski in 
front of the walls of Vienna, which was followed by the 
Treaty of Carlowitz in 1699. This was the turning-point of 
Turkish supremacy in Eastern Europe ; it was this check 
which arrested the victorious advance of the all-conquering 
hordes, and prevented their inroad into Western Europe. 
From this moment the Near Eastern Question came into 
being, and gave the diplomats of Europe work which has left 
them scarcely any respite for two centuries. 

It was Sobieski who enabled Christianity to turn the tide 
of Mohammedanism, but it was the Greeks who always kept 
opposition to the Turkish conquerors alive in the territory 

2 HELLAS AND mii liALllAlV ^MAo 

which remained under their dominion. It was they who 
were the first to throw off the Turkish yoke as the result of 
their revolution in 1821 ; for though the Servians benefited 
by the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812 to gain partial 
autonomy, they did not gain complete independence until 
1856. After the lead had been given them by the Greeks 
and the prestige of the Turks had been thoroughly shaken 
in Europe, the other Balkan races successively obtained 
their independence. The principalities of Moldavia and 
Wallachia, which had been tributaries of the Porte for five 
centuries, were united into one State in 1859 under the name 
of Roumania. This arrangement was formally accepted in 
1 861 by the Sultan, who, however, retained his suzerainty, 
and continued to receive tribute from the united principali- 
ties. In 1866 Prince Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen 
was elected Prince of Roumania, and was received in that 
capacity at Bucharest on the 22nd of May. On the 21st of 
May, 1877, Roumania proclaimed her independence of Turkey, 
and finally, on March 26, 1881, she declared herself a king- 
dom, and her Prince assumed the title of King Carol I. 
Much later the Bulgarians were granted autonomy as a 
direct result of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877 by the 
Treaty of San Stefano, which was a gross infringement of 
the rights of other nationalities. By the Treaty of Berlin in 
1878 Bulgaria was limited to the country in which the 
Bulgars indisputably formed a majority of the population, 
and Eastern Roumelia, in which besides the Turks and 
Bulgarians there was a large Greek element, was formed 
into a distinct semi-autonomous province under a Greek 
Governor-General appointed by the Porte. By this treaty, 
too, Austria-Hungary received a mandate to occupy Bosnia 
and Herzegovina as a reward for her neutrality in the Russo- 
Turkish War of 1877. In 1885-6 Bulgaria infringed the 
Berlin Treaty by occupying and annexing Eastern Roumelia, 
and in this year the Servians, egged on by Austria- Hungary, 
attacked the Bulgarians, and were completely defeated by 
them under Prince Alexander at Slivnitza. In October, 


CAI RO Jolm.i;ar-li.a'lQra.B-w-& Co-Eain? 



1908, Bulgaria repudiated the suzerainty of the Sultan and 
declared herself independent, Prince Ferdinand assuming the 
title of Czar of Bulgaria. A day later Austria- Hungary 
definitely annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina in spite of the 
protests of France, Great Britain, and Russia (who had hardly 
recovered sufficiently from her war with Japan to take more 
energetic action). The only possible excuse for the course 
taken by the Dual Monarchy was that she had granted 
Bosnia and Herzegovina her previous protection. 

Whereas, however, Bulgaria, Roumania, and Servia all 
managed to obtain complete independence for the greater 
part of their countrymen, only one-quarter of the Greek race 
had gained its freedom. This generalization is not meant to 
include Bulgars, Greeks, or §erbs who had left their homes 
and settled in territories beyond the spheres in which their 
nationality preponderated, but those who remained in the 
land of their birth. The Bulgarians forty years ago, before 
the foundation of the new Exarchist Church and before their 
propaganda had spread over Macedonia, practically did not 
, extend beyond the old boundaries of Bulgaria and Eastern 
Roumelia. No Roumanians except the mysterious Kutzo- 
Vlachs (if they can be classified as Roumanians) remained 
subjects of the Ottoman Empire, though many were incor- 
porated in Austria- Hungary. This is true of the Servians 
too, except that there remained a certain number of Serbs in 
Old Servia and North Western Macedonia. The Servians 
included within the Austrian Empire are of course counted 
by millions, but they do not affect the force of the argument. 
Of Greece, however, only the Peloponnesus, a few of the 
^gean Islands, and the mainland south of Thessaly were 
freed from Turkey when the Kingdom of Greece was estab- 
lished. Great Britain handed over the Ionian Islands to her 
in 1863 after the accession of King George, and in 1881 
Greece, after protesting against the iniquitous Treaty of San 
§tephano, succeeded in obtaining Thessaly and a small part 
of~Epifll5'*tI^ugh the Berlin Conference. ^ Throughout the 
period of her independence Greece has been struggling to 


^btain the rights of free cjtizens for the Greeks living in 
EuropearTTurkey. ^ 

There are two great causes which have brought about this 
persistent struggle for freedom on the part of the Greeks ; 
one is their own strong spirit and desire for liberty which has 
never been crushed, and the second is the incapacity of the 
Turks to govern them. The second cause has helped very 
greatly to keep the first always at work. 

The Turks began as a race of camp fighters and have 
never developed into a civilized nation. All that they have 
been able to do, put baldly, is to establish a kind of primitive 
government which preserved a semblance of peace among 
people of alien race who tried to develop their industries and 
practise their arts to such an extent as the inadequate laws 
under which they had to live permitted them. ' 

It is possible that the spirit of the Greeks living in Euro- 
pean Turkey and on the Asiatic shores of the ^gean might 
have been curbed for many years to come, because their 
enterprising nature enabled them to obtain such advantages 
through their association with foreign countries that from the 
material point of view it was to their interest to restrain their 
patriotic desire to become subjects of the Kingdom of Greece. 
This might have happened if it were not for the peculiar 
geographical features of the Island of Crete, whose nature 
is such that the Turkish influence never managed to obtain 
any real hold over it. The Cretans, as pure Greeks as exist 
to-day, themselves retained their national instincts and aspira- 
tions in the security of their mountains, and being men of 
turbulent character they were never able to remain satisfied 
or peaceful so long as the Turks were in occupation of their 
island. It was Crete that helped, directly or indirectly, to 
bring about all the previous conflicts between Turkey and 
Greece, notably the war in 1897 \ ^^^ it was Crete which 
would have brought about this war, if not immediately, at 
any rate within the next two or three years, had not other 
events precipitated it. 

As has been said, if it were n6t for Crete the aspirations 


of the Greeks of European Turkey might have remained 
dormant; provided that the Turks committed no fresh glaring 
faults of administration. The Abdul-Hamidian Government 
was one of comparative toleration so long as the Greeks 
created no public disturbance. It is true that from time 
to time there were massacres which caused a smaller or 
larger upheaval among the Greeks, but it is quite possible 
that none of these events would have led for the present 
to the Greeks of European Turkey arising and demanding 
their liberation and union to Greece. 

It has be6n stated that the Turks had only established a 
primitive form of government; this is true up to the time of the 
New Turkish Revolution and the overthrow of Abdul Hamid 
in 1908, but after the establishment of the Constitution by 
the Committee of Union and Progress the Turks disregarded 
the lessons of their past history and attempted to establish a 
State on European models and to do in a few years what 
other nations have taken centuries to accomplish. 

The evil results of this administration showed themselves 
first in Macedonia, and it is to the recent events in that pro- 
vince that we must look for the key of the puzzle which has 
been placed before us by the events of the last kw months. 

The geographical position of Macedonia made it natural 
that it should be the scene of the next movement against the 
Turkish domination. It lies between Montenegro, Servia, 
Bulgaria, and Greece, and is separated from Constantinople 
by Thrace. Albania is, it is true still farther removed from 
Constantinople; but if we except what is sometimes called 
Southern Albania, but 'is more properly called Epirus, there 
were few Greeks or other Christian peoples in Albania suffer- 
ing under the Mohammedan ydkp. 

The question of Albania will be discussed in a later chapter 
in this book and so its racial characteristics need not be 
entered into now; it is sufficient for the present purpose to 
say that few of the Albanians who were converted to 
Christianity ever at any time became Christians by con- 
viction and that their attitude towards the Turk has conse- 


quently never been quite the same as that of the other 
Christians of the Balkan Peninsula. 

Many Greeks in Constantinople and its neighbourhood 
became — owing to their natural intelligence, superior educa- 
tion, and commercial ability — men of position in the Ottoman 
Empire and thus their influence with the Porte helped to 
make the lot of the poorer Christians in Eastern Thrace a 
happier one than that of their brethren elsewhere in the 
Turkish dominions. The Macedonia Greeks and Christians 
generally, on the other hand, had no opportunities of obtain- 
ing social status and influence unless they lived in Salonica or 
other large centres. Thus all the evils which the Christians 
in Europe had complained of under the Turkish regime for 
centuries were still to the fore in Macedonia. 

The Macedonian question was an extremely difficult one to 
settle, as there were so many different influences at work in 
the province. There was a large Greek population, and the 
Bulgarians had for the last thirty years been systematically 
colonizing parts of Macedonia and not least in the neighbour- 
hood of Salonica. Further, the Roumanians had made wide 
propaganda in favour of their kindred the Kutzo-Vlachs ; and 
in addition to those of the Roumanians there were other 
racial interests, such as those of the Servians and Albanians. 
The Turk had thus no easy task in governing and controlling 
all this ethnical miscellany. The Greeks had an organization 
for the protection of their compatriots in Macedonia from 
their oppressors, and had been working systematically with a 
view to their ultimate liberation from the Turkish rule. The 
priesthood had perhaps done the greater part of this work, 
and in connection with them should be mentioned the name 
of Basilios Balkos, a native of Preveza, a man who had 
studied in the Theological College on the Isle of Chalke, 
near Constantinople, with the intention of taking the orders 
of priesthood, but remained what is known as a " teacher " 
(SfSaorjcaXoc) ; he and others had spent the last eight years 
travelling all over Macedonia, interviewing bishops and their 
clergy and organizing the movement. As an instance of the 


attitude adopted by the priests in Macedonia may be men- 
tioned the exploit of the Bishop of Monastir, Joachim 
Phoropbulos, a native of Chios, who not long ago preached 
a sermon with the words *' I know thee from the terrible cut 
of thy sword ; I know thee from thy glance which measures 
the earth with force. Arising from the sacred bones of the 
Greeks and as though in the first vigour of your manhood, 
hail, O freedom!" from the Greek National Anthem as text 

So suspicious did the Turks become of what was going on 
among the Greeks that they would not allow any of them to 
be armed. The priests, consequently, in order to arm all the 
people, which was part of their scheme, used to carry rifles 
and cartridges under their robes and distribute them to the 
villagers in their villages secretly. It is, perhaps, the part 
played in this movement by the more important of the 
Macedonian clergy which gave rise to the impression in the 
writer's mind that they are as much statesmen as priests. 
The writer has been much struck by the extremely cultivated 
and clever faces which he has noticed among the younger 
bishops, several of whom he had the opportunity of seeing 
during the war. 

The Roumanians, unlike the Bulgarians, did not attempt 
to colonize Macedonia, but to prove that Macedonia, 
was already Roumanian. The basis of /their contention, 
was provided by the Vlachs, or Kutzo-Vlachs, who 
though claimed by the Roumanians as of common 
origin with them, have always shown sympathy with 
Greece. To such length did the Roumanians carry their 
programme that in order to show that Roumanians had 
died there, they would buy corpses and have mock funerals. 
The writer was told by an acquaintance of his, who was a 
friend of one of the Greek bishops of Macedonia, that he 
found the bishop on one occasion very much perturbed over 
an application for a burial licence by a Roumanian. The 
bishop heard that there had been no death which necessitated 
a subsequent burial, and was therefore very much perplexed 
as to what he should do : he eventually issued the licence 


but published his suspicions among the Greek women, with 
the result that ten thousand women collected when the 
funeral procession started and attacked it, and so the Rou- 
manian priests and attendants had to fly for their lives. The 
Roumanians, however, found that their propaganda did not 
make much headway and so to a great extent relaxed their 
efforts during the last few years. 

The Bulgarian movement was a much more serious matter. 
At the same time as they were colonizing Macedonia they 
were Bulgarizing its existing inhabitants. This is the only 
word which will describe a process which will produce the 
following curious conditions in a family living on Turkish 
territory, viz., a paterfamilias who can speak only Greek, a 
son who can speak both Greek and Bulgarian, and a grand- 
son who can speak only Bulgarian. Cases of this kind were 
found recently in villages within a few miles of Salonica. 
The instruments by which the process of Bulgarization was 
worked were at first the peaceful ones of the school and the 
Church. Operations were begun in the poorest villages 
which were not provided with a Greek school and which 
readily fell into the trap. The advantage of a school in one's 
own village was not one to be lightly refused ; particularly 
by the Greek, who was ever fond of learning. Before these 
villages were thus provided with schools of their own the 
children had in most cases to make long journeys in order 
to attend school, which in some districts could not be under- 
taken during rainy weather. Thus to some the choice was 
practically one between a Bulgarian school and no regular 
schooling at all. The establishment of a school was usually 
followed by the conversion of the villages to the exarchist 
millet and the dismissal of the Greek priest. In the more 
prosperous villages which had Greek schools these peaceful 
methods usually failed, and in them the Bulgarians resorted 
to intimidation. They organized bands which instituted a 
reign of terror among the villagers and persecuted those who 
did not espouse the Bulgarian cause. The Greek Govern- 
ment did not realize that the Bulgarians were systematically 


To face p. 9- 


denationalizing the Macedonians, and these did not at first 
assert themselves, but soon they suffered so much from the 
cruel excesses of the Bulgarian Komitadjes that the Greek 
organization, which has been described as being used against 
the Turks, was directed chiefly against Bulgarian influence. 
The Greeks and Bulgarians came into conflict chiefly over 
the schools and the churches : so bitter were they in their 
competition against each other that there were in many 
cases not enough pupils for the schools which were estab- 
lished. Under the auspices of the IOvikyj iraipia (National 
League), Greek armed " bands " had been organized, who 
roamed the mountainous districts of Southern Macedonia 
■keeping alive the patriotism of the Greek peasants. When 
the Greeks realized the effect of the activity of the Bulgarian 
Komitadjes in Central Macedonia, their " bands " were sent 
farther north for the protection of the Greek villages in the 
Monastir and more easterly districts. New " bands '* were 
organized by wealthy Greek families such as the Dragoumis, 
and the more enterprising Greek army officers became leaders 
of these bands. Among them should be mentioned Paul 
Melas, a son-in-law of M. Stephen Dragoumi^, one of the 
ablest and bravest officers in the Greek Army, who was so 
much influenced by this movement that he left his home, 
went to Macedonia and became captain of a " band." When 
he left Athens he told his friends that within ten years the 
day of the delivery of Macedonia would come, and he gave 
up his life gladly, happy in his optimism, a victim of Bul- 
garian treachery. He heard that a Bulgarian " band " had 
planned a raid on a Greek village named Statista, near 
Kastoria, so he took his "band" there to defend it. The 
Bulgarians, having obtained knowledge of his movements, 
gave information to the commander of the local Turkish 
troops to the eff'ect that a Bulgarian band had invaded the 
village in question. Thereupon the Turkish commander 
surrounded the village and fighting began, the Turks and the 
Greeks each believing that their opponents were Bulgarians, 
during which Paul Melas lost his life. The mistake was 


soon discovered on both sides, and then the Turks were 
annoyed and grieved at the sacrifice through a dishonest 
stratagem of a man whom they had learnt greatly to respect. 
His widow, by her work as a nurse in the war, has nobly 
followed in his footsteps. 

The Bulgarians, after the failure of the Greeks in 1897, 
thought them of no consequence, but men like Paul Melas 
showed them that the Greeks were a factor to be taken into 
account, and then they perceived that the Greeks had only 
been unlucky in their war against Turkey. From the 
moment that the Bulgarians realized that the Greeks were a 
nation to be reckoned with, they understood that it was to 
their interest to compromise with them. It was then that 
M. Veniz61os brought about the arrangements as to the joint 
schools in Macedonia, which paved the way to the adoption 
of common measures against Turkey. 

The advent of the young Turk regime made matters much 
worse : there was much less security of life and property for 
the Christians than there had been under the despotic rule 
of Abdul Hamid. Turkish officials who formerly had been 
afraid of exploiting their offices now had nothing to fear. As 
a result of this the whole of Macedonia was ready to rise 
against the Turks at the first opportunity. 

In the meantime events had moved in Crete : a new party 
had arisen under the leadership of M. Veniz^los and had 
caused Prince George to leave the island, and from that time 
the Cretan deputies agitated for seats in the Greek Parlia- 
ment. The coup d'itat of the Greek military league under 
Zorbas was instrumental in bringing M. Veniz61os to Athens 
and the Cretan influence with him. This weighed heavily in 
the scale against Turkey. 

Finally, by the summer of 1912 the Balkan Alliance was 
formed, the moving spirit being M. Venizelos. It is inter- 
esting to observe that the man who first conceived the idea of 
a Balkan Alliance was the most distinguished of former 
Greek premiers, Tricoupis, but his proposals had been 
betrayed to the Porte by Stambuloff, who was then at the 
zenith of his powers. 


By September the relations between the Balkan States and 
Turkey in regard to Macedonia had become so strained, and 
the allies had adopted such a determined attitude, that the 
Powers considered it their duty to intervene. They accord- 
ingly made representations to Turkey, urging that autonomy 
should be granted to Macedonia, after adopting the qualifica- 
tion proposed by Austria- Hungary to the effect that this 
autonomy should be under the sovereignty of the Sultan. 

Turkey did not see her way to offer anything more than 
a scrupulous undertaking to apply the law of 1868 (pre- 
viously a dead letter) to the provinces of European Turkey 
and also to Crete, and her reply was to that effect. As 
Turkey had shown no indication of a desire to carry out the 
provisions of this law during the past years, the Balkan 
States felt themselves unable to treat the proposal seriously. 
It was by that time generally admitted that the only 
alternative to the autonomy of Macedonia would be a 
system of reforms administered under the superintendence 
of the Powers themselves, with or without the assistance of 
the Balkan States. Thereupon the Powers made representa- 
tions to Turkey for the introduction of reforms on the lines 
suggested by the Balkan States, but Montenegro forestalled 
any issue of the negotiations by declaring war on Turkey. 
It was generally believed that Montenegro's action was taken 
by arrangement with her allies, just as in December last it 
was thought that it was by agreement with Bulgaria and 
Servia that Greece refused to sign the armistice. However, 
just as Greece acted independently in regard to the armistice, 
so Montenegro declared war on her own responsibility and 
not by arrangement with the other Balkan States. By this 
time the Turks were also thirsting for the fray. Their 
attitude became uncompromising, and realizing that Bulgaria 
and Servia were in earnest, they declared war on both 

The venerable Kiamil Pasha, the only far-seeing Turkish 
statesman, strove hard to detach Greece from the Balkan 
Alliance, for he realized that the command of the sea was 


imperative.if Turkey was to be successful in her campaign 
against the Bulgarian and Servian armies. He made most 
favourable proposals to her, comprising the release of the 
Sultctn*s suzerainty over Crete and the granting of substantial 
privileges to the Greeks throughout the Empire. But Greece, 
loyal to her bargain with her allies, refused this offer and 
promptly herself declared war upon Turkey. 

It has been suggested that the Balkan States showed a 
lack of chivalry in challenging Turkey at a moment whe'n she 
was crippled by her war with Italy. This would possibly 
have been true in the case of any State but Turkey ; the 
Balkan States, however, rightly considered that to Turkey 
chivalry was a meaningless term, for the Turk had never kept 
to his bargain in the past. Indeed, they looked upon the 
Turk as a foe against whom civilized weapons were useless. 
In point of fact it was only a coincidence that the Balkan States 
attacked Turkey at that particular moment, and they would 
probably have done so in any case. Turkey may be said to 
have been unlucky, but not badly treated. The proper in- 
ference to draw from what happened at the time is that the 
Balkan States conferred a very great service on Italy by de- 
claring war at that moment and so enabling her to obtain 
peace on better terms than she would otherwise have done, 
for which she does not of late appear to have shown much 
gratitude to them. 



The family of Crevata is a well-known family name in 
Greece at the present time ; a Greek bishop bears that name. 
A branch of the family is known to have been resident at 
Sparta from the beginning of the eighteenth century, and 
was still there at the time of the Greek Revolution, A 
member of this family, Venizelos Crevata, left Sparta and 
settled in Crete during the first half of the nineteenth 
century. In that island at the time not much store was set 
by surnames, and the new-comer was generally known by 
his Christian name of Venizdos, which he himself seems to 
have adopted as his surname, for we do not find that the 
name of Crevata was used subsequently either by himself or 
his descendants. The choice in a family of the Christian 
name of /Bgve^ijXoc, or Benezelo (possibly Bengelo), suggests 
that the family had some connection with Italy, but there is 
no historical evidence that they intermarried or are in any 
way connected with the Florentine Dukes of Athens of that 
name whose descendants are still to be found in Athens and 
elsewhere in Greece. The name Crevata, perhaps, suggests 
a Norman origin, like the name Passava, which is a corrup- 
tion of " Passe-Avant," but it may very well be a Greek 
name. Venizdos Crevata had a son "Kyriakos Venizelos," 
who remained in Crete and retained his Greek nationality, 
which he had acquired from his father. It is noteworthy 
that the Turkish authorities tried to compel him to abandon 
his Greek nationality and become a Turkish subject, and 



that on more than one occasion he was obliged to leave 
Crete in order to escape persecution, but that his love for his 
home made him return on each occasion when the cloud had 
blown over. Kyriakos Venizdos married a Greek lady at 
Canea, and by her had issue five daughters and a son, 
Eleutherios. The birth of the latter took place at a village 
known as Murnises, within about an hour's walk of the town 
of Canea, in 1 864. 

His childhood and boyhood were comparatively uneventful 
in spite of the revolution of 1868, in which he does not seem 
to have played the role of a precocious infant, and after 
which Crete enjoyed a period of comparative quiet. He 
attended the Greek school at Canea until 1877, when he went 
to the Lykeion Antoniadou at Athens, where he spent about 
a year. From there he went to the Gymnasium at Syra, 
whose schools had been pre-eminent ever since the beginning 
of the eighteenth century, for the wealthy merchants of Syra, 
many of whom had migrated from Chios, being men of cul- 
ture, took steps to provide as good teachers for their sons as 
could be found at the time, so that Greeks of various parts 
used to send their sons there to be educated. Eleutherios 
Venizelos passed through the Gymnasium with great dis- 
tinction and became the first scholar of it in his last 

At the end of his school training he joined Athens 
University as a student of law, but his career there was con- 
siderably interfered with by indifferent health. In 1885 he 
was prostrated by a severe attack of typhoid fever, which 
nearly proved fatal. However, he subsequently completed 
his course of studies and took his diploma in 1887. 

He then returned to Crete and immediately set up as a 
lawyer at Canea, in partnership with Mr. Spiridion Moatzo. 
This association lasted for ten years, during which time M. 
Venizelos came to be recognized as about the most able 
lawyer in the whole island, and was retained in practically all 
the most important cases. He married an Athenian lady, 
but was left a widower with two sons, of whom one is now a 

venizAlos 15 

military cadet and the other a university undergraduate, and 
both of whom fought in the war. 

His political career also commenced soon after his return 
to Crete, for in 1888 he stood and was returned as deputy in 
the Cretan Assembly for the district of Kedonia round Canea. 
From the start his policy was one of co-operation between 
the Cretans and the Greeks of the Kingdom of Greece, 
with a view to the union of Crete with Greece. Thus in the 
small Cretan revolution of 1889 he fell under suspicion and 
was obliged to leave Crete secretly at night and go to 
Greece, He subsequently took a leading part in the agi- 
tation which finally succeeded in 1895 in recovering for the 
Cretans the political rights which they had lost by that 

In the Cretan revolution of 1896, M. Venizelos took a 
very prominent part. He donned the Cretan costume with 
its vracas and top-boots, and was prominent in the fighting 
at Akroterion. He showed consummate military powers of 
organization and strategy, and so earned the admiration of 
the Italian Admiral Canevaro, the commander of the inter- 
national fleet which made a demonstration against the 
revolutionaries. He took part in all the chief engagements 
and underwent all the hardships which fell to the lot of the 
Cretan troops. At the same time he represented the Cretan 
temporary Sedition Government, of which he became a 
member, in the negotiations with Europe. In connection with 
this it is related how, among a deputation of wild-looking 
Cretans in national costume, who came aboard the British 
admiral's flagship one morning, was one man who re- 
appeared the same evening, to the admiral's astonishment, as 
one of the two or three representatives of the Cretan Govern- 
ment who had been invited to dinner, irreproachably attired 
in conventional evening dress. The reader may not be sur- 
prised to hear that this man was Eleutherios Venizelos. It 
is interesting to note that it was about this time that M. 
Venizelos took up the study of and mastered the English 
language (at any rate so far as reading is concerned), in order 


that he might be able to understand our Blue-book deah'ng 
with Crete. 

In 1897 the representatives of the Powers were instructed 
to grant autonomy to Crete, and M. Venizelos was elected 
President of the Cretan National Assembly. In order, 
however, that he might be able to play a more active r61e 
in the organization of the new Government, he prevailed upon 
his old friend, Dr. John Sphakianakis, a Cretan by birth, a 
distinguished doctor of medicine, and a man of much culture 
and learning, who, after spending a considerable time in 
Germany, had settled in Greece proper, to come and succeed 
him in the post of President of the National Assembly. The 
Assembly then appointed an executive committee composed 
as follows: (i) Dr. Sphakianakis, (2) M. Venizelos, (3) 
Anthony Chatsidakis, (4) Nicholas Gianalakes, (5) George 

Prince George of Greece arrived in Crete as High Com- 
missioner on the 1 2th of December, 1898. In the Govern- 
ment which was formed subsequent to his arrival M. 
Venizelos combined the offices of Minister of Justice and 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. He proceeded to give a further 
example of his very exceptional powers of organization by 
reconstituting the Cretan Courts of Justice with such ability 
that Lord Salisbury, who was then Minister for Foreign 
Affairs, was able to state in the House of Lords that ample 
justice was administered in the Cretan Courts. The aims 
of Prince George did not, however, coincide with those of 
M. Venizelos, who always continued to work for the ultimate 
complete union of Crete with Greece by means of a transi- 
tional period of autonomy. The Prince attempted to keep 
up a somewhat despotic rule, which did not admit of the 
free democratic Constitution which M. Venizelos wished to see 
established, and even tried to keep Crete in ignorance of 
the line of diplomacy followed by Greece towards Turkey. 
Finally, in 1901, the friction had become so great that M. 
Venizelos was obliged to resign office. The Prince then 
commenced his now famous campaign against M. Venizelos, in 


which he prevailed on Eumenios, Metropolitan of Heracleum, 
to accompany him on tour round the island, and denounced 
M. Veniz^los publicly as a man who was an enemy of Crete 
in that he did not desire its union to Greece. It need 
scarcely be pointed out after the account which has been 
given of M. Veniz61os's aims that no allegation could be 
wider of the mark. At the General Election which ensued 
the tide turned against the Government, but M. Venizdlos 
as well as ten of his associates were re-elected to their seats, 
his party being in a minority of 1 1 to 56, the total number 
of Cretan deputies being 6^. 

The Prince, as is well known, succeeded in guiding affairs 
on the lines of his own policy until the year 1905, when 
matters came to a head with the famous Therissos move- 
ment. M. Venizdos was at the head of this movement, 
and the extraordinary secrecy with which he organized it 
was in its way as remarkable as his recent coup of the 
Balkan Alliance. On the 20th of March, 1905, an army 
was found assembled at Therissos without so much as the 
authorities having an inkling that any trouble of any kind 
was brewing. That night M. Clearchos Marcantonakis, the 
lifelong friend and associate of M. Venizelos, who now acts 
as his private secretary, was sent to Greece as the envoy 
of the revolutionaries. He carried with him a letter written 
by M. Venizelos, explaining the reasons for the steps taken 
by his party, and was received by M. Delijannis, who was 
then Prime Minister. This mission had no immediate effect, 
and when the position in Crete became hopeless, a com- 
mission of the following friends of M. Venizdlos — (i) Scoulas, 
(2) Marcandonakis, (3) Gianalakis — approached the King and 
laid their case before him, but without success. This was 
followed by a fresh deputation from the whole of Crete 
to Prince George, to beg him to desist from his campaign 
and from stating that there were Cretans who did not desire 
the union with Greece, which was equally unsuccessful. 
Then M. Venizelos and some friends went to Greece to 
place the matter before M. Theotokis, who had replaced 



M. Delijannis, but he refused to receive them. The insur- 
gents had now been in camp for several months, and the 
crisis was only ended by the arrival of delegates from the 
Powers who held an inquiry, as a result of which the Prince 
retired and was replaced by M. Zaimis. It is related how 
when Prince George had turned many of the electors against 
M. Venizelos, a resolution was passed at a village meeting 
for the taking of his life by force. M. Venizdlos, hearing 
of this, went alone to the village in question, where he was 
not personally known, addressed a meeting of the villagers, 
and explained to them his aims and then revealed his 
identity. The meeting closed with a vote of confidence in 
him, and in this way he won over his would-be assassins' 
as devoted adherents. A coalition Government was formed, 
in which M. Venizelos again held the portfolios of Foreign 
Affairs and Justice. In 1909, when this Government retired 
over the question of the hoisting of the flag and Proclama- 
tion of Union with Greece, M. Veniz61os became Premier 
in the new Government. Towards the end of that year he 
went to Athens to advise the Government of the Military 
League as to the policy which they should adopt. 

In June, 1910, his life was again m. danger, this time from 
a serious attack of phlebitis, in which he was treated by the 
distinguished Athens surgeon. Dr. Geroulanos, who was 
called to Crete for the purpose. After this he travelled with 
M. Marcantonakis to Lausanne. This was M. Veniz61os's 
first visit to Western Europe, and he did not complete his 
studies either at Lausanne or in Germany, as has been widely 
stated m. the newspapers. He mastered both the French 
and German languages with his teachers during his school- 
boy days. In August of that year he refused an invitation 
to become a member for Attica in the Greek Parliament, 
but was elected in his absence, in spite of his refusal. He 
left Lausanne about the time that the election took place, 
and he first heard of his success from a sheaf of congratula- 
tory telegrams which he found awaiting him on his arrival 
at Lucerne several days later. From Lucerne he went to 



Rome where the ambassadors of the Great Powers were 
then sitting in conference over the question of Crete. The 
result of this visit was to make him decide to accept the 
invitation to go to Athens, but as he was still Premier of 
Crete, and had therefore to arrange matters there before 
he could enter upon his new duties officially, he decided to 
arrive in Athens incognito and so avoid the public demon- 
stration that had been got ready for him. He left the 
train from Patras at Megara and was there met by a motor- 
car belonging to his friend M. Negropontes, in which he 
completed his journey while M. Marcantonakis continued 
the journey ostentatiously by train, and faced the populace, 
who discovered that they had thus been baulked of their 
reception of their future idol. M. Veniz^los then returned 
to Crete for a few days and resigned the Cretan Premiership, 
and in September he was fetched from there to Athens 
in a special steamer by a committee sent for the purpose 
by the Government of M. Stephen Dragoumis (afterwards 
the Governor of Crete, and now Governor-General of 
Macedonia)^ who was then Greek Premier. 

In Athens at the time the Constitution was still suspended 
as a result of the bloodless revolution of the Military League 
under Zorbas, and M. Veniz^los was on his arrival requested 
to form a Government out of the National Assembly (kOviKrj 
iTvveXev(Tig)y which consisted of double the number of deputies 
contained in the ordinary Parliament At this time the 
Athenian democrats were crying out for the abolition of the 
existing Constitution and the substitution of a new one; 
but M. Venizdlos was averse to this, and persons who were 
present will recollect his answering the clamour of the 
crowd for a new Constitution with the word avaOetjpririKrl 
("revisionary"), which he pronounced in the Cretan way 
with the k soft — **anatheoritichi." At the time he asked the 
Assembly for an unconditional vote of confidence, but as 
this was refused him he threatened to hand in his resigna- 
tion unless the King sanctioned a dissolution. He carried 
his point, and after the elections had returned him to power 


with an immense majority, the new double Parliament which 
assembled in that month voted the revision of the existing 

During the period of more than a year, for which the 
double Parliament lasted, a great deal of most salutary and 
urgent legislation was accomplished under M. Venizdlos's 
guidance. Of this, perhaps the most striking was the 
amendment of the criminal law. One of the most successful 
changes was the lenient treatment held out to cattle thieves 
if they voluntarily surrendered to the authorities. These 
had been a regular pest, and had infested the frontiers of 
Epirus and Thessaly. The alteration in the law had an 
almost immediate effect, and within a year the cattle thief 
had become a rara avis. M. Veniz61os also introduced the 
more stringent execution of severe criminal sentences. 
Murderers condemned to death were practically never 
executed, and they were frequently allowed to be at large 
after a few years. M. Venizdos began by ordering the 
prompt execution of some thirty murderers who had been 
condemned to death but who were still alive in prison. 
The stricter measures adopted caused the dignity of the 
criminal tribunes to be advanced, and a reduction in the 
worst forms of crime was soon noticeable. 

During this time also the reformation of some of the 
branches of the public service were taken in hand : French 
and British missions were brought to Athens for the Army 
and Navy respectively ; and as the Italians had been notably 
successful in organizing the Cretan Gendarmerie, M. 
Veniz61os brought an Italian mission to reform the Greek 
police. The Italians have scarcely been so successful in 
Greece as they were in Crete, It cannot be said that the 
Greek police are, as a whole, either smart or trustworthy, 
though they appear to have carried out their duties satis- 
factorily in the new districts taken over during the war. 

M. Veniz61os had always had the idea of the Balkan 
Alliance and had been a great admirer of Tricoupis, though it 
cannot be said that he was his successor in Greek politics, 


for M. Venizdos's political aims are far more democratic than 
were those of Tricoupis. The latter was by nature a Tory, 
and the tragedy of his political career can be traced to the 
antagonism which existed between his own Tory tendencies 
and the democratic views of his colleagues and his supporters. 
It must have been gratifying to M. Veniz^los to see that 
even Mr. Bourchier, in his account of the formation of the 
Balkan Alliance in The Times^ has admitted that he was the 
mainspring of the alliance, and that it was Tricoupis who 
first tried to form one over twenty years ago. He does not, 
however, explain that Stambuloff, the Daneff of those days, 
was the principal cause of the failure of Tricoupis*s plan, for 
he denounced it to the Porte in return for the grant of 
various privileges to the Bulgarian residents in Turkey. 

In March, 191 2, there was a General Election, at which 
M. Veniz61os's Government was returned to power with an 
overwhelming majority, which materially strengthened his 
hand for concluding the alliance with the other Balkan 
States against Turkey. The figures in this election show the 
remarkable hold which he had gained over every class in the 
nation, for which there are really very few parallels in history. 
His statesmanship inspired a confidence in the Government of 
the country which the opportunist policies of other Greek 
Premiers had very nearly destroyed. In his ideas and 
schemes for a greater Greece he has never lost touch with 
facts, and any step which he has taken has been first 
thoroughly tested as regards all its possible consequences. 
Numbers of Greeks in all parts of the world who had almost 
given up their country of origin, to a great extent owing to 
the misgivings which they felt in its future under incompetent 
administrations, felt drawn to Greece once more ; and it will 
be interesting to see whether, when everything has settled 
down again in the Balkans, many of them will go back and 
make their homes there. The return of 30,000 Greek 
volunteers to fight for Greece is a tribute to the personality 
of M. Veniz^los. The greater number of them, as well as of 
the 40,000 or 50,000 soldiers who had emigrated and who 


took their places in the ranks as conscripts will, according to 
inquiries] made among them by the writer, probably return 
to their adopted countries to prosecute their businesses further, 
at any rate for some time ; but when they have amassed 
sufficient wealth according to their needs, it will be sur- 
prising if they do not return and make Greece their 
permanent home, retaining business connections with 
America and elsewhere through young relatives and 

Where other Premiers used their powers and position for 
the purpose of keeping themselves in office, if not for ulterior 
personal objects, M. Venizdos has never thought of what 
the people are thinking of him, or \n any way courted 
popularity. He has only thought of the good of his country; 
yet his personal magnetism has gained him an apotheosis 
wherever he has gone. Perhaps the most striking instance 
of his strength of purpose was his refusal to admit to the Greek 
Parliament his old confreres, the Cretan Deputies. 

It is early yet to estimate the value of the services which 
M. Veniz^los has rendered to his country, but so far a& can 
be judged what he has already accomplished places him on 
the level of a Bismarck or a Cavour. The dominating per- 
sonality is presen*- in him as much as it was in the two 
statesmen to whom Ije has been compared, but it is of a 
much less aggressive kind. Where Bismarck showed the 
mailed fist, Veniz^los uses a velvet glove ; and so while 
winning his diplomatic victories by his suavity and courtesy, 
he avoids making the enemies which men such as Bismarck 
made. The charm of his manner is so unfailing that, 
however overworked he may be, he never shows to anybody 
who has the privilege of an interview with him that there 
is any subject more pressing for his attention than the one on 
hand. This habit was possibly contracted during his career 
as a successful and busy lawyer, but is inseparable from 
his innate and kindly courtesy. His relations with the 
Court are an example of his invariable tact and courtesy. 
Not unnaturally, as a result of his conflict with Prince George 






,in Crete, he arrived in Greece by no means a persona grata 
to the Greek Royal Family, In addition to this he came 
under the auspices of a group who had forced the princes 
to retire from the Army. The late King George believed 
that he had to do with a man who might before long be 
planning the abolition of a dynasty, and so at first looked 
upon him very coldly. However, when as Premier M. Veni- 
z^los unfolded the Government programme to him, the King 
was so delighted with it that he said of it to a friend of the 
writer: "It might have been my own programme." And 
so M. Veniz61os earned the confidence of King George, 
and at the same time succeeded in using the dynasty as a 
check on ultra-democratic Greek tendencies. 

One of M. Venizelos's most remarkable qualities is his 
thorough grasp of detail. Though he has always cherished 
the ideal of a Greater Hellas, he has not been carried away 
by the vista of possibilities in the contemplation of which 
most Greek statesmen must have lost touch with hard facts. 

His idealism has been kept in check by a practical per- 
ception of the factors with which he has had to deal, and 
he has always cut his coat according to his cloth. Thus his 
great moderation has been conspicuous throughout the series 
of crises in the Balkans, and he has coolly accepted the 
principle of giving up a large Greek population in Thrace 
in a way which some of his less practical colleagues failed 
to understand. 

At present it appears as though M. Venizelos has come 
to be looked upon as indispensable by so large a section of all 
classes of the population, that his continuance in power is 
certain for many years to come, in spite of the fact which 
writers about Greece have never tired of repeating to us, that 
the Greeks are not constant in their affections except in the 
case of their Church and the Greek idea. 

However good it may be that in times of national peril the 
whole nation should follow the man who is at the helm of 
State, a sane and steady opposition party is needed which 
may help to promote healthy discussion of all measures 


which are brought before the House of Deputies and prevent 
hasty legislation. At present the twenty or so opponents of 
the Government in the Boule scarcely exceed in numbers 
the different parties which exist, and so intelligent debate 
becomes almost impossible. It is said that M. Veniz^los 
himself is perturbed by this absence of effective opposition, 
and would be glad to see his ex-colleague in the Cabinet, 
M. Dimitracopulos, who was formerly Minister of Justice, 
organize a united opposition party. If this project be 
successfully accomplished, Greek politics should once for all 
be put on a firm basis. 

In a memorable speech which he made in the Boule at the 
commencement of the war against Bulgaria, M. Veniz^los 
described the relations of Greece and Bulgaria from the first 
pourparlers with a view to an alliance until the final breaking 
of the bond of union. He explained how, after a defensive 
military convention had been entered into, Greece was only 
given four days in which to make up her mind whether she 
would join the other Balkan States in making war on Turkey 
or not. The other States having decided upon war, he had 
to choose between three courses of action, (i) joining the 
Balkan League, (2) assisting Turkey, (3) strict neutrality. 
He was obliged as a pis-aller to trust in the honesty and 
promises of Bulgaria, as in those of Servia and Mon- 
tenegro, and embark on the war without any previous 
agreement as to a division of territory. Unfortunately his 
hopes of Bulgarian good faith were disappointed, but he was 
the last person to admit this, and in fact did not do so until a 
premeditated and treacherous attack on Salonica by the 
Bulgarians made it no longer possible for hinj to proclaim the 
preservation of the integrity of the Balkan Alliance to the 
world at large. 

The speech is distinguished by an absence of rhetorical 
expression, and yet by a direct and forceful eloquence always 
full of sound common sense. In reading it the farsightedness 
of his statesmanship is brought home to us. 

Throughout the trying negotiations over the terms of 
peace with Turkey he showed himself a match for the 


diplomats of the Great Powers, under the well-meaning but 
short-sighted leadership of Sir Edward Grey. In this same 
speech M. Veniz61os described the Great Powers as " those 
who when they can agree together, regulate as they please 
the affairs of the small," an admirable satire on the treatment 
of the heroic Montenegrins. 

It will be remembered that before the outbreak of the 
Turko-Balkan War M. Venizelos wished hostilities to be 
postponed until the following spring, for he considered that 
Greece was not fully prepared. As events showed, however, 
Greece was found to be much better equipped than any of 
her allies in hospital arrangements and the auxiliary branches 
of military organization ; and she alone possessed an adequate 
motor transport service. This was chiefly due to M. Venizelos, 
who, when one or two friends of his offered their motor-cars 
and their own services as chauffeurs, welcomed them warmly 
and encouraged them to persuade their friends to come too. 
The result of this was that the Greek Government had some 
fifty gentlemen from Athens, Cairo, Constantinople, Paris, 
and London, and other European capitals (some of whom, 
though of Greek descent, scarcely knew a word of Greek), to 
manage and drive their motor-cars and lorries, who were 
expert drivers, and at the same time men in whom trust 
and responsibility could be reposed. Again, although 
M. Venizelos for months hoped, or at any rate persuaded 
others to believe that he hoped, that all outstanding questions 
would be settled with Bulgaria without an open rupture, he 
took good care that all was fully prepared for the eventual 
death struggle. And so he was able confidently to say to 
the Greek Parliament on the outbreak of tHe war with 
Bulgaria, ** The war with Turkey has made Greece greater, 
but this new war will make her very much greater still." 

On first taking up office he told King George, " I shall 
take up my work and I am sure — in fact, it is my firm 
conviction — that Greece will in five years' time be unrecog- 
nizable." Two of these five years still remain, and who 
knows what they may have in store for Greece if M. Venizelos 
be spared to her ? 



A MEETING was held at Sofia some weeks before the 
outbreak of the war, at which M. Gueschoff and the Servian, 
Montenegrin, and Greek Ministers were present. The dis- 
cussion turned upon the numbers of the forces which each of 
the allies would be able to place in the field against Turkey. 
M. Gueschoff stated that Bulgaria could supply 400,000, the 
Servian Minister answered for 200,000, and the Montenegrin 
representative for 50,000. Thereupon they all turned towards 
M. Panas, the Greek Minister ; he said " Greece can supply 
600,000 men." They all looked at him with amazement, if 
not incredulity written upon their faces, and asked him 
how that was possible. He replied, "We can place an 
army of 200,000 men in the field, and then our fleet will stop 
about 400,000 men being landed by Turkey upon the southern 
coast of Thrace and Macedonia, between Salonica and 
Gallipoli ! " Se non e vero e ben trovato. The story, in the 
opinion of the writer, makes a true point. It cannot be 
contended that if Greece had not the command of the sea 
Turkey would have been able to land as many as 400,000 of 
her Asiatic troops in the few weeks which preceded the 
signing of the armistice. In view, however, of the shipping 
which Turkey had at her disposal, she should have been able 
to land some 2,000 troops a day ; so that at least 1 50,000 
men might well have been ready in Thrace within ten weeks. 
The strengthening of the Turkish forces in Thrace would' 
almost certainly have placed the Turks in such a position 


that they would not have wanted to sign an armistice when 
they did, and within about six months at the outside the 
figure of 400,000 would have been reached. 

On an examination of the ships making up the Greek 
fleet and their armament, a comparison between the naval 
forces and the land forces of the Balkan Allies appears quite 
ludicrous ; the same criticism applies to the Turkish fleet. 
The armies, amounting in all to one and a-half million men, 
had ample provision of the latest field and mountain guns, 
telephones, etc., which, at any rate so far as the allies were 
concerned, were used with skill and ability in no way behind 
that of the armies of the great Powers ; while the fleets had 
not one single modern battleship and only one modern cruiser 
between them. Yet the fact that the superiority of a primi- 
tive Greek fleet over a primitive Turkish fleet decided the 
course of the whole war is only a fresh instance of the 
supreme value of sea power to nations which have a sea board 
of any extent. 

The Greeks have been sailors ever since ancient times ; the 
legends of the Argo and the wanderings of Ulysses could 
only be the products of the imagination of a maritime nation. 
Thus in the War of Independence the Greeks, without having 
anything worthy of the name of a fleet, did a great deal of 
fighting on the sea, and such men as Kanaris and Miaoules 
perhaps earned more fame than any of their compatriots who 
fought on land. 

Any one who had any acquaintance with the Greek 
mariner, or had ever travelled in Greek steamers, could not 
help realizing that they are born sailors. People who knew 
the Near East were equally aware that the Turk has no voca- 
tion for the sea. Whbever combined any knowledge of 
Greece and Turkey could not help smiling when he read 
most of the forecasts which appeared in the British Press of 
the probable result of an engagement between the rival 
navies. Practically one and all omitted to take the personnel 
of the two fleets into account, and treated the subject as 
though it was merely a question of ships and guns, and not 


also of the men controlling the ships and behind those 

The resourcefulness of the Greek sailors is well illustrated 
by the following occurrences. Before the outbreak of hos- 
tilities, the Greek Government had sent instructions to the 
Greek merchants ships at Constantinople to steam out into 
the ^gean Sea. Information was, however, subsequently- 
received through the Greek Legation at Constantinople that 
the ships were being detained by the Turkish authorities. It 
was therefore desired to save any further ships from passing 
into the Sea of Marmora and being stopped there. A Greek 
merchant captain was asked to take his station outside the 
Bosphorus and warn any Greek ships to turn back. The 
Turkish authorities, however, were advised of this move, and 
sent a torpedo boat to prevent him carrying out his purpose ; 
he, on seeing the torpedo boat coming, steamed for Varna in 
order to warn the Greek ships there. The torpedo boat 
chased him under full steam. As the light began to fail 
in the afternoon the torpedo boat was seen to be closing 
up, and soon after this, when they were not far from Varna, 
it became quite dark. The Greek captain ordered all lights 
out in his ship and went about and steamed southwards. 
The Turkish torpedo boat went on its course without 
observing his manoeuvre, and the gallant merchantman 
was then able to steam into Varna and warn the other 
Greek ships. 

Another example of their smartness was furnished during 
the last insurrection in Crete. A Greek boat was blockaded 
in a small harbour by a Turkish torpedo boat ; the Greek 
captain immediately had a great quantity of brushwood 
collected on the shore, and lit his fires so that a dense smoke 
was seen to be issuing from his funnels, and this he kept up 
for several days. The trick was completely successful ; the 
Turkish commander thought that the Greek boat was pre- 
paring to make a dash out to sea, and kept up steam and 
thus exhausted all his coal. Finally the Turkish torpedo 
boat was obliged to steam away to fill up her bunkers, 


and then the Greek ship was able to escape to a place 
of safety. 

Tricoupis saw that a nation which depended on the sea for 
ways of communication, and which could furnish such good 
seamen, might have a great future as a maritime power, and 
at any rate could not hope to do much without a fleet to 
support her policy. He accordingly set to work to form the 
nucleus of a fleet with five torpedo boats and the three 
cruisers, Psara, Hydra, and Spetsai. Before the acquisition 
of these ships, apart from the antique Bastleus Georgios which 
was scrapped a few years ago, the Greeks had nothing that 
could be called more than a gunboat. Owing to the financial 
difficulties in which Greece was plunged in the last decade of 
the nineteenth century and the supremacy of '' Little Greeks " 
in the political field, the good work inaugurated by Tricoupis 
was not continued until after the death of Averoff, the 
greatest of the many public benefactors of Vlach descent, 
who showed themselves such enthusiastic Greek patriots. 
The only purchase made during the intervening years was 
that of some destroyers in 1906. However, fortunately there 
were found men in Greece public-spirited enough to vote 
the sum of money required to supplement Averoff"'s legacy 
sufficiently for the purchase of a first-class cruiser, and so the 
Georgios Averoff W3.s commissioned at Leghorn. 

A tabulated statement of the units of the Greek fleet 
at the commencement of the war is given on page 30. 

The four ocean-going destroyers Leon^ Panther, Aetos, 
and lerax were purchased at a rather inflated price on the eve 
of war, at the request of the Bulgarian Government, who, 
however, do not appear to have contributed in any way to 
their cost, much less shown their gratitude to the Greek 
Government for having complied with their request. 

In addition to the regular fleet, merchant ships, as on 
page 31, were commissioned as auxiliary cruisers or gun- 





Armoured Battleships — 

10,118 j 

4 9-2 inch 

Officers 30 



8 7-5 inch 

Petty Officers 286 

3 torpedo tubes 

Men 355 




5,000 j 

3 lO'S inch 
5 6 inch 
I 4 inch 
3 tubes 

Officers 20 
Petty Officers 92 



Men 24s 

Destroyers — 




2 12 pounders 

Officers 5 



. 1906 

400 j 

4 6 pounders 
2 tubes 

Petty Officers 22 
Men 37 



■ 1906 

350 1 

2 12 pounders 

Officers 5 



4 6 pounders 
2 tubes 

Petty Officers 22 
Men 37 



5 Torpedo boats 



4 I pounders 
2 tubes 

Officers I 
Petty Officers 12 
Men 12 

Corvettes — 



Officers 8 



■ 1884 


237 inch 


Petty Officers 20 
Men 82 



in 1887 


dispatch vessel 

Officers 4 
Petty Officers 31 
Men ^ 70 





2 small guns 


Officers 6 
Petty Officers 29 
Men 54 



2 4 inch ' 
4 tubes 


Officers 6 

Petty Officers — 
Men — 



} 1881 

484 1 

I 6 inch 

3 12 pounders 


Officers 5 
Petty Officer & 
Men (about) 50 




13-4 inch 





Officers — 





Petty Officers 3 


Men 12 






Depot ship 

3 small Gunboats ... 



I 4 inch 

Destroyers — 






1,050 { 

4 4' 7 inch 
4 tubes 


Officers 6 
Petty Officers 36 
Men 89 

Officers 5 


Nea Genea 



43-5 inch 
2 tubes 


Petty Officers 34 
Men 58 

Submarine — 

(460 sub- 

Officers 2 



5 tubes 


Petty Officers 13 


Men 4 






Auxiliary Cruisers and 
Gunboats — 



47 inch 
3 inch 

Petty Officers 





6 inch 
3'5 inch 

Petty Officers 





3 inch 

- Petty Officers 






Petty Officers 






Petty Officers 



C Carrier of offensive 
and defensive 

Petty Officers 




At the outbreak of the war Greece had 407 officers in active 
service and 91 officers on the reserve list; she had 1,175 
petty officers on active service, and 700 on the reserve list, 
of v^hom 389 were called upon. The total personnel of the 
Greek Fleet under arms was 468 officers, 1,564 petty officers, 
and 9,200 men, between 11,000 and 12,000 men all told. 

It should be mentioned that the Greek Government was 
able to commandeer a large number of merchant vessels 
as transports. The Greek Mercantile Marine has made 
immense progress latterly, and a great deal of the carrying 
trade of the Eastern Mediterranean is in its hands. The 
following table shows the extent of Greek and foreign ship- 
ping at the Piraeus and the former's great increase during 
the ten years from 1901 to 191 1 : — 

' After the bombardment by the Hamidieh the Themistocles took her 






entering Port 
of Piraeus. 




190 1 





















2,45 A 





























1911 ^ 




1,200,000 ' 

These transports did immense service throughout the war 
in transporting Greek, Servian, and Bulgarian troops to 
points where they were required. Thus a Greek division 
was landed at Aikaterine in October, some 20,000 Bulgarian 
troops were transported from Salonica to Dedeagatch in 
November, three Greek divisions were taken from Salonica 
to Preveza in December and January, over 20,000 Servian 
troops were taken to the Montenegrin and Albanian coasts 
from Salonica in February, and smaller bodies of Greek 
troops were continually being transported from point to point. 

The organization of the Greek Fleet had not had any very 
great attention paid to it until the British Naval Mission was 
sent out to Greece in 191 1. Unfortunately our Government 
do not appear to have treated the matter quite as seriously 
as they might have. Instead of sending some of the best 
tried instructors chosen from among the officers who had 
made themselves more or less experts in the various 
branches, they sent out a group of some eight officers 
under the command of an admiral on the half-pay list ; 
all of them were made to retire from the service. It is not, 
as a rule, advisable to make comparisons, but the Greeks 
could not help, comparing the British Naval Mission, with 
the French Military Mission, which comprised some of the 

' Approximately. 


ablest officers from the various technical branches of the 
French A^n^y- The French Government seems to -have 
treated their mission as one of instruction, and the officers 
retained their ranks in the French Army, and received their 
promotion in due course, and wore French, not Greek, uni- 
forms. The members of the British Mission appear to have 
been officially looked upon as outcasts from the British 
Navy, and somewhat incongruously wore the Greek, not 
British, uniform. In the short time which it had at its 
disposal, the British Mission accomplished a great deal for 
the discipline of the service, and greatly improved the 
general smartness and appearance of the sailors. The 
Averoff^ to which particular attention was given by Admiral 
Tuffnell, created a very favourable impression by her ex- 
tremely spruce appearance in the summer of 1912 where^'er 
she was seen. 

It was on the technical side that the mission scarcely 
fulfilled expectations. The Greek is, as is known, extremely 
intelligent and astute, and when he interests himself in any 
technical matter he goes very deeply (perhaps too much so) 
into the theoretical side of the question, and being a good 
linguist he follows up all the latest developments in those 
countries which are most advanced in the particular subject 
in which he is interested. The Greek naval officer is no 
exception to this ; in fact, many of them have been trained 
in the American, Austrian, Italian, or French navies : they 
thus soon noticed that Britain had scarcely given them of 
her best. There was no time to teach the Greek gunners 
such technical knowledge as fire control before the war, 
otherwise the results of the Greek fire on the Turkish ships 
would have been much more deadly in the two naval 

A month before the war, apparently at the request of the 
Greek Government, Commander Cardale, R.N., a destroyer 
officer, was sent out to teach the Greeks the management 
of their light flotilla. This officer was in active service, and 
was allowed to retain his place on the active list. In one 



month, however, it was manifestly quite impossible to teach 
the intricate manoeuvres in which modern destroyers must 
become thoroughly practised if they are successfully to 
perform their task of night attacks in naval warfare. This 
is perhaps an explanation of the failure of the attempts 
made to put the Hamidieh out of action, after its reappear- 
ance from the Red Sea and Suez Canal, though it was 
probably the lack of a fast cruiser which could pursue the 
Hamidieh by day and so locate it for a destroyer attack by 
night, which was the principal reason why its raids met with 
such impunity. 

What has beqn said about the work of the British Mission 
must not be taken as reflecting upon the zeal and ability 
with which the individual members applied themselves to 
their task. They all worked unsparingly, though it may 
be said that perhaps not all of them managed to get in 
touch with the ways of thinking of the Greek officers or 
men, and so failed to earn their respect. The work done 
by Engineer-Commander Watson in refitting the ships 
during the six months during which the blockade of the 
Dardanelles was maintained can only be described as mar- 
vellous. However, an entirely new naval mission, consisting 
of officers in active service under the command of Admiral 
Kerr, has now been sent out to join Commander Cardale. 

At present the writer has been given to understand that 
the Greek naval officers do not form a sufficiently homo- 
geneous body. Among the older officers there are those 
who have not studied abroad and whose student days long 
preceded the existence of any naval college. The naval 
horizon of some of these officers is hardly wider than that 
of the heroic mariners of the Greek Revolution. There are 
some, however, among the older officers who have pursued 
their nautical studies in England and elsewhere out of 
Greece. Of the younger officers, on the other hand, many 
have not only been trained, but have actually served with 
the Austrian, American, Italian, or French navies. The 
Greek is so receptive and so adaptable that these officers 


betray at first sight the navy in which they have been 
trained. The writer recollects an occasion upon which, on 
being introduced to a Greek naval officer, he mistook him 
for an Austrian, and another occasion on which he judged 
a Greek naval officer to be an American. He afterwards 
learnt that these two officers had served in the Austrian and 
American navies respectively. It will be concluded from 
this that a distinctive type of modern Greek naval officer 
has not yet been evolved. This is true to a certain extent, 
and it is decidedly a failing of the Greek Navy. However, an 
admirable college for naval cadets has been in existence during 
the last few years, known as the Bassanios Schole. This 
college is beautifully situated close to the sea,on the land which 
projects far out between Phaleron and the Piraeus, and has 
fine buildings and grounds. The regime of food, work, and 
play here is well varied and excellent, and the boys receive 
a first-rate intellectual, physical, and moral education. The 
life of the cadets approximates more to that at one of our 
public schools or our naval colleges than that of any other 
institution in Greece that has come to the notice of the writer. 
The cadets have early tea at six o*clock in the morning, they 
have a regular English breakfast at eight o'clock, they have 
dinner at midday, and tea and supper. They are allowed 
adequate time for out-door games, and have their own 
tennis court as well as facilities for boating and bathing. 
Hitherto, even some of these boys have completed their 
training in a foreign navy, but their early training has 
modelled them more completely, and so they are less apt 
to be influenced by foreign surroundings. 

The proximity to the capital of the existing naval base 
at Salamis has prevented the formation of a naval society, 
such as is found at Portsmouth or at Kiel, in which the naval 
officers who have been trained in Austria, France, or Italy, 
as the case may be, would associate when off duty and so 
mutually assimilate their widely differing points of view. For 
the esprit de corps of a navy to be at its strongest, there must 
be a common code and common ideals among the officers. 


The war has doubtless done much to bring every type of 
naval officer together, and it is hoped that in future some 
naval station will be chosen farther from Athens than is 
Salamis, where the naval officers would have to live with 
their families, and would find facilities for games and sport 
and other innocent recreations, which would, prove a better 
relaxation from hard work than sitting in a cafd. Again, the 
discipline among officers on board ship, and especially 
the respect due from the junior to senior officer when on 
duty, is not as zealously observed as it should be. The 
tendency of the Greek naval officer has been to show more 
respect to his commander in a restaurant or a drawing-room 
than on the bridge. The British instructors will, no doubt, 
do their best to correct this attitude, which is so contrary 
to the traditions of our navy. The Greek is docile and, if 
the members of the new British Naval Mission gain his 
sympathies in the way which Commander Cardale has 
done, their task will not be beyond them. 



HE first scene of the naval operations was the west coast. 

will be remembered that during the Turco-Italian War 
e Duke of the Abruzzi sank a Turkish torpedo boat in the 
mbracian Gulf. The Turks had always had another gun- 
^^.t^iki^ Attaleia, stationed there, and thus had the command 

the Gulf. The natural line of communication with Arta, 
e base' of the Greek military operations in Epirus, was 
ross the Gulf from Vonitza. It was, therefore, essential 
at Greece should obtain command of the Gulf. The 
trance to it is magnificently defended ; the channel to the 
lall Bay of Preveza is guarded by two forts armed 
th nine- and ten-inch guns, and there are also forts 
mmanding the passage from Preveza Bay to the Ambracian 

Captain Damianos was entrusted with the mission of 
nning the gauntlet of the forts and forcing the passage 
:o the Gulf fie was given two torpedo boats, each pro- 
led with a couple of three-inch quick-firing guns ; he 
maged to pass through into the Gulf with both ships un- 
served by the Turks. The crew of the AUa/eza scuttled her 
len they saw the Greek ships attacking them. It should be 
;ntioned that there were five Greek transports within the 
ilf, and thus Greece was provided with the means of 
iveying her men and stores from the south to the north 
the Gulf 
This performance is a good example of the quiet and 



efficient manner in which the whole of the Greek campaigns 
have been conducted. The importance of obtaining the 
control of the Ambracian Gulf was realized, and no time 
was lost in making the attempt needed. 

On the 1 8th of October the main squadron of the Greek 
fleet put to sea from the Piraeus. The King, the Prime 
Minister, and the Minister of Marine, M. Stratos, were present 
at the ceremony of departure. They all addressed the fleet 
in turn, and the promotion of Koundouriotis from commodore 
to rear-admiral was announced. The address of M. Venizdlos 
was so appropriate in striking exactly the right chord that 
a translation of it is worth setting out in full : 

" There are moments in the lives of individuals when they 
regret the career they have chosen. I must own that I find 
myself in this predicament just now. I regret that my career 
has brought me to the helm of the State, instead of being 
one of you, no matter who, be it an officer, a petty officer, 
or even an able seaman. 

" Yes, I assure you at this moment I envy you all, even 
to the common sailor, for it is to you that our country is now 
entrusting her fate with every hope ! 

"We enter the struggle full of confidence on land, for 
have we not our allies? but our confidence is no less great 
at sea where our allies have entrusted their fate to us. 

" We are full of hope, for we know the stuff you are made 
of and that you are well prepared, and above all we know 
the courage that inspires you all. 

" Our country expects you not merely to die for her, 
for that is little indeed ; she expects you to conquer ! 
That is why each one of you, even in dying, should be 
possessed by one thought alone — how to eke out his 
strength until his last breath, so that the survivors may 

"And you will conquer! I am more than sure of 
this ! " 

The order of the day, which reads as follows, should be 
noticed : 


To face p, 38, 


" To the Captains, Officers, and Crews of the Fleet of the 
iEgean, and the Captains, Petty Officers, and Men of 
the Squadron of the Ambracian Gulf: — 
"War has been declared against Turkey, our country 

calls upon you to do your duty. 

"N. Stratos, 

** Minister of Marine." 

After that the fleet put to sea. 

On the 20th of October Greece notified the Foreign 
Powers of the blockade of the coast of Epirus from 
Goumenitsa (Ressardier) in the north to the Gulf of Arta in 
the south, twenty-four hours being the period fixed within 
which neutral ships should leave the zone of blockade. 

The chief function of the Greek fleet was, it need hardly 
be said, to "bottle up" the Turkish fleet within the Dar- 
danelles. It was, therefore, advisable that a temporary base 
should be found within a reasonable distance of the entrance 
to the Straits, and so the first of the operations of the fleet 
was the landing, on the 21st of October, of a body of five 
hundred men, under Captain Kondaratos, at Lemnos, after 
the proclamation of a blockade of the Turkish coast and 
the ports of the ^gean. The landing was made in the 
harbour of Moudros at eight o'clock in the morning, and 
by eleven o'clock the men were all ashore and marched 
to the city of Kastro. Part of the garrison surrendered at 
once, but the remainder wished to resist, with the help of 
some armed citizens, and so the march on the town was 
continued at night and it was occupied by force. 

It is amusing to read that only about £60 was found in the 
official treasury, but that nearly ;^2,ooo was afterwards dis- 
covered in the house of the Governor. 

Lemnos, with its excellent harbour Moudros, provided the 
fleet with a good base for operations against the Turkish 
fleet. The only fault that could be found with it is that it is 
rather far from the entrance of the Dardanelles. However, it 
is not often that a base is found so close to the point where 
watch has to be kept. 


Having secured its base, the Greek fleet employed its spare 
time, while keeping a strict blockade upon the Dardanelles, 
in seizing the various islands which still remained part of the 
Turkish Empire and which had not been occupied by the 
Italian fleet. On the evening of the 30th of October, 
the Hydra, Spetsai, Thyella, and Louche were sent, under 
the command of Captain Ghines, to occupy Thasos. The 
landing was made at eight o'clock on the morning of the 31st 
of October: the Turkish authorities surrendered without 
offering any resistance. 

In ancient times there were gold-mines and marble quarries 
in this island, and some famous statues were made of Thasian 
marble. Polygnotus, the painter, and Theogenes, the Olym- 
pian athlete (recipient of four hundred wreaths), were perhaps 
its most famous citizens of those days. 

On the 31st of October the Kanaris occupied the small 
island of Strati, which lies south of Lemnos, and which has a 
population of 1,300 Greeks. On the same day the Averoff^ 
Psara, and Naukratoussa occupied Imbros. In each case a 
detachment of marines or infantry were landed from a tran- 
sport The island of Imbros has a Greek population of 5,000. 

The doings of the Greek fleet on this day do not, however, 
end here. That night Lieutenant Votsis, on torpedo boat 
No. II, managed to find his way into Salonica harbour and 
blow up the Turkish gnnhosit Fe^ik Bouied ; he left Eleuthero- 
chori at 9 p.m., passed between Fort Karaburnu and the 
mouth of the Vardar unseen. His own repOrt tells the story 
of his exploit admirably. It is as follows : — 

'* Patris, 

*' October 20, 1912, Votsi, 
" I steamed from Litochori in the morning and I arrived at 
Skala, off'Eleutherochori, where I remained till 9 p.m., when 
I put to sea for the attack. 

" Karaburnu was constantly lighting the sea by her search- 
lights, but I passed unobserved between Karaburnu and 
Vardar, Then I entered the harbour of Salonica at full 







speed, and at 9.20 I distinguished unmistakably the Turkish 
ironclad at anchor off the western end of the pier, with its 
bow pointing in a north-easterly direction. 

" At the opposite, the right end of the pier (the usual place 
for anchoring), there was a Russian man-of-war, and I dare 
say others too. I manoeuvred quietly, still unobserved, and 
I pointed the bow of my ship on the Turkish ironclad amid- 
ships. I first fired the starboard bow torpedo at 11.35 p-ni. 
from a distance of 150 metres. Then I bore slightly to port, 
moving closer in, and fired the port side torpedo ; then I 
slipped away at full speed in order to be far from the explo- 
sion. The bow of my ship being already turned to port I 
also fired the deck torpedo, which bent and exploded on the 
pier with a loud report after the explosions of the other two, 
which were simultaneous. For an instant we thought that it 
was a cannon-shot from shore. At the moment of the first 
explosion we noticed lights moving on the enemy's ship as 
well as sirens. The officers' quarters were lighted up. The 
explosion took place a little for'ard of the funnel to the right. 
Smoke came copiously from the funnel : the ship was clearly 
sinking by the bow, with a list to starboard. Thereupon I 
steamed out of the harbour at full speed over the line of the 
mines that were sunk outside the harbour, relying on the 
small draught of my ship, and I passed in front of Karaburnu, 
which having apparently been advised in the meantime from 
Salonica lighted all her searchlights. 

"Nevertheless, I slipped through unobserved, and when I 
was opposite the promontory, according to a promise pre- 
viously made to my gunners, I commanded them to fire one 
shot at the fort from our quick-firer from a distance of 2,500 
metres. Thence I made for Aikaterine at 4 a.m., to continue 
landing provisions for our army." 

Providence seems to have assisted him in his venture, for 
as he himself said, " Whenever I wanted to see my way the 
moon came out, and whenever I wanted to be hidden she 


The Fetik Bouled was an old ship built in 1870, but was 
refitted at considerable expense in 1905 or 1907. However, 
apparently she was not of much use to the Turkish navy as a 
man-of-war, and it was said that she was being fitted up as a 
hospital ship. Yet the importance of Votsis' action should 
not be minimized ; Salonica was the second most important 
city of European Turkey, and the blowing up of a ship within 
its harbour would have no small moral effect on the Turks, 
Added to this is the consideration that Salonica was at that 
moment threatened by the Greek army. It was the eve of 
the battle of Jenitsa, and the news of Votsis' feat must have 
been most disconcerting to the Turkish commanders, as it 
suggested that Salonica was not safe even from a sea attack. 
Then the Fort of Karaburnu, which completely commands the 
entrance to the harbour, is armed with very fine guns and a 
very strong searchlight, the rays of which were visible to the 
writer at Veria. Also it should be noted that the harbour of 
Salonica was mined in a most scientific manner. 

Lieutenant Votsis comes of a distinguished Greek naval 
family; his grandfather commanded the Ares outside Nava- 
rino. He has been A.D.C. to the Minister of Marine, and 
recently married an Anglo-Greek lady from London. Almost 
the most striking feature of his action was his choice of one 
of the oldest torpedo boats, so that in case of disaster one of 
the least valuable ships should be lost. This boat fired the 
old 1870 Whitehead torpedo of an obsolete pattern. It was 
impossible to find a fuse to fit it, and so one had to be 
evolved in Greece.^ 

On the 1st of November the whole fleet, except such small 
craft as were keeping up the blockade of the Dardanelles, 
sailed to the island of Samothrace and landed a force which 
occupied the official buildings. There was no garrison in 
the town, except about six soldiers under the command of a 
corporal. The island has a population almost wholly Greek ; 
in fact there are said to be 4,000 Greek families and only two 

• Lieutenant Waring of the British Naval Mission deserves great 
credit for his ingenuity : he prepared it before war was declared. 


Turkish families there. Of course no sort of resistance was 

On the 4th of November Commander Vratsanos, on the 
leraXy occupied the island of Psara, and by doing so, as the 
official dispatch said, saluted the island of his grandfather, a 
native of Psara, who distinguished himself in the war of 
1821. Psara is the island which was such a thorn in the 
side of the Turks in the Greek Revolution ; the Sultan 
hearing of the damage that had been done to the Turkish 
fleet at that time,^sent to the Grand Vizier and asked him 
what the trouble^^as. He said it all arose in the island 
Psara. " Show nie Psara on the map," said the Sultan. On 
being shown the map he deleted the island of Psara and 
said, " Alright ; let it be done away with." In spite of this 
Psara has remained to take its part in this war almost a 
century later. 

On the sth of November the Georgios Averoff, Panther, 
leraXy and the Thyella^ under the command of Admiral 
Koundouriotis, put to sea from Lemnos and sailed into the 
harbour of Daphne, on the promontory of Mount Athos, the 
easternmost prong of the peninsula of Chalkidike. A body 
of troops was landed and marched to Karya, the capital of 
Mount Athos ; the orthodox monks appeared marching in a 
procession and chanting the old doxology to the Virgin, 
*'a&ov lanv . . ." (" It is fitting . . .") 

Another detachment was landed in the harbour of 
Amouliena. There was only a section of twenty-four soldiers 
scattered over Mount Athos, and consequently no resistance 
was offered ; and so the whole of the sacred mountain was 
occupied by the Greeks, 

On the 6th of November the transport Helena was sent 
with a body of troops to occupy the promontory of Cassandra, 
the westernmost prong of the peninsula of Chalkidike. The 
troops were landed and occupied twelve villages unopposed. 
It should be noted that the population of the whole 
peninsula of Chalkidike is, with the exception of three 
Sclavonic monasteries on Mount Athos, almost wholly Greek, 


On the 17th of November the island of Icaria was occu- 
pied. On the 2 1st of November the Averoffy Psara, Hydra, 
Spetsaiy AspiSy and ThyellUy and torpedo boats and transports, 
landed a large force at Mytilene under Major Giannakis. 
The town surrendered, but the garrison, estimated at over 
3,000 men, though it refused to surrender, did not attempt to 
oppose the landing of the Greek force but took pfuge inland. 
Thus the occupation of the island of Lesbos, under the 
auspices of practically the whole fleet, was in the nature of a 
naval and military demonstration. Great doings took place 
that night in the town ; the whole of the inhabitants gave their 
liberators a royal welcome. One old man of Mytilene put to 
sea in a boat and begged to be allowed to board the Averoff 
and do homage to the ship which had brought his country 
freedom. Having received the necessary permission, he went 
on board and knelt down and solemnly kissed the deck, and 
invoked the blessing of God upon the ship and her crew. 

The Turkish force kept up a guerilla warfare on the hills 
inland for about a month, and finally, after various small 
successes by the Greeks and the capture of detachments 
from time to time, 'the remainder of the garrison, 1,700 in 
number, surrendered on the 20th of December. 

On the 24th of November the transatlantic liner Macedonia^ 
which had been fitted with a set of four 47 inch Bethlehem 
quick-firing guns similar to those of the four new destroyers 
bought from Messrs. Cammell, Laird & Co., and the 
Hesperia, under the command of Captain Damianos, were 
ordered to occupy Chios. They were accompanied by 
transports containing two battalions of the 7th Regiment, 
one battalion of the ist Regiment, and one mountain 
battery. There was a strong Turkish garrison of about 
4,000 men in the island, and the landing was opposed. 
However, under the fire of the Macedonia, which was most 
effective, a strong detachment was landed under the 
command of Colonel Delagrammatica and the town of 
Chios was occupied. The Turkish garrison, as at Mytilene 
moved inland, and entrenched itself on Mount Aipos. There 


was some serious fighting, during which great losses were 
inflicted on the Turks and numbers of prisoners were 
captured. Finally the Greeks established themselves at 
Agioi Pateres, supported by the fire of some auxiliary 
cruisers and gunboats which bombarded the mountains 
behind the plain of Aipos. The Turks were thus driven into 
a confined space, and their remnant of 1,800 men surrendered, 
with two field guns and a considerable amount of army 
stores, on the 3rd of January. 

The island of Chios is perhaps the one among the islands 
which, next to Crete, has played the greatest r61e in the 
history of the Greek race during the last century. Many of 
the better-class inhabitants were members of families which 
had migrated from Constantinople in the eighteenth century. 
Its inhabitants generally were exceptionally cultured, and 
pre-eminent even amongst the Greeks for their commercial 
instinct. The large clan of the Rallis, many of whom have 
settled in England, are of Chios origin. It is said that there 
is a certain amount of Semitic blood in these families, which 
can be traced to the Jewish immigrants from Venice, and 
this is supported by an examination of the types of some of 
the members of certain of the best-known Chiot families. 
This may be the explanation of their surpassing even their 
own countrymen in commercial aptitude. The Chiots are 
perhaps the only Greek merchants who have preserved great 
wealth in their families, and the only Greek firm in London 
which has attained world-wide celebrity is that of Ralli 
Brothers, which is now the greatest British commercial firm 
in India. It is reported that the head of the house of Ralli 
promised a donation of ;^ioo,ooo to the Greek Government 
towards the war fund as soon as the island of Chios was united 
to Greece. If the report be true, the offer is a striking instance 
of the patriotism and generosity of the descendants of Greeks 
who have left their country and settled abroad. On the 
landing being made, the Greek Government sent a congratu- 
latory telegram to Sir Lucas Ralli, Bart., who is the head of 
the firm. 


The total population of Chios amounts to 60,000. With 
the exception of 1,000 Turks and 1,000 Italians all are 
Greeks. The wealth of the produce of Chios is remarkable. 
Its tanneries are perhaps the most flourishing branch of its 
industries. There are some famous monasteries there, of 
which the most interesting is Nea Mone, which is built on a 
fortified hill, and also some interesting nunneries. The 
climate is in some respects like that of Crete. 

Towards the end of November a large number of Greek 
transports were placed ready at Salonica for the conveyance 
of the Bulgarian army corps to Dedeagatch. As it was, one- 
half of these was sent by land across to Tchataldja; the 
other half, however, was transported, under the protection of 
the Greek fleet, from ^Salonica to Dedeagatch in the course 
of one day. It is said that this piece of work was done most 
efficiently, and the whole of the troops and their beasts were 
landed at Dedeagatch without any fuss or mishap of any 
kind. It reflects the greatest credit on the Greek fleet, 
which was not a large one, that it was able, while maintain- 
ing an effective blockade of the Dardanelles, to complete the 
occupation of all these islands, and at the same time to 
convoy troops, besides the Bulgarian troops from Salonica, 
to Chios, and from Salonica to the Piraeus. On the other 
hand it is most surprising that the Turkish fleet did not 
during this time make any attempt to come out and make 
raids, if they were not prepared to fight an open-sea action, 
though from about the 4th of November until the truce was 
signed part of it, especially the large ironclads, were needed 
at Tchataldja to help the land forces in repelling the 
Bulgarian attacks. 



It must be remembered that during all this time a close 
watch was being kept upon the mouth of the Dardanelles, 
the blockade being carried out mostly by the small destroyers, 
but for two months no sortie was ventured upon by the 
Ottoman Navy. On the 14th and 15th of December the 
Turkish cruiser Medjidieh and destroyers appeared at the 
mouth of the Dardanelles and retired without giving battle 
to the patrolling destroyers. In consequence of this activity 
the Greek battle squadron, consisting of the armoured ships 
Georgios Averoff {?iz%^\^ of Rear-Admiral Paul Koundouri- 
oits), Spetsai (Commodore Ghines), Hydra, Psara, and the 
ocean-going destroyers Leon ^ Panther, A etos, lerax, put to sea 
from Lemnos on the afternoon of the 14th of December and 
relieved the blockading destroyers on their patrol, the latter 
returning to Tenedos. During the night of the 15th and 
1 6th the fleet kept watch on the Straits, patrolling on a line 
approximately S.W. by S. and N.E. and N., and at 8.15 a.m. 
it was reported to the admiral that the Medjidieh^ unarm- 
oured cruiser, accompanied by eight destroyers, was in sight 
in the mouth of the Dardanelles. 

The weather was bright and clear, with a slight haze over 
the land, sea smooth, no motion on the ships. 

The Greek squadron continued their course to the south- 
westward until 8.38, when alteration of course was made 
towards the land and shortly after this, at about 8.45, the 
Turkish battle squadron was sighted approaching the mouth 



of the Dardanelles in single line abreast to port, the Bar- 
barossa (flagship) being the starboard wing ship with the 
Turgut Rets, Messoudieh, and Assar-i-Tewfik on her port 
beam, about two cables apart, in the order named. 

On the arrival of the Turkish battle squadron the 
Medjidieh and destroyers took station close to Kum Kale 
Fort, where they remained during the action. On sighting 
the Turkish fleet. Admiral Koundouriotis signalled to his 
squadron as follows : 

" With the help of God and the good wishes of our King, and in the 
name of Justice, I sail confident of victory against the enemy of our 
race. — Koundouriotis." 

The signal was read to all ships' companies of the fleet, and 
was greeted with cries of " Zeto I " 

Admiral Koundouriotis communicated by wireless with 
the smaller destroyers and the submarine Delphin, which were 
at Tenedos, ordering them to join the fleet and prepare to 
attack with torpedoes, but they arrived too late to take any 
part in the action. 

When well clear of the Straits, the Turkish fleet altered 
course eight points to starboard (a right angle to the north- 
ward), thus bringing them into battle formation (single line 
ahead) passing within two miles of Cape Tekeh, steaming at 
a speed of about six knots only, which speed they did not 
exceed during the battle. 

The Greeks also turned to the northward, and were in line 
ahead in the following order : G, Averoffy Spetsaiy Hydra^ 
Psara, with the scout destroyers Leon^ Panther^ Aetos^ and 
lerax also in line ahead stationed on the port beam of the 
armoured ships. 

After turning, the Turks opened fire at a range of about 
10,500 yards, apparently with all guns. Their fire, though 
well aimed and controlled, fell short. 

The Greek fleet continued their course, which converged on 
that of the Turks, speed being at about eight knots, and opened 
fire at a range of 7,500 yards, but their fire was not effective 





/ — "(VAVEROF 
SPETZAi / *: 9^52"^ 

Qhcom/i'^ /: J'BARBAROSjS 







../i— -.IVJEDJDIEH &• 



BESIKA B. i! --^?r- 

Greek courses up till 9^S2'"a.m. 

JTurkish „ „ ,. „ ^ 

i-i-i-i-i-i Greek courses after 9^5Z^a. m. 
+++++7ur/f/sA „ „ „ „ ^ 

Course of "Averof between afidT&S'S: 

^ 9 16"* sh^ws position of both ffeets 
'"'(fjn . when Turks opened fire 
r^'lii - ^ SZ'" the critical moment of the 

engagement when Barbarossa 
I ! iii, turned to retreat and ceased fire 

Sifton.Praed&Co.L^^ London 


12 3*5 

Yo IVl i les 


until 9.40, when the range was about 5,000 yards. In the 
meantime (at9"3o) the Commander-in-Chief ordered Commo- 
dore Ghmes to take command of the squadron, and signalled 
that the Averoff would act independently, upon which the 
^^^r^i^ increased speed to twenty knots and endeavoured to 
head off the Turkish squadron, keeping up a heavy fire the 
while, being enveloped in clouds of smoke and showers of 
spray from the projectiles which were bursting round her 
without doing any noticeable damage. 

At 9.52 the Averoff was nearly ahead of the Barbarossa 
and at 3,500 yards range, the remainder being about 4,500 
yards from the Turkish squadron. 

