', 'IJ
"•'1 iJ- "
111*,', ''
ijantwaoQumhtxivott'OtuvMiw
Cornell University
Library
The original of this book is in
the Cornell University Library.
There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.
http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028590028
Cornell University Library
DS 135.E5M26
Menasseh ben Israel's mission to Oliver
3 1924 028 590 028
MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL'S
MISSION TO
OLIV671 C^'MfTSLL
I^^^^^p^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^g^^
nar-iass.- h \rfin Joseph behT£.vc\e:\ .
MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL'S
MISSION TO
OLIVST^^ CT^gjUWSLL
Being a reprint of the Pamphlets published by
^MENiASSEH mEN ISR^AEL to promote the
^E^-admission of the yews to Sngland
1649-1656
Edited with an Introduction and 3^tes
'By LuciEN Wolf
Past- President and Vice-President of the Jeivish Historical Society of England
Co-Editor of the " Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica" isfc. ^c.
Published for the
Jewish Historical Society of Sngland
'By MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED, LONDON
1 90 1
i^g^g^g^^^g$^^e^is
TO MY WIFE
PREFACE
HE Jewish Historical Society of England,
soon after its establishment, resolved on
the publication of the present volume
as a memorial of Menasseh ben Israel,
whose name must always hold the chief
place on the first page of the history of
the present Anglo-Jewish community.
The Society did me the honour of entrusting me with
the preparation of the work.
Menasseh's tracts have been printed in facsimile. They
have not been reproduced by any photographic process,
but have been entirely reset in types similar to those em-
ployed in the original. Thanks to the resources of the
printing establishment of Messrs. Ballantyne, Hanson £5?
Co. of Edinburgh, and the taste and care they have de-
voted to the work, a much finer effect has been produced
than would have been possible had photography been em-
ployed, while exact fidelity to the originals has not been
sacrificed.
To me the preparation of this volume has been a labour
of love. Nothing in the whole course of a very varied
literary career, extending over nearly thirty years, has
fascinated " me so much as the story of the Return of the
Jews to England. Its mysteries belong to the highest
regions of historical romance, and it forms a page of history
which is a real acquisition both to the annals of the British
Empire and to that wider and more thrilling panorama
of human activities which depicts the fortunes of my
vii
Preface
own co-religionists. I have not^ however, spoken the last
word on this subject in the present volume, which is chiefly
concerned with the transaction with Oliver Cromwell in
1655-56 and its proximate causes. I hope to tell the whole
story in detail in another volume, which I have long had
in preparation for the "Jewish Library."
The preliminary essay on the Return of the Jews to
England is in no sense a rdchauff^ of the papers on the
same subject contributed by me to various periodicals
during the last fifteen years. Those papers were written
at successive stages of an uncompleted investigation. The
present essay is a re-study in the light of all the facts, and
it will be found that some of my former judgments have
been modified, and a few even reversed.
I have to thank many friends for their assistance. Mr.
Israel Abrahams very kindly relieved me of the labour of
reading the proofs of the tracts, and made many valuable
suggestions which have added to the completeness and
beauty of the volume. Mr. B. L. Abrahams was good
enough to revise my introduction, and thus saved me from
not a few slips of style and memory. The Rev. S. Levy
has given me useful assistance in preparing the annota-
tions, and Dr. S. R. Gardiner was good enough to place
at my disposal his unrivalled knowledge of the politics
of the Commonwealth in solving some of the difficulties
in the negotiations of 1655. My acknowledgments are
also due to Miss S. R. Hirsch for the excellent index she
has compiled. Finally, Mme. de Novikoff kindly obtained
for me from the Hermitage Collection at St. Petersburg
an excellent photograph of the alleged portrait of Menasseh
ben Israel by Rembrandt, which I have reproduced, together
with two other better known and more authentic portraits.
L. W.
London, December 1900.
viii
CONTENTS
VJ
PAGE
INTRODUCTION ....... xi
THE RETURN OF THE JEWS TO ENGLAND :
I. DAYS OF EXILE .... xi
II. THE HOPE OF ISRAEL . . . xVlii
III. Cromwell's policy . . . xxviii
IV. THE appeal to THE NATION . XXXVU
V. Cromwell's action . . . Ivi
VI. the real "vindici^" . . Jxix
VII. documents ..... Ixxvii
"the hope of ISRAEL, WRITTEN BY MENASSEH
BEN Israel" (1652) ..... i
'to his highnesse the lord protector of
the common-wealth of england, scot-
land, and ireland, the humble addresses
of menasseh ben israel*' (1655) . . 73
'vindiciye jud/eorum, or a letter in answer
to certain questions propounded by a
noble and learned gentleman, wherein
all objections are candidly, and yet
fully cleared, by rabbi menasseh ben
ISRAEL" (1656) 105
NOTES ........ 149
INDEX ......... 171
PORTRAITS . . Frontispiece and facing pages i and 105
ix b
INTRODUCTION
THE RETURN OF THE JEWS TO ENGLAND
I. Days of Exile
HROUDED in the fogs of the North Sea,
the British Isles were, for two centuries
after the Great Expulsion by Edward I.,
little more than a bitter memory to the
Jewish people. In other lands they came
and went, but England was as securely closed
against them as was the Egypt of Danaus to the Greeks.
With the exception of a few adventurous pilgrims who
trickled into the country to enjoy the hospitality of the
Domus Conversorum, they ceased gradually to think of the
land which had been so signal a scene of their mediaeval
prosperity and sufferings. The Jewish chroniclers of this
period, while dealing with the politics of other European
countries, have scarcely a word to say of England.
Towards the beginning of the sixteenth century the fogs
began to lift, and England once again appeared as a possible
haven to the "tribe of the wandering foot and weary
breast." The gigantic expulsions from Spain by Ferdinand
and Isabella had created a new Jewish Diaspora under con-
ditions of the most thrilling romance. The Jewish martyrs
" trekked " in their thousands to all the points of the com-
pass, fringing the coasts of the Mediterranean with a new
industrious population, founding colonies all over the
xi
Introduction
Levant as far as the Mesopotamian cradle of their race,
penetrating even to Hindostan in the East, and throwing
outposts on the track of Columbus towards the fabled west.
But this was only the beginning of a more remarkable dis-
persion. The men and women who took up the pilgrim's
staff at the bidding of Torquemada could only go where
Jews were tolerated, for they refused to bear false witness
to their ancient religion. They left behind them in Spain
and Portugal a less scrupulous contingent of their race —
wealthy Jews who were disinclined to make sacrifices for
the faith of their fathers, and who accepted the condi-
tions of the Inquisition rather than abandon their rich
plantations in Andalusia and their palaces in Saragossa,
Toledo, and Seville. They embraced Christianity, but their
conversion was only simulated, and for two centuries they
preserved in secret their allegiance to Judaism. These
Crypto- Jews, in their turn, gradually spread all over Europe,
penetrating in their disguise into countries and towns and
even guilds which the Church had jealously guarded against
all heretical intrusion. It was chiefly through them that
the modern Anglo-Jewish community was founded.^
The Iberian Crypto-Jews, or Marranos,^ as they were
called, represented one of the strangest and most romantic
movements in the religious history of Europe. Marranism
was an attempt by the Jews to outwit the Jesuits with their
own weapons. Both sides acted on the principle that the
end justified the means, and each employed the most un-
scrupulous guile to defend itself against the other. The
Inquisition was ruthless in its methods to stamp out Judaism,
' Wolf, "Crypto-Jews under the Commonwealth" {Trans. Jew. Hist.
Soc.,^io\. i. pp. 55 et seq); "The Middle Age of Anglo-Jewish History"
{Papers read at the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, pp. 53-79).
" The origin of this name is obscure. There seems to be little doubt
that it was originally a nickname, seeing that the classical name for the
converts was Nuevos Cristianos, or " New Christians." Graetz beheves that
Marrano is derived from Maran-atha, in allusion to I Cor. xvi. 22, " If any
man love not the Lord, let him be Anathema Maran-atha" {Geschichte der
Juden, vol. viii. p. 73).
xii
Introduction
the Marranos were equally unprincipled in preserving their
allegiance to their proscribed religion. Abandoning their
ceremonial, abandoning even the racial limitation on mar-
riage, the Jewish tradition was maintained by secret con-
venticles chiefly composed of males, and thus Jewish blood
and the Jewish heresy became distributed all over the
peninsula, and crept into the highest ranks of the nation.
The Court, the Church, the army, even the dread tribunals
of the Holy Office itself were not free from the taint.^ A
secretary to the Spanish king, a vice-chancellor of Aragon,
nearly related to the Royal House, a Lord High Treasurer,
a Court Chamberlain, and an Archdeacon of Coimbra figure
in the lists of discovered Marranos preserved by the In-
quisition.^ At Rome the Crypto-Jews commissioned a
secret agent supplied with ample funds, who bribed the
Cardinals, intrigued against the Holy Office, and frequently
obtained the ear of the Pontiff.^ Some idea of the social
ramifications of the Marranos is affi^rded by the careers of
the early members of the Amsterdam Jewish community.
Many of them were men of high distinction who had
escaped from Spain and Portugal in order to throw off
the burden of their imposture. Such were the ex-monk
Vicente de Rocamora, who had been confessor to the Em-
press of Germany when she was the Infanta Maria ; the
ex-Jesuit father, Tomas de Pinedo, one of the leading
philologists of his day ; Enriquez de Paz, a captain in the
army, a Knight of San Miguel, and a famous dramatist ;
Colonel Nicolas de Oliver y Fullana, poet, strategist, and
royal cartographer ; Don Francesco de Silva, Marquis of
Montfort, who had fought against Marshal de Crequi under
the Emperor Leopold; and Balthasar Orobio de Castro,
physician to the Spanish Court, professor at the University
1 Kayserling, Juden in Portugal, p. 327.
2 Graetz, vol. viii. pp. 309-11 ; 'E.\vce.xi'CasA, Jiidisches Familien Buck,
p. 326.
3 Kayserling, p. 139-
xiii
Introduction
of Salamanca, and a Privy Councillor.^ It was by Jews
of this class that the congregations of Amsterdam, Ham-
burg, and Antwerp were founded, and it was largely through
them that those towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-
turies were enabled to wrest from Spain her primacy in the
colonial trade.
At a very early epoch Marranos reached England. We
hear of them, almost immediataly after the expulsion from
Spain, figuring in a lawsuit in London.^ In 1550a Mar-
rano physician was discovered living in London. Another,
Roderigo Lopes, was court physician to Queen Elizabeth,
and the original of Shakespeare's Shylock.^ When the Earl
of Essex, after the sacking of Cadiz in 1596, brought the
Spanish Resident, Alonzo de Herrera, a prisoner to England,
he turned out to be a Marrano. After his liberation, this
descendant of the great Captain Gonsalvo de Cordova pro-
ceeded to Amsterdam, entered the synagogue, and spent
his old age in the compilation of cabalistical treatises.*
Amador de los Rios states that the Marranos founded secret
settlements in London, Dover, and York;° and it has been
shown that they possessed a secret synagogue in London
early in the seventeenth century, if not before.^ As in
Amsterdam and Antwerp, they were largely concerned in
the development of the Spanish trade, in the importation of
bullion, and in the promotion of commercial relations with
the Levant and the New World.
While the people of England were unconscious of this
immigration, it could not have been altogether unknown in
the continental Jewries. That no trace of this knowledge
' Graetz, vol. x. pp. 195, 196, 200; Da Costa, Israel and the Gentiles,
p. 408 ; Kayserling, p. 302.
^ Graetz, vol. viii. pp. 342-43 ; Colonial State Papers (Spanish), vol. i.
pp. 51, 164.
^ Wolf, Middle Age, pp. 64, 67-70 ; S. L. Lee in Gentleman's Magazine,
Feb. 1880.
* Wolf, Middle Age, p. 68 ; Graetz, vol. ix. p. 494.
' Historia de losjudios de Espaha, vol. iii. p. 357.
' Wolf, Crypto-Jews, loc. cit.
xiv
Introductio7i
is to be found in printed Hebrew literature is not strange,
since the keeping of the secret was a common Jewish interest.
It no doubt helped to stimulate Jewish hopes of a return to
England, which more public circumstances had already
founded. The Reformation in England first turned Jewish
eyes towards the land from which they had been so long
excluded. They were especially interested by Henry
VIII. 's appeal to Jewish scholars during his conflict with
the Papacy in regard to his divorce from Catherine of
Aragon.^ Still more deeply must their feelings have
been stirred by Elizabeth's struggle with Spain. AH over
Europe, indeed, Jewish sympathies were with Elizabeth.
The secret negotiations carried on by Roderigo Lopes,
through his influential Marrano relatives, with the Grand
Turk and with the Hebrew bankers of Antwerp and Leg-
horn, have yet to be made public ; but it is certain that
they played an important part in the story which culmi-
nated in the confusion of the Great Armada. But it was the
increasing Hebraism of English religious thought, as re-
presented by the Puritan movement, which chiefly attracted
the Jews. This movement sent not a few Englishmen and
Englishwomen to the continental ghettos to seek instruc-
tion at the feet of Hebrew Rabbis, and even to obtain
entrance to the synagogue as proselytes.^ When the Com-
monwealth, with its pronounced Judaical tendencies, emerged
from this movement, the Jews could not fail to be im-
pressed. The more mystical among them began to dream
of the Golden Age. Indeed the doctrines of the Fifth
Monarchy Men, carried to Smyrna by Puritan merchants,
paved the way for the rise of the pseudo-Messiah, Sab-
bethai Zevi.* The more practical saw that the time had
arrived when it might be reasonably hoped to obtain the
revocation of Edward I.'s edict of banishment.
1 Wolf, Middle Age, pp. 61-63.
- De Castro, AusT.vahl von Grabsteinen, Part I. p. 28.
^ Rycaut, Histcr^' of the Turkish Empire (16S7), vol. ii. pp. 174, ft seq.
XV
Introduction
Towards the end of 1655, the question of the readmis-
sion of the Jews to England was brought to a climax by
Menasseh ben Israel's famous mission to Oliver Cromwell.
The story of this mission has been briefly narrated by
Menasseh himself in the Vindicia Judaorum, one of the
tracts printed in the present volume.^ As my object in
this preliminary essay is to set forth the story more fully,
and to endeavour to elucidate its obscurities, I cannot do
better than take as my text this authoritative, though some-
what vague, statement by the chief actor in the events with
which I am dealing. Here is what Menasseh wrote under
date of April 10, 1656 : —
"The communication and correspondence I have held for
some years since, with some eminent persons of England, was
the first originall of my undertaking this design. For I alwayes
found by them, a great probability of obtaining what I now
request, whilst they affirmed that at this time the minds of men
stood very well affected towards us, and that our entrance into
this Island would be very acceptable and Well pleasing unto them.
And from this beginning sprang up in me a semblable affec-
tion, and desire of obtaining this purpose. For, for seven yeares
on this behalf, I have endeavoured and sollicited it, by letters
and other means, without any intervall. For I conceived that our
universall dispersion was a necessary circumstance, to be fulfilled
before all that shall be accomplished which the Lord hath pro-
mised to the people of the Jewes, concerning their restauration,
and their returning again into their own land, according to those
words, Dan. 12, 7 : When we shall have accomplished to scatter
the power of the holy people, all these things shall be finished. As
also, that this our scattering, by little, and little, should be amongst
all people, from the one end of the earth even unto the other, as it
is written Deut. 28, 64 : I conceived that by the end of the earth
might be understood this Island. And I knew not, but that the
Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have design'd
and made choice of me for the bringing about this work. With
these proposals therefore, I applyed my self, in all zealous affection
to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty which
at this day they enjoy ; together with their prosperous peace.
1 hrfra, pp. i43-'45-
xvi
Introduction
And I entituled my book named The Hope of Israel, to the first
Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall declared my
intentions. In order to which they sent me a very favorable
passe-port. Afterwards I directed my self to the second, and
they also sent me another. But at that juncture of time my
coming was not presently performed, for that my kindred and
friends, considering the checquered, and interwoven vicissitudes,
and turns of things here below, embracing me, with pressing im-
portunity, earnestly requested me not to part from them, and
would not give over, till their love constrained me to promise,
that I would yet awhile stay with them. But notwithstanding all
this, I could not be at quiet in my mind (I know not but that it
might be through some particular divine providence) till I had
anew made my humble addresses to his Highnesse the Lord Pro-
tector (whom God preserve), and finding that my coming over
would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with those great hopes
which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my house, my friends,
my kindred, all my advantages there, and the country wherein I
have lived all my lifetime, under the benign protection, and favour
of the Lords, the States Generall, and Magistrates of Amsterdam ;
in fine (I say) I parted with them all, and took my voyage for
England. Where, after my arrivall, being very courteously re-
ceived, and treated with much respect, I presented to his most
Serene Highnesse a petition, and some desires, which for the
most part, were written to me by my brethren the Jewes, from
severall parts of Europe, as your worship may better understand
by former relations. Whereupon it pleased His Highnesse to
convene an Assembly at Whitehall, of Divines, Lawyers, and
Merchants, of different persuasions, and opinions. Whereby
men's judgements, and sentences were different. Insomuch, that
as yet, we have had no finall determination from his most Serene
Highnesse. Wherefore those few Jewes that were here, despair-
ing of our expected successe, departed hence. And others who
desired to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken
themselves some to Italy, some to Geneva, where that Common-
wealth hath at this time, most freely granted them many, and
great privileges."
xvu
I?itroductio7i
II. The Hope of Israel
The first point in Menasseh's story which needs eluci-
dation is his statement that he was originally induced to
move in the question of the resettlement of the Jews by
the assurances of " some eminent persons of England,"
that " the minds of men stood very well affected towards
us." How had this philo-Semitic sentiment arisen, and
who were the men who had communicated it to the Am-
sterdam Rabbi?
The evolution of English thought which rendered
Menasseh ben Israel's enterprise possible is of consider-
able complexity, but its main features are easily distin-
guishable. The idea of Religious Liberty in England was
due, in its broader aspects, to the struggle between the
Baptists and the Calvinists. The Reformation established
only a restricted form of Religious Liberty, and it was not
until the Baptists found themselves persecuted as the Re-
formers had been before them, that the cry arose for a
liberty of conscience which would embrace all religions. In
the Separatist Churches, founded by English refugees in
Amsterdam and Geneva, the idea grew and strengthened.
The earliest noteworthy tract on the subject — Leonard
Busher's " Religious Peace, or a Plea for Liberty of Con-
science," published in 1614 — was written under the influ-
ence of these exiles, and it is noteworthy that already in
that work, the extension of religious liberty to Jews was
specifically demanded.^ Amsterdam was at that time the
seat of a flourishing Jewish community, some of whose
members came into contact with the philo-Jewish refugees.
In this way they probably learnt to understand the political
significance of the successive rise of the Puritans and Inde-
pendents, for at the very beginning of the Civil War the
Royalist spies in Holland noted that the Jews sympathised
' Tracts on Liberty of Conscience, 1614-1661 (Hanserd Knollys Sdc),
pp. 28, 30-31, 47, 71.
xviii
Introduction
with the Republicans, and even alleged that they had offered
them " considerable sums of money to carry on their de-
signs." ^
The progress of Religious Liberty in the seventeenth
century reached its highest point, when in 1 645 the Inde-
pendents captured the Army under the scheme known
as the "New Model." Meanwhile Roger Williams, the
famous Baptist, who had already founded in America a
community based on unrestricted Jiberty of conscience, had
published his " Bloudy Tenent of Persecution," in which
he generously pleaded for the Jews.^ In 1646 a reprint of
Leonard Busher's pamphlet was published in London, much
to the joy of the Separatists in Amsterdam,^ and a year
later Hugh Peters, one of Cromwell's Army Chaplains,
wrote his " Word for the Army and Two Words for the
Kingdom," in which he proposed that " strangers, even
Jews [be] admitted to trade and live with us." * The
question of the readmission of the Jews was, however, still
far from taking practical shape. Although frequently re-
ferred to, it had only been raised incidentally as an illustra-
tion of the advanced tendencies of the advocates of Religious
Liberty.
In December 1648, the Independents contrived the
famous " Pride's Purge," which put an end to the Presby-
terian domination of Parliament. The hopes of the advo-
cates of Religious Liberty ran high, and the Jewish question
at once came to the front. The Council of Mechanics,
meeting at Whitehall, marked their sense of the meaning
of the coup d'dtat by immediately voting " a toleration of
all religions whatsoever, not excepting Turkes, nor Papists,
> Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. VII., MSS. of Sir F. Graham, pp. 401-403.-
2 See reprint by Hanserd Knollys Soc, p. 141. For Roger Williams's
sei-vices to the cause of Jewish Toleration, see Wolf, " American Elements
in the Resettlement" {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc.,\o\. iii. pp. 77-78), and Straus,
" Roger Williams, the Pioneer of Religious Liberty," pp. 172-178.
i 3 Edwards, Gangrana, Part III. p. 103.
* Art. 10. See also his "Good Work for a Good Magistrate " (1651), pp..
53t 90.
XIX
Introduction
nor Jewes." ^ To this the Council of Army Officers re-
sponded with a resolution, the text of which has, unfortu-
nately, not been preserved, in which they favoured the
widest scheme of Religious Liberty. It was, indeed,
rumoured at the time that the Jews were specifically men-
tioned in the resolution.^ However that may be, it is
certain that in the following month two Baptists of Am-
sterdam, Johanna Cartwright and her son Ebenezer, were
encouraged to present a petition to Lord Fairfax and the
General Council of Officers, in which they asked that "the
statute of banishment " against the Jews might be repealed.
The petition, we are told, was " favourably received, with
a promise to take it into speedy consideration when the
present more public affairs are dispatched.^
Unfortunately, the " more public affairs " obstructed the
triumph of Religious Liberty, and with it the Jewish cause,
for a good many years. In the same month that Mrs. Cart-
wright's petition was considered, Charles I. was beheaded,
and the chiefs of the Revolution, with a great work of
reconstruction before them, felt that they must proceed
cautiously. Toleration of the Jews meant unrestricted
liberty of conscience, and this was held by the extreme In-
dependents to imply not only the abolition of an Established
Church, but a licence to the multitude of sects — many of
them of the maddest and most blasphemous tendencies —
which had been hatched by Laudian persecution and the
reaction of the Civil War. Cromwell and his advisers were
resolved to pursue a more conservative policy, and the tole-
ration plans of the Independents were accordingly shelved.
For a hundred years — until, indeed, Pelham's " Jew Bill "
in 1753 — they were not heard of in this purely secular
shape again.
1 Mercurius Pragmatkus, Dec. 19-26, 1648.
2 Firth, " Notes on the History of the Jews in England, 1648-1660.''
Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iv.
^ " The Petition of the Jews for the Repealing of the Act of Parliament
for their Banishment out of England" (Lond., 1649).
XX
Introduction
The cause of Religious Liberty was, however, not the
only force which was working in the country for the re-
admission of the Jews. The religious fervour of the nation
had been stirred to a high pitch, and there were few men
whose minds had not become influenced by Messianic and
other mystical beliefs. It is curious indeed to note that
this current of thought ran parallel with the evolution of
the secular idea of Toleration. Seven years after the first
publication of Leonard Busher's famous Toleration pam-
phlet, Mr. Sergeant Finch wrote anonymously a book
entitled "The Calling of the Jewes" (1621), with a pre-
fatory epistle in Hebrew, in which he invited the children
of Israel to realise the prophecies by asserting their national
existence in Palestine. At the same time he called upon
all Christian princes to do homage to the Jewish nation.
This early manifestation of Zionism did not meet with
much sympathy in high places, for James I. was so incensed
at it that he clapped its publisher into jail.^ The book,
however, was a symptom, and the movement it represented
only derived strength from persecution. The gloomier the
lot of the sectaries, the more intense became their reliance
on the Messianic prophecies. Even after the triumph of
the Puritan cause, the sanest Independents held to them
firmly side by side with their belief in Religious Liberty ;
and in the Cartwright petition we find both views expounded.
Extremists like the Fifth Monarchy Men made them the
pivots for fresh outbursts of Sectarianism. Judaical sects
arose, the members of which endeavoured to live according
to the Levitical Law, even practising circumcision. Pro-
secutions for such practices maybe traced back to 1624."
Some of the saints, like Everard the Leveller, publicly called
themselves Jews;* others went to Amsterdam, and were
formally received into the synagogue.^ Colchester was the
' Fuller, "A Pisgah-sight of Palestine," Book A', p. 194.
- Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1623-25, p. 435.
' A\'hitelock, " Memorials," p. 397.
* De Castro, AuswaliL, loc. cit.
xxi
Introduction
headquarters of one of these Judaical sects, but there were
others in London an^ in Wales.^ The practical effect of
this movement was not only the production of a very wide-
spread philo-SemitIsm, but a strong conviction that, inas-
much as the conversion of the Jews was an indispensable
preliminary of the Millennium, their admission to England,
where they might meet the godliest people in the world,
was urgently necessary.
It was this feeling which, on the collapse of the Tolera-
tion movement in 1649, began to make itself most loudly
heard. Edward Nicholas, John Sadler, John Dury, Henry
Jessey, Roger Williams, and even Thomas Fuller, who was
far from being a mystic, urged this view on the public, and
an agitation for the Readmission of the Jews, as a religious
duty outside the problem of Religious Liberty, was set on
foot. This mystical agitation found a response in what to us
must at first sight appear a strangely inappropriate quarter.
It brought forth from Amsterdam a Latin pamphlet,
entitled " Spes Israelis," with a prefatory address " To the
Parliament, the Supreme Court of England," the author of
which was Menasseh ben Israel, one of the Rabbis of the
congregation. This pamphlet illustrates the inception of
the enterprise for the Resettlement of the Jews in England,
which its author endeavoured to carry out six years later.
Menasseh ben Israel was the son of a Marrano of Lisbon,
who had suffered at the hands of the Inquisition, and had,
as a result, taken up his abode in Amsterdam. Menasseh
was educated under the care of Rabbi Isaac Uziel, and, at
the age of eighteen, was ordained a Rabbi. He was an in-
defatigable student, became a mine of learning, an accom-
plished linguist, a fluent writer, and a voluble preacher.
His attainments made considerable noise in the world, at a
time when public attention was riveted on Biblical prophecy,
' Edwards, Gangrana, i. p. 121 ; ii. pp. 26, 31 ; "Middlesex County
Records," vol. iii. pp. 186-87 '■> Anabaptisiicum Pantheon, p. 233 ; Hickes,
Pecidium Dei, pp. 19-26. There are many other scattered references in the
literature of the period to this curious movement.
xxii
Introduction
and the question of its fulfilment through the Jews.
His voluminous writings obtained for him a high re-
putation as a scholar, and the readiness with which he
afforded information to all who corresponded with him
made him many influential friends, who spread his fame
far and wide. The secret of the distinction Menasseh
secured for himself, in spite of the weaknesses of his char-
acter and the eccentricity of his mental tendency, lies in the
fact that the world in which he lived was very largely given
over to philo-Semitism, and to the special form of mysticism
to which he had yielded himself. His alliance with a scion
of the Abarbanel family, in whose tradition of Davidic
descent he was a firm believer, inspired him with the idea
that he was destined to promote the coming of the Mes-
siah ; and hence the wild dreams of the English Millenarians
appealed to him with something of a personal force. It was
not, however, until the triumph of the Republican cause in
England that he resolved to throw in his lot with the
Puritan mystics, and even then he had some difficulty, as
we may readily believe, in adopting an attitude which would
at once conciliate the English Cohversionists, and harmonise
with his allegiance to the synagogue.^
At first his sympathies, like those of most of the leading
members of the Amsterdam community, seem to have been
Royalist, for in 1642 we find him extolling the queen of
Charles I. in an oration.^ In 1 647 he was still far from
recognising in the Puritan revolt a movement calling for
his Messianic sympathy ; for, writing to an English friend
in that year, he described the Civil War, not, as he after-
wards believed it to be, as a struggle of the godly against the
* A good life of Menasseh ben Israel has yet to be written. Short bio-
graphies have been published by Kayserling (English translation in Mis-
cellany of Hebrew Literature, vol. ii.) ; the Rev. Dr. H. Adler, Chief Rabbi
of the British Empire {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i.) ; and Graetz {Ges-
chichte der Juden, vol. x.). None of these is exhaustive, or based on bed-
rock material.
' "Gratulagao ao seren. Raynha Henri. Maria, dignissima corsorte ao
august ; Carlo, Rey da Grande Britannia, Francia e Hebernia" (Amst., 1642).
xxiii
Introduction
ungodly, but as a Divine punishment for the expulsion of
his co-religionists from Britain in the thirteenth century.^
This letter is interesting as showing that his mind was
then already beginning to be exercised by the Resettlement
question ; but he evidently had as yet no definite idea of
taking any practical action. In the autumn of 1649 a
method of action was suggested to him by a letter he re-
ceived from the well-known English Puritan, John Dury,
whose acquaintance he had made in Amsterdam five years
previously.
A friend of John Dury, one Thomas Thorowgood, was
deeply interested in the missionary labours of the famous
evangelist, John Eliot, among the American Indians ; and
in order to prevail upon the philo-Jewish public to provide
money for the support of the mission, had compiled a
treatise showing that the American Indians were the Lost
Tribes. This work was largely founded on the conjectures
of the early Spanish missionaries, who had up to that time
a monopoly of this solution of the Ten Tribes problem.
It was written in 1648, and dedicated to the King, but the
renewal of the Civil War in that year prevented its publi-
cation.* Thorowgood thereupon sent the proofs of the
first part of the work to John Dury to read. It hap-
pened that Dury, while at the Hague in 1644, had heard
some stories about the Ten Tribes which had very much
interested him. One was to the effect that a Jew, named
Antonio de Montezinos, or Aaron Levy, had, while travel-
ling in South America, met a race of savages in the Cor-
dilleras, who recited the Shema^ practised Jewish ceremonies,
and were, in short, Israelites of the Tribe of Reuben.
Montezinos had related his story to Menasseh ben Israel,
' Harl. Misc., vol. vii. p. 623 ; infra, p. Ixxvii.
^ Thorowgood, "Jews in America" (1660), Postscript to the "Epistle
Dedicatory."
^ The Declaration of the Unity of God, the fundamental teaching of
Judaism (Deut. vi. 4-9). Shema means " Hear," and it is the first word of
verse 4 : " Hear, O Israel ; the Lord our God is one God."
xxiv
Introduction
and had even embodied it in an affidavit executed under
oath before the chiefs of the Amsterdam Synagogue. As
soon as Dury received Thorowgood's treatise, he remem-
bered this story, and at once wrote to Menasseh ben Israel
for a copy of the affidavit. The courteous Rabbi sent it to
him by return of post,^ and it was printed for the first time
as an appendix to an instalment of Thorowgood's treatise,
which, at Dury's instance, was published in January 1650.^
This incident, coupled with some letters he received
from the notorious Millenarian, Nathaniel Holmes, came
as a ray of light to Menasseh. For five years he had had
Montezinos's narrative by him, and had not regarded it as of
sufficient importance to publish. He had, perhaps, doubted
the wisdom of publishing it, seeing that it tended to sub-
stantiate a theory of purely Jesuitical origin, for which
no sanction could be found in Jewish records or legend.
Moreover, he had no strong views on the prophetical bearing
of the question, as we may see by a letter he addressed to
Holmes as late as the previous summer, in which he stated
that he had grave doubts as to the time and manner of the
coming of the Messiah.^ Now, however, the question began
to grow clear to him, and it dawned upon him that the long-
neglected narrative of Montezinos might be used for a
better purpose than the support of Christian missions in
New England. The story was, if true, a proof of the in-
creasing dispersion of Israel. Daniel had foretold that th^
scattering of the Holy People would be the forerunner of
their Restoration, and a verse in Deuteronomy had ex-
plained that the scattering would be "from one end of
the earth even to the other end of the earth." It was clear
from Montezinos and other travellers that they had already
reached one end of the earth. Let them enter England
' Dury, "Epistolary Discourse to Mr. Thomas Thorowgood" (1649).
» Thorowgood, " Jews in America" (1650), pp. 129 et seq.
» The text of the letter has not been preserved, but its contents are sum-
marised in Holmes's reply, printed in an appendix to Felgenhauet's Bonum
Nuncium Israeli.
XXV «
Introduction
and the other end would be attained. Thus the promises
of the Almighty would be fulfilled, and the Golden Age
would dawn. " I knew not," he wrote later on, " but that
the Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have
design'd, and made choice of me, for bringing about this
work." ^ In this hope he wrote the famous ^xib'* nipo which
in 1650 burst on the British public under the title of the
" Hope of Israel."
The central idea of this booklet did not occur to
Menasseh immediately on receiving John Dury's letter.
His first intention, as he explained in a letter dated Novem-
ber 25, 1649, was to write a treatise on the Dispersion of
the Ten Tribes for the information of Dury and his friends.
The volume, however, grew under his pen, and a week later
he announced to Dury his larger plan. His letter gives a
complete synopsis of the work, and he finishes up by in-
forming Dury that " I prove at large that the day of the
promised Messiah unto us doth draw near." ^ Thus he had
already made up his mind on a question which, only a few
months before, he had assured Holmes was " uncertain,"
and was intended to be uncertain. Holmes was at the
time unaware of his conversion, for, on December 24, he
wrote to him an expostulatory letter, in which, curiously
enough, he advised him to study the Danielle Prophecies.*
Still, Menasseh does not seem to have fully grasped the
application of his treatise to the Resettlement question, for
neither in the body of the work nor in the Spanish edition
does he refer to it. It was only when he composed the
Latin edition that his scheme reached maturity. To that
edition he prefixed a dedication to the English Parliament,
eulogising its stupendous achievements, and supplicating
" your favour and good-will to our nation now scattered
almost all over the earth."
* Vindicia Judaorum, infra, pp. 143-144.
' Dury, "Epistolary Discourse." For text of the letters, see infra,
p.. Ixxviii. ' Bonum Nuncium, loc. cit.
xxvi
Introduction
The tract prcxluced a profound impression throughout
England. That an eminent Jewish Rabbi should bless the
new Republican Government, and should bear testimony to
its having "done great things valiantly," was peculiarly
gratifying to the whole body of Puritans. To the Mil-
lenarians and other sectaries it was a source of still deeper
satisfaction, for their wild faith now received the sanction
of one of the Chosen People, a sage of Israel, of the Seed
of the Messiah. Besides the Latin edition which Dury dis-
tributed among all the leading Puritans, and which was
probably read in Parliament, two English editions issued
anonymously by Moses Wall were rapidly sold. Never-
theless, its effect proved transitory. Sober politicians, who
still recognised that the new-fledged Republic had, as Fair-
fax said, " more public aiFairs " to despatch than the Jewish
question, had begun to fear lest their hands might be forced
by Menasseh's coup. [This feeling was strikingly reflected
in a tract by Sir Edward Spencer, one of the members of
Parliament for Middlesex. Addressing himself with feline
affection " to my deare brother, Menasseh ben Israel, the
Hebrewe Philosopher," he expressed his readiness to agree
to the admission of the Jews on twelve conditions artfully
designed to strengthen the hands of the sectaries who be-
believed that, besides the dispersion of the Jews, their con-^
version was also a necessary condition of the Millenniuni^j
Spencer's tract was the signal for a revulsion of feeling.
Sadler, afterwards one of Menasseh's firmest friends, threw
doubts on the authenticity of Montezinos's story,^ and Fuller
^ This tract has been the source of a curious misunderstanding. Kayser-
ling, who apparently never examined more of it than the title-page, on which the
author is described as " E. S. Middlesex," ascribed it to " Lord Middlesex,"
and regarded it as favourable to Menasseh {Misc. Heb. Lit, ii. p. 33). Had
he looked at the Latin translation at the end he would have found the name
of the author given in fiill. Moreover, the writer, so far from being philo-
Semitic, expressly states that the object of his pamphlet was the "taking off
the scandall of our too great desire of entertayning the unbeleeNnng Nation
of the Jewes." Kayserling's errors have been adopted without inquiry by
Graetz, Adler, and other writers.