At this time a salvo of 31x9-2 projectiles from the Averoff 
was observed to strike the Barbarossa on the fore turret and 
conning-tower, upon which she turned sixteen points to star- 
board (a half circle) without signal. She ceased fire from 
this moment and did not fire again during the action, 
although the remainder of the Turkish squadron kept up a 
desultory fire from their stern guns. The remainder of the 
Turkish fleet followed^suit, and all steamed for the Dardanelles 
in disorder, pursued by the Averoff^ which was then bringing 
all her bow artillery to bear on the rear of the Turkish line. 
Her fire was observed to be particularly effective against the 
broadsides of the Turkish vessels as they turned to round 
Cape Hellas. 

The remainder of the Greek squadron, led by the Spetsai^ 
turned also sixteen points and pursued at eleven knots, but 
undoubtedly their fire was masked during a portion of the 
time that the Turks were retreating by the Averoff, which 
steamed between the two squadrons. At 10.30 the chase 
was abandoned and fire ceased. 

The Greek fleet then re-formed and remained on guard 
outside the Straits until nightfall. 

A plucky, though unscientific, manoeuvre was executed by 
the lerax id^^s\xoy^x) in the action during the time that the 
two squadrons were steaming to the northward. She was 
the rear vessel in the scout destroyer line and on the port 



beam of the Psara, the rear ship in the battle line, and 
observing that the Turkish fire was not very effective, she 
turned to starboard and took up a position astern of the 
Psara. She opened fire on the Messoudieh, firing 65 shells 
from her four 4-inch 50-calibre guns, and then returned to her 
station in the destroyer line. 

It is worthy of note that practically all reports mention 
that when the Turkish fleet turned at the critical moment of 
the engagement and steered for safety, the Messoudiek had a 
distinct list to starboard, and also that at an early period of 
the action she dropped from her position as No. 3 to No. 4 
(the last of the line). 

The personnel of the Greek ships showed excellent morale 
throughout the action. The stokers and others below decks 
are reported to have sung and cheered as the salvoes were 
fired. It is curious that no signals seem to have been made 
by the Turkish fleet during the action. 

Damages sustained by the Greek Fleet. 

The ^z/^r^ was struck about fifteen times by shell from 
small calibre guns and once on the armour belt by a heavy 
projectile, either from the forts or the Barbarossa, The damage 
sustained by her was roughly as follows : one steamboat and 
one other large boat splintered, a ventilator damaged, the 
main derrick shot away and stanchions, rails, etc., bent and 
broken ; no damage to armament or structure. Her casual- 
ties were Sub-lieutenant Mamouris and four men wounded, 
the former having since succumbed to his injuries. 

The Spetsai was struck four times without much damage; 
one large shell, which burst in the armourer's workshop on 
the upper deck and penetrated the cook's galley, which was 
adjacent, slightly wounded a cook and capsized the dinners 
which were in the process of cooking. The Hydra once by 
a small shell, damage negligible. One hour after the 
engagement, the Hydras steering gear broke down. This 
does not appear to have had any connection with the 
damage sustained by her from the shell which struck her. 


The Psara not at all. 

It will be observed that no damage to either armament 
or machinery was sustained by the Greek vessels. 

Damage inflicted on the Turkish Fleet. 

Barbarossa, — The striking of the fore turret and conning- 
tower at about 9.52 has already been mentioned. The 
remainder of the damage done is problematical, although 
there is no doubt that the Barbarossa was rendered hors 
de combat Many eye-witnesses mention that the navigating 
bridges were seen to be destroyed. Advices from Constanti- 
nople stated that her stem was struck at the waterline 
leaving a large hole, and that the armoured deck at the 
stem was forced upwards, also that she had a large hole on 
the waterline aft, that shells had penetrated one or more 
of her boilers, and that several stokers had been killed by 
the escape of steam. A refugee stated that numbers of dead 
were landed on the Asiatic shore of the Dardanelles near 
Kum Kale and interred there before the Turkish fleet 
steamed on to Nagara, where they are reported to have 
anchored, and that Rear-Admiral Hamel Pasha and four 
officers of the Barbarossa were killed in the fight. 

The ^(3:r^ar£7ji*a undoubtedly bore the brunt of the battle, 
but although one heard no detailed account of damage to 
the other vessels, there is little doubt that they all suffered 
in a minor degree ; the Messoudieh having, as previously 
mentioned, returned with a list, was reported from Con- 
stantinople as requiring many weeks* repairing before she 
would be ready for service. 

The part taken by the Forts in the Engagement. 

The forts at Seddil Bahr and Kum Kale appear to have 
opened fire at the same time as the Turkish fleet, and 
continued to fire during the action whenever the range 
was clear. It is reported that a number of field guns (15 
or 18 pounders) were entrenched on the shore line north 
of Seddil Bahr, and that these fired a number of rounds at 


the Averoff when she turned in chase from her position 
ahead of the Barbarossa, and that a large percentage of the 
damage received by her was from the fire of these field 
pieces, her distance from them when at the nearest posi- 
tion to the shore being about 3,000 yards. The Averoff 
also came within a range of 5,800 yards from the Seddil 
Bahr Fort and 8,000 yards from Kum Kale. 

General Conclusions^ 

The two fleets engaged possessed an equal number of 
armoured ships, and while ship for ship the Turkish vessels 
were superior in armament and armour protection, the Greek 
ships had the advantage in speed. As a result of the engage- 
ment the Turkish fleet had only two armoured ships capable 
of going into action. 

In the writer's opinion the causes of the Turkish defeat 
may be attributed to (i) The superior discipline and gunnery 
of the Greek ships, (2) the superiority in speed possessed by 
the Greek squadron generally and the greater tactical ability 
shown by their Commander-in-Chief. Its importance to 
Greece and her allies cannot be over-estimated, for had the 
engagement gone against her, and her fleet been reduced to 
a negligible asset, there would have been nothing to stop 
a Turkish fleet and transports from steaming to the Piraeus 
to dictate their own terms of peace'; and in the event of 
hostilities being resumed by all the Balkan States, the Greek 
fleet would have been unable to prevent as heretofore bodies 
of troops being sent by sea to various strategic points. 

A it,-^ days later the Turkish fleet made a demonstration 
in force outside the Dardanelles towards Tenedos, it being 
observed that both the Barbarossa and Messoudieh were 
absent, and that the Admiral's flag was flying on board the 
Turgut Rets, 

On the 14th of January a thrill of excitement passed 
through Athens with the news that a Turkish cruiser, first 
reported to be the Medjidieh, but afterwards found to be the 
Hamidiehy had bombarded the town of Syra and sunk, the 


/4 /2 





auxiliary cruiser Macedonia, which was at the time in its 
harbour. It was stated that the roving ship had also fired 
on the powder magazine along the coast to the west and 
on the coal store and on the electric light power station 
in the town. 

The Greek fleet were heavily censured for allowing it to 
escape from the Dardanelles at night In the fright of the 
inhabitants it was thought that Piraeus, although an un- 
fortified harbour, would be bombarded during the night. 

The real facts connected with the escape of the Hamidieh 
and its visit to Syra appear to be as follows : During a 
demonstration made by the Turkish fleet on the 7th of 
January, the Hamidieh^ instead of turning southward with 
the rest of the fleet, turned northward along the coast of 
Thrace. The Averoff^ when advised of the sortie of the 
Turkish fleet, moved so quickly towards the mouth of the 
Dardanelles, that the Hamidieh found that she would 
probably be cut off if she attempted to re-enter the Straits. 
She was therefore obliged to turn northward, and executed 
the manoeuvre unobserved of the Averoff] thus she did not 
succeed in rejoining the rest of the fleet. This theory 
is supported by a dispatch from Admiral Koundouriotis, 
which described how a day or two later the Turkish small 
craft came out of the Straits and darted about as though they 
were looking for something, and it was no doubt the Hamidieh 
which was the object of their search. The Hamidieh spent 
several days cruising around the coast of Thrace as far 
as Chalkidike, and it is said that she escaped observation by 
hoisting the British and Italian flags at different times and by 
her crew all removing their fezzes. What the object of her 
dash southward was cannot be said, unless she despaired of 
being able to rejoin her fleet and her coals were running short 
The attack on Syra was no doubt due to the desire for revenge 
for the harm done by the Macedonia at Chios and Mytilene. 
Her whereabouts are said to have been betrayed to the 
Turkish authorities by some of their officers imprisoned at 
the Actaion Hotel at New Phaliron, who abused the con- 


fidence of the Greek Government by breaking their parole. 
The success of her raid on Syra was no doubt due to the 
topographical knowledge of one of her seamen gunners, a 
Greek, who had been dismissed from the Greek navy for 
misconduct and had subsequently offered his services to the 
Subhme Porte. The shape of the Harbour of Syra is shown 
in the accompanying map. The Hamidieh first of all 
appeared off the east end of the harbour ; she later steamed 
out southward and fired about a dozen shot, mostly 47-inch 
and perhaps one or two 6-inch shell at the gunpowder depdt 
from the distance of about 1,000 yards. Most of these 
shell found their mark, but though they exploded they could 
not have been charged with any high explosive, for they 
caused little damage. Fortunately they did not happen to 
strike any of the powder magazines ; it is almost a miracle 
that the whole of the depot was not blown up. She later 
steamed to the northward again and fired from 15 to 20 shell, 
mostly 47 inch (but one which fell on shore was a 6-inch 
shell) at the Macedonia ; all except three appear to have hit 
the ship. These three,;which were aimed at the bridge, seemed 
to have passed through it ; one of them entered the electric 
light station through a window and exploded inside it, 
temporarily stopping the work of the dynamos, and another 
passed over the building, struck a wall, and cut off the arm of 
an employee of the Eastern Telegraph Company, and killed 
a work girl. The third struck a house on the front and 
exploded in a room which was full of the wedding presents of 
an engaged couple. The wedding was to have taken place in 
October 1912, but owing to the bridegroom, who was an 
engineer, being called to serve as a reserve engineer officer in 
the fleet, the wedding was postponed until after the war. 

The Hamidieh after firing the shots steamed away. The 
captain of the Macedonia found that he could not answer the 
fire of the Hamidieh with any success and decided to try and 
save his ship by scuttling her. He therefore ordered his 
crew ashore and opened the vents. Unfortunately discipline , 
failed and the men dispersed under no sort of control. The 



To face p. 55* 


depth of water in the harbour was not great, and thus the 
ship was not completely under water. The shells set her 
alight and she continued to burn all night, some of the 
ammunition on her going off about midnight with loud 
reports. The captain, having sunk his ship, went ashore and 
appeared to think that he had no more responsibiHty as 
regards her, and thus no attempt was made to stop the fire 
from spreading. The damage done to the Ship was very 
serious, and not a piece of woodwork was left on her ; the 
first-class saloon was reduced to a ruin, and the amount of 
the damage sustained probably amounted to very nearly 
;£"ioo,ooo. The fears of the inhabitants of Piraeus and 
Athens were not verified, but the authorities did not improve 
matters by placing some siege guns along the shore, for there 
was an encouragement for the enemy's ship to fire on the 
port. The Hamidieh, which it was thought might have 
steamed into Smyrna Harbour, next appeared in Port Said. 
By doing this she contradicted the theories which were 
current, that she had come out in order to escort a mysterious 
Turkish submarine which had been reported to have been 
sighted off the coast of Algiers a day or two before. The 
Hamidieh claimed to stay at Port Said for an indefinite time, 
as being a Turkish harbour, but the British Government 
decided that it must be treated as a neutral harbour, and 
after twenty-four hours she was obliged to leave. It is 
said that she obtained more than her proper allowance of 
coal, and it was supposed that for this reason she had been 
persuaded by the British Government to go down the 
Suez Canal. 

The Hamidieh being for the moment, at any rate, out of 
harm's way, the mouth of the Dardanelles again became the 
scene of naval interest. During the next few days some 
Turkish craft were constantly reconnoitring the mouth of the 
Straits. The Turkish fleet, under pressure, it is said, of 
public opinion at Constantinople, and believing that the 
Averoff had left its post at the Dardanelles and had gone 
in pursuit of the Hamidieh^ decided to risk disaster in its 


crippledicondition and made another sortie. Apparently they 
considered that they were more than a match for the rest 
of the Greek fleet, for they steamed quite a long way out on 
this occasion. On the evening of the 17th they effected 
a reconnaissance between Tenedos and the Rabbit Islands, 
and on the morning of the i8th steamed northward. Then 
leaving Imbros to the north, they steamed in search of 
the Greek fleet at Lemnos. The Turgut-Reis again on this 
occasion occupied the position of flagship, and it is probable 
that the Barbarossa had not the use of some of her heavy 
guns. When the Turkish ships had reached a point some 
twenty miles north-west of Tenedos, the Georgios Averoff 
made its appearance, followed by the rest of the Greek fleet. 
On seeing the Averoff the ardour of the Turks cooled down, 
and they thereupon turned sixteen points and steamed back 
for the Dardanelles. The Averoff at first tried to steam to a 
point between the Turkish fleet and the entrance to the Straits, 
so as to cut off its retreat. Admiral Koundouriotis soon 
found, however, that he had too much leeway to make up, 
and thereafter he took up a stern chase and then engaged the 
Turgut-Reis and the Barbarossa, and to a less extent the 
Messoudieh, The engagement lasted about two hours, during 
which time the Turkish ships managed to make the mouth of 
the Straits, considerably the worse for their rash expedition. 
The Averoff reached fairly close quarters during the last 
hour, and there is little doubt that the Turks had very severe 
casualties, the killed and wounded probably exceeding three 
hundred. The encounter resulted in completing the damage 
begun in the previous engagement, and rendered all the 
Turkish battleships unfit to put to sea except the Assar-i- 
Tewfik, which, owing to insubordination on the part of the 
crew, appears not to have come into action at all. The other 
Greek ships also failed to come into action, only the Averoff, 
owing to its superior speed, being able to get within range of 
the Turkish fleet before it succeeded in taking refuge in the 
mouth of the Dardanelles, The Averoff thus engaged the 
Turkish ironclads singlehanded. It should be observed that 


although more actual damage appears to have been inflicted 
on the Turkish fleet in this engagement than in that of 
December i6th, its fighting power had been greatly impaired 
on that day, so that on January i8th it fell an easy victim to 
the Averoff, which it had not expected to have to meet. 

Thus this engagement was not so important as the earlier 
one, but still it had the effect of finally assuring the command 
of the sea to the Greek fleet The Averoff was practically 
undamaged in the engagement, and its crew did not suffer 
one single casualty. 

This was the end of the Turkish battleships so far as the 
Greek fleet was concerned, though after the resumption 
of Turco- Bulgarian operations their guns were used to 
support the Turkish troops at Bulair to repel the Bulgarian 
attacks at that point. The Hamidiek, however, again 
appeared in the Mediterranean, the protest of the Greek 
Government against her breach of the rules of belligerent 
ships at Port Said not having been effective. It was not 
deemed advisable to remove the Averoff from the neighbour- 
hood of the Dardanelles, and so t)\&Psara and four destroyers 
were sent in chase. However, this ship was much too slow 
for the Turkish light cruiser, and the destroyers never 
succeeded in occupying positions favourable for a night 
attack with torpedoes. The Hamidieh roamed the waters 
of the Eastern Mediterranean and of the Adriatic almost 
at her will. She was weather-bound for some days at Malta, 
and afterwards nearly inflicted a great disaster on the allies 
in the harbour of San Giovanni di Medua, where Greek 
transports were in the act of landing some 20,000 Servian 
troops who were going to help the Montenegrins in the 
siege of Scutari. However, the Greek merchant captains 
with great presence of mind ran their ships aground wherever 
they could, and some Servian artillerymen, with much 
sangfroid, trained some heavy guns, which were being trans- 
ported, upon the Hamidieh^ with the result that that ship 
put out to sea without having done much damage. It 
continued to roam the seas for one month, earning for itself 


a sinister reputation not unlike that of the Flying Dutchman, 
until it was with feelings of considerable relief, if also of 
disappointment at its escape, that the residents of Athens 
heard one day that it had again retired into the Suez Canal, 
and the coastlights, which had been extinguished, again 
projected their hospitable rays. 

Early in the spring Admiral Koundouriotis occupied the 
Island of Samos, and so when the Peace of London was 
signed Greece was in possession of all the ^gean Islands 
except those held by the Italians, 

Besides their aeroplanes, the Greeks had two hydroplanes 
fitted up at their naval base at Lemnos in the new year. 
After the first Peace Conference had resulted in no settle- 
ment being reached, there was talk of a combined attack on 
Constantinople by the Bulgarians and the Greeks, the plan 
being that the latter should effect a landing on the Asia 
Minor coast, and at the same time try to force the passage 
of the Dardanelles with their fleet As a matter of fact this 
came to nothing owing to the jealous attitude of the Bulga- 
rians, who wished to allow the Greeks no opportunity of 
making any claims upon Thrace. In the meantime Lieutenant 
Moutoussis (Engineers), who had previously made some 
successful flights in Epirus, made some reconnoitring flights 
towards the mouth of the Dardanelles, one of them being 
a particularly daring voyage with a passenger as far as the 
entrance to the Sea of Marmora. This is a unique perfor- 
mance, for which the Greeks should have the credit which they 
deserve. Naval historians should bear in mind that it was 
the Greeks who were the first to use the hydroplane in 
actual warfare. 



In Greece there is a system of conscription similar to the 
French system. At the age of twenty-one every Greek 
subject is Hable to do two years military service. The term 
of two years applies to all classes ; there is no privileged class 
like the German " Einjahriger." Until the war, however, the 
regulations were not so strict in Greece as they are in 
Germany, or in France, and single sons and frequently the 
eldest sons of families were before 1904 exempted by law. 
Then University students were allowed to postpone their term 
of service until after they had completed their student's 
career. Also, besides those who were absolutely exempt 
owing to physical infirmity, there were others who obtained 
relief on the ground of unfitness for soldiering, but yet, not 
being absolutely incapacitated by any radical infirmity, 
were liable to be called upon in case of need to do army 
service work. 

A special difficulty has existed in the case of Greeks 
resident abroad ; their number is exceptionally great in 
proportion to the population of Greece. Many of them have 
themselves done their term of service and have settled 
abroad, but have not become naturalized subjects of the 
country in which they have settled. Their sons are Greek 
subjects and therefore liable to serve ; most are not, however, 
registered in Greece and consequently, used not to be called 
upon to serve. In some cases they did not realize their 
liability to military service, and in others they may have 



shirked it: a few may have even avoided becoming 
naturalized subjects of the country of their birth, in order to 
escape military service altogether. 

Difficult cases have arisen, such as that of a Greek 
resident in England who has become a naturalized British 
subject and has had sons born in England. His sons have 
been born British subjects : the father has subsequently 
returned to spend the rest of his life in Greece. If one 
of his sons goes to Greece, the Greek Government 
claims him as a Greek subject, and would call upon him to 
do his military service and to fight for Greece. The British 
Government would apparently in such a case waive the 
Foreign Enlistment Act and their rights in favour of the 
Greek Government. 

It will be seen that the executive of the Greek Government 
who are responsible for the application of the regulations 
regarding conscription have no easy task. 

Before the war, the peace establishment provided about 
28,000 non-commissioned officers and men. They were 
officered by a corps of some 2,000 commissioned officers, 
of whom between 1,800 and 1,900 represented the permanent 
establishment and the remainder officers who had been given 
commissions during their term of service. The number of 
non-commissioned officers was about 2,500. Practically no 
privates remained on the permanent establishment, except a 
few ne*er-do-wells who preferred soldiering to living in the 

The peace establishment consisted of 12 line regiments 
of infantry, each containing two battalions 600 strong, three 
cavalry regiments, total strength 2,000 men, 18 batteries of 
field artillery, and three batteries of mountain artillery, each 
containing four guns, and three battalions of engineers, each 
500 strong. 

In addition to this there were six battalions of Evzoni, or 
Highlanders, each about 600 strong. The Greek word (well- 
girded) is a term similar to the Latin word " succinctus," 
which was applied to Caesar's light troops, and they take the 
place of the yljt\o\ of the ancient Greek armies. 


They wear the fustanella, or kilt, of the country, close- 
fitting white hose, and peasants* shoes with long turned-up 
point known as tsarouchia. These shoes are found admirable 
for walking on the mountains ; the long point, which bends 
back considerably and finishes in a tuft of worsted, makes the 
shoe very springy and is said to help the foot to obtain a firm 
grip on steep slopes. The kilt is white and fuller than the 
Scottish kilt. The costume is completed by a white frilled 
shirt with baggy sleeves, a very short cream sleeveless tunic 
embroidered with gold or black lace with brass buttons and 
with two hanging flaps which can be fastened over the 
sleeves if required, and a cap which is half-way between 
a Turkish fez and a Rugby football cap with a very long 
hanging tassel. 

The Evzoni are drawn principally from the mountain and 
upland villages throughout Greece, including the islands, 
though most of them come from the Peloponnese, Acarnania, 
Aetolia, and Thessaly. The infantry are more or less 
territorial, the other arms being made up without terri- 
torial reference. 

The unit of the Greek Army is a division. The peace 
establishment ^contains four divisions, of which the first has 
its headquarters at Larissa, the second at Athens, the third 
at Missolonghi, and the fourth at Nauplia. Each division 
consisted of two infantry regiments, one or two battalions of 
Evzoni, and the usual complement of cavalry, artillery, and 
engineers. It will be seen that a division in peace time 
musters between 7,000 and 8,000 strong. 

The mobilization was proclaimed on the 3rd of October, 
1912, and the following were summoned : — 

(i) All men who had been called upon to serve between 
the years 1903-1911 (inclusive). 

(2) All men who had served with the rank of non- 

commissioned officers between the years 1892- 
1902 (inclusive). 

(3) All who had actually served between the years 1885 

and 1903 Jnclusive, with certain exceptions. 


(4) All who had served between the years 1882 and 1902 
inclusive, and who were natives of places on the 
railways or other lines of communication. These 
constituted a Landwehr. 
Within five days there were 115,000 men under arms in 
Greece. The four divisions constituting the peace establish- 
ment were each brought up to about 15,000 men, the full 
war strength. This figure was arrived at by adding a third 
battalion to each infantry regiment and bringing the strength 
of each battalion up to 1,000 men, and by bringing the 
strength of each battalion of Evzoni from 500 up to about 
1,600 men. Thus these four divisions in war time contained 
a little under 60,000 men. 

It was apparently on this basis that military critics at home 
estimated the fighting force of the Greek Army. The 
Greeks themselves just before the war, as we have seen, 
estimated the army which they could place in the field at 
200,000 men. This estimate has been more than justified, 
but before discussing the force which Greece mobilized after 
the outbreak of hostilities, it is best to consider the organiza- 
tion of the men who were collected before October 17th, the 
date on which war was declared. As a matter of fact the 
Greek General Staff had during the previous three years 
planned the invasion of Turkey with an army of 120,000 
men, consisting of eight divisions. The Greeks had, however, 
earned a reputation for bragadaccio in the war of 1897, and it 
seemed to them best that the European Chancelleries should 
believe them incapable of placing any larger forces in the 
field than they had mustered fifteen years before. Thus the 
staff made their preparations with all secrecy. Three other 
divisions, the 5th, 6th, and 7th, were formed of about the 
same strength each, and later on the force sent to Epirus 
was formed into an 8th division. In addition to these there 
were three or four independent battalions of Evzoni, each 
numbering about 1,500 and 1,600 men, and there was an 
independent Cretan regiment 2,500 strong. Besides these 
troops there were at first about 2,000 irregulars, of whom 
more hereafter. 


The King is, according to the Constitution, Commander- 
in-Chief of the Army as well as of the Navy, but King 
George was content, like King Ferdinand of Bulgaria, merely 
to give to the Army his fatherly care. The Ministry of War 
appointed the Crown Prince Constantine to the command of 
the main army to co-operate on the frontier of Thessaly, and 
General Sapundzaki to the command of a small army 
operating from Arta on the frontier of Epirus. 

, The seven divisions formed at the time of the outbreak of 
the war were all sent to Thessaly, and the Epirus army 
consequently consisted only of the I5t;h infantry regiment of 
Missolonghi (which was taken out of the 3rd Division), the 3rd, 
7th, and lOth battalions of Evzoni, and the Cretan regiment. 
The irregular troops co-operated with this force. It should 
be noticed that the Crown Prince did not have any irregulars 
working under his orders. It must not be understood from 
this that there were no irregular bands at work in Northern 
Thessaly and Macedonia during the advance of the Greek 
army to Salonica. There were, of course ; but they were not 
authorized at that time or under the command of the 
military authorities. 

The Greek Army did not distinguish itself in the war of 
1897. The organization was bad and the discipline was 
worse, the officers were badly trained, and most of them were 
as deficient in technical knowledge as they were in the 
capacity to command. With all its disasters the war of 1897 
showed, however, that the Greek soldier, at any rate the 
Highlander, was fine material for an army, who could, if well 
led and husbanded, fight courageously and well. Some of 
the officers, wise in their generation, realized that there was 
much ground to be made up if the Greek Army was to 
become an efficient fighting organization. A considerable 
number went to Germany and others to France to follow 
military studies. The firearms with which the Army were 
equipped were antiquated and wholly inadequate, and these 
officers set to work with great seriousness of purpose to try 
to improve the conditions and gradually provide the forces 


with good guns and rifles. The army was thus silently, 
reforming itself, and it was this process which led up to the 
bloodless revolution, or rather coup (fitat, of 1909, known as 
the Revolution of Zorbas. Not the least striking aspect of this 
coup ditat was the bursting of the bonds of political inefficiency 
and corruption by the vigour and desire for efficiency of the 
Army. At the same time it was Zorbas who was indirectly 
responsible for bringing M. Veniz^los to Athens. 

It was not, of course, until the arrival of the French Military 
Mission, with General Eydoux at its head, in January, 191 1, 
that the systematic reorganization of the Army was taken in 
hand. There was much to be done, but the ground on which 
they had to work was well prepared, and apart from this the 
Greek, when he applies his mind to, a subject, is able to learn 
quicker than almost any one else. The result is that a great 
deal — far more than was thought possible by any authorities 
on military affairs — was accomplished in a very short time. 
Even this could not have been done if the French officers 
who formed the Mission had not put their heart into their 
work and laboured continuously and without sparing 

The Mannlicher (Austrian) rifle was introduced before the 
arrival of the French Mission, in place of the old pattern Graz, 
which had been so greatly outranged by the Mauser of the 
Turks in 1897. It was found to be well-balanced, accurate 
in its aim, and easy to manage, besides being very light. It 
has a very small bore, the bullet being less than f inch in 
diameter ; the cartridges are in frames, each containing ^v^^ 
and the whole frame is attached below the breech and forms 
a magazine. The loading is thus extremely simple. Greek 
soldiers claimed that it surpassed the Mauser in range and 
accuracy. It was retained with the full approval of the 
French Mission. 

With regard to the field guns more difficulty was found 
The existing guns were Krupps of an old model, which were 
not very satisfactory. The choice resolved itself into 
whether the new model Krupp should be procured, or whether 


the Creusot should be introduced. Some very elaborate 
competition trials were then made with Creusot and Krupp 
guns, with the result that the Creusot were adopted and the 
eighteen batteries were furnished with Creusot 3-inch field 
/guns. In the mountain batteries the Krupp was replaced 
by the Schneider-Canet-Dangles, which fires a 3-inch pro- 
jectile, but with a smaller charge than that propelled by the 
Creusot. This decision, though not universally popular at 
the time — for it will be remembered that there were various 
military and other ties with Germany, not least being the 
fact that a considerable number of the more efficient officers 
had been trained there — is one which, as subsequent events 
have proved, is by no means to be regretted. 

Apart from the technical knowledge which they have 
imparted, the French Mission have taught the Greek Army 
the secret of good fellowship and cordial relations between 
the men and their officers : these relations had suffered a 
great strain in 1897. In this connection the writer may 
perhaps be allowed to mention what is in his opinion prob- 
ably the only respect in which the French training is not 
altogether suited to the Greek soldier. The chief fault of 
the Greek in Greece is that he has not learned the habits 
of mental discipline, for he has never been through the 
mill ; life is too easy for him there, and so the iron does not 
enter into his soul. The habit of camaraderie in the military 
camp suits the Frenchman admirably : he is methodical and 
precise, and it may be that he is kept better up to the mark 
when treated as a friend by his commanding officer ; he may 
slouch in his march and dress untidily, but his mental habits 
are so orderly that this does not Veact on them. The Greek, 
on the other hand, needs all the outward discipline that he 
can get, for his mode of life, if not his natural inclination, has 
made him unmethodical. This criticism is supported by the 
case of the 50,000 odd soldiers who came from America and 
who had learned the lessons of life and the importance of a 
disciplined mind in the more strenuous atmosphere which 
is found in that country. It has no application in the case of 



the Evzoni. A German military regime might for this reason 
possibly have given to the Greek soldier the discipline which 
the French regime may have failed to impart. On the other 
hand, the German regime crushes all individual initiative and 
turns the men into mere machines. This is not good for the 
Greek who, like the Englishman, is a man of resource, and 
while learning strict obedience to his superiors, ought to be 
taught to think for himself. A staff of experienced British 
drill sergeants would probably form the best complement 
to the French technical instructors. The Greek staff seem 
to have grasped in what respects the French » training is 
defective, but the shortcomings are not such as they could 
remedy for themselves, and there is room for improvement 
in the smartness of the soldiers in marching and on parade. 

The Evzoni are drawn from the population inhabiting the 
mountain villages, and are for the most part descendants of 
the Greeks who showed most spirit during the Turkish 
domination- When attempts were made to coerce the 
Greeks into becoming Mohammedans, those who had the 
greatest pluck would leave the towns and the villages on 
the plains and take to the mountains, where they were 
known as Klephts. The Greek word of which this is the 
translation means "robber," but it is not correct to class 
them with the Italian brigands. The various songs known 
as Klepht songs, which are really Greek folk-songs, best 
show the part which these men played during the Turkish 
domination. ■ The following poem, of which a translation is 
appended, brings this out particularly well : 

" Mavva trou Xeo> oev rnj/TTOpS) rovg TovpKOvg va SouXeuo) 
Aev rifXTTOpu) Siv Suva/xat, 'sfidWiaa ri KapSia /xou. 
Sa napii) to VTOv<l>iKt fiov, va watt) va yctvo) kXc^ti^c* 
Na KaTOiKvi(T(jj (tto, Souva, icat orate ^)?XaTc pa)(ov\aig 
N* a^w roue Xoyyov^ <TVVTpo<pia, fxl to. Qspta KOvSlvrtc 
N' a-xti TO, -xiovia jta (TKEwri, rove ^pa)(ovg jia Kpe&^aTiy 
N' a-)(iL fii TO. KXe^TOTTOvXa KaQr\fi^piv6 Xrifiipt, 
Qa (jivywj fiavva Kal fxriv Kkaig, fxov Bofiov Trjv evxv <^^^t 


K' zv^aov /iE, navovka fxov, TovpKOvg iroWovg va o^a^w, 

Kai (jtvniipE TpavTa(j>vX\ia Kai fxavpo Kapio(j>vWt 

Kal woTiZi TO Za')(api, Kat irortZi to fi6(T')(o, 

K' ocFOv ir' avOiZovv, fxdvva fiovj koi ^yaZovve XovXouota, 

"^O viog (Tov Siv aTriOavBj kol iroX^fiau tovq TovpKOVQj 

L av epur) /nepa uAtheprfj fiepa (papfxaKW/jLevr}, 
Kal fiiapaOovv to. Svo /lat^v, Kal ttIctovv ra XovXovOiay 
Tort kIju> 9a Xa6w0a», Kat fxavpa va <popi<jy]g* 

AwSeKa ^povia eTripatrav, koi csKaTrivTe fxrivsg 
Ilov avOiZav to, TpiavTdiftvXXa, Kt' dvOiZovv to. fiTTOVfiTTOVKia 
Kat jutav avyrj avot^tartKr), fxia irpuiTr] tov MaVov, 
Tiov /ceXaSovo-av ra TrovXia, kl 6 ovpavog yeXouo-e 
Me fiidg d(TTpa(j>T£t Kat €jOOvra Kal yiv^Tai o-fcoraSt. 
To Kapto<j>vX\i coTEva^f, TpiavTa(j>v\Xid daKpvZn 
Ml /J.tdg ^spdOriKav to. ouo, k iTretrav to, XovXovSia. 
Ma^iJ fjL avTO (TuypidaTiKS k t) odXta gov fLiavovXa, 

" Mother, I tell you, I cannot slave for the Turks, I cannot bring 
myself to do it, my heart is weary o' *t. I shall take my gun dnd go 
and be a Klepht in the mountains and the lofty crags. The dales shall 
be my comrades, with the beasts I shall hold converse : the snows 
shall be my shelter and the rocks my bed, and I will hold daily traffick 
with the young Klephts. 

" I am going, Mother, do not weep, but give me your blessing, and 
pray, Mother mine, that I shall slay many Turks ; and plant roses and 
black clove, and sprinkle them with sugar and water them with musk. 

" And so long as they bloom, Mother, as one and grow blossoms, 
your son is not dead but fights the Turks, and if there come a wretched 
day, a poisoned day, and both wither and the blossom fall, I too shall 
be smitten, and then do you wear black, 

" Twelve years have passed and fifteen months, and still the roses 
bloom and the buds blossom ; and one spring morn, a first of May, as 
the birds sang and heaven smiled, all at once there was lightning and 
thunder, and darkness fell and the clove sighed and the roses wept : 
both withered at once and the blossoms fell : then, too, your poor 
mother was struck low." 

Thus the Greeks, from whom the Evzoni are drawn, never 
really became subservient to the Turks, and have, though in 
a limited sphere, managed to preserve their freedom of 


thought and action. Also they appear to have had their 
minds disciplined during their association with their native 
hills. For the benefit of those who do not know the hills of 
Hellas, it should be pointed out that the spell of these hills 
is such that they stir the imagination, and so contribute in 
forming characters of steadfast purpose and orderly minds" 
such as are not frequently found among the dwellers in her 

The Greek infantry are dressed in khaki uniforms similar' 
to those adopted by our troops in South Africa. The boots 
appeared to the writer not to be strong enough to resist the 
rigours of a winter campaign, and they did not seem to stand 
the rains and marshes of the Romuluk and the snows round 
Bezane very well. If Salonica had not fallen such an easy 
prey to the Army, a great deal of suffering might have arisen 
as the result of inadequate boots. The answer given to the 
writer's criticism was that the Greek is accustomed to wear 
very light footgear and cannot march in a heavy boot. This 
rejoinder exemplifies the lack of method in the Greek mind ; 
one might as well say that the Greek is not accustomed to 
carry 50 lb. on his back, and therefore cannot carry war kit. 
The uniform was completed with gaiters or puttees, or else 
boots with extended uppers but not coming as high as a 
field-boot, the preserve of the British war correspondent. 
Every infantry soldier carries a piece of waterproof about 
6 feet long by about 4 feet wide, of which he can, by clubbing 
together with two or more of his fellows, form a small tent, 
and which he can, when marching in the rain, hang over his 
shoulders, a blanket, a great-coat, a change of linen, a water- 
bottle, a stiff canvas rucksack bound with leather, a saucepan 
for cooking, a first-aid case, a cartridge-belt with 150 rounds, 
and provisions for forty-eight hours. The riicksack when 
packed full was on occasion used by bodies of troops halting 
to form a screen in case of a sudden attack. 

The Evzonos in war time is provided with a long khaki 
tunic reaching just above the knees, and a khaki cap similar 
in shape to his other cap. His kit consists merely of a 



1 o f:ice p. 68. 


blanket or a shepherd's capa^ a waterproof, a saucepan, a 
haversack and water-bottle ; thus, including his cartridge- 
belt and his rifle, the total weight of his kit is very much 
smaller than that of the infantryman. It is evident that he 
can move much quicker than his colleagues of the line, but it 
is equally evident that only very hardy men can go on a 
campaign vi^ith such little provision. 

The transport of the Greek Army was at first chiefly 
furnished by mules : double bullock carts and double and 
single horse carts were also used along carriage roads. 
Mules can of course follow the mountain tracks. Motor 
lorries were also used along the main roads to Veria and 
Janina ; the number available was not great at first, but in 
the second stage of the Epirus campaign very many were 
in use. A glance at the map of Macedonia and Epirus will 
show that the transport problems which Greece had to face 
were extremely difficult : they will be described in subsequent 

The seven divisions under the command of the Crown 
Prince, and the troops originally placed under the command 
of General Sapundzaki, and the troops stationed along the 
lines of communication to the frontiers from Athens, exhaust 
the 120,000 men whom the first call collected. By the 31st 
of December, 191 2, however, over 240,000 men were drawing 
soldiers' pay, that is to say, had been enrolled as conscripts 
or else as volunteers. The volunteers are divisible into 
several classes : 

• (i) Andartes (irregulars), who were formed into bands 
varying in number from about ten to about forty. The 
greater number of these were drawn from Crete ; the rest 
chiefly from Epirus and other parts of European Turkey. 
They were provided with arms and sent to Epirus. Nearly 
all had their capa^ a shepherd's cloak with hood, in which 
they wrapped themselves at night, sleeping in the open. 
They received pay just as the regular troops. From these 
must be distinguished the bands of andartes who worked 
chiefly in Macedonia on their own account. They were 


mostly men who had been armed during the last six years 
by the priesthood for the purpose of defending the Greek 
villages from oppression. The word " andartes " is applied 
to any one who takes a gun and goes to the front with the 
intention of putting a i&vj bullets into the enemy. Thus one 
of the writer's most amusing experiences during the war was 
a meeting with an acquaintance — a Greek gentleman, a well- 
known game shot, resident in European Turkey — at a small 
khani (inn) outside Gida Station ; the said gentleman was 
dressed in a town suit, stout walking boots, and a cloth cap ; 
a cartridge-belt was slung over his shoulders, and he carried 
a modern rifle. He was sitting drinking coffee with two or 
three other more suitably attired andartes. He said he was 
on his way to snipe a few Turks on the banks of the Vardar 
River in case he saw any attempting to blow up the railway 
bridge. ** I have shot duck there very often," he explained, 
"and so I might do more good than some." He had only 
had ten minutes in Athens in which to catch the boat, and 
so had not been able even to change into more comfortable 
clothes for the purpose. Most of these independent andartes 
are very far removed from this gentleman in the social scale, 
but they all took the field in the same sporting spirit. 

(2) Those who volunteered for the Regular Army. They 
consisted oi{a) Greeks whose particular class had not yet 
been called ; {b) men of Greek extraction from European 
Turkey, from Egypt, and in fact from all over the world, 
but not Greek subjects. Such volunteers were at first 
refused, but after the declaration of war they were accepted 
and were enrolled in the Regular Army. 

(3) Men of any nationality who offered themselves for the 
Garibaldian Volunteer Regiment, who were dressed in the 
red Garibaldian uniform, and were under the nominal com- 
mand of a grandson of the great Garibaldi. Italians and 
Greek volunteers formed the bulk of this regiment, but there 
were men in it from most countries. 

The men originally called who presented themselves before 
the outbreak of war have now been accounted for ; but the 





existing machinery did not provide for the mobilization of 
more than 120,000 men. 

The problem which the French Military Mission and those 
at the head of the Army organization had to solve at the 
time when war seemed probable was a puzzling one. Out of 
a peace establishment of 30,000 men, which in time of war in 
the ordinary course, with the help of reservists, increased to 
60,000 men, an army of over 20O5OOO men had to be created. 
The common soldier was the only material that was there 
for the purpose, and immense credit is reflected on those 
who succeeded in obtaining the results which they did, 
and it is very interesting to see how this was found possible. 
The greatest difficulty which they had to face was the 
lack of officers, and especially infantry officers. A glance at 
the Greek Military Annual for 191 2 shows that whereas 
there were 12 colonels of artillery and 9 colonels of en- 
gineers on active service, there were only 12 colonels of 
infantry. One's first impression is that there had been a 
misprint somewhere, but inquiry shows that there is no 
misprint : it is correct. It is easy to see that as a result 
of this many infantry regiments must either be commanded 
by artillery or engineer colonels, or else must be commanded 
by officers of lower rank. The explanation appears to be 
that the Schole Evelpidon (Cadet Training College) is exclu- 
sively a training college for the artillery and the engineers. 
Consequently all those young men who wish to make the 
Army their career are prepared for one of these two branches 
of the Service, There is no other college which is equiva- 
lent to our Sandhurst. The few infantry officers who were 
raised to high rank are men who have not passed through 
this training college, whose cadets are called " those of good 
hope," or " our young hopefuls." ' 

It will thus be seen that Greece had to take the field in 
this war without her proper staff of infantry officers. The 
infantry officers of lower rank, up to and including captains, 
consisted chiefly of men who had taken a special course 
of instruction during their two years* service and had retired 


with the rank of subaltern of the reserve. The resources 
were spun out, by the use of all the available reserve officers, 
until eight divisions had been organized. This in itself was 
a remarkable feat ; but there they gave out. These eight 
divisions represented 120,000 men, not more. What was 
to be done with the other 100,000 soldiers? Battalions 
were being formed in Athens without officers to lead them ; 
some had, perhaps, one or two. The difficulty was solved 
by drafting the latter into existing battalions to replace 
the losses, and by incorporating the latter in the regiments 
as additional battalions, so that by January i, 1913, some 
infantry regiments had as many as six battalions. 

The different grades of Greek officers are a little confusing. 
Beginning with the non-commissioned officers there are, lance- 
corporal (uTToSEKavcvc), one narrow stripe ; corporal (SticavEuc)* 
one broad stripe ; sergeant (Xo;^iac), two stripes ; sergeant- 
major (iTriXoxtac), three stripes; and adjutant (av0u7rac77ri(7Tijc), 
who wears a commissioned officer's uniform. 

The lower officers holding commissions, captain (Xoxayo?)) 
lieutenant (vTroXoxayoc), and sub-lieutenant (avfluTroXoxayoc), 
correspond ^to the equivalent grades in the British Army, 
except that a Greek company ( Xo^oc) is 250 strong, 
and thus a captain has a more responsible position than a 
captain in the British Army. 

A major (rayjuiaTapx-ng) commands a battalion (rayjua), and 
a colonel (arvvTayfiarapx^g^ or sometimes a lieutenant-colonel 
{avTi( commands a regiment {(xwrayfia). 
The divisional commander {fiipapxog) is usually a major- 
general {virotTTparriyog), No army corps are constituted in 
the Greek Army. During the war composite columns (3,000 
to S,ooo strong) acting independently, called Ta^iapx^aiy were 
used as flying columns ; there is nothing equivalent to our 
brigade unless it be these columns. 

The Crown Prince and General Sapundzaki were both 
appointed to their commands with the rank of lieutenant- 
general {avTiaTpariiyoQ). It will be seen that when com- 
pared with the British Army the Greek Army appears to be 


very much under-officered. The number of commissioned 
officers attached to each regiment in time of war is about half 
the number attached to a British regiment consisting of an 
equal number of battalions, and it will be remembered that its 
strength is between 3,000 and 3,500 men. It would appear 
to follow that very responsible work falls upon the non- 
commissioned officers, especially in these days of deploying 
into open line when attacking. 




It will be recollected that as a result of the war in 1897 
the northern frontier of Greece was moved southward a short 
distance. This alteration was very much to the disadvan- 
tage of the Greeks, as the Turks thereby gained much 
stronger positions than they had before 1897. ^^^ ^i^^s 
which form the northerri boundary of the plain of Thessaly 
were left practically all in their hands, although the Greeks 
had some high positions to the east of Meluna. The idea 
was prevalent outside the Balkans that the Turks would 
have fortified the frontier to such an extent that the garrison 
which they were able to leave for its defence would have had 
no great difficulty in keeping the Greek army at bay for the 
greater part of the campaign. It appears, however, that the 
scheme for the fortification of this frontier between Turkey 
and Greece, commencing at Janina in the west, had not 
been proceeded with very far when the war broke out ; in 
fact, it had not got beyond Janina itself. As it was, the 
Turks not having fortified this frontier strongly, did not 
place there the whole of the forces which were available 
for its defence, but only about 8,000 troops. The Greeks 
thus had no very difficult task in forcing this frontier with the 
army which they had ready in and around Larissa. Their 
numbers so greatly exceeded those of the Turks that, by 
adopting a very wide front, they were able with flanking 
movements to envelop the forces opposed to them. Prob- 


ably the Turks made a very great mistake in not placing 
all their available strength upon the frontier. They might 
easily have entrenched themselves on such naturally strong 
positions as the topography afforded them. Instead of doing 
this, they established their lines of defence at Sarandaporon, 
which was a still stronger position. Yet in view of the 
peculiar Greek temperament, it might have been easier for 
the Turks to defend the Meluna position than that at 
Sarandaporon. The Hellene's temperament is such that an 
initial success or failure may be critical for him. The 
successful attack on the frontier gave the Greeks such 
confidence that they were prepared to go ahead and fight 
in the belief that nothing could stop them. On the other 
hand, if they had received a serious check in their attack on 
the frontier their morale might have been destroyed to such 
an extent that their attacks would notjhave been pushed home 
with conviction, and the army might not have crossed the 
frontier by the time that the Bulgarians had arrived before 
the fortifications of Chatalja. 

There are four ways of communication over the Grseco- 
Turkish frontier. The chief one lies across the Meluna 
Pass, which runs N.W. by N. and which connects the plain 
of Elassona with the plain of Larissa by the shortest route. 
There is a fair road over this pass, which joins the Turkish 
artillery road from Salonica and Veria ; the highest point 
of the road in the pass is nearly 2,000 feet up. About 
twelve or fifteen miles westward there is a cart track along 
the winding valley of the River Xerias, which also joins the . 
two plains together ; this valley remains on the level of the 
plains. There is a pass through the Vale of Tempe, which 
turns to the north round the eastern brow of Mount 
Olympus along the coast. The Turks had no troops massed 
within twenty miles of the sea, and as it was possible to 
outflank their left wing by a column of Evzoni marching 
over the mountains, the Vale of Tempe was not utilized. 
The fourth way is over the Zygos Pass, which crosses the 
frontier about the boundary of Thessaly and Epirus. This 


route, lying so far to the west, was useless for the main 
campaign, which had Salonica as its objective. 

It is interesting to note that on the 1 8th of October it was 
officially published in Athens that the army had continued 
its advance on Salonica. This shows that those who were 
at the head of the military organization in Greece had 
fully foreseen that their army had a good prospect of 
reaching Salonica, for which not many people out of the 
country would have given them credit. 

The plan adopted was to concentrate practically the 
whole of the Greek army at Larissa and make use of the 
^ Meluna and Xerias routes, which happily lay close together, 
leaving General Sapundzaki to conduct what was intended 
to be mainly a defensive campaign in Epirus. Divisions I 
to VI and part of the 7th Division were concentrated at 
Larissa during the first two weeks in October. The seven 
Divisions were commanded as follows: the ist Manuso- 
jannakis, 2nd Kalares, 3rd Damianos, 4th Moschopulos, 
5th Mathiopulos, 6th Miliotes* and 7th Kleomenes. An 
independent brigade, or flying column, under the command 
of Colonel Gennades, was ordered to advance from Trikkala 
and Occupy Diskata, which lies some twenty-five miles 
west of Elassona. This column consisted of two battalions 
of Evzoni, and was assisted by some independent bodies of 
irregulars operating on its left. Another flying column, 
under the command of Colonel Constantinopoulos, consisted 
also of two battalions of Evzoni, and was placed on the 
extreme right. 

The Crown Prince had as his chief of staff Major-General 
Dangles, who has been called the Greek " Bobs." His 
stature does not quite equal that of Lord Roberts and he 
is a much younger man. A brilliant artillery officer, he 
was known to be a man of great organizing capacity and 
of much military learning. The Schneider-Canet-Dangles 
mountain guns are named partly after him : he devised an 
arrangement by which a 3-inch gun could be taken to 
pieces, and so could be transported on mules. This greatly 








o ^ 



increased the striking power of the units over the hills of 
Macedonia, upon which the field batteries could not be 
brought into action. The Greeks thus had a more power- 
ful mountain gun than any other Balkan army. 

A few words should be said about the previous military 
career of the Crown Prince Constantine. He underwent 
his training in Germany ; by showing great aptitude for 
military theory and soldierly qualities of no ordinary kind, 
he promised to develop into an able general. In the war 
of 1897 ^^ was given the supreme command of the Greek 
Army, when he was scarcely ripe for such a responsibility. 
It is true that no one who took part in that war on the 
Greek side was given a chance to distinguish himself, for 
those at the head of affairs embarked on the war under 
pressure of public opinion, without conviction, and while 
negotiating with the Great Powers for a settlement of the 
dispute by diplomacy. Making due allowance for this, 
however, the Crown Prince would no doubt himself admit 
that he was overweighted by his task, and did not do 
either it or himself justice. The war was probably as great 
a lesson to him as to many others, and it is said that, 
hoping to have an opportunity of vindicating his reputation 
as a general, he has worked hard at military history and 
science for the last fifteen years, during which time he has 
collected an exceptionally complete library of military 
works. In the coup d'etat of Zorbas the Princes were not 
spared any more than others who were at the head of 
affairs, and the Crown Prince was obliged to resign his 
command and his brothers to leave the Army. A pleasing 
feature of the incident, however, is that the confidence of 
the public, or at any rate that of the Army, in the Crown 
Prince was not destroyed ; so later he was reinstated in the 
service when war was expected, and Mr. Venizelos recognized 
that he was the man to whom the most important command 
should be given. While on the subject of the Crown 
Prince Constantine, the writer feels it incumbent upon him 
to refer with some asperity to certain small-minded men 


who thought well to publish their views on the 1897 war 
and, without having knowledge of the facts, thoughtlessly 
address what was little better than scurrilous abuse to the 
Crown Prince. It is no doubt partly due to this that the 
foreign war correspondents were at first not very warmly 
welcomed as followers of the Greek campaign, though later 
on they were treated with the greatest kindness and 
cordiality. ' 

As the Greek army's victorious march to Salonica within 
three weeks, disposing of some 60,000 Turks en route^ was 
in many ways a remarkable feat, it will be interesting to 
follow the advance day by day so far as it is practicable. 

Immediately after the declaration of war the Greek army 
was given the order to advance across the frontier. The 
front line at first consisted of the ist, 2nd, and 3rd Divisions. 
The 1st Division was ordered to advance over the hills on 
the right and occupy Tsaritsane and attack Elassona from 
the right. The 2nd Division, in the centre, was ordered to 
advance along the main road over the Meluna Pass and 
threaten Elassona from the front, and the 3rd Division 
along the valley of the Xerias on the left bank of the river. 
The 4th Division was soon brought up into the front line 
and ordered to advance along the right bank of the River 
Xerias, so as to occupy the hills to the west of Elassona 
above the monastery. 

The Turks made no resistance on the frontier — their 
advance guard, amounting to about 8,oqp men with two 
or three batteries, withdrew and established itself at Elassona 
with its right wing at Diskata. 

On the 18th of October the ist Division occupied 
Tsaritsane, four miles east of Elassona, the 2nd Division 
was at Scomba, six miles south of Elassona, and the 3rd 
Division at Domenico, four miles west of Scomba. The 
4th Division was at Vlacogianni, well up on the left bank 
of the River Xerias, supporting the 3rd Division on its left, 
and the Sth and 6th Divisions were supporting farther to 
the rear. In the meantime Gennades' flying column occupied 






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Tsouca, seven miles south of Diskata, and on the 19th 
captured Diskata after a skirmish in which they lost one 
captain and two privates killed and about ten wounded. 

The Turks at Diskata> who were stated to exceed the 
Greeks in numbers, retired northward. It will thus be seen 
that on the morning of the 19th of October the Greek army 
occupied positions almost due east and west of Elassona, 
and threatened the line of retreat of the Turkish forces 
which were there. This early movement of the army on 
Elassona has been described very fully because it well 
illustrates the strategy adopted by the Crown Prince 
throughout the campaign, and for which he/has deservedly, 
received such commendatory notices in the Press. 

On the 1 8th the staff moved to Tyrnavo, and on the 19th 
it advanced to Tsaritsane, from which the main attack on 
Elassona was to be delivered. The choice of Tsaritsane as 
the place from which to direct the operations shows the 
importance which was attached to flank attacks ; it is a 
good instance of the method adopted by the Crown Prince, 
about which more will be said later. 

An engagement at Elassona commenced on that morning, 
but after a few hours' fighting and, it is said, when they 
had learned that a Greek force had occupied Diskata, the 
Turks evacuated Elassona and retired towards Sarandaporon. ^ 
That day Constantinopoulos's column engaged the left wing 
of the Turks near the village of Psilochori, about four miles 
to the north-east of Tsaritsane. On the same day the army 
more or less concentrated at Elassona and the advance guard 
occupied all the heights to the north of the town. The 
following day, the 21st of October, the army advanced along 
the whole front, Divisions I, II, III, and IV being in the front 
line, and occupying the relative positions which they had 
occupied in the advance on Elassona, the 2nd Division 
being on the main road. On the night of the 21st of 
October the divisions halted about three miles south of 
the Khani Hadji-Gogou, the 3rd Division being at Vouvala, 
the 4th Division to the left of it, and the ist Division close 


to Zanista. From there one can see the great semioircle 
of hills formed at Sarandaporon, with the wings pointing 
southward. On the morning of the 22nd, at 6 a.m., the 
order to advance was given, and at about nine o'clock the 
advance guard came in touch with the enemy, who were 
posted along the hills on the line Glykovo-Vigla. An 
artillery duel ensued at a range of about four miles. The 
Crown Prince and his staff directed the battle from the 
Khan, which at the commencement was within range of 
the enemy's shell. The ist, 2nd, and 3rd Divisions engaged 
the enemy's front, the ist being in the centre on the road, 
the 2nd to the right, and the 3rd posted, opposite the village 
of Glycovo. This village stands on a hill projecting south- 
ward from the main line of hills. The 4th Division had orders 
to march to the left of the 3rd Division through Metaxa and 
arrive opposite the junction of the road from Diskata and the 
road from Elassona at Kaldades, and attack the Turks on the 
flank as they retreated. The 3rd Division delivered its attack 
also from the west, thus taking the Turkish left wing on 
the flank. The sth Division was ordered to make a still 
wider detour to the left along the valley of the Aliakmon 
and support the cavalry brigade under Major-General 
Soutsos, who was ordered to take the same road and 
reach the bridge over the Aliakmon between Servia ^ and 
Kosane, so as to cut off the retreat of the Turks in a north- 
westerly direction. In the meantime Gennades' flying 
column was advancing from Diskata on the extreme left 
Early in the day torrential rain began to fall, which lasted 
until the small hours of the morning. The battle along 
the front was contested the whole of the day until nightfall. 
The Greek artillery succeeded in advancing from time to 
time, the range becoming gradually closer. The Turkish 
time-fuses mostly did not explode in the air, whereas the 
Greeks did considerable damage to the Turkish lines. 
Towards the end of the day the 2nd Division, which had 
at one time attacked before the artillery had prepared the 

' Serfidje. 


way for them and had consequently suffered considerable 
losses, and also the ist Division on the right, hgid come 
to fairly close quarters with the Turks, who had retired 
from their outer trenches. On the left the lOth Regiment 
in the 3rd Division had pressed Glykovo hard from the 
west. The Turks had masked their positions well along 
the side of the hill where their guns were posted between 
Glykovo and the road, and it would have taken a very long 
bombardment and a charge or series of charges, which would 
have cost a great many troops, to capture the positions from 
the front. The following morning at daybreak when the 1 
Greeks prepared to recommence the fight, it was seen that 
the Turks had evacuated their positions. It appears that 
they had been informed of the Greek forces which were 
trying to cut off their retreat on the left, and so most of/ 
them retired by the shortest path towards Serfidje, which ^ 
passes to the left of the Gorge of Porta Petra. The 4th 
Division had succeeded, after a skirmish at Mokro on the 
22nd, in occupying the Hill of Kaldades overlooking the 
Petra Defile. The Turkish transport, with a convoy of 
infantry and the artillery, were obliged to retire along the 
main road through the Gorge of Porta Petra, and there they 
were intercepted by the 4th Division, which had occupied 
the heights to the west of the road. The panic which ensued \ 
on the part of the Turks was indescribable, and nearly all \ 
their transport, including an immense amount of artillery « 
ammunition, was left on the road. The whole of the guns, 
to the number of twenty-two, also had to be abandoned and 
were captured by the Greeks. These were all Krupp guns 
of a modern pattern. A considerable number of prisoners 
was made. 

Constantinopoulos's flying column of Evzoni, which was 
ordered to make a detour to the right and harass, if not cut 
off, the Turks who were making their way along the right 
bank of the river, met with opposition at Vlacholivadon. 
One company either took the wrong path or else misunder- 
stood their instructions, for they found themselves to the 




right of the road in front of Serfidje at Kastania, and there 
met the 4th and 5th Divisions. 

Part of the 7th Division, which had followed as rearguard 
of the Crown Prince from Larissa, was ordered to take the 
road to the right of Vlacholivadon, through the pass leading 
to Aikaterine, and occupy that town. This they succeeded in 
doing, after a skirmish on the 28th of October. They were 
there joined by the other half of the division, which was 
shipped by sea. 

General Soutsos, in command of the cavalry, apparently 
failed to reach and hold the bridge over the Aliakmon in 
time, and then, instead of hurrying in pursuit and insuring 
the safety of the important Greek population of iCosane, he 
advanced in a leisurely manner in that direction. This town, 
which had already been evacuated by the main Turkish 
troops and was anxiously awaiting his arrival, was then 
reoccupied by the Turks retreating from the direction of 
Diskata, but these did not halt there for long. The rear- 
guard of the main Turkish forces escaped over the river 
northward, but a large body escaped along the right 
bank of Aliakmon. The retreat was partly covered by a 
Turkish force which engaged the 5th Division at Lazarades, 
and so prevented their completely outflanking the Turks 
between Serfidje and the Aliakmon. The 6th Division 
remained in reserve throughout the battle. 

Of the strategy of the Crown Prince which led up to 
]the occupation of Serfidje it is difficult to speak too highly. 
Not a single movement had to be counter-ordered, and every- 
thing worked like clockwork, except some of the movements 
of the extreme wings which we have mentioned. His most 
trusted divisional commander, General Kalares, he placed 
in the centre, no doubt because he knew how difficult it 
would be to, restrain the Greek junior officers from advancing 
hot-headedly when it was right that they should merely keep 
their positions, and it is conceivable that any less experienced 
Greek divisional commander, being in General Kalares's place, 
might have sacrificed a great part of his division in throwing 
them against the Turkish pqsitions. 


Great praise for the successful carrying out of the operation 
is due to the Greek gunners, who made remarkably good 
practice when their own guns were unmasked against the 
Turkish guns, which were well masked, and to the com- 
mander of the 4th Division for the way in which he carried 
out his instructions. The morale of the troops appears to 
have been very high indeed. The infantry of the ist and 
2nd Divisions fought with great bravery in charging against 
quick-firing guns, though it is questionable whether their 
officers did not exceed their orders in pressing forward a 
frontal attack with the infantry, when the intention of the 
Crown Prince was only to engage the enemy's front with 
a holding attack, in order to mask the flankipg operations 
which were in progress. The infantry while making these 
attacks for the most part appear to have taken cover as they 
charged up the hill with great skill, and this explains the 
comparatively small losses incurred by the Greeks in the 
battle, which amounted to about 1,500. 

The Crown Prince himself was at one time under fire, 
and he sent his eldest son, Prince George of Sparta, on 
to the battle-field with his regiment, as a subaltern. Such 
rash exposure of the heirs of the throne did not receive 
encouragement from Athens. The officers all advanced, 
upright, sword in hand, just as the Highland officers did 
at the Battle of Elandslaagte, and consequently the losses 
among them were disproportionately large. The infantry, 
encouraged by the Crown Prince, shouted " Zeto^' as the 
shells fell near them. Luckily the Turkish fuses were badly 
timed, and mostly did not burst in the air ; and the 
ground being soft from the heavy downpour, which lasted 
all day, they did not do much harm, after they had em- 
bedded themselves in it. One soldier, a man of grim 
humour, who had been wounded and was lying helpless, 
before he was removed to a place of safety, made faces at 
the shells which fell around him. An officer in the same 
company, who was wounded in the same battle, is the writer's 
authority for this. There were numberless escapes, the 


most fortunate, perhaps, being that of a corporal of the 
1st Infantry Regiment. He was taking aim lying prone, 
when a bullet flattened itself on the ramrod of his rifle ; 
rarely can there have been more extraordinary good fortune 
on the battle-field. 

The Turks appear not to have been well led, but they 
were surprised and their commanders were confused by 
the Greek tactics. The Commander-in-Chief, Hassan Taxim 
Pasha, is reported to have been in a state of collapse on the 
night of the battle. He sent for his apothecary, who was 
a Greek, and asked him for a pick-me-up. When it was 
brought to him he said, *' I have only learnt one word of your 
language — that word is * sfiirpog ' " (which means " forward "). 
This varied with " Ifxirpog iraiSia " (" forward, lads,") was what 
the Greeks shouted throughout their charges, so great was 
their eagerness to get to grips with the Turk. As a 
member of the French Mission told the writer : " lis partaient 
plutot a la chasse qu'a la guerre." At Glycovo, on the 
morning of the 23rd, five Greeks and five Turks were found 
transfixed with one another's bayonets. 

The Crown Prince occupied Serfidje on the afternoon of 
the 23rd of October, and there found evidences of the 
horrible massacre. There is no doubt at all that some seventy 
Christians, including some priests, were foully murdered. 
The story goes that the Turkish prisoners in the prison were 
armed and told to kill all the Greek prisoners. Unfortu- 
nately the Greek staff were not provided with cameras, and 
the evidence of the massacre has not been perpetuated. It 
may be because they were diffident as to the way in which 
things would go, or that, unlike the Bulgarians, they did not 
value self-advertisement highly enough ; but no corre- 
spondents were allowed to be present to describe the battle, 
and the staff had no cameras or cinematographs for the pur- 
pose of putting on record their own performances or the 
Turkish lapses. If Bulgarians had been victims of the 
Serfidje massacre the illustrated papers in all European 
countries would have been full of photographs of it. 


The Crown Prince's treatment of what were little less than 

murderers is noteworthy. What he might well have done 

was to have ordered them all to be shot. All he did was to 

confine them, and threaten to shoot any soldiers who 

attempted to touch one of them. Perhaps he was afraid of 

charges of barbarity and cruelty being brought against the 

Greeks. An idea had been spread abroad that the Greeks 

ill-treat and massacre the Turks just as much as the Turks 

ill-treat and massacre the Greeks ; that it is six of one and 

half a dozen of the other. The Crown Prince may have 

wished to show that this idea was a mistaken one and to 

remove all cause for any such charges during the war. No 

doubt he also wished to establish the severest possible 

discipline among untried troops by showing them that they 

dare not move a hand against any Turk without his orders. 

He therefore seized upon this instance, coming as it did after 

the first battle, as an opportunity to show his authority. In 

this he was no doubt right, but still there was more than 

one other occasion during the war, which will be mentioned 

later on, in which the Turks deserved severer treatment. A 

strong man like Lord Kitchener would probably have ordered 

the culprits at Serfidje to be shot, and the Crown Prince, apart 

from diplomatic considerations and with a tried, disciplined 

army, might have done the same. 

One of the weaknesses of the Greeks is their disinclination 
or inability to take a strong line in certain cases where it is 
necessary, owing possibly to an innate tenderness of heart. 
Their lenient treatment of murderers before the day of 
M. Venizdios is an illustration of this. Thus public feeling in 
Greece would probably have been against the Crown Prince 
if he had used strong measures ; this consideration, pre- 
sumably, also influenced his conduct. 



The country through which the Greeks had to advance until 
they reached Veria, which lies at the southern edge of the 
Romuluk, the extensive and fertile plain which lies west of 
Salonica and along the western shore of its gulf south of 
Jenitsa and east of Vodena, is a mountainous country inter- 
sected by valleys, most of which run rather east and west than 
north and south. The ways of communication to the north 
are mostly over mountain passes ; the country, therefore, 
generally speaking, presents a great advantage to the army 
which is on the defensive, and does not afford much oppor- 
tunity for an attacking force employing the old straight-ahead 
methods of attack. The line of hills on the frontier, that at 
Elassona, and to an even greater extent the one at 
Sarandaporon, exemplify the characteristics of the country. 
The chains of hills between Serfidje and Veria present an 
even more formidable barrier. 

The Crown Prince gave the first sign of his tactical ability 
in the method which he adopted in overcoming these geo- 
graphical obstacles. His army enjoyed numerical superiority, 
and he took advantage of this by spreading his forces along 
a much wider front than the Turks could afford to adopt. 
He placed the most mobile troops on the extreme left and 
right, so that when the attack was being made on a line of 
hills, instead of masses of troops being concentrated on the 
most vulnerable point {e.g, a pass), the wings advanced 



across the hill-tops and delivered attacks on the flanks at the 
same time as the centre engaged the enemy's centre. The 
effect of these tactics was that the Turks, realizing the danger 
of their lines of communication being cut, would retire long 
before their centre was forced back under pressure of the 
frontal attack. In this way positions were captured with 
little loss, where the older methods of attack would have 
necessitated large sacrifice of life. The methods of the 
Bulgarians can be cited in contrast to those of the Greeks. 
At Kirk-Kilisse, and to a greater extent at Lule Burgas, they 
threw large bodies of men straight at the Turkish lines 
instead of taking advantage of their numerical superiority 
and making flank attacks. This great numerical superiority 
has been disputed, but it is a fact that, the Bulgarians 
promised to place 400,000 men in the field, and it is admitted 
that the Turks had at most 200,000 available in Thrace up 
to the time when the Bulgarians arrived before the Chatalja 
lines. The Bulgarians detached an army corps of from 
35,000 to 40,000 men from their Thracian forces in order to 
steal a march on Salonica, with what results can be seed in 
a later chapter. The use of this force might have given them 
the decided advantage in numbers in Thrace which they may 
have lacked ; at any rate, with the help of the troops which 
the Servians sent to assist them they should have had a 
numerical superiority great enough to enable them to out- 
manoeuvre the Turkish forces by means of the methods of 
advance and attack employed by the Greeks. 

The place where such tactics could not have been employed 
is Chatalja, the lines of which, running across from sea to sea 
as they do, are less than twenty miles in length, as the Turks 
had the command of the sea and so could threaten the flanks 
of the attacking force. It is evident that if the Bulgarians 
had husbanded their forces more in the earlier days of the 
campaign by adopting more up-to-date methods in the battle 
of Lule Burgas they would have been fresher when they 
arrived before Chatalja. With the help of their Macedonian 
army corps they might then without delay have delivered one 


of their determined frontal attacks on the lines which no Turks 
could resist. Honour to whom honour is due : no one will 
deny the bravery with which the Bulgarian soldiers fought, 
but it is little less than criminal on the part of those respon- 
sible to have wasted 40,000 of their best soldiers, who were 
badly needed in Thrace, on a jealous side march. It is said 
that the Bulgarians were prevented only by the diplomatic 
representations of two of the Great Powers from forcing the 
lines of Chatalja, because the latter did not want them to 
occupy Constantinople, and also because they feared the 
results of a victorious army overrunning that city at the same 
time. If the Bulgarians, however, had lost no time in follow- 
ing up their attack at Chatalja, there might|have been no time 
for the Powers to intervene.^ The action of the Powers 
suggests that they doubted the ability of the Bulgarian 
commanders to halt their men between Chatalja and Con- 
stantinople, If the Bulgarians had only been able to storm 
the Chatalja lines, they would have saved Europe from the 
anxiety and strain which the long peace negotiations brought, 
as well as from further bloodshed, for the Turks would then 
have realized the hopelessness of their position and would 
have had to come to the Peace Conference as suppliants, if 
not of the Balkan Allies, at any rate of the Powers. 

The Crown Prince and his staff moved into Serfidje on the 
25 th of October, and kept the whole front of the army on 
the march. The 5th Division was ordered to follow up the 
cavalry brigade which had occupied Kosane that day and 
advance from there to the northward. The other divisions 
forming the front line advanced in the direction of Veria along 
both sides of the Aliakmon, retaining their relative positions. 
The 2nd Division, which was in the centre and to the west- 
ward of the Aliakmon, met with a slight resistance on the Hill 
of Adilompa ; the ist, 3rd, and 4th Divisions did not meet 
with any opposition. On the 26th of October the Crown 
j Prince and his staff moved into Kosane, and on that day the 
' sth Division was in touch with the Turkish forces before 

^ Vide page 125. 


the village of Kailar. The Turks were not in strength and 
the inhabitants were anxious to surrender. The white flag 
was raised, and a Greek advance-guard was sent forward to 
accept the surrender, but when they were within 300 yards 
of the Turkish lines they were met by a determined fire. 
The Greek artillery was brought into action and the village 
was soon captured ; this was the first example of treachery 
on the part of the Turks. The prisoners captured at Kailar, 
who amounted to very nearly 1,000, were taken to Kosane 
and confined there. The following day, October 27th, the 
5th Division advanced and engaged a larger force of Turks at 
Nalbankioi, about twelve miles south of Sorovitz ; the Greek 
artillery proved too strong for the Turkish artillery, and the 
Turks again retired. 

On the same day the 3rd Division was opposed by a force 
of Turkish artillery and infantry at Xirolivadon, which lies to 
the left of the main road about seven miles south-west of 
Veria ; the enemy retired after a slight resistance, and that ^ 
same evening the 3rd Division occupied Veria, which had been ( 
deserted by the Turks. The ist Division, which still formed 
the right wing, also closed in towards that town. The Crown 
Prince himself entered Veria with his staff on the morning of/ 
the 30th of October. 

The 7th Division was in the meantime advancing along the 
coast from Aikaterine in the direction of Gida and Plati, and 
the 3rd and 4th Divisions were advancing in a line with the 
2nd and ist Divisions to the westward of Veria, the 4th being 
in touch with the Sth, which was proceeding towards Sorovitz, 
a station on the Salonica-Monastir Railway. 

It was known that the next point of great resistance would \ 
be the town of Jenitsa, which lies on the slope of the hills \ 
which end at the north of the Romuluk, about forty miles west 1 
by north-west of Salonica. The expanse of land to the east 
of a line drawn between Veria and Jenitsa south of the main 
road from Jenitsa to Salonica consists of a marsh and a lake 
of about two miles long and one mile wide, which lies about 
four miles south of Jenitsa itself. This was probably the 



strongest position which the Turks could adopt, for it formed 
a link between the River Vardar, which had to be crossed if 
the operations were directed against Salonica, and the passes 
which had to be negotiated in an advance on Monastir. 
Apart from these purely military considerations there was 
an historical reason for the choice of Jenit£ a as^^^aoiot, of 
concentration. The heroes of the Turkish armies of the 
fourteenth ^century were buried there, and so Moslem 
fanaticism would there be worked up to its highest pitch. 
The Crown Prince without delay ordered the advance on 
Jenitsa ; the 6th Division was brought up, and that and the 
1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Divisions all advanced to the west- 
ward of the lake. The ist Division was still on the right 
wing, and it advanced through Plasna, nine miles from 
Jenitsa, where it arrived on the night of the 31st of October. 
The 2nd Division was on its left as before, and passed through 
Disary Vlach, about three miles north-west of Plasna. The 
3rd Division was still farther to the west, and passed through 
Krousari, three miles to the left of the 2nd Division, The 
6th Division was directed to make a flank attack, supported 
by the 4th Division, along the line of the Vodena-Jenitsa 
road. The 7th Division had the special task allotted to it of 
j occupying the bridge at Mentetsli over the River Vardar, 
which would have completely cut off the retreat of the Turks 
towards Salonica. The 2nd Division came into touch with 
the enemy at midday on the ist of November, when it 
arrived at the River Moglenitsa at Burgas. A strong cannon 
fire from Jenitsa prevented it crossing the river, which was 
about twenty-five yards broad. The Greek artillery was 
then brought up into action, and gradually the 3rd and 4th 
Divisions also arrived and brought their artillery to play 
upon the Turks from farther west, and in the meantime the 
guns of the 6th Division also began to shell the enemy's 
positions. By that evening some impression had been made 
upon him, and under cover of the gun-fire a detachment of 
the infantry of the 2nd Division crossed the river and 
established itself a mile and a half to the north of it, covering 


the advance of the artillery over the bridge. By that time 
the batteries of the 2nd Division had all been posted beyond 
the river about two miles from the enemy*s lines. The 
whole of the infantry of the 2nd Division and a considerable 
body of the 3rd Division had also crossed. The other divisions 
also advanced to the west and south-west, and posted their 
batteries within three miles of the Turkish positions. 

The night was a terrible one ; there was a thunderstorm, 
with hail and sleet and a violent wind. The men, especially 
those in the front line, had probably never spent such a night 
in their lives ; but it speaks well of the Greek infantry 
that they all stuck to their posts throughout the night with 
their rifles aimed on the Turkish lines. After dawn the 
weather improved, and from six o'clock the next morning 
a great artillery duel raged, in which the accuracy of the 
Greek gunners was again noticeable. Their fire was so 
destructive that by shortly aftej;^nine o'clock the Turkish fire 
began to weaken, and then a/general attack was ordered, and 
the Turks abandoned theii/trenches and retired. 

It is said that the Turks retired long before they lost 
their positions ; their officers apparently could not agree, 
and many of them showed great indecision, if not cowardice, 
and this upset the discipline of their troops. Their only 
line of retreat Was the road over the Vardar towards Salonica, 
and there the 7th Division, under Kleomenes, was to have 
cut off their retreat by occupying the bridge. Operating 
with him was Constantinopoulos's flying column of Evzoni, 
which had served as the extreme right wing to the main 
army. It appears that the Evzoni alone managed to carry 
out their orders to the letter, and one company reached a 
position from which they could have occupied the bridge. 
The 7th Division, however, did not appear in support, and so 
the Evzoni were obliged to retire to avoid being isolated and 
all destroyed or taken prisoners.^ 

What happened to the 7th Division has never been made 
clear; it is reported that there was a mist, and that the 
general decided that it would be risky to advance so near 


to the river without knowing the topography of the country, 
and so he halted in the neighbourhood of Plati, where he 
came in touch with a small detachment of Turks. This 
action on the part of the commander of the 7th Division, if 
not fatal, was a gross blunder, as he allowed the whole of the 
Turkish forces to escape across the River Vardar. It was 
also merely good fortune which prevented the mistake from 
proving fatal : the Turkish officer whose duty it was to fire 
the train laid to blow up the railway bridge near Cavakli 
forgot to do so. This, however, did not prevent the Turks 
from destroying the wooden road bridge at Mentetsli. 

The Turkish army at Jenitsa probably amounted to 
between 35,000 and 40,000 men ; the bulk of these were at 
least 20,000 from the Serres army corpSi^and probably 
10,000 represented the unit collected from sections of the 
forces which escaped from Sarandaporon. The remainder 
consisted of one-half of the Salonica garrison, the other 
half of which was kept in reserve as a last line of defence 
at Topsin, on the east of the River Vardar. 

The losses of the Greeks were somewhat more severe in 

I this battle than at Sarandaporon. Considering the small 

; space within which the attack had to bje concentrated owing 

\ to the marsh, it is remarkable that they did not exceed about 

2,000. The plan of the Crown Prince was a brilliant one, 

for if the general of the 7th Division had carried out his 

orders, the road to Salonica would have been open to the 

Greek army on November 3rd, except for a small body of 

about S,ooo men, which could not have made any serious 

resistance. It can scarcely be doubted that Salonica would 

have been surrendered by the 4th of November if the whole 

plan had been successful. As it was the road bridge over 

/ the Vardar was destroyed, and so the railway bridge had to 

[ be used for the army. This bridge, though it was not blown 

up, had been damaged and could not be used for two or three 

days. As the river there varies from 150 to 300 yards in 

, width and is not fordable, the further advance of the army 

had to be delayed until the bridge was repaired. 



To face p. 92, 


Towards the end of the battle the Turks were again guilty 
of treachery in connection with the white flag. It appears 
that when the Greek infantry in the centre had advanced to 
within 100 yards of the Turkish trenches the white flag was 
raised. The Greek officer in command called upon the 
Turks to drop their rifles and come towards the Greek lines 
with their hands above their heads ; they showed reluctance 
to do so, and merely dropped their rifles and stood up. The 
Greeks rather foolishly then advanced without keeping their 
rifles aimed on the Turks. The latter again picked up their 
rifles and met the Greeks with' a raking fire when they were 
quite close up. A good number were thus outrageously 
killed and wounded ; but at that the Greeks let themselves 
go with the steel, and the Turks seem to have got all that 
they deserved. 

The training and manoeuvres carried out under the super- 
vision of the French - Mission had brought the Army to a 
certain state of efficiency, as is known, before the outbreak 
of the war, but a great deal of the accessories, especially 
those connected with transport, had not been fully provided. 
In fact, the general opinion in Greece was that the Greek 
Army would not be ready to take the field against the Turks 
until the spring of 191 3. When this fact is borne in mind, 
and the difficulty presented in the feeding and supplying of 
ammunition to an army along the 150 miles of road which / 
separates Larissa from Veria realized, it must be conceded / 
that wonders were performed. It is true that the men were 
on one or two occasions without fgod for nearly forty-eight 
hours, but that was only because they advanced with such speed 
that their transports could not keep pace with them. When 
the hospitals are described it will be seen that the transport 
showed its inadequacy most in connection with them ; the 
minimum of transport accommodation was allowed for the 
hospitals, because it was all needed for the ammunition and 
food. A word should be said here about the motor-cars. 
About 100 motor-cars in all were in use in Macedonia and 
Epirus during the early part of the war, about 60 of which 


were motor-vans, the rest being ordinary passengei- cars. 
These, as it was, did remarkable work, but they could have 
done very much more if more efficient arrangements had 
been made for the repairing and keeping of these cars in 
working order. There was a lack of skilled motor engineers 
who knew what to do with a car in order to keep it at its 
best on roads which were absolutely unsuited for it, though 
among the chauffeurs there were two or three first-rate 
mechanics, one of whom was clever enough to smelt a 
Turkish shell-cylinder and manufacture a piece of a car- 
buretter with it. During the march from Larissa to Salonica 
there were really not much more than half the motors in use 
at one time. It has been said that the hospitals suffered 
from the lack of accommodation, but what suffered even 
worse were the postal arrangements, There were no motors 
which could be set apart for postal vans, and the result was 
that practically not a single letter reached any one from 
Athens before the occupation of Salonica. Outgoing letters 
could only be sent at all quickly through the kindly help of 
some motor-driver, who would either take it and post it at 
Larissa, or if he himself was not going there, would hand it 
over to a colleague who was. As motor-cars were very often 
kept back and occasionally did not leave on the day on 
which they were expected to start, letters sent from Veria 
by hand often took six or seven days to reach Larissa, while 
through the post they rarely took less than eight days. One 
explanation of the fact that many motors did not keep well 
in working order was that the chauffeurs consisted mostly 
of gentlemen who had volunteered as drivers and their 
chauffeurs. Instead of the gentleman being given the car 
to which he was accustomed and his own chauffeur as assis- 
tant, master and man were in most cases divided. Great 
credit, however, is due to all .those gentlemen who took up 
the work of driving the cars. It was work which no one else 
in Greece could have done, and any one who saw the roads 
and the conditions in which it had to be done would say that 
they did as good work and helped as much in the successful 



To face p, 94. 


march of the army as those who did the fighting. It appears 
that a large quantity of motor-vans to serve as hospital 
ambulances had been ordered ; these had not been delivered 
before the outbreak of the war. Apparently it was known 
that they would carry stores to the front and return with 
wounded, and so they were stopped as contraband of war. 
If the Greek Government had managed to get them taken 
to the front, they would have made all the difference to the 
transport arrangements. 

The headquarters of the Greek army was at Gida on the 
4th of November, its further advance being delayed for the 
railway bridges over the Rivers Karasmak and Vardar to be 
repaired, and also for planks to be laid across the lines on the 
latter bridge in order that it might be used by the heavy 
transport and artillery. In the meantime the Sth Division, 
under Mathiopulos, which had advanced in the direction of 
Sorovitz, occupied that town after practically no resistance, on 
the 31st of October. He advanced from there along the west 
side of the Lake of Ostrovo until he reached the Pass of 
Banitza. What happened after this is not quite clear, and 
will probably not be known accurately until a Greek official 
report, or at any rate the official documents which relate to 
the movements and orders given to or by the divisional com- 
mander, are published. 