' "Rights of the Kingdom," p. 39.
xxvii
Introduction
did not scruple to criticise the Zionist theory on practical
grounds.^ Even the faithful Jessey held his peace in tacit
sympathy with Spencer's scheme. As for Menasseh, he
showed no disposition to acquiesce in Spencer's proposals.
The result was that the sensation gradually died away,
though a few stalwart Tolerationists like Hugh Peters still
clamoured for unconditional Readmission.''
Thus both the Toleration and Messianic movements
proved unavailing for the purposes of the Jewish Restora-
tion. There remained a third view of the question which
made less noise in the world, but which was destined to
bring about gradually and silently a real and lasting solu-
tion — the view of Political Expediency.
III. Cromwell's Policy
The statesmen of the Commonwealth, who knew so
well how to conjure with human enthusiasm, were essentially
practical men. To imagine that they were the slaves of
the great religious revival which had enabled them to over-
come the loyalist inspiration of the cavaliers is entirely to
misconceive their character and aims. The logical outcome
of that revival, and of the triumph of the Puritan arms,
would have been the Kingdom of Saints, but Cromwell's
ambition aimed at something much more conventional.
Imperial expansion and trade ascendency filled a larger
place in his mind than the Other-worldly inspirations which
had carried him to power.
With the unrestricted Toleration principles of the Bap-
tists he had no sympathy, and still less with the Messianic
phantasies of the Fifth Monarchy Men which Menasseh
hen Israel had virtually embraced. His ideas on Religious
Liberty were certainly large and far in advance of his
■ " Pisgah-sight of Palestine," Book V. pp. 194 et seq.
2 " Good Work," &c., loc. cit.
xxviii
Introduction
times,^ but they were essentially the ideas of a churchman.
Their limits are illustrated by his ostentatious patronage
in 1652 of Owens' scheme of a Toleration confined to
Christians.^ Still he was not the slave of these limits.
The ingenious distinction he drew between the Papistry of
France and that of Spain, when it became necessary for him
to choose between them, and his complete disregard of the
same principles in the case of the Portuguese alliance, show
how readily he subordinated his strongest religious pre-
judices to political exigencies. As for the mystics and
ultra-democrats, his views were set forth very clearly in
his speech to the new Parliament in September 1651, when
he opposed the Millenarians, the Judaisers, and the
Levellers by name.' It is impossible for any one reading
this speech side by side with Menasseh ben Israel's tracts
to believe that the author of it had any sympathy with the
wilder motives actuating the Jewish Rabbi.
What was it, then, that brought these two different
characters so closely together .? That the Readmission of
the Jews to England was one of Cromwell's own schemes
— part and parcel of that dream of Imperial expansion
which filled his latter days with its stupendous adumbra-
tion and vanished so tragically with his early death — it
is Impossible to doubt. We have no record of his views
on the subject, beyond a short and ambiguous abstract of
his speech at the Whitehall Conferences, but there is ample
evidence that he was the mainspring of the whole move-
ment, and that Menasseh was but a puppet in his hands.
His main motives are not difficult to guess. Cromwell's
statecraft was, as I have said, not entirely or even essentially
governed by religious policy. He desired to make England
1 Writing to Crawford in 1643, he says : "The State, in choosing men
to serve it, takes no notice of their opinions ; if they be willing faithfully to
serve it — that satisfies. . . . Bear with men of different minds from yourself."
Carlyle, "Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," i. p. 148.
' Gardiner, " History of the Commonw^th," \ol. ii.
' Carlyle, " Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," vol. iii. pp. 23, 25, 26.
xxix
Introduction
great and prosperous, as well as pious and free, and for
these purposes he had to consider the utility of his subjects
even before he weighed their orthodoxy. Now the Jews
could not but appeal to him as very desirable instruments
of his colonial and commercial policy. They controlled
the Spanish and Portuguese trade; they had the Levant
trade largely in their hands ; they had helped to found the
Hamburg Bank, and they were deeply interested in the
Dutch East and West Indian companies. Their command
of bullion, too, was enormous, and their interest in shipping
was considerable.^ Moreover, he knew something per-
sonally of the Jews, for he was acquainted with some of the
members of the community of Marranos then established
in London, and they had proved exceedingly useful to him
as contractors and intelligencers.^ There is, indeed, reason
to believe that some of these Marranos had been brought
into the country by the Parliamentary Government as early
as 1643 with the specific object of supplying the pecuniary
necessities of the new administration.^
Until the end of 165 1 the Readmission question pre-
sented no elements of urgency, because there was a chance of
its favourable solution without its being made the object of
a special effort on the part of the Government or the legis-
lature. By the treaty of coalition proposed to the Nether-
lands by the St. John mission early in 165 1, the Jewish
question would have solved itself, for the Hebrew merchants
of Amsterdam would have ipso facto acquired in England
the same rights as they enjoyed in Holland. That pro-
posal, however, broke down, and as a result the famous
Navigation Act was passed. The object of that measure
was to exclude foreign nations from the colonial trade, and
to dethrone the Dutch from their supremacy in the carrying
' Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 73-74 ; vol. ii. pp. 17-18 ; Wolf, " Jewish
Emancipation in the City" {Jewish Chronicle, Nov. 30, 1894); Graetz,
Geschichte, vol. x. p. 19.
'^ Wolf, "Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers" (Lend., 1891).
^ S. R. Gardiner in the Academy, March 4, 1882.
xxx
Introduction
and distributing traffic of Europe. Consequently it sup-
plied a strong inducement to Jewish merchants — especially
those of Amsterdam who were then trading with Jamaica
and Barbados — to transfer their counting-houses to London.
As such an immigration would have well served the policy
embodied in the Navigation Act, it became desirable that
some means of legalising Jewish residence in England should
be found, and hence the question of Readmission was
brought within the field of practical politics. This was
the new form in which it presented itself. It was no
longer a question of Religious Toleration or of the hasten-
ing of the Millennium, but purely a question of political
expediency.
It appears that the St. John mission, when its failure
became probable, was instructed to study the Jewish ques-
tion, and probably to enter into negotiations with leading
Jews in Amsterdam. Certain it is that its members saw a
great deal of Menasseh ben Israel during their sojourn in
Holland, and that Cromwell's benevolent intentions were con-
veyed to him. Thurloe, who was secretary to the mission,
had several conferences with the Rabbi, and the Synagogue
entertained the members of the mission, notwithstanding
that public opinion ran high against them.^ Strickland,
the colleague of St. John, and formerly ambassador at the
Hague, was ever afterwards regarded as an authority on the
Jewish question, for he served on most of the Committees
appointed to consider Menasseh's petitions. Still more sig-
nificant is the fact that within a few weeks of the return of
the Embassy a letter, the text of which has not been pre-
served, was received from Menasseh by the Council of State,
and an influential committee, on which Cromwell himself
served, was at once appointed to peruse and answer it."
Towards the end of the following year two passes couched
1 Vindicia Judaorum, p. 5 ; infra, p. in ; "Humble Addresses," infra,
P- 77-
» Cal. State Papers, Dom. (1651), p. 472-
xxxi
Introduction
in flattering terms were issued to the Rabbi to enable him
to come to England.^
Meanwhile, the long-feared war broke out, and negotia-
tions were perforce suspended. From 1652 to 1654 the
popular agitation for the Readmission of the Jews spluttered
weakly in pamphlets and broadsheets. In 1653 there was a
debate in Parliament on the subject, but no conclusion was
arrived at.^ In the following year, shortly after the con-
clusion of peace, a new element was introduced into the
question by the appearance on the scene of a fresh petitioner
from Holland, one Manuel Martinez Dormido, a brother-
in-law of Menasseh ben Israel, and afterwards well known
in England as David Abarbanel Dormido.
The mission of Dormido was clearly a continuation of
Menasseh's enterprise, and it was probably undertaken on
the direct invitation of the Protector. With the restora-
tion of peace on terms which rendered persistence in the
policy of the Navigation Act indispensable, Cromwell must
have been anxious to take the Jewish question seriously in
hand. The negotiations opened by Thurloe with Menasseh
in 1651 were probably resumed, and an intimation was
conveyed to the Jewish Rabbi that the time was ripe for
him to come to England and lay his long-contemplated
prayer before the Government of the Commonwealth.
Menasseh's reasons for not accepting the invitation in
person are not difficult to understand. He doubtless refers
to them in the passage from the Vindiciie I have already
quoted, where he says he was entreated by his kindred and
friends, " considering the chequered and interwoven vicissi-
tudes and turns of things here below, not to part from
them." * His kindred and friends were wise. Owing to
his quarrels with his colleagues in the Amsterdam Rabbinate
his situation had become precarious, and it might have
• Cal. State Papers, Dom. (1651-52), p. 577 ; (1652-53), p. 38.
^ Thurloe State Papers, vol. i. p. 387 ; Clarendon State Papers, vol. ii.
P- 233.
' Supra, p. xvii.
xxxii
Introductio7i
become hopelessly and disastrously compromised had he, in
the then incensed state of Dutch feeling against England —
a feeling in which the leading Jews of the Netherlands par-
ticipated — undertaken a mission to the Protector. Hence
the delegation of the work to his brother-in-law. An indi-
cation of Menasseh's interest in the new mission is afforded
by the fact that his only surviving son, Samuel ben Israel,
was associated with Dormido, and accompanied him to
London.
Unlike his distinguished relative, Dormido had nothing
to lose by approaching Cromwell. A Marrano by birth, a
native of Andalusia, where he had enjoyed great wealth and
held high public office, he had been persecuted by the In-
quisition, and compelled to fly to Holland. There he had
made a fortune in the Brazil trade, and had become a lead-
ing merchant of Amsterdam, and one of the chiefs of the
Synagogue. The conquest of Pernambuco by the Portu-
guese early in 1654 had ruined him, and he found himself
compelled to begin life afresh.^ He saw his opportunity
in the mission confided to him by Menasseh. It opened
to him the chance of a new career under the powerful pro-
tection of the greatest personality in Christendom. Unlike
his brother-in-law, he had no Millenarian delusions. The^
Jewish question appealed to him in something of the same
practical fashion that it appealed to Cromwell. While the
Protector was seeking the commercial interests of the
Commonwealth, Dormido was anxious to repair his own.^
shattered fortunes.
On the 1st September he arrived in London, and at
once set about drafting two petitions to Cromwell.^ In the
first of these documents he recited his personal history, the
story of his sufferings at the hands of the Inquisition, and
of the confiscation of his property by the Portuguese in
Pernambuco. He expressed his desire to become a resident
1 Wolf, " Resettlement of the Jews in England" (1888), p. 9.
''■ For text of these petitions see Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 88-93.
xxxiii e
Introduction
in England and a subject of the Commonwealth, and wound
up by praying the Pi-otector to use his good offices with the
King of Portugal for the restitution of his fortune. The
second petition was a prayer for the Readmission of the
Jewish people to England, " graunting them libertie to come
with theire famillies and estates, to bee dwellers here with
the same eaqualjnese and conveniences wch yr inland borne
subjects doe enjoy." The petition, after a violent tirade
against the Inquisition and the intolerance of the Apos-
tolical Roman Church, pointed out that the Readmission of
the Jews would be to the advantage of trade and industry,
and would vastly increase the public revenues. These adroit
appeals to the chief motives of the Protector's statecraft
were followed by a suggestion that in the event of the
prayer being granted the petitioner might be appointed to
the control and management of the new community, with,
of course, appropriate compensation for his services.
Despite their obviously selfish motives, Cromwell re-
ceived these petitions with significant graciousness. They
were at once sent to the Council, with an endorsement,
stating that " His Highnes is pleased in an especiall
manner to recommend these two annexed papers to the
speedy consideracion of the Councell, that the Peticion may
receive all due satisfacion and withall convenient speed."
It is impossible not to be struck by the pressing nature of
this recommendation, when it is considered that the chief
petition dealt with a very large and important political
question, and that its signatory was a man wholly unknown
,in England. Cromwell's action can only be explained by
the theory that he was, as I have suggested, the instigator
of the whole movement. Whether the Council were aware
of this or not is impossible to say. They had as yet no
decided opinions on the subject, but they saw that it was a
large and difficult question, that its bearings were imper-
fectly known, and that its decision, either one way or the
other, involved a very serious responsibility at a time when
xxxiv
Introduction
the religious element wielded so much power in the country,
and withal so capriciously. At the personal instigation of
the Protector, however, they consented to appoint a com-
mittee to consider the petitions. A month later, taking
advantage of a meeting at which Cromwell was not present,
the committee verbally reported, and the Council resolved,
that it '* saw no excuse to make any order." ^
That Cromwell was disappointed by this result he
speedily made clear. In regard to the Resettlement peti-
tion, he did not care to take the responsibility of giving a
decision ; but on the other petition he took immediate
steps to afford satisfaction to Dormido, in spite of the re-
fusal of the Council to have anything to do with it. He
addressed an autograph letter to the King of Portugal,
asking him as a personal favour to restore Dormido's pro-
perty, or to make him full compensation for his losses.^
Seeing that Dormido was an alien, and had absolutely no
claim on the British Government, this personal intervention
by Cromwell on his behalf affords a further strong pre-
sumption of his privity to the Jewish mission. It is also
not a little significant that a few months later the Pro-
tector granted a patent of denization to Antonio Fernandez
Carvajal, the chief of the little Marrano community in
London, and his two sons.^
The question was, however, not allowed to rest here.
Cromwell wanted an authoritative decision, which would
enable him to do more than merely protect individual Jews,
and it was clear that this could not be obtained imless a more
important person than Dormido were induced to take the
matter in hand. The question had to be raised to a higher
level, and for this purpose it was necessary that it should
make some noise in the country. Only one European Jew
had sufficient influence in England to stimulate the popular
1 State Papers, Dom. Interregnum, i. 75 (1654), pp. 596, 620.
^ Rawl. MSS., A 260, fol. 57. Text of this letter is given in Trans. Jew.
Hist. Soc, vol. iii. p. 93.
* Trans. Jew. Hisf. Soc, vol. ii. pp. 18, 43--!f-
XXXV
Introduction
imagination, and to justify the Government in taking serious
steps for the solution of the question. That man was
the author of the " Hope of Israel." In May 1655 it was
decided to send Samuel ben Israel back to Amsterdam to
lay the case before his father, and persuade him to come to
London.^ There is no mystery as to who suggested this
step. Menasseh in his diplomatic way merely tells us he
was informed that his " coming over would not be altogether
unwelcome to His Highness the Lord Protector." "' There
is, however, a letter extant from John Sadler to Richard
Cromwell, written shortly after Oliver's death, in which it
is definitely stated that Menasseh was invited "by some
letters of your late royall father." ^ Sadler no doubt spoke
from personal knowledge, for in 1654 he was acting as
private secretary to the Protector, and the endorsement on
Dormido's petitions recommending them to the Council
bears his signature.* Under these circumstances we can
well understand that Menasseh was induced, as he says, to
" conceive great hopes," and that he resolved to undertake
the journey. In October he arrived in London with the
MS. of his famous " Humble Addresses " in his pocket.
During the five months that Menasseh was preparing
for his journey, Cromwell was not idle. Colonial questions
were occupying his mind very largely, and on these ques-
tions he was in the habit of receiving advice from one at
least of the London Marranos, Simon de Caceres, a relative
of Spinoza, and an eminent merchant who had large interests
in the West Indies, and had enjoyed the special favour of
the King of Denmark and the Queen of Sweden.^ It was
no doubt at the instigation of De Caceres that in April
1655 Cromwell sent a Jewish physician, Abraham de
' Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1655, p. 5S5.
^ Supra, p. xvii. ' hifra, p. Ixxxxii.
* Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. p. Qo.
'Wolf, "American Elements in the Resettlement" {Trans. Jeiu. Hist.
SoC;\o\. iii. pp. 95-100); Wolf, " Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers," 1891,
pp. 1 1-12.
xxxvi
Introductioji
Mercado, with his son Raphael to Barbados.' Later in the
year he was deep in consultation with De Caceres in regard
to the defences of the newly acquired island of Jamaica, and
a plan for the conquest of Chili.^ The most important
result of these confabulations was a scheme for colonising
Surinam (which since 1650 had been a British colony) with
the Jewish fugitives from Brazil, who had been obliged to
leave Pernambuco and Recife through the Portuguese
reoccupation of those towns. The idea was, no doubt,
suggested by Dormido, himself one of the victims of the
Portuguese conquest. In order to attract the Jews, they
were granted a charter in which full liberty of conscience was
secured to them, together with civil rights, a large measure
of communal autonomy, and important land grants.^
Thus a beginning was made in the solution of the Jewish
question by their admission as citizens to one of the colonial
dependencies of Great Britain. This was the first im-
portant step achieved by Cromwell, and it illustrates at
once his deep interest in the Jewish question, and the prac-
tical considerations which actuated him in seeking its
solution.
IV. The Appeal to the Nation
On his arrival in London, Menasseh, with his retinue of
three Rabbis,* was lodged with much ceremony in one
of the houses opposite the New Exchange, in the then
1 Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1655, p. 583.
^ " Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers," loc. cit.
^ Tra?ts. Jezv. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 82-86.
* Jacob Sasportas, who had acted as a "corrector" in Menasseh's printing-
office in Amsterdam, and was afterwards elected Chief Rabbi in London,
was a member of the mission (Graetz, vol. x. notes, p. xix). Raguenet
states {Histoire d'Oliver Cromwell, p. 290) that two other Rabbis accom-
panied it, " Rabbi Jacob ben Azahel " and " David ben Eliezer of Prague."
I have not been able to identify these persons, but tentatively I am disposed
to think that "Azahel" is a corruption of " Heschel," and that the person
referred to is Rabbi Josua ben Jacob Heschel of Lublin. Menasseh's
elder son lived for some time in Lublin, and it is quite possible that Heschel
came to London to lay the case of the persecuted Polish Jews before
Cromwell.
xxxvii
Introduction
fashionable Strand, the Piccadilly of its day. These houses
were frequented by distinguished strangers who desired to
be near the centre of official life at Whitehall, and the fact
that Menasseh with his slender purse took up his abode
in one of them, instead of seeking hospitality with his
brother-in-law or his Marrano co-religionists in the city,
shows at once the importance with which his mission was
invested.^ He was the guest of the Protector, bidden to
London to discuss high affairs of state, and as such it was
obviously inadmissible that he should be hidden away in
some obscure address in an East-End Alsatia.
His first task after he had settled down in his " study "
in the Strand was to print his " Humble Addresses," in
which he appealed to the Protector and the Commonwealth
to readmit the Jews, and stated the grounds of his petition.
This tract was written and translated into English long
before he left Amsterdam. It had probably been prepared
three years before, when he first received his passes for
England. That it was in existence at a time when his
final mission was uncontemplated is proved by its mention
in a list of his works he sent to Felgenhauer in February
1655 (n.s.).^ The title is there given as T>e Fidelitate
et Utilitate Judaic^ Gentis, and it is described as Libellus
Anglicus. This was nine months before he arrived in
London, and three and a half months before his brother-
in-law sent for him. My impression is that the tract was
prepared at the time of the St. John mission in 165 1, and
that Menasseh had drafted it in accordance with the advice
of Thurloe, who had pointed out that the faithfulness and
profitableness of the Jewish people were likely to weigh
more with Cromwell than the relation of their dispersion
to the Messianic Age.
At any rate, the style and matter of the pamphlet
1 Wolf, "Menasseh ben Israel's Study in London," Trails. Jew. Hist.
Soc, vol. iii. pp. 144 et seq.
^ Felgenhauer, Bonutn Nuncium Israeli, p. no.
xxxviii
Introduction
are in welcome contrast to the fantastical theories of the
" Hope of Israel," resembling more the matter-of-fact
petition of Dormido. The Danielic prophecy is, it is true,
still asserted, but only as an aside, the case for the Re-
admission being argued almost exclusively on grounds of
political expediency. Incidentally certain floating calumnies
against the Jews — such as their alleged usury, the slaying
of infants for the Passover, and their conversion of Chris-
tians — are discussed and refuted. In regard to the con-
version of Christians, Menasseh had completely changed
his attitude since writing the " Hope of Israel," for in that
work he had boasted of the conversions made by the Jews
in Spain.^ The prudent restraints Menasseh had imposed
upon himself in the composition of this pamphlet are the
more marked, since we know that he had in no way
modified his original views as expounded in the "Hope
of Israel." This is shown by a letter he wrote to Felgen-
hauer early in the year, thanking him for dedicating to him
the Bonum JSIuncium Israeli, one of the maddest rhapsodies
ever written.^ In this letter he reiterated all his former
views, with the exception of his belief in the imminence
of the Millennium. Nor had he adopted any idea of com-
promising the question of the Readmlssion to meet the
prejudices or fears of the various political and religious
factions in England. His demand was for absolute freedom
of ingress and settlement for all Jews and the unfettered
exercise of their religion, " whiles we expect with you the
Hope of Israel to be revealed." The necessity of such a
privilege had been the more impressed upon him by the
renewal of the persecutions of his co-religionists in Poland,
which had sent a great wave of destitute Jews westward.
It was primarily for them and for the Marranos of Spain
and Portugal that he hoped to find an unrestricted asylum
in England.'
1 Infra, p. 47- ^ ■^'?A''^> P- '''^'='-
3 Graetz, Geschichte, vol. x. pp. 52-82; Mercicrius Pohttcus, Dec. 17,
1655 ; Thurloe State Papers, vol. iv. p. 333.
xxxlx
Introduction
Until the publication of the " Humble Addresses,"
there are but scanty clues in the printed literature of
the time to the frame of mind in which Menasseh's mission
found the English public. It would seem, from the silence
of the printing-presses, that the nearer the people approached
the Readmission question as a problem of practical politics,
the less enthusiastic they became for its solution. This is
not difficult to understand. The secular Tolerationists
were unable to make headway against the dangers of un-
limited sectarianism, to which their doctrines seemed calcu-
lated to open the door. Of their chief exponents, Roger
Williams was in America, John Sadler was muzzled by the
responsibilities of office, and Hugh Peters was without
an influential following. Moreover, the prosecutions of
James Naylor and Biddle were then prominently before
the public as a lesson that Toleration had yet to triumph
within the Christian pale. The Conversionists and Millen-
arians, who formed the great majority of the Judeophils,
and who included all Menasseh's own friends except
Sadler, attached no importance to the terms on which the
Jews might be admitted, and were quite willing to acquiesce
in legislative restrictions provided only they were admitted.
The Economists and Political Opportunists, represented
by Cromwell, Thurloe, Blake, and Monk,^ did not dare to
confess their true motives, since their worldly aims would
on the one hand have been condemned by all the religious
partisans of the Readmission, and on the other, would
have alarmed the merchants of London, who had no desire
for the commercial competition of a privileged colony of
Hebrew traders.
This discouraging state of affairs was aggravated by
foreign and Royalist intrigues. From the moment Menas-
seh's mission was thought of, the Embassies in London and
the Royalist agents set to work to defeat it. The Embassies,
especially that of Holland, opposed it on its true grounds,
' "Annals of England" (1655), vol. iii. p. 31.
Introductio7i
as a development of the policy of the Navigation Act.^
The Royalists were anxious to defeat it because, as White-
lock says, " it was a business of much importance to the
Commonwealth, and the Protector wa's earnestly set upon
it." ^ Moreover, they had hoped to attract the Jews to
their own cause, and they had been encouraged in this
hope by the substantial assistance already rendered to them
by wealthy Hebrews, like the Da Costas and Coronels.^
An intercepted letter from Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary
to the exiled King, shows that the highest Royalist circles
took a profound interest in the Jewish question, and made
it their business to be well informed as to its progress.
Nicholas, indeed, seerris to have known all about the nego-
tiations which preceded Menasseh's journey to England.*
As soon as Menasseh reached London, he found him-
self the object of a host of calumnious legends, clearly
designed by the Royalists and foreign agents to disturb the
public mind. The story that the Jews had offered to buy
St. Paul's Cathedral and the Bodleian Library, which had
been circulated unheeded in 1649, was revived.^ One of
Menasseh's retinue was accused of wishing to identify
Cromwell as the Jewish Messiah, and it was circumstantially
stated that he had investigated the Protector's pedigree in
order to prove his Davidic descent.® It was declared that
Cromwell harboured a design to hand over to the Jews the
' The interest of the Embassies in the question is illustrated by the fre-
quent reference made to it in the despatches of Chanut (Thurloe, vol. ii. p.
652), Nieupoort {Ibid., vol. iv. pp. 333, 338; "New York Colonial MSS.,"
vol. i. pp. 579, 583), Sagredo and Salvetti {Revue des Etudes Juives, No. t r,
pp. 103-104). Nieupoort's view is shown by the assurance he extracted
from Menasseh that there was no intention to invite Dutch Jews to Eng-
land (Thurloe, vol. iv. p. 333).
2 " Memorials," p. 618.
3 Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 70-71. 75-
* Ibid., p. 44.
' Infra, p. 118. London A'ews Letter, April 2, 1649 (Cartes Letters, vol. i.
p. 275).
* Jesse, "England under the Stuarts," vol. u. p. 297; Tovey, Angba
Judaica, p. 275.
xli /
I?itroduction
farming of the customs.^ At the same time their character
was painted in the darkest colours.^ One of the most insi-
dious forms that this campaign took was an attempt to show
that the hope of converting the Jews, by which the larger
number of the friends of the Readmission were actuated, was
illusory, and that so far from becoming Christians, the Jews
'would "stone Christ to death." For this purpose the pen
of a converted Jew, named Paul Isaiah, who had served as
a trooper in Rupert's Horse, was requisitioned.^ It was a
hazardous experiment to employ Isaiah, for he might easily
have been hailed by the Conversionists as a proof of the
convertibility of the Jews. It was, however, notorious that
he had learnt the ethics of the wilder Cavalier swashbucklers
only too well,* and he was consequently regarded rather
as an " awful example " of the sort of Jew who might be
expected to listen to the Gospel than as an encouragement
to hope for the salvation of the whole people.
The publication of the "Humble Addresses" only
aggravated these popular misgivings. While the clerical
and commercial Anti-Semites disputed all the propositions
of Menasseh's pamphlet, the visionaries and friends of
Israel strongly resented the " sinfulness " of its insistence
on the profitableness of the Jews. ''^The bias of public
feeling, as revealed by the tracts to which the " Humble
Addresses" gave rise, was distinctly less favourable than
in 1649, and was overwhelmingly hostile to an unre-
served acquiescence in the terms of the Jewish petition. *
In 1649 an honest attempt to understand Judaism was
made, as we may see by the publication of Chilmead's
translation of Leo de Modena's Historia dei riti ebraici.
There is no trace of an appeal to this or any similarly
1 Violet, " Petition against the Jews," p. 2.
2 The violence of such tracts as Prynne's " Demurrer," Ross's " View of
the Jewish Religion," and the anonymous " Case of the Jews Stated," has
no parallel in the literature of the time.
^ Paul Isaiah, "The Messias of the Christians and the Jews."
* Prynne, " Demurrer," Part I. p. 73.
xlii
Introduction
authoritative work in 1655-56, except in a stray passage
of an isolated protest against the calumnies heaped on the
Jews.^ On the contrary, the efforts of the new students
of Judaism, like Alexander Ross, were devoted to proving
that the Jews had nothing in common with Christians,
and that their religion " is not founded on Moses and the
Law, but on idle and foolish traditions of the Rabbins" —
that it was, in fact, a sort of Paganism.^ The historical
attacks on the Jews were the most powerful that had yet
been made, while the replies to them were few and by
obscure writers.^ What is most significant, however, is that
the chief friends of the Jews — the men who had encouraged
Menasseh six years before — were now either silent or openly
in favour of restrictions which would have rendered the
Readmission a barren privilege. Sadler did not reiterate
the Judeophil teachings of his " Rights of the Kingdom " ;
there was no echo of Hugh Peters's "Good Work for a
Good Magistrate," with its uncompromising demand for
liberty of conscience ; and the pseudonymous author of
" An Apology for the Honourable Nation of Jews," which
had so strongly impressed the public in 1648, was dumb.
John Dury, who had practically started the first agitation
in favour of the Jews, was now studying Jewish disabilities
at Cassel, with a view to their introduction into England ; *
and Henry Jessey, the author of " The Glory of Judah and
Israel," to the testimonies of which Menasseh confidently
appealed in the closing paragraph of his " Humble Ad-
dresses," had been won over to the necessity of restrictions.'
Not a single influential voice was raised in England in
support of Menasseh's proposals, either on the ground of
' Copley, " Case of the Jews is Altered," p. 4.
2 " View of the Jewish Religion."
3 See especially Prynne's " Demurrers," and " Anglo-Judasus," by W. H.
Only three ungrudging defences of the Jews were published — Copley's
"Case of the Jews," D. L.'s "Israel's Condition and Cause Pleaded" (a
very feeble reply to Prynne), and Collier's " Brief Answer."
* Dury, " A Case of Conscience." Harl. Misc., vol. vii. p. 256.
s " Life of Henry Jessey," pp. 67-68. _
xliii
Introduction
love for the Jews or religious liberty. The temper of the
unlettered people, especially the mercantile classes, is suffi-
ciently illustrated by the fact that only a few months before
a Jewish beggar had been mobbed in the city, owing to
the inflammatory conduct of a merchant, who had followed
the poor stranger about the Poultry shouting, " Give him
nothing ; he is a cursed Jew." ^
Undeterred by the inhospitable attitude of the public,
Menasseh formally opened his negotiations with the Govern-
ment of the Commonwealth. His first step was to pay a
visit to Whitehall, and present copies of his " Humble
Addresses" to the Council of State. He was unfortunate
in the day he selected for this visit, for it happened to be
one of the rare occasions when Cromwell was not present at
the Council's deliberations. The result was that, as on
the similar occasion of the consideration of the report on
Dormido's petition, the Council felt itself free to take no
action. It contented itself with instructing its clerk, Mr.
Jessop, " to go forth and receive the said books," and then
proceeded with other business.^
That the Council had no desire to assume the responsi-
bility of deciding the thorny Jewish question soon became
manifest. A fortnight after Menasseh's abortive visit to
Whitehall, Cromwell brought down to the Council a peti-
tion which had been handed to him by the Jewish Rabbi,
in which were set forth categorically the several "graces
and favours " by which it was proposed that the Readmis-
sion of the Jews should be effected.^ The Protector evi-
dently felt none of the misgivings of his advisers. It is
probable, indeed, that in his masterful way he misunder-
stood the trend of public feeling. He had convinced him-
self that, as an act of policy, some concession to the Jews
was desirable. His strong instinct for religious liberty
' Philo-Judceus, "The Resurrection of Dead Bones,' p. 102.
^ State Papers, Domestic. Interregnum, vol. i. 76, p. 353.
^ Ibid., p. 374. For text of petition, see infra, pp. Ixxxii-lxxxiv.
xliv
Introduction
inclined him favourably to the more academic aspects of
the question, and his profound sympathy with persecuted
peoples had been stirred by the accounts Menasseh had
personally given him of the dire straits of the Jews in
Poland, Sweden, and the Holy Land, and of the cruelties
inflicted on them in Spain and Portugal.^ Moreover, his
patriotism revolted at the idea that Protestant England
should be particeps criminis in a policy of oppression which
was so peculiarly identified with Papistical error. Thus
impressed, he cared little for the outcries of the pamphleteers
or the nervous scruples of his councillors, and he set him-
self to force on a prompt solution. At his instance a
motion was made " That the Jews deserving it may be
admitted into this nation to trade and traffic and dwell
amongst us as Providence shall give occasion," ^ and this,
together with the petition of Menasseh and his " Humble
Addresses," was at once referred to a Committee. At the
same time it was made clear to that body that the Pro-
tector expected an early report.^
\ So much is evident from the fact that the Committee
rn^festhe same afternoon and reported the next morning.
Its task was not an easy one. The feeling of the Council
was by\io means hostile to the Jews, but it had no
enthusiasnKfor their cause, and it probably felt that an ex-
tension of official toleration beyond the limits of Christi-
anity was a hazardous experiment. On the other hand,
it was no longer possible for it to express this feeling in
the same unceremonious fashion as had been done in the
case of Dormido. The Jewish question had become the
question of the day owing to Menasseh's visit. Public
feeling had been deeply stirred by it, and Cromwell had
placed it in the forefront of his personal solicitude. Some
action was necessary. The Committee seems to have dis-
creetly resolved that the wisest course to pursue was one
' Harl. Miscellany, vol. vii. p. 6i8.
2 Infra, p. Ixxxiv. ^ State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 374.
xlv
Introduction
which would absolve it of responsibility, and leave Cromwell
and the outside public to fight it out between them. Ac-
cordingly it reported that it felt itself incompetent to offer
any advice to the Council, and it suggested that the views
of the nation should be ascertained by the summoning of a
Conference of representative Englishmen who might assist
it in framing a report.
This resolution was duly reported to the Council on
the following day, when Cromwell was again present. How
little the Protector estimated the difficulties in his path is
shown by the fact that the Committee's recommendation
was at once acted upon. John Lisle, Sir Charles Wolseley,
and Sir Gilbert Pickering, three members of the Com-
mittee notoriously devoted to Cromwell, were instructed
to meet the Lord President the same afternoon, and draw
up a list of the personages to be summoned to the proposed
Conference.^ The list was duly presented to the Council
on the following morning, and, under the vigilant eye of
the Protector, approved. At the same time the terms of a
circular convening the Conference were agreed upon, and
the 4th December was fixed for the meeting.^
Nothing is more significant than the rapidity with which
these steps were taken. On Tuesday the 13 th November
Menasseh's petition was sprung on the reluctant Council.
On the following Thursday summonses to a National Confer-
ence were being sent out from Whitehall, the Council having
meanwhile held three meetings, at all of which the Jewish
question was discussed, and a Committee specially charged
with the question having held two further meetings. In all this
we may clearly trace the personal insistence of the Protector.
Bruited abroad through the congregations of the divines
and the constituents of the politicians and merchants to
Avhom the summonses to the Conference had been addressed,
the question of the Readmission of the Jews now came to
' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 375.
^ Ibid., pp. 378-379. For text of Circular see infra, p. Ixxxiv.
xlvi
Introduction
the forefront of national politics. Amid considerable
popular excitement, the Conference met in the Council
Chamber at Whitehall ^ on the first Tuesday in December.
It was a notable gathering — one of the most notable in
the whole history of the Commonwealth. The statesmen
present were the most eminent on the active list of the
moment. There was Henry Lawrence, the Lord President,
with four of his civilian colleagues on the Council, Sir
Gilbert Pickering, Sir Charles Wolseley, Lisle the regicide,
and Francis Rous. Close by was Walter Strickland, the
diplomatist, who had represented the Commonwealth at
the Hague, and had shared with Oliver St. John the
honours and mortifications of the famous mission of 1651.
In the same inner circle were John Lambert, " the army's
darling," and one of the most brilliant of Cromwell's
veterans, and William Sydenham, one of the founders of
the Protectorate. The law was represented by Sir John
Giynne, Chief Justice of the Upper Bench, and William
Steele, Chief Baron of the Exchequer. Lord Chief Justice
St. John had also been invited, but he astutely stayed away.
Those who knew St. John must have regarded his absence
as ominous. On behalf of the mercantile community there
appeared Alderman Dethick, the Lord Mayor of London,
Alderman Cressett of the Charterhouse, Alderman Riccards,
and Sheriff Thompson. These men were official nonen-
tities, for the real representatives of Commerce were Sir
Christopher Pack, the late Lord Mayor and the leading
mercantile authority in the country, William KifFen, the
wealthy merchant-parson, and the regicide Owen Rowe,
now deputy-governor of the Bermuda Company.