Some account of the events, however, can be given if it is 
not possible to adjudge the parts played by the various actors 
at their true worth. It will be seen that the position occupied 
by Mathiopulos was one of very great importance on 
November 2nd, when the rest of the Crown Prince's army was 
concentrating towards Salonica. Sorovitz lies on the main 
road from Monastir to Kosane and has direct railway com- 
munication with Monastir. Part of the Turkish Monastir 
army corps, which had not, so far as could be ascertained, yet 
been in contact with the Servian army advancing from the 
north, was placed in such a position that it might attack the 
Greek Sth Division in force, break through the Greek line, and 
cut off the line of communication of the Greek army between 



Veria and Serfidje. Mathiopulos thus had the responsible 
task of keeping the Monastir army corps at bay until the 
main body of the Crown Prince's army captured Salonica. 
It may be asked why the left of the Greek line was pushed 
so far forward, and so weakened by having a large convexity 
at Sorovitz instead of following an even curve through 
Niaousta, Djuma, to Kosane, The answer is that after the 
battle of Sarandaporon the Crown Prince's plan was to 
advance with his whole front due northward and then be 
guided by military principles in his further operations. Thus 
he would first have to crush any of the enemy's forces con- 
centrated betwqen Monastir and Salonica and then occupy 
the chief towns. Diplomatic considerations, however, began 
to interfere at this point, as they frequently do, and compelled 
the Crown Prince to modify his strategy. His Government 
sent him urgent messages instructing him to occupy Salonica 
at all costs. He therefore evolved the plan of engaging the 
army, which he learnt was concentrated at Jenitza, in such a 
way as to place Salonica at his mercy if the operations were 
carried out successfully. If everything had worked smoothly 
one or two divisions could have entered Salonica, and four or 
five could have been entrained and sent to join with 
Mathiopulos's division in a combined advance on Monastir 
from the south and south-south-east. As it was, the greater 
part of the Turkish forces which took part in the battle of 
Jenitza having managed to make good their retreat over the 
Vardar and place the river between themselves and the 
Crown Prince, the latter could only afford to detach about 
half a division for the assistance of Mathiopulos until after 
the surrender of Salonica, the negotiations for which were 
prolonged until the afternoon of Friday, November 8th. 

It is said that again on November 2nd the Crown Prince 
desired to postpone the occupation of Salonica until after he 
had made his line of retreat secure in regard to the Monastir 
army corps, but his instructions were " Salonique a tout prix ! " 
Therefore it is to be presumed that Mathiopulos was instructed 
to occupy strong positions and await further orders, though it 


is possible that he was left to the use of his discretion. The 
importance of the occupation of Veria cannot be over-esti- 
mated. As soon as they were there the Greeks, who had 
depended on a single road for their communications with 
their base, a distance of 150 miles, found a railway line to 
hand over which they could entrain troops and stores in the 
direction of either Monastir or Salonica. Luckily some 
Greek railway employees, showing great enterprise and 
presence of mind, had succeeded in escaping from the Turks 
with two engines and sufficient coaches for two trains ; these 
they placed in the hands of the Greek army, and so the 
immediate use of the railway was made possible for them on 
October 30th, while within the next two days another engine 
and coaches fell into their hands at Gida. At the same time 
by the advance of the 7th Division northward a new oversea 
route of communication was opened via Eleutherochori, a 
small port about fourteen miles north of Aikaterine. 
Large quantities of bread and other stores were landed at 
this port, and were thence carted to the nearest point of the 
railway line. This greatly facilitated the revictualling of the 
army, who had been on extremely short rations for the last 

Before the efficiency of the Greek transport up to the 
time of the opening of the fresh line of communication 
via Eleutherochori is judged, the conditions which the Greeks 
had to face should be compared with those which the 
Bulgarians and the Servians had. The Servians had the 
use of a railway-line in their advance on Monastir until 
after the battle of Kumanovo as far as Uskub, and the 
Bulgarian main army also had a railway available as far 
as Adrianople. The Greeks had nothing but an indifferent 
carriage road from the beginning of their advance from 
Larissa. They thus had to cope with transport difficulties 
far greater than any which presented themselves to their 
allies. When Serfidje was reached it was recognized that 
it was a question of choosing between regulating the pace 
to the speed of the transport, which could not, of course, go 


at the rate at which the army had been moving, or else 
abandoning the transport and going ahead and trusting to 
the resources of the country for provisioning the army. The 
latter course was, in fact, adopted, and the divisional com- 
manders received orders to the effect that for the next few 
days no rations could be served out from headquarters and 
they must live on the produce of the country. 

The engagements which took place between Banitza and 
Sorovitz are very closely connected with the march on 
Monastir, which resulted in the meeting of the Servians 
and Greeks. Thus, though the earlier fighting during 
Mathiopulos's first advance as far as Banitza took place 
before the capture of Salonica, these operations will be 
more conveniently described in connection with the last 
phase of the Macedonian campaign. 




The capture of Salonica by the Greek army was probably 
the greatest surprise of the whole of the Balkan War. This 
famous commercial port was the most obvious objective of a 
force operating from the south. The only possible alterna- 
tive to Salonica would have been Monastir, but in view of 
their command of the sea it was not to be wondered at that 
the Greeks should have turned their attention first to a town 
which would allow them to profit by this naval supremacy 
in opening a new and much speedier line of communication 
with Athens. Salonica could thus replace Larissa as a base 
for the further operations of the Greek army in Macedonia. 
This is a sufficient explanation of the desire of the Greeks to 
occupy that city. The Bulgarians detached a force of from 
3S,ooo to 40,000 men with orders to go and seize it; the 
only intelligible object of this was to forestall the Greeks. 
It is generally agreed that in the case of joint operations by 
allies the occupation of any particular town or territory does 
not confer the right of permanent possession on the particular 
ally which effects the occupation, but that the occupying 
ally holds it as a trustee for all the allies as a whole. Still, 
the action of the Bulgarians in sending an army for the 
purpose of occupying Salonica when they knew that the 
Greek army was on its way was not so stupid as it might 
appear to be, for in doing so they had an ulterior motive. 
When entering into the agreement with Greece for joint 
action against Turkey they refused to come to any arrange- 



ment for the division of eventual conquests. They felt so 
confident that the Greeks would make very little, if any, 
progress, and that their own armies would overrun prac- 
tically the whole of Macedonia, including Salonica, that 
they had in mind to propose, when the time came, a 
division on the principle of uti possidetis. Consequently, 
while they were cherishing their own selfish designs, they 
did not look upon the triumphant progress of the Greeks 
towards the great ^gean port with feelings of unmixed joy. 

The circumstances of the actual occupation of Salonica 
make very interesting reading. It has been mentioned that 
the Greeks were negotiating for its capture from the 6th 
until the 8th of November. At three o'clock that day, by 
arrangement with the foreign consular representatives, the 
Turkish commander notified the surrender of the city to 
the Crown Prince, and at midnight the formal documents 
were completed. By the morning of the 9th of November 
the Greek 2nd Division had arrived due north of Salonica, 
and the Turkish troops which had been posted there to 
defend the hills against an attack from the north were 
concentrating on and retiring towards Salonica, preparatory 
to being disarmed. General Kalares then observed troops 
advancing from a north-easterly direction. This surprised 
and alarmed him, and he sent an orderly to find out who 
they were. To his relief, the orderly returned to say that 
the troops were Bulgarian. Shortly afterwards, however, the 
Bulgarian artillery began to fire over the heads of the Greeks 
in the direction of the retreating Turks, but the shells fell far 
short of their mark. The Greek commander sent to advise 
them that their firing was not only useless but ill-advised 
and extremely dangerous for his troops ; the Bulgarians 
then desisted. The object of this curious performance on 
their part can only be explained by supposing that they were 
endeavouring to show that they assisted in the capture of 
Salonica by engaging the Turkish troops stationed to the 
north of the city. 

For the following detailed account of the advance on and 


occupation of Salonica the writer is indebted to Major 
Strategos, a member of the Greek General Staff. The 
original was written in German for perusal by an old 
fellow-student at Berlin. It has been translated as literally 
as possible : — 

November 6th.- -ThQ bridge of Kulakja ^ was ready, and 
there crossed the Vardar on this day: (i) two battalions of 
Evzoni (Lieutenant-Colonel Constantinopoulos) ; (2) Cavalry 
Brigade ; (3) part of the infantry of Division VII. 

November Jth. — The bulk of the army crossed the Vardar : 
{a) Remainder of Division VII at Kulakja ; {b) infantry and 
mountain artillery of Division I at Valmades ; {c) Divisions 
II, III, and IV, and the field artillery of Division I across the 
railway bridge ; {d) part of Division VII at Vardarovci ; chief 
forces of the Greek army in the line Tekeli-Vatiluk ; cavalry 
brigade at Kjorzine. 

At 4 p.m. Taxim Pasha's first letter reached headquarters 
at Topsin and announced the dispatch of delegates to treat. 

At 6 p.m. the British, French, Austrian, and German 
consuls arrived at headquarters, accompanied by the Turkish 
General, Chefik Pasha, and were immediately received by 
H.R.H. the Crown Prince. Taxim's proposal brought by 
them, which involved permission for him to withdraw his 
whole army, with weapons and transport, to Karaburnu, and 
there to fortify himself, was refused. The Crown Prince 
made the counter-proposal of the unconditional surrender 
of the town of Salonica and the whole army of Taxim as 
prisoners of war. He volunteered, however, to let the 
officers keep their swords and allow the gendarmerie, after 
the establishment of the Greek administration, to depart 
with their arms and effects. The delegates were allowed 
till 6 a.m. to bring a definite answer, and it was made clear 
to them that, failing a satisfactory reply, the Greek army 

^ The Vardar actually flows from the railway bridge to Paleomana 
(not as in the Austrian Staff Map — i : 200000) ; the villages of 
Guradoglar (Valmades) and Kulakja are on the right bank, 



would march forward at that hour. H.R.H. also explained 
that their object was the destruction or putting out of action 
of the Turkish army, and not the occupation of the city. 

November %th. — At about 5 a.m. Chefik Pasha and 
M. Karapiperis came to the Greek headquarters as pleni- 
potentiaries of Taxim Pasha, and treated with Lieutenant- 
Colonel Dusmanis and Captain Metaxas as plenipotentiaries 
of the Crown Prince. All the Crown Princess proposals were 
accepted by Taxim's representatives with the exception of the 
surrender of Karaburnu and an armed force of S,ooo to 6,000 
men. The Greek officers did not agree to this, and so the 
Turkish delegates asked for a further respite of six hours for 
finding Taxim Pasha and informing him. This fresh respite 
was not granted, and the delegates were informed that the 
forward march of the Greek army would continue according 
to the original orders. 

Thereupon began the forward march of the army. At 
4.30 a.m. the cavalry started from Kjorzine in the direction 
of Gnojna ; at 6.30 the left wing of the army (Division II) 
from Vatiluk in the direction of Dremiglava-Baldza ; the 
remaining divisions at 10.30 a.m. crossed the line Arapli- 
Sariomer-Bunardza, and moved forward to grips with the 
enemy's line (Lembet-Dautbali-Gradobor). The extreme 
right wing, consisting of two battalions of Evzoni, marched 
against Harmankoj-Salonica. The soft earth delayed the 
whole movement. At 2 p.m. the whole army was deployed 
and advanced in battle formation. The enemy*s positions 
which were clearly visible did not, however, open fire, but at 
about 3 p.m. a second letter from Taxim Pasha reached 
headquarters at Samli, informing H.R.H. that Taxim Pasha 
was ready to accept all the conditions laid down by him. 

At this time Division II, completing its flanking movement, 
was in the neighbourhood of Dautli and commenced its 
march towards Dremiglava, that is in the rear of the enemy's 

On receipt of this letter H.R.H. commanded Colonel 
Dusmanis and Captain Metaxas to go to the Turkish head- 


quarters and sign the Protocol for the surrender of the f 
Turkish army, the city of Salonica, and Karaburnu. 

Simultaneously he stopped the movement of the troops 
and ordered the cessation of hostilities. 

Almost at the same moment a Greek cavalry officer arrived / 
bringing the unexpected news that the Greek cavalry had 
come in contact with a mixed Servian and Bulgarian cavalry - 
regiment at Postolari, and that a Bulgarian infantry division 
(as the commander of the squadron informed him) was 
marching some 1 5 kilometres in its rear. It was the first 
time that the Greek headquarters heard of the approach of 
the allied forces. 

H.R.H. forthwith sent a letter to the commander of the 
Bulgarian division to inform him of the position and to 
spare him unnecessary marching and fatigue, now that the 
common enemy was disarmed. 

On the other hand Lieutenant Staikos (cavalry) (who was 
aware of the position, for he had been at headquarters the 
previous evening) found the Greek cavalry brigade at 
Tenikia, and then learnt that a Bulgarian column of all arms 
was marching along the Serres-Salonica road. He imme- 
diately rode to Goumentze and there met the said column 
halting, and at its head General Petroff and Lieutenant of 
the Reserve Stancioff (Bulgarian ambassador in Paris). 
Staikos informed General Petroff that the Turkish army was 
surrounded by the Greek forces, and that negotiations for 
the surrender of the army had been proceeding. It is note- 
worthy that the Bulgarian division, though they knew that 
the Greek army after the Battle of Jenitsa was moving east 
of the Vardar,^ had attempted no communication with it, 
and so the Greek staff imagined that the Bulgarians were 
still at Demir-Hissar or Serres, for their march had not up 
till then been distinguished by any battle or engagement of 

* The Greek army heard of Lule Burgas on the day of the battle of 
Jenitsa. The Bulgarians, having the Royal Princes with them and 
their aides-de-camp, must certainly have been in telegraphic com- 
munication with Sofia. 


November gtk. — During the night the Protocol was signed. 
Two battalions of Evzoni entered Salonica and occupied the 
city. At daybreak the Turkish military and civil authorities 
had been replaced by Greek. The disarming of the Turkish 
forces was immediately begun. 

During the day Division VII also entered the city. During 
this time on the morning of the 9th of November Division II 
concentrated at Dremiglava and Baldza ; in spite of all, the 
Bulgarian division advanced from Guvezne towards the 
Turkish troops, which were still at Ajvatli and which were 
in the act of being disarmed, 

The Greek divisional commander when he became aware 
of the movement of the Bulgarian troops, requested a 
Bulgarian officer who was with him to go and find his 
general and inform him of the surrender of the Turkish army 
and, as a proof, gave him a French translation of the order 
to cease hostilities which he had received from head- 

The Greek\ staff had not heard of these events, when the 
Turkish commander, then a prisoner, protested against the 
allies of the Greeks firing on his troops which were being 
disarmed. The Greeks then also learnt that the Bulgarians 
had proposed to Taxim Pasha that he should enter into 
another similar Protocol with them, and that Taxim had 
replied that this was impossible, as he was already prisoner 
of the Greeks and no longer had the right to do so. 

November loth. — At daybreak Division VII was at the 
northern exit of the city, in order to take charge of the 
retiring Turkish troops and supervise their disarming. 

In the meantime the Bulgarian Division commenced to 
march from Ajvatli towards the city. 

The above-mentioned events compelled the Crown Prince 
to send Captain Mazarakis (artillery) to complain that 
although H.R.H. had thrice ^ informed him in writing of 

' Besides the two letters mentioned above, H.R.H. also sent a letter 
through Lieutenant Klitos (cavalry). The receipt of this letter was 
signed by Captain H, Tzenowitz, 


the surrender of the Turkish army and the city, the Bui- / 
garian commander had proposed to Taxim Pasha, while a^ 
prisoner, also to surrender the city to the Bulgarians, and; 
that the Bulgarian troops had fired on the Turks. He 
found the Bulgarian general at Ajvatli. The Bulgarian 
general, Petroff, asked to be excused on the ground that 
he knew nothing about it, and that he treated the com- 
munication from the Greek Division II as a Turkish trick, 
and so had not believed it. He added that under the 
circumstances he was obliged to pursue the enemy and 
occupy the city, according to the orders which he had 
received ; that it was only at 4 p.m. on the 9th that it 
became clear to him that the enemy was really retiring, and 
then he became convinced that the information from Division 
II was correct. He then confirmed that he really had pro- 
posed to Taxim Pasha to surrender the city to him also. 
Captain Mazarakis expressed astonishment at General 
Petroffs ignorance of what had happened, for he knew well 
that Taxim Pasha had sent him a copy of the Protocol on 
the evening of the 8th. General Petroff did not reply 
to this observation. General Petroff repeated that he 
had not been notified from Greek headquarters. Captain 
Mazarakis replied that the Greeks had sent him information 
thrice, but that they could not inform the Bulgarians of their 
intentions sooner {i.e. on the 7th), for they had no idea 
of their approach ; and, in fact, as a Bulgarian officer named 
Theodoroff informed a Greek officer, an old fellow-student, 
the Bulgarian Division had, on the last day, covered some 
sixty kilometres. The same officer related that the Bul- 
garians had found but little resistance on the Bulgaro- 
Turkish frontiers and also but slight opposition at Demir- 
Hissar. Thus on the evening of the 7th, when the negotia- "> 
tions for the surrender began, the Bulgarians were at 
Serres: the Bulgarian general finally confessed that his 
intelligence service had been defective and that his letters 
reached him too late ; he added, however, that his 
troops after such hard marching could no longer remain 


in the open under rain, especially as he had the Royal 
Princes with him. He then requested what he called 
"grace," namely the permission to take two battalions under 
cover, and he formally recognized the Protocol, which 
Captain Mazarakis handed him to read. At the same time 
a Turkish officer, who was present, handed him a letter 
from the Commander-in-Chief of the Turkish army, in which 
he informed him that it was quite impossible for him to 
enter into negotiations with the Bulgarians as he had been 
a prisoner of war since the 8th of November. This conver- 
sation lasted a full two hours. At about lo a.m. a Bulgarian 
officer entered the Greek headquarters staff at Salonica (in 
the Konak), with the formal request to the Crown Prince for 
permission for two Bulgarian battalions to enter the city. 
The Greek staff officer who was on duty informed the Bul- 
garian officer that it would be more effective if the Bulgarian 
commander himself went to see the Crown Prince. About 
an hour later, and while the Crown Prince was receiving 
the consuls, the foreign battleship commanders and deputa- 
tions in the Konak, there arrived the Bulgarian General 
Theorodoff, accompanied by M. Stancioff. H.R.H. received 
the Bulgarian general immediately, when the latter asked 
formal permission for the quartering of two battalions in 
the city. 

1 The Crown Prince agreed to two battalions entering the 
I city, after M. Stancioff had repeatedly declared and formally 
\ confirmed that the Bulgarians fully recognized the Greek 
J occupation of the city, and the Greek civil and military 
authorities and that they did not look upon it as a con- 
dominium. He added that in case the Greek administration 
was unwilling to ratify the Crown Prince's permission the 
Bulgars were prepared to leave the city within ten hours 
of notice being given. Instead, however, of two battalions, 
a whole division entered the city, and movements of Bul- 
garian troops were in evidence on all sides. In reply to the 
Greek Chief of the Staff, who protested, General Theodoroff 
replied that he was also surprised to find eight of his 


battalions in the city without being apprised thereof. 
Nevertheless, the Bulgarian troops remained in the city. 

After that the Bulgarians occupied many posts in the 
city by fraud, e.g, the telegraph office at the station of the 
Salonica-Constantinople Railway, some buildings within the 
city, the church of St. Sophia, and generally introduced 
great unrest and disorder into the city. 

A more interesting question than that of prior occupation 
was, who was to have the right of permanent ownership of 
Salonica? It was undoubtedly the biggest prize of the war. 
Of the allies the Greeks alone had any claim to it on 
ethnological grounds, for they number 30,000 among its 
population, while both the Bulgarian and Servian colonies 
there are numerically insignificant. Austria-Hungary's only 
justification for her ambitions in that direction was the pre- 
valence of the Jews, whom their influential confreres in 
Vienna had taken under their protection. 

The greater part of the 80,000 Jews who inhabit Salonica 
are descendants of emigrants who wer^ driven out of Spain 
during the sixteenth century. These were no doubt attracted 
to Salonica because a fairly prosperous Israelite community had 
existed there ever since the Jews from Palestine had made 
it their home in the pre-Christian era. It was through 
Alexander the Great, however, that Salonica first gained its 
importance, for he made it the capital of Macedonia, and he 
was a Greek. The Hellenic tongue has always been spoken 
there. St. Paul found that its Jewish citizens of his time 
were Hellenized, and most Jews and Turks of Salonica can 
speak Greek to-day. The churches of St. Sophia and St. 
Demetrius, both noble Byzantine structures which over- 
shadow all the buildings in the city, proclaim the debt which 
Salonica owes to the Hellenic genius. Thus the desire 
of the Greeks to become masters of Salonica was justified 
on many grounds. The claim of the Bulgars, on the other 
hand, was about as preposterous a claim as could well be 
imagined. The only historical connection with it which they 
can adduce is that their Czar Simeon included it in his empire. 


and they have less ground for aspiring to be its owners than 
the Greeks for having pretensions to Sofia, which at least has 
a Greek name. 

It is not likely that any of these considerations entered 
into Taxim Pasha's head when he surrendered to the Greeks. 
There were other equally good reasons which would appeal 
to a soldier. The Turkish general could in a way look upon 
the Greeks as old friends, for his army had been fighting 
against them for the previous three weeks. Even the Serres 
army corps, which had been intended to oppose an invasion 
from the north, had been sent to reinforce the forces facing 
the Greeks at Jenitsa. Moreover, the Bulgarians had not 
appeared on the scene when the negotiations for surrender 
were begun, and they did not actually arrive until twelve 
hours after the surrender was completed. If any further 
reasons be needed it is that the foreign consular representa- 
tives, as well as Taxim himself, probably considered that it 
would be much safer to entrust a town like Salonica to the 
Greek troops, who had behaved so well in all the towns which 
they had occupied, than to half-civilized soldiers like the 
Bulgarians, who might run amok. 

In spite of what happened, the Bulgarians still tried to 
prove that the town ought to have been surrendered to them, 
and though they asked leave of the Crown Prince and were 
graciously allowed to bring two battalions into the city for 
the purpose of recovering from their march, they abused this 
hospitality by introducing a whole division. 

When the Greeks first entered, a very curious situation 
arose as regards the port Though Votsis managed to run 
the gauntlet of the forts and torpedo the Fetik Bouled, the 
Greek fleet, being engaged at the Dardanelles, was unable 
to follow up this success and co-operate with the Greek 
army in the capture of the city. The reader will recollect 
that the harbour was equipped as one of the most modern 
mine fields in existence. One half of the mines were 
automatic and the other half were spring mines controlled 
from Fort Karaburnu. The foreign warships stationed in 


the harbour, for what reason is not quite clear, took control 
of all the pilot boats, and as the French admiral was senior 
naval officer, the French fla^ was hoisted on them. For 
some reason which did not transpire they did not allow the 
pilots to go and assist the Greek ships to enter the harbour. 
For three days the harbour was closed and there was serious 
danger of supplies running short. Even the warships them- 
selves had difficulty in obtaining provisions. The situation 
had its comic side, for the British admiral was clamouring 
for his beef and at the same time he would not assist a fleet 
of Greek ships full of meat, grain, and stores to enter the port. 
On the nth of November the Sphakteria managed to waylay 
one of the regular pilot tugs outside the harbour, and its 
captain at first agreed to pilot her in. Afterwards, however, 
presumably remembering his obligation to the French 
admiral, he was trying to make off when the Sphakteria 
fired first blank and then loaded shell over his bows, and so 
brought him to his senses and herself into Salonica. She 
carried besides M. Raktivan, the Greek Civil Governor and 
his staff, a Greek naval contingent. Within twenty-four hours 
the position of the mines had been located, a new Greek 
pilot service had been instituted, and the Royal Yacht 
Amphitrite with Queen Olga on board and twenty-two Greek 
ships were in Salonica Harbour. This, in the opinion of the 
writer, who was in Salonica at the time, was a splendid 
performance, which has hardly received its due. 

In the meantime the Bulgarians remained in the city and 
continued to make themselves a nuisance. One day it was 
said that there was no bread because the Bulgarian troops 
had taken it all. They seized churches, including St. Sophia, 
and used them as barracks ; they walked about the streets 
with fixed bayonets, and generally created a feeling of 
anxiety. The stories of conflicts between the Bulgarians 
and the Greeks in the town during the first few days were 
grossly exaggerated. The Greeks, however, had every reason 
to be disgusted with their guests' behaviour, and it is no 
wonder if at first they did not fraternize with the Bulgarians, 


when they conducted themselves so arrogantly and as though 
they were masters of the town. There can be little doubt 
that the Bulgarian soldiers were out of hand, and such 
difficulty as the Greeks had at first to control their own 
large army and establish order in the city was quadrupled by 
the unnecessary presence of these troops. It appears that 
after one-half of them had been transported by sea to 
Kavalla and Dedeagatch, it was left for King Ferdinand 
himself, during his visit to the late King George, to discover 
the truth about the behaviour of his soldiers in the town. 
Soon after his departure all except about two thousand men 
; were removed. 

Any army which has accomplished a lightning march, 
during which it has fought two pitched battles and several 
other more or less serious engagements, can be forgiven if it 
indulges in a little looting. This is the worst accusation 
brought against the Greek troops ; but considering that they 
had the example of their guests robbing the inhabitants 
wholesale and committing worse excesses, there would have 
been every excuse for much worse behaviour than the Greek 
troops were guilty of. As a matter of fact competent judges 
assert that their behaviour could compare favourably with 
that of our own troops in South Africa. Though for the last 
two or three years it had been the stronghold of the Young 
Turk movement, Salonica boasted an international far more 
than a Turkish character. The rule of the consular repre- 
sentatives of the Great Powers, most of whom were men of 
far greater weight than many accredited diplomatic agents, 
was almost despotic. These men saw the fabric of the 
society over which they had been supreme crumbling on the 
advent of the Greek army, and were apt to exaggerate any 
disorder which ensued after the occupation. Considering 
the elaborate machinery which had to be put in motion, the 
Greek civil administration which was established acted with 
great promptness. It is true that certain matters, such as the 
regulation of the customs, were, perhaps, not attended to as 
soon as they should have been but after all there was other 


more pressing work to be done in connection with the further 
prosecution of the war. Those who have written complain- 
ing of the Greek administration of the city during the first 
few days seem to forget that the town was captured in war, 
that the Greeks did not come there as the guests of the 
people of Salonica, and that there had not been a long 
previous preparation during which everybody's part had been 
fully rehearsed. 

In addition to its other onerous duties the Greek adminis- 
tration found itself under the necessity of feeding and caring 
for no less than fifty thousand refugees who had fled from the 
districts occupied by the Bulgarians. A committee was 
formed to administer relief, in which M. Argyropulos, the 
Prefect, took an active part, and Colonel Delm^ Radcliffe, 
commander of the British Red Cross contingent, devoted 
almost his whole time to it for some weeks. The prevalence 
of small-pox among the refugees not unnaturally caused 
considerable uneasiness, but stringent sanitary precautions 
effectively isolated the refugee camp from the city. By 
degrees these Mussulmans were transported to Asia Minor, 
until by the end of April no more than a few hundreds 

The beginning of the fifth month of the occupation was 
disturbed by the tragic assassination of King George. He 
had followed the army through Macedonia, being only a day 
or two behind his Napoleonic son. The writer, who had the 
honour of being presented at Veria on the day following the 
victory won at Jenitsa, will never forget the pride and delight 
expressed by His Majesty at the success of Prince Con- 
stantine and at the bravery and endurance shown by the 
subjects of his adopted country, over whom, as he reminded 
the writer, he would shortly have reigned for fifty years. 
King George was a man who preserved the dignity of king- 
ship with an affability and kindliness which placed any com- 
panion fully at his ease and made him feel that he had the 
privilege of speaking to a cultured gentleman who happened 
to be King of the Hellenes. A story which was told to the 


writer by a German cavalry officer is a propos. The officer 
in question wished one day to seat himself outside a cafe at a 
German watering-place. There was no empty table, but he 
espied a vacant seat at a table at which a single gentleman 
was sitting. Before seating himself the officer, with a "By 
your leave" and a bow, gave his name, "Von Ploetz " ; the 
gentleman quietly returned the bow with the words "Von 
Griechenland." It was King George. During the conversa- 
tion with the writer, His Majesty gave a glimpse of his astute 
diplomatic powers. The talk turned on the attitude of Great 
Britain towards Greece during the past twenty or thirty 
years ; King George expressed personal disappointment at 
the lack of cordiality, or, as he put it, at the feeling almost of 
animosity, which had been shown by us to his country. The 
writer referred to the problem of the Mohammedans of India, 
which had ripened almost to a crisis during the last few years, 
and which made a friendly attitude towards Turkey as 
necessary for our popularity in India as the preservation of 
that State as a power in Europe had always been to English 
interests in the Near East. The King immediately pointed 
out that Greece had no quarrel either with the Turks as a 
race or with Islamism as a creed, but only with the adminis- 
tration of the Young Turks, compared with which he con- 
sidered the regime of Abdul Hamid quite admirable, in spite 
of its many shortcomings. The treatment of the Sultan or 
dishonour of the Khalifate of which the Committee of Union 
and Progress were guilty showed them, as he said, to be no 
true friends of Islamism, and therefore useless objects of 
England's friendship. The fact is that shrewd observers in 
the Near East took the measure of the Committee long before 
the West of Europe had begun to discern the truth. It 
was the Young Turks who hastened the downfall of Turkey 
in Europe by their incapable policy in Macedonia, by which 
they forced the Greeks to side with their more bitter enemy, 
Bulgaria, against Turkey, 

King George had taken up his residence at Salonica within 
three days of its surrender, and the way in which he held the 


fort for over four months without leaving it for so much as 
one day will be handed down to posterity. He is reported to 
have said that he would not be turned out of it until after the 
signing of peace, unless he were first done to death, a state- 
ment of intention which was adhered to, but, alas ! only at the 
cost of his life. To some it seemed appropriate that the King 
should be interred at Salonica, but his wish was respected, 
which was that he should be buried in the grounds at Tatoi, 
his own country residence in Attica. It is at any rate satis- 
factory to record that the funeral, including the procession at 
Salonica, which was followed by a great multitude of lament- 
ing Turkish refugees and Israelites, who thus showed their 
gratitude for the kindness of the Greek Royal Family, was 
worthy of him. While the service in the Cathedral at Athens, 
and the procession of bishops in their bejewelled gilt mitres 
and robes, brought before all who were present the glories of 
the Greek Byzantine Empire, the general order and arrange- 
ments, and especially the magnificent bearing of the naval 
contingent which dragged the hearse (trained at the new 
King*s request by Commander Cardale on the lines adopted 
at King Edward's funeral), showed them that Greece was a 
vigorous and practical modern State, capable of a display not 
unworthy of a great European kingdom. Unless it be in 
Russia, few sights so grand can have been seen for centuries as 
the procession of sixty-five bishops, many of whom represented 
newly liberated districts. How great an effect such a pro- 
cession would have caused in this country is shown by the 
recent epidemic of tawdry pageants, which have no true 
symbolic or religious significance. 

Their management and administration of Salonica after 
they had been in occupation a f^vf weeks, as indeed of all 
the other towns which they captured, showed the Greeks to 
have the powers of good government developed in the highest 
degree. To one who had entered the town with the Greek 
army and had left it a few days later, a subsequent visit six 
months afterwards was as a revelation. One could hardly 
believe it to be the same town. Where was the dirt and where 



were the smells which one had always associated with Selanik? 
The streets were clean and swept and the Cretan gendarmes 
kept perfect order, although the town was at the moment 
again little more than a military camp, with some 20,000 
soldiers who were being landed and were passing through on 
their way to take up their quarters in the environs. No little 
of the credit for this is due to Prince Nicholas, who showed 
very high qualities as military governor, and not least when 
he proclaimed, before he knew it, that his august father's 
murderer was a Greek, and so very probably saved a demon- 
stration against, if not an attack on, the Bulgarian residents. 
One remarkable feature of the Greek administration of Salonica 
was the contentment of the enormous Jewish population, 
towards which the tact and friendly feeling of King George 
helped in no small degree. Several members of the Jewish 
community expressed to the writer their admiration of 
the fairness with which Colonel Montferratos, Head of 
the Police, dealt with such questions as that of the 
sale of unmerchantable goods. The following example 
was given : a local Greek tradesman reported a Jewish 
tradesman, with whom he could not compete success- 
fully, as selling impure butter and other provisions, and gave 
as his reason that he sold them at a price at which he (the 
Greek) could not afford to sell his own butter, etc. Colonel 
Montferratos caused the provisions of both men to be tested 
by analysts ; the results showed the goods of the Jew to be 
just up to the standard, but some of those of the Greek to be 
below the standard. Thereupon the latter was fined and 
ordered to undergo a short term of imprisonment, to the 
great delight of the aggrieved Israelite. Such fairness made 
a great impression on all the Jews of Salonica ; but it may be 
said that generally under the Greeks the Jews enjoy more 
equality and fairer treatment than they do in any other 
country except England. They have understood that under 
Greek rule the commercial future of Salonica is far brighter 
than it ever promised to be under the Turks. 

The situation of Salonica at the head of its gulf, protected 


Tc face p, 114^ 


from the north by hills, is almost ideal. After some years of 
peaceful development under good government, after worthy 
public buildings have been erected and modern business 
methods introduced, it should become the Liverpool of 
Greece. Its new harbour can cope with an enormous trade, 
and may even in the future place the Piraeus in the shade. 



It is now necessary to take the reader's memory back to the 
1st of November, in order that the operations of the left wing 
of the army, consisting of the 5th Division under Colonel 
Mathiopplos, may be followed. 

The district north of Kosane was full of Mohammedan 
villages. Many of the inhabitants of these villages were men 
who had fought in the Turkish ranks at Sarandaporon, and 
who, after the battle, had fled to their homes. Strong detach- 
ments had therefore to be left to occupy these villages in 
order to secure the line of retreat and allow an advance to be 
made with safety. The result of this was to reduce the fight- 
ing strength of the division to about 7,000 men, but even so 
the troops left to garrison the villages do not appear to have 
been sufficient for the purpose. 

On the day that the Crown Prince, with the rest of the 

army, was marching on Jenitsa, Colonel Mathiopulos advanced 

north towards Banitsa, which lies about seven miles west of 

Lake Ostrovo, and about three miles north-west of the small 

lake of Petusko. In the defile of Kili Derben a force of 

Turks opposed his advance. Mathiopulos apparently did not 

realize how strong the enemy were at this point, and one 

regiment which he sent forward to attack them suffered very 

severe losses under the enemy's gun and rifle fire before being 

supported. On the ist of November he occupied Banitsa 

himself with the main body, and sent one battalion of an 



infantry regiment to the left to make a reconnaissance at the 
village of Neboliane, about two miles south of Fiorina. The 
Turks were believed to be in force at Fiorina, and the object 
of the reconnaissance was to ascertain their numbers. By 
bringing up forces by train to near Banitsa, however, they 
forestalled the Greek general, and on the night of the 2nd of 
November they made an attack with a force of over 12,000 
men and compelled Mathiopulos to retire. During the 3rd of 
November Mathiopulos retreated fighting, and on the night 
of the 3rd he halted with his front at Sorovitz and his rear at 
Soter. On the 4th there was a fierce artillery duel between 
Sorovitz and Kili Derben, without result. There was con- 
tinuous fighting during the next day, the s^h of November, 
and in the evening the Greeks, though hard pressed, retained 
their positions. They were, however, exhausted after the 
three days* hard fighting against odds. 

It appears that the Turkish villagers south of Sorovitz had 
not been disarmed systematically, A large body of them 
had collected and massed themselves on the left flank of 
Mathiopulos. That night the Greek position was spied out 
by some of these Turkish irregulars, who found that the 
outposts had fallen asleep as a result of exhaustion. They 
informed the Turkish commander, who made a night attack, 
from the front at the same time as they attacked from the 
left. The Greeks were taken by surprise and retired in 
confusion, with the loss of nine guns. All except two of 
these guns were afterwards found at Janina and so recovered. 
The Greek artillery officers tried vainly to rally their men, 
and were left struggling alone to save the guns without 
assistance. Some were killed and others are said to have 
been captured, and at least one is reported to have shot 
himself in order to avoid falling into the hands of the Turks. 
They behaved with great gallantry, and there is more than 
one who would have obtained the V.C. The division 
managed to concentrate a few miles farther south in the 
afternoon of the 6th, and on the evening of the 7th it 
encamped in the villages just north of Kosane. Fortunately 


the Turks did not press home their attack and harass the 
Greeks during their retreat. The Greeks were joined at 
Kosane by a regiment from the ist Division, sent to them by 
the Crown Prince. 

The adventures of the battalion which was sent towards 
Fiorina are interesting. They advanced as far as Nevoliane 
and encamped at Machala, a mile or more south of that. In 
the early morning of the 3rd of November the officers saw 
through their field-glasses that Banitsa was burning, and 
then they retired to Negobane in the direction of Sorovitz. 
After vainly trying to obtain instructions from the main 
body they retired southwards, and on the morning of the 6th 
saw that Sorovitz was also in flames. Finally, after a march 
of five days they joined the main body at Kosane. Two 
days before this there was fear of the Turks entering that 
town, but as the existence of Turkish villages between it and 
Serfidje made a retreat at nightfall by the Greek citizens a 
risky undertaking, they waited till the next morning, when 
the whole town was evacuated, even the wounded being 
removed from the hospitals and taken to Serfidje. The 
retreat was most orderly. Great bravery was shown by the 
male inhabitants of Kosane, who had armed themselves ready 
to defend their hearths and homes, and who acted as escort 
to the retreating column. The fear was that the Turks 
would cut their way through Mathiopulos*s force and arrive 
at Kosane. They did not, however, seize their opportunity. 
One ground for the desertion of Kosane may have been the 
news of wounded being massacred at Sorovitz, The irregular 
Turks, so far as has been ascertained, seem to have been 
solely responsible for this. 

It is a traditional policy of the Turks never to advance 
without due deliberation ; thus in the war of 1897 they waited 
three days at Tyrnavo before they advanced and occupied 
Larissa. If it had been the case of any other general staff 
than the Turkish, there would have been great danger of the 
rest of the Monastir Army Corps being brought up and a 
Turkish army of 40,000 men making a fo|'ced march and 





reaching Serfidje, and so cutting the Greek line of com- 
munication from Veria. By using the Greek transport 
arrangements and provisions, which would have fallen into 
their hands, they might, if they had so wished, even have 
reached Larissa. This would, of course, not have altered the 
result of the campaign, as they would inevitably have been 
cut off by the Crown Prince and captured. In fact, the 
Turks did not advance beyond Komano, fifteen miles south 
of Sorovitz, 

On the loth of November the Crown Prince ordered the 
general advance on Monastir. The 3rd Division, the 4th 
Division, and part of the 6th Division set out due westward, 
and on the i6th of November occupied the line Techovo- 
Grammatikovo-Vladovo, the 3rd Division forming the right 
and the 6th Division the centre, and the 4th Division on the 
left having as its objective the south-west corner of Lake 
Ostrovo. At the same time Mathiopulos received orders to 
advance again towards Sorovitz. He was reinforced by the 
arrival of Gennades' flying column of Evzoni, which, as it will 
be remembered, formed the extreme left wing of the army in 
the advance northward, and which had occupied Grevenna, 
near the border of Epirus, about the time v/hen the main 
body occupied Veria. The Turks held very strong positions 
at Komano and enjoyed great numerical superiority. Each 
of the opposing forces had two batteries. Whereas, how- 
ever, the Turks could bring all their artillery into action at 
the same time, the Greeks were prevented by the nature of 
the ground from using more than half their guns at a time. 
The road lies between a marsh on the right and steep hills 
on the left. The guns could not be raised up on the hills on 
the left, and so had to be stationed on the road itself. The 
fighting began on November i6th, and the attack made by 
the Greeks with a force of less than 8,000 men against a 
body of 15,000 Turks, was one of the finest exploits of the 
whole campaign. Gennades' Evzoni covered themselves 
with glory ; their advance over the hills under cover of the 
gun-fire was incomparable, but they failed to push their 


attack home on that day. On the following day, November 
17th, their charges were irresistible, and they used the bayonet 
with such determination that the Turks turned and fled in 
disorder. Two guns were captured. All the inhabitants of 
the Turkish villages en route joined in the flight. The panic 
was so great that babies were thrown into the water to the 
right of the road, in order that their parents might escape 
the quicker. Some were picked up alive by Greek soldiers. 
On the 1 6th of November the 4th Division had a skirmish 
with the rear-guard of the enemy near Castranitsa, east of 
Lake Ostrovo, and on the 17th of November had arrived 
due south of the lake. In the meantime the 6th Division 
advanced westward and had a severe engagement at Ostrovo,, 
while at the same time the 3rd Division met with consider- 
able resistance at Nesia, a short distance south-west of 
Techovo on the way to Ostrovo. As a result of the fighting 
the Turks withdrew apparently in a north-westerly direction. 
The 6th Division occupied Ostrovo on the i8th of November, 
and the 3rd Division encamped at Batatsin, about three miles 
west of Techovo ; while the 4th Division, which continued its 
march to the westward, encamped at Novigrad, at the south- 
west corner of the Lake; the 5th Division also advanced 
northwards as far as Nalbankioi. On the 19th of November 
headquarters staff, which had remained at Vodena the last 
two days, arrived at Ostrovo, and the 3rd and 6th Divisions 
continued their westward march north of the lake. The 
6th Division came in touch with the enemy, who fought 
another rear-guard engagement at Gornitsovo on the 19th, 
whence they retired, leaving that place in the hands of the 
Greek Division. On the same day also the 4th Division, 
which after passing to the west of the lake had marched 
northward, engaged a force of the enemy at Kili Derben, 
forcing them to retire. The sth Division, continuing its 
march as a support to the 4th Division, reached Soter the 
same day. On the following day — the 20th of November- 
all the divisions concentrated at Banitsa, and headquarters 
staff moved there from Ostrovo. On that day the Greek 


cavalry advanced to Fiorina, which surrendered without / 
resistance, though there were 3,000 Turkish troops in the ^ 
town, who became prisoners of war. Twenty-two guns were ' 
also abandoned there by the Turks, as well as an immense 
quantity of war stores, all of which fell into the hands of the 

It will be remembered that about that time telegrams were 
received from Belgrade announcing that the whole of the 
Monastir Army Corps had surrendered to the Servian army 
after a desperate battle lasting three days, during which the 
Servian infantry had advanced through flooded jields up to 
their waists in water. The real facts were that the Servians 
defeated the Turks east of Monastir, and spent twenty-four 
hours in the marsh lands — which were not appreciably worse 
than the marshes in the neighbourhood of the Vardar, in 
which the Greeks fought the Battle of Jenitsa — forcing them 
to retreat southwards towards Fiorina, there being no road 
farther to the west. That the fighting did not reach the 
dimensions of a pitched battle is shown by the fact that the 
Servian losses did not exceed five hundred killed and 
wounded. The military road from Monastir to Korytsa and 
thence to Albania passes to the north of Lake Presba ; from 
this road the Turks were, of course, cut off. The southern 
road which they were obliged to follow is a rough one, along 
which they could not move their big guns and heavy trans- 
port with any speed ; the rear-guard which was convoying 
them was thus obliged to abandon them at Fiorina. It 
was probably the news of the advance of the Greeks from 
Salonica, and the consequent fear of their retreat being cut 
at Fiorina, which forced the Turks under Djavid Pasha to 
retire from Monastir before they had sustained a decisive 
reverse there at the hands of the Servians. The Greek 
cavalry pursued the Turks as far as Pisoderi, some twelve 
miles along the road, where, after capturing some more 
stores, they abandoned the chase. 

At Fiorina the Crown Prince halted his army, which 
deserved a rest if ever army deserved one. The work which 


it accomplished since its start from Larissa was remarkable. 
The centre of the army covered a distance of 190 miles in 
21 days between Larissa and Salonica, and a further 90 miles 
in 1 1 days between Salonica and Fiorina, or in all it covered 
280 miles in 32 days. The wings, of course, covered much 
longer distances. When it is borne in mind that a great deal 
of the country over which the army had to pass was either 
mountainous or marshy, and that the road in places, espe- 
cially between Salonica and Fiorina, was destroyed and 
almost impracticable, necessitating immediate repair by the 
sappers before field guns could go along it, and that two 
pitched battles and several severe engagements were fought, 
in addition to a considerable amount of desultory fighting 
almost daily, it will be seen that the campaign up to this 
point was an astounding achievement 

After the retreat of Djavid*s army in the direction of 
Albania, the Greek Macedonian army did not push into 
Albania as did the Servians, for they had no political object 
in doing so. The cavalry, however, advanced some distance 
in the direction of Korytsa and took up its quarters at 
Biglista. The 3rd Division was posted at Kastoria, the 5th 
Division at Kosane, and the 6th Division at Fiorina. The 
4th Division was allotted the task of garrisoning the territory 
between Fiorina and Salonica. The ist Division, which was 
relieved by the 4th Division, was sent back to Salonica to 
take the place of the 2nd Division, which was transported by 
sea to Epirus to reinforce General Sapundzaki. Two regi- 
ments had already been sent to Chios and Mytilene, but 
after the capture of the Turkish troops on those islands they 
rejoined the remainder of the division in Epirus. A force of 
between 30,000 and 40,000 men was then formed, consisting 
of the 3rd Division and the 6th Division and part of the Sth 
Division, and placed under the command of Major-General 
Damianos, the divisionnaire of the 3rd Division. His orders 
were to hold the Turks in check along a line drawn roughly 
southward from Lake Presba, but not to attack them unless 
they took the initiative against him. 


For some three weeks the Turks did not assume the 
offensive and hostilities appeared to have ceased in Mace- 
donia, but about the iSth of December the cavalry sustained 
an attack at Biglista and were obliged to retire to Smardessi; 
there they were supported by infantry and artillery, and after 
considerable fighting the enemy were driven back. General 
Damianos then advanced westward and attacked the enemy 
at Tsagoni on the 19th of December. The 6th Division 
advanced along the road with the field guns, while the 5 th 
Division, forming the centre, advanced on Pliassa, with the 
3rd Division on the left farther to the south. The plan 
was to cut off the retreat of the Turks along the road to 
Korytsa ; the 3rd Division was delayed over some very 
rough ground and did not succeed in reaching the point 
of the road, which it was to occupy, in time. However, 
three mountain guns fell into the hands of the Greeks. 
General Damianos then occupied the town of Korytsa, which 
has subsequently become a bone of contention between 
Greece and the supporters of the new Albanian Kingdom. 
He sent a detachment to pursue the Turks as far as Kiari, 
but did not try to advance any farther. Thus one portion 
of the remnant of the Monastir Army Corps managed to 
penetrate into Epirus and join the defenders of Janina, while 
another section under Djavid found its way into Albania. 
When the news of the capture of Korytsa was received in 
Greece the public expected to hear of an advance by General 
Damianos on Janina from the north, and were surprised 
when he did not push on. The fact was that such a movement 
was not practicable for a fully equipped army. The road 
was snow-bound and almost impassable. Moreover, the 
revictualling of the army was not possible except from 
Monastir, through which the military road passed ; and the 
Greeks were not entitled to make use of Monastir at the 
time for that purpose, because it was in the occupation of 
the Serbs, and Servia had signed the armistice. The Turkish 
forces in escaping into Albania and Epirus had been obliged 
to abandon all their heavy stores. At the end of December 


the Sth Division returned to Kosane and the 6th Division 
to Salonica, while General Damianos was left with the 3rd 
Division in the neighbourhood of Fiorina. Later on, towards 
the end of February, after the rigours of the winter had 
somewhat subsided, and after the resumption of hostilities 
by the Serbs, he was able to use Monastir as a base. He 
then succeeded in making a demonstration under great diffi- 
culties as far as Konitsa, but apart from this the Macedonian 
campaign can be considered as ended before Christmas. 
,' Nearly 40,000 prisoners were captured during this cam- 
/ paign, of whom 25,000 surrendered with the fall of Salonica. 
There a large number of valuable horses, some motor-cars, 
an aeroplane, and many thousand rifles (a large number of 
which had been thrown into the sea by the quay side in 
order that they might not fall into the hands of the Greeks) 
were found. Including the heavy artillery at Karaburnu, 
no less than a hundred cannon were captured. 

Aeroplanes — of which the Greeks had about six — were 
not of great assistance during the advance on Salonica, for 
the country was too mountainous for suitable taking-off 
places to be found near enough to headquarters staff; still, 
one or two useful general reconnoitring flights were made. 
On the whole, however, the view taken of aeroplanes in 
warfare by the aviators who flew for the Greek army, was 
that it was almost impossible to obtain detailed information 
of the enemy's movements or to determine his approximate 
numbers in any particular locality by observation at a height 
of 3,000 to 4,000 feet, which safety dictates. Their chief 
effect against the Turks was a moral one ; the Anatolian 
peasant looked upon the enormous dragon-fly which dropped 
explosive bombs on his head as something superhuman, to 
struggle against which would be resisting Kismet. Never- 
theless, the undoubtedly demoralizing effect of the dropping 
of bombs, which fall at a diff"erent angle from shells fired 
by cannon and so reach infantry in trenches and gunners 
who would be protected by head cover from shell fire, 
suggested to the writer that a flight of fifty to a hundred 


From left to right, Captain Pales, Captain Metaxas, Lieutenant Steikos, Colonel Dusmanis, 

Captain Strategos. 

ir&y. ■sy/:ii-^A :7>:0'/-^///'/-iZ 



H^^Hui ''% 4k 


PP*^".i ■ ■ :'^^^^^H| 

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hifc- •*>- ■■■i*w. . -'j^^^H 




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To face p. "^ 


aeroplanes (dropping bombs over the enemy's lines might 
help an infantry attack very considerably. 

A word of praise is deserved by officers of the staff 
generally. The quiet and efficient way in which they per- 
formed their allotted tasks gave those who had learnt to 
believe that the Greek is all bluster and no practical use 
cause to think. Colonel Dusmanis, Captain Strategds, 
Captain Metaxas, Captain Pallis, Lieutenant Rangabes, and 
many others who were attached to the Crown Prince's staff, 
were as good types of general staff officers as one could 
well wish to see. Prince Andrew (a cavalry officer), Prince 
Christopher, Prince George of Sparta (the son of the Crown 
Prince Constantine), and his brother^. Prince Alexander, were 
also all attached to His Highness's staff, though at different 
times one or other of them went into action with their 
regiment Colonel Napoleon Sotilis, who was in charge of 
the transport and commissariat on the march to Salonica, 
was appointed divisionnaire of the 7th Division after the 
fall of the town, Colonel Kleomenes being transferred to 
a post calling for less activity. 

The campaign which the Greek army had to conduct in 
Macedonia is difficult to compare with the Bulgarian cam- 
paign in Thrace, because the Turks concentrated their forces 
in Thrace, whereas in Macedonia they spread them over a 
large area ; thus the Greeks always largely outnumbered the 
forces which they had to encounter. The Turks no doubt 
considered that it would be possible for them to retreat 
gradually and in good order, so that ultimately the Turkish 
Macedonian forces could concentrate somewhere between 
Salonica and Monastir, by which time they appeared to 
expect that the Bulgarian army would have been crushed. 
Their plan, doubtless, was to detain the Greeks and Servians 
until they could obtain reinforcements from Thrace sufficient 
to enable them to overpower the forces opposed to them in 
Macedonia. As has been shown, however, the lightning 
movements of the Greek army made it impossible for the 
Turkish southern force to retire in good order and so the 


Greeks never had to meet more than 40,000 men at a time ; 
! but yet they disposed of some 70,000 troops unaided, and 
J helped the Servians to disperse the Monastir Army Corps. 
It is known that the Turks had for the last few years 
retained not less than 150,000 troops always mobilized in 
Macedonia, and these contained a large proportion of Ana- 
tolian regiments and of their better trained troops. It is 
known that the Konia Division and another division from 
Asia Minor were landed at Salonica during the mobilization. 
Thus it can safely be said that the total Turkish forces in the 
western theatre of the war were not less than 1 80,000 men. 
Of these about 15,000 regulars were at Janina and about 
10,000 more were in the Sandjak of Novi Bazar. 

The Greek and Servian armies decisively overwhelmed as 
large a force as the Bulgarians had to meet in Thrace. 
Further, it is known that the troops which were available 
for the Thracian campaign at the beginning of the war were 
for the most part not the best troops of the Turkish Army, 
because a great proportion of these had been massed at 
points whence they could be transhipped to Africa for the 
Tripoli campaign. Quite a wrong impression has been 
created by the fact that the Bulgarians had to meet a 
Turkish army of about 130,000 men at the battle of Lule 
Burgas. The Bulgarian first and third armies had a decisive 
numerical superiority, but they were considerably aided by 
the fact that the Turkish right wing was inadequately provi- 
sioned, and that for the last three days of the battle the men 
were fighting on an empty stomach ; moreover, the turning- 
point in the battle was when their ammunition also began 
to fail. In spite of this the Bulgarians allowed the Turks 
to retreat practically unharassed to their strong lines at 
Chatalja, where, with the assistance of the fresh well- 
trained forces which had been brought up from Asia Minor 
in the meantime, they administered a severe defeat upon 
General Savoff. The reverse sustained by the Bulgarians 
at Chatalja will give some idea of the disaster which might 
have overtaken them if the Greek fleet had not prevented 


these fresh Turkish forces from being landed at Dedeagatch 
and falling upon the right flank of the Bulgarian armies south 
of Adrianople. A fair conclusion is that while the Bulgarians 
only succeeded in driving back Nazim Pasha's force to 
Chatalja, the Greeks and the Servians between them com- 
pletely crushed an equally large Turkish force and one that 
was no worse equipped. It should be remembered, too, that 
the Bulgarians quite failed to make any impression on the 
rather inferior fortifications of Adrianople until the Servians 
helped them with their heavy artillery. 

The Greek army did all which it had to do as well as it 
possibly could be done. What higher praise can be given 
than this? In detail, perhaps the greatest merit was achieved 
by the artillery. It has been shown that on several occasions 
the Turkish artillery was quite outclassed. Competent judges 
who had an opportunity of seeing for themselves were of 
opinion that in speed in coming into action and in taking up 
the target, as well as in accuracy of aim, the work of the 
Greek gunners could scarcely have been bettered. The 
writer was able subsequently to verify their good marks- 
manship by the results achieved on the fort of Bezane 
outside Janina, 



The question of Epirus had been a burning one for the 
Greeks during the last thirty years. The northern geo- 
graphical frontier is usually said to be the River Voyusa, 
which flows into the sea a little to the north of Avlona, 
but the " Berlin Line," as the frontier is called which was 
drawn by the Berlin Conference, began only at Santi 
Quaranta, and passing north of Janina joined the old 
frontier of Thessaly, south-east of Metsovo. This arrange- 
ment was never enforced against the Turks, and so prac- 
tically the whole of Epirus had remained under the Turkish 

The claim of Greece to Epirus, however, had a much 
earlier origin than the Berlin Conference. The earliest 
Greek shrine was that at Dodona, a little south of Janina. 
The original inhabitants of Epirus in Homeric times were 
almost certainly Hellenes, though they were generally con- 
sidered to be a people of more warlike habits than those 
inhabiting the rest of Greece.^ Waves of invaders at different 
times appeared temporarily to destroy the Greek influence, 
but it always continued to reassert itself The word 
"Epirus" means mainland, and was so called in contra- 
distinction to the Ionian Islands. It is, however, by no 
means to be inferred from the fact that its name was given 
to it by the islanders, that communication between Epirus 
and Thessaly was very rare. 

In Roman times the population of Epirus suffered greatly 

Vide Chapter XVII. 


and was much reduced in numbers. The chief remaining 
sign of the Roman occupation is the fine ruins of Augustus's 
town of Nicopolis. In the Middle Ages it was colonized 
by people from the district of Corinth, who infused a fresh 
Greek strain into the population. In the thirteenth century, 
when Paleologus parcelled out his empire, Epirus became an 
independent principality. 

The next important influence which reached Epirus was 
the Venetian influence, which spread from the islands. Some 
of the best houses of Preveza were built by the Venetians, 
and other traces of their occupation are to be seen, notably in 
the type of the inhabitants. It was the French who were in 
possession next, but they were turned out by the notorious 
Ali Pasha. The headquarters of this merciless tyrant were at 
Janina, and it is noteworthy that the language of his Court 
was Greek. A letter of his, written by a Greek scribe bearing 
his autograph signature, was shown to the writer. 

The defence of Preveza by 300 Frenchmen against 
thousands of Ali Pasha's bravos is one of the bravest deeds 
in history. The fight began at Nicopolis, and these French- 
men retired always facing their foe, fighting bravely, until the 
i^w survivors found themselves driven into the sea. They 
were all killed except two, of whom one swam out to a boat 
and the other swam across the channel, which is only about 
one mile wide there, and landed on the shore of Aktion. 
Such was the end of French influence in Epirus, The French 
heroes are buried at Nicopolis, but no memorial commemorates 
their heroic deed. 

According to the best authorities, the inhabitants of Epirus 
who are Greek either by race or by sympathy number 
350,000 out of a total population of 500,000. The rest of the 
population consists of Mussulman Albanians, with some Jews 
in the towns, and a kv^ Turks. The Greek of Epirus claims 
to 4>e the most patriotic of all the Hellenes— the Souliot 
women were the greatest heroines of modern Greece. We 
may say that Epirus is Greek of the Greek. Janina itself is 
historically essentially a 'Gf-eek town, and its Greek popula- 



tion is now double the combined Hebrew and Mussulman 

Byron, writing in 1809, says: " Janina (where next to the 
Fanal ^ the Greek is purest), although the capital of Ali 
Pasha's dominion, is not in Albania but in Epirus/' Ali 
Pasha recognized that Preveza and Arta, one of which com- 
mands and the other enjoys the security of the Ambracian 
Gulf, are as incomplete without Janina as Janina is incom- 
plete without them. He used to say that Janina represented 
" Majesty " (Sultanat), Arta " prosperity " (Jerat), and 
Preveza " Rest " (Rahat), and he could dispense with none 
of these. It is, no doubt, on this ground that the Albanian at 
first claimed even Preveza and Arta. 

The beauties of Epirus have been praised freely by almost 
all the few travellers who have ventured there since the days 
of Byron. The variety of the colours and shapes of her 
mountains is unrivalled even in Greece, and her valleys with 
their fine rivers 'provide ideal pasture lands. 

Epirus has been oppressed for centuries, and her natural 
resources have not been fully developed, but though many of 
her sons have left her to seek their fortunes in a freer cduntry, 
her patriotic spirit has not yet been broken. The Greek part 
of Epirus has been freed, but the price paid for her freedom is 
a very heavy one ; the miseries of war have fallen on her 
nearly as heavily as on Thace and Eastern Macedonia. 
The declaration of war was the hunting-call of the Moslem 
Albanians. Marauding bands overran the country from 
Argyrocastro as far as Philippias. They burned every 
Christian village which was left undefended, and where they 
found them they massacred women and children. The 
policy of the Greek Government in sending irregular troops 
(Andartes) to clear the country of these bands was in some 
ways well conceived, but the results were not altogether 
happy. Many of the bodies of Greek Andartes, each 
under an independent leader, did exceedingly good work, but 

' The Fanal (usually written Phanar) is a district in Constantinople 
where the old Greek families live. 


a few of them turned out little better than the Mussulman- 
Albanian bands. Later, the release of troops from Macedonia 
made possible the weeding out of the least satisfactory among 
the Andartes. 

It may be of interest to note that the first village burnt by 
the Mussulman-Albanians after the declaration of war was 
the village of Loutsa, which lies close to the' coast, a little 
south of the River Phanarios ; it is the property of Comte 
Sdrin, the Italian vice-consul at Preveza. This action was 
locally ascribed to an idea on the part of the Turks that Italy 
was the instigator of the Balkan Allies going to war with 

Loutsa was almost the most southerly village to suffer, but 
destruction was general in almost every direction north of 
it. A district which has suffered very badly is that lying 
north-west of Metsovo, containing a large group of Greek 
villages known as the Zagorachoria, and another is the district 
round Delvino between Chimarra and Santi Quaranta. Dur- 
ing the winter months Preveza provided for hundreds of 
refugees from villages in the Souliot district, some of whom 
had spent weeks hiding in the mountains until they heard 
that the road to Preveza had been cleared by the troops 
which were policing southern Epirus. The civil governor of 
the town and a committee provided for the women, children, 
and infirm, able-bodied men having to fend for themselves. 
The refugees were housed in the town, and the sum of 50 
lepta (sd.) a day was paid to each person for maintenance. 
Medical attendance was provided free by local Greek doctors, 
and Greek ladies provided clothing and wraps for them. 
Similar arrangements were made at Arta and to a smaller 
extent at Philippias. Thousands of refugees, mostly from 
villages in the Delvino district, were enabled to escape by the 
landing towards the end of November of a battalion of Greek 
infantry at Santi Quaranta. These and others from the 
villages south of this port, and from districts west of Janina, 
who escaped from various ports along the coast, were all 
landed at Corfu. The Panhellenios Society, which was 


founded after the war of 1 897 for the purpose of providing 
relief for the resulting distress, and which has several hundred 
members, succeeded in collecting a considerable sum for the 
benefit of the refugees generally, A committee of this Society 
was appointed to undertake the care and maintenance of the 
refugees at Corfu, on a scheme similar to that adopted at 

Such arrangements provided merely a temporary alleviation 
of the trouble. They were suitable so long as the country 
was in a state of disturbance. The restitution to these 
people of their homes and their livelihood is a great problem 
— how great can only be understood after an idea has been 
gained of the actual losses which they have sustained. A 
Commission, under the presidency of the civil governor 
of Preveza, was directed to inquire into and report the 
losses sustained by three villages, Glyci, Choica, and Potamia, 
situated in the valley and close to the mouth of the River 
Phanarios. It should be noted that these villages occupy 
an exceptionally fertile tract of land, and consequently have 
more than the average wealth. The report shows that the 
population of the three villages consists of 140 families, 
averaging seven persons per family. Though the walls 
are of brick, the cottages have been so badly burnt that they 
require rebuilding. A talk with a member of the Commission 
and a priest of one of these villages convinced the writer that 
at least four pounds should be estimated as the loss on each 
cottage, and a further four pounds as the loss on its contents. 
The total loss under this head would be ;^ 1,1 20. Good 
school buildings and the churches have also been destroyed ; 
they could not be rebuilt for less than ^^500. All the farm 
beasts, including horses and oxen, to the number of 1,500, 
have been lost : most of them appear to have been com- 
mandeered for the use of the Turkish army. If they are 
valued at £6 per beast, there is a loss on them of ;^9,ooo ; 
3,500 sheep, valued at ^3,000, have also been lost. Then the 
whole of the crops which the villagers had in hand have also 
been destroyed or stolen/. These consisted of 400,000 lb. of 


rice, valued at £2fioa ; 400,000 lb. of Indian and other corn, 
valued at ;^i,70o; 300,000 lb. of beans and other crops, 
valued at ;^2,ooo ; and oil, olives, cheese, and butter of the 
value of about ;^ 1,000. The fact that many of these crops 
had been mortgaged in advance to obtain money for the 
expenses of cultivation does not simplify the position of 
the poor villagers. There must further be taken into con- 
sideration the crop of 191 3, which has been almost completely 
lost. The deficit on this is estimated at about ;£"8,ooo. The 
loss sustained by these three villages would, it was estimated, 
not fall far short of ;£"30,ooo. On the other hand, the owner 
of the village of Loutsa, which lies on a hillside, did not value 
his losses at more than ^1,500. At least 150 villages have 
been destroyed. One of the most prominent citizens of 
Janina, a large landed proprietor in the Zagori district, 
assured the writer that the damage done by the Moslerh 
Albanians in Epirus would, in his opinion, not be covered 
by two million pounds. 

Some extremely valuable volunteer work in connection 
with the refugees was done by four ladies, two Greek and 
two English, namely, Mrs. Natalie Melas, widow of the hero 
Paul Melas ; Miss Irene Noel, daughter of Mr. Noel, of 
Achmet Aga, in the Island of Eubcea, whose family have 
been settled in Greece for two or three generations ; Miss 
Tennant, niece of Mr. Asquith ; and Miss Pallis, daughter of 
Mr. Alexander Pallis, of Liverpool, an accepted authority on 
Ancient Greek, who, however, at one time was the cause 
of the famous riots in the University of Athens through 
his translation of the New Testament into the vernacular. 
The four ladies for more than three months conducted a 
refugee camp at Philippias, at which they maintained several 
hundred of the poorer refugees from outlying villages. These 
poor folk, most of whom were children, were housed in caves 
in a small valley north of Philippias. The ladies cooked 
a hot meal for them every day, provided them with the 
necessary clothing, and even equipped and looked after 
a hospital for the sick among them. Miss Pallis caused 


considerable amusement locally by. donning the male attire 
of riding breeches and puttees. 

There was a prophet known as Father Kosmas who lived 
in Epirus a hundred years ago, who, in talking of its libera- 
tion, said that Epirus would not be freed until men and 
nations were joined together by wires, thus anticipating 
telegraphs and telephones. Moreover, he also said that 
the delivery of Janina would be very different from that 
of Preveza : in the case of the one the inhabitants would 
wake up one morning and find that it was free, and in the 
case of the other rh iiotsyapi 9a irXevary hg to aifiUy which 
means that " the calf would swim in blood," and so it proved. 
The writer was told of this prophecy before the Greek army 
had begun the siege of Janina. 

In the war of 1897 the campaign in Epirus was the only 
enterprise in which the Greeks were at all successful, and 
then they reached Pente Pigadia. General Sapundzaki, who 
was chief of staff to the Crown Prince Constantine in that 
war, was on the outbreak of the Balkan War entrusted with 
the Epirus command. He was probably the oldest officer 
serving in the Greek army during the war. He was recog- 
nized as a man of great theoretical knowledge, who had done 
his early training in this country, and had studied German 
methods thoroughly. In 1897 the Greeks conducted an 
offensive campaign in Epirus and a defensive one in Thessaly. 
On this occasion the policy was completely reversed, and 
General Sapundzaki received orders only to advance if he 
found that to be the most profitable plan : he could certainly 
be relied upon to adopt a cautious policy. The small amount 
of troops which the Government were able to place at his 
disposal necessitated this. He was originally given the 
15th Foot Regiment of Missolonghi (Reserves), containing 
3,500 men, and the 3rd and 7th battalions of Evzoni, each 
1,600 strong. A Cretan infantry regiment, 2,500 strong, 
and also the lOth battalion of Evzoni, 1,600 strong, were sent 
out to him within a day or two of the commencement of 
hostilities. Besides these there were about 3,000 irregulars, 


To face p. ijS- 


of whom one-half were Cretans and the other half were 
made up of natives of Epirus and of other parts of Greece 
and of the Garibaldians. 

The Cretan irregular riflemen are probably the most 
picturesque of all the Greek soldiers. They wear smart 
black top-boots, which would not be put to shame by those 
of a Life Guards officer ; above these their knees are bare 
and they wear black pleated shorts, which are so full that they 
look almost like a divided skirt. Their costume is completed 
by a ' light shirt with a beautifully embroidered sleeveless 
tunic, like that of the Evzoni, a peasant's sheepskin cloak 
and a black turban on their heads. Their finest character- 
istic is their proud gait and the magnificent carriage of their 
head upon their shoulders. Some of them are rather rough 
featured, but many have a beautifully moulded face with 
most refined lines. These are probably some of the most 
pure-blooded Greeks in existence. They all look and talk 
like gentlemen, have most soft and pleasant voices, and never 
seem to lose their neatness and smartness. The writer will 
not forget a contingent of some dozen Cretans whom he met 
at Preveza, and who had walked there from Kondovraki. 
They had not shaved for a month or two, but their beards 
had grown so beautifully and regularly that they looked 
as though they had just been trimmed. In this guise they 
exhibited a marked resemblance to Bengalese Lancers. 

The Cretan irregulars were not altogether satisfactory as 
soldiers. They showed great elan] and bravery in attacking, 
but were not to be relied upon to hold a position under 

A thousand of these' Cretans were a body of men who had 
been collected by Constantine Manos. This man was one 
of the most interesting personalities to be seen in Greece 
during the war. He came of a Phanariot family from 
Constantinople, and his father, a retired general, had been 
in command of the Greek-Epirus army in the war of 1897. 
Constantine Manos himself matriculated at Oxford Univer- 
sity, where he took his degree, and after that, on his return 


to Greece, he devoted himself to the Cretan cause. He 
purchased an estate in Crete and lived there for the greater 
part of the year, and organized a body of troops who took 
part in all the Cretan insurrections. It is noteworthy that 
his Cretans were the only irregulars whose conduct was 
good during the war, and when King Constantine ordered 
the disbandment of the irregulars who were with Gener'al 
Sapundzaki's army, he made a special exception in the case 
of Manos's Cretans. 

After the fall of Janina and after all the fighting was over, 
Constantine Manos lost his life as a victim to aviation. His 
love of everything new and enterprising made him share 
an experimental flight over the Lake of Langaza outside 
Salonica, in which both the aviator, Lieutenant Argyropoulos, 
a brilliant young engineer, and his passenger were dashed 
to the ground and killed instantaneously. Greece, unlike 
big countries, could ill afford to lose two such valuable lives, 
especially after so much good blood had been spilt on 
the battle-field. The following poem, published shortly 
after the accident, is an interesting example of modern 
Greek poetry : — 

O Afroc Kai TO VepoLKi. 

Eva yepaKi rov ^ovvov 

K evag asrog rov ayipa 
Ac£p<j>(i)fiiva hcrpi^avB 

TO. tnraOijJTa iTTEpa tovq, 
Ilov Trag yepaKt rov ^ovvov ; 

IloiJ TTCLQ aeTog rov ayipa ; 
SbWa r^c 7»7C TO (repTrsTO, 

Trig afx/iovSiag to <pVKt' 
Via TO yepcLKt tov 6ovvov, 

Tlcl tov asTO tov ^ayipa, 
Kai to 6ovv6 \afi6KOp^o, 
i KOI ^ajuijXoc 6 ayipag, 

Kat TUTraivo k\ ava.\a(j>po 

TOV Kvvriyov Td 66Xi. 

a OS 

Q < 
. O 

< S 

5 < 

W o 


Ta <Tvvva<l>a TraXaTi fxag 

j^vtrb \v)(yapi 6 TJXtoc, 
Kt 6 KVvriyoQ fiiag who <j>r}Xa 

kI air T ovpavov r aaripia. 
To \6yo civ a'n'6<jb)(sav 

Kt 6 Kuvij-yoc 7rjoo€aXXf(. 
Fern <xov jepaKi rov Eouvoi; 

Koi yeia <tov arirl tov ayipa. 

Iwavvjjc IToXljUTjc- 


A mountain hawk and an air eagle 

As brothers mingled their spreading wings. 
Whither goest, hawk of the mount, 

Whither, eagle of the air 
** Silence, worm of the earth, 

Weed of the ocean. 
For the hawk of the mountain 

And the eagle of the air 
Both the mountain peak is low 

And the air too ; 
And the huntsman's shaft is mean 

And goes not through. 
The clouds are our palace, 

The sun a golden lamp, 
And our hunter higher much 

Than heaven's stars." 
They had scarce spoken, 

The hunter interrupts : 
"Welcome, hawk of the mount, 

Welcome, eagle of the air." 


General Sapundzaki operated from Arta as his base, and 
advanced with his front facing a north-westerly direction. 
On the 19th of October he occupied the heights of Grimbovo, 
about four miles north of Arta, and two days later the 
heights of Xerovouni were seized by a force which crossed 
the River Arta some miles higher up, after surprising the 
Turks, who retired from the bridge. Their plan was gradu- 
ally to fall back on Janina, and at first they did not opposfe 


his advance. On the 23rd, however, they made a night 
attack on the Greek positions. They climbed up the steep 
northern slopes in the dark, and were among the outposts 
before the latter realized that mischief was afoot. The 
Greek troops, however, behaved splendidly and stood their 
ground. After some desperate fighting, which lasted 
throughout the night, the Turks were repulsed, leaving 
the Greeks definitely in possession of the heights. The 
Greek losses amounted to only four killed, including one 
officer, and forty-one wounded ; while the Turks left more 
than one hundred corpses on the battle-field. By the end 
of the month the Greeks had occupied positions which, so 
soon as Preveza could be seized, would be favourable for the 
capture of Pente Pigadia, the point at which the Turks were 
expected to make a stand before retiring into their forts 
outside Janina. 

The Turkish forces under the command of Essad Pasha 
probably did not exceed 15,000 regulars and about 5,000 
irregulars during the first phase of the campaign. With 
such numbers it is obvious that he could not defend both 
Janina and Preveza and hold the line between them] He 
therefore practically abandoned Preveza by leaving it with a 
garrison of only 500 regulars and an equal number of 
irregulars. It is difficult to know what had been the 
intention of the Turkish Government as regards this port. 
Its situation as a fortress and its coast defences made it 
practically impregnable, at any rate to the Greeks, but its 
land defences were absolutely negligible. One or two forts 
across the neck of Nicopolis would have made it a second 
Port Arthur, but this side was left practically open. The 
coast defences consisted of the forts of Hagios Georgios, 
situated far out to sea and equipped with lO-inch guns; 
Pantokrator, situated between Preveza and Hagios Georgios, 
facing the Greek coast ; and two other forts at the east end 
of the Gulf of Preveza. The guns of these forts were all, 
however, useless against a land attack. 

The left wing of the Greek army advanced inland to 

A Greek soldier, an aged Turk, and a Greek sailor. 

Dr. Bierens de Hahn in charge. 


Louros, and there turned southward along the main road and 
attacked Preveza from the north after a sharp engagement 
at Nicopolis, in which such guns as the Turks had at their 
disposal were no match for the Greek field guns, j The 
Greeks advanced south as far as the outskirts of the ancient 
olive grove which separates Nicopolis from Preveza, and 
shot one shell into the castle of Preveza. The honours £)f 
this attack were shared betweeh the Evzoni and Manos*s 
Cretans. The Foreign Consuls, knowing that further 
resistance was useless, then succeeded in obtaining the 
surrender of the town. They pointed out to the Turkish 
commander that it was impossible for hin\ to defend the 
town from a land attack ; and they were supported by some 
of the leading inhabitants, both Greek and Mussulman, who 
presented an address to the same effect. The Turkish 
commander agreed to surrender if the following three 
conditions would be guaranteed : (i) That only regulars, and 
not irregulars, should be allowed to enter the town ; (2) that 
the Turkish officers and their families should be respected ; 
and (3) that the self-respect of the Turkish officials should 
not be offended by the behaviour of the Greek army. The 
Greek commander accepted these conditions, and so the 
town was surrendered on the 3rd of November. 

General Sapundzaki by the capture of Preveza not only 
made his left wing secure from a flank attack, but obtained 
the control of the excellent coaching road from Preveza 
to Janina. Preveza being directly connected with Janina 
by so good a road, provided a far more suitable base than 
Arta for the advance on Ali Pasha's capital. Moreover, 
it was far more accessible from Athens, for transports could 
land troops there from the Piraeus within twenty-four hours, 
without intermediate changes. 

General Sapundzaki here, however, made his first mis- 
take. He did not realize the advantage which the coaching 
road to Janina afforded him. The Turkish positions at 
Pente Pigadia lay across the older and more easterly road 
which goes across the hills and joins the main road about 


ten miles south of Janina. ThJs road is now little better 
than a mule track, and at Pente Pigadia is distant about 
five miles from the main road. If the general had brought 
his main forces along the coaching road he could have 
taken Pente Pigadia in the rear. Instead of this he made a 
frontal attack over the hills and sacrificed a thousand troops 
quite gratuitously, and then succeeded in turning the enemy's 
left wing under difficulties. 

The Turks retired from Pente Pigadia on the 9th of 
November and halted at Pesta, about five miles farther 
north. Towards the end of that month the greater part 
of the 2nd Division, under General Kalares, arrived as rein- 
forcements, and were marched to the west of the main road. 
The remainder of the 2nd Division troops arrived from Chios 
after the surrender of the Turkish garrison there. A column 
of 4,000 men with 12 guns advanced along the Pente 
Pigadia road and the rest of the forces were on the main 
road. The Commander-in-Chief had his quarters at 
Philippias, about thirty miles to the rear, but he gave orders 
to his Chief of Staff, Colonel Joannou, for the three columns 
to advance simultaneously to the attack and drive the 
Turks out of Pesta. Colonel Joannou put himself at the 
head of the most easterly column, and drove the Turks out 
at the point of the bayonet on the nth of December. As 
they retired they shouted " Au revoir, a Bezane." That 
appeared to be the moment for the retreat of the Turks to be 
turned into a rout ; but the general had not yet arrived 
in his motor-car, and when he arrived he felt too undecided 
to order an advance. On the following day he did not 
arrive until 11 o'clock, and then he sent the 2nd Division 
forward. Unfortunately the movement was betrayed to the 
enemy by premature and injudicious firing on the part of an 
officer in charge of a mountain battery, who drew the 
concentrated gun-fire of the Turks upon the division, which 
was thus obliged to retire. This was General Sapundzaki's 
second mistake. It appears that the Turks were ignorant 
of the arrival*of the 2nd Division, and that if the dashing 


attack of Colonel Joannou had been followed up by an 
immediate pursuit, the Turks would have been caught on the 
run and would probably have been too demoralized to rally 
within their ring of forts. In this way the one chance of 
capturing Janina without great suffering and bloodshed was 
allowed to slip by. 

It was then that General Sapundzaki made his third mis- 
take, which was to underrate the strength of the positions 
round Janina. By the middle of December the garrison had 
been reinforced by contingents from the Monastir army 
which had escaped from Macedonia, so that Essad Pasha 
had probably not less than 25,000 regulars and S,ooo 
irregulars at his disposal. It will be seen that the force 
defending Janina considerably outnumbered the Greek troops 
in Epirus after the engagement at Pesta. In the meantime 
the Turks had had ample time in which to rally within their 
forts. A description of the topography and of the prepara- 
tions which they had made for a siege will show how rash it 
was to venture on an attack with a force numerically inferior 
to that of the defenders, as General Sapundzaki did in 

Janina is cut off from direct communication with the 
district lying to the north-east by its lake and by Mount 
Mitsikele, which is not less than 4,000 feet high. The lake 
and the plain of Janina are closed in by a semicircle of hills 
on the south. The only directions from which operations 
can be conducted against it are from the north-west by the 
roads from Korytsa and Santi Quaranta, which unite near 
Delvinaki, and from the south by the roads from Preveza and 
Arta which unite at Philippias. Moreover in winter the road 
from Korytsa is scarcely practicable owing to the heavy 
snowfalls. It is just possible also for a flying column to 
approach from Metsovo by a bridle-path over the Pindus 
Mountains. The topography is extraordinarily favourable 
for a defending force. Kastritza, a small precipitous oblong 
hill at the south-east corner of the lake, faces Drisko ; Bezane, 
a larger and higher oblong hill running north and south, lies 


south of the lake ; it is divided into the Greater Bezane and 
the Lesser Bezane. A high-lying valley separates Bezane 
from a range of hills lying south-west of it, known as Aetor- 
rache (the Eagle's Back). The south-western extremity of 
Aetorrache is at Caneta, where the road from Preveza reaches 
its highest point in the pass of that name, about four miles 
south of the south-west corner of Bezane. Another range of 
hills, which runs from Caneta in a north-westerly direction, 
reaches its greatest height at Tsouca, which lies due west of 
the most northerly point of Bezane and the most southerly 
point of Kastritza. A lower range of hills runs parallel to it 
between it and Janina, and extends some miles north-west 
of the town. These natural defences had been utilized as 
follows : There were five forts with permanent batteries, 
namely (i) Kastritza, (2) Bezane, (3) Dourouti, (4) Sado- 
vitza, and (s) Gardiki, the last three being all on the lower 
range of hills to the west. Gardiki commanded the road 
from Santi Quaranta. There were entrenched batteries on 
the higher and more westerly range of hills at Tsouca, Saba, 
and St. Nicholas. Naturally in addition to their siege guns 
the Turks had a number of field batteries, which they could, 
of course, place in any position and train in any direction, so 
that a complete system of cross-firing was possible between 
the various positions. The Turks had in all about 150 guns, 
of which not less than 60 were disposed in the batteries 
of Bezane. Moreover, the approaches to Bezane from 
the south and east were protected with barbed-wire 

After the battle of Pesta, General Sapundzaki continued, 
for about a week to make half-hearted attacks almost daily, 
with the result that he was sacrificing some two or three 
hundred men per diem. Finally, the week before Christmas, 
after excellent practice had been made by four Krupp 47 
siege-guns which had been brought from Larissa 'and which 
shelled the outer positions of Bezane with good effect, the 
Greek troops for the first time came to grips with the forts. 
Thinking they had silenced the fire of Bezane, they pushed 




To face p. 142. 


forward, and the 2nd Division with great gallantry stormed 
the hill of Manoliassa. There, however, they were exposed 
to the concentrated fire of the batteries of Bezane and San 
Nicholas, and they had to retire somewhat precipitately 
after having sustained considerable losses. To support the 
main attack from the south the Garibaldians were ordered 
to reach a point some ten miles to the east of the lake and 
deliver an attack in the direction of Drisko. The Cretan 
irregulars were at the same time to support the Garibaldians 
on their left by advancing in the direction of Kontovraki. 
These attacks appear to have been intended as a feint and 
had the object of turning the attention of the Turks from the 
operations in the south. The Cretans, however, after show- 
ing great dash in attack, got out of hand. Instead of holding 
the positions which they captured and leading the Turks to 
believe that they were only the advance-guard of a strong 
force, they advanced too far, drew the fire of the batteries 
of Kastritza, and were obliged to retreat precipitately. The 
Garibaldians suffered from the ill-considered movement of 
the Cretans and were obliged to retire as well. Thus the 
assistance which both these bodies of troops rendered to 
General Sapundzaki was negligible. The Garibaldians were 
not long afterwards recalled, as were the Cretans, of whom, as 
has been mentioned, only Manos's force was retained. 