It was, however, on the religious side that the Conference
was strongest. Sixteen theologians and divines, the flower
of Puritan piety and learning, responded to Cromwell's
invitation. There was Dr. Cudworth, Regius Professor
of Hebrew, the philosophic opponent of atheism, whose
1 Publick Intelligencer, December 10, 1655.
xlvii
Introduction
" Intellectual System " is an English classic. There, too,
were Dr. Owen, most famous of Independent divines and
most fearless of the champions of religious liberty, and
John Caryll, the great Puritan Bible commentator. Oxford
University sent Dr. Goodwin, President of Magdalen
College, and Henry Wilkinson, Canon of Christ Church.
Cambridge appeared in the person of the learned Dr.
Whitchcote, Provost of King's. Among the preachers
were William Bridge of Yarmouth ; Daniel Dyke, one of
Cromwell's chaplains in ordinary ; Henry Jessey, the Baptist
Judeophil and friend of Menasseh ; Thomas Manton,
mildest and most genial of Presbyterians, " the prelate of
the Commonwealth," as Wood calls him ; Dr. Newcomen,
one of the authors of " Smectymnuus " ; Philip Nye, the
sturdy Independent and champion of toleration ; Anthony
Tuckney, one of the most prominent divines of the West-
minster Assembly, and three lesser lights, William Benn of
Dorchester, Walter Craddock of All Hallows the Great,
London, and Samuel Fairclough. John Carter, the vehement
enemy of Presbyterianism and monarchy, could not attend,
for he was on his deathbed at Norwich when the invitation
reached him.^
It is not difficult to see that the Conference had been
carefully organised with a view to a decision favourable to
the Jews. The great majority of the members were con-
spicuous for their attachment to the cause of religious
toleration, while not a few of the laymen were equally
notorious for their devotion — some for their subservience
— to Cromwell. And yet its upshot proved very different
from what the Protector anticipated.^
The first meeting was chiefly concerned with the legal
problem. After the proposals of Menasseh ben Israel had
been read, Cromwell himself laid down the programme of
the proceedings in two questions.
' The list of members is given in State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 378.
''■ Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit.
xlviii
Introductio7t
( 1 ) Whether it be lawful to receive the Jews ?
(2) If it be lawful, then upon what terms is it meet to
receive them ? *
The first question was purely technical, and only the
lawyers were competent to pronounce an opinion on it.
Accordingly, the two Judges present, Glynne and Steele,
were called upon to speak. After an elaborate review of
the status of the Jews in the pre-expulsion period, and
the circumstances under which they were banished in 1290,
both expressed the opinion that "there was no law which
forbad the Jews' return into England." ^ The grounds of
this decision are nowhere stated. It was probably based
on the fact that the banishment in 1290 was an exercise of
the royal prerogative in regard to the personal " chattels "
of the King and not an Act of Parliament, and that the
force of the decree expired with the death of Edward I.
At any rate, Cromwell had gained his first point,' and he
joyfully adjourned the Conference to the following Friday,
adjuring the divines meanwhile to ponder well the second
question.*
What happened at the two following meetings, which
were held on the 7 th and 1 2 th December,^ we do not know
in detail. The records of the time only afford us scanty
glimpses of the opinions expressed, without any indication
of the days on which they were respectively uttered. It is
clear, however, that the feeling of the clergy turned out to
be on the whole unfavourable to Menasseh's petition. The
calumnies of the pamphleteers had done their work. The
idea of public religious services at which Christ might be
blasphemed stayed the hands of the most tolerant. Others
1 [Henry Jessey.] " A Narrative of the late Proceedings at Whitehall
Concerning the Jews, &c.," Harl. Misc., vii. p. 623. See also Burton {pseud.
i.e. Nathaniel Cronch), Judceorufn Memorabilia. ^ Ibid.
2 That the Judges' decision was given at the first meeting of the Con-
ference is clear from a statement made by Nye to Prynne on the morning
of the second meeting (" Short Demurrer," p. 4).
* Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit. _ ' Ibid. -
xlix g
hitroductio?!
feared that unrestricted liberty of Jewish worship would
create in the Synagogue a nucleus round which the Judaical
sectaries would rally. Dr. Newcomen drew a harrowing
picture of English converts to Judaism joining the immi-
grants in offering cliildren to Moloch.^ The moderate
majority, impressed, probably, by a weighty and elaborate
opinion drawn up by Dr. Barlow, librarian of the Bodleian,
and presented to the Conference by Dr. Goodwin,^ were
strongly in favour of an admission under severe restrictions.
Even the level-headed Nye, who was ready to tolerate all
religious follies so long as they were peaceable, asked for
" due cautions warranted by Holy Scripture." ^ It was in
vain that Lawrence and Lambert, supported by the learned
commentator Caryll, combated these opinions.*
On the eve of the third meeting Cromwell sought to
strengthen the Judeophils by adding to the Conference
Hugh Peters, the oldest of the advocates of unrestricted
Readmission, together with his favourite chaplain, Peter
Sterry, and Mr. Bulkeley, the Provost of Eton.^ This,
however, did not improve matters, for Peters had mean-
while heard something of the Marranos in London and
their papistical dissimulation of their religion, and he
vigorously denounced the Jews as "a self-seeking gene-
ration " who " made but little conscience of their own
principles." ° This discourse seems to have produced a con-
' Judaorum Memorabilia, p. 1 70.
'•^ Barlow, "Several Miscellaneous and Weighty Cases of Conscience"
(1692), Fifth Treatise. See also p. i of the Bookseller's Preface. Rev.
S. Levy believes {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, iii. p. 152) that this opinion was
drawn up at the request of Robert Boyle. This is improbable, as it is clear
from the resemblances between Barlow's recommendations and the report
ultimately drawn up by the Committee of the Council {infra, p. Ixxxiv), that
the opinion was submitted to the Whitehall Conference, and Boyle was not a
member of that body. Goodwin, who was President of Magdalen College,
is much more likely to have asked Barlow for the opinion, especially as we
know that he was in favour of "due cautions" {Jud.Mem., p. 174).
^ Jud. Mem., p. 174. * Ibid., pp. 170, 175.
' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76 (1655), p. 412.
* This is shown by two letters in the Domestic State Papers (see Trans.
Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 46).
1
Introduction
siderable impression on the Conference, for Thurloe,
writing to Henry Cromwell on the 17 th, expressed the
shrewd opinion that " nothing will be done." ^
So far, however, the essential point for which Cromwell
had been striving had not been jeopardised. He was desir-
ous of securing the admission of the Jews on liberal terms,
but at a pinch he would no doubt have agreed to religious
and civil restrictions, provided the commercial activity of
the immigrants was not unduly fettered. Hence the terms
favoured by the majority of the clergy did not trouble him
very seriously.
At the final meeting, which was held on the i8th
December,^ the commercial question was broached. On
this occasion the doors of the Council Chamber were, for some
sinister reason, thrown open to the public,^ and an excited
crowd, armed with copies of Prynne's newly published tract
on the Jewish question,* collected to hear the debate. The
proceedings were tempestuous from the beginning, and
gradually they took the form of a vehement demonstra-
tion against the Jews. Merchant after merchant rose and
violently protested against any concessions, declaring that
the Hebrews were a mean and vicious people, and that
their admission would enrich foreigners and impoverish the
natives.' Even strangers took part in these tirades, and a
Mr. Lloyd, who was not a member of the Conference,
distinguished himself by a " fierce " harangue.^ The climax
was reached when Sir Christopher Pack, the most eminent
citizen of his day, and a devoted adherent of the Protector,
ranged himself with the opponents of Menasseh, in an
' Thurloe State Papers, voL iv. p. 321.
- Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit.
3 Spence's "Anecdotes," p. 77.
* "A Short Demurrer," Part I. The publication of the pamphlet was
hurried to be in time for the Conference. It was written in seven days,
and the preface is dated December 14, four days before the last meeting {cf.
Preface to " Second Demurrer," 1656).
5 Jud. Manor., p. 175 ; Burton, "Diaiy," p. 309.
• Burton, loc. cit.
li
Introduction
address which is said to have been the most impressive
delivered during the whole course of the Conference.^
The advocates of out-and-out exclusion were, however,
as little likely to carry the day as the champions of unre-
stricted admission, for the majority of the members of the
Conference were divines who were anxious that the Jews
should be converted, and for that reason desired that they
should be somehow or other brought into the country.
Moreover, since the decision of the Judges, the question was
no longer whether exclusion should be persisted in, but
only on what terms admission should be sanctioned. This
was probably pointed out to the merchants, and an attempt
to arrive at a compromise was made. After some private
confabulations, Henry Jessey rose to announce the terms
that had been agreed upon. The appearance of Jessey, the
profound Rabbinical student, the friend of Menasseh, and
one of the veterans of the Readmission cause, seemed to
betoken a Jewish victory. What must have been the
astonishment of his friends when he stated, with naive
satisfaction, that the basis of the compromise was that the
Jews should only be admitted to decayed ports and towns,
and that they should pay double customs duties on their
imports and exports ! "
Cromwell now saw his whole scheme crumbling to
pieces. That, if put to the vote, Jessey's compromise
would be adopted by an overwhelming majority was patent
to everybody. In that case not only would the commercial
design which Cromwell had at heart be defeated, but the
Marranos in London, who had served him so well, would be
practically banished. At all hazards a vote had to be pre-
vented.' Cromwell acted with characteristic promptness
and audacity. Rising from the chair of state, he addressed
' Burton, loc. cit.
"^ " Life of Henry Jessey," pp. 67-68.
^ That CromweH's interposition took place under these circumstances is
an inference of the present writer's. The statements in Jessey's " Life "
clearly point to this conclusion.
Hi
Introduction
the Assembly. Ingeniously ignoring the proposed com-
promise, he began his speech with a review of the differences
of opinion revealed by the various speakers. They were, he
scornfully declared, a babel of discordances. He had hoped
that the Preachers would have given him some clear and
practical advice, but they had only multiplied his doubts.
Protesting that he had no engagements to the Jews but
what the Scriptures held forth, he insisted that "since there
was a promise of their conversion, means must be used to
that end, which was the preaching of the Gospel, and that
could not be done unless they were permitted to dwell
where the Gospel was preached." Then, turning to the
merchants, he harped sarcastically on the accusations they had
brought against the Jews. " You say they are the meanest
and most despised of all people. So be it. But in that
case what becomes of your fears ? Can you really be afraid
that this contemptible and despised people should be able
to prevail in trade and credit over the merchants of Eng-
land, the noblest and most esteemed merchants of the whole
world ? " It was clear, he added sharply, that no help was
to be expected from the Conference, and that he and the
Council would have to take their own course. He hoped
he should do nothing foolishly or rashly, and he asked now
only that the Conference would give him the benefit of
their prayers, so that he might be directed to act for the
glory of God and the good of the nation.^ So saying, he
vacated the chair in token that the proceedings were at
an end.
The speech was a fighting speech, delivered with great
animation, and is said to have been one of the best Crom-
well ever made." It achieved its object, for the Conference
broke up without a word of protest, and the crowds dis-
* These fragments of Cromwell's speech are gathered from Jessey's
"Narrative," Crouch's Judaorum Memorabilicu,-^^. 175-176, and Spence's
'• Anecdotes," p. 77-
* Testimony by Rycaut, who was present in the crowd (Spence's " Anec-
dotes," p. 77)-
hn
Litroduction
persed in cowed silence. Cromwell left the Council Chamber
in a towering passion, and it was some days before he
recovered his equanimity.^
The battle was, however, not yet over. Cromwell had
dismissed the Conference, but the Committee of the
Council of State had yet to report. It could not well, in
sober writing, take the view of the Protector's strategic
speech, nor could it ignore the instruction of the Council
to which it owed its existence. Accordingly it set itself to
the drafting of a report which should express the obvious
views of the Conference without conflicting too violently
with Cromwell's equally obvious design. The report
accepted the view of the Judges that there was no law
against the Readmission, and then proceeded to set forth
under six heads the views urged by the Conference, including
the view of the merchants, that "great prejudice is likely
to arise to the natives of this Commonwealth in matters of
trade." Finally, it laid down seven conditions, apparently
borrowed from Barlow's opinion,^ by which the Readmis-
sion should be governed. The Jews should have no
autonomous jurisdiction ; they should be forbidden from
blaspheming Christ ; they should not profane the Christian
Sabbath ; they should have no Christian servants ; they
should be ineligible for public office ; they should print
nothing against Christianity, and they should not discour-
age those who might attempt to convert them, while the
making of converts by them should be prohibited. No
restriction on their trading was suggested.^
What became of this document is not clear. A clean
copy of it, undated and unendorsed, is preserved in the
' Writing to Henry Cromwell about the Conference a week later,
Thurloe says, " I doe assure you that his highness is put to exercise every
day with the peevishness and wroth of some persons heere " (State Papers,
vo). iv. p. 343).
^ Cf. Conditions, ii., iii., iv., v., ix., xi., and xvii., in Barlow, "The Care
of the Jews," pp. 67, 68, 70, 71, and 73.
•^ Infra, p. Ixxxiv-lxxxv.
liv
Introduction
State Papers, but there is no reference to it in the Order
Book of the Council of State.^ And yet it is certain that the
Committee presented it to the Council, for the Conference
was only a means of enlightening the Committee, and the
Council still looked to it for advice. It is probable that
it was never formally accepted by the Council. When
it was in due course brought up, Cromwell most likely
objected to its presentation. After his experience of the
Conference, it was clear to him that whatever was done
would have to be done more or less unofficially. The
acceptance of the report would have involved legislation, in
which case the proceedings of the Conference would have
been repeated in a form far more difficult to control, and
perhaps impossible to defeat. Gratified by the omission
of trade restrictions from the report, and feeling the neces-
sity of retaining the support of the Council in the further
steps he might take, the Protector probably assured them
that he was in agreement with them on most points, and
that he would do nothing unwarranted by the views they
had expressed. At the same time he doubtless pointed
out that many other important questions claimed the
attention of Parliament, and that it would be well if men's
minds were not further disturbed by the Jewish question.
Accordingly he advised that the report should be ignored
and the matter allowed to drop."
Here the question rested at the end of 1655. The
result was not encouraging, but at any rate one important
point had been gained. The prevailing idea that the in-
coming of Jews and their sojourn in the land were illegal
1 In the Calendar of State Papers, Dom. (1655-1656), p. 15, it is hypotheti-
cally dated November 13, the day on which Menasseh's proposals were
referred to the Committee. This date is absolutely impossible, as the Com-
mittee could not have ascertained the views it reported to the Council in the
course of a single afternoon. If it was not drawn up on the 15th, it could
not have been drawn up until the Conference was over, as the Conference
was specifically summoned to advise the Committee.
- I have to thank Dr. Gardiner for this ingenious conjecture. It entirely
accords vnih. all the known facts.
Iv
Introduction
had been completely and finally shattered. This was the
thin end of the wedge, and it had been so securely driven
in, that John Evelyn entered in his Diary under date of
December 14th : " Now were the Jews admitted." ^
V. Cromwell's Action
Had the Diarist waited until the close of the Whitehall
Conferences he would probably have modified his opinion.
Although the technical question of the right of incoming
had been decided, the cause of the Readmission had not
been materially advanced. The universal demand for re-
strictions rendered it impossible for the Jews to avail them-
selves of their legal right without an assurance of protection
from the Government. As late as the following April no
complete settlement on this point had been reached, for in
the passage from the Vindicia already quoted, Menasseh
wrote on the loth of that month, "As yet we have had
no finall determination from his most Serene Highnesse." ^
What happened after the Conferences is somewhat
obscure, owing to the reticence of the public records on
the Jewish question. It is certain, however, that before
Cromwell's death a favourable decision was arrived at,
and that an organised Jewish community came into the
light of day in London, protected by definite rights of
residence, worship, and trade. This is proved by the
petitions for the re-expulsion of the Jews presented to
Charles II. on his arrival in London in 1660, and especially
by a statement in a petition of the Lord Mayor and
Aldermen of the City of London, that "in that grand
Complicacon of mischeifs brought on yo' Ma'"'" good
subjects by y^ corrupt interest of the late usurper f admis-
sion of "Jews to a free cohabition and trade in these dominions
was found to be a most heavy pressure on yo' Peticon"^'" ^
1 Edit. Bohn, vol. i. p. 327. ^ Supra, p. xvii.
' Guildhall Archives. Remembrancia, vol. ix. No. 44, pp. 1-18. I
printed the text of this petition in full in the Jewish Chronicle, November
15, 1899.
Ivi
Introduction
How had this free settlement been brought about ? It
is not altogether impossible to reconstruct the story, although
the materials are scanty and vague.
Cromwell's parting speech to the Whitehall Assembly,
and the continued residence of Menasseh in London, must
have excited apprehension among the extreme Judeophobes.
The decision of the Judges and the Protector's threat that
he and the Council would take their own course rendered a
formal proclamation of Readmission by no means improb-
able. On the other hand, the great bulk of the nation had
shown itself unfavourable to the scheme, and there was
just a chance that this might stay Cromwell's hand. This
popular ill-feeling the anti-Semitic pamphleteers now set
themselves to inflame. It was probably hoped by this
means, if not to intimidate the Protector, at any rate to
strengthen the Council in their resistance to his original
programme.
The new year had scarcely dawned when the inde-
fatigable pen of Prynne was again at work on an enlarged
edition of his "Demurrer." In this work he especially
devoted himself to the legal question, amplifying by some
twenty pages his argument that the expulsion by Edward I.
remained valid, and could only be reversed by an Act of
Parliament. In February he published Part II. of the
*' Demurrer," containing a further instalment of documents
relating to the history of the Jews in England in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries. The object of this work, which is
a monument of research, and which until a generation ago
was the chief printed source of our knowledge of the
mediaeval history of the English Jews, was to show that
the Jews had never lived in England except under severe
disabilities, and that they were a people of phenomenal
viciousness, clippers of coin, crucifiers of children, and
the blaspheming devotees of a ghastly blood cultus. Less
learned, but not less virulent, was Alexander Ross, whose
calumnious " View of the Jewish Religion " was published
Ivii h
hitroduction
about the same time. Several anonymous pamphleteers
followed suit. The campaign does not seem to have ex-
cited much agitation, but it probably had the effect of
deciding Cromwell not to attempt a public solution of
the question in the sense of his own private wishes and
of Menasseh's petition.
'All that was urgent he had, indeed, already done.
Shortly after the termination of the Whitehall Conferences
he had verbally assured the London Marranos of his per-
sonal protection, and had given them permission to cele-
brate divine worship after the Jewish fashion, on condition
that the services were held in private houses.^ These
favours were conveyed through John Sadler, no doubt in
order to avoid any further apprehensions of a reopening of
the Jewish question that might be aroused by granting an
audience to Menasseh. The restriction in regard to the
privacy of the services shows that Cromwell had definitely
resolved to adhere to his compromise with the Council and
to respect the spirit of their report. Legally the Jews were
entitled to celebrate divine worship in public, for, by the
repeal of the Recusancy Acts by the Long Parliament in
1650, the practice of every kind of religious duty, "either
of prayer, preaching, reading or expounding the Scriptures,"
had been legalised, the celebration of mass being alone ex-
cepted.^ It would, however, have been dangerous for the
Jews to claim this right, and Cromwell no doubt pointed
out to them that, in that case, it would be necessary to
apply to Parliament for legislation, which could only have
taken the form of enacting the oppressive recommendations
of the Whitehall Conferences. Under these circumstances
the Marranos could not but acquiesce. That their desire
for synagogue services was entirely due to their Jewish
piety, or was animated by a craving for martyrdom, is,
' These grants are mentioned in a Jewish petition subsequently pre-
sented to Cromwell {infra, pp. Ixxxv-lxxxvi).
''■ Gardiner, " Hist, of the Commonwealth," vol. i. pp. 396-97.
Iviij
Introduction
moreover, very unlikely. The outbreak of war with Spain
had rendered it impossible for them to continue, in their
guise of Nuevos Cristianos, to attend the services in the
Spanish Ambassador's chapel, and as they were bound by
the Act of 1650 to resort to some place "where the service
or worship of God is exercised," they were confronted by
the necessity of either posing as pseudo-Protestants or
frankly practising Judaism. The former course was out of
the question, especially after Hugh Peters's condemnation
of their hypocrisy at Whitehall. Hence their request to
be permitted to worship as Jews. By Cromwell's ac-
quiescence in this request and his promise of protection
a secret beginning in the way of Readmission had been
informally accomplished.
This arrangement was, however, not destined to endure.
It was an evasion of the will of the Whitehall Conferences
— an attempt, as Graetz has well said, to readmit the Jews
"nicht durch das grosse Portal sondern durch eine Hin-
terthiir."^ It was condemned to failure, too, because its
secret could not be kept. Even before the end of 1655
Cromwell's intentions were known. In a scrap of a
Royalist letter of intelligence, dated December 31, and
preserved in the State Papers, the writer says, " The Jews,
we hear, will be admitted by way of connivancy, though
the generality oppose." ^ The secret arrangement with
regard to divine worship was also soon bruited abroad. In
a despatch dated January 28, 1656, Salvetti, the diplomatic
agent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, informed his master
that " the affair of the Jews continues in the state I have
already described ; meanwhile they may meet privately in
their houses, but they have not yet established a syna-
gogue."* In a later despatch (February 4) he confirms
' Graetz, Geschichte derjuden, vol. x. p. 122.
2 Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1655-56, p. 82.
3 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 27962. In a despatch dated January 14, Salvetti
refers to the Jewish question, but makes no mention of the arrangement
respecting divine worship. On the same date, too, the well-informed Dutch
lix
Ifttroduction
this information and amplifies it. "It is thought," he
writes, " that the Protector will not make any declaration in
their favour, but tacitly he will connive at their holding
private conventicles, which they already do, in their houses
in order to avoid public scandal." ^
From the Royalist spies and the diplomatists the news
was quickly conveyed to the anti-Semites in the City.
Although the dangers of a Jewish immigration en masse
and the scandal of a public synagogue had been averted,
the enemies of the Jews — especially their competitors in
trade — were not inclined to acquiesce without a struggle in
the tacit toleration of even a small community of Hebrew
merchants. But what could be done } As Jews the posi-
tion of the intruders was legal, and any attempt to perse-
cute them in that capacity would probably be resented in a
disagreeable fashion by the masterful Protector. Moreover,
as the most serious evils of the Jewish problem had been
provided against, and the public mind was preoccupied
with the war with Spain, it might be difficult to enlist
a large measure of support in an agitation against the
strangers. An opportunity for showing their teeth soon
presented itself to the City merchants, and they were not
slow to avail themselves of it.
Early in March 1656 a proclamation was issued by the
Privy Council declaring all Spanish monies, merchandise,
and shipping to be lawful prize. The ink of this docu-
ment was scarcely dry — indeed it had not been formally
published — when, on the denunciation of an informer, the
house of Don Antonio Rodrigues Robles, a wealthy
Spanish merchant and Marrano of Duke's Place, City, was
entered by bailifFs armed with a Privy Council warrant
instructing them to "seize, secure, and keep under safe
ambassador, Nieupoort, informed the States-General that it was generally
understood that the Lord Protector would take no further steps (Thurloe
State Papers, vol. iv. p. 328). It would seem, then, that the transaction
took place between the 14th and the 28th January.
> Ibid.
Ix
Introduction
custody all the goods and papers therein found." On the
same day the Commissioners of Customs, acting under a
similar warrant, took possession of two ships in the Thames,
the Two Brothers and the Tobias, which were believed
to be Robles's property.^ On the face of it, this action
seemed to have no connection with the Jewish question.
The fact that the information on which the warrants were
based was presented to the Council by so staunch a friend
of the Jews as Thurloe suffices to show that its Jewish
bearing was at first quite unsuspected. It was apparently
the private enterprise of a perfidious scrivener named
Francis Knevett, who, after obtaining the confidence of
several members of the Marrano community in his profes-
sional capacity, had discovered that under the new procla-
mation he might betray them with advantage to himself.'
This seems also to have been the view of Robles, for in
a petition he immediately addressed to the Protector he
disputed the validity of the seizures on the purely legal
ground that he was a Portuguese and not a Spaniard, and
that his rights as a Merchant Stranger, which were con-
sequently unaffected by the war with Spain, had been
unjustly invaded.^ On this point the Council, to whom the
petition was referred, ordered an inquiry, and one of its
members. Colonel Jones, was deputed to take evidence.
Meanwhile some suspicion that the case was aimed at the
newly acquired privileges of the Marranos seems to have got
abroad. Many of the Jews in London were of Spanish
birth, and others, though natives of Portugal, were probably
endenizened Spaniards, since in their guise of Nuevos
Cristianos they had held high office under the King of Spain.*
It was clear, then, that if the case against Robles was estab-
lished other prosecutions would follow, and in that way the
' State Papers, Domestic. Interregnum, cxxv., No. 38, i. 76, p. 604 ;
i. 1 12, p. 289 ; cxxvi., No. 105.
' Ibid., cxxvi.. No. 105, iv.
' Ibi<L, cxxvi., No. 105.
♦ Trans. J<r,v. Hist. Sec, vol. i. p. 63.
Ixi
Introduction
small Jewish community would be broken up. The danger
was all the greater since the protection and privileges so re-
cently acquired by the Jews had only been granted verbally,
and might easily be repudiated if public opinion proved too
strong for the Protector. There was, however, no imme-
diate reason why the leading Marranos, who had hitherto
been in negotiation with Cromwell, should take up Robles's
cudgels, for he belonged to a party in the Synagogue which
had imbibed strong Royalist sympathies in Holland and
France, and which, consequently, had kept itself aloof from
Menasseh's Readmission campaign. They accordingly con-
fined themselves to the presentation of a petition to the
Protector, in which they asked that the " favours and pro-
tection " accorded to them, including the right of worship,
might be confirmed in writing. At the same time they
prayed for a license to acquire ground for a Jewish cemetery.
This document was signed by Menasseh ben Israel, Antonio
Fernandez Carvajal, and five other Marranos, but Robles
was not among it signatories.^
Cromwell at once referred this petition to the Council,
but the Lord President, apparently recognising that the
Jewish question was coming up in a new form, held it
back until the Robles case had been dealt with.^ The
fact that Robles was a Jew had, indeed, already been
ascertained, and the belief that the prosecution was
aimed at all his co-religionists was gaining ground owing
to a new outburst of activity on the part of the anti-
Semites. The anxiety of the Marranos at the shelving
of their petition became accentuated by this agitation,
and especially by the doubts which it seemed to be pro-
ducing in the minds of some of their best friends. The
wavering feeling in high places was made disagreeably
manifest to them by a letter addressed to Menasseh ben
Israel by John Sadler, in which that friend of the Jews
' State Papers, Dom. Interregnum, cxxv., 58. Infra, p. Ixxxv.
2 See endorsement of the petition. Infra, p. Ixxxvi.
Ixii
Introductio7i
pointed out that the charges of ritual murder and quasi
idolatry preferred by Prynne and Ross were being widely
discussed, and that a public answer to them was urgently
necessary.^ Before Menasseh's reply was written Colonel
Jones presented an interim report to the Council, from
which it appeared inter alia that Knevett had filed a further
information denouncing other Marranos as Spanish subjects.^
It was now no longer possible to ignore the existence of
an anti-Jewish conspiracy. The first action of the Jews was
to hurry forward the publication of Menasseh's reply to
Prynne and Ross. This took the form of the famous
Vindicits fudaorum — the third tract printed in the present
volume. It was described merely as "A Letter in Answer
to certain Questions propounded by a Noble and Learned
Gentleman touching the reproaches cast on the Nation of
the Jewes." The date of its appearance, however, fixes its
relation to the Robles crisis, for it was published ten days
after Colonel Jones's report, while the seriousness of that
crisis is strikingly illustrated by the urgent and earnest tone
of the pamphlet. Menasseh evidently felt that not only
his own grandiose idea of a new asylum for Israel was at
stake, but that even the small progress that had been
achieved towards that end was threatened by a more rigid
exclusion of the Hebrew nation. He threw his whole
soul into this fresh vindication of his people and their
claims. Nothing, indeed, that had come from his facile
pen had been more dignified, more impressive, more con-
vincing. The vanity, the superficiality, the pretentious
mysticism of his former works had gone. He was no
longer playing a part even to himself. He was merely
' Infra, p. 107. The h^TJOthesis that John Sadler was the author of the
letter which gave rise to the ViTidicia Judaorum is based on the facts that
he was at the time the go-between in the negotiations with Cromwell, that
he was an intimate friend of Menasseh, and that he had already given some
thought to the blood accusation and other charges against the Jews (" Rights
of the Kingdom," p. 74).
2 State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 77, April i, 1656 ; cxxvi., No. 105, xi.
Ixiii
hitroductmi
the champion of his people in a moment of their sore
trial, writing from a heart whose every throb was for
their welfare and their honour. The simple eloquence of
this essay, its naive garrulousness, the glimpses it yields of
a pious, gentle, self-denying character, made it one of the
most effective vindications of the Jews ever written. The
best tribute to its value is afforded by the fact that it has
since been frequently reprinted in all parts of Europe when
the calumnies it denounced have been revived.
The Vindicite Judaorum was a fitting prelude to the
denouement that followed. With this certificate in their
hands the Marranos felt that they might risk claiming their
legal rights as Jews, and thus at once repudiate their Spanish
nationality and challenge a settlement of their status in the
country. The decision was a bold one, but there was shrewd
method in its apparent rashness. If the Marranos were
technically Spanish subjects, they were in reality testimonies
to the intolerance of Spain which made that country, in
Cromwell's words, " the natural, the providential enemy of
England," ^ and which was one of the grounds of the war.
Like the Protestant traders whose liberty of conscience had
been trampled on in Spain they also had been persecuted,
though in a worse form. They were fugitives from the
Inquisition, and consequently had a peculiar claim on the
indulgence and consistency of the English people, who at
that moment were filled with righteous horror at the reli-
gious policy of the " Popish enemy."
In pursuance of this idea Robles now addressed a fresh
petition to the Protector, which reached the Council of State
on the 15th April," five days after the publication of the
Vindicia. In this document the purely legal question of
nationality was dropped, and Robles confined himself to
reciting how he and his kindred had been persecuted by the
Inquisition in Portugal and Spain, how his father had died
' Carlyle, " Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," vol. ii. p. 161.
2 State Papers, Dom. Inter., cxxvi., No. 105, i. ; i. 77, No. 11.
Ixiv
Introduction
under torture, how his mother had been crippled for life,
and other members of his family burnt or sent to the galleys
because they were Jews. He related that he had sought
refuge in England, " intending therein to shelter himselfe
from those tiranicall Proceedings and injoy those Beneffitts
and Kindnesse which this Comonw'*' ever aforded to aflicted
strangers." He appealed to Cromwell's notorious sym-
pathy for " afflicted ones," and especially " owr nation the
Jews," and skilfully suggested that a continuance of his
prosecution would be tantamount to the introduction of the
Inquisition into England. A week later affidavits confirm-
ing the statements in this petition were signed by all the
leading Marranos and handed to Colonel Jones.-^ Thus the
Crypto-Jews threw ofF their disguise. In the investiga-
tions which followed, the existence of over twenty Jewish
families in London was revealed, and it was given in
evidence that many of them had resided for years in the
country.
These tactics produced dismay in the ranks of the anti-
Semites. Knevett made a last despairing effort to con-
struct a fresh case against the Jews by trying to bribe
Robles's servants to assist him in framing a new informa-
tion. In this he failed.^ The case was now quickly dis-
posed of. On April 25 th the Council of State, still anxious
to avoid responsibility for a decision, sent all the papers to
the Admiralty Commissioners, with a request for a prompt
report. On May nth the Commissioners summoned the
witnesses before them, but extracted little else from them
than that Robles was believed to be Portuguese, and that
they were all victims of the Inquisition. On May 1 4th the
Commissioners reported that they were unable to give a
definite opinion on the question of nationality. Two days
later the Council screwed up their courage to a decision,
' State Papers, Dom. Inter., cxxvi., No. 105, ii. and iii. Most of the
documents in the Robles case have been printed as an appendix to my paper
on "Crypto-Jews under the Commonwealth" (Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i.
pp. 76-86). ^ Jl>i(f., cxxvi.. No. 105, vi.
Ixv /
Introduction
and, without giving any reasons, ordered all the warrants to
be discharged, and reinstated Robles in the possession of his
goods, premises, and ships.^
The Jewish battle was won, and nothing now remained
but to secure the fruits of victory in an inexpugnable form.
What followed is, in detail, a matter of conjecture, but
the broad lines of the settlement we know from the
petition of the Corporation of the City of London, already
quoted. Rights of " cohabitation and trade in these
dominions" were formally accorded to the Jews in writing.^
That this happened before the end of 1656 we may
gather from a statement of Cromwell's intimate friend,
Samuel Richardson, who, in his " Plain Dealing," pub-
lished in that year, says of the Protector, " He hath
owned the poor despised people of God, and advanced many
of them to a better way and means of living." ^ The first
steps were probably taken on the 26th June, when the long-
deferred petition of the Marranos for a license to acquire a
burial-ground and for a confirmation in writing of their
rights of residence and worship came up for consideration.*
The Council, still reluctant to engage their responsibility,
made no entry of the discussion in their Order Book, and
it was probably arranged that Cromwell should personally
confirm the Jewish right of residence, subject to an under-
standing that the spirit of the recommendations presented
to the Council after the Whitehall Conferences should be
' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 77, pp. 44, 78; cxxvii., 21,40; i. 77, No. 19.
^ There is a tradition in the synagogues that written privileges were
granted, and this conforms with all the other evidence relating to the cam-
paign. The disappearance of these documents is not surprising, as many of
the older documents belonging to the Sephardi congregation in London
passed into private hands. Moreover, after the Restoration the congrega-
tions would naturally wish to destroy all evidence of their negotiations with
the Protector. It is probable that these documents are referred to in the
State Papers, where mention is made of " a Jew living in London who has
produced great testimonies under the hand of the late Lord Protector."
(Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1659-60, p. 291.)
2 "Tracts on Liberty of Conscience " (Hanserd Knollys Soc), p. 240.
* See Endorsement of Petition, infra, p. Ixxxvi.
Ixvi
Introduction
observed. The right to acquire a cemetery was certainly
granted. Cromwell probably further engaged himself to
instruct the London city authorities to place no impedi-
ments in the way of the Jews trading on an equality with
other citizens.^ On their side, the Marranos must have 4r~
agreed not to assist in an indiscriminate immigration of their
co-religionists, not to obtrude their worship and ceremonies
on the public, not to engage in religious controversy, and
not to make converts.^ The restriction with regard to wor-
shipping in private houses was also probably revised, and
the maintenance of a synagogue, subject to the other con-
ditions, sanctioned.^ In February 1657 Antonio de
Carvajal and another leading Marrano, Simon de Caceres,
signed the lease for a Jewish cemetery in Mile End.*
Shortly afterwards another result of the settlement was
made public. Solomon Dormido, a son of David Abar-
banel Dormido and nephew of Menasseh ben Israel, was
admitted to the Royal Exchange as a duly licensed broker
of the City of London, the authorities waiving in his
favour the Christological oath essential to the induction
of all brokers.' As wholesale trading in the City was
' A similar course had been taken with regard to Protestant refugees in
the city on November 13, 1655. (Guildhall Archives : Rep. Ixiv. fol. S''.)
^ Some of these restrictions are clearly indicated by Menasseh's disap-
pointment at the settlement. The prohibition of proselytising has always
been remembered as one of the conditions of the Readmission, and it was
religiously observed until the Rabbinate of the present ecclesiastical chief of
the Anglo-Jewish community. In 1752, when certain Ashkenazi Jews were
making proselytes in London, the Parnassim of the Portuguese synagogue
wrote to the authorities of the German congregation, calling their attention
to this condition, and the proselytisers were ordered to desist from "pur-
suing such unlawful practices." In 1760 a Jew was expelled from the
synagogue and deprived of his burial rights for this offence. (Minute Books
of the Duke's Place Synagogue, 1752, 1760.)