It then began to dawn on the General that Janina was 
a real fortress which could not be captured by a mere 
demonstration. So far as one can judge, the Greek Govern- 
ment had expected to come to the first Peace Conference in 
London with Janina already captured, and General Sapund- 
zaki had no doubt wrongly led them to believe that he could 
accomplish its downfall with some 20,000 men. After the 
arrival of the 2nd Division, instead of requesting the dispatch 
of large additional reinforcements, he had merely asked for 
two or three reserve battalions, each of which, as it arrived, 
was only sufficient to replace the loss just incurred by his 
ill-considered daily operations. 



After the failure of the attack just before Christmas, 
General Sapundzaki realized that a much larger force was 
needed, and by the beginning of January the 4th and 6th 
Divisions, under the command of General Moschopulos 
and Colonel Miliotes respectively, had been brought over 
sea via Salonica and Preveza. The original Epirus army 
was then reconstituted as the 8th Division, under the com- 
mand of Colonel Mathiopulos. Eight more siege-guns 
were also brought, consisting of two 47 and six 6-inch, all 
of Krupp manufacture. After considerable difficulty these 
were mounted at the top of the pass at Caneta on either 
side of the road, in positions which were not visible from 
any of the Turkish batteries or points of observation. On 
January 4th a heavy bombardment of Bezane and St 
Nicholas was kept up throughout the day, with a view to 
covering the movement of the infantry, who were thus able 
to occupy more advanced positions. The 4th Division was 
placed on the left wing opposite Manoliassa. The 2nd 
Division being moved somewhat to the right formed the 
left centre on and around the main road. The 8th Division 
constituted the right centre, and the 6th Division was 
placed on the extreme right. It is estimated that in 
January the garrison of Janina amounted to a total strength 
of 40,000 men. 

The General's plan was to turn the left of the Turks by 

capturing Kastritza. A heavy bombardment was kept up 






throughout the 4th of January, and under its cover the Greek 
right wing was pushed forward. Aetorrache was occupied 
and the outposts of the 2nd Division established them- 
selves under the small hill of Avgo, which lies to the right 
of the road at the foot of Bezane. No infantry attack 
was, however, delivered on the forts. 

Shortly after this the Crown Prince Constantine was 
appointed Commander-in-Chief of the whole of the Greek 
field-forces, but, probably in order not to hurt the feelings 
of his old colleague, he did not immediately assume the 
direction of the operations against Janina. On January 19th 
General Sapundzaki delivered an attack in force. The 
outposts of the 6th and 8th Divisions reached the foot of 
Bezane, and a force of Evzoni on the extreme right won 
to the plain between Bezane and Kastritza. On the second 
day of the attack there was heavy rain, which fell for over 
twelve hours without ceasing, and was followed on the third 
day by a dense mist. The Greek regiment and battalion 
leaders found it impossible to keep in touch with one 
another, and the Evzoni, who had advanced far on the 
extreme right towards Kotsilio and Goritsa, lost their 
bearings. A halt was therefore sounded, but it was decided 
to hold the positions reached at the foot of Bezane, which 
were screened from the fire of the Turkish batteries and 
less than 300 yards from the Turkish outposts, and to 
wait for a more favourable opportunity for the delivery 
of the decisive assault. It was afterwards learnt that the 
attack had been so successful that the Turks had actually 
vacated Bezane, but when they found that the Gredks did 
not occupy it they returned to their positions. It was 
certainly extremely bad luck at any rate for General 
Sapundzaki, who was thus robbed of an opportunity of 
retrieving his earlier mistakes. 

It appears that during the bombardments on January 4th 
and the one which covered the attack of the 20th and 
following days, some forty Turkish guns were put out of 
action. The Turkish infantry must have suffered very 



heavily in the general attack, as the Greeks a few days 
later buried 1,200 of their dead on the east of Bezane. 
During the fighting the 8th regiment of infantry, which 
occupied the hill of Manoliassa for some hours and became 
exposed to the fire of the batteries of Bezane and St. 
Nicholas, sustained heavy losses. 

On the 25th of January the Crown Prince Constantine 
arrived and assumed supreme command, leaving General 
Sapundzaki in general command of the right, including 
the 6th and 8th Divisions. General Dangles and the other 
officers who had served on his staff in Macedonia, followed 
him to Epirus, and the gallant Colonel Joannou was 1 trans- 
ferred to the command of the Evzoni, who held the 
advanced positions to the east of Bezane, a post much 
better suited to his vigorous and fearless temperament. 
As against the no remaining guns of the Turks, the 
Greeks had 12 siege guns, 11 quick-firing Creusot field 
batteries and 6 quick-firing Schneider-Canet-Dangles 
mountain batteries, in all 80 guns. At that time they had 
only about 150 rounds per gun, but by steady work this 
number was within one month raised to 600, and ample 
provisions were stored at Emin-Aga, about five miles south 
of Caneta. 

In addition to the four divisions already mentioned, the 
Greeks had a force of about 3,000 rifles with a mountain 
battery under Colonel Ipites in the west of Epirus, pre- 
venting about an equal number of Turks from descending 
south of Paramythia. Moreover a mixed brigade about 
4,000 strong, consisting of the 4th Infantry Regiment and 
some Marines and Territorials, was advancing from 
Metsovo in the direction of Drisko as a flying column, in 
the face of great difficulties, caused by the mountain path 
being deep in snow. 

The town of Metsovo lies but a short distance to the 
west of the old Thessalian border and about twenty miles 
north-east of Janina. It was seized by some Greek 
independent forces soon after the declaration of wa^. 


Thereupon a great number of Greek families left Janina 
and made their way across the hills to Metsovo for safety. 
On the representation of these people Major Mitsas, who 
had been in command of the heavy artillery at Larissa, 
was sent to take command at Metsovo. He was only 
given two companies of regular infantry of the line and 
an equal number of Territorials. Meanwhile the notorious 
Bekir-Aga and his Albanians were laying waste the district 
lying to the north and west of Metsovo and Janina, 
known as Zagori, and Metsovo was threatened with being 
left to the tender mercies of some 3,000 of these savages. 
Major Mitsas was nominally supported by some hundreds 
of Greek irregulars also, but the temper of these men 
was more inclined towards sharing any loot which might 
fall to the lot of the regular troops, than towards taking 
part in any serious fighting that there might be. For 
two months, from December to January, Major Mitsas 
husbanded his forces so cleverly that they were able to 
beat off the attacks delivered by Bekir-Aga. Finally a 
senior officer arrived with the 4th Regiment of Infantry 
and some Marines, with instructions to operate upon Janina 
from the east. This forced Bekir-Aga's Albanians to move 
to the north, and relieved the inhabitants of Metsovo and 
their guests from Janina from prolonged anxiety. 

In his main army the Crown Prince had in all 28,000 
rifles available, who, as has been shown, were all massed 
on the right and in the centre, the original plan having been 
to storm the fort from the east. The Turks, expecting an 
attack from that quarter, had withdrawn men and guns from 
the westerly forts to strengthen Bezane, and were preparing 
several new entrenchments in front of Kotsilio and Goritza. 
To confirm the Turks in this view, the Greeks moved two 
of their 47 guns from Caneta to a position near Losetzi, the 
operation taking fifteen days. The difficulty of the task will 
be understood when it is said that each of the field guns, 
which were taken along the same road, which was constructed 
by the corps of engineers, had to be roped and dragged by 


lOO men. If the Turks had any doubts as to the attack 
in force coming from the east, these were finally removed by 
the news of the advance of the 3rd Division from Korytsa 
and the bombardment of Santi Quaranta by a cruiser and 
the landing of the 3rd Division there from twenty transports. 
In fact, only one regiment of the ist Division was landed in 
these transports, which in turn landed it and re-embarked it 
during three days. Both these movements were demonstra- 
tions intended to make the Turks remove forces from the 
neighbourhood of Janina. In any case they confirmed them 
in the belief that the Greeks did not consider that it would 
be possible to operate against the western defences of 
Janina with the army which had marched up from the south, 
owing to the difficulties presented by the terrain for the 
movement of troops on that side. 

On the 1st of March a strict cordon was drawn around the 
Greek positions, passing south of Emin-Aga, which no one of 
any kind, except officers having service, was allowed to cross, 
and under cover of this twenty-three infantry battalions (or 
19,000 rifles) were, during the ist and 2nd of March, concen- 
trated to the west of Caneta in a severe snow-storm and bitterly 
cold weather. The operation involved the removal of four- 
teen battalions from the 2nd, 6th, and 8th Divisions, leaving 
9,000 rifles on the right and the right centre ; and it was 
essential that it should be carried out in secret so that the 
Turks should not be put on their guard and alter the 
disposition of their forces. 

The divisional and battalion commanders concerned re- 
ceived bare orders for the battalions to march without know- 
ing the objective of the march. Major-General Moschopulos, 
commander of the 4th Division, under whose command these 
twenty-three battalions were placed, did not receive his orders 
until the morning of the 3rd of March, by which time the move- 
ment was complete. They were to the effect that as, according 
to information received, the east and west fronts were defended 
by the principal forces of the enemy, the greater part .of 
his forces, both infantry and artillery having been withdrawn 



To face p. 149' 


from the west front, the idea was to surprise him by an 
attack on the west on the Sth of the month, after a bombard- 
ment of his batteries by the artillery on the 4th ; that he 
(General Moschopulos) was to take command of a force 
acting in three columns for the purpose ; the first or right 
column of six battalions was to attack St. Nicholas from the 
south, the second or centre column of eight battalions was 
to attack it from the west, and the 3rd or left column of nine 
battalions was to attack Tsonca and Saba from the- west and 
later to march on Dourouti and Sadovista, each column 
being provided with two mountain batteries. The first and 
second columns were successfully concentrated on the night 
of the 4th south of the hill of Manoliassa and at the entrance 
of the ravine of Manoliassa respectively, in spite of the fact 
that the snow was hard frozen on the surface and did not 
allow any foothold to be obtained in climbing. The third 
column's point of concentration was Bogatsous, west of Saba, 
and it was necessary that they should march to the west 
of Mount Olytzka in order to escape the observation of the 
enemy. Colonel Delagrammatica, who had led the forces 
employed at Chios, was entrusted with the important com- 
mand of this column. Some thirty-five miles were traversed 
between the morning of the 3rd and the afternoon of the 
4th, over footpaths covered with snow which was in places 
more than a foot deep. With the help of peasant guides 
Bogatsous was successfully reached, after three halts, at about 
4 p.m. After a reconnaissance by the staff, the march on 
Tsonca was commenced at 7 p.m., the men only having had 
three hours' rest after their arduous march. 

General Sapundzaki, being in command of the right, 
including the force marching on Drisko, was instructed to 
keep up a sharp fire, varied with short reconnoitring charges, 
througli^out the 4th, thus leading the enemy to expect an 
infantry attack from that quarter. On the morning of the 4th 
the infantry opened fire, and there followed a heavy bombard- 
ment, chiefly on Goritsa and Kotsilio, which lasted the 
whole of the day and the night. The Greek field batteries 


were posted at the places marked X on the map, and the 
heavy batteries at the places marked 6. The Turkish 
batteries fired intermittently during the day ; they began 
strongly in the morning, then stopped for a time, but 
resumed again in the afternoon. Being unable to find the 
Greek batteries, which were well screened, the Turkish 
gunners fired mostly on the Greek infantry. During the 
night the 3rd column of the Greek western force, which had 
set forth from Bogatsous at 7 p.m., completed its march. Its 
main body took Tsonca at 7 a.m. by complete surprise, having 
spent the previous twelve hours in covering a considerable 
distance over extremely rough ground. The Turks did not 
perceive the approach of the Greeks until they were within 
100 metres, and though they were prompt in taking positions 
in their trenches, they failed to make any material resistance. 
Four guns and eight mitrailleuses were captured, as well as 
some prisoners. At the same time part of the 3rd column 
surprised Saba and then marched on St. Nicholas, which it 
captured with 10 guns at 10 a.m. after slight resistance, sup- 
ported by the 2nd column from the west. In the meantime 
the 1st column, after being checked by Maxim fire and being 
at one time exposed to shells from the guns of Bezane and 
St. Nicholas, stormed the heights of Manoliassa, capturing 
six guns and taking the greater part of a battalion prisoners. 
The 1st column then attacked the point marked "750" on 
the Manoliassa Hill, and captured it after meeting with con- 
siderable resistance. The main body of the 3rd column had 
advanced from Tsonca and captured the fort of Dourouti, 
after meeting with slight opposition, at 1 1 o'clock. By this 
time the Turks were retreating down the valleys of Mano- 
liassa and St. Nicholas to the plain, and an attempt by them 
to concentrate at Rapsista was checked by the Greek artil- 
lery, which inflicted severe losses on them. A second attempt 
by the Turks to rally east of Dourouti was thwarted by the 
fire of the mountain guns of the 3rd column with deadly 
effect. The Greek artillery fire continued the whole of the 
second day (Sth of March), and was answered by the guns of 



To face p. I5i< 


Bezane feebly. By the evening the Greek left occupied the line 
Dourouti-Rapsista-Vodivista and the plain north of Mano- 
liassa Hill, and a company of Evzoni had advanced and cut 
the lines of communication between Janina and Bezane and 
Kastritza. Orders were, however, given that no entry should 
be made into Janina. That night Essad Pasha, commander 
of the forces, and Behip Pasha, his brother, commander of 
the fort of Janina, decided to surrender, and at 2.30 a.m. a 
deputation made the formal surrender to the Crown Prince. 

The surrender of Bezane was inevitable. The Greek 
artillery fire had been so deadly that where it had not 
actually destroyed or damaged the guns it had put prac- 
tically all the gunners out of action. The writer spent a 
whole day on Bezane and found traces of every size of 
shell in all except two batteries at the north-east of the 
Greater Bezane facing Kastritza. There were no less than 
six guns which had been actually struck by shells, and the 
centre of the lens of the searchlight had been pierced by a 
3-inch shell, a shot which was more the result of good 
shooting than good fortune, for one gun had actually been 
trained on it. The shooting of the Greek artillery was 
beyond praise : Essad Pasha himself in speaking of it to the 
writer termed it " merveiileux," but possibly the best de- 
scription is that it was " revolver practice with big guns.'' 
It was in great measure due to , the deadliness of the 
artillery fire that the attack was carried out with the loss 
of only about 500 men kors de coinbat. It was this as well 
as the precision and order with which the three columns 
moved on the left that was responsible for the surrender of 
Bezane, and not the lack of ammunition or the danger of 
starvation, as the writer himself verified. There was ample 
ammunition, except perhaps in the case of the mountain 
guns, and on the day of the entry of the Crown Prince the 
writer and three other correspondents of British newspapers 
had no difficulty in obtaining an excellent meal of roast 
lamb, omelet, black bread and local wine for the moderate 
price of two drachmas a head, z.% an inn in the town. 


The brilliance of the Crown Princess plan was only 
equalled by the thoroughness with which it was carried out, 
and all precautions were taken for ensuring its success. Not 
the least noteworthy among these was the care which he 
took of his men. As soon as he arrived on the scene he 
made a thorough inspection of all the lines, repeated this 
frequently, and immediately gave sick leave to all the men 
who were ill or run down from exposure and replaced them 
by fresh men from the reserve battalions. The men were 
all provided with woollen undergarments and socks of good 
material. A committee of Athens gentlemen, presided over 
by M. Benaki, attended to the distribution of the clothing, 
and some of its members spent their time travelling to and 
from the front, handing out fresh.sets of garments to each 
battalion in turn. Hot tea grog was served out every 
morning, and one hot meal a day was provided regularly, 
except for those who were on outpost duty, which averaged 
twenty-four out of every seventy-two hours for the regiments 
in the first line. 

The result of such prudent measures was that the fighting\ 
force of the army, in spite of months of exposure to the snow 
and rains, with as often as not no fire at nights, remained 
unimpaired for the final attack. Thus the men in Colonel 
Delagrammatica's column were able to accomplish the 
arduous march round Mount Olytzka without undue suffer- 
ing. The nearness of the two opposing lines south-east 
of Bezane made the lot of the troops there (mostly Evzoni), 
while doing outpost duty, no sinecure. During the day 
they could barely move with safety ; they were relieved at 
night, for going from the main lines to the outposts involved 
the crossing of the fire zone of Bezane. They suffered 
intensely from the cold, except when, on the understanding 
that there was to be no night attack, fires were by agree- 
ment lit by both armies. On such occasions there was a 
good deal of talk between the Greeks and the Turks, and 
it was during one of these conversations that Fonat Bey, 
the commander of the Fort of Bezane, learnt of the assassina- 





tion of Nazim Pasha. The cases of sick and wounded 
averaged during the last six weeks thirty men per day 
out of a force of 60,000 men, a remarkably low proportion 
considering the unfavourable conditions. This was doubt- 
less due to the excellent way which the men were looked 
after. Some of the casualties were caused by the fetching 
of water at night, which necessitated visiting springs near 
the Turkish lines. During the earlier period of the siege 
and before the arrival of the Crown Prince there had been 
some hundreds of cases of frost-bite, but with care the pro- 
portion of fresh cases was much reduced during the last 
six weeks. 

The artificial defences of Bezane were not so elaborate 
as was generally believed, but any deficiency in these was 
amply compensated for by its natural defences. The 
entanglements were not of very thick wire, though they 
were six yards wide in places and well protected by mitrail- 
leuse. The batteries were not of the most modern kind, 
there being no head cover for the gunners, though the guns 
of each battery were interconnected with tunnels, as were 
most of the infantry trenches. The Turks had no modern 
siege guns of larger bore than 5'2S-inch, though they had 
some 6-inch guns of a far older pattern than the Greek 6-inch 
Krupps. The failure of the Turkish guns to hold those 
of the Greeks was, however, probably due less to any 
inferiority in their own weapons than to the superiority of 
their opponents' marksmanship, and to the fact that the 
Turkish batteries were all placed on the face of the hill and 
exposed to accurate fire, while the Greek batteries were 
posted behind the hills. The Greek- Schneider-Canet- 
Dangles mountain guns proved invaluable, and the writer 
was informed by Greek artillery officers that the results 
achieved with the shells of Messrs. Armstrong, Whitworth, 
& Co. were unsurpassed. The Greek guns averaged up to 
350 rounds during the two days of the final bombardment. 
The range at which the heavy guns were fired varied from 
about 6,000 to 8,000 yards, while the field guns were 


employed at from 2,000 to 4,000 yards. An inspection of 
the Turkish batteries on Bezane showed that they must 
have been infernos under the Greek gun-fire, and the 
behaviour of the gunners can only have been heroic, for they 
appear to have gone on serving their guns until they were 
all killed or wounded. 

The capture of so strong a fortress as Janina by attack 
without serious loss was certainly a triumph for the Greek 
army and its General. It is true that Essad Pasha informed 
the writer that he needed 80,000 men, but with that force he 
might have kept out half a million men. It showed that the 
Crown Prince must be ranked very high as a general for his 
masterly strategy and his cool and decisive way of acting at 
the proper moment. The army when it entered Janina was 
in magnificent condition. The men had supreme confidence 
in their General and were ready to go anywhere at his 

The reception accorded to the Greek troops at Janina 
completely eclipsed that of Salonica. The Mussulmans, 
most of whom were of Greek stock and whose forefathers 
had been Islamized in the days of AH Pasha, vied with the 
Christians in enthusiasm. Not to be put to shame by the 
Te Deum held in the Greek Metropolis, they celebrated an 
open-air thanksgiving service in Turkish in which they 
welqomed the arrival of " their deliverer, the Crown Prince 
Constantine," at the head of the " victorious Greek army," 
and finished with cries of " Zeto " ! No doubt these Mussul- 
mans were thankful that they had been rescued from the 
tender mercies of Albanian rule, of which they had already 
had a taste. During the triumphal entry of the Crown 
Prince into Janina Lieutenant Adamides, a native of that 
city, made a picturesque exhibition of spiral flying right over 
the Municipal Square and thus symbolized the victory of 
Hellene over Turk as a victory of mind over matter. A 
visit to the ghastly Turkish prison in AH Pasha's fort, in 
which numbers of the most worthy Greek citizens had been 
interned under the regime of the Albanian governor appointed 

7 ^r m 

W d 




by the Young Turks, made one realize what freedom meant 
to the people of Janina. The Sth of March, 191 3, and the 
following days were gala days for that city. 

Several thousands of the prisoners for whom Essad Pasha 
signed did not give themselves up, but fled in a north- 
westerly direction, some going towards Santi Quaranta and 
others towards Argyrocastro, but two days after the capture 
of Janina the Turkish forces which had opposed Colonel 
Ipites in the west also surrendered. 

The Crown Prince, as he had done throughout the cam- 
paign, immediately followed up his success by sending 
forward one division and part of another division in pursuit 
of the Turks who had escaped from Janina, and these troops 
also had instructions to occupy the district in the north 
which was populated chiefly by Greeks. It will be remem- 
bered that at one time Greece had laid claim to Avlona, but 
when the Powers formulated their scheme for a separate 
kingdom of Albania and insisted upon the inclusion of that 
town as its chief port Greece was obliged to curtail her 
demands. The Greek Government then worked out a line 
stretching from a point about midway between Avlona and 
Chimarra on the coast and passing North of Argyrocastro 
and Tepelene to Lake Ochrida and submitted it as the essen- 
tial minimum to which it was willing to confine its demands. 
This line, though it leaves out a considerable number of 
Greeks along the coast and in one or two other centres such 
as Berate, Tirana, and Elbasan includes all the districts in 
which there is a pronounced Greek-speaking and thinking 

The Crown Prince accordingly proceeded to establish a 
military occupation over all the territory which the Govern- 
ment claimed as Greek on the principle of nationality, and 
within barely more than one week after the fall of Janina 
Delvino, Santi Quaranta, Argyrocastro, Premete, and 
Tepelene were successively occupied. 

There was only one incident of particular interest so far 
as the military side is concerned, and that was the capture 


of about fifty Turks by about half a dozen Greek cavalry, 
men under the command of Lieutenant Vouros, However, 
the lightning speed v\^ith which the military occupation was 
completed was most characteristic of the method of the 
Crown Prince. The revictualling of the troops north of 
Janina was carried out almost entirely through motor trans- 
port, which provided not only for the troops who marched 
northward, but also for the 3rd Division, which had to find 
its way southward through Korytsa as far as Konitsa. 

Before the end of March the Greek operations against the 
Turks had been brought to a brilliant close. The prisoners 
made since the beginning of the war amounted to not less • 
than 80,000 and the spoils included over two hundred guns ' 
and more than 100,000 rifles. | 

Among the victims of the campaign in Epirus should be i 
mentioned the following : Lukianos, a professor at Athens I 
University who had fought with distinction and been ; 
promoted to the rank of sergeant in the war of 1897 and I 
had later acted as generalissimo of the insurgent students '■ 
who barricaded themselves in Athens in protest against 
the translation of the Bible into the vernacular by Mr. Pallis. I 
Another victim was young Rosetti, whose mother was a 
member of the Rangabe family, which through the Skene 
family has many kinsmen in this country. During the 
siege of Janina Greek-speaking Albanians were frequently 
employed for the purpose of making surprise attacks and ; 
deceiving the Greeks by the use of the Greek tongue. It 
was during one of these attacks that young Rosetti, one of 
the most brilliant young cadets, lost his life after displaying 
the greatest gallantry in saving his section from destruction. 
Another victim was a son of General Kalares. The attitude - 
of the General in his bereavement is reminiscent of an ancient 
Spartan. He telegraphed to his wife in some such words-j 
as the following : *' Our one son is dead, having done his 
duty ; do not lament, but let us rejoice in the other." 

The only suitable aviation-ground was at Nikopolis, four 
miles north of Preveza. There several aeroplanes were fitted 



To &ce p. 157. 


up, of which the most reliable were found to betwo Maurice 
Farman biplanes. Lieutenant Moutoussis made some useful 
flights in December, and a few days before the final attack 
and capture of Janina M. Psacoff, a Russian of Greek origin, 
son of the Greek Consul at Moscow, made one or two brilliant 
flights. On one occasion he passed only 2,000 feet above 
the trenches of Bezane and brought back some valuable 
information to headquarters, but many bullets passed through 
his planes and he had to thank his good fortune for returning 
home unscathed. One of the field guns on Bezane was 
found pointing heavenwards and had evidently been trained 
on his aeroplane. 

The Crown Prince himself stayed in Janina until he was 
hastily recalled to Athens and Salonica by the news of his 
father's assassination. He left General Dangles in command 
of the troops in Epirus, but headquarters staff was removed 
to Athens. Order was by then restored in Epirus, and so the 
2nd, 4th, and 6th Divisions were embarked at Preveza and 
taken by sea to Salonica, the 4th Division officiating as guard 
of honour at the King's funeral in Athens en route. 

The Greek concentration of troops at Salonica was necessi- 
tated by the aggressiveness of the Bulgars, who not only 
failed to remove their troops from Salonica but continually 
attempted to encroach upon the territory occupied by the 
Greeks in its neighbourhood. For the benefit of those who 
are not acquainted with the country round Serres and Salonica 
it is advisable to explain that there is a natural boundary pro- 
vided by a range of mountains running from west to east, 
north of Lake Doiran, and of the railway line to Constanti- 
nople. If in the partition of territory the Greeks were not 
allowed to have this frontier line, they would be obliged to 
keep a standing army always ready in the neighbourhood of 
Salonica, in order that they might be in a position to defend 
it against an attack by the Bulgars. 

Doubtless if matters had not looked so alarming in 
Macedonia the Greek Government would have kept at least 
four divisions in Epirus to support her claims against Italy. 


It was said that the Italians would have to drive the Greek 
army out of North Epirus, for the troops would refuse to , 
obey if ordered to retire before them. Naturally this was 
only the usual diplomatic excuse, and the correct interpreta- 
tion of the Greek Government's attitude was that it was 
ready to support its claims by fighting if necessary. The 
Greek has now neither respect for nor fear of the Italian : 
he considers that the latter is only fit for theatrical display 
and not for the real business of war. Two Greek ' divisions 
well entrenched in almost impregnable positions north of 
Tepelene would be able to account for some 100,000 banditti 
from across the Adriatic, and would give the modern Machia- 
vellis a good deal to think about if they attempted to interfere 
in Epirus. 

No description of the Greek campaign would be complete 
without mention of the bard of the army — Spiro Matsoukas. 
It was he who raised the fund to pay for the destroyer Nea 
Genea and also for a field-battery in America. While 
there the Greeks of America presented to him a cross 
surmounted by two Byzantine eagles, bearing on the 
reverse the inscription : Tw EflvaTrooroXw S, MATSOYKA 
H. EAA nAPOIKIA. Newark, NJ,, U.S.A., SEDT., 
1909. ("To the National Apostle S. Matsoukas, the 
Greek Colony, Newark, NJ., U.S.A.") During the war 
he was the heart and soul of the Greek army. His 
manner was theatrical, but he was a consummate actor who 
knew just how to play to his audience. The result was that 
wherever he went he filled the Evzoni with enthusiasm by 
declaiming his national poetry to them. He was the idol of 
the Evzoni, just as he himself idolized them. He described 
them to the writer as being the " folk song " (Sij^uotiko rpayoih) 
of Hellas, which has lived to make her sing again. He told 
of one Evzon who was wounded severely in his right arm 
shortly before the fall of Janina, who when Matsoukas con- 
doled with him said : " I do not mind losing my arm, but I do 
mind not having seen Janina." And he showed the writer a 
ring which he was wearing, which had been handed to him 



To face p. 15S. 


by an Evzon who was mortally wounded, with the figure of 
Vengeance and the words " Vengeance is help" (NEMESIS 
BOH0EIA) engraved upon it. The following is an example 
of the way in which he inspired the soldiers to deeds of 
valour. After seeing a gun which had been put out of 
action by Turkish shell-fire he improvised a poem which he 
recited to the men, describing how he had seen this wounded 
canon and asked it what it wanted. *' Only vengeance," 
replied the canon ; and thus he taught the men that even 
modem instruments of war can do little unless assisted by 
the personal valour of the soldier. The following are some 
words which he wrote in the writer's note-book : Avo ^aCi 
EA\iyi/£C flXtKptvac (pravovv rto 0fw — oXoi fxag /j.ap\ rw 0£w koI 
rij viKy ... £ TOTS T^aXTriffTrj (rrifxave ttpoSov . . . tIttote wXiov. 
(** Two whole-hearted Greeks together reach to God — all of us 
together to God and victory. . . . Then trumpeter sound 
the attack — nothing more.") He told the writer that the 
proudest moment of his life was when he fired the first shot 
at the Battle of Sarandoporon. One cannot help comparing 
him with a Homeric bard. 

There were other lesser but no less entertaining lights in 
the Greek army, among whom may be mentioned an actor 
from Paris, who was frequently called upon to recite Racine's 
classics in camp. 



All who went to Greece in 1 897 spoke very badly of the 
hospital arrangements made for the soldiers during the unfor- 
tunate war of that year. The improvement in the hospital 
provision for this war has been even greater than that in the 
organization of the Army. It will, however, be remembered 
that Greece had wished to postpone the outbreak of war until 
the spring, because she had not brought most of her auxiliary 
services to the requisite state of readiness, and this was 
especially the case with her medical arrangements. The 
early opening of hostilities affected the organization of the 
hospitals even more than that of other military departments. 
The number of hospitals, including the existing military 
hospitals and those provided by the various Greek societies 
and foreign Red Cross societies and also those supplied by 
the magnanimity of the princesses, was more than sufficient 
to deal with all the cases, but their centralization and manage- 
ment required a great deal of thought which no one had had 
any time to give. The result was that at first the best use 
was not made of all the available material, but before showing 
in what way the organization was deficient it would be well 
to give an account of the various hospitals in Athens, at the 
front, and elsewhere in Greece. In Athens itself there are two 
regular military hospitals : the more important is the one at 
Ambelokepos, which can provide for 500 beds and whiph 
during the war had the services of Dr. Geroulanos, the most 

distinguished surgeon in Athens. Apart from him, the 



medical staff during the war consisted of retired army medical 

officers. This is known as the 2nd Military Hospital. The 

other military hospital (known as the ist Military Hospital) 

is at Makrijani on the road to Phaliron, and has over 200 

beds. The treatment of the wounded at these two hospitals 

was on the whole satisfactory, though there was rather a 

deficiency of nurses at the smaller one, and the men there did 

not find such personal comfort as was provided at the other 

hospitals in Athetls. At the larger one the nursing staff was 

assisted by the members of the Yellow Cross Societj^ The 

members of this organization are midwives in time of peace, 

but they willingly devoted their time to nursing the wounded 

during the war. At the large military hospital the comfort 

of the patients is also studied in small ways ; for instance, 

a gardener is kept specially for the purpose of looking after 

a flower-garden, from which flowers are provided which make 

the rooms cheerful. These two hospitals had several annexes, 

which furnished when required as many as a thousand beds 

between them. 

The experiment was at first tried at these hospitals of 
treating those who had light wounds as out-patients, but it 
was found to be unsatisfactory, for the men were not careful 
about keeping their wounds clean when left to their own 
resources and complications ensued through mere carelessness. 
Considering the very large proportion of light wounds, mostly 
in the hands and arms, found in this war, a great deal of 
hospital space would have been saved if the patients could 
have been relied upon to look after themselves when away 
from the hospitals. Fortunately there was in all sq large a 
provision of beds in Greece that this only caused difficulty at 
the army bases, such as Salonica and Preveza. Of the other 
military hospitals the Aretaeon, also situated at Ambelokepos, 
has pleasant buildings and a nice garden : it contained about 
200 beds. An English lady, Miss Morris, acted as matron at 
this hospital, which was admirably managed. Its patients 
\ seemed well contented. In addition to the regular Naval 
Hospital at the Piraeus, the Grand Hotel Phaliron was fitted 



up as a hospital for the casualties expected from the naval 
engagements : Mrs. Cardale, wife of Commander Cardale, 
assisted in its management. As well as these, various civil 
hospitals in Athens were partly or wholly given over to the 
wounded and sick from the war. The most striking is the 
Politikon, the new municipal hospital which occupies a 
splendid site near Ambelokepos with uninterrupted views 
over Mounts Hymettus and Pentelicon. It consists of eight 
large wards, each containing thirty-six beds, and constructed 
on the most modern principles with windows on both sides. 
This hospital was placed under the care of the Greek Red 
Cross Society. After the Politikon the most important 
hospital for general cases was the Evangelismos, which is also 
on the road between Athens and Ambelokepos. From the 
purely medical point of view the most efficient and up-to-date 
hospital in Greece is the Zyngros Hospital, also at Ambelo- 
kepos, where 200 beds were devoted to soldiers suffering from 
infectious diseases. Undoubtedly, however, the hospitals at 
which the greatest homely comfort was found were those 
which the Crown Princess equipped, partly at her own 
expense and partly from voluntary contributions, in con- 
nection with which a collection of some ;^so,ooo was made 
through the energy and enthusiasm of Mr. Solon Vlastos, the 
proprietor of Tke A tlantis, a Greek newspaper published in 
America. The buildings placed at Her Royal Highnesses dis- 
posal were the Maraslion, or Teachers' College, the Chimion 
(chemical laboratory of the University), and the Gernian 
Archaeological School. The last was used as an officers' 
home. The management of these was entrusted to ladies, 
and the nurses were mostly brought from England and 
Germany. Miss Dolan, an Irish-American lady who had had 
great experience in hospital work in New York, was placed 
in charge of the Maraslion and later, assisted by a few English 
nurses, she undertook the management of the large Turkish 
hospital at Preveza. By her energy and high organizing 
capacity she rendered great services to Greece. The Evel- 
pides Cadet School was also used as a hospital ; Princess 


up as a hospital for the casualties expected from the naval 
engagements : Mrs. Cardale, wife of Commander Cardale, 
assisted in its management. As well as these, various civil 
hospitals in Athens were partly or wholly given over to the 
wounded and sick from the war. The most striking is the 
Politikon, the new municipal hospital which occupies a 
splendid site near Ambelokepos with uninterrupted views 
over Mounts Hymettus and Pentelicon. It consists of eight 
large wards, each containing thirty-six beds, and constructed 
on the most modern principles with windows on both sides. 
This hospital was placed under the care of the Greek Red 
Cross Society. After the Politikon the most important 
hospital for general cases was the Evangelismos, which is also 
on the road between Athens and Ambelokepos. From the 
purely medical point of view the most efficient and up-to-date 
hospital in Greece is the Zyngros Hospital, also at Ambelo- 
kepos, where 200 beds were devoted to soldiers suffering from 
infectious diseases. Undoubtedly, however, the hospitals at 
which the greatest homely comfort was found were those 
which the Crown Princess equipped, partly at her own 
expense and partly from voluntary contributions, in con- 
nection with which a collection of some ^50,000 was made 
through the energy and enthusiasm of Mr-. Solon Vlastos, the 
proprietor of The Atlantis^ z. Greek newspaper published in 
America. The buildings placed at Her Royal Highnesses dis- 
posal were the Maraslion, or Teachers' College, the Chimion 
(chemical laboratory of the University), and the German 
Archaeological School. The last was used as an officers' 
home. The management of these was entrusted to ladies, 
and the nurses were mostly brought from England and 
Germany. Miss Dolan, an Irish-American lady who had had 
great experience in hospital work in New York, was placed 
in charge of the Maraslion and later, assisted by a few English 
nurses, she undertook the management of the large Turkish 
hospital at Preveza. By her energy and high organizing 
capacity she rendered great services to Greece. The Evel- 
pides Cadet School was also used as a hospital ; Princess 



To (ace p. 163. 


Marie took a great interest in this, and it was through her 
influence that the " Dames aux Secours des Blesses Mili- 
taires," headed by Mme. Panas, widow of a distinguished 
Grseco-French doctor, the " Dames de France," and the 
French Red Cross Society were after a time installed 

There were various other smaller hospitals and surgeries 
in Athens which were partly devoted to the wounded and 
sick soldiers, among which the Polyclinike was managed by 
Athens ladies of the Blue Cross Society, under the presidency 
of Princess Helen, wife of Prince Nicholas, third son of the 
King. Red Cross units were also sent out from Sweden, 
Switzerland, Germany, Russia, Italy, Holland, Denmark, and 
England ; and in addition a complete hospital was equipped 
and placed at the disposal of the Greek Government by the 
Greeks of Alexandria : this was known as the Alexandrian 
Hospital. Also other Greeks in Egypt, headed by Mr. D. 
Casdagli, provided a small field hospital. 

The divisions of the army of course had their medical 
contingents, but these were inadequate, as is always the 
case, to do the work of the division in any important battle. 
The Foreign Red Cross Societies and Mr. Casdagli's field 
hospital were suitable to help the Army Medical Corps at 
the front, but they were all kept far away from the actual 
fighting. All the contingents of the Red Cross Societies 
from abroad and some of the Greek Red and Blue Cross 
Societies and of other organizations were moved from place 
to place as they were needed, and installed in buildings which 
were adapted as temporary hospitals. On the outbreak of 
the war the buildings at Larissa given over to hospital work 
were not sufficient, but temporary buildings were quickly 
erected, and all the wounded who were not well enough to 
be moved to Athens were taken in there. The Larissa 
hospitals were put to a severe strain after the Battle of 
Sarandaporon, but they were equal to the occasion, for the 
hospital train, to be mentioned hereafter, relieved them of 
the cases which could travel. Many of the wounded suffered. 


however, during their journey from Elassona to Larissa, 
which had to be made in ordinary transport carts, when 
they were scarcely m a condition to ride in carriages pro- 
vided with proper springs. The British Red Cross and the 
Field Hospital of Mr. Casdagli did not arrive in time for the 
Battle of Sarandaporon, and there was a great lack of 
ambulances on the field of battle. Very noble work was 
done by some of the gentlemen chauffeurs, who took their 
motors over the rough ground and spent the whole night 
of the 22nd of October in moving the wounded to positions 
of safety. Units of the various Red Cross and other societies 
were established all along the line in buildings at Elassona, 
Serfidje, Kosane, Sorovitz, and Veria, and at Kosane in 
particular the medical corps were fortunate in finding an 
ideal modern hospital, fully equipped, and situated in the 
most healthy part of the town. The Crown Princess, in 
addition to her hospitals in Athens, equipped two field 
hospitals, one at Salonica and the other at Arta, which 
were afterwards transferred to Preveza and Philippias. 

As was explained in the description of the transport, the 
means of locomotion up towards the front in Macedonia 
were very scarce, and it was in that field of the operations 
during the first three weeks of the war that the medical 
arrangements underwent the greatest strain. The hospital 
units could not be moved after the army quickly enough, 
and at Veria the accommodation was hopelessly insufficient. 
On the 1st of November, the day of the Battle of Jenitza, 
only the municipal school buildings, of which Princess Alice, 
wife of Prince Andrew, took over the control, and one other 
building which was occupied by the Alexandrian Hospital, 
were ready to receive casualties. When it is rememberei 
that the Kosane hospital was forty miles back along the 
road, it will be seen that the provision was altogether 
inadequate to cope with the wounded from that battle.. 

After the battle a surgery was fitted up at Jenitsa itself, 
but this was so small as to be almost negligible. Within 
two days the wounded began to pour in from the fighting in 


the district of Sorovitz, being brought by train to Veria 
Station. The state of the chief hospital became pitiable, 
and numbers of men were to be seen lying in the corridors 
waiting to be attended to. It is hard to blame any one for 
this state of things, because the circumstances were peculiar. 
All that can be said is that as the Greeks, owing to the 
unexpectedly early outbreak of the war, had not been able 
to obtain the means of transport which they required, they 
ought to have informed the foreign organizations before they 
left that it was of paramount importance that they should 
provide their own motor transport, and rather send a small 
unit with transport than a large unit without it. 

The work done by Princess Alice is described in another 
part of this book, but her labours at this stage deserve 
special mention. She arrived at Kosane and took charge 
of the hospital at seven o'clock one evening, and it is 
said that she worked until midnight and then lay down 
on the floor and passed the night with only a rug. As 
soon as she had established the hospital there she was 
obliged to go and take over the hospital at Veria. There 
she worked without sparing herself, and on more than one 
occasion she was seen assisting doctors to dress wounds or 
perform operations by handing them dressings and instru- 
ments with one hand whilst stirring drinks with the other. 
An amusing anecdote is told anent Princess Alice and a 
wounded soldier in the hospital at Veria. The soldier, who 
had been brought in from the battle, wished to be relieved of 
his boots and his socks, and seeing the Princess standing 
near him, and being unaware of her identity, requested her 
to remove them for him, which she promptly did. A com- 
rade who had watched this little scene asked him whether he 
knew who the kind lady was, and on learning that he did 
not, enlightened him. The poor soldier was covered with 
shame, and afterwards whenever the Princess entered the 
room he hid under the bed-clothes. After a time Princess 
Alice noticed this, and inquired the reason of his curious 
behaviour. She then spoke a few words to the simple 


soldier, telling him that he had done nothing to be ashamed 
of, and so restored to him his self-respect. 

When the army entered Salonica there was plenty of 
accommodation for the various hospitals, and the hospital 
staffs, including the British Red Cross, were transported 
thither by sea. At that time one-half of the hospital space 
was occupied 'hy medical cases. Most of these were cases 
of slight dysentery caused by exposure in the marshes 
between Veria and Salonica ; there were a {^v^ cases of 
enteric fever, but practically none proved fatal. The British 
Red Cross were installed in one-half of the old Turkish 
hospital high up on the side of the hills to the north of 
the town, in which they had more medical than surgical 
cases. Why they were placed there it is difficult to say, 
for the unit, which was forty strong, consisted of five surgeons, 
physicians, dressers, and orderlies, under the command of 
Colonel A. H. Delmd Radcliffe, formerly British military 
attach^ at Rome, and was capable of undertaking field 
hospital work. The orderlies were a rough lot, who had 
been selected neither with care nor with discretion. They 
might have done useful work under the discipline which 
prevailed at the front, but they were not suitable for 
employment in a hospital in a town. The work provided 
for them was not sufficient to keep them occupied, and 
some of them got out of hand and had to be dismissed 
for disorderly conduct in Salonica. After some weeks the 
British Red Cross Society were moved to Fiorina, but soon 
after they had gone there the bulk of the army was sent to 
Epirus, and so they were instructed to establish themselves 
at the new base, Preveza. They had not been in Epirus 
very long, however, before they were recalled somewhat 
suddenly, owing to the funds originally provided having 
come to an end and no further money having been sent out. 

The wounded who had to be moved from Larissa to 
Athens in the early part of the war enjoyed great comfort 
and even luxury, for they travelled in two hospital trains, 
each containing eight ambulance coaches, which were 


supplied by the Athens and Piraeus Railway Company, and 
for which Princess Helen had furnished the personnel and 
the equipment. Each coach contained sixteen beds, fitted 
as removable stretchers, so that the men could be taken in 
and out of the train without discomfort. The coaches, which 
were painted white, were so constructed that the shaking over 
curves was reduced to a minimum, each bed resting on a 
mechanical arrangement which worked free from the motion 
of the train. The Princess herself spent two or three weeks 
accompanying the wounded on this train between Larissa 
and Athens, and was assisted by ladies of the Blue Cross 

Mention is made elsewhere of Princess Marie's hospital 
ship Albania, Not much use, of course, could be made of 
this in the early part ofthecampaign, but after the occupation 
of Salonica it proved invaluable in bringing the men direct 
from the Salonica hospitals to the Athens hospitals, when 
they were not well enough to be shipped on board ordinary 
transports ; and later during the operations in Epirus the 
Albania was continually going to and fro bringing wounded 
to iEgion, Athens, and elsewhere. Princess Marie herself 
made a great many journeys in it, and her work throughout 
the war deserves scarcely less praise than that of Princess 

Queen Olga, though she did not herself take an active 
part in hospital work, showed the keenest interest in it. She 
constantly visited the hospital in Athens, and with her usual 
generosity was continually helping with food, clothing, or 
jnoney. After the Battle of Sarandoporon she motored up 
as far as Elassona, visiting all the hospitals en route, and 
after the capture of Salonica joined King George there and 
spent much of her time over the hospitals. In March she 
went to Epirus, and after inspecting the hospitals at Preveza 
and Philippias was waiting for the King to join her before 
going to Janina, when the tragic news of his assassination 
reached her. 

In Epirus the hospital arrangements worked much more 


satisfactorily than had been the case in Macedonia. This 
was brought about partly by experience, but conditions 
generally were much more favourable there. The distance 
from Preveza to Emin Aga, the headquarters of the army, 
was only about half as long as the distance from Larissato 
Veria. Further, the road between Janina, Philippias, and 
Preveza was much better than any road in Macedonia, and also 
by that time there were many large motor-vans which had 
been fitted up as ambulances, and so the men who were not 
too seriously wounded were taken direct to Preveza, which 
could be reached in under three hours. Much more regard 
could be had for the care of the wounded than was the case 
in Macedonia, and the fact that for the final attack on 
Janina 7,000 beds had been made ready in Epirus alone 
will show that in the later stages of the war the hospital 
accommodation was ample. 

A feature of the Greek Medical Service which has not been 
recognized sufficiently was the large number of qualified 
surgeons attached to the Army, For the last sixty years 
young Greeks, the greater number of whom were natives of 
the districts hitherto excluded from the Hellenic kingdom, 
have studied at the great medical schools of London, Paris, 
Brussels, Berlin, and Vienna. Among these students have 
arisen many distinguished doctors and surgeons, among 
whom may be mentioned Dr. Panas of Paris, Dr. Kavafi of 
St. George's, Zambaco Pasha, physician to the Sultan of 
Turkey. Although during the last twenty years Athens has 
provided first-class medical training, the tendency of Greeks 
to study in the great centres has continued. When mobili- 
zation was decreed, some of the young doctors scattered 
throughout Europe had to obey the summons as conscripts, 
and many others volunteered their services to the Greek Army. 
All the qualified medical men who thus volunteered, as well 
as those who were called upon to serve as conscripts, were 
installed as surgeons, with the rank of officers, either with the 
different divisions of the Army or else in the military hospitals. 
In this way in addition to s number pf abk surgeons who 


had been trained at Athens, there were first-class men from 
almost every capital acting as military surgeons. In one 
large field hospital the medical officers* tent, in which the 
writer recollects passing some delightful evenings, sheltered 
ten surgeons, of whom no less than six had qualified in Paris 
and London, and at an artillery officers' mess the writer met 
a lecturer of Vienna University who was attached to them 
as their doctor. As a medical friend who volunteered and 
helped the Greeks in the war said to the writer, " There are 
really too many Greek doctors for our services to be 
required " ; all that was really needed by Greece was a large 
staff of trained , nurses and orderlies, and perhaps a few 
medical men of experience to organize the hospital work. 
There were a few surgeons of the highest attainments who 
had also had wide experience of organization, such as 
Dr. Arnaud of the French Military Mission, Dr. Psaltoff of 
Smyrna, and Dr. Geroulanos of Athens. Most of the young 
Greek surgeons, however, lacked practical organizing ex- 
perience, and failed to display the common sense requisite 
for managing a somewhat inexperienced hospital staff. The 
orderlies were for the most part not specially trained and 
were not up to their work. Many of the young surgeons 
failed to keep the orderlies up to the mark, and so in some 
hospitals a decided lack of discipline was discernible. 

A little should be said about the nature of the wounds 
received in the war. The bullet of the Mauser rifle employed 
by the Turks, though not having quite so small a diameter 
(7*69 mm.) as the Mannlicher used by the Greeks (6*9 mm.), 
made a very clean wound. Thus, generally speaking, the 
wounds were either mortal when the bullet passed through a 
vital portion of the body such as the heart or the brain, or 
else the bullet cut so clean that it frequently pierced two or 
three men standing in line. The only troublesome wounds 
were those where the bullet came in contact with a large 
bone. In Epirus, however, some ghastly wounds were 
inflicted by so-called Dum-Dum bullets, some of which the 
writer had the opportunity of seeing. The bullets in these 


cases had been filed across the top so that they presented 
jagged edges, and it was said that grease was inserted in the 
notch. The Turkish regulars were not, however, accused of 
this barbarous practice, which was ascribed to the AIbania,n 
irregulars. The writer recollects one leg wound in particular 
which was shown to him in a hospital at Preveza. The 
wound was in the calf of the leg, the bullet having entered 
sideways from inside the knee ; the hole on that side was 
about \\ inches in diameter. At the outer side of the leg 
where the bullet had passed out the size of the wound was 
9j inches long by about 3 to 4 inches wide, and at each end 
the flesh was protruding. The theory of the surgeon who 
attended the case was that a bullet whose point was made 
jagged would, on meeting with resistance, probably assume a 
rotatory movement instead of cutting straight through the 
fleshy substance, and this would explain the horrible nature 
of the wound. A very large proportion of the bullet wounds 
were in the head and arms or hands, the rest of the body 
being usually under cover. Left-arm and hand wounds, as 
was to be expected, were more frequently found than right- 
arm ones. The shrapnel wounds were usually serious, but 
the Greeks did not suffer very much from them, as the 
Turks usually failed to time the bursting of their shrapnel, 
and so a great deal of it was wasted in the ground. Many of 
those who were close to the point of explosion of a percussion 
shell succumbed from the effects of the fumes of the explo- 
sive. There was danger of gangrene supervening from 
wounds caused by pieces of shell, but where this was 
avoided the wounds were usually not so serious as those 
caused by shrapnel. 

What, however, is perhaps the most remarkable feature of 
the Greek soldiers is their splendid health, due to their 
extreme sobriety. This was the subject of remark during the 
war of 1897, when the quickness with which the wounds 
healed astounded the foreign surgeons. In the present war 
this attribute of the Greek soldier was no less noticeable, and 
complications rarely occurred in cases in which proper care 
and attention had been bestowed. 


The supply of warm woollen underclothing for the troops 
was a matter in which very many people interested them- 
selves. A great deal of money was subscribed for the pur- 
pose, and many ladies and their friends knitted socks and 
other garments for the soldiers. In connection with this 
Princess Alice issued the following appeal, which met with 
warm support: — 

"Royal Palace, Athens. 

" September 2^ (O.S.), 1912. 
" For Our Soldiers. 

" I should like to furnish every soldier whom the country has called 
to arms at this critical period in the nation's fortunes with the indis- 
pensable clothes for the present season of the year. 

"In order to accomplish this I appeal to the patriotism of every 
Greek, that he may be pleased to assist me with his mite. I shall 
receive the poor man's penny as gratefully as the rich man's pound, 

" Every Greek woman who is inclined to help me in the sewing of 
these clothes will find me ready to provide the materials, and I beg 
that she will apply to the office in H.M.'s Palace, from the 26th inst., 
every day from 3 to 5 p.m. 

" I feel confident that there will not be a Greek man or woman that 
will refuse the assistance for which I ask on behalf of our beloved 
country's sons. 


The object in view was to provide every man who was at 
the front with one fresh lot of underclothing, so that cases of 
death or illness from exposure to the cold should be avoided 
as much as possible. Great difficulty was, however, experi- 
enced in carrying out this intention. The following example 
will show how it is almost impossible under certain circum- 
stances to see that all those who should be provided with 
clothes get them. There would be, say, two battalions of 
Evzoni containing each three companies of 500 men, in all 
3,000 strong, in the front line; 2,000 lots of clothing would 
be sent out for distribution amongst these 3,000, the intention 
being that every man in those companies which were most 
exposed should be provided for before those who were acting 
as supports. Supposing that there were two companies right 


at the front, the directions would be that i,ooo of the 2,000 
sets of clothing should be given to those two companies, and 
then that the remaining 1,000 sets should be distributed 
ampng the remaining 2,000 men, four companies, to those 
who needed them most What usually happened in practice 
was that the clothing would be distributed equally among the 
six companies, so that each lot of 500 men would get about 
300 to 350 sets. The men who would get the clothing would 
not be the men who needed it most — the men who had been 
most exposed in the outposts — but those nearest at hand. 
This explains how it was that the great proportion of the 
wounded soldiers, or those who were brought back suffering 
from exposure, were found to have their underclothing in 
rags. In the later stages of the Epirus campaign, however, 
the Athens gentlemen who undertook the distribution of the 
clothing visited the lines and handed it to each soldier per- 
sonally. It was of course impossible to provide enough for 
every single man, but what was accomplished was remarkable, 
considering the small population and the large army con- 
cerned. There again at first, owing to the lack of transport 
and persons of organizing capacity, there was a great deal of 
waste of the material provided. It was said that at one time 
there were barns full of warm vests, socks, etc., locked up at 
Preveza, which lack of means of locomotion prevented being 
taken up to Philippias and the front. Besides, a certain 
amount of material sent out by charitable but thoughtless 
persons, was not at all suitable for the purpose for which it 
was needed. 

An example of thorough mismanagement is furnished by 
the last scene in connection with the British Red Cross at 
Athens. This was the auction of all the l^rge stores with 
which they were provided, in order, as was stated, to pay the 
fares of the men home. Among these stores were said to be 
goods which had been sent out by friends in this country of 
people in Athens and intended for particular hospitals, but 
which were consigned through the Red Cross as being the 
simplest way to get them out Moreover, practically all the 



To face p. i73' 


money subscribed for the maintenance and payment of 
the expenses of the British Red Cross unit in Greece was 
given by Greeks or people of Greek origin residing in 
England. It may be that one of the rules of the Red Cross 
Society is that whenever funds or materials are brought out 
by a Red Cross unit they can only be spent and disposed 
of through them. However that may be, the fact is that the 
whole of the stores, including many blankets, were sold to 
Athens tradespeople, who no doubt resold them at a profit to 
other hospitals. Considering the origin of these funds and 
the purpose for which they and also the materials which were 
sent out were intended, it was little short of a scandal that 
those who were responsible for the unit did not hand these 
stores and goods to other hospitals, if not as gifts, at any rate 
at suitable prices, before publicly offering them to the highest 

A few words should be said about the double-canvas 
hospital tents which were so largely employed during the 
last three months of the war, especially in Epirus, and found 
to be most satisfactory. These tents were provided with 
windows, which were so arranged that there was plenty of 
light, and the ventilation could be regulated according to the 
temperature and other requirements ; the floors were boarded. 
During the last few weeks of the siege of Janina there were 
numbers of these tents at Emin Aga, all heated with stoves 
and lighted with gas. Thus equipped, these tents provided 
far greater comfort and warmth than the ramshackle houses 
which served as hospital premises in most of the towns of 
Macedonia and Epirus, in which the mangani (brasier filled 
with glowing cinders) unsuccessfully strove to counteract the 
blasts of icily cold wind which pierced the numerous cracks 
and holes in roofs, walls, and windows. 

In spite of her un preparedness during the first month of 
the war and of certain shortcomings in theorganization of her 
resources, Greece^s medical and hygienic arrangements were 
remarkably good, especially in the later stages of the war, 
and in any case appear to have been very far in advance of 


those made by Servia, and still more so of those made by 

Before concluding this chapter it will be instructive to 
mention a few facts about the Turkish medical arrangements 
which came to the writer's knowledge. At Kosane there was 
a truly admirable new municipal hospital building which the 
Greeks, on entering the town, found stocked with a large, 
store of the newest Turkish drugs. It is questionable to 
what extent the Turks were cognizant of the use of most 
of them. 

At Janina, the only town which remained any length of 
time in the occupation of the Turkish forces who were 
opposed to the Greeks, an idea could be formed of the Turk's 
manner of treating his sick and wounded, though it would 
not be fair, perhaps, to draw any general conclusion from this. 
It should not be forgotten that food was not plentiful, but it 
appeared that most of it was given to the men who were still 
in the fighting line, for thousands of emaciated wrecks of 
soldiers were found and seen by the writer squatting and 
lying almost in heaps in the yards and squares outside the 
Konak and other municipal buildings in the centre of the 
town, under conditions of the most indescribable filth. In 
the hospitals in the town some, such as that in which Mme. 
Billinski, the wife of the Austrian Consul-General, interested 
herself, were comparatively well managed, but others were in 
the most appalling condition. In one a roomful of corpses 
was found, which inquiry showed to have been carried thither 
by their comrades m an adjoining ward who had a few 
sparks of life in them, in order that they might not have the 
prospect of death brought more forcibly before them by the* 
presence of their dead colleagues. The Turkish surgeons 
were said to pass their time sitting in cafds, leaving their 
patients neglected. The chief Turkish surgeon in the town, 
a charming but it would seem not very competent old 
gentleman, who after the capture of the town requested to be 
transferred from the Red Crescent Society to the Red Cross 
Society, tried to dissuade the writer from entering a hospital 


for medical cases in the fort of Ali Pasha on the ground that 
it' was too foul-smelling to be approachable — he was not far 
wrong ! Thousands of these prisoners, who were in the last 
stages of decay, were handed over to the Greeks, who did 
their best for them, but it is not surprising that thousands 
died during their confinement. The wonder is that so many 
of them were saved. Unfortunately infectious diseases were 
spread by many of them in various parts of the Peloponnesus, 
which brought additional worry on the heads of the already 
over-worked Greek authorities ; and it was only the truly 
admirable sanitary precautions taken by them which stopped 
alarming epidemics. 


athens during the war 

By "Lascaris" 

Any one having previously spent a winter in Athens, and 
been accustomed to the animated appearance presented by 
that bright Httle capital, would have been surprised at the 
complete transformation presented by it during the war. 

In the first place he would have missed the numerous 
carriages waiting for hire at the station with their fussy 
drivers, all anxious to make the best bargain and all willing 
to take him to his hotel for next to nothing rather than lose 
a customer. Long before the commencement of hostilities 
horses, cars, and carts had been taken to the frontier. What 
remained now were a few consumptive or lame beasts that 
would never have reached the front. With grave doubts as 
to his ever reaching his hotel, the traveller might have 
entered a carriage on the understanding that he was to pay 
two or three times the usual price for this drive. " War 
price " was the name given to these exorbitant fares. The 
drive from Piraeus to Athens was a revelation in itself. 
Formerly the Phaliron Esplanade had been thronged with 
loungers, even in winter, weather permitting, but now the 
sun might vainly do his best to attract the visitors of yore. 

Whereas the chairs and little tables before the fashionable 
cafds of Athens were wont to extend from the pavement to 
the street, threatening to interfere with the traffic there ; 
now there were only a few old men at these tables. They 

looked grave enough as they pored over their papers, and 





Tofacep. i77> 


merely nodded to their acquaintances. The streets, which 
had been full of gaily-dressed ladies, trotting from milliner to 
dressmaker, were not deserted, but the prettily dressed ladies 
had vanished. If one did occasionally meet a lady she was 
very simply dressed, and seemed in a hurry, for she had no 
time to look at the shop windows. Often she carried a 
huge parcel, the bare suggestion of which a few months ago 
would have made people hold up their hands in horror ; and 
when she met her acquaintances she gave them a hasty nod, 
where she had been in the habit of stopping to have a chat 
with them. No ! the streets were certainly not deserted, for 
it was impossible to go out without meeting those who had 
come from abroad, or from the provinces, to serve in the 
Army. Sometimes they were being marched through the 
streets, at others they were on their way to receive their 
uniforms or to take the oath. There were the Evzoni with 
their snow-white kilts, braided boleros, and long hanging 
sleeves, and the Garibaldians in their red shirts. There 
were the Greeks of America in their characteristic American 
clothes and peg-top trousers before they could get their 
uniforms, drilling by the columns of the temple of 
Olympian Zeus, and speaking with the Yankee, twang ; but 
by far the finest men were the Cretans, striding along in 
their top-boots and flowing dark-blue pantaloons, looking 
so grand that it seemed a pity there was not a regiment 
of Cretans in their picturesque dress. But, disguise him 
as you may, a Cretan will always be recognized by his 
proud gait and lordly manner. 

There were also the peasant wives and mothers of the 
soldiers, and their fancifully embroidered dresses and long hang- 
ing plaits added to the picturesque appearance of the streets. 

In passing before the barracks one could see the French 
officers' walking up and down in civilian clothes, superintend- 
ing everything, and anxious that all should be done as well 
as possible. 

Perhaps the most unwonted sight was that of young men, 
who had always led a sedentary life behind desks or type- 



writers, painfully scaling Mount Lycabettus, which is about 
as steep as Box Hill, at the double, and spending the night 
there in the cold like common soldiers, with whom they were 
now associating on a footing of equality. 

Some of us found interest in going to the Larissa Station 
at night to watch the trains arrive with their load of sick 
and wounded. It was a sight to make one think better 
of humanity to watch those delicately nurtured ladies at 
the end of a long railway journey, during which they had 
been in constant attendance, carefully superintending the 
carrying of the men from the train to specially prepared 
tram-cars on which was a large red cross, and not leaving the, 
men till they had been carefully and comfortably placed 
in a hospital bed. This generally took place during the 
quiet hours of the night. Occasionally the calm reigning 
then was interrupted by one of the rare cars left in Athens 
dashing along frantically at a pace that would not have been 
allowed by any police regulations. The occupant was a 
minister or a staff officer. 

How quaint the fashionable hotels looked in those days! 
The well-known " Grande Bretagne " was full of personalities 
seldom seen in Athens, for they came from recently freed 
parts of Greece, and their appearance was no less different 
from that of the habitual Athenian than were their ways 
of thinking. 

There was the Actaeon Hotel, too, at New Phaliron, where 
fashionable ladies and gentlemen had been wont to meet at 
tea, and to spend the afternoon in dancing, and where now 
resided the Turkish officers that had been left there on 
parole. They remained in the " Actaeon " till they attempted 
to escape, some of them even arranging to dress in women's 
clothes. Upon this they were transferred to Cephalonia and 
other equally secure places of repose. 

While a few pampered Athenian youths of good families 
strutted about in elegant uniforms made by their private 
tailors, and endeavoured to get appointed to posts in the 
capital, for they thought it could not spare such "nuts"— 


the Greeks gave them the name of kourabkdes (Greek for 
bun)— others from English public schools or from the Paris 
Boulevards ^now came to Greece, determined to make 
themselves useful. They cheerfully undertook the roughest 
and most repulsive work in and out of the hospitals, some 
of them earning distinction as chauffeurs, in fact not refusing 
any work calculated to bring ease to the wounded or help to 
the Army. 

When the weather was fine — for Athens boasts summer 
days even in winter — people would greet each other in the 
streets with the words, " Fine weather for our lads out 
there ! " or if a cold wind were blowing, they would pity 
" the poor fellows fighting up there ! " Every one seemed to 
have the war on the brain, and, as every one could not be on 
the spot, the next best thing was being near the soldiers who 
had come from the front, and hearing all about the war from 
their lips. Everything made way for the wounded, who were 
petted and caressed by everybody. 

Even the Crown Princess, when she paid her first visit 
to the wounded officers in the German Archaeological School, 
kindly placed at her disposal for them, told them how sorry 
she was not to have room to ask them all to her house. 
" But," she added, " I hope you will consider yourselves my 
guests, and make yourselves quite at home here, not 
hesitating to ask for anything you want." 

Many Greek schools were turned into hospitals, and every- 
where, the wounded expressed their gratitude for the kind- 
ness received. The Turkish wounded prisoners expressed 
themselves with equal gratitude, and it is greatly to the 
credit of the Greeks that they did not make any distinction, 
either on the field of battle or at the hospitals, between them 
and their own wounded. Indeed, the manager of the military 
hospital always said that the strangers were to be attended 
to before the Greeks, Visitors never arrived there empty- 
handed. Some took chocolates, others cigarettes, others 
again took illustrated post-cards. Among these, those with 
M. Veniz^los's portrait were eagerly sought for and thank- 


fully received. Every one seemed to think they could not 
do enough for the soldiers, and, indeed, all ordinary patients 
sank into insignificance before Tommy Atkins, 

Many that did not enlist displayed their patriotism admir- 
ably and unostentatiously. Shopkeepers in Greece generally 
lost heavily through the war. Winter is the season for balls 
and dinner-parties. Where were now the ladies who had 
been in the habit of spending their morning at Hermes 
Street, ordering dresses and hats by the dozen? Even 
mourning materials were lying unsold everywhere, for the 
ladies took to having their dresses dyed. No one could 
spare money for dress, when so much was wanted for the 
soldiers' families, and for the poor dear soldiers too ! It was 
better to send them cigarettes and even loukoums than 
to spend the money on one's self. The very shoemakers 
discovered that ladies no longer ordered boots except when 
theirs were badly worn, and they added that even those were 
very simple. They thought it quite natural that a lady whose 
husband was fighting should not feel , inclined to order 
fancy boots. 

Some shopkeepers, however, made a good deal by the 
war. There was a great demand for blankets, sheeting, and 
other things for the soldiers. But whether they made or 
lost, no one complained. So great was the enthusiasm every- 
where that boys too young to serve would not be left out. 
They became " boy scouts *' and carried messages for the 
War Office. This gave them an unwonted appearance 
of manliness. 

The sale of the newspapers increased tenfold during the 
war, for they sold second and third and even fourth editions, 
some of them consisting only of little slips of paper, often 
no larger than a sheet of notepaper. These were afterwards 
suppressed by the Prime Minister. The sale of the Hesperine, 
the most sensational of the evening papers, whose third edition 
contained more foreign telegrams than all the other papers 
put together, or any other in the world, went up as if by 
magic. Even the most sceptical among the Athenians 


bought the paper for the sake of the excitement which it 
afforded. As the boys went through the streets shouting 
the names of their papers, people rushed out of their houses, 
halfpence in hand, and eagerly bought them up, though 
they contained little enough of war news, for M. Veniz^los 
followed a policy in every respect the contrary of his pre- 
decessor's during the war of 1897, when we had incom- 
petent brag and flagrant unpreparedness. Now we had wise 
measures taken in such silence and secrecy that soldiers 
writing home were not allowed to give the name of the 
place from which they wrote. Martial law was strictly en- 
forced everywhere. During the last war men would assemble, 
loudly discussing the doings of the army and the Govern- 
ment. False reports were constantly set afloat and it was 
said that more men had been killed at Zacharato's fashionable 
cdSi than on the battlefield. But now a feeling of general 
security and confidence in the Prime Minister prevailed 
evetywhere. It was felt an honour as well as a duty to 
serve in the Army, and all were sure of victory. 

In the evening of the 8th of November there was great 
excitement, that is, as Greeks understand it, for nothing is 
more remarkable than the sobriety of public excitement 
here. It was about six in the evening when we received 
the news to which every human being in Greece had 
been looking forward as the great event of the war, the 
surrender of Salonica ! It was a situation closely parallel 
to that in London on receipt of the tidings of the Battle 
of Waterloo. Greeks are well-behaved in public places, I 
admit, but this seemed a time for frantic enthusiasm if ever 
there was such a time. A telegram had actually come 
announcing the capture of Salonica and the mayor had 
ordered illuminations everywhere. I had lived in Greece 
upwards of twenty years and thought I knew Greeks, 
but even I expected to see a more spontaneous outburst. I 
rushed to the balcony overlooking Stadium Street and saw 
the streets densely packed with a sober and phlegmatic 
crowd, displaying about as much enthusiasm as a crowd 


leaving the Oval at the end of an England v. Australia 
cricket match, where the former had been victorious. A 
well-known Britisher was heard to say, "This is a poor 
attempt at Mafficking!" 

All this time the church bells were tolling rather than 
ringing a peal of triumph. Such is a public display of joy 
in this part of the world. No ! there is one thing I have 
forgotten. In Omonia Square a group of Cretans com- 
menced to enthuse after their wont and to fire off their rifles 
and revolvers into the air with a sublime indifference as to 
the mark eventually reached by their bullets. Of the 
hundred and eighty odd thousand inhabitants of Athens 
one man alone was so unfortunate as to come in contact 
with a descending bullet. Next morning the scene was 
changed. Deep gloom and silence prevailed everywhere. 
Gradually it oozed out that the telegram had not been 
official, therefore the news of the capture of Salonica had 
been, at best, premature. Every one waited in breathless 
anxiety as hour after hour went by without bringing any news, 
At length an official telegram, signed by the Crown Prince, 
arrived. This time Salonica was really Greek ! It was true 
that the town had surrendered ! It was true that the Crown 
Prince and his army had entered Salonica in triumph, as 
all hoped, never to give it up ! ' 

Again all the church bells summoned the Athenians to 
a thanksgiving service, again the town was illuminated, and 
again people laughed and wept as they embraced each other 
in mild and sober delight. It may be noted here that these 
rejoicings were so decorous that they never once approached 
rowdiness and there was not a single drunken man to be 
seen. As soon as the Te Deum was ended and congratula- 
tions had been exchanged, every one went home and the 
ladies betook themselves to their sewing-machines with re- 
newed ardour, for there was so much to be done— the brave 
soldiers fighting for their country must be provided with 
warm hoods and those in the hospitals were in need of 
comforting dressing-gowns when they were convalescent 


All dainty fancy work had been laid aside long ago. Ladies 
were now struggling with coarse wool or unwieldy sheets, 
to the detriment of their little fingers. In the old days it 
was impossible to pass before a house in Athens or Phaliron 
without hearing the sound of one or more pianos. Now a 
Greek lady would have been ashamed of sitting at a piano. As 
for singing, they would have been more shocked at it than 
a puritanical old lady by the playing of a waltz on the 
Sabbath. This feeling was carried so far that a lady who 
gave singing lessons at once gave up doing so, though she 
wanted the money greatly for the relief work to which she 
was devoting herself She merely said that " the present 
was not a time for singing." 

Soon the Royal Family, including the Princess Sophie and 
the Princess Alice, migrated to Salonica. Then the Prime 
Minister left for London and all was very quiet in the 
capital. T^e monotony was only broken now and then by 
the arrival of a fresh batch of soldiers. The newspapers had 
been silent for many days. We only knew that the army 
was before the impregnable Janina and was determined to 
take it codte que coHte. It was a herculean task, but they 
could not fail. They were advancing gradually. After all 
what glory was there in an easy victory? As the cold 
increased we thought more and more of those men sur- 
^•ounded by snow ; we remembered Napoleon at Moscow, and 
ve wondered what his men were made of. It was so bitterly 
old in Athens, what must it have been in th^ mountains 
5'f Epirus! ^--^-^ 

"■' Still the Greeks from abroad continued their liberal 
fe>onations. The Society of Succour was receiving contribu- 
jions in kind as well as in money every day. Foreigners, 
,^0, contributed their liberal donations, and foremost among 
^em was Madame Juliette Adam, formerly the editress of 
^■i Nouvelle Revue^ and well known for her strong sympathy 
:h Greece. The Comtesse de Riancourt, who has adopted 
^^ iece as her country, and who had already given proofs 
^ her desire to help " in other ways than words," now came 


forward with the utmost liberality, even placing a pavilion in 
her garden at the disposal of the Greek Ladies* League 
Hospital. The expenses of the relief work increased every 
day as those who had come with money and were too proud 
to ask for help saw their savings gradually dwindle away, and 
as fresh soldiers came. 

After the New Year a few horses came from abroad, and 
gradually motors were seen in the town, while the cab ranks 
began to assume their former appearance again. 

The only dissipation was the cinematograph. A few 
desultory attempts at benefit performances were made, but 
the wind did not sit. in that quarter, and even actresses took 
to nursing as a matter of course. 

And then we often met men who were going home on 
sick leave. Those who were not hopelessly maimed looked 
forward to serving again as soon as they had recovered. 
This feeling was so general that the doctors were constantly 
worried by the men to make them well soon and send^ them 
back to the battle-field. Some added that it was exasperating 
to lie there, on a hospital bed, while their brethren were 
fighting. When asked if they had suffered from cold and 
hunger, they admitted that they had occasionally, but they 
said : " You can't expect to go to the war and not suffer any 
discomforts." Discomforts was a mild term to apply to 
wading up to the waist in almost frozen rivers. The 
wounded who had been the only patients at the beginning 
were now almost outnumbered by the cases of pneumonia, 
pleurisy, and other troubles resulting from the cold, while 
many lost their toes and fingers from frost-bite. Now and 
then an officer died in the hospital. His comrades who 
were able to follow came up, giving the military salute. 
The band played a most impressive funeral march, and the 
soldiers followed with reversed arms. At first there was no 
long file of carriages, but the horses drawing the hearse and 
the two or three wretched beasts that slowly dragged the 
mourners' carriages seemed quite in keeping with the 
melancholy occasion as they went along with bowed heads 


and measured steps. When the carriages became more 
numerous and funerals assumed their old style they seemed 
less sad, for they did not bring the horrors of war so palpably 
before our eyes. 

Meanwhile the cold increased, and all those who had 
belongings fighting at Janina grew more and more anxious 
as day followed day without bringing any news. 

We knew that at the Post Office bags full of letters from 
Epirus were lying unopened. Now and then we heard that 
men were suffering from frost-bite, and that many had been 
found dead at their posts in the morning. People tried to 
be philosophical, and said that everything could hot go 
on for ever in favour of the Greeks. Still no news came. 
Then some began abusing the Prime Minister, but the 
general feeling in his favour continued, and the confidence 
in the man who had done so much for Greece remained 

The Crown Prince, who had remained in Salonica ever 
since its capture, now started for Janina, and all felt hopeful. 
Fresh and vigorous soldiers were dispatched to him, and this 
enabled him to grant sick leave to all those whom the cold 
and fatigue had exhausted. 

Then, after the total absence of war news, Athens was all 
at once electrified by the official telegram announcing the 
fall of Janina. Not content with illuminations this time, 
the schools and guilds organized processions through Athens, 
and many said that, far from this being the end of the war, it 
was but an introduction to the taking of Constantinople, the 
liberating of the territory in Asia Minor, and other wonderful 
feats. The weather was more favourable to public excite- 
ment than it had been at the time of the capture of Salonica, 
and Greeks did seem to *' come up to the scratch " on this 
occasion. There had hardly been time fully to rejoice over 
this event before Athens was plunged into consternation 
by the news of the King's assassination at Salonica by a 
madman. That very afternoon he had been for a walk, 
accompanied by a Dane who was writing his biography 


(Mr. Christmas), and the King had jestingly remarked 
that he was bullet-proof. 

'' Le rot est mort. Vive le rot T' On the 20th of March 
the House of Parliament was decorated within and without, 
and the Crown Prince took the oath^as King of Greece. The 
arrangements for this ceremony did not reflect great credit on 
those who had organized it. Whereas the House can only 
hold three hundred persons, seven hundred tickets of 
admission had been distributed. Besides this, a whole 
regiment of street-arabs entered through the windows while 
men were keeping out the holders of tickets at the point of 
the bayonet. The consequence was that many of the most 
prominent persons of Athens were absent from that ceremony. 
Every balcony was thronged, and the cheering that greeted > 
the Prime Minister was even more enthusiastic than that 
which the new King met with, though that was warm 

In striking contrast to the scene of wild confusion in 
Parliament on that day was the arrival from Salonica 
of the funeral cortege. At the first news of the assassination 
the Queen-Mother had repaired to Salonica with all speed. 
She now returned accompanied by her family. Piraeus had 
been very appropriately decorated with violets for the 
melancholy occasion. As the Royal Party proceeded from 
the port to the station they were followed by all the ministers 
and the diplomatic corps, as well as the Greek bishops from 
all parts of Greece, including those which had been newly 
liberated. The band played the funeral march and the 
National Anthem with due solemnity, while the sailors 
drawing the gun-carriage which bore the bier moved along in 
such perfect order that they seemed as one man. The; 
inhabitants of Athens declared that they had never witnessed 
anything so orderly or so impressive since the days of King 

Though King George was a Protestant, permission was 
obtained from the Patriarch to lay him out in the Metropolis. 
There the decorations were all violet, but these soon 






To face p. i8( 


disappeared beneath the flowers that arrived every 

The burial was conducted with great order and solemnity. 
After accompanying the hearse to the Larissa station every 
one retired except the Royal Family. The remains of the 
King were interred at Tatoi (the Royal Family*s country 
residence), and the service was performed by the Protestant 
Court chaplain. The tomb is now covered with laurel- 
leaves and flowers. 


greek women during the war 

By "Lascaris" 

For many years it has been customary to cry down Athenian 
ladies and to accuse them of an amount of frivolity calculated 
to make their revered grandmothers turn in their graves. 

Old people would shake their heads sadly and ask if these 
empty-headed dolls could possibly belong to the same country 
as the grand Souliot women who had danced in a circle on 
the edge of a precipice, with their children in their arms, and 
every time one of them had reached the brink she had leapt 
into it boldly to escape falling into the hands of the Turks? 
Others would tell of the heroine Bouboulina who, after 
sending her sons to fight by land and herself besieging 
Tripolitsa, had fitted out the vessels in which her dead 
husband had traded, taking command of one of them. There 
was a woman ! No wonder she was created an admiral, for 
there was not a chieftain among them who could listen to her 
fiery speeches without feeling his heart beat faster. And 
they would follow her advice too, for it was worth following ! 

Then they would sneeringly point to the dainty little 
ladies passing before them and add : " Who could believe that 
those things had happened in the year 1821, not a century 
ago, and that Greek women had degenerated into these 
empty-headed butterflies? Why, they would scream and 
faint at the sight of a wound ! and as for facing an enemy, 
they'd fly long before he was in sight, only stopping to see 
that their dresses did not make ungraceful folds!" A less 


superficial observer might have argued that girls who will 
study and master the difficulties of ancient Greek, to say- 
nothing of those of chemistry, mathematics, music, as well as 
two or three foreign languages, could not be hopelessly 

The fact is that we who laugh at Dr. Johnson for his 
contempt of ancient Greeks because they read little, are just 
as apt to judge others by our own standard. To judge 
Greek women fairly one should recollect the conditions 
under which they had lived even as late as the beginning of 
the nineteenth century. 

Previous to the revolution of 182 1 women kept close within 
doors, for they were afraid of attracting the attention of their 
Turkish oppressors. They were never married without 
bringing with them several large chests containing their 
trousseau, which included an ample provision of house-linen, 
and these trousseaux lasted a lifetime, for fashions never 
altered. Expensive as were those velvet boleros, all glittering 
with gold embroidery, they cost less money and above all 
far less thought than the ever-changing^ gossamer dresses of 
the present day. The master of the house bought in all the 
provisions, and on the rare occasions when anything requiring 
selection was wanted, shopkeepers sent their goods to the 
house to be inspected. 

Families led a patriarchal life. All were subject to the 
head of the household, who provided for his sons and 
employed them in his business without ever thinking of 
giving them a salary. At his death the elder son continued 
the family traditions, and the whole family looked up to him 
for orders and protection. Thus a brother never thought of 
marrying till he had found suitable husbands for his sisters 
and provided them with a dowry. To do this he often made 
great sacrifices, and no one admired him for doing what was 
looked upon as an imperative duty. Women looked up to 
their' husbands with such submission that they addressed 
them in the plural, while the husband spoke to his wife in the 
singular. No matter wh^tt the husband's short-comings, 


there was the same stereotyped answer on the part of the 
girl's parents : " He is your husband ; Such was your fate ! " 
Though the Patriarch had the power to grant a divorce, there 
is hardly a case on record of a woman having sued for and 
obtained one. 