3 Violet, "The Petition Against the Jews" (1661), p. 2: "Cromwell
and his Council did give a toleration and dispensation to a great number of
Jews to come and live here in London, and to this day they do keep public
■worship in the City of London, to the great dishonour of Christianity and
public scandal of the true Protestant religion."
* Abstract of lease in Jewish Chronicle, November 26, i8£o, comm.uni-
cated by Mr. Israel Davis.
* Guildhall Archives, Rep. Ixxiii. fol. 213.
Ixvii
Introduction
transacted exclusively through brokers, the admission of a
Jew to that limited fraternity is a substantial proof of the
acquisition of untrammelled trading rights by the new
community.
The victory, it will be observed, secured to the local
Marranos all they required, and in a measure realised the
aims of Cromwell's own policy. To Menasseh ben Israel,
however, it was no victory : it was a compromise of a
purely selfish nature, which left his idea of a proclamation
of a free asylum to the persecuted and scattered remnants
of Israel as remote as ever. We may be certain that he did
not hide his grief or his indignation. There is indeed
abundant reason for believing that he quarrelled over it
with the new Jewish community. His hopes of returning
to his old position in Amsterdam were shattered, for the
Dutch Jews, who had always shared the Stuart sympathies
of their Christian compatriots, had formally abandoned
him when they found they had nothing to gain from his
mission, and had opened negotiations on their own behalf
with the exiled king at Bruges.^ He might, perhaps, have
secured his future by becoming Rabbi of the London com-
munity had he been content to abide by the terms of the
new settlement. This, however, he sturdily refused, and
although he was deserted by all his friends, and his monetary
resources were exhausted, he continued from his lodging in
the Strand to urge on Cromwell the issue of the proclama-
tion on which he had set his heart.
That he must have quarrelled with the London Mar-
ranos immediately after the settlement is shown by a letter
he addressed to Cromwell towards the end of 1656, in
which he asked for pecuniary help, and stated that he (the
Protector) was "the alone succourer of my life in this land
of strangers."^ Cromwell responded with a gift of ;!{^25,
' Menasseh had assured Nieupoort that he did "not desire anything for
the Jews in Holland" (Thurloe, iv. p. 333). The negotiations with Charles
II. are recorded in Brit. i\Ius. Add. MSS. 4106, fol. 253.
'' Infra, p. lxxx%'i.
Jxviii
Introduction
and in the following March granted him a pension of ;^ioo
a year, dating from February, and payable quarterly.^ Un-
fortunately this pension was never paid, and Menasseh be-
came overwhelmed with cares.^ Nevertheless, for six months
longer he doggedly pursued his mission. In September
1657 his only surviving son, Samuel ben Israel, who had
remained with him in England, died.^ Then his spirit
broke. Begging a few pounds from the Protector* he
turned his steps homewards, carrying with him the corpse
of his son.
A broken and beggared man he met his family at
Middelburg, in Zeeland. He was now bent with pre-
mature age. The comely, good-tempered face, with its
quizzing eyes and dandyish moustache, so familiar to
us in Rembrandt's etching, had become hollow-cheeked
and hollow-eyed. From the crow's-feet under the temples
the whiskers had grown wildly until they formed a white
patriarchal beard.* It was the wintering touch of the
hand of death. Two months later Menasseh died of a
broken heart at the house of his brother-in-law, Ephraim
Abarbanel, in the fifty-third year of his age.^
VI. The Real "Vindici^"
One more question remains to be elucidated. How
did the seemingly precarious settlement of the London
Jews manage to survive the wreck of the Commonwealth .-'
Both Menasseh and Cromwell had builded more solidly
than they knew. If the solution of the Jewish question
arrived at towards the end of 1656 was not wholly satis-
1 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., viii. pp. 94-95. Fifth Rep. of Dep. Keeper of
Public Records, App. ii. p. 253.
^ Infra, p. Ixxxviii.
•* Ibid., p. Ixxxvii.
* Ibid. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., viii. p. 95.
^ Compare frontispiece with portrait at p. 105.
^ Kayserling, " Menasseh ben Israel." (Misc. of Hebrew Literature,
Series ii. pp. 68, 93.)
Ixix
hitroductiofi
factory, it was precisely in that fact that its real strength
lay. Experimental compromise is the law of English
political progress. From the strife of wills represented
in its extremer forms by Cromwell's lofty conception of
religious liberty on the one hand, and by the intolerance
of the sectaries on the other, had emerged a compromise
which conformed to this law, and which consequently made
the final solution of the question an integral part of English
^.political evolution. The great merit of the settlement was
that while it disturbed little, it gave the Jews a future in
' the country on the condition that they were fitted to
^possess it.
The fact that in its initial stage it disturbed so little
rendered it easy for Charles II. to connive at it. Had
Menasseh ben Israel's idea been realised in its entirety, the
task of the restored Monarchy would have been more diffi-
cult. London would have been overrun by destitute Polish
and Bohemian Jews driven westward by persecution, some
fanaticised by their sufferings, others plying the parasitic
trades into which commercial and industrial disabilities
had driven the denizens of the Central European Jewries.^
Many of them would have become identified with the wild
Judaical sectaries who were the bitterest enemies of the
Stuarts, while the others would have given new life to
the tradition of Jewish usury, which for nearly four hun-
dred years had been only an historical reminiscence in the
country. Under these circumstances, we can well conceive
that a re-expulsion of the Jews might have been one of the
first tasks of the Restoration.
From this calamity England and the Jews were saved
by the restricted character of the compromise of 1656.
When the Commonwealth fell to pieces the Jewish com-
munity of London consisted only of some forty or fifty
families of wealthy and enterprising merchants, scarcely
• For the condition of the Ashkenazi Jews at this epoch see Graetz's
Geschichte, vol. x. pp. 52-82.
Ixx
Introduction
distinguishable in their bearing and mode of life from the
best kinds of merchant-strangers hailing from Amsterdam,
Bordeaux, Lisbon, Cadiz, and Leghorn.
Nevertheless, efforts to procure their expulsion were
not wanting. Royalists who recognised in them a relic
of the hated Commonwealth, merchants whose restricted
economic science resented their activity and success, and
informers who imagined that their toleration was a viola-
tion of English law, set to work early to denounce them.
These manoeuvres began, indeed, as soon as the breath was
out of Cromwell's body. Only a few weeks after the
Protector's death a petition was presented to Richard
Cromwell demanding the expulsion of the Jews and the
confiscation of their property.^ At the same time, Thomas
Violet, the notorious informer and pamphleteer, made a
collection of documents bearing on the illegality of the
Jewish settlement, which he submitted to Mr. Justice
Tyril, together with an application that the law should
be set in motion against the intrusive community. The
worthy Justice shrewdly suggested to Mr. Violet that in
the then confused political situation he would do well to
take no action. It would, he opined, be only prudent to
await the establishment of a stable Government before
moving in so serious a matter.
A few months later Charles II. re-entered London, and
the Commonwealth was at an end. Naturally, everybody
looked to the new regime to redress the particular grievance
or grievances he harboured against "the late execrable
Usurper," and the anti-Jewish party was particularly prompt
in its representations under this head. Scarcely had CHarles
arrived in the Metropolis when the Lord Mayor and Alder-
men of the City of London presented to him a humble
petition, bitterly complaining of the action of Cromwell in
permitting the Jews to re-enter the land, and asking the
1 [Richard Baker], "The Marchants Humble Petition and Remon-
strance" (London, 1659), p. 17.
Ixxi
Lntrociuction
King "to cause the former laws made against the Jews to
be put in execution, and to recommend to your two Houses
of Parliament to enact such new ones for the expulsion of
all professed Jews out of your Majesty's dominions, and to
bar the door after them with such provisions and penalties,
as in your Majesty's wisdom should be found most agree-
able to the benefits of religion, the honour of your Majesty,
and the good and welfare of your subjects." ^ The long
pent-up wrath of the City found full expression in this
petition, which must be read in its entirety to be appreci-
ated. Thomas Violet followed with another petition, which
was equally violent.^ He declared that by law it was a
felony for any Jew to be found in England. He did not,
however, propose their expulsion, as he did not think that
would be the best way of turning them to profitable
account. His suggestion was in the first place that all
their estates and properties should be confiscated, and then
that they should be cast into prison and kept there until
ransomed by their wealthy brethren abroad. A third peti-
tion, dated November 30, 1660, is preserved among the
Domestic State Papers, but the names of the authors are
not given. It runs very much on the lines of the City
petition, but it admits the hypothesis of Jews residing in
England under license, provided they were heavily taxed.^
No direct reply to any of these petitions is recorded.
The views of the new Government are, however, no mystery.
In the first place, there was no real Jewish question in the
country, inasmuch as the Jews were very few, their character
was above reproach, and the practice of their religion was
conducted with so much tact and prudence that it was
impossible in sober truth to be moved by Violet's impas-
sioned complaint of " a great dishonour of Christianity and
public scandal of the true Protestant religion." * Conse-
■ Guildhall Archives : Remembrancia, vol. ix. No. 44, pp. 1-18.
^ Violet, "A Petition against the Jews" (London, 1661).
^ State Papers, Dom., Charles II., vol. xxi. p. 140. /> ■ "ii^
* " Petition," p. 2. — '
Ixxii
httroductioJi
quently the Government were free to consider the question
exclusively from the point of view of secular politics.
Once regarded in this light the conclusion could not be
long in doubt. Cromwell's maritime and commercial
policy had been adopted by the statesmen of the Restora-
tion, and the success of this policy — represented by the
re-enacted Navigation Act — depended to no inconsiderable
extent on toleration of the Jews.
Moreover, Charles was under personal obligations to the
Jews, and had assured them of his protection even before
he came by his own. The Jews of Amsterdam, and some
of the wealthier Jews in London, had assisted him during
his exile, especially the great family of Mendez da Costa
and Augustin Coronel, the agent for Portugal and a personal
friend of Monk.^ Shortly after the mission of Menasseh
ben Israel to Cromwell these Jews had approached Charles II.
at Bruges and had assured him that they had neither assisted
nor approved the Rabbi's negotiations. Thereupon General
Middleton had been instructed to treat with them for their
support to the Royalist cause, and Charles had promised
that " they shall find when God shall restore his Majesty
that he would extend that protection to them which they
could reasonably expect, and abate that rigour of the law
which was against them in his several dominions." ^ That
these negotiations were not without practical result is beyond
question, for the Da Costas and Coronels, as well as several
other Jewish families, were exceedingly active on Charles's
behalf during the last few years of the Commonwealth.
It must not be imagined that this Royalist activity repre-
sented any double-dealing on the part of the Jews. Those
who, like Carvajal and De Caceres, had fled direct from
the Inquisition to England, were faithful to Cromwell to
the end. The Royalist Jews were men who had acquired
their Cavalier sympathies in France and Holland, and shared
' Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 71, 74-75-
2 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS_._4lo6, f. 253.
Ixxiii k
Introduction
them with their Christian fellow-citizens in those countries.
None of them were parties to the negotiations with Crom-
well in 1655-56, and none had ever affected Puritan
sympathies. They probably had conscientious objections
to Republicanism, for they were of the aristocratic Sephardi
branch of Israel, with some of the bluest blood of Spain in
their veins and immense wealth in their strong-boxes. Their
dissent from their Puritan brethren was an early illustration
of the falsity of the hypothesis of Jewish political solidarity,
which is to this day a cherished delusion of the anti-Semites.
Charles II. did not confine himself to ignoring the anti-
Semitic petitions. Having made up his mind that the Jews
should be protected, he sought, like Cromwell, to throw the
responsibility for his decision on the Constitutional Govern-
ment. Before the end of 1660 an Order of the Lords in
Council was sent to the House of Commons, recommending
that measures should be taken for the protection of the
Jews.^ There is no record of any such measures having
been adopted. It was probably felt that the most conveni-
ent course to pursue was to continue the policy of personal
connivance inaugurated by Cromwell, as by that means men's
minds would be least disturbed, and an experiment which was
likely to produce good results would not be hampered. More-
over, should the experiment fail, it would be all the easier to
deal with it if it had not received any legislative sanction.
Accordingly, the Jews passed from the personal protec-
tion of Cromwell to that of Charles. In 1664, when an
attempt was made by the Earl of Berkshire and Mr. Ricaut
to obtain their expulsion, the King in Council disavowed
the scheme, and assured the Jews " that they may promise
themselves the effects of the same favour as formerly they
have had so long as they demean themselves peaceably an,d
quietly with due obedience to his Majesty's laws and with-
out scandal to his Government.^ A similar course was
1 Journal of the House of Commons, December 17, 1660.
^ State Papers, Dom., Chas. II., Entry Book xviii. (1664), fol. 79.
Ixxiv
Introduction
taken by the Privy Council in 1673 and 1685, when
attempts were made by informers to prosecute the Jews for
the exercise of their religion.^ i^inally the King marked his
personal gratitude to the Jews by knighting Coronel soon
after the Restoration, and by a generous distribution of
patents of denization among the members of the Synagogue.^
Thus the Cromwellian settlement was confirmed, and
the path was definitely opened by which the Jews might
win their way to the citizenship of the United Kingdom.
How that path was successfully trodden is a story which
caunot be told in detail here. Its main feature, how-
ever, must be briefly referred to, for it supplies the justi-
fication for the campaign which Menasseh ben Israel
and Oliver Cromwell waged so gallantly on behalf of the
Hebrew people in the first half of the seventeenth century.
The Jews won their way to English citizenship not
because they remained the servi camera, which had been
their status under the Norman and Angevin kings, and
which they had practically resumed under the Protectorate
and the Restoration, but because they literally realised the
portraiture of the Hebrew citizen which Menasseh ben
Israel vainly placed before the British nation in 1655 in
his tract, De Fidelitate et utilitate Judaic^ Gentis. In this
way they gradually substituted for the personal protection
of the Crown the sympathy and confidence of the nation.
Their old enemies in the City of London were their
first converts. The wealth they brought into the country,
and their fruitful commercial activity, especially in the
colonial trade, soon revealed them as an indispensable
element of the prosperity of the City.^ As early as 1668
Sir Josiah Child, the millionaire governor of the East
' The text of these orders in Council has been printed by Webb, " The
Question whether a Jew may hold Lands" (Lond., 1753), PP- 38-4°-
* Some of these patents are printed by Webb in an appendix to " The
Question," pp. 17-19. For Coronel's knighthood see Le Neve's " Pedigrees
of Knights," Harl. Soc. Pub. (1869).
^ Wolf, "Jewish Emancipation in the City" (Je-u: CJirot!., November 30,
1894).
Ixxv
Introduction
India Company, pleaded for their naturalisation on the
score of their commercial utility.-' For the same reason
the City found itself compelled at first to connive
at their illegal representation on 'Change, and then to
violate its own rules by permitting them to act as brokers
without previously taking up the Freedom.^ At this period
they controlled more of the foreign and colonial trade than
all the other alien merchants in London put together. The
momentum of their commercial enterprise and stalwart
patriotism proved irresistible. From the Exchange to the
City Council Chamber, thence to the Aldermanic Court,
and' eventually to the Mayoralty itself, were inevitable
stages of an emancipation to which their large interests
in the City and their high character entitled them. Finally
the City of London — not only as the converted champion
of religious liberty but as the convinced apologist of the
Jews — sent Baron Lionel de Rothschild to knock at the
doors of the unconverted House of Commons as parlia-
mentary representative of the first city in the world.
Jewish emancipation in England was, in short, the work
of the English democracy — almost of the same democracy
which in the thirteenth century had spued the Hebrews
forth, when their kingly protectors had made their residence
in the land conditional on their acting as the usurious instru-
ments of the Royal Exchequer, and which in the seventeenth
had resented their readmission under the influence of deeply
rooted prejudices, inherited from that dark age. It was no
mere homage to the abstract principle of Religious Liberty
like the emancipations on the Continent which, in the name
of the Rights of Man, suddenly called forth the oppressed
Jews from their Ghettos and bade them take up a new life,
from which they were sundered by centuries of mediaeval
seclusion. Religious Liberty in England broadened on
more cautious lines. Dissenters, Roman Catholics, and
1 Child, "A New Discourse of Trade" (Lond., 1668), p. 5.
^ Wolf, "Jewish Emancipation," loc. cit.
Ixxvi
hitroduction
Jews have each been taken into the bosom of the nation
by separate legislative action, and as the result of practical
demonstrations of the futility, nay, the disadvantage, of their
exclusion. The gradual emancipation of the English Jews,
first socially and then in the municipalities, enabled them
to show that their civic qualities entitled them to the fullest
rights of citizenship ; and it was the realisation of this
fact — not by statesmen or philosophers, but by their neigh-
bours and fellow-citizens themselves — that eventually gave
them the position they now enjoy.
The story of Jewish emancipation in England is the true
Vindici^ Judteorum — the avenging of Menasseh's broken
heart and the vindication of his touching trust in his
people. It is something more. It is one of many justi-
fications of that fine conception of statecraft, deeply
rooted in infinite sympathy with human freedom, which
is the secret of Britain's greatness, and of which Oliver
Cromwell must ever be regarded as the typical exponent
in English history.
VII. Documents
The following is a selection of the documents referred
to in the foregoing narrative. They have been selected
chiefly on account of their personal bearing on Menasseh's
efforts : —
I. Fragment of a letter from Menasseh ben Israel to an
unknown correspondent in London (Harl. Miscel., vol. vii.
p. 623). The original was probably in French or Latin : —
"Amsterdam, September 5407 [1647 J.
" Sen/ior, no pueda enar ! that is, sir, I cannot express the joy that
I have when I read your letters, full of desires to see your country
prosperous, which is heavily afflicted w^ith civil wars, without doubt
by the just judgment of God. And it should not be in vain to
attribute it to the punishment of your predecessor's faults, committed
against ours ; when ours being deprived of their liberty under deceit-
Ixxvii
hitroduction
fulness, so many men were slain only because they kept close under
the tenets of Moses, their legislator."