Men led very correct lives and seem to have thought only 
of providing for their families, while women prided them- 
selves on managing their homes with order and prudence. 
The household generally included several poor relations, and 
the chief business of the women was the preparing of the 
daughters' trousseaux. Where means were ample the sons 
were often sent to study abroad, but even in Asia Minor 
Greeks had excellent schools for boys. Learning was con- 
sidered indispensable for them. Not so with the girls, who 
were brought up with the idea that marriage was their lot 
and that to be good housewives should be their aim in life. 
The ladies of the wealthiest families occasionally indulged in 
the dissipation of spending an afternoon at each other's 
houses, where embroidery alternated with the handing round 
of sweetmeats, and sometimes they would form a party for 
going to the Turkish bath. Needless to say that these after- 
noons were strictly confined to the ladies, and that men were 
as much apart from women as in the olden times in Greece. 
Even in church the women had a gallery set apart for them, 
where they attended divine service behind a trellis-work. 
Very aristocratic houses had their windows protected by 
trellis-work. Women grew almost to like and be proud of 
this subjection and confinement, which came to be looked 
upon as a sign of distinction. 

From the paternal to the conjugal home there was little 
change. Before marriage the woman obeyed her father and 
mother, after marriage she obeyed her husband and his 
parents. . Though distinctly the master of the household, the 
husband was gentle, and there were never any scenes of 
violence and much less of brutality. 

Greek women had been living in this state of subjection 
without dreaming that, at a short distance from them, there 


were girls who travelled alone, earning their own living, and 
were answerable to no one for their actions. In their most 
ardent yearnings for liberty, Greek women had never 
imagined that this word could possibly mean anything 
beyond emancipation from the Turkish yoke. So deeply 
were these ideas rooted in them that Greek women living 
in Asia Minor, and even in remote provinces of Greece 
proper, have not yet realized that it is possible for women to 
be on a level with men. They still consult their husbands 
on points which it is usual for women to decide alone, and, 
though few absolutely wait on them, it is usual for the heads 
of the households to be served first. 

Uneducated though they were, Greek women had exhibited 
rare bravery and steadfastness of purpose during their period 
of bondage. All this seemed to have vanished with the 
advent of liberty, which went to their heads like wine, and 
their sterling qualities seemed to have been left behind with 
their discarded old-fashioned gowns which had been super- 
seded by the tailor-made dresses of the day. As soon as 
Athenian women began having intercourse with the women 
of other countries, the state of affairs existing there was a 
revelation to them, and as converts are said to be plus catho- 
liques que le pape, these women rushed to the opposite 
extreme as soon as they had shaken off their fetters with 
passionate delight. Then came a servile imitation of 
foreigners, who were worshipped as superior beings. Even 
the great Kanaris, whose picturesque, flowing garments had 
been sung by Victor Hugo, made himself ridiculous by 
donning a coat and trousers, because he thought the dignity 
of a member of Parliament demanded it of him. This 
imitation was not limited to dress, but it soon became the 
fashion to interlard the rich and harmonious language of 
Greece with foreign expressions, while many preferred speak- 
ing French altogether. Unfortunately the spirit of imitation 
did not stop there. It entered into the very core of their 
lives and soon transformed the women from the matrons of 
old to the frivolous creatures before alluded to. 


Besides the novelty of liberty and the desire of imitation, 
it was natural that, in a country where sky and mountains 
invited them to enjoy the surrounding scenery, women (and 
men too), unless they were nuns or monks, should feel little 
inclination to sit at home poring over a stiff book. Those 
who live in the midst of fog and rain have not much tempta- 
tion to leave their comfortable firesides, and when they do it 
is because they are compelled to go to shops or attend a 
meeting, or to pay a call, where they sit in a well-warmed 
room. In Athens people go out for the sake of being out 
and enjoying the bright and glorious sunshine. They sit 
round the small tables with which the pavement in front of 
the caf^s is studded, and friends join them there instead of 
paying formal calls at their houses. People often read news- 
papers at these caf6s, but they would be thought absurd if 
they held heavy books in their hands. The conversation 
there generally turns on politics, and gossip is not excluded 
from it. But how often do our drawing-rooms taboo gossip? 

Another reason why Greek women appear so frivolous is 
their fear of ridicule. To be thought a blue-stocking here 
would be dreadful, and there is not the least reason to feajr 
that suffragettes will ever make their appearance in a country 
where Aristophanes covered strong-minded women with such 
ridicule ! After living in Athens for more than twenty years 
and receiving much kindness and hospitality from her 
inhabitants, I hope I may be pardoned if I venture to set 
down my impression of them, or rather of her women, 
without endeavouring to conceal or gloss over anything. 

Less fascinating than Polish or Hungarian women, less 
business-like than Frenchwomen, with less grasp than 
Russian and less depth than Englishwomen, Greek women 
appear to combine a little of all these attributes. That they 
possess great charm no one that has known them intimately 
will deny. 

Marriage they look upon as the most important business of 
their lives ; and though runaway marriages have sometimes 
taken place here it is usual for a young lady quietly to sub- 


mit to her parents' wishes in these matters, especially when 
she is made to understand the pecuniary advantages she will 
reap from the proposed marriage. If a girl ventured to object 
that she could not love the man in question, she would prob- 
ably be taxed with selfishness, as her remaining unmarried 
would prevent her younger sisters from getting settled in life, 
and that would be the greatest misfortune that could possibly 
happen to them. 

Many girls have been sought for in marriage by men who 
had only seen them at a ball or during a walk. The young 
ladies have never raised any objections to these marriages ; 
of course, after the father had made the necessary inquiries. 
The strange part is that girls thus married make most 
devoted mothers. They are horrified at Frenchwomen who 
put their children out to nurse. The most worldly Greek 
woman will find time, between her parties and milliners, to 
spend several hours with her children. Indeed, the youngsters 
are often allowed to dine with their parents when they would 
be better in bed. 

Despite their great interest in their children and their love 
of pleasure, some of these ladies are active enough to be on 
the committees of hospitals, schools, and other institutions. 
Some visit prisons, others preside over societies for teaching 
dressmaking, cookery, etc. 

Such was Athens and such were her ladies before the war 
with Turkey broke out. The moment war was declared the 
Athenian ladies were transformed. It is hardly an exaggera- 
tion to say that those prettily-dressed dolls suddenly deve- 
loped into heroines. Then people remembered how the 
League of Greek Women, who doubtless longed for universal 
peace quite as ardently as their sisters in happier countries, 
had refused to pass a resolution similar to that passed by the 
sister associations in Great Britain, the United States of 
America, and elsewhere, denouncing war. Their motive was 
explained to the delegate of an association who visited 
Athens with the words, " We cannot conscientiously pass 
this resolution so long as our sisters remain beneath the 



Turkish yoke." And they proved that these were no empty 
words. It reminded one of the old Spartan days to see 
sisters without a tear in their eyes when taking leave of their 
brothers who were starting for the front, and mothers smiling 
while wishing their sons success and a happy return. Every 
one allows that Greek men fought bravely, but it is equally 
undeniable that they have received valuable assistance and 
encouragement from their women-folk. 

Sad, nay horrible, as war is, all must agree with the Russian 
writer who says that it brings out some of the finest qualities 
in human nature. The Balkan War has certainly done so in 
the case of Athenian women. One and all, they have cheer- 
fully given up time as well as money and every amusement 
to devote themselves, heart and soul, to the relief of the 
families the soldiers had left behind ; while others, in 
following the army and nursing the wounded, have en- 
dured hardships from which a Spartan might have 

Those who have visited Athens and been surprised at the 
number of her philanthropical institutions, may not be aware 
that they are almost all due to the initiative of women, from 
the orphanage for girls, which was founded by the late Queen 
Amalia and bears her name, to the Evangelismos Hospital 
founded by the Queen Olga, and so greatly improved by 
Mme. Syngros at her expense. 

If space permitted I would recall all that women have done 
in establishing a large building for spinning and weaving the 
native hand-made silks and for making pillow-lace, Oriental 
carpets, and, in short, everything that can be made by hand, 
thereby providing work for women from every part of Greece; 
in founding hospitals for incurables, orphanages, and many 
useful societies, such as the one for disinfecting the houses of 
the poor, but I must limit myself strictly to the work done by 
the ladies of Athens during the war. This is why I cannot 
deal with the League of Greek Women in all its branches* 
admirable as it is. One section of it, however, is closely 
connected with the war. It is the " National Section." This 


section has provided fifty beds famished with bedclothes and 
mattresses for the hospital managed by the League of Greek 
Women, of which they do all the nursing. 

The ladies' of this League rendered most valuable help to 
the Society for Relief This Society has undertaken to look 
after the families of the soldiers. In every parish there were 
two and sometimes three ladies of the League who inquire 
into the circumstances of every family and write out orders 
for food, medical assistance, and even clothes and bedding. 
In the case of infants and invalids the ladies give orders for 
milk. Besides the soup kitchens, at which a hundred and 
fifty ladies worked daily, cutting up loaves and ladling out 
food, the ladies of the League superintended a creche, where 
reservists' wives could leave their children up to the age of 
six, from morning till night, being free to take in sewing or 
go out to work. Though a governess was engaged to super- 
intend the children and teach the elder ones reading and 
writing, two or three of the ladies of the League were in daily 
attendance and saw that the children were properly cared for. 
The rosy cheeks of the little boys and girls were a proof of 
the goodness of the fare provided for them. 

Besides the kitchens, at which a hundred and fifty soldiers' 
families were 'relieved daily, a few ladies set up private 
kitchens at their own houses, where they undertook to 
provide food for some two hundred mouths daily. 

A gentleman having kindly placed his house at the dis- 
posal of the Society, they installed a temporary hospital 
there for receiving members of soldiers' families that required 
nursing or operations. There, too, the ladies of the League 
undertook the whole of the nursing and acquitted themselves 
to the entire satisfaction of the doctors. Considering how 
little previous experience these ladies had had, the power of 
organization they displayed was really marvellous. 

I must not forget the Lyceum Club, which was founded 
with the modest object of cultivating Greek customs and 
dances and encouraging Greek industries. The furniture in 
this modest little club was designed by the ladies themselves 


from ancient pottery and sculpture. The rooms are every, 
where decorated with handsome embroidery made in the 
country. This club has already given several entertainments, 
at which the dances peculiar to certain islands and provinces 
of Greece were performed with great success. As soon as the 
war began to be talked of, the leaders of the Lyceum Club, 
with Mme. Parren, a compatriot of M. Venizdlos, at their 
head, showed that they were " made of sterner stuff." The 
first thing they did was to organize ambulance lectures, with 
the result that when the time came they were able to send 
three hundred nurses to the various hospitals which were 
started in and out of Athens for the sick and wounded 
soldiers. These ladies had been allowed to get practice at 
the cliniques of the doctors whose lectures they had attended. 
The good work they did during the war proves how much 
they had profited by their training. 

Seeing how many posts had been left vacant by the men 
who had gone to the front, the ladies of the Lyceum Club 
exerted themselves to obtain work for the wives and sisters of 
the soldiers by recommending them as bank clerks and sales- 
women in shops. They also asked the Ministry to give all 
the soldiers' uniforms and underclothing to be sewn by the 
families of those who had gone to the war. Thanks to all 
these measures, the families of the soldiers were saved from 
want and the State was spared a heavy expense which it 
could ill-afford. 

The Athenian ladies who did not become ambulance nurses 
betook themselves to their sewing-machines, at which they 
worked incessantly. They gave up everything to stitch from 
morning till night at sheets, pillow-cases, and clothing for the 
wounded ; while others sewed warm under- waistcoats and 
knitted hoods for the soldiers. 

The Royal Palace, as well as the Princesses' residences and 
several private mansions in Athens, soon assumed the appear- 
ance of warehouses, from the bales of blankets, linen, flannel, 
and provisions of every kind that poured in daily from all 
quarters. Everywhei^ ladies were busy cutting out things, 




which other ladies called for every day and dispatched with 
wonderful rapidity. 

I cannot conclude without touching on the hospitals, in 
which Greek women have worked so admirably under the 
leadership of the foreign-born princesses of the Royal Family 
of Greece. The Atlantis, a Greek paper published in 
America, made an appeal to the women of America on 
behalf of the Greeks. This appeal was so liberally re- 
sponded to by Greeks and Americans that the Atlantis was 
able to send ;£'40,ooo to the Crown Princess Sophie. At 
the same time the German Archaeological School placed 
its premises at her disposal. Consequently, after handing 
over part of this sum to already established hospitals, the 
Crown Princess, who is known for her powers of organization, 
established three hospitals, one for officers and two for 
soldiers. Till she went to Salonica, Princess Sophie visited 
these hospitals daily and was most kind to the patients 

Princess Marie, the wife of Prince George, gave a hundred 
thousand francs for fitting up a floating hospital in which the 
wounded might be transported to Athens. This hospital 
was a model of up-to-date comfort. It was placed under an 
able French doctor. Princess Marie often travelled with the 
wounded and really looked after them, assisted by her staff 
of Greek lady nurses of the Blue Cross. These ladies took it 
in turns to go and fetch the wounded. When they re- 
mained in Athens they worked at a hospital near Omonia 

Princess Marie was not content with the admirable floating 
hospital, but also worked at the hospital in the Military 
School, visiting it daily when in Athens and spending 
lavishly on providing comforts and delicacies for the patients. 
Beside^ this she gave a daily allowance of three francs per 
head for every officer there, that they might be provided with 
more choice food than the regulation diet. Princess Marie 
was ably seconded by Mme. Pana, the widow of a 
distinguished Greek doctor in Paris. This lady came over 


as soon as the war began and worked ably and unremittingly 
till the end. 

Princess Helen, the wife of Prince Nicholas, had railway 
carriages fitted with stretchers which rendered it easy to 
carry the wounded to Athens in comfort. On reaching 
Athens they were placed in special trams, which conveyed 
them to various hospitals. There, too, a princess travelled 
with them and really looked after the wounded, and the 
Greek lady nurses rendered valuable assistance, still con- 
tinuing to work in the hospitals when not actually travelling 
backwards and forwards. 

Princess Alice, a great-granddaughter of Queen Victoria 
and the wife of Prince Andrew, followed the army from the 
very beginning of the war in her motor-car, and undertook 
the superintendence of the hospital nearest the front at each 
stage of the advance. With her staff of Greek lady nurses 
the Princess established a hospital in every town which she 
visited. So hard did these ladies work that they rarely found 
time to sit down to a meal. Many a time they suffered from 
discomforts that would have frightened their maids. It is 
well known that Princess Alice herself spent a night on the 
bare boards and that she went without food for more than 
twenty-four hours. So thoroughly did she enter into the 
work she had undertaken that she was more than once 
mistaken for a nurse as she moved about among the 
wounded in her cap and apron. 

A few ladies, among whom was the sister of the hero Paul 
Melas, went to the battle-field before the ambulance men 
could reach it with their stretchers. These ladies carried 
brandy to the wounded and staunched their wounds in haste 
to prevent loss of blood till they could be properly treated. 
After making their way through the dead to assist the living, 
and often lifting the dead from off them, these ladies did not 
leave the battle-field till they had prepared the dead for 
burial Long after the others had left the spot these brave 
women might have been seen at their self-imposed melancholy 
work, endeavouring to ascertain the names of the dead and 


inscribing them on the rude cross they set above the men's 
graves that their friends might be enabled to identify the 
place later on. 

A few months hence, when these same ladies will be seen 
dancing gracefully in a ball-room, who will believe that they 
displayed such courage and abnegation only a short time 
before ? 

Women who are capable of such truly heroic conduct 
without losing any of their charm or gentleness can afford 
to scorn the criticism of those who think that strength of 
purpose is inseparable from large feet, ill-fitting garments, 
and an expensive dexterity in the use of the suffragette's 



Considerable surprise has been expressed among those 
who have not closely followed the recent developments of 
economic conditions in Greece at the apparent ease with 
which that country has sustained the financial strain to 
which the mobilization of her Army and the recent campaign 
necessarily subjected her. After the war of 1897 the country 
was practically without resources ; national bankruptcy had 
been declared in 1893, ^^^ ^^^ credit was at a very low ebb. 
Greece, nevertheless, was able to embark on her recent war 
against Turkey with ample funds in hand. To understand 
this seeming paradox and obtain a clear conception of her 
economic condition, it is advisable to go back to her early 
days and briefly to review her financial history from 
that time down to the present. 

During the War of Independence all the Greeks who were 
then struggling to throw off the Turkish yoke and gain their 
liberty were able to borrow in Western Europe, but for the 
money which they raised they were subjected to usurious 
conditions, the S per cent. Loan of Independence for 
;£"2,8oo,ooo having to be issued in 1824 and 1825 at the 
unprecedentedly low prices of 50 and 56J. When indepen- 
dence was finally declared the Great Powers committed not 
only a great political blunder but a crime against civilization, 
for instead of granting independence to all the Greeks who 
had risen against Turkey and had contracted the above- 
mentioned loan they limited the new Greek State to such a 


small tract of territory that only a few hundred thousands 
out of the eight or ten millions of Greeks who inhabited the 
Turkish Empire obtained the boon of freedom. Moreover 
besides the restricted area of the land, its nature was such 
that the country was not self-supporting. Is it then to be 
wondered at that the people of free Greece, on whose 
shoulders the whole of that loan was saddled, should have 
been unable to continue to pay the interest on it after 
two years ? 

After the accession of Otho of Bavaria to the Greek throne 
in 1833 the young State was able to negotiate a 5 per cent, 
loan of (;£'2,400,ooo) 60,000,000 francs at the price of about 
70, by the assistance of France, Great Britain, and Russia, 
who guaranteed the principal and interest. Under his able 
rule, in the face of incredible difficulties, the country 
slowly progressed until in the eyes of the Western Powers 
the Hellenic element in the East began to look dangerous 
to the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, to preserve which at 
all costs was their policy. By their intrigues and wire-pulling 
they induced the inexperienced Greeks to depose King 
Otho on the 22nd of October, 1862. 

In April, 1863, the late King George, then Prince 
Wilhelm of Sonderburg-Glucksburg, was elected to the vacant 
throne with the title of King of the Hellenes. He was very 
young at the time, totally inexperienced in statecraft, and 
scarcely fitted to govern such an impulsive and unruly race 
as the Greeks then were ; moreover, he was handicapped by 
a constitution which relegated the sovereign to the position 
of a mere figure-head. Great Britain, under the government 
of Mr. Gladstone, who was an ardent Philhellene, by ceding 
the Ionian Islands to Greece, gave the country a fresh start 
with an accession of territory and population ; but progress 
was slow, for though demagogues were numerous, no states- 
men of ability arose, and ministry succeeded ministry in 
rapid rotation with no apparent object beyond that of pro- 
viding posts for their respective supporters. The change of 
monarchs had thrown Greece baCk for years, and the almost 


continual state of insurrection in Crete threw a severe strain 
upon the little kingdom, which not unnaturally did all in its 
power to assist its most persecuted countrymen. Thus for 
many years little or nothing was done to develop the 
country ; moreover, material growth of public and private 
wealth was impossible so long as the country could not 
produce sufficient of the staff of life to feed its own popu- 
lation. This was only partially remedied after the annexa- 
tion of Thessaly in 1881. Meanwhile, in 1879, M. J. 
Gennadius, now Greek Minister in London, then acting as 
Chargd d' Affaires, succeeded by his untiring efforts and able 
diplomacy after long negotiations in coming to an agree- 
ment with Greece's old bond-holders by which the bonds of 
the 1824-S loan were converted into new 5 per cent, bonds 
on favourable terms. For this purpose a new loan of 
;^ 1, 200,000 was issued, most of this being absorbed by the 
conversion ; but the money markets being no longer closed 
against her, Greece was also able to borrow a further 
(;£'2,400,ooo) 60,000,000 francs at 6 per cent., the loan being 
issued at the price of 82^ in Paris. 

In 1 88 1 M. Tricoupis came into power with a working 
majority, and he not failing to recognize that it was only by 
the development of her natural resources, her commerce and 
industries, that Greece could make any material progress 
towards national prosperity, immediately gave his attention 
to reorganizing the country's finances. His poHcy soon suc- 
ceeded in establishing confidence at home and abroad, and 
thus capital, so necessary for the development of the 
country, was obtained on favourable terms. He drew up 
a comprehensive programme for the construction of roads 
and railways, for drainage and irrigation, and for the pro- 
vision of an adequate fleet, for he fully believed in the 
realization of a Greater Greece to be formed by the libera- 
tion of the Hellenic provinces and islands of the Otto^nan 
Empire. But he made the fatal error of trying to bite off 
more than he could chew ; he borrowed too fast, paid the 
interest on old loans out of the proceeds of new ones, and in 


one instance diverted the proceeds of the Railway Loan 
of 1890 to other uses, a very questionable proceeding. His 
intentions and motives were, however, good, and it is quite 
possible, nay, it is even probable, that had he remained in 
power continuously from 1881 till 1893 he would have 
succeeded in making both ends meet, for progress was 
marked and the increasing revenues would soon have sufficed 
to meet the charges on all the new loans. Unhappily for 
Greece the Government of M. Delijannis alternated with that 
of M. Tricoupis, and during his terms of office that demagogue 
did his best to undo the good wrought by his opponent, and 
even went so far as to abolish new taxes imposed by 
M. Tricoupis in order to court ephemeral popularity. M. 
Tricoupis was in power from 1881 till April, 1885, from the 
summer of 1886 till October, 1890, and from May, 1892, till 
the late spring of 1893, and finally from December, 1893, 
till December, 1894. M- Delijannis was Premier during the 
intervals except for a few months in 1892 and in 1893, when 
Messrs. Constantopoulos and Rhally respectively formed 
short-lived ministries. Greece, under M. Tricoupis, borrowed 
;f 4,800,000 at S per cent, in 1881, issued at 74; ;£"6,200,ooo at 
S per cent, in 1884, issued at 68J ; ;^s,400,ooo at 4 per cent, in 
1887 on the special security of monopolies upon cigarette- 
paper, playing-cards, tobacco, matches, petroleum, and salt, 
administered by an independent company specially charged 
to remit out of these revenues the annual sums required for 
the service of the 1887 loan, which, on the basis of such an 
exceptional guarantee, was issued at the high price of 78J ; 
in 1889, the national credit having further improved, 
;^6,20o,ooo of 4 per cent. Rentes were issued in two portions, 
at 72 and y'j\ respectively; and finally in 1890 the Piraeus- 
Larissa Railway 5 per cent, loan for ;£^3,S9S,ooo was issued 
in two portions, at 93 and 86 respectively ; this loan was 
raised for the construction of the above-named railway, but 
as before mentioned, M. Tricoupis diverted its proceeds to 
the general expenses of the administration. The construc- 
tion of that sorely-needed trunk line was in consequence 


delaye(y for many years. In all, therefore, during the ten 
years from 1881 to 1890 Greece, under the various ministries 
of M. Tricoupis, borrowed more than ;^2S,ooo,ooo; but 
owing to all these loans having to be issued at various prices 
under par, the total sum received by the public treasury did 
not exceed ;£"i 8,000,000. Greece has but little to show, in 
return for such a large increase of indebtedness. In the 
spring of 1893 Greece had practically contracted a large 
loan on very favourable terms on the security of revenues to 
be administered by an international commission. The prin- 
ciple of this was definitely accepted by M. Tricoupis,. but at 
the last moment, mortified by factious opposition at home, 
which was fostered by the Court, he, in spite of commanding 
a majority in the Boule or Chamber, suddenly handed in his 
resignation, leaving the national finances in a disastrous 
state of confusion. 

M. Rhally, who succeeded him, had to meet all the July 
coupons within a few weeks with an empty treasury and 
practically no credits abroad. Under these circumstances 
the coupons on the specially secured Monopoly Loan of 
1887 were paid in full out of the funds in the hands of the 
Monopoly Company, and the coupons of the other loans were 
paid in scrip of a new 5 per cetit Funding Loan, which, 
with the guarantees which it was to have, would have been 
readily saleable, but M. Tricoupis, then in opposition, imnie- 
diately started a violent agitation against this arrangement. 
Having come into power again at the end of the year he at 
once proceeded to an act of national and, as many consider, 
quite unjustifiable bankruptcy, for he confiscated the revenues 
which were in the hands of the Monopoly Company, abro- 
gated the special guarantees of the 1887 loan, threw all the 
loans, including the newly-created Funding Loan, into the 
melting-pot, and, refusing even to consult the bondholders, 
arbitrarily cut down the interest on all the loans to 30 per 
cent, of the original rate. When representatives of the bond-" 
holders in Athens urged him to consent to the bondholders, 
at any rate, being permitted to participate proportionally 


in any future increase of the public revenues, he curtly and 
definitely declined to accede to this moderate request. 
M; Tricoupis did not remain in power long, for he resigned 
in December, 1894, and never again assumed office. He 
died at Cannes in April, 1896, but his last act when in power 
not only permanently damaged his own reputation, but 
totally alienated from Greece the sympathies of European 
financiers. It was evident that one disaster would lead to 
another, for the economic chaos in which he left the country 
was the chief cause of the deb&cle in 1897, when M. Delijannis, 
who had been in power since December, 1894, plungecj Greece 
into the unfortunate war against Turkey and actually com- 
pelled the King to dismiss him, this being the only time 
he exercised this prerogative during his long reign. 

Yet of M. Tricoupis it niust be remembered that he was 
the only Greek statesman who worked to any purpose for 
the industrial progress of the country, and if it were not 
for him Greece would scarcely have been in a position to 
embark upon the Balkan War with sufficient material 
resources at her disposal. 

It has been shown that the bankruptcy of Greece dated 
from 1893 and not from the 1897 war. That disaster, how- 
ever, much aggravated the deplorable financial straits of the 
country. In 1898 England, France, and Russia came to 
Greece's assistance by guaranteeing a 2 J per cent, loan of 
(;^6,ooo,ooo) 1 50,000,000 francs, issued at par, out of which 
the war indemnity to Turkey was paid. At the same time 
Greece was compelled to accept an international financial 
commission, increase the rate on the 1887 loan, and grant to 
all classes of its bondholders a participation in any improve- 
ment of the revenues assigned to the service of the public 
debt, their administration being placed in the hands of the 
foreign commission. The amount yielded by these revenues 
was more than sufficient for the payment of the interest 
at the minimum rates then agreed upon, an annual sinking 
fund, and the service of the new loans ; and so it was 
arranged that out of the surplus remaining in the hands of 


the Control at the end of each year certain percentages 
should be allotted towards {a) the increase of the rate of 
interest on the old loans, (U) the increase of the sinking- fund 
for debt redemption, [c) the Government. 

It should here be pointed out that the Control thus 
established did no more than supervise ; thus the revenues 
assigned to the service of the public debt, which, besides the 
monopolies, consisted of the Naxos emery receipts, dues on 
stamps and tobacco, and the Piraeus Customs duties, were 
not collected by the International Commission but by the 
Government, which paid them to the National Bank of 
Greece to the credit of the Commission. Moreover, the 
surplus over the minimum rate stipulated was so large that 
the Commission did not trouble to use its influence for steps 
to be taken towards an increase of the yield of the assigned 
revenues. All that was done, notably for increasing the 
production of emery, was entirely due to the initiative of 
the Government. 

It must be borne in mind that Greece actually encashed 
less than three-quarters of the nominal amounts which she 
borrowed from i88i to 1890, and an examination of the 
Budgets from 1881 to 1898 shows that at least one-third 
of the amount received was absorbed by the extraordinary 
expenses forced upon her by the incoherent policy of Europe 
in regard to Crete and the continual state of insurrection, 
combined with the inevitable acts of repression, in which 
that island remained. Lastly, the finances, commerce, and 
industries of the kingdom were further handicapped by the 
depreciation of the currency and the high rate of foreign 
exchange, the results of the forced paper currency, which had 
been abolished by M. Tricoupis in 1881, being again im- 
posed upon the country by M. Delijannis in September, 1885. 
All these causes combined to produce a series of deficits in 
the Budgets till 1898. 

That year wasj however, the turning point in the financial 
affairs of the country. An agreement having been reached 
with her foreign bondholders, Greece, besides the 2\ per cent. 


Guaranteed Loan, raised an Internal Unified Loan of 
(;^3,oi4,ooo) 75,350,000 drachmas, bearing 5 per cent, interest, 
issued at par ; this loan was absolutely necessary to cover 
the above-mentioned deficits and to liquidate the outstanding 
war and other extraordinary expenses. 

After that unfortunate war Greece was governed, or 
misgoverned, by more or less incompetent Ministries till 
1909, when the Military League drove them all from power 
and, by the appointment to the Premiership of M. Stephen 
Dragoumis in January, 1910, led up to the advent to office of 
that great statesman, the regenerator of Greece, M. Eleutherios 
Venizelos, who was entrusted with the formation of a Ministry 
in September of that year. 

During the years 1899-1909 recovery from the depression 
caused by the war was at first very slow, but in 1900 a further 
internal loan of (;^470,ooo) 11,750,000 drachmas, bearing 
5 per cent, interest, was issued at 93, with the proceeds of 
which the urgently-needed Pyrgos-Meligala (Peloponnesian) 
Railway was constructed. In 1902, with the restoration of 
confidence owing to the satisfactory results of international 
supervision, Greece was able to negotiate a foreign railway 
loan for (;£'2,205,ooo) 56,250,000 drachmas at 4 per cent, 
interest, secured on the percentage of the surplus revenues in 
the hands of the control which reverted to the Government. 
This amounted to several million francs, and provided a very 
ample security for the service of the new loan, which was 
consequently issued at 75. With this amount work was 
resumed on the long delayed railway from Piraeus to Larissa, 
and its construction was completed in 1907-8. Before 
this the rate of foreign exchange had risen to the high-water 
mark of 165 drachmas for 100 francs, and remaimed round 
about that figure till 1903. 

In the meantime the prices of all imported articles had 
risen very greatly, causing a proportionate rise in the cost of 
living. Reliefcame from a quite unexpected quarter. Towards ^ 
the end of 1903 the rate of exchange began falling, and it was 
noticed that remittances were reaching the country from 


Greek emigrants in America, who had rapidly made mone^ 
there and began sending their savings home. By 1905 these re- 
mittances reached high figures, and continued to increase until 
1910, when they actually amounted to more than ;^i, 500^000. 
At the same time other causes were at work. Several 
good harvests increased the home production of cereals, thus 
diminishing the importation of wheat and flour ; the accumu- 
lation of private wealth increased and large sums were 
invested in foreign securities, the interest on which flowed 
into the country. Cash deposits in the banks were rising, 
industries were expanding, and above all, there was a marked 
and continual increase in the number of steamships owned 
by Greeks, which being economically worked by these un- 
matched sailors, brought large profits into the country. All 
these factors were turning the trade balance in favour of 
-Greece, and their combined effect was a continual fall in the 
rate of exchange till it reached par in the year 1909, since 
when it has remained nearly stationary with a downward 
tendency. Thi^ is a phenomenon which is probably unique 
in the financial history of the world, for the paper currency of 
the country was all the time inconvertible. 

By 1909 the financial, agricultural, commercial, and indus- 
trial progress of the country was much accelerated. In that 
year an equilibrium in the Budget was established for the 
first time in its history, and in 19 10, when Greece was able to 
obtain an advance of (;£" 1,600,000) 40,000,000 drachmas at par 
at 5 per cent, interest, she finished the year with a surplus of 
(;^297,5io) 7,437,763 drachmas in the ordinary Budget, and an 
unspent balance out of the (;^ 1,600,000) 40,000,000 drachmas 
advance of (;^i,070,SS3) 26,763,845 drachmas. In 191 1 the 
credit of the nation had improved to such an extent that the 
Government was able to issue (;^4,4OO,000) 110,000,000 
drachmas of the loan for (^6,000,000) 1 50,000,000 drachmas 
authorized in 1910 at the rate of 4 per cent, interest at Z^\\ 
it thus encashed (;^3,68 1,600) 92,400,000 drachmas, and after 
repaying the last year's advance of (^1,600,000) 40,000,000- 
drachmas and (^^225,216) 5,630,400 drachmas for the expenses 


of the loan and for the cost of establishing refugees from 
Turkey in Thessaly, it carried over to 191 2 a Budget surplus 
of (^47g',242) 11,881,164 drachmas, and an unspent balance 
out of the loan of (^^4,400,000) 110,000,000 drachmas of 
(^1,870,962) 46,774,064 drachmas. Adding to these two 
amounts the credit balances from 19 10, the Government 
found itself with a cash balance in hand of no less than 
(;^3,7i4,27o) 92,856,768 drachmas, which it preserved intact 
till the mobilization commenced in October of that year. 
Thus Greece was able to enter upon the war against Turkey 
with a cash balance at her disposal of nearly ^4,000,000 

An admirable expose of Greek finance is given in the 
masterly speech delivered to the Boule, the Greek Chamber 
of Deputies, on the Sth of March last, by the Minister pi 
Finances, M. Diomedes, when he introduced the Provisional 
Budget for 1913. The pr6cis with quotations of that speech 
which now follows will give the reader a full understand- 
ing of the present economic condition of the Hellenic 

M. Diomedes began by explaining that this Budget is pro- 
visional because it deals only with the section of Greece 
hitherto free, whereas the glorious events of the last months 
will in due course necessitate important alterations in the 
Budget to meet the wants of the Greater Greece of to- 
morrow. He then proceeded to review the financial results 
of the years 1911 and 1912. The estimates for 1911 of his 
predecessor, M. Coromilas, v/ere : 


Ordinary revenue 138,730,503 

Ordinary expenses i37>863,300 

Surplus 867,203 

These estimates have been criticized as far too opti- 
mistic; but in spite of extra unforeseen but fully justifiable 
expenses amounting to 4,889,822 drachmas, the year 
ended with an actual realized surplus of 11,881,064 



But besides the Ordinary Budget there were in 191 1 extra- 
ordinary receipts and expenses as follows : 


The issue of no million francs out of the 
External Loan of 1 50 million francs 
authorized in 1910 realized 


Repayment of advance of 40 million 
drachmas received in 1910 

Expenses of loan and of settling Greek 
refugees from Turkey in Thessaly 

Surplus of Extraordinary Budget in 191 1 ... 

Consequently the credit balances 
brought forward fronn 191 1 were: | 

Ordinary surplus .^, 

Extraordinary surplus 

To this must be added the credit 
balances from 1910 : 

Ordinary surplus 

Extraordinary surplus 

Total credit balance from iqio and 1911 ... 








58,655,160 ' 


... . I Biii 

He continued : " These figures seem somewhat staggering 
to us who are not accustomed to such easy conditions of the 
public treasury. Nevertheless the figures are real, and 
the Greek Government actually had these amounts at its 
disposal, as was proved by the published monthly statements 
of deposits by the banks in Greece and abroad. . . . These 
were the final results of the financial administration of 191 1. 
To an unbiassed observer they represent a picture of energetic 
and careful management of the public funds ; they furnish, 
moreover, clear indications of the economical prosperity of 
the country." 



He then went on to review the fiscal results of the year 
191 2. He pointed out that during the normal period of this 
year before the war the yield of the various taxes voted 
showed a substantial increase, although the duty on sugar 
had been lowered to about one-half its former high rate, and 
the cereal crops were abundant, thus causing a substantial 
decrease of imports ; the results of the whole year, in spite of 
the unsettlement caused by the ^war, were beyond question 

Comparison of Yield of Taxation in 1911 and 1912. 
First 8 months from January to August, 

191 1 

Treasury Receipts. 

Customs Receipts. 







a difference in favour of 1912 of over four million drachmas, 
and this result was obtained in face of a diminution of 
2,657,000 drachmas in sugar duties owing to the decreased 

Last four Months from September to the end of 

THE Year. 

September receipts 
October „ 

November „ 
December „ 




Decrease 1912, 

48,211,000 37,176,000 11,035,000 

These figures show that in spite of the war and the 
restriction in activity which it caused in all branches 
of business and professions in general, the economic life 
of the country has suffered but little, having at most 
^ somewhat slackened the rapidity of its progress. For the 
whole year the receipts only fall short of those of 191 1 by 
6,973,000 drachmas. 

A closer analysis of the receipts shows that the decreases 


were practically confined to taxes derived from transactions 
which were almost brought to a standstill by the war, the 
Courts of Law, for instance, such decreases being far smaller 
than were to be expected. Some of the direct taxes, such as 
those on tobacco, alcohol, monopolies, posts, and telegraphs; 
even show a slight increase on the estimates, thus giving 
clear indications of the progressive productiveness of the 
country and the growing capacity of consumption of the 
population even during the unsettled conditions which 

The customs receipts also show most encouraging results, 
the actual amount collected only falling short of the 
40,000,000 drachmas, estimated by 702,303 drachmas. 

A few details about the sugar duties are very instructive. 
In 191 1, in which year the revenue of the country reached its 
highest mark, the importation of sugar recorded was 9,553,813 
kilos, yielding 7,000,079 drachmas, a quantity so small for 
the population that obviously the balance consumed was 
smuggled. In 1912, when the reduced duty was in force for 
ten months and ten days, M. Coromilas had budgeted for an 
importation of 10,000000 kilos, yielding only 5,000,000 
drachmas, but the actual importation was 12,515,150 kilos, 
yielding 5,990,349 drachmas, or an increase on the estimates 
of 999,349 drachmas, in spite of the crisis before and during 
the war, and the fact that the Government imported large 
quantities of sugar free of duty for the use of the Army, Navy, 
and the refugees and other destitute families. These figures, 
which it was only expected to reach after several years, were 
attained within one year. This result is most satisfactory, and 
not only because it shows what a vast diminution there has 
been in smuggling, but because it affords valuable data of 
the benefits that can accrue to the Treasury from lower 
import duties. 

The import duties on cereals show a reduction on the last 
year's of 4,444,000 drachmas, partly owing to the better home 
harvests and partly owing to the free importation of food 
stuffs for the use of the Army. Other revenues show but 



slight changes, so it may be safely inferred that the effects of 
the war have not radically injured commerce. 

The revenues of each fiscal year cannot be collected within 
its course, but judging from the receipts of January and 
February of this year, which have shown considerable 
elasticity, it may confidently be asserted that the total 
revenue of 1912 will finally only fall short of the estimates 
by about 12,000,000 drachmas. 

He then reviewed the probable figures which the actual 
expenses of 191 2 will reach: 

The ordinary expenses were estimated in the Budget at 
Supplementary credits found necessary 





'• Extraordinary expenses entailed by the war ; 

Ministry of Finance, special expenses ... 
„ „ Foreign Affairs, special expenses . 
„ „ the Interior, special expenses 
„ „ Wars extraordinary expenses 
commandeering „ 
commandeering „ 

„ transports 

Ministry of Marine, extraordinary expenses 

Total extraordinary expenses in 191 2 
„ ordinary expenses in 1912 









He sums up as follows : "The actual figures of the Budget 
of 191 2, when realized, following the same course as those of 
1910 and 191 1, would certainly likewise have been balanced 
with a surplus, because the actual yield of all taxes during 
the eight months of that year before the war broke out were 
such as amply to justify such a conclusion. Moreover, as the 
unspent credits amount, as far as we can see to-day, to 
8,000,000 drachmas, and in all probability will reach 9,600,000, 


we may reckon that the deficit of the Ordinary Budget of 
191 2 will not exceed 8,ooo,cxx) or 9,000,000 drachmas, a 
deficit absolutely justifiable in such abnormal circumstances. 

Introducing the Budget for 1913, he pointed out that this 
in the main is a replica of its predecessor. It embodies no 
new economic principles, nor does it foreshadow the financial 
measures which the Government intend to introduce j it can 
only assume its definite shape later on when it will be 
possible to announce the financial policy of the Ministry and 
to estimate with accuracy whether it will show a deficit 
or not. 

The Budget shows the figures for 1913 as they workout 
on the basis of the existing fiscal laws, modified by the 
abnormal conditions caused by the war. Important changes 
or additions will be referred to in greater detail. 

The Ordinary Budget for 191 3 shows the following 
figures : 



Extraordinary receipts from loan and 
Receipts from territories occupied 

Extra expenses War Ministry ... 
„ „ Ministry of Marine 

Expenses of administration of occupied 

Grants to the Treasury of National Defence 
and the Fleet 

Ministry of the Interior for increase of salaries 
of gendarmerie and maintenance of re- 




1 1,000,000 






The estimated expenses of the Provisional Ordinary 
Budget for 1913 show an increase of 8,080,000 drachmas over 
the corresponding figures for 191 2. But, as already men- 
tioned, in 191 2 supplementary credits of 7,296,869 drachmas 
were found necessary from unavoidable causes ; " we have 
therefore tried, in the new Budget, to include all credits 


which past experience has taught us as necessary, to avoid 
new demands later on, to the disturbance of the entire 
economy of the Budget." The extra expenses arise chiefly 
from the following sources : 

Drachmas. Drachmas. 

Service of National Debt increase 1,024,666 

Increase of pensions 815,414 

Ministry of Finance, increase for administration 
of occupied country and grant to Treasury of 
National Defence and of the National Fleet... 12,345,463 

Ministry of the Exterior, decrease ... ... 150,000 

Ministry of Interior, increase for gendarmerie, 
refugees, posts and telegraphs, and road con- 
struction 2,501,874 

Ministry of Public Instruction, increase '' ... 525,845 

Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, increase 
for new territories 468,036 

Ministry of Marine, increase 3,000,000 

Ministry of Justice, „ 184,245 

But besides the increased expenses in the Ordinary Budget 
which arise out of the war conditions the receipts will be also 
affected by the same causes in inverse ratio and are estimated 
by the Government as likely not to exceed 141,161,025, a de- 
crease of 556,5x9 drachmas on the estimated receipts for 1912. 
Moreover, in order to be on the safe side these receipts have 
been estimated below their probable yield ; the direct taxes, 
for instance, in spite of the certain increase which will be 
contributed by the tax on the profits of limited liability com- 
panies, have been estimated at two million drachmas below the 
1912 estimates; further, as the new tax on cultivated land 
cannot be imposed this year, the old tax on ploughing teams 
must be collected in its place. 

The indirect taxes will also show an increase on 1912, in 
spite of the war, as appears from the increased consumption 
of alcohol and sugar, and unfortunately also from the probable 
larger imports of cereals, owing to the expected shortage of 
home products. An increase of posts and telegraph receipts 
is also confidently expected, and these anticipated increases 


will together diminish the decrease on the receipts of 1912 to 
approximately three million drachmas. 

These receipts of the Ordinary Budget will not of course 
suffice for the payment of the extraordinary expenses of the 
current year, which total 104,950,000 drachmas as detailed 
above. These expenses will be met by a loan, which in the 
opinion of the Government need not exceed fifty million 
drachmas. Should a larger sum be necessary, the authority 
of the Chamber will be asked for. There is also a further 
sum available from the revenues of the occupied territories 
estimated at ten million drachmas. 

Such are the main features of the Budget now submitted to 
the Chamber, which, from the nature of existing circumstances 
is emphatically a provisional one. 

Reviewing the extraordinary expenses of the war during 
191 2, the greater part of which have been liquidated, it will 
be seen that the 

Drachmas. Drachmas. 

Ministry of War outgoings were 83,200,000 

Ministry of Marine „ „ 11,518,638 

Ministry of the Exterior extra expenses were ... 1,600,000 

Ministry of the Interior „ „ ... 820,000 
Ministry of the Finances for service of the 

National Debt 1,780,863 

Total 98,419,501 

To this must be added the extra credits voted 

for the Treasuries of — 
Public Defence 28,504,654 

and of the Navy 11,000,000 

„ additional credit 16,700,000 


A total war expenditure of 154,624,155 

To meet such great expenses the Government could not, 
of course, expect that the ordinary revenues of the year 
would suffice, but it congratulates itself on its foresight in 
having set aside an important sum for this purpose con- 
sisting of the ordinary and extraordinary surpluses of the 


years 1910 and 191 1, amounting, as set out above, in all 
to 92,856,768 drachmas. 

He continued : " This sum was not a mere book-keeping 
entry, but was a realized asset, because during these years 
the public revenue flowed regularly into the Treasury and 
automatically increased, which permitted the regular admin- 
istration of the national finances, without in any way 
encroaching on the above reserve fund." 

This reserve fund alone did not, of course, suffice to meet 
all the expenses of the war, and further capital had to be 
procured. The Government avoided any recourse to a 
further issue of paper currency, which is the method usually 
adopted by other countries in similar emergencies to make 
both ends meet, and thus averted the evils of depreciated 
currency and of a rise in the prices of commodities, but as it 
had repaid in 191 1 the bulk of the floating debt, it had no diffi- 
culty in issuing Treasury bills for 9,000,000 drachmas and in 
obtaining on very favourable terms an advance of 40,000,000 
drachmas against an external loan to be issued in normal times 
— a striking proof of how highly Greek credit is held in the 
international money markets. In so easily obtaining such 
a substantial advance the Government was much helped by 
the economic strength of the National Bank, which gave its 
assistance without in any way diminishing the capital which 
it holds for the convenience of the community in general. 
Thus the Government was able to add to its war fund the 
further sum of 49,000,000 drachmas, making a total of 
141,856,768 drachmas, without increasing the National Debt 
beyond these 49 millions since the beginning of the war. Out 
of these funds it has met in cash all the expenses of the war 
up to the present time, the end of the second month of 191 3. 

The robust economic strength of the country is clearly 
depicted by the ease with which all obligations, large and 
unforeseen as they were, have been met without any public in- 
convenience. During the course of the war there has been but 
little falling off of the ordinary revenue ; for instance, during 
January, 191 3, the total receipts were 8,526,000 drachmas, 


against 10,093,000 in 19 12. Thus the Government were able 
to meet without delay all administrative expenses and further 
to set aside a sum of 2,500,000 drachmas to meet the service 
of the 1910 foreign loan, which is not in the hands of the 
International Control, and further to assist the community 
by a payment of 10,000,000 drachmas for the animals and 
vehicles which it had requisitioned — an assistance not con- 
sidered necessary by other nations in similar circumstances. 

There can be no doubt that during the last few years 
Greece has made vast strides along the path of economic 
development In 1912 her progress towards great public 
and private prosperity was increasing in rapidity till the 
last four months, when the relations with Turkey reached 
a critical stage and culminated in war, but even these dis- 
turbing influences had little effect beyond temporarily 
retarding the pace of that progress. A conspicuous proof 
of this growing prosperity is afforded by the remarkable 
fact that Greece was able to stand the strain and to bear 
the burden of the heavy sacrifices in blood and treasure which 
the war entailed without any shock to public confidence and 
with so little inconvenience to the public and private life of 
the nation. 

Further indications of the increase of national wealth are 
furnished by a cursory examination of the available statistics 
from which M. Diomedes proceeds to quote figures, striking 
examples of which are here set out : 

1909 1910 1911 igi2 

Drachmas. Drachmas. Drachmas. Drachmas. 

Overdue taxes collected ... 789,000 360,000 1,203,000 1,350,000 

The affluent condition of the community is clearly shown 
by the ease with which taxes on articles of daily consump- 
tion, such as alcohol, salt, gunpowder, import duties (cereals 
excepted), and stamp duties were collected and the con- 
tinued increases in their yield, which indicate the economic 
strength of the taxpayers ; this is fully confirmed by the 
actual results of the financial administration of 191 2. Such 


increases in the yield of these taxes are a sure proof that 
there is a corresponding increase in the wealth of the people. 
This increase is most marked in articles not of primary 
necessity ; what was considered a luxury only five years 
back has gradually become an article of common use, thus 
the consumption per head of the population of such articles 
as sugar, coffee, rice, more expensive articles of clothing, 
etc., has grown continuously, which is a clear indication that 
the people, being able to spend more freely, are more affluent. 
For many years Greece suffered from an adverse trade 
balance, causing inflation of prices, but now there are ample 
data for the conclusion that this unfortunate condition is 
passing away, and that the balance is turning in her favour. 
A comparison of the figures of foreign trade between the 
years 1902 and 191 1 shows a marked increase: 



Total Trade.* 

1902 ... 

.., i37,ocx),ooo 



I9II ... 

... i73,ooOj00o 



and these figures are far beneath the reality, as the statistics 
of exports are very incomplete, but they amply suffice to 
show greater activity in trade and increased capital employed 
in productive undertakings. 

A closer examination of the export statistics reveals the 
opening up of new markets for her products and new fields 
for the development of her commerce. In spite of this, 
however, the adverse trade balance is not yet entirely 
wiped out ; efforts must therefore be made to achieve 
that desirable result. 

Fortunately the country has other resources which escape 
the statistics, but nevertheless augment the floating wealth 
of the community. Thus the large emigration, harmful as 
it is, has had its redeeming features, for the emigrants re- 
mitted large sums home which amounted to no less than 

^ These figures, which do not quite tally, are taken direct from the 
report of the Budget speech. 


thirty-eight million drachmas in 1910 and thirty millions 
in 191 1, which of course has vastly increased the circulating 
wealth of the country. 

Perhaps a still greater factor which conduced to the 
financial equilibrium has been the vast and rapid expansion 
of the Greek Mercantile Navy, which has carried the Hellenic 
flag and her commerce to distant shores, bringing in new 
profits which add to the nation's wealth. Since 1909 this 
fleet has been increased by no less than eighty-eight large 
passenger and freight steamships. The fatherland has 
benefited not only by the importation of gold through its 
agency, but by credits thus created abroad to meet the pay- 
ment for goods which are not produced at home. 

The receipts from railways (without any increase of mileage, 
also show satisfactory expansion as follows : 

1909. igio. igii. 1912. 

Drachmas. Drachmas. Drachmas. Drachmas. 

Receipts ... 11,004,000 11,986,000 14,303,000 16,500,000 

Revenue from taxes on receipts of railways and steam- 
ships : 

1909. 1910. 1911. igi2. 

Drachmas. Drachmas. Drachmas. Drachmas. 

Revenue ... 1,321,000 1,470,000 1,442,000 1,600,000 

The 1 91 2 figures are in no way due to extra receipts from 
the movement of troops and military stores, beckuse they are 
still following the same upward course in the first months of 
the new year. 

The same tale is told by the yearly increasing number of 
limited liability companies, the growth of their capital and 
rise on 'Change of the prices of their shares ; the few excep- 
tions only prove the rule, as they are all due to events which 
happened before the war. 

Perhaps the most striking proof of the economic strength 
of the country is the continued fall in the rate of exchange 
from its high-water mark of 60 per cent, at premium in 1904 
to par in 1909, since when it has remained stationary, with 
minor fluctuations, and, if anything, a downward tendency. 


This phenomenon in face of the forced currency, which is still 
existent in Greece, is probably unique ; all the more so when 
one bears in mind that the events of the war have been 
powerless to affect it, so that the Government is entitled to 
consider this forced currency as de facto non-existent. 

A further graphic illustration of the increasing wealth of the 
people is afforded by the constant growth of the deposits in the 
savings-banks, which show the following results : 45,349,000 
drachmas in 191 1, and 50,708,000 drachmas in 191 2. This 
increase in face of war, when, as a general rule, deposits are 
withdrawn and hoarded at home, clearly shows that the 
population had ample means and that public confidence 
remained unshaken. 

The satisfactory aspect of financial affairs at home has had 
its reflex abroad, for it is a remarkable fact that the prices of 
Greek stocks on the Bourses of Western Europe, instead of 
falling, as has been the case with the funds of nearly all other 
countries, have actually risen, the prices being about three 
points higher at the end of 1912 than they were at the end of 
191 1. And this tendency has continued down to the end of 
February 191 3, in spite of the fact that the extra divi- 
dends to be distributed on the old loans are lower than 
last year. 

He concludes : " The above is an unadorned picture of facts 
which are clearly depicted by the actual figures, a picture 
which inspires courage and confidence in the economic 
strength of the country and in the robust financial resources 
of the nation. The Government, therefdre, has every justifi- 
cation for its firm conviction that the progress of our national 
economic prosperity will continue and serve as a sound basis 
for the erection of a healthy financial policy. 

"The Greater Greece now being created by Hellenic arms 
and by Hellenic genius will thus be able to grapple with 
financial problems, which the hitherto existing limitation of 
our economic horizon had rendered inapproachable. We 
shall now be able to erect our system of taxation on truer 
foundations, and it is our duty to do so. Necessity in the 


past has compelled us to disregard the principles which 
science and experience of political economy have shown to 
be the only salutary ones. Our indifference and contempt 
for those axioms which nations older and more advanced 
than ourselves respect have not been without effect . . . 
Now at last we shall be able to revise our tariff, that offspring 
of chance, of arbitrary and short-sighted policy, and to fix 
our duties on a basis in harmony with the real interest of our 
national economy and our public treasury. 

"The Hellenic State, in harmonious unanimity with the 
whole Hellenic race in thoughts and feelings, has wrought 
great deeds in this bloody strife ; and proud in her new 
titles, created by the patriotism and self-denial of her children, 
advances firm in resolve, and high in spirit, for the peaceful 
creation of new titles to further national glory and honour." 

From a perusal of the above facts and figures, three con- 
clusions may be safely drawn : (i) That when the war against 
Turkey broke out Greece was advancing rapidly on the high- 
way to great national prosperity ; (2) that the only injurious 
effect that the war has had upon the country, beyond the loss 
of many valuable lives and the unproductive employment of 
much capital, has been a slackening in the rapidity of that 
advance ; (3) that as soon as demobilization can be effected 
and normal conditions re-established, the advance on the 
road to ever-increasing national prosperity will be resumed 
with even greater rapidity. 

No tabulation of the various loans which make up the 
Public Debt of Greece is given in this chapter, nor any 
calculations as to the annual charge per head of population 
which they entail ; in the first place because this subject has 
been recently fully treated by JMr. Percy Martin in his book 
" Greece of the XXth Century," and secondly, because events 
and developnients are taking place so rapidly that were 
any such tables and calculations to be made to-day, they 
would be obsolete before this chapter appears in print. For 
it must be borne in mind that the population of Greece has 
been nearly doubled since last October, and even if she 


obtains a substantial indemnity from Turkey, it will be found 
that she has largely added to her indebtedness ; moreover, she 
will have to borrow several more million pounds for the purpose 
of developing her new rich provinces and fertile lands, but 
the increased productive employment of capital will ultimately 
greatly increase her revenues. Lastly, in the opinion of the 
writer, there will before long take place a conversion and 
unification of her old loans. Such conversion will be 
beneficial to Greece herself, and even more soito her bond- 
holders, to whom she is now in a position to offer most 
favourable conditions with corresponding advantages to 


The above was written after the conclusion of the Treaty 
of London, but since then the rapacious demands of Bulgaria 
prevented immediate demobilization. 

The retention of 250,000 men under arms for a further 
period of more than three months and the necessities of the 
sanguinary one month's war have probably cost Greece 
several million pounds. The dramatic denouefnent has, 
however, furnished another conclusive proof of how high her 
credit stands, for after the outbreak of this unprovoked war 
she had no difficulty in obtaining through the National Bjank 
of Greece an advance of ;^3,ooo,ooo on the easy terms, in 
such circumstances, of 6 per cent, interest and 2 per cent, 
commission. What is more important, however, is that it 
has resulted in the incorporation in Greek territory of 
additional tracts of very fertile land, including by far the 
greater part of the districts which produce the finest 
qualities of Turkish tobacco, a fact which cannot fail to 
effect a further material expansion of her public and private 
wealth and prosperity. Moreover, the equitable settlement 
concluded at Bucharest will, with the blessings of peace and 
good government, undoubtedly greatly further the financial 
and commercial prosperity of the whole Balkan Peninsula. 



There are many thinking people who believe that the 
creation of a new State, to be called Albania, out of the half- 
civilized mountain tribes who inhabit the east coast of the 
Adriatic and a considerable part of its hinterland between 
Montenegro and Epirus is a political blunder. That after 
many years of international control a successful autonomous 
State may be constructed is possible, but that the Shkipetars 
will of themselves form one which can be so called in anything 
but in name is obviously the musing of a dreamer. The 
claims of the Albanians to form an independent State are 
based on race, but they are divided into tribes which differ 
widely from one another in many characteristics, and at pre- 
sent there is no national consciousness in them, taken as a 
v/hole, which may work as a source of inspiration to its future 
legislators and administrators. There is a wide divergence in 
their religious beliefs, for while most of the Malissori in the 
north are Roman Catholics and the rest of the Christians are 
Greek Orthodox, the majority of the population are Moham- 
medans. Such religious differences might not constitute any 
considerable obstacle against their living together in mutual 
toleration if not in harmony, were it not that the Albanians 
are the most turbulent and warlike of all the inhabitants of 
Eastern Europe, for they surpass even the Cretans in this 

respect. Another difficulty is presented by the question of 


% ^ ft 


language. The Albanian dialects are a branch of the Indo- 
European, but they differ considerably from any of their pre- 
sent neighbours. They have not remained pure, as they have 
absorbed many Greek, Slav, and Turkish words. Moreover, 
they have no recognized form of notation, and different tribes 
or individuals in writing them choose Latin, Greek, Sclavonic 
or Turkish characters, according to their religious or 
political propensities. This is due to the fact that these 
dialects have survived merely in speech preserved by tradition 
and not through any literature. Further their use is by no 
means universal even in Northern Albania, for Turkish has 
hitherto been the official language, and the employment of 
Greek is prevalent for commercial purposes. 

When the Balkan Allies joined together a year ago for the 
purpose of evicting the Turk, the Albanians, instead of taking 
advantage of a splendid opportunity to throw in their lot with 
the Greeks and their allies and demand recognition of their own 
independence, took up arms (rather spasmodically indeed) on 
the side of the Turk. It is thus not easy to sympathize with 
them in their present aims, and those who love them best 
may well feel anxious as to the success of the experiment 
which it is proposed to try on them. One difficulty will be 
the choosing of a Prince. The desire of the Albanians appears 
to be to have some European Prince who will be established 
under the protection and the guidance of the Great Powers. 
The most patriotic would like to see Allado Guini Castrioti, 
the well-known Spanish diplomatist, elected. He, though it 
is stated that he never proved it, claims to be a descendant 
of Skanderberg, Prince of Albania. His ancestor is supposed 
to have settled in Spain in the fifteenth century, and his 
family has always reniained in touch with Albania. There 
are other candidates like Prince Ghika, whose aspirations are 
said to have no historical basis. Turkey wishes to see a 
member of the Turkish Royal Family placed on a throne 
which would remain under the suzerainty of the Porte, but 
although it is probable that the State will have a Mohammedan 
character it is almost ridiculous to suggest that Turkey, whose 



possessions in Europe are now confined to Eastern Thrace, 
should have rights bordering on the Adriatic. The solution 
which it appears the most practical of the Albanians desire 
would lie in the election of a Protestant Prince, but it is diffi- 
cult to see who would care to oppose an Austro- Italian 
nominee, who would presumably be a Roman Catholic. 
When this point has been made clear those who were anxious 
for the welfare of Albania will realize how little security she 
will then enjoy from the propaganda of her two powerful 
neighbours. The insincerity of Austria in the Near Eastern 
question has become a byword. Now that she sees her dream 
of Salonica ended, she turns her attention to the only conquest 
of the allies which they were not allowed to retain by the 
European Concert. Italy too bids fair to rival Austria in 
Machiavellian diplomacy. 

It is frankly an experiment to which the Powers have com- 
mitted themselves at the instigation of Austria backed up by 
Italy. That there should be any accession of population to 
such an experimental State beyond what is purely Albanian 
would be clearly unjustifiable and contrary to the principle of 
ethnical distribution which has been recognized as the basis of 
the Balkan settlement. It is evident from the allocation to 
Servia and Montenegro of most of the mixed districts that the 
Powers have adopted this view in the delimitation of the 
northern frontier. The inclusion of Scutari was considered 
necessary as being the natural capital of an autonomous 
Albania, and can be justified on the ground that the Slav 
element in the city is very small. The thoughtless declara- 
tion that the Balkan status quo would not be altered was soon 
nullified by the dictum that the victors would not be despoiled 
of the fruits of their victories ; and on this the allies founded 
their expectations. It is now seriously suggested that a large 
part of Northern Epirus, to which Albania has far less claims 
than she has to the districts round Djakova and Prisrend, 
shall be included in the experimental State. It is the object 
of the writer to show that if this suggestion is acted upon it 
will be an outrage on civilization which is quite indefensible, 


either on grounds of abstract justice or on counsels of 

Two arguments are used to substantiate the proposed 
annexation of Northern Epirus to Albania, one political and 
the other ethnological. The former concerns Greece and 
Italy, the latter Greece and Albania. 

Italy's policy in the Adriatic is to attempt to exclude from 
its sea-board any third independent Power — i.e. other than 
Austria or herself. The direct access which Turkey had to 
the Adriatic was of no consequence to Italy because Turkey 
was not to be feared :' presumably in the eyes of the Italians 
Albania is no more dangerous than Turkey, whereas Greece 
is an independent Power which can look after its own 

On abstract principles Italy has no more right to the 
exclusion of Greece from the Adriatic on the ground that it 
is reserved to Austria, herself, and Turkey, or Albania, than 
Greece has to the exclusion of Bulgaria from the ^Egean on 
the plea that that sea is reserved to Turkey, herself, and 
some eventual ally. Only, unfortunately, on the occasion of 
the cession of the Ionian Islands to Greece by Great Britain, 
a stipulation was inserted in the treaty regulating the transfer 
that Corfu should be neutralized. This concession by Great 
Britain was short-sighted and has been proved to be an 
inexcusable error, because it m^y have placed her in the 
position of conferring a naval privilege on a member of the 
Triple Alliance, and has at any rate given Italy an excuse for 
putting forward an otherwise preposterous claim : Great 
Britain herself held Corfu under no such restriction. Even if 
Italy has a right to claim that Greece shall not fortify the 
coast of Epirus anywhere north of a point opposite to the 
southern extremity of the island of Corfu, Greece's willing- 
ness to neutralize this coast in the same way as that island 
should satisfy her. Under these conditions it would clearly 
be immaterial how far north Greece held the littoral, for she 
could not thereby be a source of danger to Italy nor in any 
way interfere with the condominium over the Adriatic 


aspired to by the two members of the Triple Alliance. 
Italy*s refusal to be satisfied with Greece's offer shows that 
fear of Greece is not the true explanation of her policy. She 
really wishes Albania to be as large as possible, and she 
desires this for her own purposes. There is the possibility 
of an ultimate partitioning of Albania as there was of Turkey 
in Europe. So far as Austria and Italy are concerned the 
creation of an autonomous Albania is nothing more or less 
than the preservation of a piece of Turkey from what to their 
eyes appear as the ravages of the Balkan Allies. The 
delimitation of spheres of influence, followed by the proposal 
for the retention of the Sultan's suzerainty with a Moslem 
Prince lays the whole scheme bare. The Albanian Chris- 
tians in the north and south would place themselves under 
the protection of Austria and Italy respectively, ahd the step 
from this to a joint military occupation would be a short one, 
A raison ditre for this would easily be found in an expedition 
to punish some massacre of the Christian population by the 
fanatic Moslem Albanians. The "unsettled state of the 
country " would prevent the prompt recall of the troops, and 
thenceforth Albania would remain under military occupation. 
Austria and Italy have come to look upon it as their ^ 
preserve : Servia and Montenegro were warned off in the 
north, and now an attempt is made to prevent Greece from 
advancing to the extent of her legitimate interests in 
the south. 

It should, however, be made clear that Italy as well as 
Austria has followed this policy on the assumption that their 
scheme for the constitution of Albania will meet with the 
approval of the European Concert The gist of this proposal 
of course is that the ruler of the new State shall not be 
subjected to the supervision of an international commission, 
but that he should be merely under the nominal suzerainty of 
the Sultan and really under the protection of Italy and 
Austria, who would, when necessary, assume the functions 
of an international commission. It is the duty of the 
Powers to see that so selfish a scheme as this shall not be 


carried into effect, for in time it would nullify all that is now 
being done in the interests of the Albanians. Let the Powers 
insist on the appointment of an international council which 
will guide the new State until it can make its own way- 
alone. If they do so, the solicitude of both Austria and 
Italy for Albania may be very considerably diminished 

The general idea among those who oppose Greece's claim 
to Northern Epirus is that Italy's political contention should 
not be treated seriously so long as Greece does not refuse to 
neutralize the coast line, but that it should nevertheless be 
supported because it would promote a territorial distribution 
in accordance with the principle of nationalities. The 
remainder of this chapter will be devoted to showing that 
this argument, which has helped Italy to find so much 
support for her case, is not well founded. 

Great stress has been laid widely on the antiquity of the 
Albanian race, which is frequently said to represent the 
" Urvolker" of the Balkan Peninsula. From this it is argued 
that the Albanians have more right to their fair share of the 
peninsula's territory than any of the other present dwellers 
therein. It is also asserted that the forerunners of the 
Albanians occupied the whole of Epirus as well as the whole 
of Albania. It is doubtful how much is to be gained from an 
inquiry into early ethnical conditions, but it is as well to 
give a risumi of what is known about the inhabitants of 
Epirus past and present, when racial considerations are 
adduced in support of the inclusion of North Epirus in 
Albania. All writers agree that the present Albanians are 
naturally divisible into Gheks in the north and Toscs in the 
south, and that this division rests upon a racial distinction. 
Both are clearly of Aryan descent, and it is supposed that 
they are to be traced from some of the earliest Aryan 
immigrants. So great an authority as Hahn holds that the 
lUyrians and the Epirots were respectively the progenitors of 
the Gheks and the Toscs. He further holds that the 
Macedonians and Epirots, who were akin to one another, 


came from the " Pre-Hellene-Tyrrhene-Pelasgian " popu- 
lation, or, in other words, the earliest people who were asso- 
dated with Greek civilization, while the Illyrians can only 
be called descendants of the Pelasgians in a wider sense. 
The term " Pelasgians '' in this sense was used by the 
Greek authors to describe any of the peoples dwelling in the 
Balkan Peninsula who are first mentioned in history. 

Professor K. J. Beloch, who curiously enough now fills a 
chair at Rome University, in his Greek History published 
recently, is more definite in asserting that both the Epirots 
and the Macedonians were Greeks, and he advances various 
arguments in support of his view, which have a very strong 
cumulative effect The following are some of the facts from 
which he infers that the Epirots were Greeks in Homeric 
times and remained so until Attic times. Dodona was known 
to be a Greek centre in the earliest times, for Homer refers 
to the Selli or Helli who carried out the duties of priests at 
its shrine ; and it remained so in Herodotus's day, for he 
states categorically that Greek was then its spoken language. 
The tribe of Molossi who are mentioned as the ancient 
inhabitants of the district are certainly Greeks, for Herodotus 
describes Molossian Alkon as one of the most distinguished 
of the suitors who presented themselves for the hand of 
Agariste. The fact that Herodotus elsewhere says that 
Dodona was Thesprotian only shows that he considered the 
Thesprotians Greeks. The inaccessibility of Epirus to in- 
vasion is a good explanation of its never having lost its 
Greek character during the pre-Christian era. Various 
authors, such as Strabo and Hecatseus, state that the littoral 
and hinterland of the Ionian Sea to the north of Corcyra 
constituted a single national entity as regards language and 
custom. The origin of the designation of the Epirots as 
Illyrians he ascribes to a misconstruction of the references to 
their language found in ancient Greek authors and to the 
application of unscientific philology to its Orts-Namen , 
and the proper names of its people. When Thucydides 
described the Aetolians of Eurytania as being ayvawmJroroi 


yXw(T<Tav (Bk. Ill, ch. 94) he did not mean that they spoke 
a foreign language, but that their dialect was very difficult to 
understand : if he had meant to say that their speech was 
foreign he would have said ayvtixrroi (unknown).^ The Eury- 
tanians were the chief of the Aetolian tribes, of whom there 
can be no question that they were all Greek. Commentators 
having misconstrued this passage, have then argued that the 
Epirots living farther north than the Eurytanians are still less 
likely to have been Greeks. Most names such as Batapri — 
ApjtOia — Tvju^i? which have been cited as showing lUyrian 
origin are essentially Greek, and those which may be lilyrian 
are not proportionately more numerous than the foreign 
names found in the Peloponnese and the mainland of Greece. 
The names of the various tribes of Epirus, namely the 
Amphilochians, the Athamanians, the Tymphseans, the 
Paroraeans, the Paranaeans, the Cassiopseans, are clearly 
Greek, and it is significant that most of these tribes were 
settled in Northern Epirus. The Epirot confederacy of the 
close of the fifth century B.C. makes it unlikely that any of 
the Epirus tribes were not Greek. These tribes probably 
ended with the Chaonians, who may or may not have been 
of lUyrian origin, but, if so, were Hellenized at an early date, 
as they are closely connected with the Chones, who are said 
to be an lapygian race, but acknowledged to be the first 
Greek settlers in Italy. Thus in early times the population 
of Epirus appears to have been Greek, at least as far north as 
any place now under Greek military occupation. Professor 
Beloch then adduces several striking proofs of the fact that 
the Macedonians were Greeks, and by this means supports 
his contention that the Epirots were all Greeks, for the kin- 
ship of the Macedonians and the Epirots cannot be seriously 
disputed. The term " Hellas,'' he says, is responsible for 
some incorrect inferences, for it was commonly used to repre- 

' In the same passage Thucydides describes them as being u>fx6<payot 
(eaters of raw flesh) — it is curious that the present natives of Acarnania 
and Aetolia, from whom the Evzoni have been largely drawn in the 
past, are raw flesh eaters. 


sent a much smaller area than that which was inhabited by 
Greek-speaking peoples, and even excluded Thessaly. The 
coincidence of a Greek-speaking district in ancient times with 
the Greek-speaking Epirus which is now claimed by Greece 
is a phenomenon which seems to have been lost sight of by 
most of the advocates of a large Albania. The phenomenon 
would appear much less remarkable to them if they realized 
that the truth is that this territory has always remained 
Greek-speaking, in spite of various foreign incursions. The 
retention of the Greek tongue there is no more remarkable 
than its retention in the rest of Greece. Professor Lambros, 
of Athens University, the chief Greek authority, has pointed 
out that the coast and many of the towns exhibited their 
Greek character in the Middle Ages far farther north than 
Greece now claims. He cites as examples Avlona, which 
was known as a Greek centre even in Roman times. Berate 
(the ancient Antipatria) which retained considerable im- 
portance in Byzantine times under the name of Belegrada, 
and especially Dyrrachium (Durazzo), the ancient Epidamnus, . 
which was a colony of Corinth and Corcyra and played a 
conspicuous role in the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, 
and which retained its strong Greek character throughout its 
occupation by various invaders. Professor Lambros draws 
attention to the fact that the Illyrian kings placed Greek 
inscriptions upon their coins. From all the above facts it is 
a fair inference that Greek has been the language of the 
stable population from the earliest times, and this is not 
seriously challenged by the presence of a certain number 
of Albanian settlers in the north. 

It has been shown that from the point of view of pure 
racial considerations there is not much ground for the claim - 
put forward that the inhabitants of Northern Epirus are 
Albanian and not Greek. However, a distinction between 
two subdivisions of one branch of the Aryan race such as 
this claim involves will now be acknowledged to be of very 
little importance. There is no more mixed race than our 
own ; and the Greeks, who have retained their language in a 



To face p. 233* 


form which differs scarcely at all from New Testament Greek 
and only slightly from Attic Greek, have assimilated and 
Hellenized a succession of immigrating races. It is nation- 
ality which is the important test, and this is determined 
chiefly by religion, language, sentiments, and political ten- 
dencies. If we analyse the language and the religion, the 
sentiments and the political tendencies of the present 
inhabitants of Northern Epirus, there can be but one result, 
and that to show that they are Greek. 

The recent testimonies of visitors to that country com- 
pletely support this view. M. Jean Leune, the special 
correspondent of U Illustration, contributed a striking article 
to La Grande Revue (May), in which he pointed out that 
the attitude of even the Albanians in this district is in favour 
of Greece, and not for incorporation in Albania ; and he 
further points out that Albanians proper are only met with 
in the neighbourhood of Argyrocastro and farther north. 
Signor Magrini, the special correspondent of the Italian 
newspaper // Messaggero, fully agreed with M, Leune in 
some most interesting dispatches written by him on the 
occasion of the Greek Crown Prince's tour through this 
disputed district, and it should be noted that he was sent 
out to advocate Italian interests. M. Charles Vellay, the 
author of a book recently published in France under the 
title of " LTrredentisme Hellenique," and several other 
French writers hold the same view.^ When one compares 
the testimony of these gentlemen with what is known of the 
history of the district, which shows how it has preserved its 
Greek character throughout, one can only infer that the 
Albanian-speaking people south of Argyrocastro, who also 
speak Greek, are rather Albanized Hellenes than Hellenized 
Albanians. M. Leune, in his article, explains the origin 
of the attribution of Albanian character to the inhabitants 
of this district. He brings much evidence to light, which 
shows that Austrian emissaries, at the head of whom was 

' Colonel Murray, C.B., in his recent articles in The Worlds also 
strongly holds this view. 


M. Billinski, the Austrian Consul-General at Janina, or- 
ganized and manufactured an artificial Albanian movement 
by means of their propaganda. The Austrians did not, as 
M. Leune shows, stop short of providing the Turkish troops 
and their Albanian auxiliaries with large quantities of rifles 
and ammunition in the hope of checking the Greek advance 
northward. The Austrian postal service established at 
Janina was freely used for these purposes. It is inexplicable 
how any independent inquirers, who have previously travelled 
in these districts, have suggested that the bulk of the inhabi- 
tants are Albanians or Hellenized Toscs. One can only 
suppose that they set out with the idea that racial dqscent 
was the true test, and that their appreciation of the racial 
character of the inhabitants may have been unduly influenced 
by a fallacious theory of the history of Epirus. 

Northern Epirus, now under Greek occupation, contains 
some 250 Greek schools, with a total of about 12,000 pupils.^ 
The whole population of this district does not exceed 25,000* 
" The prevalence of Greek education, taken alone, is not a 
conclusive test of nationality," state those who argue that 
the population is really Albanian: "the Albanians," they 
say, "have been obliged to use the Greek schools because 
they are the best, and in many cases the only ones available." 
When, however, it is shown that the proportion of Orthodox 
Greeks to Moslems in the neighbourhood is three to two, and 
that in this Moslem minority are comprised all the Turkish 
officials, it will be seen that the Greek character of the 
population cannot be denied. Even those who claim the 
disputed district as Albanian admit that many of the Moslem 
inhabitants of Southern Epirus, from Janina downwards, are 
Islamized Greeks. M. J. Leune observes that even Premete 
and its district appear more Greek than Albanian in character. 

' It should be observed that these schools were established and are 
maintained, not by the Greek Government, but by the contributions 
of the inhabitants themselves, and also from large endowments made 
by wealthy natives of the district. Thus to hand these schools over to 
the Albanians would be what a lawyer would describe as conversion 
of trust funds. 


Of all the territory now occupied by Greece, only the districts 
of Argyrogastro, Premete, and Tepelene are in any way 
debatable. All these are at most mixed districts, and as 
against this Greece will lose a large population, spread 
over Central and Southern Albania, which can boast of 
2 bishoprics, 8 monasteries, 151 churches, and 84 schools, 
with 116 masters and 2,900 pupils. 

Korytsa lies in a position of great importance, as it is 
situated on the borderland of Epirus and Macedonia. It 
commands the road from Janina to the east, and though 
geographically it lies in Macedonia it is in a way a prong of 
Epirus. It is in this district that there is the chief conflict 
between Albanian and Greek interests. Of the town of 
Korytsa itself, however, there can be no two opinions : 20,000 
of the 25,000 inhabitants are either pure Greeks or else have 
Greek sympathies, and the rest, who are Mussulmans, live in 
peace and amity with them. There was recently a great mass 
meeting held at Korytsa, at which many Mohammedans 
were present, and which passed a unanimous vote of confi- 
dence in the Greek Government and a resolution to do 
everything possible to secure their union with Greece. The 
patriotism of the Greek residents of Korytsa is so strong that 
every bequest to the municipality, involving as a condition 
the teaching of the Albanian tongue, has been refused. The 
Greek schools there, as well as the mansions of the wealthy 
Greeks, many of whom made their fortunes in Egypt, 
are the finest Greek mansions found in greater Greece, 
and they have made Korytsa into the beautiful city 
which it undoubtedly is. Recently when a new boys' school 
was required one single Greek native of Korytsa sent a 
cheque for ;^3,ooo towards its establishment. It is incon- 
ceivable that a city like this should be excluded from the 
territory which is to be annexed to Greece : its geographical 
and strategical position render it invaluable to her and its 
acquisition essential, while its value to Albania would not 
be so great now that Janina will undoubtedly remain Greek. 
Santi Quaranta is indispensable as an outlet for the com- 


merce of the more northern territories which Greece will 
have. It is the only port for the hinterland and the natural 
port for merchandise from Janina destined for Italy and 

The Janiots have long had the reputation of speaking 
a very pure form of Greek : Byron drew attention to this 
nearly one hundred years ago. The writer has recently 
verified the purity of the language spoken there, and found 
that a fair acquaintance with ancient Greek and a moderate 
knowledge of modern Greek enable one to converse far 
more easily with the Greeks of Janina than with their 
kinsmen at Athens or elsewhere. This in itself is almost 
a sufficient proof that the Greek character of Epirus lies 
deeply rooted, and cannot be ascribed to mere Hellenizing 
influences, such as supporters of a large Albania allege. 
It would be surprising that an important Greek centre like 
Janina should,'nevertheless, have what are really Albanian 
districts anywhere within fifty miles of it, and this is what 
the opposite contention implies. 

Such Vlach element as there is in Epirus, north and south, 
is now as Greek as the Greeks themselves. The Roumanians 
long ago gave up their attempt to reclaim it. The large 
number of Vlach benefactors of whom Greece can be proud, 
pre-eminent among them being the late George Averoff, to 
whom her Navy is indebted for the ironclad, which has played 
such an historic r61e in the recent war, is almost enough to 
show that these Vlachs need no longer be distinguished 
from the Greeks. Their trade 'of sheep-farmers leads them 
to trek down south into Greece in the winter in search of 
pasture lands ; and so, even if their love of Greece were not 
a real one, their material interests would force them to keep 
up friendly relations with her. The suggestion of the 
Conference of Ambassadors that the district north of 
Metsovo, which is largely populated by Vlachs, may be 
included in Albania is startling, even if it is not so ridiculous 
as it appears to the writer to be. 

When Albanian autonomy was proclaimed, Greece said 


that, provided that she obtained the territory which was hers 
by right, she would be happy to see the Albanians established 
in a State of their own, as she always favoured racial freedom. 
Her policy with regard to Northern Epirus shows that the 
Greeks really believe in their right to the districts which they 
have occupied. The great enthusiasm which was everywhere 
shown by the population of Northern Epirus, when they 
welcomed the Crown Prince of Greece during his recent tour, 
showed the spirit with which the people are informed. They 
are fired with the same determination as that which made the 
Epirots act with such heroism in the Greek War of Indepen- 
dence. Chimarra has not forgotten that she was one of the 
pillars of the Greek cause in the Revolution, and soon after 
the war began, under the leadership of Major Spiromilios, a 
gendarmerie officer (a native-born Chimarriot), she declared 
her independence from Turkey and annexation to Greece. 
The following documents illustrate the attitude of the 
Greeks of Northern Epirus. The first is addressed by the 
Provisional Government of Albania to the Chimarriots : 

Inhabitants of Chimarra, once more we remind you of the friend- 
ship which has always united us. Once more we recall your families 
to your minds. Reflect — the Bulgarians and the Servians and the 
Montenegrins have signed an armistice with Turkey. At the present 
moment Austria, Italy, Roumania, and Turkey have acknowledged the 
Albanian flag and the Kingdom of Albania from Scutari to Tsamouries, 
from Pristina to Konitsa, Brengo is Albanian. Those who lead you 
to believe that Spiromilios will remain after the war is ended are 
deceiving you. He will depart and you will be lost. 

Reflect on this. Any one acknowledging our authority will be 
treasured in future and for ever as a brother, as has been the case 
in the past. 

Inhabitants of Chimarra, reflect once more, for the seven villages 
of Chimarra must become Albanian, otherwise they will all be destroyed 
as enemies of our race. You cannot continue to live beside Albania. 
On the contrary, come and fight beside us against an infidel enemy. 
We give you three days wherein to make up your minds. Reflect. 
Life with us, or death with the Greeks, 

After that period cannons and Martinis will speak. 

As for you, you shall remember this letter. 

EsEREM, Bey of Valona. 
Sefket Giolekas. 


CHiMARXtA, December 12, 1912. 

We have a letter, the one you addressed to the villages of Piliouri 
and Caiidessi, We cannot help admiring your logic, for from the very 
beginning of the letter you speak of enemies of these villages who have 
destroyed our usages and customs. Who is this enemy of whom you 
speak ? Whether it is Spiromilios, who is a native of this country, or 
Greece, which has always been its brother, both have the ties not only 
of language but of religion also. And then you speak of friendship ! 
What is this friendship ? Is it the friendship we have shown you at all 
times and even now when we might have hanged you and refrained 
from doing so ? Is it the friendship we showed during our life as 
inhabitants of Chimarra, as did the Greeks in Greece where you 
took refuge and asked for help and protection whenever occasion 
arose ? 

You speak of the Ottoman Empire. Where is this empire 
situated ? Is it the empire held by the Bulgarians — Greeks — Servians 
— Montenegrins at their feet before the gates of Constantinople ? 

You say that Italy and Austria will set up an Albanian principality; 
we are awaiting its erection and we shall rejoice at such an event, for 
even in that case we shall prove ourselves brothers towards that 
principality, for our noble sentiments are ever the same and will not 
alter, for we shall not fOrget that you are brothers who have severed 
yourselves from us by denying your religion. Is it really necessary to 
remind the inhabitants of Koutzi that ninety years ago they were still 
Christians and that they have relatives among the inhabitants of 
Chimarra ? The very name of Giolekas shows the religion to which 
Sefket Bey's ancestors belonged. 

Leave Eserem Bey to busy himself with his own affairs at Avlona. 
You know how every man has served his country. 

As for you, inhabitants of Koutzi, follow the example of those of 
Burgos and Callesi who have declared their submission to the King of 
Greece, in writing. 

Do not allow yourselves to be deceived by the armistice and other 
false statements : know only that the Servian army is marching on 
Berat and that three Greek divisions are marching on Koiiitsa,' which 
Eserem Bey aspires to make an Albanian town. 

As for your threats, I hope they are meant neither for Spuromilios 
nor for the inhabitants of Chimarra, for even the children of Giolekas 
know that we are as much used to the Martini and Mauser rifles as 
they are. It is another who threatens while concealing himself behind 
Giolekas, but that other has never fought himself, nor have his 

I give the inhabitants of Koutzi three days to submit. After that 

* That was the intention, but the bad roads and the heavy snowfall 
rendered the attempt impracticable. 


delay I shall consider myself free from all engagements. As to the 
advice given from Avlona, let those who send it look to their villages 
alone, for Korytsa belongs to Chimarra. 

The inhabitants of Piliouri and Kanolessi and with them 


In illustration of Major Spiromilios's reference to Sefket 
Giolekas*s ancestor can be cited the step which was taken so 
long ago as 1847 by the Albanian Beys to demand the 
annexation of their country to the Kingdom of Greece. 
The following is a translation of the petition then made by 
them to the Greek Government, among the signatures to 
which will be found that of Tennel Giolekas : 

Most illustrious Presidents and Notables of His Majesty Otho, King 
of Greece, in Athens of the land of Greece, we embrace you fraternally 
and bring the following to your notice : 

We who salute you prostrate ourselves to the earth as we prefer 
our plaint to you out of the miseries which we, the undersigned kazas 
have suffered, in a dry and rocky country, without any learning but 
devoted to arms. Since Constantinople fell into the power of the 
actual sultans we have been subjected to the despots of the country, 
the viziers, the pashas, the kaimakams, thirty-three sultans. During 
nearly four hundred years we have shed our blood over all their 
pothers like people who have neither king nor faith. Our ancient 
customs have disappeared and new ones have been established which 
are unbearable in our country, a dozen have been introduced into each 
kaza and the law has been administered with partiality and injustice, 
not by the love of God and of our Prophet, but by force and oppression 
and not like the kings of the universe speak. It is for this reason that 
we have given up our King whom we considered as the representative 
and father of all the Mussulmans and that we have complained so 
often as suppliants and in tears ; but we have not gained a hearing. 
In case the Throne (the King of the Hellenes) should take pity on us 
unfortunate men, we specially send some of our own folk to confer by 
word of mouth with your Excellency, if His Majesty of the Throne 
accepts us as subjects, with the capitulations which he will give to us 
and we will give to him. For the love of God, have pity on us, 
creatures of the Almighty, who are born and shall die naked. If there 
is no pity for us from the Almighty, we shall die by the sword of man, 
since God so wishes. 

We beseech you, we the undersigned kazas, Avlona, Delvino. 
Menahie, Kouverliessi, Malakastra, Upper and Lower Berat, and 
Tebelen and Dionigge, five kazas in all, beseech your Throne to have 


pity on us. If there be no love for us and if God has said that we must 
die, we do not wish to live any longer on this earth. If the Throne 
loves us, tell us so that we may form the provinces of our own free will 
and with guarantees according to the command of the Throne, The 
bearer will explain to you verbally and you will answer us. Thus be 
it done and according to the will of God. 
Your dear presidents saibis of the five kazas affix our signs manual, 

[47 seals of Beys and Agas follow.] 

Examine well the above seals and saibis of our country, and we will 
answer to you with guarantees for your assurance. 
The 15th of August, 1847. Kaza of Kourveliessi. 

Delving Sandjak [Signed] Tennel Giolekas, Djelil Aga. 

[Forty signatures of Beys and Agas follow.] 

AvLONA Sandjak [Signed] F. Bekir, Beliss Kanina. 

[Eighty signatures follow besides the signatures of the Beys and 
Agas of the other kazas.] 

Moreover, what further proof is needed of the non- 
Albanian character of the population of Northern Epirus 
than the wholesale burning and pillaging of their villages by 
the Albanian bands. Of the one hundred and fifty villages 
in Epirus which have been destroyed, forty-five lie in the 
disputed district of Delvino alone. It is unnecessary to 
allude to the contrast between the gentle, peace-loving nature 
of the Greeks and the barbarous and unsettled character of 
the Albanians. All the refinement and culture which the 
disputed district can show is a direct outcome of Greek 
civilization. The proposal to make this district Albanian is 
a negation of the good of civilizing influences and an attempt 
to throw back into the arms of the only European race who 
have not yet been civilized thousands of enlightened and 
industrious people. 

A writer in the Fortnightly Review (May), who has 
evidently had great experience of Albania, at the close 
of an interesting article on its future, says : " The natural 
and easiest line for the new principality to take is an under- 
standing or alliance with Greece." He supports his views 


by saying that the two races are kindred and have a common 
hatred of the Slav, and that to both of them the Slav peril 
is an equally great danger. This is very true ; but the only 
way of establishing amicable relations between Greece and 
Albania is the avoidance of friction over their boundary. 
This can only be er^sured if Greece is allowed to keep 
Northern Epirus. The Albanian Provisional Government 
will show itself possessed of moderate and statesmanlike 
qualities if it recognizes this fact, and will at the same 
time, by measuring its present demands, pave the way for a 
solidification 'of Albanian interests. Otherwise, if the con- 
trary be attempted, this district will become a seething 
volcano which, like Crete, will sap the energy of Greece 
and Albania for years and subject them to a strain which the 
latter may not be able to stand, and which may ultimately 
lead to her downfall. 


the spirit of hellenism 

By "Lascaris" 


It would be curious to imagine an Oxford don or a French 
nobleman reduced to serve under a Fiji Islander. Though 
the captive might be forced to fetch water or carry wood 
for his master, the superiority of the cultivated man would 
soon pierce through his trammels. If the educated man 
cured an illness which the natives had thought mortal till 
then, or showed them how to produce fire from a piece of 
glass, his value would be so much enhanced in his master's 
eyes that it would be thought a pity to waste such powers 
on menial work which others could do as well, and better. 
Though in a less degree, something of this kind happened 
with respect to the Greeks after the fall of Constantinople. 
The dominant race was a wild horde, very brave in battle, 
but of little use in times of peace. The subject race, on the 
contrary, possessed all the subtlety required for delicate 
political negotiations. They had spent their lives in poring 
over books or in the punctilious observances of Court 
etiquette. It was therefore natural that transactions re- 
quiring knowledge and delicacy of treatment should fall 
to the Greeks. Those Greeks with whom liberty weighed 
above everything left. But those who were not free to shape 
their lives according to their inclination, remained there, 
and it was not long before all the posts calling for knowledge 

and delicacy of touch were in the hands of the Greeks. 



It was diflRcult to feel sure of a Turk's favour ; for they 
not infrequently ordered a man to be put to death a moment 
after having overwhelmed him with favours. On the other 
hand, men often gained the good graces of an agha or a 
pasha by a bon mot or even a practical joke. It is well 
known that a man who had been dismissed in disgrace 
from a Governor's presence appeared before him on the very 
morrow, without intercessors, by the simple golden key of 
a bakshish. 

The indignant Governor asked the fellow how he had 
entered the presence after being dismissed. The man 
promptly replied, ** Your Excellency sent me out by the 
door ! I entered by the window ! " The Governor merely 
laughed, and the man was restored to favour. Such manners 
must have clashed sadly with those of the men who had 
been educated at the Court of the super-refined porphyro- 
genitii. But the Greeks were wise enough not to express 
their disgust at anything. Thus they contrived to maintain 
their posts by their conciliating manners and outward 

Turks have an Oriental love of ostentation, and like to 
be treated with exaggerated respect. To ingratiate them- 
selves with their masters the Greeks were obliged, therefore, 
to bow and scrape, for there was no middle course between 
servile respept and coarse buffoonery. 

Undoubtedly the attitude of the Greeks of Constantinople 
was not calculated to increase their sincerity, for to acquiesce 
in all that their masters said, and even to carry out instruc- 
tions which they did not approve of was the only price 
at which they could retain their posts, or even their 

As in the case of the beautiful Greek wife of Ali Pasha, 
who saved many of her countrymen by her kind intercession, 
the Greeks no doubt reconciled their insincere conduct to 
their consciences by the thought of the good they werd 
often able to do their fellow-countrymen. In their hearts 
the Greeks of Constantinople yearned for liberty and 


only awaited an opportunity for shaking off an odious 
yoke. . 

Many Greeks had been compelled to embrace Islamism, 
but, except in the case of very young children, this con- 
version was merely outward. It is curious that the Greeks 
of Constantinople are more attached to the orthodox religion 
and more scrupulous in their observance of its rites than 
those of Greece proper. 

And now comes the crucial point. Even Lord Byron, 
who fought and died for Greece, was compelled to admit that 
Greeks were not truthful. It would be interesting to know 
if his ancestors the Saxons were as straightforward under their 
Norman conquerors as the freeborn Englishmen of his day. 
One of the saddest effects of subjection is the checking of 
men's honesty. When an unfortunate Greek was meditating 
over plans of emancipation for his country, if a Turk had 
offered him the proverbial penny for his thoughts, the Greek 
would have been naif indeed if he had replied, " I was 
thinking whether it would be best to attack you first by land- 
or by sea." Though stealing was taught in Sparta, the 
proverb " All's fair in love and war " has not originated in 
Greece, and there is little doubt that other nations thus 
oppressed would have behaved in like manner. Though ' 
this may excuse it does not do away with the fact that 
Greeks are not remarkable for their truthfulness. 

The telling of a falsehood by which no one will be injured 
is seldom thought wrong. If a man were told that he forfeits 
his self-respect by not speaking the truth he would probably 
laugh and set down the speaker as an " eccentric foreigner." 
This is very painful when seen in children. If they play 
clever tricks the family often laughs and applauds. When a 
Greek wishes to be believed he often says : " Surely you know 
I would not tell an untruth on such a day" (it being an im- 
portant saint's day), or : "I swear to you on my children ! " 
or sometimes they will say : " If I am not speaking the truth 
may I be struck with blindness," or : " May I kiss my mother 
in death ! " (the mother being alive). It would be interesting 



to ascertain the particular oath that may be implicitly relied 
upon. The strange part is that Greeks are quite as honest 
in money matters as more truthful people. In fact, their 
scrupulous accuracy in this respect is sometimes quite sur- 
prising, as is also their disinterestedness in cases where least 
expected. Though Greek servants often pilfer, they never 
rob wholesale or conspire with burglars. There are unwritten 
laws by which a Greek would not allow a man whose bread 
he had eaten to be robbed. 

One explanation of this want of truthfulness may perhaps 
be furnished by the climate of Greece. Men living among 
such exquisite scenery, and almost able to subsist on nothing, 
are seldom if ever brought face to face with the hard and 
repulsive realities of life. They do not like to have these 
forced upon them, and try to spare others the hearing of 
painful news or the necessity of dealing with hard facts. As 
in the case of the ancients, who spoke of the Black Sea as 
the Eu^tvo^ Tlovroc (Hospitable Sea), and called the Furies 
the Eumenides, Greeks are fond of euphemisms. They call 
vinegar yXvKa^t (sweet), and often speak of a stench as "a 
perfume." When compelled to be the bearers of evil tidings 
they always add something to remove the unpleasant impres- 
sion caused thereby. For instance, no one would announce 
a death without a preliminary " life to you ! " or an illness 
without the words, "far be it from you!" His Satanic 
Majesty is talked of as **the away from here" — 6 I'^w 


In every country bluntness is a sign of ill-breeding and 
suavity is enjoined. But this is particularly the case in 
Greece, where a refusal is always softened by such words as 
** Not to-day," or, " We must see if it can be managed." In 
the same manner that Greeks cannot bring themselves to 
drown a kitten, and will leave it on the pavement in the hope 
that some one will .take compassion on it, they hope that 
something may turn up to enable them to grant the favour 
in question. To refuse point-blank seems to them so brutal 
that they often recommend men for posts for which they 


know the applicant does not possess the necessary qualifica- 
tions. This is in part accountable, too, for the jobbery, 
which was the greatest curse of Greece before the days of 
the present Prime Minister. A man had only to know a 
Minister or his secretary to be sure of exemption from 
punishment and often from the payment of taxes. Of course 
the root of this evil lay far deeper. It was the desire to 
secure as many votes as possible. To attain this object 
everything was sacrificed, and though the Prime Ministers of 
Greece before M. Venizelos were honest in money matters 
— for they ail died poor — yet not one of them was able to 
appoint the fittest men to the posts best suited to them. 
Gharilaus Tricoupis was undoubtedly the greatest patriot 
among her statesmen. He came to power with clean hands 
and fully determined to steer clear of these ways ; but after 
many years' hard struggle he was compelled to yield also 
finding it impossible to swim against the tide any longer. 
Those who know the difficulties with which he had to con- 
tend will admire him for having yielded so little to the 
prevailing custom. Whereas others no soQner came to office 
than they dismissed men wholesale, simply because the posts 
were wanted for rewarding their partisans who had helped in 
the elections ; unless a man did something to deserve dis- 
missal, Tricoupis always let him remain in his post, even 
though knowing him to be his political opponent. By this 
means there were not enough posts vacant to satisfy his 
partisans, and they often left him and joined the opposite 
party for no other cause. 

Many years ago Lord Rosebery compared Greece with her 
narrow boundaries to a ship whose engine was three or four 
times too large for her size. It was so indeed. To be 
a political man was the ambition of every Greek, young 
or old, rich or poor. This ambition has ruined more 
families in Greece than gambling or betting. Greeks were 
ever a fickle people, and it takes very little to make 
them fall from their leader and discover every virtue in the 
opposite one. 


A society was once formed for the prevention of cruelty to 
animals. This society was unable to do anything, for the 
deputies knew that the mere suggestion of a penalty for 
overworking or overloading horses would make them lose 
every cabman's vote at the next elections. Few candidates 
would have been bold enough to give their support to such 
a measure. I had not been long in Greece before I accident- 
ally had an insight into these things. Wherever it was 
possible Mademoiselle Sophie Tricoupis saved her brother 
the trouble of interviewing tiresome folk. On one occasion 
the wife of the Chief of the Police had been soliciting a post 
for her nephew. Mademoiselle Tricoupis explained that the 
post was not vacant. She did this gently and kindly, but 
the lady rose and took leave with tears in her eyes, and it 
was not long before her husband joined the opposite party. 
On another occasion a butcher called to complain that he 
had been fined for selling meat under weight. Mademoiselle 
Tricoupis replied : *' How can we help you since by your own 
admission the meat was under weight ? " The man rose with 
great dignity, saying he had expected to find redress, but 
things being so he had no alternative but to absent himself, 
with his sons, at the next elections. 

Unfortunately such examples might be multiplied ad 
infinitum. And yet these very men who expect every- 
thing to give way to their selfish and narrow interests are 
most devoted patriots, as was proved by the recent war, 
when they forsook their business in distant countries, often 
selling for a mere trifle shops and connections which it had 
cost them years of patient and unremitting labour to estab- 
lish, only to get the money wanted for returning to their 
beloved country, for which they were ready to sacrifice their 
lives. Among other examples may be cited that of four 
struggling Greeks settled in China, who, scorning the slow 
route by sea, hurried to Greece by the overland route at 
an expense altogether out of proportion to their slender 
means, only that they might reach the battle-field a little 
earlier ! 



To a Greek the word "patriotism " does not convey merely 
the love of his fatherland. In his mind it is so closely 
allied to Christianity that Greeks may be said to be as 
much attached to their faith from a national as from a 
religious standpoint. 

In their eyes to alter one particle in the ceremonial, and 
still more in the creed, of the Eastern Orthodox Church as 
established by the Byzantine Fathers of the Church would be 
a sin. They are not a little proud to think that, whereas 
other religions alter and become divided and sub-divided) 
their religion alone has subsisted unaltered for ages. Ortho- 
doxy is the same in every part of Greece, and all over the 
Continent. A Greek looks upon it with an affection easy to 
understand, since no matter how far from his country, that is 
the Church in which he was baptized and to which he has 
always turned for guidance and consolation. 

The Greek Church holds this unique position among 
Xhurches, that it alone possesses the power of fastening or 
loosening the marriage knot, for the legality of a marriage 
does not depend upon the civil portion of it (which is a 
modern introduction), but upon the sanction of the patriarch 
or bishop. In all marriages between a member of the Ortho- 
dox Church and one who professes another religion permission 
is only granted by the Greek Church on the understanding 
that the children arising from the marriage shall be baptized 
and brought up in the Orthodox Church. Every Greek 
hopes that when he breathes his last he will receive the 
holy sacrament from his priest with the same rites that have 
subsisted unchanged for centuries. This may be why religion 
seems to have a more active part in r- man's life here, and 
why there are hardly any atheists in Greece. 

Although perfectly tolerant of other religions, Greeks cling 
to their own jealously, and both Protestant and Roman 
Catholic missionaries have had but poor success in Greece. 


Though convinced of the correctness of their own religion, 
Greeks have not the least desire to proselytize, and, indeed, 
raise difficulties when a convert seeks to enter their ranks, 
for they hold it every man's duty to live in the faith in 
which he was born. This, of course, applies to Christians. 
Mohammedanism they hardly look upon as a religion, but 
rather as a racial fanaticism and a pretext for brutal outrage 
in times of war and contemptuous voluptuousness in times of 
peace ; and this is hardly to be wondered at, for while their 
own religion inculcates gentleness, their experience teaches 
them that the Mussulmans are cruel and ever ready to break 
out into massacres and violence of every kind. 

The Greek religion, and in a great measure the language 
too, has been preserved through ages of servitude mostly 
owing to the efforts of the clergy. They would gather the 
Greek children around them, teaching them to read and 
write, and alternating Bible stories with accounts of the 
heroic deeds of their ancestors. Those simple priests had 
hardly enough learning to study the Koran. They would 
probably have been much amazed to hear that it enjoins 
charity quite as strongly as does the Gospel. Although 
the priests taught those children the Decalogue, had they had 
the framing of the commandments it is more than likely that 
they would have placed a commandment somewhat after, 
this fashion at the head of them : " Love thy country and ' 
be ready to die for it." To take up arms against the Turks 
was not merely to fight for their country, but for the Cross 
as opposed to the Crescent Even during the Balkan War 
we have Admiral Countouriotes' exhortation to the Fleet, 
wherein he speaks of being victorious not merely against 
the enemy, but against "the enemy of our race." It must be 
confessed that the Mussulmans did all they could to foster 
this feeling. 

After the conquest of Byzantium many Greeks spread over 
Europe, thereby benefiting the cause of learning. The Medici 
library was indebted to Lascaris for his judicious choice of 
rare manuscripts, and his pupil Musurus, together with 


Vlastos and Kalliergis, all three Cretans, set up a printing- 
press, first in Venice then in Rome, where the works of 
many of the Greek poets were printed for the first time. It 
would be too long to enumerate the refugees from Byzantium 
who filled chairs on the Continent with distinction. 

Those who contend that the Greeks of to-day are not 
descended from the ancient Greeks must be at some pains 
to account for their similarity of tastes and aptitudes. Besides 
the love of learning so markedly displayed by many, they 
also possess remarkable aptitude for commerce, as is evinced 
by such firms as that of Ralli Brothers, which is known all 
over the world. Many lived far from their country, but no 
matter where they were, they all retained a warm and almost 
passionate love of Greece and an unswerving belief in her 

One of the finest numismatic collections in the Greek 
Academy was made by three brothers living in Russia in 
the eighteenth century. They all three remained unmarried 
in order to devote their fortune to their dearly loved 
country. The collection was bequeathed to Greece, " when 
she becomes free I " 

There is something very touching in a Greek's love for his 
country. He will make any sacrifices that a foreigner may 
bear away a good impression of it. Long before the last 
war an Austrian from Salonica came to Athens ai)d asked a 
small boy to be his guide to the spots he wished to visit. At 
parting the gentleman held out a drachma, which the child 
refused. Thinking he had offered too little the gentleman 
produced a 5-drachma piece. Again the child refused. 
'* Then you must tell me what you'd like me to buy for 
you," said the gentleman. But the boy said he did not 
want anything. "What is there I ^can do for you?" asked 
the gentleman. The small boy replied, "When you return 
to Salonica, if you hear people talking against the Greeks, 
say a good word for them ! " 

During the war of 1897 it became known that the German 
Emperor was against Greece, The very next morning the 


little shoeblacks outside the Grande Bretagne Hotel refused 
to black the shoes of all Gerrpans, including a secretary of 
the German Legation, and some barbers refused to shave all 

In his clever skit on modern Greece, Edmond About says 
Greeks are so fond of money that they will divest themselves 
of their shoes in the market-place, provided they are offered 
a good price for them. To make rather than to accumulate 
money is a characteristic of the Greek, but he never refuses 
to spend it on a needy member of his family, and often 
bequeaths the greater portion of his fortune to his native 
town or island. The leaving of money which cannot be 
carried out of this world by the testator is, however, less a 
proof of generosity than the large sums sent during their 
lifetime for founding hospitals and schools. The army poet 
Matsoukas, alluded to elsewhere, has the following lines on 
the subject : 

TTOiog irXovmogj awidave (cat -rrripE jiyio ^aZ,i tov 
wapa rpBig Tri)XUQ (rafiavo vavricT-Q to Kopfxl tov ; 

" What man of wealth has died and taken his riches with 
him, except the (ew feet of earth which covers his corpse ? " 

The handsome contributions from wealthy Greeks abroad 
in aid of the war and for the society for the relief of 
soldiers' families, are not so remarkable as the offerings of 
those of smaller means. Every manager of a company and 
every merchant and shopkeeper has made it a rule to con- 
tinue paying his clerk's salary to the members of that clerk's 
family wherever the clerk has been enrolled. This rule has 
been adhered to by Greeks out of Greece also. Many 
generous English firms reversed the prevalent practice with 
regard to the territorial army, and took this opportunity of 
indirectly expressing their sympathy with the cause of 
liberty by following this fine example. 

To fight against " the unspeakable Turk " and to free bis 


fellow-countrymen is so much a part of a Greek's religion 
that no sacrifices seem too great for this. We are sometimes 
reminded of the ancient Spartan spirit by the way in which 
this devotion to their country shows itself, as when a mother 
was seen at the station a short time ago taking leave of her 
only son, who was starting for the front. " Go, my son," she 
said ; " remember, you have to avenge the blood of your 
father, murdered by our Mussulman oppressors. Take no 
thought of me." Then, pointing to her little grandson whom 
she held by the hand, she added, " He will look after me." 
During one of the Cretan insurrections a gentleman was 
surprised at seeing a real rifle in the hands of a tiny boy whom 
we should hardly think old enough for a large toy gun. He 
asked if it was safe to entrust the little fellow with a real 
fire-arm. The mother replied very quietly, " I am here to 
guide his hand." 

As in the Homeric days when they had a bard to en- 
courage them, Matsouka, the Greek improvisatore, after 
collecting large sums in America for his fellow-countrymen, 
returned to Greece and followed the army to Macedonia, 
stirring the men by his patriotic improvisations. While there 
he knocked at the door of a Turkish house. A voice from 
inside inquired who had come. Matsouka replied, 
" Liberty ! " 

It is said that Socialism cannot make any progress in 
Greece because men's minds are too intent on delivering 
their brethren from subjection to feel much interested in 
social problems, or, indeed, in anything outside this question. 
A wounded soldier had been transported to the hospital in 
Athens. There he held forth to a visitor, saying : " Our lads 
are not like the soldiers of 1897. Since then we have studied 
ancient history deeply. We know the noble deeds of our 
ancestors, and we are inspired by seeing all these grand 
monuments, and we are determined never to lay down our 
arms till all Greece is free ! " These men seem uncon- 
sciously to compare themselves to the heroes of the Persian 
wars and to try and emulate them. The few exceptions to 


this universal spirit received short shrift. A 'short time since 
a soldier fled from the battle-field and ran back to his native 
village in the outskirts of Lamia. As soon as the inhabitants 
caught sight of him they all ran out of their houses and 
stoned him to death. 

Certain qualities appear to be indigenous to the Greek, 
such as wonderful sobriety and thriftiness in his personal 
expenses, together with a readiness to help the members of 
his family. This is neither a matter of emotion nor of 
individual inclination, but a traditional duty accepted without 
question or repining. Thus it is common to see brothers 
remaining unmarried till their sisters are settled in life, and 
fathers opening their houses to their widowed daughters and 
the children of these as a matter of course. In this manner 
the anomalies so often seen elsewhere of one wealthy and 
several poor relations in the same family are very seldom to 
be met with here. When a man has prospered in America 
or elsewhere the first thing he does is to send money home 
to release the paternal house or land on which money has 
been borrowed and for which a heavy rate of interest is 
being paid. The next thing is to send a dowry for his 
sisters. Then if he does not return he will send money for 
improving the village school. 

Cook's tours are doing their best to destroy individuality 
everywhere and to make all countries alike, but those who 
have visited the districts or islands of Greece not overrun 
with tourists have been surprised at the open-handed 
hospitality of her inhabitants. In some parts as soon as they 
see a stranger arriving they will go to the shore, offering to 
put him up at their house, and even quarrelling over who 
shall give him hospitality. To offer them money for this 
would be to offend them mortally ; and the strange part is 
that Greek courtesy will overcome Greek inquisitiveness so 
far that, unless the stranger offers information, he is never 
even asked his name. In his book on the Greek Islands 
Theodore Bent remarks on the annoying pride of their 
inhabitants, who can never receive a present without imme- 


diately offering one on their side. They seem afraid to put 
themselves under an obligation. 

In some parts of Greece the system of pourboires is still 
unknown, and a shop-boy bringing something to the hotel 
will be mightily offended if offered coppers for his pains. 
Indeed, one boy put by the proffered money with a lordly 
gesture, and on the giver insisting he said, almost sobbing, 
" I can excuse foreigners, but I did not expect this from a 
Greek I " After paying a week-end visit at a Greek house I 
have, as a matter of course, handed a douceur to the maid. 
She replied with great dignity, " We don't do such things 
here ! " I felt very small as I returned the money to my 
pocket. Next time I tried offering a ribbon or a hand- 
kerchief, and I had no difficulty. 

Whether an inhabitant of city or mountain, the Greek is 
free from the vice of drink. This may suffice, perhaps, to 
account for a certain native refinement or absence of 
brutality which is so remarked not only in their general 
bearing, but in their countenances. We never see here those 
low types so frequently to be met with in certain parts of 
London and in some rural districts, where some men seem 
little removed from the beasts from which we are said to be 

Their superstition in some parts could only be rivalled 
by ours in the Middle Ages. Though there are not any 
witches burned in Greece, yet there would not be anything 
very startling or out of keeping with the spirit of the people 
in such a proceeding. As late as the year 1909 the province 
of Phthiotis was overrun with locusts. The Greek Govern- 
ment supplied petroleum gratis to the peasants for burning 
the young locusts before they could fly. The peasants 
refused to go to town to fetch it, and when we paid them 
for carrying it to the fields which they were cultivating on 
share with us they refused to help in the burning of the 
locusts, saying it was a waste of time, for as soon as the 
locusts were big enough to fly all we had to do was to get 
the village priest to go into the fields, preceded by some 


one carrying the Virgin's image, and at the end of the liturgy 
the locusts would all fly to the sea and be drowned. And 
when this was done and the locusts remained, the faith of 
the peasants in their remedy was in nowise shaken. Some 
said we had not sent for the right image, others said it was 
not a proper liturgy, since all had not put on their Sunday 
clothes before following the priest. And so the tobacco was 
all eaten by the locusts and the whole province was ruined ! 

In many cases the saints have replaced the gods of 
mythology. St. Nicholas is the patron saint of seamen and 
holds very much the same position as Neptune. A sea 
captain had the image of St. Nicholas in his sailing-boat 
and burned a little lamp before it on ordinary occasions. 
However, when the wind was unfavourable this lamp was 
not lighted, and if a contrary wind persisted the image of 
the saint was turned with its face to the wall. In times 
of public calamity or private illness tapers were lighted and 
services performed in honour of the particular saint whose 
province it is to deal with the illness or calamity from which 
they are suffering. So deep-rooted are these beliefs that in the 
old days of brigands, when sharing their booty the brigands 
would lay aside the portion of their patron saint. 

Thus it will be seen that both in good and bad qualities 
the Greeks differ from most Europeans of our days. 

The very tenacity with which they have preserved many 
of the customs and superstitions of their ancestors is a proof, 
if any were needed, that, in spite of much intermarriage and 
blending with foreigners, they are descended from the Greeks 
of yore. 



One result of the war has been to make the position of 
Greece secure as a nation in the Eastern Mediterranesyi. 
Hitherto it may be said that Greece depended for her 
existence upon the goodwill of the Great Powers ; now she 
is, if not actually, at any rate potentially herself a Power 
to be reckoned with. Her newly acquired territories are 
very nearly as extensive as those which she had before 
the war, but what is more important than mere extent is 
their nature. The whole of the Greece of last year, with 
the exception of some of the upper parts of Thessaly, 
was a Southern country ; its climatic conditions were such 
that none of the characteristics of the more Northern races 
of Europe could be encouraged and fostered. The dolce 
far niente of the Southerner seemed inseparable from the 
Southern Greek so long as he remained in his native land. 
The acquisition of a large part of Macedonia and Epirus 
will introduce into the Greek nation a population who, by 
their habits and temperament, can be differentiated from the 
Greeks of Old Greece as a more active and energetic com- 
munity. Of the islands, Crete has a unique climate and 
its natives are perhaps the only people who combine the 
grace of the Southerner with the energy of the Northerner. 
Numbers of Cretans, headed by the Prime Minister, have 
been appointed to important administrative and other posts 
in the country, and by their hard work and energy have 
already begun to infuse a more methodical and business-like 

system into public and official life. 



In the future there will be two influences working on 
the Greeks, making them more efficient in everything except 
commerce, for which their ability has always been recognized 
as pre-eminent. The first influence will be the competition 
of the Cretan and the Greek from the new Northern districts 
the second will be the effect on them of the climate of 
Macedonia and Epirus. The Thessalians, at any rate the 
natives of Mount Pelion, with whom the writer is specially 
acquainted and from one of whom he is descended, for the 
last hundred years, at all events, have shown themselves 
to be a much more vigorous and energetic people than the 
Greeks of more Southern Greece ; curiously enough, they 
have exhibited commercial ability as well as aptitude for 
sport and physical pursuits. 

The Greek when he migrates into foreign countries, 
especially England and America, develops in a very short 
time qualities which he conspicuously lacked as long as he 
remained in Greece. The chief of these qualities are physical 
energy and resource, or common sense. Remarkable oppor- 
tunities were afforded in the recent war of observing and 
comparing Greeks from America with indigenous Greeks. 
Most of the former had only been in America ten or fifteen 
years, and yet they had all assimilated the strenuous attitude 
towards life of the American. It is true that the Greeks 
who go to America are in many cases naturally the most 
enterprising, otherwise they would not leave their country 
and seek their fortunes in a distant land. Nevertheless, 
among those who did emigrate to America there were a 
great many whose business did not prosper or who had failed 
to get on in Greece. Nothing but praise has been showered 
upon the American Greek soldiers during the war; they 
were practically all in infantry regiments, and they showed 
themselves admirable types of infantrymen. They were the 
most disciplined and cheerful, and managed to make the 
best of difficulties during the campaign ; it was said that 
whenever there was an American Greek in a section it 
was he who would cook the dinners and manage to devise 



little arrangements for comfort which the others would never 
have thought of or else did not trouble to try and get To 
take an example from a more limited class, the sons of 
Greeks who have had an English Public School education 
and others who have come in contact with the higher class 
of English Civil servants and officers in Egypt, have fre- 
quently acquired the more solid outlook on life which is 
the heritage of the Northerner. Just as in England the 
north-countrymen, the Yorkshireman and the Lancastrian, 
have taken the lead not only in manufacture and commerce 
but also in the administrative and judicial walks of life, 
so it is in the ordinary course of things that the Macedonians 
and Epirots, as well as^ the Cretans, should take the lead 
in Greece. It is possible that the Greeks, who may find 
no place in the future in Southern Greece owing to the 
competition introduced by the appearance of the new 
element from Greater Greece, may try and find a sphere 
for their activities in the Macedonian or other new Hellenic 
territories. In their new homes they will come under the 
second of the influences mentioned above, and so be hardened 
and braced by living in a more rigorous climate. 

These influences must be helped by the conscious efforts 
of the Greeks themselves. The Greek must make up his 
mind to become a disciplined man ; the slipshod and casual 
ways, which did not perhaps greatly matter in a small 
country such as Greece was, would hinder the progress of 
Greater Greece. That the Greek with proper training is 
amenable to discipline has been shown by the remarkable 
results achieved by the French and British Missions in the 
Army and Navy respectively. The start which has been 
made with the Army and Navy must be followed up in 
every branch of life. That it is good education in the 
broadest sense that the Greek needs, and that it is. the lack 
of this which is at the root of any indifferent qualities which 
he has, would seem to be also shown by the results obtained 
in Greeks who are educated in England and America. 

Throughout the Dark Ages, which in Greece can be said 


to have lasted until the end of the eighteenth century, the 
Greeks kept their love of learning alive by means of their 
schools. So convinced were they of the benefits of learning 
(ypafifiaTa) that they used to ask schoolmasters to inflict 
corporal punishment on their children if they did not work 
hard at their lessons. A father accompanying his son to 
school for the first time would say to the schoolmaster, 
" I bring you flesh and expect you to return me bones." 
The children themselves were admonished by such proverbs 
as, " A man without learning is an unhewn block of wood," 
and lectured on the necessity of proving that they were unlike 
" those despicable Turks,*' since they were the descendants 
of writers to whom all Europe bows in admiration. Although 
it is undeniable that they acquired a certain amount of 
solid knowledge, the boys, other than those who had a 
particular love of learning, crammed that they might the 
sooner pass their exams, and say good-bye to their books. 
After their course of education came to an end, those who 
did not become priests or professors went into business, 
commerce being looked upon as an aristocratic profession, or 
became doctors or lawyers. No matter what the profession 
chosen, they all loved politics passionately, and to discuss these 
at full length they met at the caffs. Many men who might 
have done good work ran to seed in this manner. One 
of the results was that Greece had a few professors and 
bishops of great learning, able to tell the date of every 
battle and the number of, lines in every canto, as well as 
the derivation of every word, but few or no writers either 
of originality or of a broad outlook. It never occurred to 
those who planned this system that a regime of unrelieved 
cramming was the most effective way to crush a child's 
imagination and make him take a dislike to his books. 

The modern Greek system of education, which is a 
development of this old education, is purely directed to the 
intellect and yet is not exactly intellectual in the highest 
sense. The schools are now actually modelled mostly on 
the German schools, but they do not base their teaching on 


the German standpoint in which Welt-Anschauung plays 
such a prominent part. The Greek method of teaching 
being a narrow one, the boys are stuffed with facts and 
figures, the connection of which with one another or with 
Hfe generally is not taught them. Probably an even more 
fundamental fault of Greek education, both at home and 
at school, is its failure to teach boys to be trustworthy 
and self-reliant A system of supervision, which no high 
spirits can survive, is responsible for this. The wisest men 
in England have judged it best to place absolute trust in the 
honour of their pupils. Greek educationalists have gone 
to the opposite extreme and have relied on their own 
vigilance instead, not seeing that it tended to encourage a 
lack of franlcness. The encouragement given by Greek 
parents to their children to foster what they call their ^tAort/^ov 
(something between ambition and self-respect) tends to develop 
selfishness and mental vanity. The introduction of the 
study of Plato's " Republic " from a broad standpoint would 
help to correct this. The attitude of the Greek man towards 
marriage, which encourages the sale of his manhood for an 
adequate dowry, is probably due in great part to the lack 
of self-reliance for which his education is answerable. 

One hears a great deal said in Greece, especially by 
British visitors and residents, about the over-education of 
the Greek. This criticism gives a false impression, for those 
responsible for it use the word "education" in the narrow 
sense of learning. What they mean is that too many arts 
and sciences and languages are taught to people whom such 
knowledge unfits for their own lives. In other words, they 
are only disapproving of what is a ground of complaint now 
at home, but which they find more prevalent in Greece 
than they do at home. The attitude of the cook's daughter 
who would in the ordinary course become a housemaid, but 
whose accomplishments, such as reading French novels and 
playing the " Eternal waltz " on the piano, make her think 
that domestic service would lower her socially, is almost 
universal among the Greek lower classes. It is still more 


noticeable among the men than amon<^ the women in Greece. 
Every Greek, unless he be a Government servant of some 
kind, or unless he be employed in some commercial business 
where a prospect of rapid advancement appears to be before 
him, frets until he can himself be an employer of labour. 
They all want to be masters. Even those who have them- 
selves known the happiness of agricultural life wish to see 
their sons engaged in something, as they say, better than 
agriculture. It is an axiom that one cannot be a good 
master unless one knows how to be a good servant. Scarcely 
any of the Greeks know how to be good masters because 
they have never learnt the meaning of being good servants. 
However, they are beginning to realize this themselves. 
Thus the writer -was much interested in being told by an 
hotel waiter, a man of more than ordinary intelligence, but 
one who had never left his country, that he had never had a 
chance of learning to become respectful to the hotel guests. 
"Our superiors," he said, "do not know how to treat us; 
they shout at us and abuse us before satisfying themselves that 
we have done anything wrong, and so how is it possible for 
us to respect them ? " The writer's own observation fully 
bears out the waiter's statement ; his experiences with Piraeus 
boatmen illustrate it. These boatmen are generally looked 
upon as a thieving gang of dishonest rascals. A boatman will, 
for instance, ask three drachmas for landing travellers from 
their steamer to the quay when the most he should get is 1.50. 
The average Greek begins to abuse the boatman, calls him 
a thief, and finally, in order to be rid of him, will pay him 
two drachmas under protest. This encourages the boatman 
to go on trying to extort more than proper payment out of 
his customers, on the principle that the more you ask the 
more you will get. The writer on one occasion was landed 
by a young boatman from a steamer which was not more 
than sixty to eighty yards away from the quay, the boatman 
subsequently carrying his bag to the station, about one-third 
of a mile away. He offered the boatman two drachmas. 
The latter said, ** That is the fare for the boat, and I want 


something for carrying the bag." The writer pointed out 
that one drachma was intended as the fare for the boat and 
the other drachma for carrying the bag. The boatman still 
demurred to the boat fare, so the writer asked him whether 
he really considered one drachma insufficient payment for 
landing him from so short a distance away, as nothing was 
further from his mind than to underpay him. The boatman 
thereupon turned away with a sickly look upon his face and 
the two francs in his pocket. Angry abuse means nothing 
in Greece, but in cases like this it confuses the moral issues' 
and does not allow the recipients of it to learn frank and 
honest ways. 

The lack of games is a great failing in Greek schools; 
the stolid German can perhaps thrive on a regime of " all 
work and no play," but the Greek, with his lighter and 
quicker intelligence, needs recreation in order to prevent 
staleness. The Greek boy has a love of games akin to 
that of the English boy ; a great aptitude for them too. 
A sight of Athens schoolboys playing about with a foot- 
ball on the open space inside Hadrian's Arch is enough to 
show this. Any additional proof required can be obtained 
from the success of Anglo-Greek boys in games at our 
Public Schools. A very high proportion of those among 
them who are of Greek {not Levantine) origin have shown 
proficiency at football and even cricket, which requires 
special coaching. 

Much has been said of late about the ineffectiveness at 
the present time of the British Public-School system, which 
was at its prime in the days of Arnold's Rugby. Before 
that time it is questionable how great a part the Public 
School played in making England's great pioneers. Since 
the days of Arnold the rough and tumble has decreased, 
but the quality of unselfishness and the importance d 
working, whether in games or in other things, for the 
benefit of the whole and not the individual is taught as 
well as ever. The intellectual education of the Public 
School may not in many cases effect the desired result, and 


it is over this that the controversy is raging at the present 
time. Of the physical and nioral education there can be no 
two opinions; it is the physical and moraL education of the 
Public School that the Greek needs. This can be introduced 
into Greece by only a small alteration of the existing scheme 
of intellectual education which will enhance rather than 
detract from its effectiveness. Perhaps the most urgent need 
to which future public benefactors, in which Greece has 
proved so fortunate hitherto, can direct their attention is 
the establishment of public boarding-schools for the better 
classes. The late Mr. Marino Corgialegno, of London, 
though he himself only came to England when he was 
grown up, saw enough of Public-School men (among them 
Anglo-Greeks) to understand what an important part the 
Public-School system can play in forming men of judgment. 
He left a sum of money for the foundation of a school on 
the lines of Eton, for which he expressed the wish that the 
Greek Government would provide the site. He, however, 
had so many schemes and visions for the advancement of 
Greece, some of which he adopted, as he himself said, from 
his friend, the late distinguished poet and man of letters, 
Mr. Demetrius Bikelas, that the sum which he was able to 
provide for the endowment of a Public School was scarcely 
large enough to establish a school of the dimensions which 
are indispensable for its success. It is to be hoped, therefore, 
that others will contribute to the scheme, so that the endow- 
ment of this school, when it is established, may be worthy of 
the task which it will have to fulfil. 

Boy Scouts are an institution of much more recent growth 
than our Public Schools, but a start has already been made 
in Greece with a society of " Scout Boys," as they are called. 
The members were originally recruited from boys of the 
better families in Athens between the ages of twelve and 
eighteen. They go out for excursions and camp out in tents 
in the same way as our own Scouts, but the conditions are 
somewhat different, as they have hitherto been drawn from 
a different class to that from which they are drawn here. 


The general aims and purposes for which the society was 
formed are almost identical with those at home. It may be 
said, however, that the Greek " Scout Boys'' are so far a sort 
of officers' training corps for boys who will in the future be 
able to teach the boys of the lower classes the Scout Law. 
The Greek Scout Law, which is practically a replica of our 
own, is almost ideal for educating the Greek. The rules 
should be written up as texts in every Greek house in which 
there are growing boys, especially Nos. S> 6, 1 1, and 12, which 
are worth quoting. They are as follows : 

Rule s. — The Scout Boy must be polite to everybody, and 
especially women, children, and the aged and sick, and he 
must never be paid for anything that he does. 

Rule 6. — The Spout Boy must be kind to all animals. 

Rule II. — The Scout Boy must be high-minded. He 
must never think of his personal ends when the interests 
of others are at stake, and he must always get things done 
not by begging but by character. 

Rule 12. — The Scout Boy must be cleanly; that is, his 
body and his attire must correspond to his inner moral 

The war has given splendid opportunities for Scout 
Boys to put the rules into practice. They were employed 
as messengers by almost all the public institutions to replace 
men who had been called to the front. Ministers had them 
attached to their offices and entrusted them with the carrying 
of important dispatches, and they were also given other tasks 
involving considerable responsibility, such as the distribution 
of money and the collection of parcels from the Customs. 
They called forth universal praise for the way in which they 
carried out the work that was given them. The business- 
like, manly, energetic, and quiet way in which they went 
about their business strikes a contrast with the methods 
of other Athens people. Their personal neatness and the 
pride of their bearing is also distinguishable. Perhaps not 
unnaturally, this is visible not only' when they are in their 
Scout Boy kit, but also when they are in civilian clothes. 



To face p. 265. 


The fact is that the Scout Boys, even if they are only young 
boys of fourteen and fifteen, are more manly than a ,good 
many of their grown-up fellow-citizens. In the important 
army manoeuvres which took place in the summer of 1912 
the Scout Boys took part, and in the great march past they 
were given the position of honour following the band. They, 
the Evzoni, and the Naval Brigade received the greatest 
applause from the crowd on that occasion, and they were 
greeted with cries of "Long live our future Army!" It is 
to be hoped that the boys from families of good position 
who have now learned the benefits to be derived from joining 
the Society will help to organize local branches all over 
Greece, at any rate in the districts of the towns, such as 
Salonica, Serres, Larissa, Volo, Kosane, Janina, Patras, 
Sparta, Canea, Corfu, Chios, etc., and so prepare the boys 
of the country for playing their part like men in the face 
of the stern realities of life, and incidentally to make them 
good soldiers and sailors. If the movement meets with 
support and spreads throughout Greece, the townsmen of 
the new generation will have the manly qualities and 
steadfast characters of the Evzoni in addition to greater 

If Greece is to make quick progress and exploit her 
opportunities to the best advantage, education in the highest 
sense must be an object of her most pressing attention. In 
saying this the writer feels that he is liable to offend many 
who have played no small part in keeping the flag of learning 
aloft among the Greek subjects of Turkey in a way that 
perhaps has never been equalled by any race which remained 
subjected to alien rule. It is hoped, however, the reader 
will perceive that the observations contained in this chapter 
as to the need of better education in Greater Greece are not 
in any way intended to belittle the work done by those 
workers in the cause, and are directed to quite a different 
aspect of the problem, namely, that of educating men who 
are to do for modern Greece what Lycurgus and Pericles 
did for ancient Greece and what Raleigh and Bacon did 
for England. 


It is the introduction of physical and moral education in 
the widest sense which is advocated, and which, it is sub- 
mitted, would quickly develop sides of the Greek character 
which have hitherto not been prominent except under con- 
ditions of training and life not usually found in Greece. It 
is true that in some of the more modern scholastic institu- 
tions, and also some of the older ones in which the teaching 
of new subjects has been introduced recently, a great im- 
provement is noticeable. In these rather a curious contrast 
is to be found between the modern and the old school of 
teaching. Thus Mile. Vanuxaki, the directress of the 
Arsakion, the enormous girls' school at Athens which 
contains some two thousand pupils, has instituted physical 
training on the Swedish lines, and also the teaching of 
many subjects, such as modern languages and drawing, in 
such a way as to encourage the pupil's own interest in the 
subject and give her free scope for using her own imagination 
and common sense. At the same time the ancient Greek 
authors and other old subjects are taught in the crabbed 
and cramping method by which the master tries to drive his 
own knowledge into his pupils' brains, and does not allow 
them to form their own ideas or, in fact, to have any 
conception about an author like Euripides except in the 
ideas, and even in the actual words, of their master. A 
comparison between these two methods of teaching in 
several lessons in the same institution in one morning 
convinced the writer of the need for wider reform in the 
Greek scholastic system. 

To turn to the more material side, the two branches of indus- 
try to which Greece will have to give her attention in the near 
future are agriculture and manufacture, A whole chapter is 
devoted to the treatment of the former, as it is impossible 
to deal with the various questions connected with it intelli- 
gibly in a few lines. Manufacture is still at a very elementary 
stage in Greece. The chief industrial centre is the Piraeus, 
but unfortunately capital has not yet begun to flow into its 
manufacturing concerns ; one reason is possibly that although 


it is almost within a stone's-throw of Athens, it is as much 
separated fromi it as Glasgow is from Edinburgh. Thus the 
great bank managers and capitaHsts who Hve in Athens are 
not in touch with the young and energetic pioneers who 
are struggHng to create great industries. Almost all the 
existing factories are the property of private partnerships. 
Most of the men who are at the head of them have worked 
up their own way in the world, and many of them having 
studied the technical problems of their particular branch 
of industry in England, and having seen the great cotton 
factories of Manchester and the great engineering shops of 
Birmingham and Sheffield, realize that unless capitalists 
interest themselves and give an impetus to their undertakings 
it will be many years before these can take an important 
place among the economic forces of the country. 

Mining prospects should be very bright, though hitherto 
lack of capital and want of enterprise have retarded to an 
unexpected degree the development and exploitation of the 
mineral wealth, of which in her new territories Greece will 
have a large accession. The mountains of Epirus and 
Macedonia contain a great variety of valuable ores, which in 
some parts show through bare precipitous rocks, and the 
island of Thasos is believed to be a storehouse of copper ore. 
If these mines are to be developed to any practical extent 
large amounts of foreign capital will be needed, and the Greek 
Government must bring the attractions of Macedonia forcibly 
before capitalists in our country if it is to succeed in inducing 
them to turn their attention to Greek undertakings. Adver- 
tising is still comparatively unknown in Greece, and scientific 
advertising is an indispensable step towards diverting capital 
in the required direction in these competitive times. Prob- 
ably large land development companies, conducted on the 
lines of the British South Africa Company, will be the best 
means of assuring speedy progress, especially in a sparsely 
populated and almost virgin country like Macedonia. The 
production of iron ore and other metals will naturally lead to 
the encouragement of manufactures on a large scale, and it is 


possible that new and large manufacturing centres may be 
established at Veria, Serfidje, or the mouth of the Aliakmon. 
The scarcity of artisan labour in Greece, which has also 
contributed in some degree to the slow progress in the 
industrial development of the country, will be much less 
prominent under the new conditions. Though Macedonia 
and Epirus are thinly populated, the large numbers of Greek 
and Mussulman refugees who have deserted their old homes 
in Bulgarian territory will form an element of some impor- 
tance which will help to solve the question of artisan no less 
than that of agricultural labour. It is possible that these 
numbers will be largely increased by Greek refugees from 
old Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia who may think it worth 
their while to change their homes now that prospects in 
Greece are so much brighter than hitherto. To what extent 
the Piraeus will in the future be outstripped by the manufac- 
turing centres of Macedonia it is not possible to foretell, but 
it is likely that it will harbour a greater variety of manufac- 
tures and be responsible for a larger total output than any 
other town in Greece, in the same way that London in these 
respects still keeps ahead of the great northern industrial 

Just as the Piraeus misses the co-operation of its Athenian 
neighbours, so Athens, though she perhaps does not realize 
it, misses the influence of the citizens of the Piraeus. Any 
one who goes to Athens with his mind full of the ideal of a 
revival of its ancient glories will probably feel a curious 
shock at the contrast between what is left of the ancient city, 
such as the Akropolis, and the buildings of the modern town. 
The ancient structures, though ruins, convey, in addition to 
the consummate culture of their architects, a force of vitality 
which proves that they are the products of a race in the 
fullness of its vigour. The modern buildings, on the other 
hand, with the exception of a few in University Street and 
some mansions along the Kephissia Road, lack dignity 
and artistic design. It is not, of course, fair to compare 
these buildings with the Parthenon, which is perhaps the 


greatest building in the world, but a comparison of Athens 
houses with the houses of a town like Syra shows that the 
former do not suffer merely by comparison with the Parthenon. 
The houses at Syra present the idea of solid comfort, whereas 
Athens houses look characterless in comparison with them. 
The population of Athens consists of the following: the 
Royal Family, without an aristocracy to support it and build 
it up on a solid edifice ; officers of both branches of the 
Service and their families ; Government officials, including 
members of Parliament, University professors, school teachers, 
professional men, such as lawyers, doctors, etc., bankers, 
employees of business houses, tradesmen, and a very large 
proportion of people of private means, most of whom are 
retired members of the Services and professions and Govern- 
ment offices. Besides these there are, of course, the foreign 
diplomatic and consular representatives, members of the 
foreign archaeological schools and foreign missions, and a 
certain number of foreign residents. Athens society lacks 
the vigorous personalities of great entrepreneurs and indus- 
trial leaders, and one feels a certain stagnation and l^ck of 
colour and interest in the life of the place. The mental 
attitude of all classes whom one meets in society produces 
an impression akin to that which is experienced in a town 
like Cheltenham. Art flourishes by the side of industry. 
In Athens there is no stimulus to the creation of an artistic 
atmosphere ; there is nothing to stir the imagination of the 
artist except the antiquities and the scenery, which is 
dominated by the sky and the Parthenon. A Dickens 
and a Turgenieff would starve for want of mental food. 
The joining of Athens and the Pir^us might perhaps create 
a city in the true sense. The reaction of the citizens of the 
Piraeus and the citizens of Athens upon one another might 
bring into existence what is wanting in both. This could 
easily happen if Athens and the Piraeus spread towards one 
another, a tendency which would be greatly encouraged by 
judicious draining of the intervening land and the more 
hygienic surroundings which would thereby be obtained. 


The writers, painters, poets, and composers of Athens could 
then draw their experiences from the more vitaj life of the 
Piraeus, which would itself be enriched by an intimate 
association with Athens. 

So much for the artistic side of Athens. Other indications 
as to her future are very favourable. She is a most up-to- 
date city, with good hotels, clubs, and electric trams. Her 
streets are clean and well paved, mostly with asphalt. This 
greatly mitigates the ground of Mr. Gladstone's complaint 
when he said that " his throat was irritated by Attic dust." 
The present scarcity of water prevents a complete laying of 
this dust, but it is hoped that within a very short time this 
failing will be remedied. There are two schemes for a water 
supply, one from the River Melas, in Northern Boeotia, and 
the other from Lake Stymphalia. Either of these alternative 
schemes, the cost of which is estimated at about ;^2,ooo,ooo, 
would provide Athens with a plentiful supply. Abundance 
of water would greatly further the increase of vegetation in 
the neighbourhood of Athens, which is at present too bare 
and parched. The planting of the city squares with grass 
would also become possible without great expense being 

The joining of Athens by a direct railway route through 
Larissa, Papapuli, Aikaterine, with Salonica and with Bel- 
grade, Budapest, and Vienna should make it possible for 
travellers from England to arrive within three days. The 
shortening of the sea passage between Brindisi and Patras 
by the institution of a direct line of fast steamers would 
allow of the journey from London to Athens being com- 
pleted in as short a time by that route, but there is a large 
class of travellers who shun the sea and yet do not mind 
luxurious railway travelling. These have hitherto confined 
their wanderings to Italy and Central Europe, but may in 
the future be attracted to Greece, as their favourite means of 
locomotion will be at their disposal. Also many travellers 
to Egypt who dislike a long sea voyage may take the oppor- 
tunity of going through Athens, and even some passengers 


to India and Australia may avail themselves of the occasion 
to visit Greece, either going or returning, by joining or leaving 
their steamer at Alexandria or Port Said. A fast service of 
steamers between the Piraeus, and Alexandria, running in 
connection with the Vienna-Belgrade- Athens Railway, might 
effect a saving of twenty-four hours in the journey from 
London to Alexandria, and in that case this route would 
almost certainly be used for the Indian mail, The length of 
line which must be constructed before the existing Greek 
railway can be linked up with the Macedonian Railway to 
Salonica does not exceed sixty miles. It is a comparatively 
simple undertaking involving no difficult engineering work. 
Papapuli, the present northernmost point of the Greek Rail- 
way, lies at the entrance to the historic Vale of Tempe. 
From there the railway will pass round the eastern slopes of 
Lower Olympus and between Mount Olympus itself and the 
sea, and will then go north along the narrow stretch of plain 
which lies between the mountainous tract of country over 
which the Greek army marched to Salonica and the Saronic 
Gulf. It will then, after crossing the River Aliakmon, join 
the Monastir-Salonica Railway at a point between Gida and 
Plati, so as to make use of the existing railway bridges over 
the rivers Karasmak and Vardar, and to the east of the 
Vardar a loop will connect it with the Salonica-Uskub-Bel- 
grade line. The traveller to Greece will, after crossing the 
Aliakmon, enjoy the most glorious scenery of mountain on 
his right and sea on his left, the whole dominated by Mount 
Olympus, until he reaches the old Greek frontier. It will be 
remembered that Greece has for several years wished this 
railway to be completed, but that the Porte for military 
reasons stipulated that the line should pass inland, so that 
the cost would have been nearly quadrupled. There seems 
little doubt, therefore, that the Papapuli-Gida line will be the 
first work of railway construction which the Greek Govern- 
ment will carry out, but there are several lines which, if 
events allow, will be undertaken within the next few years. 
Among the earliest will probably be a continuation of the 


narrow-gauge Missolonghi-Agrinion Railway to Arta, and 
from there to Janina, with a loop running from the inter- 
mediate station of Philippias to Preveza. From Janina a 
line of the same gauge will probably be carried to Metsovo, 
and from Metsovo to Grevenna. The existing narrow-gauge 
railway from Volo to Trikkala and Kalabaka will probably 
also be extended northward to Grevenna and from there 
through Kosane to Sorowitz, which is a station on the 
Monastir-Salonica Railway. There would thus be a com- 
plete circuit of narrow gauge railways through Thessaly and 
round via Grevenna to Epirus, and direct communication 
between Monastir and Thessaly. The lines between Kalabaka 
and Grevenna and Grevenna-Metsovo-Janina will present con- 
siderable engineering difficulties. The building of a direct 
line between Metsovo and Kalabaka would be too expensive 
to be justifiable, at any rate at present. It is possible also 
that a connecting line to Kosane might be carried south 
through Serfidje, past Elassona, along the valley of the Xerias 
to Larissa, but the construction of this line, too, involves a 
very large outlay which would not appear to be justified by 
the present requirements of the country. The timber of 
Mount Olympus and its district will be transported either by 
sea or by the Coast Railway, and the district to the west of 
this which surrounds Serfidje and Elassona is scarcely pro- 
ductive enough to make such a through railway necessary. 
It is quite likely, however, that the Athens-Larissa Railway 
will be extended as far as Elassona through the Xerias 
Valley, which is practically level as far as the plain of 

The new railways which are outlined here are those which 
a cautious and economical policy would admit as practically 
essential, but they are far from making up a complete scheme 
of Greek railways for the future. Hitherto the tourist traffic 
has been worth ;£'400,ooo a year to the country, but Greece 
will now potentially be just as attractive a tourist resort as 
Switzerland, the Tyrol, or Italy, without taking into con- 
sideration its antiquities which other mountainous countries 




To face p, 273. 


do not possess. Tourist traffic is worth ;^r 2,000,000 a year 
to Switzerland, and this figure gives some idea of the possi- 
bilities which lie before Greece if she takes measures to pro- 
vide the accommodation and facilities which tourists require. 
The engineering feats which will be involved in making a 
railway direct from Monastir to Larissa will be child's play 
compared to the feats of construction of the great railways 
through Switzerland. 

It is possible that the railway from Papapuli to Plati will 
be completed and ready for passenger traffic before the 
spring of 1915, but the other new railways will scarcely be 
ready within less than four or five years. In the meantime 
the existing roads might well be used for motor traffic. A 
motor-car service has already been established along the 
chief routes of Epirus between Santi Quaranta, Janina, and 
Preveza, and a great deal could be done during the next ^qw 
years in popularizing Macedonia and Epirus by a systematic 
scheme of motor-car tours. Olympus's eastern slopes, 
Kosane, Janina, and Vodena, are all places at which 
recreation of mind and body requires no artificial aid beyond 
clean and comfortable lodgings. Olympus has its forests, 
not to mention its gods, Vodena its cascades, Kosane its 
exquisite site where mountain and plain join, and Janina its 
silvery lake, and there are many other spots in new Hellas 
which have charms little, if any, less alluring. One well- 
known literary man has suggested the founding of a literary 
monastery on Mount Olympus. This mountain has remained 
unexplored and almost unknown since classical times. Per- 
haps it is " the gods," as a distinguished Macedonian friend 
suggested to the writer, who " have kept it so in order that 
they might restore it to its rightful owners, the Greeks, in 
its virgin state." However that may be, such a house of 
learning as is proposed, which would welcome men of letters 
from all over the world, would help worthily to keep up 
the ancient traditions of Greek mythology. 




The idea of the many that Greece, within the limits to which 
it has been confined, consists almost entirely of mountains, 
intersected by dried-up and arid plains, and that agriculture 
cannot be an important factor of her life, is far removed from 
the truth. On the contrary, there are few countries that 
possess such a variety of soil and climate as she does, conse- 
quently every branch of agricultural industry can be success- 
fully practised in her territory. 

For the present purpose agricultural land in old Greece 
may be conveniently classified under three large sections as 
follows : 

1. Thessaly, Acarnania, Pthiotis, and the north of Boeotia. 

2. South Boeotia, Attica, and the Peloponnesus, 

3. The islands of the ^gean and Ionian Archipelagos. 

I. 7%^Ji"(a:/^ possesses the most fertile soil in Greece; her 
principal products are cereals, cotton, and tobacco ; in some 
districts there are fine pasture lands where live-stock rearing 
and some cheese industry are carried on. Mount Pelion has 
extensive olive groves and some vineyards ; it is also the 
principal orchard of Greece, as cherries, apples, pears, peaches, 
and all kinds of fruit of excellent quality thrive on its slopes 
in great profusion. 

Acarnania is principally a mountainous district with some 
fine oak forests, but its valleys contain arable and pasture 
lands, whose chief products are a few cereals, tobacco, cattle, 

and sheep. Unfortunately the fertile plain near Lessini has 



been flooded by the River Acheloos and is now but a 

Pthiotis and the north of Boeotia greatly resemble Thessaly 
on a smaller scale, both in the nature of their soil and in their 
products. On the slopes of Mount Parnassus some of the 
best cheese in Greece is produced, and there is excellent 
grazing. Vines and olive-trees also cover a considerable 
portion of these slopes. 

2. The greater part of Attica and Southern Boeotia is 
planted with vines and olive-trees ; cereals are produced on 
a small scale, and but little live stock is reared. However, 
the southern slopes of Mount Hymettus and the adjoining 
fields produce a small quantity of what is probably the most 
delicious honey in the world, which has been renowned from 
ancient times under the name of Hymettus honey. The soil 
of Attica round Athens is somewhat arid and stony, owing 
probably to the lack of trees ; scientific afforestation would 
in the course of time restore it to its former fertility. Steps 
are now being taken to develop the honey industry on a 
larger scale. 

The Peloponnesus is the principal vine-growing district of 
Greece, the greater part of it being covered with currant 
vines, of which the Corinthian is the finest Unfortunately, 
the whole of this district has suffered much from over- 
production, which led to the currant crisis and consequent 
emigration described below, and we now find large tracts 
of land uncultivated owing to the shortage of labour. 
Cereals, cotton, and tobacco are grown on a small scale, and 
the inhabitants are now seriously applying themselves to the 
increase of the cultivation of cotton and to live-stock breeding. 

In certain parts of this district are the finest olive groves 
in Greece, which produce oil of excellent quality and olives 
for table use. 

3, Both the Ionian and the ^gean Islands grow vines, 
olive, and fruit-trees, especially oranges and lemons, in great 
profusion ; these last form the chief produce of the smaller 


The total cultivated area of old Greece is about I3J36,300 
acres, of which in an average year about 5,136,300 acres 
are productive, made up as follows : 


Cereals 1,112,000 

Fallow land 1,200,000 

Forests 2,025,000 

Currant vines 665,300 

Grape vines 300,000 

Olive-trees 250,000 

Tobacco 40,000 

Cotton 19,000 

Figs, mulberry, orange, lemon, and other fruit- 
trees and vegetable gardens 125,000 

Total 5.136,300 

Pastures occupy 5,000,000 acres and fallow land 3,000,000, 

It is to be noticed that olive-trees and vines are grown in 
all the districts described above. Both are mostly found on 
the slopes of mountains, the hill-sides, and on the sea-shore. 
The cereals cultivated are principally wheat, barley, oats, 
rye, maize, maslin, beans, lentils, and sesame. 

There are in Greece about 100,000 horses, 360,000 head of 
cattle, and nearly 3,000,000 sheep. The breed of all this live 
stock is very inferior, and there is much need of the importa- 
tion of good stock in order that the native breeds may be 
gradually improved. 

There are still wild tracts of undrained marsh lands in 
Greece, which harbour anophiles mosquitoes : these insects 
cause the malarial fever which is so prevalent, and which is 
answerable for much mortality in the country. The reclama- 
tion of these marshes, as has been done by an English 
company in the case of Lake Copais, would not only decrease 
the death rate, but greatly increase the area of fertile land. 

Land Tenure. — There are in Greece four classes of 
proprietors of land : {a) great landowners, {b) peasant pro- 
prietors, {c) monasteries, and {d) the Government. 

{a) The Great Landowners are proprietors of one or more 
villages with the adjoining land. The peasants cultivate 
the fields, often with teams belonging to the landlords, to 


whom at harvest-time they have to give one-half, or in some 
districts a third, of the produce. Most of these large estates 
are in Thessaly, Boeotia, and Acarnania. In passing through 
these provinces it is easy to pick out the villages which 
belong to the great landowners, for most of them are in a deplor- 
able condition : the cottages are mere mud huts; the peasants, 
who are poor and generally in debt, are in a state of such 
apathy that they do not even try to better their condition. 
The area of these large estates varies from 2,000 to 15,000 acres. 
(J?) Peasant Proprietors are those who own from 25 to 150 
acres apiece. Many of the small townships and villages 
are inhabited by this class ; each owner has a cottage and 
land which may be vineyards, olive groves, or arable fields, 
and which he cultivates to the best of his ability. In many 
cases he also rents fields, and is considered to be a hard 
worker, prepared to adopt any proposals which will improve 
his land. The small owner is to be found all over Greece 
and in the Peloponnesus and the ^Egean Islands, almost 
to the exclusion of any other. 

(c) The land owned by the Monasteries is farmed by the 
monks, and where they are numerous it is well cultivated. 
On the other hand, many fine estates which are the property 
of monasteries where the monks are too few to work them 
are sadly neglected. 

(d) The Government Lands are mostly uncultivated, and 
consist chiefly of forests, marshes, and mountain pastures. 
Besides these, estates have been given or left by wealthy 
patriots to the Government, which has distributed them 
amongst the rural population. 

The methods of cultivation practised in Greece are still 
somewhat primitive ; in fact, one may still see peasants tilling 
the ground in the way described by Xenophon in 300 B.a 
Until a few years ago they used the old Homeric wooden 
ploughs exclusively, but gradually more modern tilling 
implements have been introduced, and to-day iron ploughs 
are used all over Greece, while in Thessaly many reaping 
and threshing machines are doing excellent work. 


A few years ago several large landowners began culti- 
vating their estates in a scientific manner, using up-to-date 
implements and machinery, but with few exceptions they 
failed, because they attempted to replace existing conditions 
too rapidly ; moreover, they were hampered by the scarcity 
of roads and the insecure state of the country. Their failure 
discouraged others, and of late the large landed proprietors 
have taken but little interest in their estates. 

One of the causes which has interfered with agriculture 
in Greece was a serious currant crisis which occurred some 
years back. Owing to the ravages of the Phylloxera, many 
of the vineyards in the South of France were totally destroyed, 
and to replace the shortage of grapes the French imported 
cheap currants from Greece, from which they manufactured 
wine. The result of this was that Greece largely increased 
her output of the commoner varieties, in the belief that 
the French demand would be permanent. However, the 
French replaced their vines with American stock, which 
is immune against Phylloxera, and as these became pro- 
ductive ceased to import Greek currants for wine-making. 
In consequence there was such a fall in the price of the 
common qualities of currants that it did not repay the 
expenses of cultivation. Great distress ensued. The problem 
was only solved by the formation of a Currant Trust, to 
which the Greek Government granted a concession, the 
Trust being obliged to purchase all the surplus produce 
at a price agreed upon. These are converted into various 
products, such as spirits of wine, jams, pulp for cattle- 
feeding, etc., for all of which there is a ready sale. At 
the same time the Government has encouraged the peasants 
to destroy the vines which produced the common currants, 
and cultivate cotton and tobacco in their place. The crisis 
did not affect better quality fruit, for which there has always 
been a constant demand at remunerative prices. 

The development of agriculture has also been checked 
by the agrarian question connected with land tenure, which 
arose in Thessaly and some of the Ionian Islands in 1909. 


The peasants living on the estates of the great landowners 
began to look with envious eyes at tl)e other class of peasants 
who owned land themselves. As previously stated, the 
landowners seldom visit their estates, which they leave in 
the care of factors who are mostly ignorant, and who oppress 
the peasants and charge them 20 to 30 per cent, on the 
money of their employers, which they lend when there are 
bad crops ; consequently the peasants are so weighed down 
by debt, that even when there are good crops the interest 
which they have to pay absorbs nearly all their profits. 
Appeals to the landowners were always referred back to 
the factors, who did little or nothing to better the peasant's 
lot. Subsequently, after much agitation and rioting, they 
appealed to the Government for assistance, and proposed 
a land-purchase scheme similar to that embodied in the 
Irish Land Purchase Act. There were great difficulties in 
introducing this into Greece, not only financial but legal,^ 
as the landowners generally refused to sell except at their 
own price, which the Government was not willing to pay, 
while they had no powers for compulsory purchase. 

The question is still in abeyance, but the establishment of 
an Agricultural Bank will eventually be able to solve the 
question in a manner satisfactory to all parties. 

Agricultural Education.— There are two colleges for 
this purpose in Greece. One is on the estate of Aidin, 
which was presented to the nation by Mr. Alexander 
Cassavetti, of London, in 1884, on condition that the Govern- 
ment should establish and maintain an Agricultural College 
on it He had previously tried to introduce modern systems 
of cultivation and machinery with indifferent success, which 
he attributed partly to reasons of, health which necessitated 
the withdrawal of his personal supervision. Unfortunately 
this school as organized gives no real practical teaching for 
farmers' sons, but provides a semi-scientific course which is 
neither practical nor beneficial. Another college, endowed 
by the late George Averoff, has lately been established at 
Larissa, but this also is run on exclusively scientific lines and 


is even less practical than the former. Unfortunately but few 
of the large landed proprietors are prepared to adopt scientific 
methods of farming. The result of this is that many of the 
qualified students of both these colleges, being unable to 
obtain remunerative berths as land-agents, prefer to emigrate 
and try their fortunes in America. 

Agriculture in Greece has certainly been sadly neglected 
by past Governments, for no encouragement or help was given 
by these to the rural population, many of whom emigrated 
to earn a better living. Consequently there are now large 
tracts of fertile land uncultivated. The only official institu- 
tions connected with agriculture were a small department in 
the Ministry of the Interior and a few experimental stations 
in different parts of the country, but these also were con- 
ducted on theoretical and unpractical lines, so that the 
peasants looked with distrust on the managers of these 
stations and had no faith in their farming capacity. Until 
four or ^NQ, years ago the country was unsafe ; cattle-thieves 
used to cross the Turkish frontier, steal the live stock and 
dispose of them in Turkey. The great landowners were 
often threatened by these gentry, and they seldom dared to 
visit their estates. The peasants became disheartened : those 
who could afford it, sent their sons to Athens to study law or 
medicine or to get Government posts if they were lucky ; 
others scraped together twenty or thirty pounds to send their 
sons to America. 

Emigration continued to increase until 1907, when 90,000 
left the country for America, and this at last roused the 
authorities to action. A Commission was formed to investi- 
gate the question, when it was discovered that in the last 
twenty years over 200,000 had emigrated to the U.S.A., and 
measures have lately been passed which it is hoped will 
greatly diminish the tide of emigration. 

Means of communication are still very insufficient, and in 
some districts there are no roads. Thus, on Mount Pelion 
apples and other fruit literally rot under the trees, there being 
no means of sending them to market, except by pack-mules 
in very small quantities. 


The Ministry of M. Veniz^los has been the first to realize 
that agriculture is the foundation of a nation's prosperity. 
He created a new Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, 
which is slowly but surely grappling with the question. The 
first efforts were directed towards introducing a feeling of 
security among the people, and was so successful that for the 
last three years safety has been established in all districts. 

Expert agriculturists have been engaged from Austria, 
France, and Italy to report and advise the Government as to 
the measures to be taken for the improvement of agriculture. 
A Government stud has been established and stallions 
imported to improve the breed of horses. The growth of 
Egyptian cotton has been encouraged by the Ministry, which 
provides seed and instruction to the peasants free of charge, 
and the results of the experiment have been very satisfactory, 
for the product commands prices as high as the best Egyptian 
cotton. A yearly grant has been voted towards the draining 
of marshes. There is very much yet to be done, but a good 
beginning has been made, and if the Ministry continue to act 
in the same practical manner there is no doubt that within a 
few years agriculture in Greece will have made great progress. 

The following are the latest available figures of the annual 
agricultural products in old Greece : 


Wheat 350,000,000 

Barley 50,000,000 

Oats 50,000,000 

Maize 35,000,000 

Oil 45,000,000 

Tobacco 9,000,000 

Cotton 5,000,000 

Pigs ... ... ■ . . 26,000,000 

Currants ... ... 170,000 to 180,000 tons. 

(1,000 kilogrammes equal one ton approximately.) 

The above produce represents a value of 315,000,000 

drachmas (£12,600,000). 

The annual value of the exports is approximately 

;^3, 507,000, made up as on the following page. 


Agricultural produce 
Wine, etc. 

Oil, etc 

Animal products 
Forest products... 

2,260,000 (approximately) 






Of the above products, Great Britain imports approxi- 

mately ;£'i,4i6,300 worth made up of- 



Olive Oil 

Valonia (acorns) 






New Greece. — By her victories against the Turks, 
Greece acquired a great increase of territory which com- 
prises much fertile land. This may be classified under three 
large sections or groups, viz. — 

1. Southern Macedonia. 

2. Epirus. 

3. Crete and the ^gean Islands hitherto under Turkish 

I. Southern Macedonia^ the greater part of which was 
occupied in the first war, comprises some of the most fertile 
soil in Europe, which will even -bear favourable comparison 
with that of Egypt. This may be divided into three sub- 
sections, viz. — 

{a) The districts of Elassona and Aikaterine (Caterina). 

ip) The district of Veria. 

(c) The district of Salonica and the Chalkidike Peninsula. 

{a) The districts of Elassona and Aikaterine are moun- 
tainous, but comprise the very sheltered Plain of Elassona 
and the valleys in which are situated the towns of Kosane 
and Serfidje. The Aikaterine District contains land which 
consists of rich black alluvial soil, partly on the lower slopes 


of Mount Olympus and partly on the plain which lies 
between that mountain and the sea and is watered by numerous 
streams flowing from the heights. On this eastern side of 
Mount Olympus there are also magnificent oak forests, from 
which valuable timber can be obtained without denuding the 
slopes if the rules of forestry are properly observed. This 
district is admirably adapted by nature for dairy-farming on 
a large scale, as its soil, situation, topography, climate, and 
aspect are all ideal for the establishment of such an industry. 
Its cattle is probably as good as any in the Balkans except 
the Servian : the cows are good stock with which to make a, 
beginning and can be rapidly improved by the importation 
of British, Swiss, or even Servian bulls ; the cross-breeds thus 
produced would furnish excellent milch cows if proper care 
were taken in selecting the strain of the imported stock. 
Lastly, the whole length of this area will soon be traversed 
by the new railway, which will unite the existing main line 
of the Hellenic Railway Company with the European net- 
work of railways, and will afford cheap and rapid transport 
for this district's rather perishable but valuable products to 
Salonica in the north, which is within 50 miles, and Athens 
in the south, which is about 300 miles distant, both cities of 
over 200,000 inhabitants, where milk, butter, and cheese are 
scarce and command very high prices. 

Both the districts of Elassona and Aikaterine produce 
cereals and other crops. Mulberry-trees also thrive, and silk 
culture is practised in all the villages. 

{¥) The district of Veria is perhaps the most fertile and 
productive in Macedonia ; it comprises the plain of the 
Romuluk, which lies north-east of Veria and extends as far 
as the River Gallikos, about eight miles from Salonica. It 
is traversed from north to south by the River Axios (Vardar) > 
and by the River Aliakmon (Vistritza) in the south. Its 
soil is of the finest quality and possibly equals the best of the 
Nile Valley. The principal products of this plain are cereals 
of all descriptions c^nd cotton, and on its rich pasture-lands 
large herds of cattle are to be seen. The soil is so fertile 


that the peasants do not take the trouble to plough the 
fields, but sow barley and oats on the previous year's stubble 
and then plough the seed in with their antiquated wooden 
ploughs. In spite of such primitive cultivation the plants 
thrive and often produce very fine crops. In certain parts 
of this plain, owing to its extraordinary fertility, the peasants 
allow their cattle and sheep to feed on the growing crops 
of wheat and barley, as otherwise the growth would be so 
rapid and rank that they would be laid low or uprooted 
before maturity. Generally in the East, as land is not very 
high in value, the yield per acre is not reckoned, but the 
fertility of the soil is gauged by the number of times the 
seed sown is reproduced ; in most districts six or seven 
times the seed is considered a fair yield, but on the Romuluk 
the peasants usually obtain from twenty to twenty-five times 
the seed. The rivers on the plain often overfliow their banks 
and have created many marshes, which can be easily drained 
and reclaimed, thus considerably increasing the area of the 
most fertile lands. As above mentioned, cotton is also 
grown here, and its cultivation on a larger scale has a great 
future, as the soil is most suitable, and either contains suffi- 
cient moisture or else can be easily irrigated, for water is 

To the north-west of Veria lies the district of Niaousta, 
which is a hilly one, and is covered with forests and vines. 
Its wine is mostly of a mellow light Burgundy type, and 
deservedly has a wide reputation ; valuable timber is also 
produced ; cereals are grown on a smaller scal6, but there 
is much good pasture. 

{c) The districts of Salonica and Chalkidike, which com- 
mence from the River Gallikos and extend up north ot 
Salonica to the town of Langaza and east of the township 
of Nigrita, contain several very fertile plains ot small dimen- 
sions. That of Langaza is considered by some to be the 
most fertile in Macedonia ; the slopes and the hills are all 
cultivated and comprise many of the best tobacco fields. 
There again the principal products are cereals, cotton, and 


live stock, but a large quantity of fairly good quality tobacco 
is also grown. In Chalkidike vines and olive-trees thrive 
and plenty of cereals are also produced ; mulberry-trees 
abound over both districts and silk culture is prevalent. 

No reference has yet been naade to the district which lies 
between Fiorina and Korytza, as there is no reliable informa- 
tion as to its agricultural importance ; it is, however, a 
mountainous area where live stock find plenty of good 

The methods of farming practised in Macedonia are 
primitive in the extreme, even more so than in old Greece. 
The unsettled state of the country due to bad government, 
Turkish oppression, and racial feuds, has handicapped farmers 
and peasants during the last fifteen years. The population 
has been emigrating by thousands to America, especially 
since the Young Turks enforced compulsory military service 
on their Christian subjects. 

The conditions of land tenure are the same as those 
obtaining in the Kingdom of Greece. In the district of 
Veria there are many large estates belonging to wealthy 
Mussulman landlords. In the Chalkidike Peninsula most 
of the land is the property of the monasteries of Mount 
Athos, from whom the peasants of the district rent and 
cultivate the fields. In the remaining districts the peasants 
themselves own most of the land. 

2. Epirus may be divided into two sub-sections — 

\a) The district of Janina. 

{b) The district of Preveza. 

{cC) The district of Janina, with the exception of the plains 
of Janina and Argyrocastro, has very little level ground. 
The products of these two plains are chiefly maize and rice, 
as, owing to the lakes and the mountain streams that feed 
them, large areas are flooded in the autumn, so that it is only 
possible to cultivate wheat and barley on a small scale. 
There are, however, fine pastures on the hills and mountain- 
sides, and here live stock are bred and reared. 

ip) The district of Preveza, which lies south of Janina, is 


more fertile : the plain, which commences from Philippias 
and stretches southward to Arta and Preveza, is especially 
so ; it is watered by the River Louros, which flows through 
it and empties itself into the Ambracian Gulf The principal 
products are cereals, of which maize is the most cultivated. 
On the outskirts of Arta and Preveza there are some very fine 
orange, lemon, and olive groves which produce a great 
quantity of very choice fruit. In this district, too, the rearing 
of live stock plays a very important part ; the pastures are 
of the very best, and thousands of sheep graze on them ; a 
large quantity of cheese is also made, most of which is 
exported to America. The native breeds are good in them- 
selves, and with a judicious admixture of foreign blood can 
be easily improved with profitable results. It is much to be 
regretted that the whole of Epirus is very thinly populated, 
as during the last 150 years a large proportion of the 
Christian inhabitants have been forced to leave their homes, 
owing to the persecution of the Turks. It is to be hoped 
that now their country has been liberated from that bane- 
ful dominion the many thousands of Epirots who are 
scattered all over the Levant and foreign countries will return 
to their native land where there is so much to be done. 

3. Crete is so large that it calls for separate treatment. 
It contains much fertile and productive land capable of 
maintaining a large population, for in ancient and mediaeval 
times its inhabitants exceeded one million in number ; but 
after its conquest by the Turks during the fifteenth century 
the population gradually diminished until the nineteenth 
century, when, after the Greek War of Independence^ the 
depopulation was much accelerated. Owing to the unsettled 
state of the country, caused by continuous insurrection and 
the harsh measures of retaliation and oppression taken by 
the Turks in their fruitless efforts to subdue the rebels, 
this process continued till it culminated in the exodus, prac- 
tically en masse, of all the Cretan Mohammedans in 1898 - 
when the Turks were compelled to grant autonomy to the 


The most productive land in Crete is the large plain of 
Messara, which is situated on a plateau in the interior of the 
island about sixty miles fron Heraklion (Candia). At 
present, owing to the total absence of cheap transport, it is but 
little cultivated, but it is most fertile, the yield of wheat being 
from fifteen to twenty times the seed, or even more. When 
a narrow-gauge railway, the surveys, plans, and estimates for 
which have already been made, is constructed and opened to 
Heraklion, this district alone will be capable of feeding the 
whole population of the island and of exporting a con- 
siderable quantity of wheat besides, whereas at present 
almost all the flour consumed in the island has to be 
imported. When the projected railway has been built this 
district will lend itself most advantageously to mechanical 
cultivation on a large scale. It should be mentioned here 
that it is intended to extend this railway from Heraklion 
for about 120 miles farther, so as to provide intercom- 
munication between that place and the other three prin- 
cipal towns on the island. In addition to this extensive 
plain there are several smaller ones, all of which are suitable 
for the production of cereals and cotton. The pastures 
throughout Crete are of the finest quality and maintain 
really good breeds of horses and sheep ; much of the best 
cheese consumed in Athens is brought from Crete. Her 
oranges are famed for their size, exquisite flavour, and thin 
skins. Finally, she produces an abundance of olive oil, wine, 
and fruit of all descriptions. 

The islands of the ^gean, occupied during the war and 
those seized by Italy, which on ethnographical principles must 
be incorporated in the Hellenic Kingdom, are all fertile, and 
the larger ones are very productive. Chios produces oranges 
and lemons, for which it is famous, as well as other fruit ; 
a considerable quantity of cereals are also grown, and live 
stock reared. Lesbos (Mytilene) in addition to vines, olive 
and fruit trees, possesses some very fine forests from which 
a considerable quantity of timber is exported. Incidentally 
it may be mentioned that it is a great shipping centre 


owning 240 steamers, which, before the Greeks occupied 
the island, used to fly flags of various nationaHties, amongst 
which were very few Greek ones. Samos, Rhodes, and 
Kos enter into the same category as these two islands as 
regards their agricultural products. Vines, olive, orange, 
and lemon groves flourish on all the islands ; on the larger 
ones quantities of cereals are grown, but on some of the 
small ones sufficient cereals for the wants of the inhabitants 
are not produced and flour has to be imported. Samos and 
Rhodes are especially famed for their wines, olives, and 
olive-oil. Finally, it should be stated that all the islands 
of the ^gean Archipelago are really well cultivated in 
comparison with Macedonia and Epirus, Landed property 
is mostly owned by peasants or small proprietors, but in 
some of the islands the monasteries of Mount Athos have 
some very important possessions ; other large landowners 
are not met with except in rare cases in Crete and some of 
the larger islands. 

By the Peace of Bucharest two or more large sections or 
groups of fertile agricultural lands have been added to the 
Greek dominions, (a) the Serres section, and {b) the Kavalla 
section. The former contains large fertile plains which are 
watered by the River Strymon, its tributaries and other 
rivers and streams. It is capable of producing large 
quantities of cereals, cotton, and other crops ; large amounts 
of tobacco are also grown in this district, particulars of 
which are given below. 

The Kavalla section comprises the districts of Drama, 
Kavalla, and a large portion of that of Xanthe. The Drama 
district also has fertile plains which are well watered, exten- 
sive, and very productive ; the tobacco produced in it 
especially that grown on the hills and lower slopes of the 
mountains, is of better quality than that of Serres, but the 
finest grades are produced in the Xanthe and Kavalla 
districts. The greater part of the former lies within the new 
boundaries of Greece, although the town of Xanthe itself 
is situated a few miles to the east of the frontier in Bui- 


garian territory. Both of these districts are hilly with no 
plains of large area, except the one near the sea-shore east 
of Kavalla and west of the River Nestos, but the value of 
the tobacco produced in the valleys, on the hills, and the 
slopes of the mountains makes these districts a veritable 
gold-mine, as shown by the figures given below. 

In both of these large sections there is plenty of ex- 
cellent pasture-land, admirably adapted to the profitable 
breeding of horses, cattle, sheep, pigs, goats, and poultry 
on a large scale. 

The following figures taken from the reports of the 
R^gie Imperiale Ottomane des Tabacs show the quantity of 
tobacco produced in the districts of Eastern Macedonia, the 
amounts exported and their approximate value. 

Kavalla Section Kilogrammes 

Districts, produced. 


Drama ... 
Zichne ... 




1, 479*940 

Serres Section 

Serres 2,006,220 

Demir-Hissar 727,066 



Total of both sections 9,136,446 

The above are the figures actually declared to the R^gie 
for the crop of 191 1, but such returns are invariably at least 
20 to 25 per cent, below the actual amounts produced, for 
a large percentage is smuggled away and other amounts are 
consumed locally and evade declaration. It is therefore well 
within the mark to estimate that the actual amount of this 
crop, which was warehoused at Kavalla, exceeded 11,000,000 

The average value per kilogramme may be conservatively 
estimated at four francs, this being based on the average 
prices paid to the growers during the past thirty years ; thus 



prime cost of this quantity was 44,000,000 francs ; to this 
must be added the duty collected by the Regie, ii| per cent, 
on the amounts and values declared, which, being always 
understated, amounted to about 4,500,000 francs. 

Most of the tobacco from the above districts is warehoused 
and manipulated at Kavalla ; the quantity exported from 
that town during the twelve months from March i, 191 1, to 
February 29, 191 2 (the last complete year for which statistics 
are available), exceeded 12,000,000 kilogrammes: taking, 
therefore, four francs per kilogramme as the prime cost — 


I2,000j000 kilogrammes cost ... 48,000,000 

Add for duties ii\ per cent. ... 5,520,600 

Add i^ francs per kilogramme for cost of carriage, 
warehousing, manipulation, etc. (a very low 
estimate) 18,000,000 


Add 12 per cent, for merchants' profit, which is 
a percentage far below the average 8,582,400 

Therefore the total value of the tobacco exported 
from Kavalla in the year 1911-12 exceeded ... 80,102,400 

As, however, about 2,000,000 kilogrammes of the 
tobacco which has hitherto been manipulated 
at Kavalla will in the future be produced on 
Bulgarian soil, the quantity Greece may con- 
fidently expect to export from the Kavalla dis- 
trict on the above basis will be 10,000,000 
kilogrammes per annum, of a minimum value 
of 66,752,000 

The table on page 291 shows the amounts of tobacco pro- 
duced and exported from other districts during the same 
period and the value of the exports ; these figures are also 
taken from the reports of the R6gie. 

With regard to the Xanthe district, although the town 
itself and the eastern part of the Sandjak fall within the new 
Bulgarian territory, its inhabitants have emigrated en masse 
into Greece, and the greater part of the land which produces 
the renowned Xanthe tobacco is situated within the new 



boundaries of Greece. It is therefore safe to estimate that at 
least 2,000,000 kilogrammes of that tobacco will in future be 
warehoused and manipulated on Greek territory and exported 
from Kavalla. 




Price per Kilo 
(Prime Cost). 

Prime Cost in 

Salonica ... 
Monastir ... 






Total ... 
Xanthe ... 



3 francs 
15 » 



With regard to the other districts, Monastir itself falls 
to Servia, but part of that district lies within the Greek 
boundaries, as do also other fields which form part of districts 
now allotted to Servia, therefore the amount above given as 
produced in the Monastir district may safely be considered 
as attributable to Greece in the future. 

In conclusion, taking the above-mentioned figures as a basis, 
the minimum exports from the new provinces of Greece per 
annum may be estimated as follows : 




Export Price 
per Kilo. 

Value of Exports 
in Francs. 



Salonica, etc. 


6.67 francs 
20.30' „ 
5-43 » 






^ Allowing 5.30 francs for duty, cost of manipulation, etc., and 
merchants' profit. 


or a total of more than ;£4,7 20,000 from the exportation of 
tobacco per annum based on the actual figures of the 191 1 

The Turkish Government derived a revenue of at least 
10,000,000 francs per annum from the above-named tobacco, 
and good judges believe that with assured security and with 
good government the production of tobacco in these districts 
will in a few years be doubled. In Greece, moreover, the tax 
on the tobacco consumed in the country is at the rate of eight 
drachmas per oka, or 6.25 francs per kilogramme, the duties 
collected in 1912 amounting to 9,220,426 drachmas. It is 
safe, therefore, to estimate that an equal amount will be 
collected in future from tobacco consumed in New Greece, 
the population of which is at least equal to that of the old 
kingdom, and adding this to the 20,000,000 francs which 
may be confidently expected from the tax on the tobacco 
produced at the old Turkish rate, there is no exaggeration in 
anticipating that Greece will in the near future draw a revenue 
of at least 30,000,000 drachmas or ;£"i, 200,000 per annum from 
tobacco produced in her new dominions. 

In the future agriculture in Macedonia, Epirus, and Crete 
will be conducted on a much larger scale than it has hitherto 
been in the Hellenic State. The new neighbours of Greece, 
the Servians, are considerably advanced in modern farming, 
having produced very fine breeds of horses, cattle, and pigs. 
This proximity and friendly intercourse between the nations 
will no doubt greatly assist the agricultural population of 
New Greece, and it is sincerely to be hoped that this good 
influence will gradually spread itself over the whole country. 

Generally speaking, the prospects from an agricultural 
point of view which lie before the Hellenic kingdom are 
brilliant, for although the methods of agriculture practised 
till quite recently are primitive in the extreme, it is an unde- 
niable fact that the soil, especially that in the new territories, 
is very fertile, and it may be considered as certain that any 
agricultural enterprises now undertaken on modern, practical, 
and scientific lines and carried out in a systematic manner 


will produce good financial results. The Greek peasant is 
intelligent and hard-working, and although he, like all rural 
populations, has a great distrust of anything new which he 
has not seen as a working success, he readily adapts himself 
to innovations when he has had ocular and practical proofs 
of their efficacy and of the better results obtained by their 



Mr. Gladstone conceived the idea of establishing Greece as 
a bulwark against Slav influence in the Balkan Peninsula. 
He was an idealist, who with his mind full of the glories of 
ancient Hellas, perhaps saw in the Hellenes of his day greater 
possibilities than they were then capable of. It was certainly 
unfortunate for the Greeks that he was not in office in 1877. 
There is no doubt that they themselves made many blunders 
in their foreign policy during the last quarter of the nine- 
teenth century, for they lacked any far-seeing statesman, 
unless it were M. Tricoupis, who, if possible, erred in the 
opposite direction. When Russia made war upon Turkey, 
there was a time when she found herself in difficulties and 
was obliged to accept the assistance of Roumania. At that 
time the Czar, Alexander 1 1, prevailed on Sir Peter Brallas, who 
was then Greek Minister in St. Petersburg, to go on a private 
mission to Athens and request the Greek Government to 
make a diversion in Thessaly and Epirus. M, Tricoupis, 
who was then Minister for Foreign Affairs in the coalition 
Cabinet of Admiral Kanaris, answered that Slav interests 
were incompatible with those of his country, with the result 
that when Russia made peace with Turkey by the Treaty of 
San Stephano she left Greece out in the cold. M. Tricoupis 
acted on the advice of the British Foreign Office, which 
assured him that Greece would gain more by remaining quiet 
at the moment. Consequently as Greece refrained from 
accepting Russia's aid because of the assurances received from 
Great Britain, Great Britain has remained under a moral 

obligation to her ever since. The Treaty of San Stephano 



was radically altered by the Congress of Berlin in 1878, at 
which Greece was represented among others by M. Gennadius, 
the present Greek Minister in London, then in the early 
stages of his distinguished diplomatic career. Only, unfortu- 
nately, the Powers who opposed Russia (chiefly Great 
Britain and Austria) and whose views prevailed, although 
they greatly reduced the area of Bulgaria as defined at San 
Stephano by creating the autonomous province of Eastern 
Roumelia, did nothing further for the Greeks, who had to 
rest content with Lord Beaconsfield's dictum that they must 
be patient as they had a future. 

A few years later, in 1881, Mr. Gladstone, who had in the 
meantime come into power, caused a conference to be called 
at Berlin, at which he introduced his policy of assisting Greece 
and succeeded in getting Thessaly and a large part of Epirus 
allotted to her ; but the Turks as usual would only yield to 
force majeure^ and M. Koumoundouros's Government, instead 
of following the hint which Mr. Gladstone gave them, viz., 
" What has been lost by the sword must be regained by the 
sword," compromised with Turkey by agreeing to accept in 
settlement Thessaly and of Epirus only the small district of 
Arta. This second error of judgment on the part of the 
Greeks in failing to help themselves, in contrast to little 
Montenegro in the case of Dulcigno, did at that time no 
doubt make Mr. Gladstone lose his confidence in them, 
and disillusioned him. The succeeding Government of 
Lord Salisbury did jiot feel called upon to do anything 
further for Greece; but strangely enough he conceived the 
idea that Bulgaria might be made a buffer State against 
Russia, and did more than connive at Stambouloffs coup 
of 1885-6 when he tore up one of the most important 
clauses of the Berlin Treaty and annexed Eastern Roumelia. 
Thus a great injury was done to Hellenic interests, for 
this province contained a large Greek population, whose 
life in Bulgaria became impossible unless they renounced 
their nationality. During the succeeding twenty-five years 
nothing further was done for Greece by Great Britain. 


The result of all this is that the dream of Mr. Gladstone 
and the Delphic utterance of Lord Beaconsfield have only 
just come true. A Liberal Government is in power now, 
and when the war between the four allies and Turkey- 
broke out some of its most distinguished members expressed 
themselves as openly in favour of the Balkan States. 
After the Turkish debacle in Macedonia and Thrace The 
Times, which in such matters echoes the official view, 
declared that it was time for the Turks to return to the 
land of their fathers. Should there be a change of Govern- 
ment it is more than possible that the Conservatives will 
not reverse the policy of the Liberal Government in regard 
to Near Eastern politics. British foreign policy is now 
far less subject to the vagaries of party politics than it was 
in the nineteenth century. 

One of the most striking features of the war was the 
part which her naval superiority enabled Greece to play. 
This shows that the history of the Near East will 
in the future be greatly influenced by sea power. If 
Great Britain is to safeguard her interests in Egypt and 
elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean she needs a 
powerful fleet there. There are great calls upon her Navy 
now nearer home, and these calls will increase year by 
year. Only lately she withdrew the effective portion of 
her Mediterranean Squadron and replaced it with what may, 
without exaggeration, be described as obsolete ships. How 
could a squadron like this protect her interests in the 
neighbourhood of Egypt and Constantinople ? Great Britain 
must either re-establish her Mediterranean Fleet, or else be 
able to rely on the help of an allied fleet in these waters, 
France is in no better position than England for policing the 
Eastern Mediterranean and the ^gean, for she has two 
members of the Triple Alliance, Italy and Austria, to the 
eastward of her, and so would be incapable of decisive or 
effective action. The third member of the Triple Entente, 
Russia, has no access to the ^gean, and it seems unlikely 
that there will be such a reversal of foreign policy in this 


direction that the Dardanelles will be opened to her in the 
future. Turkey has shown that her sailors at sea, with few 
exceptions, are as helpless as fish out of water, so that even 
if her friendship were desired it would be no good building 
any hopes on her maritime resources. Apart from Greece, 
Bulgaria is the only other nation which has access to the 
^gean, but at present she has a navy of no importance, 
though one of her torpedo-boats managed to do considerable 
temporary damage to the Turkish cruiser Hamidieh. It is 
said that Bulgaria intends to build a strong navy in the 
future. It is, however, an open secret that most of the 
Bulgarian ships are manned by Greeks, mostly from 
the Greek villages on the shores of the Black Sea, as the 
Bulgarian has absolutely no talent or vocation for the sea. 
In fact, the Bulgarians dislike the sea so much that their 
villages along the east coast of Thrace, instead of being built 
on the shore, are a mile or two inland out of sight of the sea. 
As they themselves frequently admit, they regard the sea as 
an unpleasant place which produces a dismal feeling in the 
pit of their stomachs. It does not therefore appear likely 
that Bulgaria will succeed in establishing a very effective 
fleet. But there is a further reason against any reliance being 
placed on her. The Bulgarians, though not of Slavonic 
origin, have been slavicized, and so British interests would 
not be best served by encouraging a State which at any time 
may, through force of circumstances, become nothing more 
than an outpost of Russia. 

There remains Greece. There is no conflict between British 
and Hellenic interests. The only valid objection to an 
understanding with Greece would be that though she cer- 
tainly had a fleet strong enough to dominate the course 
of the Balkan War, yet of her ships only one armoured 
cruiser and a few destroyers would be of any use in a 
first-class navy. It is true that Greece has not a well- 
equipped fleet now, but she intends to have one in the 
future. What has been said in the chapters dealing with 
the Greek Navy goes some way to show that, with the help 


of so admirable a staff of instructors as Admiral Kerr and 
his colleagues, this is merely a matter of time and finance. 
The Greek, next the Briton, is the best natural seaman in 
the world. A small acquaintance with her merchant-sailors 
convinces every one of the truth of this. The quiet and 
efficient way in which they do their work is up to the best 
British standards, and the sang-froid with which a Greek 
boatman will run his boat ashore and put off under diffi- 
culties would call forth praise from any experienced mariner. 
If her Administration acts wisely Greece should not have 
any difficulty in providing in time a supply for a fleet of 
at least six battle cruisers, six armoured cruisers, and a 
proportionate number of ships for her light fleet. In the 
immediate future, if the large outlays involved in the pur- 
chase of Dreadnoughts be not considered justifiable, she will 
at any rate be able to maintain a large and efficiei^t light 

There is a further reason which indicates Greece as the 
natural ally for Great Britain in the Near East The position 
of the former in Eastern Europe corresponds to that occupied 
by the latter in Western Europe. Greece, having a northern 
frontier, will be obliged to keep up a standing army capable 
of defending it ; but she, as much as England, is dependent 
for her existence on a strong navy. About one-quarter of 
her territory, excluding the Peloponnesus, will be contained 
in islands, and her coast-line will actually be larger than that 
of the British Isles. 

The suggestion of an alliance with a country whose 
interests have in the past conflicted with those of Turkey 
might raise the question of India. The doctrine has been 
preached for years that England, out of loyalty to her 
Mohammedan subjects, must always support the Turks. 
This doctrine attaches an undue value to the Mohammedan 
element in India and disregards the fact that the larger 
Indian interests are best served by preserving Great Britain*s 
trade routes to her Eastern possessions intact. Great 
Britain's interests in Egypt, which commands this trade 


route, are as vital to her as her interests in India. British 
and Hellenic interests in Egypt march hand in hand, for 
British rule and Greek industry in commerce are equally 
important factors in promoting the prosperity of that 
country.! The relations of the Greeks with the English in 
Egypt have always been most cordial. Few of the inhabi- 
tants, e^^cept Greeks, consort with British civil servants and 
Army officers in the Cairo and Alexandria clubs. The 
Greeks of Khartoum were faithful to Gordon, who had 
gained their respect and admiration, and, as they failed to 
persuade him to abandon his post and escape with them 
they stayed and shared his fate. This augurs well for the 
future friendship of Britain and Hellene, but, unfortunately, 
the character and aspirations of the Greeks to-day are 
scarcely known or understood in England, The writer has 
been frequently amazed at the extraordinary ignorance that 
he has met with amongst all classes of English people on 
this subject, and this has been the experience also of other 
descendants of Greeks who have settled here. Frequently 
when the writer mentions that his family is a Greek family 
surprise is expressed, not merely jokingly but seriously, and 
a remark not unusual is, "We thought the Greeks were a 
semi-Oriental people." This idea is probably to be ascribed 
to the record of the Levantine Greeks (not true Greeks but 
Hellenized Levantines), who perhaps for two centuries have 
been known in the west of Europe as sharp and sometimes 
not altogether honest traders. The Levantine Greek cannot 
be taken in any way as representative of the Hellene of 
to-day. He has characteristics which are quite foreign to 
the Hellenic character, as any one will discover who cares 
to visit Greece and tries to understand something of her 
people. Few, on the other hand, recognize that friends and 
acquaintances with foreign names, many of whom have 
attained to positions of eminence and have gained the 
respect and confidence of all around them, are Greeks or 
have the remotest connection with Greece. And yet 
these persons are often pure Greeks who have much 
' Vide Lord Cromer's recent work, " Modern Egypt." 


more right to the name than the Levantines above re- 
ferred to. 

One reason why the Greek point of view is not understood 
here is that the case of Greece has rarely been stated with 
authority in the Press, particularly in The Times^ which, 
however much it may have lost of its old prestige, still 
plays a considerable part in forming public opinion, especially 
on foreign affairs. Mr. Bourchier, the correspondent of The 
Times in the Balkan Peninsula, is a man of great experience 
of the Near East and of wide sympathies. It is greatly due 
to him that the case of the allies received a favourable 
hearing in this country and that the prejudice in favour of 
Turkey was broken through, and for this Hellas has good 
cause to be grateful to him. Mr. Bourchier, however, though 
he is a personal friend of M, Veniz^los, and through this took 
no small part in bringing together such inveterate enemies 
as Greece and Bulgaria for the purpose of making common 
cause against Turkey, has always associated himself more 
with Bulgaria than with any other of the Balkan States. He 
has made Sofia his headquarters, and therefore was through- 
out the recent crisis in close touch with the men who 
controlled the destinies of that country ; as a result, however 
impartially he may have tried to view the various questions 
at issue between the allies, he was unconsciously influenced 
by his surroundings. Whenever the attitude of the Bulgarian 
Government had to be interpreted by him, it was stated with 
the vast authority and importance and with the lucid and 
convincing power of expression of which he is master 
among foreign correspondents. Further, The Times, knowing 
and appreciating his long experience of the Balkans, still 
further added to the importance given by him to the Bul- 
garian point of view by placing his communications in 
prominent positions and frequently drawing attention to 
them in its editorial notes and leading articles. In the 
meantime the Greek point of view has been usually enun- 
ciated only by a deputy of Mr. Bourchier's, not a member 
of The Times staff. As a result his communications are 


not expected and, in fact, are not allowed to be at all 
long, for they are not treated as having the same weight 
and authority as are those of a member of the staff of 
The TimeSy who has been brought up in its great school 
and is, therefore, an expert at his work. Thus the Greek 
point of view was never expressed in that great journal 
during critical times unless a political leading article, pos- 
sibly inspired from the Foreign Office, did justice to the 
aims and performance of Hellenic public policy. The result 
of Mr. Bourchier's devoting the greater part of his time to 
one of the four allies had more far-reaching results than 
any one would suspect. Thus the writer was surprised to 
read in the Eton Chronicle an account of a lecture delivered 
to the Eton boys by Mr. Bourchier during the peace nego- 
tiations of last January, which indeed gave a most illu- 
minating insight into Balkan affairs, but in which it was stated 
that the Bulgarians had shown magnificent fighting qualities 
during the war,- no mention being made of the fighting 
qualities of the Greeks, Servians, or Montenegrins, who will 
be admitted by any impartial judge to have fought just 
as bravely and effectively as the Bulgarians. Possibly the 
greatest bravery during the whole war was shown by the 
Greek sailors in the first naval engagement. The result 
of that lecture may be that a whole generation of Eton 
boys, except those who take enough interest to pursue an 
independent study of the Balkans, will grow up with the 
idea that it was the Bulgarians alone who showed themselves 
good fighters in the Balkan War. 

During the past year there have been many occasions 
upon which simultaneous reports from Bulgarian and Greek 
sources have been completely contradictory, and upon which 
the Bulgarian version has received the imprint of Mr. 
Bourchier. On some of these occasions the cause and inte- 
rests of Greece have been greatly prejudiced by this, and to 
illustrate what is here stated some examples are given. 

When the Greeks occupied Salonica in November and the 
Bulgarian forces which were in the neighbourhood, as will be 


remembered, dishonestly entered the city, although permission 
had been previously granted by the Greeks for only two bat- 
talions to enter, Sofia at the same time took steps to publish 
to the world that the city was under the occupation of the 
three allies, and that a joint administration on the part of the 
three was being set up. A telegram to this effect was pub- 
lished in The Times from their " Correspondent in the Balkan 
Peninsula," while no telegrams from the other side giving the 
correct account, which described the Greek occupation and 
administration of the city, were published. 

The following are two striking illustrations of misrepre- 
sentations of questions at issue between Bulgarians and 
Greeks by Mr. Bourchier during the anxious period which 
followed the conclusion of the Treaty of London ; both of 
them relate to frontier incidents. As an explanation of these 
incidents a telegram of his from Sofia stated that the 
Bulgarians, when they first occupied certain districts of 
southern Macedonia last November, omitted in many 
instances to leave garrisons in places through which they had 
passed, and that the Greeks had subsequently placed gar- 
risons in these places and claimed to have been the first to 
occupy them. Whether there was any truth or not in this 
does not matter for the present purpose, but as examples of 
places in which this was done Mr. Bourchier cited Jenize- 
Vardar (Jenitza), Kukush (Kilkis), and Doiran. As the 
reader will remember, Jenitza was occupied by the Greeks, 
after a two-days' battle, on the 2nd of November, at a time 
when the Bulgarians were not less than loo miles to the 
north of Salonica. The Greeks had not been near Kukush 
or Doiran on the day on which the telegram was sent, and 
did not occupy them until they drove the Bulgarians out of 
them at the point of the bayonet in the new war. 

The other occasion arose out of the frontier engagement 
in the Panghaeon district. The Bulgarians claimed to have 
captured eight guns from the Greeks, and a telegram pub- 
lished in The Times of June 2nd from Mr. Bourchier stated: 
" The Greek field guns captured . . . arrived here yesterday." 


The statement that any gun had been captured from the 
Greeks was promptly contradicted by the Greek Minister in 
London, and a few weeks later an account was published in 
the papers of how a PVench officer who had examined the 
guns at Sofia had recognized them as guns which had been 
supplied to the Bulgarians. Being Creusot guns, they were 
of similar type to those of the Greeks, but he was able to 
prove his discovery of the fraud by referring to certain private 
marks of the Creusot firm. 

During the Grseco-Bulgarian War, when Englishmen, 
Frenchmen, Germans, Austrians, Russians, and Italians with 
their own eyes saw the traces of the indescribable atrocities 
committed by the Bulgarians in the towns of Serres, Demir- 
Hissar, Doxato, Nigrita, and elsewhere, Mr. Bourchier was 
telegraphing from Sofia — without any caution as to the 
reports being accepted with reserve — that the Greeks were 
behaving just as badly as the Bulgarians. The ordinary 
reader probably does not go into the question of whether the 
reporter was on the spot or not and capable of guaranteeing 
the accuracy of his information, and treated his statements as 
being as credible as those of the witnesses who were at the 
front with the Greeks. The examples given of the inaccuracy 
of his reports of the frontier incidents are sufficient to ^show 
how much reliance can be placed on his reports of the 
behaviour of the Greek troops. At the same time he was 
reporting great Bulgarian victories over the Greeks, which he 
could not help contradicting from day to day, for the Greeks 
continually advanced and occupied positions previously held 
by the Bulgarians, and engaged the enemy nearer and nearer 
to the Bulgarian frontier. However, a redeeming feature of 
it all is that the Greeks treated his accounts as a joke, and 
some exceedingly entertaining caricatures were published in 
the Greek papers about him during last summer. What is 
perhaps the most humorous incident in connection with Mr. 
Bourchier's relations with the Greeks was the sending to him 
of a telegram by a high personage in Greece in the following 
words : " I congratulate you on the accuracy of your informa- 


tion." The sarcasm was lost on the venerable Times corre- 
spondent in the Balkan Peninsula, and only succeeded in 
extracting a pompous reply to the effect that he sincerely 
thanked the sender for the kind congratulations and appre- 
ciation of his work ! It will be seen that as a result, before 
the large and influential class whom The Times numbers 
amongst its readers, Hellas was during the crises of last year 
in the position of a prisoner who has only a country attorney 
to defend him when his accuser commands the services of an 
eminent K.C. 

An experienced and respected journalist of Mr. Bourchier*s 
qualifications has the opportunity of creating a rapproche- 
ment between nations which, though they have no conflict of 
interests, have never established close relations with one 
another. He obtains a grasp of the national character and 
tendencies of young countries like Greece and Bulgaria, and 
can then interpret them to his own countrymen. Hitherto 
not only has Greece lacked an advocate of this kind, but her 
isolation and her want of a protector, such as Russia was 
to Bulgaria, have retarded her political growth ; and then 
journalists have represented her to the British public as being 
a nation of less promise than Bulgaria. The connection of 
her railway system to the great European railroads will, in the 
future, bring her into direct touch with the great Continental 
nations, and put an end to her isolation. 

The Greeks were practically the only foreign people who 
championed our cause in the South African War, at a time 
when our Little Englanders actually showed admiration 
of the Boers. This Greek sympathy was shown in deed as 
well as in word, for " bands " were organized and fought by 
the side of our soldiers in South Africa, They have con- 
sequently felt a little sore at the lack of cordiality shown to 
them by Britons in their recent troubles. The writer can 
assure them that this is due to lack of knowledge on our part 
for which the failure of the Greeks to advertise themselves 
here sufficiently is to a great extent responsible. English- 
men who take an interest in Greece can be divided into three 


classes: (i) Scholars and students of ancient Greece, (2) 
tourists, (3) persons who number Greeks among their 
personal friends. Those in the first class are limited in 
number and half of them know nothing of modern Greece. 
Those in the second are also comparatively few in number, 
owing to the fact that hitherto the journey to Greece has 
occupied so long, and they see little of the Greeks of to-day 
other than the guide who accompanies them in their rush 
round the antiquities, who is probably a poor representative 
of his race. The third class also is not large enough to effect 
the general trend of public opinion in regard to the 

As a distinguished Greek who has recently visited England 
has pointed out, English life approximates more to that of 
the ancient Greeks than that of any other people in history. 
As instances illustrating this observation he cited the 
importance attached to sports and games and the prominence 
and wide influence of club-life. He said : " You have copied 
many things from us, and it is now we who should adopt 
many of your customs." There is no doubt that the Hellene 
and the Bpton have much in common ; in many respects a 
similar regime suits them both. A curious instance of this 
is the attitude of both the Greek and the English towards 
gambling, Greece is one of the few countries where 
gambling is illegal, as it is here. The Greek Government has 
refused most enticing offers for the building of Casinos, 
which would have brought an influx of foreigners and 
undoubtedly added considerably to the country's material 
wealth. On many questions the Greek adopts a certain 
moral standpoint, which may not be identical with but yet 
is germane to that of the Briton, whereas the German, the 
Frenchman, and the Italian take a totally different view. 
The Greek is by nature a cool and practical though poetical 
man. The excitable coffee-house politician, whom visitors 
to Greece may have come to look upon as a representative 
Hellene, is a by-product due to unfavourable environment, 
a type which rarely recurs in the younger generation, i At 



the same time there is a heartiness and capacity for genuine 
good-fellowship in the Hellene which makes him a far more 
natural companion for the Briton than is the Frenchman. 
Temperamentally the Evzonos, with his manliness and his 
jolly but courteous ways, is the counterpart of the Public 
School boy. 

In order to be understood in Britain, Hellas needs 

journalists who will describe her tendencies and aspirations 

and writers who will explain the character and temperament 

of her people. Much, however, can be done by Greeks in 

England, many of whose families have been resident here for 

as much as three generations and occupy good positions and 

enjoy the respect and esteem of their neighbours and 

acquaintances. Foremost among the Greek names in 

England must be mentioned that of Ralli ; several members 

of this family are well-known now in this country, not only 

as having been exceptionally able men of commerce, but 

as landowners, and the family has established matrimonial 

connections with several distinguished English families. 

When it is remembered that among the general cultured 

public the most ardent Philhellenes are those who have 

numbered Greeks among their friends, it will be seen how 

much the Greeks who have recognized positions in this 

country could do. Their patriotism is far-famed : it is 

sufficient to refer to the generous and beneficent bequests 

made by the late Panaghi Vagliano, who left a trust fund of 

half a million pounds for the benefit of his native island of 

Cephalonia, and the late Marino Corgialegno, who bequeathed 

practically the whole of his fortune for various charitable and 

public objects in Greece. A tendency on the part of the 

leading Greeks in this country to identify themselves with 

the Hellenic movement, which has already roused the interest 

of English people, cannot fail very greatly to aid the 

Hellenic cause in Great Britain. One of the many ways in 

which they could take part in this movement would be for 

them to purchase estates in the highlands of Thessaly, 

Macedonia, or Epirus. Very soon these would be within 




three days* journey from London. First-rate land in the 
centre of good sporting and agricultural country can be 
obtained for about £2 an acre : a comfortable house could be 
built and provided with such modern luxuries as electricity 
and central heating (which is particularly needful in the 
highlands of Greece where the cold is very keen in winter) and 
the grounds laid out for from ;£"7,000 to ;£" 10,000. Thus, an 
estate of, say, 5,000 acres would entail an outlay of at most 
;^20,ooo. There is not the least doubt that the really keen 
English sportsman would appreciate nothing better than an 
invitation for two or three weeks' shooting in Greece from 
one of his Anglo-Greek friends in this country. He knows 
that he would not take part in a holocaust of driven birds ; 
but most really keen sportsmen, except those who look upon 
shooting as a science rather than as a sport, prefer to have to 
work for their bag, especially in a new country. 

The writer would suggest that the purchase of such an 
estate should be looked upon by each purchaser as a patriotic 
act capable of doing greater service to the land of their 
fathers than a monetary bequest by will ; but in fact it would 
not be an unprofitable investment. The purchase price of 
land in Greece is, generally speaking, ten times its annual 
income, and the estate, even including the cost of the house 
and grounds, would bring in, even in its undeveloped state, 
about 5 per cent on the invested capital, and a larger income 
if developed and farmed on scientific and practical lines. 
Except in so far as they were actually used, the up-keep of 
the house and grounds would be very small compared with 
the cost of maintaining a similar-sized property in this 
country. A first-rate agent or factor would be required, but 
there will be no difficulty in finding such in England if not in 
Greece. Moreover, the good done by a few landowners 
establishing residential estates in Greece is shown by the 
example of Mr. Noel, of Achmet Aga, in the island of 
Euboea, a kinsman of Lord Byron. The existence of such 
an estate in an outlying district of Macedonia, where the 
peasants are so much more wretched and poor, would have 


even more conspicuously good effects than in the older pro- 
vinces of Greece. Further, when native Greek landowners 
discover the charm of making a home in the country they 
would be almost certain to follow the example set them. The 
writer has met many Greek gentlemen who are real lovers of 
the country, but have hitherto been obliged to look upon their 
visits there as excursions which will mean roughing it In 
any case, if the writer may be allowed to make a suggestion, 
a visit to Greece, especially its new northern territories, would 
well repay the trouble, and every English Greek who under- 
takes it will be in a position to become an interpreter of the 
new Hellenic movement to the English. 

The institution of a Chair of Modern Greek at London 
University is one of the most practical suggestions that has 
been made for furthering the Hellenic cause in this country. 
An endowment of ;£" 10,000 is the utmost that would be 
required to provide a salary of from £"^00 to £^QO^ with 
which the services of one of the most brilliant young 
Hellenists can be obtained. It is hoped that the Greeks and 
people of Greek origin settled in this country will take the 
opportunity of responding to British scholars who have 
expressed a desire to see the introduction of the study of 
modern Greek among other modern languages at a great 
university by taking an interest in the carrying out of the 
scheme and the collection of the required fund. 

The field which is open to British enterprise in Greece's 
new territories should encourage greatly the association of 
English and Greek men of business, and the co-operation of 
the British Naval Mission in Greece is a still stronger link 
between the two countries which should contribute largely to 
the establishment of close friendship between Briton and 



Causes of the One Month's War. Quern Deus Vult 
Perdere Prius Dementat, 
By the middle of May, when the writer returned from the 
Balkans, it was fairly obvious to everybody in those regions 
that a Graeco-Bulgarian war would take place, if not imme- 
diately, at any rate within the next two or three years. So 
far back as the days following the capture of Salonica 
Bulgarian officers quartered there said openly that if that 
city were under the partition of territory awarded to the 
Greeks, they would drive them out of it at the point of 
the bayonet within two years. In Greek circles the view 
generally taken was : " War is bound to come ; better now 
while we are in a state of warlike preparedness and before 
normal lives and occupations are resumed than in a year 
or two's time when we shall have to begin, as it were, all 
over again." 

The hatred between Greek and Bulgar is almost as old as 
the appearance of the Bulgar in Europe. It was the Bul- 
garians who were to a great extent responsible for the 
collapse of the Byzantine Empire before the onslaught of 
the Turks. They had so weakened it with their incessant 
attacks that it was unable to offer any determined resistance 
to the forward march of the invading hordes. During the 
Dark Ages the Bulgars disappeared while the Greeks always 
continued to represent the cultivated and enlightened ele- 
ment in the Turkish Empire. This was no doubt partly 
due to the fact that the Patriarch was Greek and the 



whole of the Orthodox Church in the Turkish Empire had 
a Hellenic character. There was, however, another reason 
also, namely, that the Bulgars were a race of peasants, of 
whom i^vf ever emerged as striking personalities, political, 
literary, or artistic. The Bulgarian revivalist movement 
which made itself felt at the time of the Russo-Turkish War 
of 1877 was indeed a true expression of the wishes of the 
people, and when a Principality was formed in accordance 
with the arrangement made at the Berlin Conference, the 
great majority of the Bulgars obtained their freedom and 
were incorporated in it. The Treaty of San Stephano, as 
Lord Salisbury at the time declared, had, however, been a 
flagrant contravention of the principle of nationalities, for 
between one and two million Greeks would have passed 
under Bulgarian rule. Fortunately for Greece Bulgaria at 
that time was looked upon merely as the child of Russia, and 
therefore British policy in the Near East could not brook the 
admission of Bulgaria to the shores of the -^gean. The 
annexation of Eastern Roumelia a few years later was not a 
result of a movement on the part of the united population, 
but an arbitrary political coup on the part of the anti- 
Russian party in Bulgaria. Several hundred thousand 
Greeks were thereby against their will made Bulgarian sub- 
jects and subsequently suffered cruel oppression. This was 
the lot of all those who retained their Greek sympathies and 
refused to become Bulgarized. An idea of what the Greeks 
of Anchialos and other towns of Eastern Roumelia under- 
went can be obtained from reading Mr. Allen Upward's "East 
End of Europe." 

It is often forgotten, too, that in Bulgaria itself, especially 
along the coasts of the Black Sea, there were numbers 'bf 
Greeks, not a few among whom became prominent in Bulgarian 
politics ; among these may be mentioned the late Prime 
Minister, M. Gueschoff, who is remembered as a student in 
Berlin as having been an enthusiastic Bulgarian Nationalist, 
but as speaking Greek in his own family circle at Man- 
chester ; and Dn Genadieff, the present Foreign Minister, 


In fact, the Greeks say that the chief intellects in Bulgaria 
are people either of Greek descent or else pure Slavs. It 
is true that many people do look upon the Bulgar peasants 
as Slavs, and Russia does if, and when, Bulgaria is obedient 
— but though they speak a Slavonic dialect, the types of 
physiognomy observable in the soldiers of a Bulgarian regi- 
ment show them to be far more Avar, or Tartar, or Mongol, 
than Slavonic by race. The deep-set eyes, high cheekbones, 
and broad noses are fairly conclusive evidence of this; among 
the officers these characteristics are less frequently to be 
seen. Being a race of lower civilization the Bulgars have 
become Slavicized, at any rate in speech, but they have 
retained their savage and primitive instincts, so repulsive to 
the mind and feelings of the average Hellene. It will there- 
fore be seen how awful the prospect of being subjected to 
Bulgarian rule is to a Greek generally speaking. 

The Balkan War was, at any rate so far as the Servians 
and the Greeks are concerned, a war of liberation and not a 
war of territorial grab. Accordingly the first principle to be 
observed on a partition of territory conquered by the joint 
efforts of the allies would be the wishes of the populations 
dwelling in the liberated provinces, though political and 
strategical considerations might interfere slightly with the 
strict application of this principle. Let us apply it to the 
territory ceded to the allies under the Treaty of London. 
Servians and Montenegrins are so similar in race and sym- 
pathies that for the present purpose it will simplify matters 
if they are treated as one. About the time of the Bulgarian 
revivalist movement the Greek Patriarchate looked with dis- 
favour on the Bulgarian secessionists (who established a 
Church at the head of which was placed an Exarch) and went 
so far as to excommunicate the followers of the new Church. 
In doing so the Patriarchate did great harm to the Greek 
cause and stirred up a rivalry between exarchist and patri- 
archist which the Bulgarians promptly exploited as a political 
weapon. The Patriarchate in taking a narrow religious view 
lost sight of national interests. 


It may be said that of the whole population of Central 
Macedonia, other than the Servian districts, people of Greek 
sympathies out-number Bulgarians supporters by more than 
two to one. The Macedonians so-called are admitted to 
be a mixed race in which the Slav and Greek strains 
largely preponderate, but in addition there are a large 
number of pure Greeks, among whom are most of the 
prominent citizens of the towns. The Macedonian peasants 
have shown themselves to be people who are ready to 
accept the predominant influence of the moment, but at 
the time of the Bulgarian revivalist movement more than 
two-thirds had Greek predilections. Sir Valentine Chirol, 
in a letter written to The Times shortly after the con- 
clusion of the Treaty of Bucharest upholding the settle- 
ment arrived at as being no contravention of the principle 
of nationalities, said that when he visited the Monastir 
district some thirty years ago the Bulgarians themselves 
only claimed one-third of the population and that that was, 
anyhow, an excessive claim. The Bulgarians, as has been 
stated in the first chapter of this book, succeeded to a 
great extent, by promises of favours or else by force, in 
winning over a great many of the Macedonian peasants to 
the Bulgarian cause, and they tried to extend their sphere 
of influence almost as far as the old Greek frontier. Their 
object in commencing operations in Macedonia was no 
doubt to isolate Thrace from Greece, in order that it 
might fall an easy prey to them in the future. Throughout 
the district, however, which they have terrorized for the last 
fifteen years, even in those villages in which they appeared 
to have succeeded in winning over the peasants to their 
cause, the Bulgarian sympathies of most of the inhabitants 
did not take deep root, and so Central Macedonia is even 
now Greek rather than Bulgarian.^ 

The population with Servian sympathies is found in Old 
Servia, the Sandjak of Novi Bazar, and Northern Macedonia 

^ Under the agreement as to representation in the Turkish Parliament 
entered into some time before the war, 17 Greek and 6 Bulgarian 
deputies were appointed for the Vilayets of Salonica, Monastir and 
Adrianople on the basis of the respective numbers of the populations. 


nearly as far south as Monastir. Monastir itself is rather 
Graecophil than Bulgarophil, a good number of the inhabi- 
tants being of Vlach origin. The true Bulgarian interests 
lie north of Demir-Hissar, Doiran, and Monastir, though 
there is a wedge-shaped enclave of Bulgarian villages round 
Kilkis. This is evidently the result of a colonizing move- 
ment which had Salonica as its ultimate objective. In 
Thrace, Bulgarians are found north of Adrianople and 
Kirk-Kilisse and in some of the districts just over the old 
Bulgarian border farther west. South of Monastir, Doiran, 
Demir-Hissar, Adrianople, and Kirk-Kilisse the Greek 
influence predominates, and between the old Greek frontier 
and Kastoria and Veria all along the coast and in most 
of the towns there is a large pure Greek population. It 
should, however, be pointed out that, generally speaking, the 
populations of Western and Central Macedonia north and 
east of Monastir are racially and naturally Servian rather 
than Bulgarian in character. In this most of the greatest 
authorities agree, though several English waiters and 
journalists who have visited the districts under Bulgarian 
auspices, such as Messrs. Bourchier and Brailsford, have 
gone so far as to state that "in heart and sympathy it is 
Bulgarian to the core." 

The division of the territory conquered from the Turks 
and ceded by the Treaty of London would naturally, if it 
were partitioned according to the views of the inhabitants 
and apart from strategical reasons, have been made as 
follows : The Grseco-Bulgarian frontier would start south 
of Diavolo on the Black Sea, the point at which the old 
Bulgaro-Turkish border commenced, from thence it would 
go due south until some miles beyond Tirnavo it would 
turn to the west, pass just north of Kirk-KiHsse and 
Adrianople, and bend down to a point north of Dimotika. 
From there it would go due west until it reached Strum- 
nitza, with a little northern bend so as to include the 
historic Greek town of Meleniko in Greek territory, finishing 
at Monastir. The Servo-Bulgarian frontier would pass 


over Ovche Polye, leaving Veles to Servia, and would join 
the Graeco-Bulgarian frontier at a short distance west of 
Strumnitza. As between Servia and Greece, Monastir, 
which even The Times has described as being a stronghold, 
of Greek influence, would naturally fall to the latter. 

With this ideal partition in view it is interesting to note 
what Bulgaria, Servia, and Greece claimed respectively after 
the conclusion of the Treaty of London. 

There was a secret Treaty in existence between Servia 
and Bulgaria which, so far as its provisions are known, 
appears to have provided for a division of Macedonia 
between the two countries in the event of a successful war 
being waged against Turkey. It has been stated that 
under the Treaty a certain district was reserved for parti- 
tion later, and that in case of disagreement between the 
two parties the matter should be settled by reference to 
the arbitration of the Czar. This Treaty mentioned only 
Macedonia and Albania and did not refer at all to Thrace. 
The Servians having been deprived of their share of 
Albania, whereas the Bulgarians had obtained the greater 
part of Thrace, maintained that the subject-matter of the 
contract had been altered, so that the Treaty was not 
applicable under the circumstances ; moreover, Servia had 
lent Bulgaria 50,000 men for the siege of Adrianople and 
had also sent men to Bulair in the second phase of the cam- 
paign. Bulgaria, in reply to the Servian contention, argued 
that the strict letter of the Treaty ought to be adhered to. 

The negotiations between Bulgaria and Greece were of 
a totally different nature, for there was no sort of previous 
arrangement between them as to a partition of the con- 
quered territory. Greece so far from demanding all her 
rights in accordance with ethnological principles, which as 
has been shown would have included everything south of 
a line drawn roughly from Monastir to Adrianople and 
ending at the point at which the old Turco-Bulgarian 
border reached the Black Sea, merely asked for the territory 
which she had occupied and a sufficient hinterland north 


of Salonica reaching to Doiran and to north of Demir- 
Hissar to give her a sound strategical frontier, with the 
River Nestos as the eastern boundary. Thus Greece in 
her demands generously abandoned the whole of Thrace 
to Bulgaria. Later, when the attitude of the Bulgarians 
was shown to be uncompromising, she further reduced these 
demands, and it appeared that she would have been satis- 
fied with the River Strymon as her eastern boundary. It 
is instructive to see how Bulgaria met these moderate 
demands, on the part of Greece. At first, not satisfied 
with the whole of Thrace and the north-east of Macedonia, 
she actually claimed Salonica and a frontier passing just 
north of Veria and the Lake of Kastoria. About that 
time, or earlier, she had a map printed of the Czardom of 
Bulgaria, which was circulated throughout the territories 
which she occupied and of which a facsimile is published 
in this book. In this map Bulgaria practically reaches the 
lines of Chatalja in the east It leaves out the peninsula 
of Gallipoli, but includes the whole of Chalkidike and 
reaches to within a few miles of the old Grseco-Turkish 
frontier, the tract left between the new Bulgarian frontier 
and this frontier being awarded to Albania! At the end 
of May it appeared that Bulgaria had somewhat moderated 
her demands, and it was even stated that M. Gueschoff, 
while he was Prime Minister, was willing to waive his claims 
on Salonica. 

In the meantime the Bulgaro-Servian relations were 
becoming strained, as the two parties failed to arrive at 
points of view in any way compatible with one another, 
M. Veniz^los made the proposal that all the questions at 
issue between the allies, should be settled at a meeting of 
the representative delegates of the four allies at Salonica. 
M. Pasitch and M. Martinovitch (for Montenegro) willingly 
accepted this proposal, but Bulgaria declined. M. Pasitch 
and M. Venizdos then both proposed that the four allies 
should refer the whole question of the division of territory to 
the arbitration pf the C^an The Bulgarians at first pressed 


for the arbitration of the Czar merely on the disputed zone 
between Bulgaria and Servia, referred to in the secret Treaty. 
Later, after the Czar had appealed to the kings of both 
countries not to embark upon a fratricidal war, the BuU 
garians professed to be willing to repair to St. Petersburg, but 
never made it clear that they were ready to refer all questions 
at issue to the arbitration of the Czar. At this moment 
M. Gueschoff resigned office and was replaced by M. Daneff, 
who was known as the leader of the Russophil party. For 
the next few days M. Veniz^los and M. Pasitch were awaiting 
the summons to St. Petersburg, but no definite information 
could be obtained as to what Dr. DanefT proposed to do. 

Since the beginning of April there had been various frontier 
incidents between the Greeks and the Bulgars, among the 
earlier and most serious being the fight at Nigrita, in which 
several hundred men were engaged on each side and the 
casualties were considerable. Shortly after this one or two 
other skirmishes, not of a very serious nature, took place, and 
then a neutral zone was agreed upon between Bulgarian and 
Greek officers appointed for the purpose. Towards the end 
of May, however, very serious fighting occurred in what is 
known as the Panghaeon district to the east of the River 
Strymon. The Bulgarians pushed large bodies of troops 
forward with the evident intention of driving the Greek 
forces back to the sea, presumably so that there could be 
no fear of their cutting the railway from Serres to Drama 
in the event of a* Graeco-Bulgarian war. It is evident, from 
an examination of the accounts which were published at the 
time by the light of the Austrian staff map, that all these 
frontier incidents (with the exception of one at Anghista) 
were provoked by the Bulgarians advancing. In the case of 
the latter, which occurred during the course of several days* 
fighting in the Panghaeon district, a Greek lieutenant appar- 
ently took the initiative contrary to the orders of his superior 
officer with the object of recovering certain positions which 
had been seized by the Bulgarians. After the fighting was 
over in this district a fresh neutral zone was defined, under 


which the Bulgarians were allowed to reap the advantage of 
positions which they had gained. However, on no less than 
three occasions did they advance their outposts, so that by 
the end of June these were within a few miles of Salonica at 
one point. The Bulgarians at the beginning of June had 
outrageously fired on the Georgios Aver off, which was cruising 
along the coast towards Salonica, and had also provoked the 
Greeks in a most insulting manner by driving some prisoners 
whom they took at Panghseon through the streets of Serres, 
jeering at them, when the Greeks who had previously cap- 
tured a considerable number of prisoners at Nigrita, had 
promptly delivered them up to the Bulgarians so soon as 
an agreement was come to fixing a neutral zone. Their 
oppressive treatment of the Greeks in many of the towns and 
districts which they had captured also began to rouse Greek 
public feeling, and it culminated with the finding of the muti- 
lated bodies of five or six Greeks, among them a well-known 
schoolmaster which was washed up from the River Strymon. 
At the Peace Conference of St. James's, the Bulgarians had 
shown a most selfish attitude, for though they had insisted 
upon the cession to them of Adrianople before it had been 
captured, and received their allies' support in this, they did 
not show any inclination to back up Greece and Servia over 
their claims in Epirus, and for access to the Adriatic re- 
spectively. This attitude on the part of the Bulgarians put 
M. Venizelos and M. Pasitch on their guard, and during the 
few weeks after the former's return to Greece pourparlers were 
begun with a view to an understanding between Greeks and 
Servians in the event of difficulties arising with Bulgaria over 
the partition of territory. These pourparlers, as was soon to' 
be known, resulted in the conclusion of a ten years' offensive 
and defensive alliance between the two countries, and the 
course of the Graeco-Servian frontier was definitely settled. 
Prince Nicholas conducted the earlier negotiations as repre- 
sentative of Greece at Belgrade, and the alliance was finally 
concluded at Athens soon after King George's death, the 
Crown Prince Alexander being the Servian plenipotentiary. 


Monastir, which had been the subject of considerable dis- 
cussion, was allotted to Servia. It may be said that this was 
the first Greek centre that had been finally abandoned by 
Hellenism. In the middle of June, when M. Veniz61os was 
in Salonica, the existence of this alliance was an open secret, 
and Hellene and Serb felt that henceforth they could snap 
their fingers at Bulgar. The Bulgarians, however, under the 
leadership of the tactless and bourgeois Dr. Daneff, went on 
their way in crass ignorance, preparing themselves, as was 
afterwards proved, for the crushing (as they fondly imagined) 
of their two allies whom they affected to despise, while their 
armies persisted in drawing their ring tighter round Salonica 
and their agents within the town were making their prepara- 
tions with a view to acting in concert with the troops outside. 
Numbers of the most notorious Komitadjes gathered within 
the town and brought in large quantities of gunpowder, 
dynamite, bombs, and rifles secretly. The Greek authorities 
discovered vegetable carts entering the city in which a very 
thin upper stratum of vegetable was found to cover supplies 
of a very different kind. From that moment they took their 
measures quietly but surely, and found an enormous quantity 
of everything that could possibly be required for producing a 
thorough uproar and disturbance in the city. These they 
confiscated, and at the same time they arrested all the 
individuals in whose possession they found these compromis- 
ing materials or who were otherwise suspected of being 
accessories. These discoveries were conclusive evidence of 
an elaborate plot which had been hatched with the evident 
knowledge and approval of the Bulgarian General in Salonica, 
as certain facts which are stated below will show. 

Nevertheless, on the morning of the 29th of June, both the 
Servian and Greek military headquarters believed that war 
had been averted, and that the conference would take place 
at St. Petersburg under the auspices of the Czar. So late as 
the night of Sunday, June 29th, an acquaintance of the 
writer was assured by the Greek Chief of Staff at Salonica 
that war, in his opinion, had been avoided. Also the writer 


has first-hand knowledge that the General in command of 
the Servian troops at Uskub had the same belief so late as 
the following morning, that is to say, Monday, June 30th. 
This, however, was merely the lull which comes before the 
storm, for on the night of the 29th of June the Bulgarians 
made an attack along the whole length of the Servian and 
Greek lines. Their attack on the Servian outposts appears 
to have been nothing less than a brutal, cold-blooded, pre- 
meditated murder, as Dr. Dillon states in his article on 
Foreign Affairs published in the Contemporary Review, for 
last August. It is one of the most disgraceful incidents in 
the whole of history. At the very moment when the Bul- 
garians had led the Servians and the Greeks to believe that 
they were willing to refer their differences to arbitration and 
were averse to going to war, they deliberately planned and 
executed a night attack in force. The Mir of Sofia, the 
organ of the Russophil party, has recently published two 
Bulgarian headquarters telegraphic orders, which constitute 
the most crushing proof that the night attack against the 
Greeks and the Servians on the 29th of June was coldly 
premeditated. They are as follows : 

Headquarters, Sofia, 

15/28 June^ 8 p.m., 

In cipher^ very urgenU 

To THE Commander of the 4TH Army, 

In order that our failure to reply to the attacks of the Servians 
should not react upon the morale of our troops, and in order that the 
enemy should not be further encouraged, I command you to attack 
the enemy most vigorously along the whole front, without unmasking 
all your forces and without allowing yourself to be drawn into a 
continuous engagement. At the same time you will make the most 
strenuous effort to estabUsh yourself in force at Krivolak, on the right 
bank of the River Bregalnitza, on the height 350 of Bogoslav, on the 
height 550 of the village of Sahad (Ovche Polye), and near the village 
of Dobrevo. 

Open fire for choice in the evening, and during the night under 
cover of the darkness deUver a violent attack along the whole front. 


This operation must be effected to-morrow the i6th (i.e. 29th) June in 
the evening. No. 5,597. 

The Deputy Commander-in-Chief, 

General Savoff. 

The second document is dated the very day of the attack. 

Headquarters, Sofia, 

16/29 y^"^j 3*^5 P*"^' 

In cipher, very urgent 

To THE Army Commanders. 

By a previous order I have commanded the 4th Army to continue 
its forward march and the 2nd Army, after completing its operations 
against Tsagesi, to concentrate on the Hne fixed for attacking Salonica. 
The Army Commanders must bear in mind that our operations 
against the Hellenes and the Servians are taking place without any 
official declaration of war, and that they have been dictated to us by the 
following important considerations : 

1. To raise as much as possible the morale of our troops, and to 
make them consider our ex-allies as enemies. 

2. By the threat of a declaration of war between the allies to force 
Russian policy to hasten the solution of the question, a course which 
will save us from delays. 

3. By the violent blows which we shall deliver on our allies to compel 
them to be more conciHatory, 

4. As we claim the territories which de facto they hold, to succeed by 
force of arms in occupying new territories which we shall be able to 
continue to do until the intervention of the Powers brings our military 
operations to a standstill. And as such intervention may take place 
at any moment, it is imperative that you should act promptly and 

The 4th Army must make an effort to occupy Veles at all costs, the 
capture of which will be of great importance from the political point 
of view. It follows as a matter of course that it will be necessary to 
occupy previously the line Saltou-Tepe-Kratovo and Klisseli. 

The 2nd Army, when it has completed its concentration, will, if the 
operations of the 4th Army permit it, receive orders to attack Salonica. 
In that case it will be reinforced^ by two or three brigades. 

If the Krivolak-Gevgeli and the Gevgeli sections of the railway line 
are occupied by our troops, entrenchments will be constructed forth- 
with, which will be guarded by strong columns. In this way the 
occupation of both banks of the Vardar will be secured. No. 5,647. 

The Deputy Commander-in-Chief 

General Savoff. 


Further comment on these cynical documents is need- 

The Greek outposts had had strict orders to fall back on 
their main forces on any attempt being made by the Bul- 
garians to advance, and this they succeeded in doing without 
serious loss. In Salonica, at ten o*clock next morning, 
rumours were circulating to the effect that fighting had 
taken place at Panghaeon, and also that the train going 
northwards had returned, not having been able to go beyond 
Goumentze. These rumours were soon afterwards confirmed, 
and the additional news published that the Bulgarians had 
attacked and occupied Gevgeli. It was at this point that 
the Servian and Greek zones joined, and thus the Bulgarians' 
object was to cause the Servian right wing and the Greek 
left wing to lose touch with one another. Moreover, Gevgeli 
lay on the way to Monastir, which was the centre of the 
district which was claimed from Servia. A little later the 
news was received that the Bulgarians had crossed the River 
Strymon, and had attacked the whole Servian front from 
above Gevgeli as far as the old Servian frontier. 

There had remained in Salonica about 1,300 Bulgarian 
soldiers, under the command of General Hassapsieff, who 
also acted as the Bulgarian plenipotentiary there. On 
receipt of the news of the attack by the Bulgarian armies, 
the Greeks decided to disarm all the Bulgarian troops in 
Salonica, and send them off to the nearest outposts. General 
Hassapsieff was allowed to leave immediately, on the ground 
that he was a diplomatic agent. On his departure, however, 
as became generally known in Salonica, he left orders with 
his officers to hold out and refuse to surrender at all costs, as 
he would himself be back in the town within twenty-four 
hours with a whole Bulgarian division ! General Kalares, 
the Commander of the 2nd Division, which was then quartered 
in the town, sent an ultimatum to the Bulgarians early in 
the afternoon, summoning them to hand over their arms, and 
he allowed them until six o'clock to comply with his request. 
The Bulgarians, in accordance with the orders which they 



had received, barricaded themselves in various buildings 
which they had seized in different quarters of the town, 
including the church of St. Sophia, and refused to give 
themselves up. The Greeks were thus obliged to attack 
them, but had great difficulty in dislodging some of them 
from the basements of the buildings. Quick-firing guns were 
then placed in the White Tower and fired up the Boulevard 
Hamidieh on some houses where the Bulgars still held out, 
and finally a field gun had to be trained on these houses. 
The street fighting went on all night, and the last Bulgar was 
captured at seven o'clock in the morning. It appears that of 
the Bulgarian officers some handed themselves up to the 
Greek authorities at once, while most of them fled disguised 
as Turkish women, having left orders to their men to fight 
and on no account to surrender. This is typical of the 
attitude of the Bulgarian officer towards the men of the 
ranks. The writer himself observed how Bulgarian officers 
would prod with their swords soldiers who were not march- 
ing smartly enough when a regiment was marching at 
attention through a town, just as though they were beasts. 
It is characteristic, too, of the quiet efficiency which the 
Greek military authorities have displayed throughout the 
last year that they dealt with the Bulgarian troops in 
Salonica and the Komitadjes so promptly, and that after 
the street battle was over, except for the ruins of some of 
the buildings which had been bombarded, there was no sign 
of anything extraordinary having occurred. On the morning 
of the 1st of July the town was in an atmosphere of perfect 
calm, and there was no panic of any kind among the 

The same day the Greek Foreign Minister made a public 
declaration to the effect that his Government treated this 
attack on the part of the Bulgarians as an act of war, and 
said, " We are obliged to order our divisions in Macedonia to 
recapture the positions which have been taken from them." 


To face p. 333- 


The Gr^cO' Bulgarian Campaign 

Since the end of the war with Turkey a 9th Division had 
been formed out of levies made in Epirus, and a loth 
Division had been made up out of independent bodies of 
troops, mostly Evzoni battalions. The 9th Division 
remained in Epirus, but Divisions I-VII and Division X 
had been concentrated round Salonica and Division VIII 
was brought up after the commencement of hostilities. 
The positions occupied by the Greeks on the 30th of June 
extended from the Gulf of Orfano to Lakes Beshik and 
Langaza, and from Salonica to Boemitza on the Vardar. 
During the attack on the night of June 29th, when the 
Bulgarians attacked the Greek outposts on Mount Panghseon 
and subsequently those at Berova and Nigrita, these fell 
back on their main bodies in accordance with orders. The 
Greeks had fortified Salonica with a large number of siege 
guns, including some naval guns, and had also landed a 
naval detachment. The 7th Division was posted between 
Lake Beshik and the Gulf of Orfano, forming the extreme 
right ; the 6th Division between Lake Beshik and Lake 
Langaza with the ist Division on its left formed the right 
centre; the 4th, 2nd, and 5th Divisions which had received 
marching orders were grouped north-west of Salonica, with 
the 8th Division in reserve, and the loth Division was on the 
right bank of the Vardar with the 3rd Division in reserve. 

The Bulgarians under General Ivanoff had fortified them- 
selves in positions well entrenched, and on heights varying 



from i,ooo to 2,500 feet along the hills from Gevgeli 
through Kilkis, Lahana, north of Nigrita as far as the 
River Strymon, north of the Lake Tachinos as far as 
Kavalla. Generally speaking, their troops were spread 
over a very long front. The centre of their position was 
Kilkis, and they had constructed several lines of defences 
in front of that town. The importance of this position was 
well understood by the Bulgarians, and for the benefit of 
those readers who are not familiar with the geographical 
features of the country it will be well to give a short 
explanation. The Vardar Valley with its railway was in 
the hands of the Servians, and gave them a direct line 
of communication from their capital through Uskub to 
the front. Their front extended from Uskub in the north 
to Gevgeli, where it joined the Greek front which has 
already been described. The Bulgarian forces opposed 
to the Servians were necessarily split into two units by 
the impassable mountain range described in the Austrian 
staff map as the Plaskovitsa Planina, lying east of Istib 
and south of Kotchana. The only direct way of com- 
munication between Sofia and both this southern Bulgarian 
force operating against the Servians and the army opera- 
ting against the Greeks was the valley of the Strymon. 
Along this, however, there was no good military road, 
merely a rough road which through the Kresna Pass was 
nothing more than a track. The Bulgarians found it 
impracticable to supply their army by this road, and they 
were therefore obliged to send all supplies by the railway 
line through Adrianople, Demotica, and Serres to Doiran, 
which thus became the base not only for their 2nd 
Army under General I van off operating against the Greeks, 
but also for their 4th Army under General Kovacheff 
operating against the southern Servian army. From this 
it will be seen that the cutting of the railway line anywhere 
east of Doiran would mean the isolation of the whole of 
the Bulgarian forces south of the Plaskovitsa Planina, and 
that the loss of Doiran itself, at which immense stores 






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Jotn Barti-oLamfsvr ,^ C-o .'E^iii.^ 


had been collected, would prevent the Bulgarians remain- 
ing any longer in Southern Macedonia. 

A good deal of dispute and discussion has taken place 
with regard to the numbers of the Bulgarian forces which 
were opposed to the Greeks. The Bulgarians themselves 
made out that they did not exceed 35,000 (obviously an 
absurd computation), whereas the Greeks put them down 
at more than 1 00,000. Captain Trapmann, who accom- 
panied the Greek Army throughout the war, estimates 
them at 115,000, excluding the troops holding the lines 
of communication, which he puts at 25,000. It is known 
that four Bulgarian divisions were under General Ivanoffs 
command. A Bulgarian reinforced division in war-time 
consists of from 25,000 to 30,000 men, but a division which 
is not reinforced is the equal of a Greek division, i.e. 15,000 
men. It will thus be seen that, according as the divisions 
were reinforced or simple divisions, the strength could 
vary from 60,000 to more than a 100,000. It seems 
fairly clear, moreover, that before General Ivanoff was 
hard pressed by the Greeks, he dispatched one division on 
a forced march to Krivolak in order to reinforce the forces 
operating against the Servians. It must not be forgotten, 
too, that the Greeks captured 93 field guns from the Bul- 
garians. A division of 15,000 men has 24 guns and a 
reinforced division has 36 guns. It is not suggested that 
the Greeks captured the whole of the Bulgarian guns 
opposed to them. From various indications it would 
appear, therefore, that the total of General Ivanoff's army 
was at least 80,000, and probably not less than 100,000, 
when hostilities broke out, and that these were reduced 
to between 80,000 and 60,000 by the removal of this 
division before the battle of Kilkis to the Servian field of 
operations. The number was, however, made up by the 
arrival of another division from Chatalja. Fortunately, 
however, for the Greeks this division did not arrive in 
time to help in the defence of the main positions of Kilkis, 
though it helped in blocking the road to Doiran. 


King Constantine, realizing the importance of capturing 
Doiran, decided upon an attack in force along the whole 
line. The order to advance was given on Tuesday, July 2nd, 
and on that day Divisions IV, II, V, I, and VI managed to 
drive back the Bulgarian advanced detachments and become 
masters of the plains of Kilkis and Langaza. On the 2nd of 
July some of the Greek units marched as much as twenty 
miles. On the 3rd the attack was begun on the position of 
Kilkis itself. The Bulgarians had taken the range for their 
guns beforehand, and their artillery worked destructively on 
the Greek infantry. The King adopted the plan of attack in 
short bursts at the double in such a way as not to give the 
Bulgarians time to adjust their guns to each new range. 
These tactics, though expensive, met with complete success ; 
an eyewitness likened the onrush of the Greek infantry to 
that of a succession of waves. As each infantry unit made 
good its position the artillery galloped into action, and with 
lightning speed unlimbered and shelled the Bulgarian 
positions with striking effect. In the meantime the 7th 
Division occupied Nigrita, and on that day the 6th and 
1st Divisions attacked and captured the positions at Lahana, 
a 663-metre hill. This position was defended by 16 
battalions and 24 guns. The Evzoni on the left re- 
captured Gevgeli and advanced and stormed the heights 
of Matsikovo. Thus it will be seen that the centre of the 
enemy*s position at Kilkis was in danger of being outflanked, 
and, moreover, of being cut off from Doiran. Divisions IV, 
II, and V in the centre came in touch with the enemy's chief 
Kilkis positions on July 3rd ; the attack was pushed home 
under cover of the Greek a,rtillery, and the main trenches 
were taken at the point of the bayonet on the morning of 
Friday, July 4th. During the 3rd and the 4th of July the 
14th Bulgarian Division arrived from Chatalja, and the units 
were detrained and brought into action as soon as possible. 
At Kilkis itself the Greeks captured 16 cannon and 8 
mitrailleuses, the 7th Division took a whole regiment prisoners 
at Nigrita, and many guns fell into the hands of the ist and 




6th Divisions at Lahana. The Bulgarian forces which were 
at Kilkis and at Gevgeli retired towards Doiran, and placing 
their cannon on the heights above the lake made a desperate 
resistance. The Greeks were not to be denied, however, 
and after five hours' fighting they brought the great battle 
of Kilkis-Lahana-Doiran to a glorious conclusion by cap- 
turing Doiran itself on July Sth and driving the Bulgarians 
in disorder towards Strumnitza. The army stores and 
ammunition which fell into their hands at Doiran have 
been valued at not much under ;£"ioo,ooo. 

The movement on the part of the Greeks which ended in 
the capture of Doiran was the decisive stroke in the 
campaign in South Macedonia. Dorian was occupied on 
the Sth of July. It is instructive while keeping this date 
in mind to take a short glance at the Servian operations 
of the preceding days. The Bulgarians, as a result of their 
night attack, were on the 30th of June in possession of the 
line Krivolak, Istib, Redka-Budka. The Servians delivered 
their counter-attack on the 2nd of July, and by the evening 
of July 4th the ist Servian Army had crossed the River 
Sletovska, had taken Redka-Budka and was threatening 
Kotchana. In the meantime the 3rd Servian Army which 
was massed between Krivolak and Istib had been forced 
back by the Bulgarian forces op,posed to it in such a way 
that the Servian Morava Division was in danger of being 
isolated. The position remained the same until the evening 
of the sth, when the capture of Doiran by the Greeks forced 
the Bulgarian forces to retire in the direction of Strumnitza. 
This event decided the first phase of the campaign definitely 
in favour of the allies. The Servian's ist Army's attack to 
the north of the Plaskovitsa Planina was completely successful 
and had the effect of driving the Bulgarians back to Kotchana, 
but a complete victory was not won until the advance of the 
Greeks enabled the 3rd Servian Army to turn a doubtful 
struggle into a success also. During the 6th, 7th and Sth oi 
July the 3rd Servian Army drove the Bulgars back as far as 


After the fall of Doiran, part of the Bulgarian forces 
which had been fighting between Kilkis and Doiran retreated 
towards Strumnitza along the road passing west of the 
Veles Mountains, while the remainder retired eastward 
towards Demir-Hissar. The 3rd, 4th and 2nd Greek 
Divisions advanced over the mountain with the 5th Division 
in reserve, and thus circumvented the entrenchments con- 
structed by the Bulgarians in the Strumnitza Pass, but all 
the artillery was obliged to follow the road. The Bulgarians 
retreating before the Servians from Istib joined the Bulgarian 
forces retiring from Doiran at Strumnitza. The loth Greek 
Division had fought its way up the Furka Pass and helped 
to turn the Doiran positions ; the agile Evzoni were now sent 
to cut off the Bulgarian retreat along the valley of the river 
towards Petrici, but they were unable, having no field artillery 
with them, to prevent these forces escaping, and they were 
obliged to watch the great army retreating along the valley 
several thousand feet below the heights upon which they 
were standing. There seems, however, to be little doubt that 
if the Servians had advanced eastwards across the Malesh 
Mountains in the same way as the Greek troops did, they 
might have cut off the Bulgarians at the entrance of the 
Struma Pass, and then the Sedan which was prophesied by 
many would have come to pass. From accounts of corre- 
spondents who were with the Servian army, it appears that 
after carrying out their operations during the first week with 
great strategical and tactical skill, the Servians seemed to have 
proceeded on no properly organized plan of campaign during 
the last three weeks of the war. It may have been that they 
did not wish to crush the Bulgarians, but only to occupy 
such territory as they claimed. At any rate their generals, 
instead of calling upon their men to make an effort and so 
cut off the demoralized Bulgarian Southern Army, cried a halt 
and proceeded later at their leisure to attack Tsarevo-selo 
and one or two other strongly fortified positions which they 
wished to possess, when by making attacks on less formidable 
positions along the Bulgarian line they might have turned 



To face p. 329. 


Tsarevo-selo and gained their object by sounder and less 
expensive strategy. 

While the centre and left of the Greek army was advancing 
on Strumnitza, the ist, 6th, and 7th Divisions arrived at the 
Strymon River, north of Nigrita, and found the bridges at 
Orliako and elsewhere destroyed. Thus the town of Serres, 
which had been evacuated by the Bulgarians on the 4th of 
July, was completely cut off from the Greek regular forces. 
The events connected with the burning and subsequent 
Greek occupation of Serres are a little difficult to unravel. 
It appears that an irregular Greek force was formed out of 
some Andartes and some Serres citizens for the defence 
of the town, but that another Bulgarian force, which seems 
to have been retreating from the Kavalla district, shelled 
the town and subsequently burnt it. In this way the unfor- 
tunate city of Serres, which had only fallen into the hands 
of the Bulgarians by an error in November, 191 2, was now 
sacrificed by another ironical stroke of fortune. When the 
Greek army was approaching Salonica from Veria a year 
ago some Greek irregular bands were known to be in the 
neighbourhood of Serres. The citizens sent out a boy on 
a bicycle to try and find one of these bands and ask its 
captain to take charge of the city. The boy failed to find 
any of them, however, and the next day the citizens sur- 
rendered the city to a band of less than twenty Bulgarian 
irregulars — an act which they have never ceased to regret. 

The Bulgarian forces retreating before Divisions I, VI, and 
VII entrenched themselves on the heights south of Demir- 
Hissar. General Manusojannakis, the divisionaire of the 
1st Division, was in command of these three divisions, and 
when he had succeeded in bridging the Strymon he 
attempted to dislodge the Bulgarians from the heights 
south of Demir-Hissar. This he succeeded in doing after 
he had been able to place his artillery in a favourable 
position. The Bulgarians retreated from Demir-Hissar in 
a north-easterly direction, and the Greek right wing again 
joined forces with the centre and left in the neighbourhood 


of Petrici. This closed the first phase of the campaign, 
during which the Greeks took about 8,000 prisoners, 18 
siege guns, 6^ field guns, and 30 mitrailleuses. The follow- 
ing chapter is devoted exclusively to the outrages on 
humanity and on civilization committed by the Bulgarians 
upon the Greek and Turkish population of Thrace and 
Macedonia, and so no reference is made here to what the 
Greek troops found when they entered Nigrita, Serres, and 
Demir-Hissar. It is, however, to be noted that their experi- 
ences in these towns fired the Greek soldiers with a kind of 
divine frenzy, and thus the Greeks, who as a rule are cool 
and cautious fighters, hurled themselves against the Bul- 
garian artillery and turned the tables upon the Bulgar by 
using the bayonet upon him with dire effect in the trenches. 
The story of the two Evzoni who, after finding the mutilated 
body of their brother, refused to return with the rest of their 
company when ordered to retire from an attack which was 
not pushed home, but dashed up the hill alone and won 
through to a Bulgarian battery which was creating havoc 
among the attacking Greek forces, and bayoneted some 
thirty Bulgarian artillerymen before being shot with re- 
volvers by the Bulgarian officers, shows the heroic deeds 
to which the Greeks were roused by Bulgarian barbarity. 

On July 9th Admiral Koundouriotis effected a landing at 
Kavalla by means of the ruse of playing with his search- 
light on another point of the coast and thus inducing the 
Bulgarians to expect a landing at that point. In this way 
he undoubtedly saved Kavalla from destruction. The Greek 
fleet occupied Dedeagatch on July 25th, and Porto Lago^, 
Maronia, and Makri on July 28th. The 8th Division, under 
General Mathiopulos, was landed at Kavalla, and fulfilled 
the task of an army of occupation in Eastern Macedonia. 
The Bulgarian forces, amounting probably to not less than * 
from 12,000 to 15,000 men, which were in Eastern Mace- 
donia, had concentrated east of Serres, and finding their 
retreat by the valley of the Strymon cut off, took the coach- 
road through Zfernovo and Libjahovo. General Manuso- 






jannakis' force, which had occupied Demir-Hissar, came in 
touch with these troops and pursued them up the valley of 
the Nestos River through Nevrokop, which was occupied on 
July iSth after a daring night attack, in which the artillery 
had great difficulty in getting within range of the Turkish 
batteries. These Bulgarians retired in great disorder towards 
their frontier, and 18 out of their 22 guns fell into the hands 
of the Greeks. 

Meanwhile the Greek left and centre advanced along the 
Kresna Pass. One of the features of this advance was the 
march of some troops along the summit of the mountains on 
both sides of the pass. From July. 20th to the 23rd these 
troops were fighting their way along Kresna, and by the 
24th the Greek centre was at the top of the pass a few miles 
south of Djumaia. There a deputation of Turkish inhabitants 
from the town of Djumaia petitioned them to occupy their 
city and protect them from the Bulgarians, who had burnt its 
Turkish and Greek quarters. 

The right wing, consisting of the ist, 6th, and 7th Divisions, 
under General Manusojannakis, continued its advance along 
the east of the Strymon Pass, with its front extending as far 
east at Kremen, which was occupied by the 7th Division on 
July 23rd. This division advanced to Banska and Mehomia 
(Razlog) on July 24th and 2Sth, and then moved in a more 
westerly direction in order to keep in touch with the 6th 
Division, which was perched on the inaccessible crags to 
the east of the Strymon and to the north of Gradevo. The 
6th Division pushed its way northward as far as 1,378-Metre 
Hill on the Arisvanitsa range, which became the scene of 
most sanguinary combats, being captured and recaptured on 
several occasions. At one moment the opposing forces, their 
ammunition having come to an end, hurled stones at one 
another across a ravine. At that time the ist Division was 
on the road north of Uranovo, and the 5th Division was 
acting as a reserve in the Kresna Pass. The Bulgarians 
facing the Greek centre were defeated, and were forced to 
retire to the north of Djumaia on July 23rd and 24th. On 


July 2Sth the 6th Division was pushing forward in pursuit 
of some 4,000 Bulgarians, who were retreating before it. 
On that day, therefore, the country east of the Strymon 
appeared to be practically clear of the enemy, but that 
afternoon the Bulgarians brought up 20,000 fresh troops, 
including their ist Division, and while S,ooo attacked the 
weak garrison left by the 7th Division at Mehomia from 
the north-east the remaining 15,000 were sent against the 
6th Division. A critical struggle ensued, in which the 6th 
Division was at one moment in danger of being annihilated, 
when reinforcements arrived from the ist and sth Divisions. 
A regiment from the latter enfiladed the Bulgarian line from 
its right flank and completely broke it up. Thus the terrible 
fighting to the east of Djumaia ended in a complete victory 
for the Greeks ; but the carnage on both sides had been 
terrible. The 7th Division staff learnt of the attack which 
was contemplated on Mehomia, and Colonel Sotilis promptly 
retraced his steps and made a completely successful counter- 
attack. Thus all that the Bulgarians gained by their attack 
there was the capture of some baggage, including the famous 
mail-bag alleged to contain letters admitting atrocities by 
Greek soldiers, which will be discussed in the next chapter. 
In the meantime interesting developments were taking 
place on the Greek left. The Bulgarians were in great 
strength between Kustendil and Tsarevo-selo. At the urgent 
request of the Servian General Staff the Greeks had prac- 
tically lent two divisions (III and X) to co-operate with the 
Servians by attacking Tsarevo-selo from the south-east As 
the Servians had somewhat relaxed their efforts in the direc- 
tion of Tsarevo-selo, the Bulgarians, after their defeat in 
front of Djumaia, were able to transfer two divisions from 
Tsarevo-selo and to make an attack against the Greek 
left, consisting of Divisions 1 1 1 and X, under General 
Damianos : these two Greek divisions were obliged, in the 
face of overwhelming superior numbers, to fall back to 
Pechovo. General Moschopulos, who, with his own and 
the 2nd Division, was at Simetli, having lost touch with 









the Greek forces on his left, had to choose between 
retreating through the Kresna Pass or trying a bold 
stroke. He wisely chose the latter course, and, after hard 
fighting, established himself along the ridge Zanoga, 
Hassan Pasha, and at Leska, thus placing the Bulgarian 
forces which had advanced towards Pechovo in a very 
awkward predicament when *' Cease fire " sounded. It is no 
wonder that the Bulgarians were not loth for an armis- 
tice. Their attitude in this respect is not to be explained 
by the presence of the Roumanian troops, because these 
had retired during the previous few days and were merely 
holding the ring. With regard to the Roumanians, it should 
be made clear that their invasion of Bulgaria did not take 
place until after the decisive battles of Bregnalitza and 
Kilkis-Doiran, which really overthrew the Bulgarian pre- 

It will be seen that the operations during the past fort- 
night had been somewhat unsatisfactory, owing to the fact 
that the Servians, instead of helping the Greeks whole- 
heartedly to attain their object, which was to reach Sofia, 
made some attacks at Tsarevo-selo and on one or two other 
positions wit^iout any definite plan of campaign. As events 
turned out, however. General Moschopulos was on the point 
of completing a movement, which, in the opinion of com- 
petent military critics, would have resulted in the capture or 
else destruction of no less th^n two and a half Bulgarian 
divisions, amounting to about 50,000 men. Within some 
three or four hours this movement would have been com- 
pleted ; but unfortunately the Greek peace delegates at 
Bucharest could not be aware of the exact position; other- 
wise there can be no doubt that they would not have agreed 
to grant an armistice at the moment when they did so, for by 
waiting a little they would have been in a much stronger 
position at the Conference. The Bulgarians practically 
admitted the plight of their forces in the Pechovo district, 
for whereas they greatly advertised their temporary success 
in the Mehomia region, they said very little about their much 


more substantial success over the Greek 3rd and loth 
Divisions. They realized that it was wise to be discreet 
and not to say too much about it, but to get the armistice 
concluded as soon as possible. 

The Greek losses during the month cannot have been less 
than 25,000 — 10,000 in the first week, 5,000 during the second 
and third weeks, and 10,000 in the last ten days. The 
sacrifices which he made and the enthusiasm which he 
showed during this campaign in this desolate country showed 
that the Greek soldier was more wonderful than any one had 
given him credit for, even after his victories over the Turk. 
The thirst and hunger, and the sufferings which the wounded 
had to endure who were taken back through the Kresna Pass 
is beyond description. General Eydoux, in an interview 
granted shortly after the close of the One Month's War, paid 
the following remarkable tribute to the Greek Army : " We 
had raw material of the first quality to work upon, soldiers of 
elevated morale, endowed with irrepressible enthusiasm, with 
unexampled patriotism. The men are all clever ; they com- 
prehend in a word what you tell them. Their needs are 
small, they are often satisfied with a piece of bread and some 
olives or cheese. Soldiers all the world over agree that, when 
the men of an army have all these qualities, that army is the 
most perfect in the world. I was so positive about the out- 
come of the second war that when the war was declared 
against Bulgaria, I said to King Constantine, ' Your Majesty, 
with such troops you may dare everything.' " 

King Constantine's role in this short but arduous cam- / 
paign must not be forgotten. Suffice it to say that his 
brilliant generalship and management of the campaign 
showed that his success against the Turks was not merely 
the result of good fortune, but that his great military exploits 
of the past year should be ascribed to exceptional soldierly 
qualities and organizing capacity, which if he lead his 
Army to yet further victories, may earn him the title of 
military genius from future historians. 

A fact of particular interest is the success experienced by 


the ^Greeks with inoculation with a new serum against 
cholera, with the result that while among the Bulgarians and 
the Servians and the Roumanians this terrible scourge 
numbered hundreds of victims, there were very few cases 
in the Greek Army which proved fatal. 



The Atrocities Committed by the Bulgarians 

The subject of Balkan atrocities, especially atrocities in con- 
nection with the Bulgarians, is one that needs some caution 
in approaching, for Europe and Great Britain in particular 
have been sated with accounts of the ill-treatment of one race 
by another for the last forty years. To any one who had 
followed the history of the Balkans during the last few 
decades it seemed improbable that a war should be waged 
without many tales of atrocities being published. Thus, 
when in the Turco-Balkan War some of the Greeks were 
murdered at Serfidje by the Turks retiring, in the rage of 
their defeat, the world did not receive the news with amaze- 
ment. It may be said that the Turks, except when a wave 
of Moslem fanaticism was set in motion, had not of late 
years massacred or even ill-treated their Christian neigh- 
bours. Most of the other regrettable incidents which occurred 
in the Grseco-Turkish campaign were paralleled by events 
which took place in the South African War. They consisted 
mostly of such occurrences as a continuation of firing after 
the hoisting of the white flag, though there were instances of 
Turkish irregulars doing to death wounded Greeks, as at 
Sorovitz. The conduct of the Greek Army was really almost 
impeccable with regard to such matters, and accusations of 
any sorts were brought alone against some of the irregulars, 
who were at first operating in Epirus, but who, when they 
proved unsatisfactory, were disbanded. Of the Servians it 
may be said that in certain districts of Old Servia they 



helped the Servian inhabitants to retaliate on the Arnauts, 
who had persecuted them under the Turkish regime, and 
Miss Durham has related from incidents which she herself 
witnessed that Montenegrin soldiers have not yet abandoned 
the barbarous custom of cutting off the noses of their van- 
quished foes. Of the Bulgarians, strangely contradictory 
accounts reached home during the first two months of the 
war. Some accounts describe the Bulgarian soldiery as 
having behaved in the most noble and humane fashion to 
their foes and also to the populations of the districts through 
which they passed. Others, which trickled through in rather 
indirect ways, told a very different tale, but these latter 
accounts were of such a nature that they were obviously 
genuine, and they made it evident that the former accounts, 
in so far as they were generalizations, were of very much 
the same character as Lieutenant Wagner's accounts of the 
fighting in Thrace. It seems to be the fact that the Bul- 
garian troops which were in touch with the headquarters 
staff, had behaved extremely well. The correspondents who 
sent back these flattering accounts had seen the behaviour 
of these troops, and had not witnessed what was going on 
in other parts. 

Thus, if a few reports of the conduct of the Bulgarians 
which came through indirectly are disregarded, it can be 
said that the first war was not marked by accounts of 
atrocities of a more lurid character than have occurred in 
most wars. It may be said too, that until the month 
of June, the public had received no information which 
should lead it to alter its mind in any way. No particular 
attention had been paid to these unofficial accounts which 
had trickled through, and the Bulgarians were " such tremen- 
dous heroes " in the eyes of Europe that the general attitude 
was to wink at anything that was reported to their discredit. 
When an idea is obtained of what the Greek and Turkish 
population of Thrace and Eastern Macedonia had had to 
endure for six or seven months, it is impossible not to 
wonder why what was going on was not published far 



and wide. What is the explanation of this? So far as 
the Turks are concerned it is to be ascribed to the fact 
that they found it impossible to publish the facts, and when 
they did do so, what the Turks said against the Bulgars was not 
heeded. In the case of the Greeks it is a testimony to their 
long-suffering and loyal character. The writer heard some 
of the facts before he left Greece early last May, but that 
great man, Eleutherios Venizdlos, then still believed in 
the possibility of preserving the Balkan Alliance, and the 
Greek policy was to suppress any statement which might 
tend in the direction of impairing the prestige of the alliance. 
Thus a prominent newspaper editor in Athens was court- 
martialled for having published articles criticizing Bulgarians 
unfavourably, but the court (quite rightly, as it seemed to 
the writer, who was present at the hearing) refused to convict 
him, because he proved that he had said nothing that was 
not in reply to allegations by Bulgarian newspapers against 
the Greeks. 

It is usual to say that no one can speak with any definite- 
ness about atrocities committed in the Balkans, unless he 
has been practically in the position of an eye-witness. That 
may be true of isolated instances in which the facts may be 
used by opposite parties to tell quite different stories. In 
the case, however, of the atrocities committed in Thrace 
and Eastern Macedonia by Bulgarians, the events, which 
unquestionably took place, can bear only one construction. 
For this reason the writer considers himself justified in 
transgressing this generally accepted rule as to evidence, 
though reference is made later to conclusive evidence 
regarding what happened in particular localities. It will 
be remembered that in Eastern Macedonia and in Thrace 
Bulgarians are scarce. The Bulgarian armies poured over 
this district in November last, and received every kind 
of assistance from the Greek inhabitants, who at the time 
did all they could to help them against the common enemy, 
certainly not with the idea that the Bulgarians would claim 
the permanent occupation of their country. It is estimated 


that the Greek inhabitants of these districts expended no 
less than ;£'2,ooo,ooo for the maintenance of the Bulgarian 
troops. The thick-skinned Bulgar, however, had a very 
different idea in his mind, which was that he was to become 
the master of practically the whole of what was Turkey-in- 
Europe, as is shown by the map of the "Czardom of 
Bulgaria," which has already been referred to and which 
is reproduced in this book. As Colonel Apostoloff, the 
Bulgarian Commander in the Ortakeui District of Western 
Thrace, told the inhabitants : " I am determined to kill you 
all off or to make you good Bulgarians. You can take your 
choice." A state of affairs similar to that which exists in 
Austria-Hungary was not what the Bulgarian wished to 
see in his country. It does not require a wide stretch of 
imagination to perceive that the clumsy and boorish Bulgar 
is not equipped with the tact and finesse of the Austrian ; 
consequently, unless he can Bulgarize his non-Bulgarian 
subjects, he is incapable of managing them. This is probably 
the explanation of his conduct towards the inhabitants of 
Thrace and Macedonia. He made it clear to them that 
they must either become Bulgarians or else their lives would 
become a misery to them, if worse did not befall them. Put 
shortly, what seems to have occurred in most districts is, 
that in the case of the Turks, all the able-bodied men were 
either converted (in nearly every case forcibly) or else were 
done to death, the old men being for the most part spared.^ 
The writer has been told instances of where Bulgarian 
officers calmly drew their revolvers and shot down Turks, who 
were working in the fields through which they crossed, like 
rabbits. The wonien too were in most cases forcibly con- 
verted, and few escaped outrage. The' Greek population 
at first, to a great extent, escaped the worst horrors, ^but in 
most towns the women were systematically outraged, as it 
appears to the writer, partly with a view to the propagation 
of the Bulgarian race. As evidence of what happened before 
.the Graeco-Bulgarian war may be mentioned the experiences 
of Mr. Ashmead Bartlett, who visited several districts west 

" In the text of the Treaty of ConstanLinopIe the Turks baptized 
during the Bulgarian occupation are specially referred to. 


of the Maritza. It was he who heard the tales of the cruelty 
and oppression of the above-mentioned Colonel ApostolofiF. 
Another witness of the Bulgarians' conduct in Thrace, is 
M. Edm. Ch. Szemere, a Hungarian correspondent, who 
addressed the following letter to an Athens acquaintance: 

I was at the war for nine months. I followed the Bulgarian head- 
quarters and went through Thrace by motor, on horseback, and by rail, 
in every way. I have seen villages, towns, and entire districts 
destroyed. I have been present at battles and saw the horrors of war 
continually before my eyes. I have often been moved in the presence 
of these horrors ; but what made the deepest impression upon me was 
the appearance of forty-four Greek corpses, frightfully mutilated, 
bound four together, with their hands behind their backs; corpses 
which the Turks had pulled out of the Arda at Adrianople the very day 
of their entry. The assassination, that is to say the massacre, had been 
committed by regular soldiers of the Royal Bulgarian Army, acting 
under orders. Poor men ! I knew three of them. They had been 
massacred with a ferocious cruelty passing imagination, for nothing 
but because they were Greeks ! It is a shame, a mockery of humanity, 
this line of blood which the Bulgarians have traced behind them from 
the commencement of their evacuation of Thrace ! There are moments 
when one is ashamed of being a maa and when one blushes to think 
that it is man who has created the word " humanity ! " 

Edm. Ch. Szemere, 
Correspondent of the Pester Lloyd, Budapest; 
of the Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger, Berlin ; 
and of LInformation, of Vienna. 

Salonica, 12 VIII, 1913. 

When in March it was suggested that the partition of 
territory should be made on the principle of uti possidetis^ 
which would have meant that the Greeks of Eastern Mace- 
donia and Thrace would have all passed under Bulgarian 
rule, a wail of horror went up from them, and they addressed 
a protest to -the Greek Government, giving an account of 
Bulgarian misdeeds and stating that they would rather die 
than be subject to the Bulgarian yoke. Fortunately for them, 
the Bulgarians tried to ride the high horse, and so the Greek 
Government went to war over the rights of its people in 
Thrace and Macedonia. These folk hailed the war of 
deliverance with joy. They little knew, poor souls, what was 
in store for them before they could gain their liberty. 


The outbreak of hostilities was the signal for an outburst 
of unprecedented brutality and barbarous and odious crimes 
on the part of the Bulgarians. The massacres and outrages 
of Serres, Demir-Hissar, Nigrita, and Doxato, to mention 
those which were on the largest scale, are now common 
knowledge to all except those who have purposely blinded 
themselves to any blots on the Bulgarian record. There 
were some eight responsible English, French, German, 
Italian, American, and Russian correspondents with the Greek 
Army in Southern Macedonia, and these were ably to verify 
by examination of exhumed corpses the accusations brought 
by the Greeks. Moreover, several consular representatives 
in Salonica, the Secretary of the French Embassy at Athens, 
and a German officer instructed by the Kaiser also verified 
and made reports upon these horrors. The Greek Govern- 
ment desired the publication of these reports, but rumour 
had it that the details were so horrible that in deference to 
the piteous appeals of King Ferdinand they were kept secret. 
The writer has, however, had the opportunity of learning the 
contents of the telegram addressed by the Austrian Consul- 
General at Salonica to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs at 
Vienna, and the following is a translation : 

Salonica, 22nd July. 

I visited Serres to-day by motor-car in the company of my Italian 
colleague. Three-quarters of this town, which was up to now rich and 
flourishing, is to-day a heap of smoking ashes. 

The Bulgarians had already abandoned Serres on the 5th of July. 

On the nth of July regular troops and Komitadj'es appeared under 
the command of officers and officials. 

They bombarded the town, which was undefended, with four 
cannons, pillaged and burnt the most beautiful quarters of the city 
from top to bottom, including our consulate and many houses belong- 
ing to Austrian subjects. 

The damage is valued at about 45,000,000 francs. 

Fifty notables 1 have been massacred. The Hungarian, Albert Biro, 
and many persons perished in the flames. 

Five of the new stores of the Austrian firm, Herzog & Co., have been 
destroyed and are still burning. The loss is as much as 2,500,000 

Our standard was not respected : the Vice-Consul Zlatko, who was 


holding the standard in his hands, was taken to the mountains with 
150 persons who had taken refuge in the consulate, and was only 
released after paying a ransom. 

It is indispensable that help be sent to our subjects, who belong to 
some of the richest Israelite families. 

I appeal for large sums to be sent for the provision of food and 

Drama has been occupied. 

At Doxato several hundred women and young girls have been found 
massacred by the Bulgarians. 

At Demir-Hissar 140 persons were likewise massacred. 

The paragraph which states that the citizens of Serres 
were only released after payment of a ransom illustrates how 
the Bulgarian regular soldiers and officers throughout 
behaved not only as assassins but as robbers and brigands, 
for there are many instances narrated of how they released 
their victims and allowed people to escape on receiving 
substantial douceurs. It was, however, not only the pay- 
ment of money which saved these citizens of Serres, but the 
presence of mind of a Greek professor who spoke Bulgarian 
and who managed to play upon the superstitious fear of 
their captors. He assumed the attitude of a clairvoyant and 
described before them a vision of vengeance which he saw : 
then when he had worked upon their feelings he made all 
his companions hurriedly hand up notes, jewellery and coins. 
Thus they escaped to Serres where they found the Greek 
7th Division, while the Bulgarians, with over :^400 in cash 
and much jewellery, hastened after the rest of their army. 

Further evidence is furnished by a letter received by 
the writer from Commander Cardale, R.N., who, being at 
Kavalla, visited Doxato for the purpose of verifying the 
awful tales which he had heard there. The letter was 
published in the Nation of the 23rd of August, and extracts 

from it are printed here: 

Hotel Imperial, Athenes 
le 22/4 August, 1913. 
My dear Cassavetti, 

I received your wire yesterday and have taken twenty-four hours 
to consider my reply. You see my reports of what I saw at Doxato have 
been so garbled by reporters and others that I am naturally chary of 


saying anything— not that this applies in your case, of course I Also 
as you may well imagine, the horrors of that place of blood have so got 
on my nerves that I hate to speak of them. Still, as you ask me, I will 
tell you all I saw, and you have full permission to make use of all or any 
portion of this letter you may think fit for the purpose of publication. 
I went to Kavalla immediately after the Bulgarians vacated the place ; 
my duties there I need not go into, I was acting under the orders of 
the Greek Government, which as you know I am serving at present. 
On my arrival there I heard many stories of the horrible occurrences 
at Doxato, and it was alleged that practically all the inhabitants had 
been massacred by the Bulgarian troops passing through on their 
retreat. You will probably understand that having had a surfeit of 
these yarns, and knowing that war is not fought in kid gloves, I 
did not believe all I heard,- and at first believed that it was purely a 
question of the burning of the town by retreating Bulgarians enraged 
by their reverses, and perhaps a few regrettable incidents where non- 
combatants had been killed in the excitement of a retreat. However, 
after seeing wounded and mutilated persons being brought into 
Kavalla from Doxato day by day, and hearing detailed accounts from 
disinterested persons in Kavalla of all nationalities, I determined to go 
to Doxato to see for myself what had occurred, I accordingly took a 
carriage and drove there accompanied by a Greek naval officer, a Greek 
gentleman of Kavalla> and my Greek " angeliophores." ' The distance 
is about seventeen miles ; I have not measured it on the map as I have 
none with me at present, but I estimate it at that. It took me about 
three and a half hours to drive. The Bulgarians must have left Kavalla 
in a hurry, as they did not even strike their tents, which we found 
standing some miles outside on the Philippi road. At each village we 
passed through on our way to Doxato we found some of the wretched 
survivors of the Doxato massacre who were homeless, but did not wish 
to return to their ruined homes there after all they had suffered. 
Arriving at Doxato, we found it like a town of the dead. Everything 
burned and devastated and such an odour of blood and decomposed 
bodies as I never hope to encounter again. 

Indeed, five minutes before we entered the town while driving 
through the plain, the stench was insupportable. In this plain were 
heaps of corpses thinly covered with sand, where the survivors had 
tried for sanitary reasons to cover up their dead, but they were all too 
few to do so thoroughly, and for all practical purposes the bodies were 
unburied. On entering Doxato we found a few persons who were still 
living among the ruins of their former homes, and from them we en- 
deavoured to get an account of what had occurred. Practically all the 
Greek portion of the town was burned, and one saw everywhere in the 
streets charred remains of what had been human bodies. Burial m 
the town had been impossible, so they had covered the bodies with 
petroleum and disposed of them in that way. In some of the gardens 

» = "Orderly." 


and courtyards we saw children's graves, each with a few wild-flowers 
OH them, but they do not appear to have buried any except the 
children. Poor souls, after the horror of it all, one wonders how they 
buried any one ! The Turkish quarter was with few exceptions 
unburned. According to the accounts of the survivors, it was there 
that the greater part of the massacres took place. I saw many 
rooms where thfe floors were soaked with blood and rugs, mats, and 
cushions were covered with blood and human remains. The very 
stones in the courtyards of these houses were stained with blood ; 
it is said that most of those who were killed in these yards were stoned 
to death. ... I can only say from my own personal observation that 
the place was like a shambles, and whoever did the deed there must 
have been a very considerable number killed in this place. In fact, the 
vineyard, courtyard, and the house leading out of them reminded me 
forcibly of stories one has read of the Cawnpore massacres. One 
hears of the places reeking with blood ; without wishing to be sensa- 
tional, this little town did literally do so. ... I might perhaps give you 
more details of the evidence of atrocities which took place, but there 
are some things which one cannot bring oneself to speak about. I 
have been asked to estimate the number who were killed at Doxato. 
It is quite impossible to do so, as many who are supposed to have been 
killed have, I understand, since been found, having escaped at the 
time the massacres took place. By counting the bodies I saw and 
the heaps of charred remains and the evidences of massacres in the 
gardens and courtyards, I estimated that the number killed was not 
less than six hundred, and that the greater number of these were 
women and children : how many more than this number there may 
have been it is impossible to say. . , . 

With kindest regards, 
Believe me, 

Yours very sincerely, 

Hubert Cardale. 

The behaviour of the Bulgarians to the Greek wounded 
was very nearly as bad, and there were several occasions 
upon which the Greeks after leaving some wounded com- 
rades in Bulgarian trenches during a first unsuccessful 
attack, subsequently on a later decisive attack found only 
their mutilated bodies. Captain Trapman, who was prac- 
tically the only correspondent to accompany the Greek 
army in the fighting line through its short campaign in 
Macedonia, and who nevertheless found opportunity to 
visit several of the towns in which massacres took place, 



has given a startling, but it would seem true, description 
of the Bulgar in an article published in the Nineteenth 
Century for October of this year. In this article he says : 

" Of the Bulgar I can only say that all that has been 
written falls infinitely short of the truth ; of every land 
through which he has passed he has made a shambles, and 
his disgusting sensuality has known no limit. Never in 
recent history, with the possible exceptions of the French 
Revolution and the Indian Mutiny, has the cold-bloodedness 
of the Bulgarians been equalled, and seldom in the history 
of the world has any nation approached such a standard of 
wholesale butchery, bestiality, and lust." He remarks later : 
" It is only when one studies the Bulgarian character that 
one can understand how such orgies of carnage were 
possible. . . . The Bulgarian is only a rustic Tartar with the 
thinnest veneer of civilization and education. He is more 
arrogant and self-satisfied than the Prussian, more callous 
as to human life than the Chinaman, and has a more per- 
verted sensual craving than that of any nation known to me. 
Cold-blooded, cruel, ignorant, vicious, and lustful, he wreaked 
his vengeance on all ; and if the true history of the last 
twelve months comes to be written it will be found that 
Tippoo Sahib, Nero, Robespierre, Catherine of Russia, and 
the Borgias were but mildly oppressive and unkind, as 
compared with the lustful brutes who wore the uniform of 
King Ferdinand of Bulgaria." 

Before considering the charges which have been brought 
by the Bulgarians against the Greeks, the reader's attention 
is drawn to the fact that at first the Bulgarians denied the 
atrocities committed by them upon the Greek and Turkish 
populations. Later however, when they found that their 
own misdeeds had been conclusively proved by independent 
testimony, they shifted their ground and began to say, "Very 
well, war is not play: we have committed atrocities, but 
the Greeks have committed as bad or worse." The Times 
correspondent in the Balkan Peninsula, who may well be 
described as having played the part of the Bulgarian 


barometer throughout the crisis from May to August, 
on the 17th of July [Times, ]\i\y 19th) telegraphed to his 
journal : 

" The war in Southern Macedonia is being carried on with 
a barbarity unexampled in modern times. Crowds of Bul- 
garian refugees from the districts of Kukush and Gevgeli 
are arriving here daily. As they wander through the streets 
they bear witness by their presence alone to the hideous 
story of savagery and devastation. I have conversed with 
many of them, but their narratives of the revolting bar- 
barities committed by the Greeks may be left unrelated. 
The Bulgarians are unquestionably behaving in a similar 
way, especially since the slaughter of their comrades in the 
streets of Salonica." 

To close observers this telegram has a particular signifi- 
cance. It emphasizes the point at which the Bulgarians 
began to shift their ground. This change of position on the 
part of the Bulgarians goes a long way towards throwing 
doubt on any charges which they subsequently brpught 
against the Greeks not supported by specific details. As a 
matter of fact none of the charges brought against the 
Greeks are specific except (i) that in connection with the 
capture of the Bulgarian garrison at Salonica ; and (2) the 
charge in connection with the Kutzo-Vlach village of 
Startuhishta, mentioned by The Times Balkan correspondent 
in his telegram of the 28th of July. 

The capture of the Bulgarian garrison at Salonica is an 
incident which in no way reflects discredit upon the Greeks, 
as the account given in a previous chapter shows. It is a 
good illustration of the fact that the Bulgarians had so little 
material for bringing accusations against the Greek that they 
were obliged to have recourse to treating this occurrence, 
a measure of ordinary precaution which the Greeks were 
obliged to take, as a ground of complaint against them. 
As to the atrocities committed in the village of Startuhishta, 
the writer knows that no complaint was received by the 
Roumanian consul at Salonica, and a few days later a 


telegram appeared in The Times from Bucharest, stating that 
a Kutzo-Vlach deputation had waited upon M. Veniz61os 
and had emphasized the cordial relations which had 
always existed between them and the Greeks by addressing 
him in Greek. 

The accounts which Mr. Bourchier heard from the refugees 
need not be treated seriously any more than those which were 
given him by the refugees at Rilo Monastery a few days later 
{Times, August Sth). Mr. Allen Upward, in his work " The 
East End of Europe," published in 1908, stated that "the 
local correspondent of The Times has not always shown that 
scrupulous care to avoid even the appearance of one-sidedness 
which is desirable in a time of such bitter jealousy," and 
found himself obliged to show up the unreliability of Mr. 
Bourchier's work by two examples. The first refers to the 
population of the Kaza of Fiorina in which the total number 
of villages was seventy-one, of which twenty-one were purely 
Moslem (in this the Patriarchate and the Turkish records 
are in agreement). Mr. Bourchier had telegraphed to The 
Times that in the Kaza there were eighty-four Christian 
villages alone — seventy-five Exarchist and nine Patriarchist. 
The second in his report of the trial of the men who tried 
to kidnap Colonel Elliott, in which, by using the word 
" peasants " and referring to three of the prisoners as coming 
from a Greek village, he caused the Turkish Embassy in 
London to insist upon the insertion of a correction " to the 
effect," says Mr. Upward, '*that outrages attributed by its 
correspondent to Greek bands were really the work of the 
Bulgarians." It need hardly be pointed out that a man who 
could be hoodwinked with regard to such instances as those 
given by Mr. Upward could easily be taken in by " cooked 
tales" told him by refugees at the instigation of their 
Bulgarian protectors. 

For this reason it is easy to see that Mr. Bourchier's 
challenge offering to show his notes of the conversation 
which he had with the refugees, taken at the time, in a letter 
published in The Times of August 21st, was not taken up 


either by the Greek Minister who, with the authority of King 
Constantine, had published a point-blank denial of Mr. 
Bourchier's charges a few days before, or by any one else. 
His notes would have proved nothing. 

The only other ground of accusation against the Greeks 
which in any way requires to be dealt with is constituted by 
the charges said to be contained in letters written by Greek 
soldiers alleged to have been found in a mail-bag left with 
the effects of the 19th Regiment of the 7th Greek Division 
at Razlog (Mehomia), which, as will be remembered, was 
evacuated and subsequently recaptured by the Greeks within 
a day or two of the arrangement of the armistice. One 
letter is frankly absurd. In it a single Greek boasts of 
having put to death fourteen out of sixteen Bulgarian 
prisoners who were entrusted to him. This letter bears the 
signature of Nico Theophilatos. Now, the only Nico 
Theophilatos in the Greek Army is a member of a well- 
known shipping firm with offices at Rotterdam, Cardiff, and 
Newcastle, who volunteered and fought in Epirus but did not 
take part in the Grseco-Bulgarian campaign, and who denies 
being the author of the letter in question, as, moreover, is 
evident from a comparison of his own signature with that at 
the foot of the letter. Another states that all except forty of 
the prisoners taken at Nigrita were put to death. Consider- 
ing that a friend of the writer, an Englishman, travelled in 
the transport in which several hundreds of these particular 
prisoners were conveyed from Salonica to the Piraeus, the 
reader will know how much attention can be paid to such a 
letter. Now, if two (or even one) of these letters be proved 
by external evidence to be forgeries, then the remainder of 
the letters would be hardly looked upon as genuine until they 
were strictly proved to have been written by Greek soldiers. 

There is, however, very strong internal evidence against 
their genuineness. In several letters academic handwriting, 
usually but not always disguised, is found in combination 
with illiterate spelling. It is true that the level of intelligence 
and education in the Greek Army is exceptionally high, and 


one would expect to find letters written by common soldiers 
which are the letters of a gentleman, but what is not possible 
is to find a genuine letter with a combination of a gentleman's 
handwriting and illiterate spelling. Another very noteworthy 
feature of them is that many accents are missing. Now a 
Greek, however ill-educated he may be, is very proud of his 
accents, and if he is uncertain what accent to use or where to 
put it he will write two accents over one word rather than 
leave the accent out. 

The following extract from a letter, written by Professor 
H. Pernot of the University of Paris, an accepted authority 
on linguistic paleography and Modern Greek, will show what 
view he has formed of these " Greek soldiers '' letters ! After 
referring to some arguments against their authenticity which 
have been mentioned above he goes on to say : 

II existe d'ailleurs d'autres motifs de suspicion centre ces docu- 

1. Quoique sortis de I'lmprimerie de la cour royale de Sofia, ils 
sont publics anonymement. Aucun auteur, aucun editeur n'a pris la 
responsabilite de cette publication. 

2. Le mode de reproduction employe est la similigravure et la 
zjncographie au trait. II n'offre aucune espece de garantie, Avec ces 
procedes la falsification n'est qu'un jeu. 

3. Aucune lettre n'est complete. Ce ne sont que des fragments 
quelquefois meme une ou deux phrases seulement. Sur certains 
facsimiles on distingue nettement des traces de grattage et des coupures. 
Un exemple caracteristique de la facon dent ces documents ont ete 
reproduits est fourni par les mots Je vous embrasse. Costi (en grec), 
qui appartiennent a la lettre la page 6 et qui, par une malencontreuse 
inadvertance, ont ete places sous la lettre de la page 7, de sorte que 
Tune n'a pas de signature et que I'autre en a deux differentes. De plus 
sur 14 lettres de la premiere publication, 10 ne portent pas I'indication 
du destinataire. II est cependant peu probable qu'on ait saisi dans 
le courrier les lettres sans les enveloppes. Parmi les quatre dont 
a reproduit I'adresse/la premiere a une signature illisible, au dire des 
editeurs eux-memes. La seconde este celle signee Costi, dont il vient 
d'etre question. La troisieme porte sur I'adresse le cachet du 
Bureau de la surete puhlique de Salonique ; on se trouve par consequent, 
semble-t-il, en presence d'une lettre ecrite a la frontiere bulgare, adressee 
a Rethymno (ile de Crete), qui serait allee a Salonique et serait revenue 
a son point de depart pour tomber aux mains des Bulgares. L'adresse 



de la quatrieme enfin parait etre d'une main toute differente de la lettre, 
et la lettre elle-meme est mutilee. 

4., et ceci §eul juge tout le reste, le texte grec a ete par endroits 
indignement traduit. La falsification vouliie est indeniable dans la 
traduction francaise joiute aux documents. . . . 

J'^i eprouve pour la Bulgarie, des le debut de la guerre turco- 
balkanique, une sympathie qui n'a pas encore completement dispaiu et 
je veux me persuader que les brochures en question sont Toeuvre de 
patriotes egares. Malheureusement on leur a donne une apparence 
officieuse. A mon avis, le Gouvernement bulgare s'honorerait en 
declarant que cette publication a eu lieu en dehors de lui. . . . 

That the Bulgarians have in the past not scrupled to 
forge important documents is shown by an incident which 
happened in Kosane at the time when the Bulgarian bands 
first invaded that district. They sent a letter to the Bishop 
of Kosane purporting to come from the Patriarch of 
Constantinople, requesting him to help these bands in every 
way possible as they had come to work for the Christians. 
The Bishop, a simple soul, took the letter in good faith, 
but some shrewder fellow-citizens doubted its authenticity 
and took steps which resulted in proving that the letter 
was a forgery. 

Moreover, any one who has any knowledge of the Greek 
character is aware that among the faults which he has he does 
not number cruelty. The writer, whose family have been 
established in this country as British subjects and citizens for 
three generations, and who was with the Greek army during 
the first war both in Macedonia and Epirus, being of Greek 
origin and knowing Modern Greek, ventures to claim that he 
was exceptionally well qualified to study the character of 
the Greek soldier at the front. He is able to assure the 
reader that even the Greek peasant, however primitive he 
may be in his superstitions, yet has his feelings civilized to a 
remarkable degree, and he was able to verify that the 
treatment of their prisoners by the Greeks was kindness 
itself. Captain Trapman has said : " The Greek is by tem- 
perament and nature the poet of the Balkans, and as a poet 
he has an immense and ever-present admiration for all that 


is great and noble ; he has constitutional dislike for violence, 
and sensuality does not form part of his nature. Knowing 
the men of the Greek Army as intimately as I do, I cannot 
conceive of the Greek committing any cruelty, and far 
less an atrocity, any more than I can conceive a gentle 
Buddhist fakir wantonly taking life." 

Mr. J. E. Flecker, in an eloquent defence of the Greek 
character against the loose and ill-considered charges brought 
against it, has said: "Any one who knows the Greeks 
knows that they are capable indeed of revenging themselves 
on a few komitadjis, but they have not that instinctive delight 
in savage cruelty that marks, and marked in their dealings 
with the unfortunate Macedonian populations years before 
the outbreak of the last war, the Bulgars, who are less 
Slavs than Huns — kinsmen of the Cossack and the Turk. 
. . . Both Bulgarian and Turk are undoubtedly perfect 
gentlemen until the one begins impaling Greek schoolmasters 
and the other flogging Armenian women. ... I cannot here 
go into such a vast subject as the character of a nation ; 
I can only say this, that there is a class of British Levantines 
which is interested in no virtues except the virtue of 
commercial honesty, which protects his pocket. The heroism, 
the deep culture, the graceful gaiety of the Greek race he is 
not likely to appreciate. Especially it should be remembered 
that the Greeks, being far in advance of the Bulgar and 
the Turk in the way of civilization, are not like them all 
of one type. The Greek petty trader has perhaps all the 
meanness, sharpness, and vulgarity that distinguish the 
British or any other petty trader. The Greek gentleman, 
into whose society these Levantines would not be admitted, is 
as fine a gentleman as any ; and the Greek peasant, with his 
lovely ballads and original proverbs, as honest, brave, gay, 
and sound-hearted a fellow as one can find." 



Before the Balkan War Greece's population barely exceeded 
2,600,000, and yet the Greeks throughout the world amount 
to some 10,000,000. Even now those included within Greece's 
new boundaries do not exceed 5,000,000. M. Charles Vellay 
has observe^d in his book, " L'Irredentisme Hellenique " : " Le 
probleme de Tlrredentisme Hellenique offre un aspect excep- 
tionnel " : while Danish irredentism in Germany, Italian 
irredentism in Austria, Roumanian irredentism in Hungary, 
Servian irredentism in Bosnia and in Herzegovina represent 
the effort of a minority detached from the bulk of their fellow- 
countrymen and striving to reattach themselves, in the case 
of the Greeks it has been the enormous majority of the race 
which has been deprived of the benefits of Greek Government. 
One redeeming feature of this has been that all the unre- 
deemed Greeks remained subject to Turkey, and so there 
was very little chance of their becoming denationalized. 
Fortunately the One Month's War saved most of the Greek 
populations from passing under a foreign yoke, those in the 
district of Monastir allotted to Servia, and those in Western 
Thrace allotted to Bulgaria under the combined effects of 
the Treaties of Bucharest and Constantinople being the 
exceptions. The Greek and Mussulman populations of the 
districts lying between the Rivers Nestos and Maritza claimed 
the right to set up an autonomy under the suzerainty of the 
Sultan. It is not easy to see why this would not have been 
the best solution, for a district which is not a Bulgarian district 



So far as access to the sea is concerned the Bulgarians could 
have retained Dedeagatch, and a means of access to it past 
Ortakeui. Such an autonomous province, containing less 
than 300,000, would have formed a useful small buffer State 
between Turkey, Greece, and Bulgaria. Now, unless Northern 
Epirus be rescued, nominally from Albania but really from 
Austria and Italy, an even more distinctively Greek region 
will be irredeemably lost to Hellas. 

The population of the ^gean Islands other than Crete, 
which were occupied by the Greeks during the war, and all 
those which were previously occupied by the Italians, com- 
prises nearly 470,000 Greeks out of a total population of 
500,000. Under the Treaty of London (Art 5) the Sultan 
and the sovereigns of the allied States " declare that they 
entrust to H.M. the Emperor of Germany, H.M. the Emperor 
of Austria, King of Bohemia, and King Apostolic of Hun- 
gary, to the President of the French Republic, to H.M. the 
King of Great Britain and Ireland and all the Britannic 
territories beyond the seas. Emperor of India, to H.M. the 
King of Italy, and Xo H.M. the Czar of all the Russias the 
care of deciding the fate of all the islands of the ^gean, 
except the island of Crete, and all the peninsula of Mount 
Athos." Under the Treaty of Lausanne Italy is bound to 
evacuate all the islands occupied by her as soon as Turkey 
removes her last soldier from Cyrenaica, By far the greatest 
anxiety caused to the Greeks over the islands is in connection 
with those occupied by the Italians, but it seems inconceivable 
that Italy could be so dishonest as to attempt to hold purely 
Greek islands, which even under the treaty which she made 
with Turkey she only retained temporarily. Still her adminis- 
tration of these islands, and Rhodes in particular, is not by 
any means conducted in a way which suggests merely tem- 
porary occupation. The inhabitants have been treated like 
a conquered people, and though the Italians have not been 
guilty of outrageous conduct such as that of which the 
Bulgarians were guilty, so restrictive and oppressive a regime 
as that of General Ameglio could be hardly less galling to a 



high-spirited people than the horrors of Bulgarian persecu- 
tion. The only other Greek island in the Mediterranean is 
the island of Cyprus, which is under British rule subject to 
certain nominal rights of the Sultan. There is little reason 
to doubt that the policy adopted by the British Government 
with regard to the Ionian Islands, which is to hand Greek 
islands over to Greece as soon as she is in a position to under- 
take their administration satisfactorily, will be followed in the 
case of Cyprus. Greeks, however, themselves say that British 
rule, like Greek rule, is so fair and free that there is never any 
fear that Greeks subject to British government will lose their 
nationality. In fact, a psean of joy would resound through 
the whole Hellenic world if it were known that the islands 
occupied by Italy could be handed over to Great Britain. 

The Turkish Empire may be preserved for many years yet 
to come, and there is great talk of a thorough reorganization 
of its Asiatic provinces, but although the Young Turks have 
accomplished something practical in recovering Adrianople 
and a great part of Thrace from Bulgaria, they have to thank 
an extraordinary fortunate combination of circumstances 
for this. It is not conceivable that the Turk, who for 500 
years has failed to set up an efficient government, will manage 
to do. so now in his remaining possessions in Asia Minor. 
The Turkish Empire is doomed, and when it collapses Greece 
will come into her own again. 

The following letter was written, during the peace negotia- 
tions of last winter, by a noble and distinguished lady, who 
has made Greece her adopted country, to a friend living in 
the country of her birth : 

I am transported with joy at the glorious victories of our race. 
I am convinced that the consequences will be even wider than is 
now believed. 

Every Greek is entitled and ought now to be not only proud but 
arrogant and dictatorial in his claims, especially when, at a time of 
warlike action, which we alone had the pluck to continue, negotiations 
for peace are being carried on. 

I am incensed at the naive impudence of certain foreign papers 
that discuss the future fate of the territories conquered by us ; as if 

GRjECJA irredenta 3S5 

it depended on the will of foreign Powers, great or small. Nay more, 
I .shudder when I behold Greeks cowed by them and humbly querying, 
"Will they, perchance, allow us to keep this or that?" For Heaven's 
sake, once and for all, taboo this grovelling tone. Let us not ask, 
but let us say openly, " This is what we want ! This is what we are 
going to keep ! '* and woe to him who dares dispute our right to any 
of the fruits of victory. The period of weakness and self-effacement 
is over now. Foreigners have already begun to respect Greece. They 
will learn to fear her too ! It would be unpardonable if she did not 
straightway occupy the place which all are ready to yield to her, 
the place proper to glorious and conquering Hellenism 1 

Doubtless you who dwell abroad feel this still more, as people 
necessarily talk to you every day about the war and the new state of 
things which will have been created in the East. 

This is the time when we Greeks must not allow any one to doubt 
that we shall win that queen of cities, our legitimate and indispensable 
capital, Constantinople, nor that we alone have a right to it. What 
I used to say and write so often in years gone by has now proved 
to be no longer a pious aspiration but a well-nigh accomplished fact. 
For, indeed, nothing but the exhaustion of the Bulgarian forces, which 
obliged them to submit to the monstrous armistice, prevented our 
triumphant attack on Constantinople, both by land and by sea. Let 
us not allow the world to forget or to doubt this. What has not 
already happened will unquestionably happen to-morrow. 

How many Greeks and foreigners have told me and written to me, 
in every language, during the last weeks : " You were right in your 
pamphlet 'Question d'Orient' and in your letters and in your conversa- 
tion when we thought you were only indulging in Utopias, out of your 
love of Hellenism" ! 

I am more than ever convinced of the great and glorious destiny 
of the Greek race, and more especially that Greece alone is fit to 
acquire the " Empress of the East " ! 

This solution is the simplest for all the world. The Great Powers, 
which are torn by hatred and fear of one another, are still at a loss 
what to do with Constantinople. They do not even know what they 
would like to do with it, if its fate rested with them. 

They know full well the difi&culty would not be solved by leaving 
that city to Turkey for a few months. The only solution is to put it 
at the head of a Greek Empire. Friends and foes all admit this 

We are therefore compelled by necessity and by our duty to our 
country, and for justice' sake, to reply without faltering to every 
objection or hesitation on the part of strangers, whether they be 
politicians or not : " Do what you will, gentlemen, it will come to this ! 
Vous en viendrez la. Messieurs, que vous le vouUez ou non !" 
This is what we must go on saying openly and without yielding one 


inch, if we are to break through the snares of the knavish tricksters 
who are afraid for the moment, but who are always ready to take 
advantage of the slightest yielding on the part of the rightful owners, 
in order to raise their shameless claims and hopes. 

When a half-savage race like the Bulgarians insolently bray forth in 
their uncivilized tongue that forsooth they will take Constantinople, 
would not it be a disgrace if we, who are entitled to it, were not only 
to Usten to their ravings in silence and dejection without retaliating, 
but also to refrain from enforcing our indisputable claims for fear 
of ridicule ? 

If you think I am right, please show this letter to other fellow- 
countrymen, especially to those who are the slaves of excessive Greek 
courtesy — a virtue which the so-called friends of Greece very often 
exploit in order to maintain that Greece is neither entitled to, nor even 
dreams of, recovering anything beyond what the kindness of the Great 
Powers will vouchsafe to grant her. 

The attitude and words of one single man can influence a whole 
assembly of listeners, especially now that our affairs are the theme 
of universal interest. 

At first sight much that is said may seem extravagant, 
but the principle underlying it is a sound one. The history 
of Constantinople is meaningless apart from Greek influence. 
That city was practically a Greek creation ; it was over- 
shadowed by Troy in pre-classical times, and in classical 
times civilization in its neighbourhood was hidden under 
barbarian occupation. Byzantine art and literature was 
Greek ; the Court, though it called itself Roman, soon 
became Greek in all but name, and the overthrow of the 
Empire by the Turks caused the temporary eclipse of Greek 
supremacy in Eastern Europe, Even during the four 
centuries of Turkish supremacy the Greek influence was 
never crushed. The Patriarchate, though technically not 
now part of the Greek National Church, has always 
remained the temporal as well as the spiritual apex of the 
Greek race. The commerce and banking of Constantinople 
owe their success and fame almost solely to Greeks, and 
there are now more than 300,000 Greek inhabitants in the 
city. If the Turk be ejected, its future history cannot 
have any continuity with the past under any but Greek 
rule. The only possible alternative is the establishment 

GRjECIA irredenta 357 

of a patriarchical state, but as in the case of the Papal 
states, the Patriarchate, like the Vatican, would sooner or 
later have to hand over its temporal authority to the 
Greek Government. 

What has been said has reference to the future of Con- 
stantinople after the disruption of the Turkish Empire, but 
it is not Greece who is a menace to Turkey now or who will 
be an adverse influence to its preservation by being a near 
neighbour in Chios and Mytilene and the other islands 
bordering on the Asiatic coast. It is the Great Powers who 
are bargaining with one another over the delimitation of 
spheres of influence for railways and other concessions in 
Asia Minor who are the real source of danger to Turkey. 
Owing to the millions of Greeks who still remain Ottoman 
subjects, it is to the interest of Greece to see Turkey pre- 
served intact and peaceful until the time comes when the 
miserable edifice of Turkish government collapses like a 
pack of cards. The Turks, in order to preserve and develop 
the resources of their country, cannot dispense with the help 
of their Greek subjects. While the Turks had Greek 
representatives, such as Kara Theodori Pasha at Berlin, 
Musurus Pasha as Ambassador in London, and Mavroyeni 
and others in similar posts, they kept their heads above 
water ; but since they have given up employing Greeks and 
have allowed the Young Turks to persecute the Greeks 
instead, everything has gone wrong with them. 

Of Turkey's remaining territories, Thrace (including the 
vilayets of Adrianople and Constantinople, but excepting 
the town of Constantinople) contains about three-quarters of 
a million Greeks, some 200,000 of whom have passed under 
Bulgarian rule. The last stronghold of Hellenism is in 
Asia Minor. Its coast has been pure Greek for the la^t 
3,000 years, the town of Smyrna numbers 150,000 Greek 
inhabitants, and inland there are important Greek centres 
such as Konia. There is also a large Greek population in 
the interior of Asia Minor which has preserved Greek tradi- 
tions and customs and the orthodox faith (which in the 


past it practised in secret), but which uses the Turkish tongue. 
What the explanation may be of this curious phenomenon 
among the Greeks, who are so tenacious of their language, it 
is difficult to say, though tradition has it that these Turkish- 
speaking folk are the descendants of many thousands of 
Greeks whose tongues were ordered to be cut out and sent 
to the Sultan in the fourteenth century. It is related how 
the children of the victims, not hearing any Greek spoken, 
learnt to speak only the Turkish tongue. It is to be hoped 
that in the future active steps will be taken for the en- 
couragement of these unfortunate people in their struggle to 
preserve their Greek conscience and recover their lost 
language. The total Greek population in Asia Minor, 
including those who speak Turkish, cannot well be less than 

A word should be said about the Greeks in Egypt. 
Though their numbers do not exceed 400,000, they play 
such an important part in the commercial life of the country, 
that a friend who resides there told the writer that during 
the past year business in Cairo and Alexandria has been at 
a standstill owing to the large exodus of Greeks who went 
to fight for their country. There are Greek colonies else- 
where, the most important being that in the American 
continent, which now is said to approach half a million 
people. This, however, consists to a great extent of a 
shifting population who go to America for business purposes 
and by sending much money back to Greece have rendered 
inestimable services to their country. The wealthy Greeks 
throughout the world, particularly in France, Great Britain, 
Germany, and Russia, also for the most part retain some 
connection with their native land, and large portions of their 
fortunes are left to charities or for public purposes in Greece. 
Among the most munificent bequests was that of the late 
Panaghi Vagliano, who left half a million pounds in trust for 
the benefit of his native island, Cephalonia. Perhaps some 
of these wealthy Greeks in these countries, of whom there 
are many who own fortunes varying from ;^200,ooo to over 

GRjECIA irredenta 359 

;^l,ooo,ooo, may now purchase estates in Epirus, Thessaly, or 
Macedonia, as has been suggested in Chapter XXL 

The patriotism of the Greek is proverbial,* but that over 
60,000 men scattered throughout the world should return at 
a moment's notice in response to their country's call, leaving 
business and other interests neglected, is a phenomenon 
unique in history. It is not generally known that the total 
number of Greeks who served with the colours during the 
past twelve months falls little short of 300,000, when the 
most that the Greeks themselves expected to raise was 
125,000. / 

The undying flame of Hellenism is now rising up once 
more and proving the wisdom of Tricoupis' words : H EXXac 
irpotipitxrai va ^>}(Tp koi 0a ^jjo-p (" Hellas is foreordained to 
live and will live"). 


Abdul Hamid,5 ; his rule preferred 
to Young Turkish, 112 

About, Edmond, 251 

Abruzzi, Duke of the, 37 

Acarnania, soil and produce of, 

Adam, Mme. Juliette, 183 

Adamides, Lieutenant, 154 

Adrianople, 127 ; claim of Bul- 
garians to, 317 

^gean Islands, 278 ; soil and pro- 
duce of, 288 ; Italy in, 353 

Aeroplanes, 58 ; moral effect of, 
124-5, 156-7 

Agrarian question, 278-9 

Agriculture (274-93) : products, 
276 ; primitive methods, 277-8 ; 
statistics, 281 ; prospects, 292 

Agricultural education, 278-80 

Aikaterine, 282-3 

Aipos, Mount, action on, 44 

Albania, hospital ship, 167 

Albania, claim of, to Janina, 130; 
takes arms against the Allies, 
225 ; Austrian intrigue in, 234 ; 
the Provisional Government of, 
237 ; plea for annexation to 
Greece in 1847, 240 

Albanian question, the, 224-46 

Albanian State, formation of, a 
political blunder, 224 ; difficulty 
of finding a Prince for, 225 ; 
Austrian and Italian policy re- 
specting, 228-9 '> favoured by 
Greece, 236-7 

Albanians, massacres by, in Epirus, 
130 ; extent of damage done by, 
133 ; raids by, 147 ; use of " ex- 
plosive" bullets by, 170; tur- 
bulence of 224 ; dialects of, 225 ; 
supposed antiquity of race, 229 


Alexander, Crown Prince of Servia, 

Alexander, Prince, 125 
Alexander, Prince, of Bulgaria, 2 
Alexandrian Hospital, 163 
Ali Pasha, 129, 130 ; his wife, 

Ahce, Princess, 164-6, 171, 183 
Allies, meeting of, at Sofia, 26 
Amalia, Queen, 194 
Ambracian Gulf, 37 
Ambulances, motor, 168 
Ambulance work of women, 197-9 
Ameglio, General, 353 
American Greeks, good record of 

in war, 257 
AmouUena, occupation of, 43 
Andartes, volunteer irregulars, 69, 

70, 130-1 
Andrew, Prince, 125 
Anglo-Greeks, possible influence 

of, 306-8 
Argyrocastro, occupation of, 155 
Argyropoulos, M., m 
Argyropoulos, Lieutenant, killed 

while flying, 136 
Armstrong shells, 153 
Army, the Greek, organization of, 

(59-73) : peace establishment, 60 ; 

units, 61 ; mobilization, 61-2 ; 

in the war of 1897,63-4; reform 

of, 64 ; revolution of Zorbas, 64 ; 

transport of, 69 ; grades of 

officers, 72 i excellent work of, 

127 ; in Gr^co-Bulgarian War 
Army Medical Service, 163, 168 
Arnaud, Dr., 169 
Arta, refugees in, 131 
Artillery, 80-1, 83 ; at Jenitsa, 90-1 ; 

Turkish, captured, 124; 146; at 

Bezane, 151; 153-4 



Artistic atmosphere, lack of, in 
Athens, 268-9 

Asia Minor, Greeks in, 357-8 

Athens, during suspension of Con- 
stitution, 19 ; during war, 176-8 ; 
society in, 269 ; outward aspect 
of, 270 

Atlantis, newspaper, 162, 197 

Atrocities, Bulgarian (336-51) : 
rape as a policy, 339 ; outbreak 
of ifresh atrocities on outbreak 
of second war, 341 

Attaleia, scuttled, 37 

Attica, soil and produce of, 275 

Austria, occupies Bosnia and 
Herzegovina, 2 ; annexes them, 
3 ; insincerity of, 226 ; arms 
Albanians and Turks against 
Greeks, 234 

Averoff, patriot, 29 

Averoff, GeorgioSt battleship, 29, 
33, 48-50, 56-7, 279 

Avlona, 135 

Balkan Alliance, 10, 21 

Balkan Peninsula, history of, 1-12 

Balkan races, 2 

Balkan War, causes of, 1-12 ; a 

war of liberation on part of 

Greeks, 311 
" Bands," Greek, in Macedonia, 9 
Bankruptcy of Greece, 200 
Barbarossa, Turkish battleship, 49- 

Bartlett, Ashmead, on atrocities, 

Basilios Balkos, 6 
Bayonets, use of, 84 
Beaconsfield, Lord, 295 
Benaki, M., 152 

Bekir-Aga, Albanian leader, 147 
Beloch, Professor, 230 
Bent, Theodore, 253 
Berlin Conference, 295 
Berlin, treaty of, 2, 295 
Bezane, fort of, 142-4 ; assault on, 

145 ; surrender, 151 
Bikelas, M., 263 
Billinski, Mrs., 174 
Bismarck, 22 
Blockade of Epirus, 39 
Blue Cross Society, 163, 197 
Boots, inferior, in Greek Army, 68 
Bosnia, annexed by Austria, 2-3 

Bouboulina, a heroic woman 
admiral, 188 

Bourchier, Mr., 21 ; a pro-Bulgar, 
300 ; erroneous statements of, 
301-3 ; libels the Greeks, 303 ; 
caricatures of, 303 ; fails to per- 
ceive sarcasm, 304, 313 ; accuses 
Greeks, 346-7 ; contradicted by 
the Greek Minister, 348 (also vide 
Times, The) 

Brailas, Sir Peter, 294 

Brailsford, Mr., 313 

British Naval Mission, 32-4, 258 

Budgets, deficient, 206 ; balanced, 
208 ; surplus, 209 ; of 191 1, 209- 
10; of 1912, 211; of 1913, 214-17 

Bulgaria, autonomy declared, 2 ; 
annexes Eastern Roumelia, 2 ; 
war with Servia, 2 ; declares 
independence of Turkey, 3 ; war 
with Greece, 25 ; rapacious de- 
mands of, 223; Salisbury*s policy 
concerning, 295 ; oppression of 
Greeks in, 310-11 ; revivalist 
movement in, 310-11; rapacious 
claims of, 315 ; see Graeco-Bul- 
garian War 

Bulgarians, cruelty of, in Mace- 
donia, 9 ; treachery of, in the 
field, 24 ; wasteful tactics of, 87 ; 
attempt to forestall Greeks in 
seizing Salonica, 99, loo, 103-5 I 
ill-behaviour of, in Salonica, 
106-7 ; Greek hatred of, 309 ; 
a peasant race, 310 ; advance of, 
after the war, 316-17; fire on the 
Georgios Averoff, 317; mutila- 
tion of bodies by, 317; attack 
Salonica, 318 ; disgraceful 
treachery of, 319 ; driven out 
of Salonica, 322 ; brutality of 
officers, 322 ; good behaviour of, 
while under observation, 337 ; 
brigandage, rape, and murder 
on part of, 339-43 ; accuse 
Greeks of atrocities, 345 ; for- 
geries by, 248-50 
" Bulgarization " of Macedonia, 

Byron, Lord, 130, 236, 244, 307 
Byzantium, results of fall of, 249 

Cadet Training College, 71 
Caneta, 144, 148 



Canevaro, Admiral, 15 

Capital, lack of industrial, 266-7 

Capital punishment, demanded by 

Venizelos, 20 
Cardale, Commander, 30, 113; 

account of Bulgarian atrocities, 


Cardale, Mrs., 102 

Carlowitz, treaty of, i 

Casdagli, M., 163-4 

Cassandra, occupied, 43 

Cassavetti, A. , donor of "Aidin/' 

Castrioti, Allado, a possible Prince 
of Albania, 225 

Cattle thieves, frontier, 20, 280 

Cereals, importation of, 212 

Chalkidike, landing on, 43 

Chatalja, 87, 126 ; Bulgarian de- 
feat at, 126-7 

Chalsidakis, M., 16 

Chios, 44-5 ; wealth of, 46 

Chirol, Sir Valentine, 312 

Chimarra, 237 

Cholera, serum employed against, 

Christianity v, Mohammedanism, i 
Christopher, Prince, 125 
Classics, influence of, 252-3 
Clothing, scarcity and supply of, 

1 7 1-2 
Communications, lack of, 280 
Condaratos, Captain, 39 
Conscription, 59 

Constantine, Crown Prince, later 
king, 63, 72, 76-7 ; in war of 
1897, 77 ; forced to leave Army, 
77 ; reinstated, 77 ; strategy of 
in the field, 82 ; politic clemency 
of, 84-5 ; tactics of, 86-9, 100, 
119, 134; appointed Com- 
mander-in-Chief in Epirus, 145 ; 
enters Bezane, 151 ; his care of 
his men, 152 ; excellence as 
general, 154, 157 ; takes his oath 
as king, 185, 326 ; brilliant 
generalship in the Grasco-Bul- 
garian War, 334 
Constantinople, fall of, in 1453, 15 ; 
Greeks of, 242-3 ; future of, 357 
Constantinopoulos, M., 203 
Constitution, the Greek, 19-20 
Consuls, at Salonica, the, loi 
Control, the (financial), 206 

Corfu, refugees in, 132 

Credit, Greek, 217 

Cretan irregulars, 135 ; a child 

volunteer, 252 
Cretan Revolution of 1896, 15 
Cretan Sedition Government, the, 


Cretans, energy of, 256-7 

Crete, influence of, in Greece, 4 ; 
the Venizelos party in, 10 ; agi- 
tation for representation in the 
AthensParUament,io; autonomy 
granted, 16 ; coalition Govern- 
ment in, 18 ; insurrections of 
the nineteenth century, 202 ; 
cost of, to Greece, 206 

Crevata, family, 13 

Creusot guns, 05, 146 

Crown Princess, hospitals organ- 
ized by, 112, 179, 197 

Currant crisis, 278 ; Currant Trust, 

Currency, 206-8, 217 

Customs, 212 

Dames aux Secours, 163 

Dames de France, 163 

Damianos, Captain, 44; runs block- 
ade, 57 

Damianos, General, 122-3 

Daneff, Dr., 318 

Dangles, General, 76, 146, 157 

Daphne, occupied, 43 

Dardanelles, blockade of, 39, 46- 
7 ; battle of, 48-9 ; second sortie 
from, 56 

Delgrammatica, Colonel, 44, 149, 

Delijannis, M,, 17 ; undoes work 
of Tricoupis, 203 

Delvino, occupied, 155 

Dillon, Dr., 319 

Diomedes, M., 209, 218 

Dimitracopulos, M., 24 

Djumaia, battle of, 332 

Djavid Pasha, retreat of, 122 

Dodona, shrine of, 128, 230 

Doiran, capture of, 327 

Dolan, Miss, 162 

Dragoumis, M., 19, 207 

Durham, Miss, 357 

Education, defects of Greek system 
of, 259-60 



Egypt, British interest in, 298-9 ; 
Greeks in, 358 

Elassona, Greek advance upon, 
79, 282-3 

Emigrants, return of as volunteers 
and conscripts, 21-2, 59-60 ; 
large sums sent home by, 219- 
20 ; increased numbers of, 280 

Enteric, 166 

Emigration Commission, 280 

Epirus, 3 ; campaign in (128-59) ^ 
Greek claim to, 128 ; history of, 
129; Greek inhabitants of, 129- 
30 ; beauty of, 130 ; campaign 
of 1897 in, 134; Greek policy in, 
237 ; soil and products of, 285-6 

Epirus, North, suggestion to in- 
clude in Albania, 226-7 j popu- 
lation of, 233-4 

Epirot Confederation, the, of the 
fifth century B.C., 231 

Epirots, nationality of the, 230-1 

Esereme Bey, threatens Chimarra, 

Essad Pasha, 138, 151, 154 
Eton boys, misled by lecture, 301 
Euphemism, Greek love of, 244-5 
Evzoni, the, 60, 66, 68-9, 91, 119, 

152, 158, 171. 231, 306, 326, 328 ; 

story of two heroic brothers, 

Eydoux, General, 64 
Exarchist Church, the, 3, 8, 311 

Family life, in Greece, old and 

new, 189-90, 253 
Ferdinan<J, Czar of Bulgaria, 3, 

no; begs that the details of 

Bulgarian atrocities shall be 

hushed up, 341 
^eiik Bouled torpedoed, 40-2 
Field guns, 64-5 
Finance (200-223) ; reorganization 

of, 202-4 ; disastrous period of 

Greek, 205 ; improved condition 

of, 208-9 
Financial Commission, 205 
Fleet, the Greek, sails, 39; in 

action of the Dardanelles, 48, 50 ; 

damage sustained by, 50-1 ; 

value of, demonstrated at Cha- 

talja, 126-7 ; second action of, 

156-7 ; in Graeco-Bulgarian War, 


Fleet, the Turkish, 48-50 ; damage 
to, 51 ; second sortie of, 50 

Flecker, J. E., defends Greeks, 351 

Fiorina surrenders, 121 ; halt at, 

Folk-songs, Greek, 66, 71 

Forgery of " atrocity " letters, 

Fonat Bey, 152 
Footwear of Evzoni, 61 
Foreign Enlistment Act, 6o| 
French Military Mission, 33, 64-5, 

93> 258 
Frontier, the Greek, after 1897, 

74 ; passes over the, 76-7 
Funerals in Athens, 184 
Fusianellaj or kilt, 61 

Gambling forbidden in Greece, 305 

Games, need of, in Greece, 262-3 

Garibaldian Volunteers, 70, 143 

Gennades, Colonel, 119 

Gennadieff, Dr., 310 

Gennadius, M., 202, 295 

George, King, 22-3, 25 ; com- 
mander-in-chief, 63 ; assassina- 
tion of, in Salonica, in; charm 
of character, 111-12; audience 
with, 112 ; funeral of, 113 ; 187 ; 
elected in 1863, 185-6, 201 

George, Prince, High Commis- 
sioner of Crete, 16 ; denounces 
Venizelos, 17 ; returns to Greece, 
18 ; 22-3 

George, Prince of Sparta, 83, 125 

Georgios Averoff, see Averoff 

German Emperor, 250 

Germans boycotted by Athenian 
shoeblacks, 251 

Geroulanos, Dr., 160, 169 

Gheks, the, 229 

Ghika, Prince, 225 

Gianalakes, M., 16, 17 

Gladstone gives Greece the Ionian 
Isles, 201 ; his policy of a Greek 
bulwark against Slav aggression, 

Glykovo, action at, 81 

Grsecia Irredenta, 352-9 

Grseco-Bulgarian War, the, 306 
(323-35) ; position of forces, 
321 ; first operations, 322-30 ; 
further operations, 330-3 ; armis- 
tice, 333 ; Greek losses, 334 



Graeco-Servian Alliance, 317 
Graeco-Turkish War, 63-4, 74 
Great Britain, various policies of, 
regarding Greece (294-308) ; 
ignorance of Greece in, 300-4 
Greater Greece (256-73) ; effect of 
expansion on the national psy- 
chology, 256-8 
Greece refuses armistice in 1912, 
II ; reform in, 20 ; naval ambi- 
tions of, 297-8 
Greeks, opposition of, to Turkish 
rule, 3 ; throw off the Turkish 
yoke in 1821, 2 ; proportion of, 
in Macedonia, 9 ; born sailors, 
27-8 ; faults as soldiers, 65 ; 
sobriety of, 171 ; as sailors> 298 
Grey, Sir Edward, 25 
Gueschoff, M., 26, 310, 315 

Hahn, on Albanians, 229 

Hamidieh, battleship, 34 ■; bom- 
bards Syra, 32-4 ; beaten off 
by Servian artillerymen, 57 

Hassan Pasha, 84, 333 

Hassapsieff, General, 321 

Helen, Princess, 167, 198 

Hellenism, the spirit of, 242-55 

Helli, 230 

Herodotus, 230 

Hesperme, newspaper, 180 

Charles of. Prince of Roumania 
(Carol I), 2 

Hospitality, Greek, 253 

Hospital tents, 123 

Hospital trains, 167 

Hospitals (160-75); defects of, in 
1897, 160 ; improvements in, 
160; in Athens, 160; 180 

Hydroplanes, 58 

Icaria, 43 

lerax in action, 49-50 

Import duties, 212 

Imports, 218-19 

Indemnity, possible, 223 

India, the question of, 298 

Industry, primitive conditions of, 

Infants thrown away by refugee 
parents, 120 

Infantry, Greek, 68 

Ionian Islands, 3 ; soil and pro- 
ducts, 275 

Islands occupied by Greece, 40 
Italians, Greek contempt for, 158 
Italy, policy of, in Albania, 226-7 
Ivanoff, General, 323 

Janina, forts at, 74 ; guns recap- 
tured at, 117; a Greek town, 
129 ; Byron on, 130 ; strength 
underrated, 141 ; topography of, 
141-2 ; fortifications of, 142 ; 
Greeks leave, 147 ; final attack 
on, 148-50 ; surrender of, 151 ; 
reception of victors, 154 ; how 
Athens received the news, 185-6 

Janiots, pure Greek of the, 236 

Jenitsa bombarded, 42 ; 89, 90-1, 

Jews, in Chios, 45 ; in Salonica, 
107 ; treatment of, in Greece, 1 14 

Joannou, Colonel, 140 

Kailar, action at, 88-9 

Kalares, General, 82, 156 

Kalliergis, 250 

Kanaris, 191 

Karaburnu, fort, 44 

Kastritsa bombarded, 145 

Kavalla, soil and produce of, 

288-9 ' tobacco industry at, 289 ; 

value of same, 290 
Kerr, Admiral, 34 
Khartoum, Greeks of, faithful to 

Gordon, 299 
Kiamil Pasha, 11, 12 
Kili Derben, action at, 116, 120 
Kirk Kilisse, battle of, 87 
Kit, marching, 68 
Klephts, the, 66 ; songs of the, 66-7 
Komano, actions near, 119 
Kosane, actions near, 118 
Kosmas, Father, prophecies of, 134 
Korytsa, occupied, 123 ; road to 

Janina from, 141; 235 
Koumoundouros, M., 295 
Koundouriotis, Admiral, 38, 48 ; 

saves Kavalla, 336 
Kresna Pass, fighting in the, 371 
Krupp guns, 64-5, 144 
Kum Kale forts, 51-2 

Lambros, Professor, on Epirus, 232 
Land Purchase Act, the, 279 
Land tenure, 276-7 ; in Macedonia, 



Landowners, classes of, 276-7 

Lascaris, 249 

League of Greek Women, 193-4 J 
work of, 195 

Lemnos, capture of, 39 

Leune, M., 233-4 

Levantine Greek, not representa- 
tive, 299 

Loans, 200-1 ; conversion of old, 
202 ; 203-7 

Locusts, superstitions relating to, 

Looting, in Salonica, no 

Loutsa, burning of, 131 

Lukianos, death of, 156 

Lule Burgas, 87, 103, 126 

Lyceum Club, the, 195-6 

Macedonia, 6 ; autonomy mooted, 
II ; campaign in (74-127) : com- 
pared with Thracian campaign, 
125 ; agriculture of, 284 \ land 
tenure, 285 ; tobacco, 289 ; Greek 
population of, 312 

Macedonia^ s.s., sunk at Syra, 53 

Magrim, Signer, 233 

Malaria, 276 

Malissori, the, 224 

Mannlicher rifles, 64 

Manos, Constantii;ie, 135 ; killed 
while flying, 136 

Manusojannakis, ^^General, 329, 

Marie, Princess, 163, 165, 197 

Markantonakis, M., 17, 18 

Massacres of, Greeks under Turkish 
rule, 5 {vide Atrocities) 

Mathiopulos, Colonel, operations 
of, 116-18, 144-5 

Matsouka, Spiro, bard to the Army, 

Medici, the, 249 

Medjidieh, Turkish warship, 50 

Melas, Mile., 198 

Melas, Paul, 9 

Melonojannes, M., 16 

Meluna Pass, 75-6 

Mercantile marine, in the naval 
campaign, 31 ; strength and 
trade of the, 32 ; increase of 
the, 208, 220 

Messoudiehj Turkish warship, 50 

Military League, the Greek, 10 ; 
revolution of, 19, 207 

Miliotes, Colonel, 144 
Mining prospects, 267-8 
Ministries, successive Greek, 201-2 
Mitsas, Major, 147 
Moatzo, Spiridion, 14 
Mobilization of Greek Army, 61-2 ; 

difficulties of, 71-2 
Modern Greek, suggested chair 

of, in London, 308 
Mohammedans, in Albania, 224 ; 

enemies of the Greek race, 

249 ; Greek views concerning, 

Moldavia, 2 
Molossia, 230 

Monasteries as landowners, 277 
Monastir, Greek advance upon, 

119 ; falls to Servia, 291, 308 
Monastir Army Corps, 95-6 ; 

defeat of, 121 
Monastir, Bishop of, 7 
Monopoly Loan, the, 204 
Montenegro declares war, 11 
Montferratos, Colonel, 114 
Morris, Miss, i6i 
Moschopulos, General, 144, 148-9, 

Mosquitoes, 276 
Motor-cars in the war, 25, 69, 

93-4, 156, 273 
Moutoussis, Lieutenant, 157 
Musurus, 299 
Mytilene, 44 

National Assembly of Greece, 19 
National Bank of Greece, 223 
Naval campaign, the, see Fleet 
Naval College, 35 
Naval Hospital, 16 
Navy, the Greek (26-58) : value of, 
in the war, 26 ; primitive, but 
superior to the Turkish, 27 ; 
tabular list of, 30-1 ; personnel 
of, 31 ; reform of, 32-3 ; officers 

of, 34-5 ; 48, 50 

Nazim Pasha assassinated, 153 
New Greece, the, 282; contains 

half the Greek race, 352 
New Turkish Revolution, 5 
Nicholas, Czar, a suggested arbi- 
trator, 315-16 
Nicholas, Prince, 114, 317 
Nikopolis, heroic defence of .by 
French, 129 ; aviation at, 156 



Noel, Mr., 307 
Noel, Miss, 133 

Olga, Queen, 167, 186, 194 

Olympus, Mt., 273 

Orthodox Church, the, 248 

. Orthodoxy, tolerance of, 249 

Ostrovo, action at, 120 

Otho, King, 201 ; deposed by 

intrigue on part of Great Powers, 

20 1 

Pallis, Alexander, 133 

Pallis, Miss, 133-4 

Panas, M., 26 

Panas, Mme., 163, 197 

Panhellenios Society, 13 1-2 

Patriarchate, policy of the, 311 

Patriotism, intense, of Greeks, 

247-50* 306, 359 
Peasant proprietors, 277 
Peloponnesus, soil and produce, 

Pente Pigada, Turkish retreat 

from, 140 
Pernot, Professor, on the suspect 

"atrocity" letters, 349 
Pesta, action at, 140-2 
Petroff, General, 140 
Phihppias, refugees at, 131 ; camp 

at, 133-4 
Philloxera, ravages of, 278 
Physical education, 266 
Pirasus-Larissa Railway, 203-4, 207 
Piraeus, the, an industrial centre, 

Polemes, lonnes, poem by, 136-7 
Political ambitions, often ruinous 

to Greeks, 246-7, 259 
Population, Greek, doubled by 

war, 222 
Porta Petra, Turkish stampede at, 

Postal arrangements, breakdown 

of, 94 
Powers, the Great, intervene in 

1912, II ; 25 ; crime of, at the 

time of the War of Indepen- 
dence, 200 
Premete, occupation of, 155 
Preveza, Bay of, 37 
Preveza, Venetian remains in, 129 j 

refugees in, 131 ; abandoned by 

Turks, 138-9 

Priests, influence of, in Mace- 
donia, 6 

Prisoners, 124; in Epirus, 156; 
horrible state of Turkish,i75 ; at- 
tempted escape of Turkish, 178 

Provisional Government of Al- 
bania, 237, 240 

Psacoff, M., 157 

Psaltoff, Dr., 169 

Psara, island, occupied, 43 

Pthiotis, soil and produce of, 275 

Public Debt, 222 

Public School system, 275 

Pyrgos-Meligala Railway, 207 

Radcliffe, Colonel, iii, 166 

Railways, revenue of, 220 

Railway and steamer routes, pro- 
jected, 270-3 

Ralli, Sir Lucas, 45 

Ralli family, the, 45, 250, 306 

Red Cross Societies, 162-3, ^^6 ; 
mismanagement of British con- 
tingent, 172-3 

Reforms in Greece, 20 

Refugees in Salonica, iii ; in 
Preveza, 131 ; volunteer suc- 
cour of, 133-4 

Revenue, see Budgets 

Rhally, M., 203-4 

Rifles in Greek Army, 64-5 

Rosetti, death of, 158 

Roumania, created a State, 2 ; pro- 
claims independence, 2 

Roumelia, Eastern, 2, 295, 310 

Royal Family, the Greek, migrate 
to Salonica, 183, 269 

Russo-Turkish War, 2, 294 

Saints, Greek belief in, 255 

Salamis, 35 

Salisbury, Lord, 16, 295, 310 

Salonica, torpedo attack on har- 
bour, II, 40; Greeks march 
upon, 78, 96-7 ; capture of, 99- 
100 ; Greek advance on, loi ; 
negotiations for evacuation, 102 ; 
occupation of, 104 ; ancient 
Jewish colony in, 107 ; mine- 
field in harbour, 109 ; Greek 
administration,iio-ii ; refugees 
in, III ; assassination of King 
George, iii ; excellence of 
Greek administration, 1 13-14; 



future of, 1 14-15 ; 157 ; tobacco 
exported from, 291 ; Bulgarian 
attempt on,. 318 ; Bulgarian 
troops disarmed, 321 ; fortified 
by Greeks, 323 

Samos, occupied, 58 

Samothrace, occupied, 42 

San Stefano, treaty of, 2, 3, 294- 
5> 310 

Santi Quaranta, occupied, 155 

Sapundzaki, General, 69, 76, 134, 
137-8, 140-3, 149-50 

Sarandaporon, actions at, 75, 79, 
80, 159 

Savings Banks, 221 

Savo£f, General, 126 ; telegrams 
betraying treachery, 319-20 

Schneider guns, 65, 146 

Schools, Greek, in Epirus, 235 

Scoulas, M., 17 

Scutari, 226 

Sdrin, Count, 13 1-3 

Sea power, importance of, 296 

Securities, rise of Greek, 221 

Seddil Bahr forts, 51-2 

Sefket Giolekas, threatens Chim- 
ana, 237 

Serfidje, occupation of, 82-3 

Serres, soil and products of, 288 ; 
surrender of, 329 ; atrocities at, 

Servia, declares independence, 2 ; 
defied by Bulgaria, 2 ; opera- 
tions against Bulgaria, 321-7 

Servian Army, in Macedonia, 126 ; 
before Adrianople, 127 

Servo-Bulgarian secret treaty, 314 

Scouts, Boy, 263-4 ; excellent 
services during war, 264-5 

Shkipetars, 224 

Shoeblacks, Athenian, 251 

Sickness during winter, 153 

Silk culture, 283 

Skanderbeg, 225 

Siivnitza, 2 

Smallpox, in Salonica, 1 1 1 

Sobieski, i 1 

Sobriety of Greeks, 254 

Socialism, 252 

Society, Athenian, 269 

Society for Prevention of Cruelty 
to Animals, why it failed, 247 

Sofia, meeting of Allies at, 26 ; 
Mir of, 319 

Sophie, Princess, 183 (see Crown 

Sorovitz, Greek defeat at, 117 

Sotilis, Colonel, 125 

Souliot women, heroic conduct 
of, 188 

South African War, Greek volun- 
teers in, 304 

Soutsos, General, 82 

Sphakianakis, M., 16 

Spiro Matsoukas, bard of the Army, 
158-9 {see Matsoukas) 

Spiromilios, Major, 237-9 

Stambouloff betrays Greek pro- 
posals, 10, 21, 295 

Stones used as weapons, 331 

Strabo, 230 

Strati, occupation of, 40 

Succour, Society of, 183 

Sugar duties, 212 

Sultan, suzerain of Roumania, 2 

Superstition of Greeks, 254 

Surgeons, Greek, 168-9 

Syra, torpedo attack on harbour 

of> 53-5 
Szemere, E. C, evidence as to 
Bulgarian atrocities, 340 

Taxes, indirect, 215, 218 
Taxim Pasha, 101-3, 108 
Tennant, Miss, 133 
Tents, hospital, 173 
Tepelene, occupation of, 155 
Theorodoff, General, 106 
Theotokis, M., 17 
Therissos, movement of 1905 in, 17 
Thessaly, 3 ; annexed in 1881, 202 
Thessalians, energy of, 257 
Thrace, Bulgarian campaign in, 
125 ; not claimed by Greece, 

315 ; 357 

Thucydides, 230 

Timesy The, at last anti-Turkish, 
296, 300, 302 ; misleading ar- 
ticles and telegrams in, 302-3 ; 

313. 346-7 
Trade balance, 219 
Transport, Greek, in war, 32 ; 

efficiency of, 46, 93 
Trapmann, Captain, on bestiality 

of Bulgarians, 345 ; on Greeks, 

Ti'eachery of Turks, 89, 95 
Treasury bills, 217 



Treaty of London, 311, 313 
Tricoupis, M., 10, 20-1 ; attempts 
a British alliance, 21 ; foresees 
maritime greatness of Greece, 
29 ; endeavours to reorganize 
finance, 202-3 ; 246, 294 
Tricoupis, Mile., 247 
Triple Alliance, 227-8 
Tsagoni, action at, 123 
Tsarevo-selo, attack upon, 332 
Tsaritsane, advance upon, 78-9 
Turco-Italian War, 37 
Turgut-ReiSy Turkish flagship, 56 
Turkey, advised to grant autonomy 
to Macedonia, 11 ; war with 
Italy, 12 ; challenged by the 
Allies, 12 ; war upon part of 
Greek's religion, 252 ; British 
policy of support, 298 
Turkish Army Medical Service, 174 
Turkish Empire, future of, 354 
Turkish Fleet, 48-50 \ 

Turkish Tobacco Regie, revenues 

of, 289 
Turks, never a civilized race, 4; 
treachery of, in field, 84, 93 ; 
deliberate tactics of, 118 ; 
strength of, in Macedonia, 126; 
in Epirus, 138 

Uniform, Greek, 68 

Upward, Allen, on "The East 

End of Europe," 310; on Mr. 

Bourchier, 347-8 

Vagliano, M., 306 
Vanuxaki, Mile., 266 
Vardar, Greeks cross the, loi 
Vellay, M. Charles, 233 
Venetian occupation of Epirus, 129 
Venizelos, M. (13-25) ; his descent, 
13 ; boyhood, 14 ; military 
genius in Cretan Revolution of 
1896, 15 ; President of Cretan 
National Assembly, 16 ; organ- 
izes the law-courts, 16 ; resigns, 
16 ; attacked by Prince George, 
16-17 j heads the Therissos 
movement, 17 ; converts his 
would-be assassins, 18 ; Cretan 
Premier, 18 ; Greek Premier, 
19 ; forces a dissolution, 19-20 ; 
his political aims, 21 ; tact and 

ability of, 22 ; speech to the 
Fleet, 38 ; 77, 179, 207 ; makes a 
Ministry of Agriculture, 281 ; 
proposes a conference of Allies, 

Veracity, as to, of Greeks, 244-5 

Veria, occupation of, 89 ; amazing 
fertility of district north of, 
164, 283-4 

Vienna, battle of, i 

Villages in Epirus destroyed, 133 

Vlachs, the, 236 

Vlastos, 250 

Volunteers, return of Greek, 21-2 ; 
field equipment of, 69, 70 ; 
irregulars, 70 ; regulars, 70-1 

Volunteer work in connection with 
refugees, 133-4 

Votsis, Lieutenant, torpedoes war- 
ship, 40-1 

Vratsanos, Commander, 43 

Wagner, Lieutenant, 337 

Wallachia, 2 

Watson, Engineer-Commander, 34 

Women, Greek, during war (188- 
99) ; apparent frivolity of, 188 ; 
heroism of Souliot women of 
old, 188 ; secluded life of 
Greek women, 189-91 ; modern 
changes, 191-3 ; heroic devo- 
tion of modern women, 193-4 

Wounded, movement of the, 
166-7 ; arrival in Athens, 178 ;^ 
return to the front, 184 ; recep- 
tion in Athens, 198 ; murder of, 
by Bulgarians, 344 

Wounds, treatment of slight, 161 ; 
nature of, 169-70 ; by Dum- 
Dum bullets, 169 ; rapid heal- 
ing of, 170 

Xanthe, tobacco, 290-1 
Xerovuni, heights of, occupied, 
137 ; night attack on, by Turks, 


Yellow Cross Society, 161 
Young Turkish rule, 10 ; King tof 

Greece, on, 112; incapacity of, 


Zagorachoria, 131 

Zorbas, coup d'etat of, 10, 19, 64, 77 









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