2. Abstract of a letter relating to the " Hope of Israel "
from Menasseh ben Israel to John Dury (Thorowgood,
"Jews in America," 1650, p. xvii). The original seems
to have been in French : —
"Amsterdam, November 25, [1649].
" By the occasion of the questions you propose unto me concern-
ing this adjoyned Narrative of Mr. Antonio Montezinos, I, to give
you satisfaction, have written instead of a Letter a Treatise, which
I shortly will publish & whereof you shall receive so many copies
as you desire. In this Treatise I handle of the first inhabitants of
America which I believe were of the ten Tribes ; moreover that
they are scattered also in other Countries, & that they keep their
true Religion, as hoping to returne againe into the Holy Land in
due time."
3. Portion of a letter on the same subject from Menasseh
ben Israel to John Dury (Thorowgood, ibid.). Like the
foregoing, the original was in French : —
"Amsterdam, December 23, 1649.
" [In my Treatise] I declare how that our Israelites were the first
finders out of America ; not regarding the opinions of other men,
which I thought good to refute in few words onely ; and I thinke
that the ten Tribes live not onely there, but also in other lands
scattered every where ; these never did come backe to the second
Temple, & they keep till this day still the Jewish Religion, seeing
all the Prophecies which speake of their bringing backe unto their
native soile must be fulfilled : So then at their appointed time, all
the Tribes shall meet from all the parts of the world into two pro-
vinces, namely Assyria and Egypt, nor shall their kingdome be any
more divided, but they shall have one Prince the Messiah the Sonne
of David. I do also set forth the Inquisition of Spaine, and rehearse
diuers of our Nation, & also of Christians, Martyrs, who in our
times have suffered seuerall sorts of torments, & then having
shewed with what great honours our Jews have been graced also by
severall Princes who professe Christianity. I proue at large, that
the day of the promised Messiah unto us doth draw neer, upon
which occasion I explaine many Prophecies."
Ixxviii
Introduction
4. Letter from Menasseh ben Israel to Paul Felgenhauer
{Bonum Nuncium Israeli, pp. 87 f/ seq.) :—
" D. Paulo Felgenhauer,
Salutem & Benedictionem, k
Deo Israelis reprecatur,
Menasseh Ben Israel.
" Bonum istud, in novissimis & afflictissimis hisce temporibus
populo Israeli a te, Vir spectatissime, allatum Nuncium, tan to fuit
animo meo gratius, quo, post tot seculorum aerumnas & tarn diu
protractas spes nostras, flagrantius idipsum exoptare non desino ;
modo prse rei magnitudine verbis tuis fides constare possit. Siccine,
Bonarum rerum Nuncie bone, in procinctune jam est, ut adveniat
Deus noster, Miserator Nostrum, utque nobis Desiderium tot secu-
lorum, Messiam caput nostrum, tarn brevi sit missurus r Siccine
tempus illud imminere ais, quo Deus ; hactenus oiFensus & aversus
a nobis, iterum Populum suum consolabitur, & redimet non solum
^ Captivitate hac plusquam BabylonicS, k servitute plusquam
j^^gyptiaci in qua jam elanguit prs morS, sed & ab iniquitatibus
suis, in quibus quasi consumptus est ! Vtinam tarn Verum esset,
quam Bonum Nuncium tuum, tibique, tarn Credere possem quam
vellem ! Utcunque quae ad gaudii nostri confirmationem ex scriptis
Propheticis Signa adfers Adventus Messiae (ut fatear quod res est)
lubens amplector ; & quo plus animo meo volvuntur ea, hoc magis
spes mihi inde aliqua affulgere videtur.
" Ad Primum quod attinet, apud nostros Rabbinos id signum in
confesso est : quum enim necesse sit Imperia hujus mundi omnia
corruere, antequam Regnum & Potestas & Magnitudo Regni detur
Populo sanctorum Altissimi,cui omnes Reges servire & obedire oportet,
inde non obscure sequitur, immediate ante adventum ilium Messise &
Instaurationem Regni ipsius, magnas Conturbationes, Tumultus, sedi-
tiones,intestina&crudelissimaBella,Regnorum& Populorum hinc inde
devastationes praecedere debere ; Quires quod brevi sit eflFectum sorti-
tura, ex prassenti Imperiorum Mundi facie vero baud dissimile videtur.
" De Elia, secundo Adventus Messiae nostri signo, quod ais, non
diffitemur, quin & gaudemus maxime, quod in eo nos Judsei cum
selectissimis Christian! Nominis Viris, in unam eandemque sententiam
concurrimus, fore ilium ex nostra Gente oriundum. Verum enim
vero Elias ille cum nondum comparuerit nobis, eo usque saltem
suspendatur spes nostra necesse est : adeo ut, donee ilium Deus nobis
revelaverit, certi & indubitati quicquam de Messise Adventu statuere
minus tuum videatur.
Ixxix
Introduction
" De Tcrtio isto Adventus Messias signo quod ais, nempe de hac
Regni Israelis per totum Terrarum orbem praedicatione, id mihi non
solum verisimile videtur, sed & tale quid jam in lucem prorumpere
& efFectum sortiri baud obscure videmus : quin & Praedicatorem
istorum baud contemnendus numerus mibi ipsi per literas innotuit,
qui ex diversis mundi partibus ad consolandum Sionem prodierunt ;
inter alios Viros Nobilitate & Doctrin^ insignes, qui ad manum
jam sunt. En ex Silesia babemus Ahrahamum a Frankenberg, ex
BorussiA Joh. Mochingerum, ex Gallia Autorem Libelli Gallico
idiomate editi, Du rappel des Ju'ifs. Ex Anglia quos non ? Nuper
auctoritate public^. Nathanael Homerius, SS. Tbeol. Doctor, librum
in folio edidit anglico idiomate, de bac ipsa materii; & D. Henricus
Jesse, nobis librum Belgico idiomate de Glorid Jehudte & Israelis ;
publice dedicavit. Plures allegare possem, qui instar Nubeculae istius
I Reg. 1 8 (quam Elias ascendentem de mari vidit, & subito in tantam
molem excrevit ut totum Coeli expansum contegeret) Indies numero
& virtute accrescunt, donee tandem totum Terrarum ambitum
praedicatione sua sint completuri : Vt aute aliquod bajus rei specimen,
ad testimonium tuum confirmandum tibi, mi Paule prebeam ; selegi
tibi aliquot Virorum istorum ad me literas, quae jam prae manibus
habebam, quas legere poteris, & mecum gaudere, de ijs qui dicunt
nobis, Ibimus in domum Domini, stabunt adhuc pedes nostri in atriis
tuis lerusalem ; qui ad cor lerusalem loquuntur, prsedicantes salutem
& dicentes Sioni, Dens tuus Regnabit.
" Sed praeter baec mitto quoque ad Te, Vir Doctissime, auto-
graphum Panegyrici cujusdam quern meo Nomini inscripsit D.
Immanuel Bocarus Frances y Rosales alias Jacobus Rosales tJebr^EUS,
Mathematicus & Medicinae Doctor eximius, quern Imperator Nobi-
litatis Insignibus & Comitis Palatini dignitate donavit ; idque e;l
potissimum intentione mitto, ut videat Dominus exstare adhuc &
discerni ad hunc usque diem surculos ex stirpe Davidici ortum
ducentes. Denique ut desiderio tuo faciam satis, en quoque Cata-
logum librorum, quos vel in lucem edidi jam, vel edendos penes me
in parato habeo, sive Latino sive Hispanico idiomate. Hisce te
Deo Patrum nostrorum ejusque gratiae & benignitati animitus com-
mendo, Datum Amsterodami An. i655j die i Febr."
5. Enclosures in the foregoing, being a letter from
Nathaniel Holmes, with a postscript by Henry Jessey [Bonum
Nuncium Israeli, pp. 103-106): —
" Nunc sequitur Clarissimi Viri, Nathanaelis Hpmesii SS. Theol.
Ixxx
Introduction
Doctoris Anglici ad me Epistolium, datum 24 Decemb. An. 1649.
cum Subscriptione Reverendi D. Henrici Jesse ei annexA.
"Decemb. 24, 1649.
"Animus mihi fuit, citius adte scribendi, Vir egregie, otium
non fuit, Nee hodie ita mihi vacat, ut menti meae, tantisque tuis
scriptis (quamvis expectatione paucioribus) satisfaciam. Nondum
de loco decern Tribuum, ex tuis literis responsum accepi ; quod in
meis desideratum fuit ; non astu, vel curiositate. Veritatem inse-
quor, ne Impostores pro Ebraeis nobis obstrudantur. Scripsit quidam
nuperime, Innodos Novas Angliae decem Tribubus esse prognatos.
Alii Tartyros esse contendunt. Alii alios. Discrucior animi, ne
fallar, usque dum literas tuae me fecerint certiorem. Delectari
videris D. Nicolai Apologia. Spero (ne glorier) te plura (ne dicam
majora) visurum, meo de Mille Annis prodeunte tractatu. Quod
opus ita me tenet occupatum, ut meae ad te iturae morentur litera;.
Martyres in tuis literis vox est ; quae, ni fallor, veteri Testamento
baud innotuit. Verum sub Novo, viri celebres, Christum, ejusque
Evangelium, ad mortem asserentes, primi illud nomen obtinuerunt.
Facile tamen concede, quoslibet veritatis alicujus testes, Martyres
Graece dictos fuisse. Sed (parcatur nostrae libertati Conscientiae, quam
lubentissime tibi inter scribendum indulsero) nee pontificii jam post
Concilium Tridentinum ullatenus habeantur propria Christiani : nee
Martyrium esse mihi videatur, pro hodiern^ Legis Mosaicx observa-
tione animam deponere. Quippe Lex ilia quoad usum, ex plurimis
veteris Testamenti sufFragiis, ante hoc abolenda esset. Deut. 18,
V. 18, 19. Psal. 50. V. 6-15, 23. lesaiae 66, v. 1-3. Vt olim
multis jam annis transactis, ludei ubi maxima indulgetur libertas
non sacrificantes, vosmetipsos tamen vere Deum colere arbitramini,
Libet tamen, non obstanti h^c dieendi libertate nos edoeeri, dedoce-
rique, qui in re a veritate subsidimus, vel hallucinamur. Tractatum
itaque quem nominas De debito Christianorutn erga Ebraos affectu,
mittas ; ut quantum in me est, typis mandetur, & in publicum
promoveamus. De tempore adventus Messia quod incertum pro-
nuncias, idque incertum comprobares experientii ; in promptu est
responsio ; Illud Danieli prius ignoranti, tandem revelatum est ;
idque ex libris illius, nobis. Et quamvis nonnulli (quos nominas)
computando hallucinantes, in errorum gyris, & labyrintho sunt in-
voluti ; non tamen hae ratione deponendx sunt de ea re (tanquam
nullius usus) Prophetiae. Quippe quod expectamus, Danielis more
cap. 9. v. 2 & v. 21. ut jam Vesperi setatem, quo propius accedunt
Ixxxi /
Introduction
liberationum periodi, eo clarius elucescant revelationes ad easdem
spectantes. iEgyptii Ethnicorum barbariores (te teste Egregie Vir)
nascendum Mosen praesentiscebant, nescientibus tunc Israelitis
natum Liberatorem. Quidni etiam Christiani Scripturas amplexi,
adventum vestrae Messirt; secundum praeviderent ? In cujus ad-
ventu, (pace eruditionis vestrae asserentis, quod stupens mirabar,
Vestram salutem in ejus Adventu non esse sitam) fundatur nostra, prae-
sertim vestra aeterna salus. Si enim verum foret, eum nondum
venisse, & postha;c ilium venturum ambigitur, labitur omnis pro-
phetiarum Compages, totumque veteris Testamenti Systema ruit.
Et ita de Scripturarum veritate actum est ; ut de salute turn nostra,
turn vestr4 actum est. Quae si quippiam asserere videantur, Christi
Messije passionem (Psal. 22. Isa. 53) resurrcctionem (Psal. 16)
ascensionem (Psal. 68) sesslonem ad dextram Patr'ts (Psal. 1 10)
potestatein super omnia regnantem^ more Adami novissime creati
(Psal. 2. Psal. 8) omnino asserunt. Quae omnia acurate comparata,
Messia Filii Davidis adventum, abitumque, reditumque, elenchic^
satis demonstrant. Non novum urgeo Testamentum, quod acquis
miraculorum portentis nobis commendatum fuit, ut vetus Israeli.
Vobis tamen Hebraeis libentissimi favemus, utinamque plus multo
favere possemus ; quamvis nee Meritum, nee pro merito (vox Bibliis
ignota) quicquam expeetamus. Merces ex gratis datur non merito.
Malum possumus, qui perfeete peccamus, merer! ; bonum in quo
omnimodo deficimus. Malum itaque pro nostro, bonum pro Christi
merito (si voce utar) nobis compensatur. Hominum (fateor) alter
de altero merer! dicatur, ut egomet tibi (vir Candidissime) pro tuis
Uteris me multum debere agnosco. Quin & universa vestrae Nation!,
flexis genibus servire molior, ut sive Nos Vobis, Vosvd: Nobis fact!
Proselytae utrique juxta Isaiam, & Ezechielem, caeterosque Prophetas,
in unam coeamus ecelesiam. Nee non (confido) dilectissimus noster
lesseus idem meditatur ; cui literas communicavi tuas, ad me missas.
Pudet multum me tamdiu siluisse, verum tibi rescribenti, dupl^
quoad possim diligent!^ compensabitur.
" A Tui Observantissimo,
"Nathanaele Homesio.
" Tuis hisce ex animo attestatur, assentitur, negociis i scribendo
jam detentus, qui Sionis pulverem commiseratur, qui hasc propria
manu subscripsi H. Iesse."
6. Original French text of Menasseh ben Israel's de-
Ixxxii
Introduction
mands on behalf of the Jews presented to Oliver Cromwell
(S. P., Dom. Inter., ci. 115).
" Ce sont icy les graces et les faveurs qu'au nom de ma nation
hebreue moy, Menasseh ben Israel, requiers a vostre serenissime altesse
que dieu fasse prosperer et donne heureux succez en toutes ses entre-
prises comme son hiimble serviteur lui souhaitte et desire.
" I. La premiere chose que je demande a vostre Altesse est que
nostre nation hebreue sont re5eue et admise en cestee puissant repub-
lique sous la protection et garde de vostre altesse comme les cittoiens
mesmes et pour plus grande security au temps advenir je supplie votre
altesse de faire jurer (si elle I'a pour aggr&ble) k tous ses chefs et gene-
raux d'armes de nous defFendre en toutes occasions.
" II. Quil plaise a vostre altesse nous permettre s\-nagogues pub-
liques non seulement en Angleterre, mais aussi en touts austres lieux
de conqueste qui sont sous la puissance de Vostre Altesse et d'observer
en tout nostre religion comme nous devons.
" III. Que nous puissions avoir un lieu ou cimetiere hors la ville
pour enterrer nos morts sans estre molestes d''aucun.
" IV. Qu'il nos soit permis de trafiquer librement en toute sorte
de marchandise comme les autres.
"V. Que (afin que ceux qui vendront soyent pour Tutilite des
citoyens et viven san porter prejudice a aucun ni donner scandale)
vostre serenissime Altesse elise im personne de quality pour informer
et recevoir passeport de ceux qui entreront, les quels estant arrivez le
faira scavoir et les obligera de jurer et garder fid^lite a vostre Altesse
en ce peix.
" VI. Et pour n'estre point a charge aux juges du peix touchaut
les contestations et differents qui peuvent arriver entre ceux de nostre
nation que nostre serenissime Altesse donne licence aux chef de la
synagogue de prendre avec soy deux ausmoniers de sa nation pour
accorder et juger tous les differents de procez conforme a la lo}-
Mosayque avec libert^ toutefois d'appeler de leur sentence aux juges
civils deposant premierement la somme a laquelle la partye aurait este
condamnfe.
" Vn. Que si paradventure il y avait quelques loix contraires a
nostre nation juifsx que premierement et avant toutes choses elles
soient revoquees affin que par ce moien la nous puissons demeurer avec
plus grande securite sous la sauvegarde et protecdon de vostre serenis-
sime Altesse.
" LesqueUes choses nous concedant vostre serenissime Altesse nous
demeurerons toujours les tres affectionnes et obligez a prier Dieu pour
Ixxxiii
Ititroductioii
la prosperity de vostre Altesse et de vostre illustre et tr^s sage conseil.
Qu'il luy plaise donner heureux succez a toutes \ks, enterprises de vostre
Serenissime Altesse Amen.'"
7. Circular issued by Cromwell's Council convening the
Whitehall Conference (S.P. Dom. Inter., i. 76, 1655, pp.
378-79)-
"Sir, — His Highness the Lord Protector and the Council having
determined of a certain number of persons (whereof yourself is one)
to meet with a Committee of the Council on Tuesday the fourth of
December next in ye afternoon neare the Council Chambers in
Whitehall to the intent some proposalls made to his Highness in
reference to the nation of the Jewes may be considered of you are
therefore desired by his Highness & the Council to take notice
thereof & so meet at the said time and place for the purpose afore-
said.
Signed in the name &
by order of the Council
He. Lawrence
Whitehall, Presidt
16 Novem. 1655."
8. Report of the Sub-Committee of the Council of
State after the Conferences at Whitehall (S. P., iDom.
Inter., ci. 118).
" That the Jewes deservinge it may be admitted into this nation to
trade and trafficke anddwel amongst us as providence shall give occasion}
" That as to poynt of conscience we judge lawfull for the magis-
trate to admit in case such materiall and weighty considerations as
hereafter follow be provided for, about which till we are satisfyed we
cannot but in conscience suspend our resolution in this case.
" I. That the motives and grounds upon which Menasseh ben
Israel in behalfe of the rest of his nation in his booke lately printed
in this English tongue desireth their admission in this common-
wealth are such as we conceave to be very sinfull for this or any
Christian state to receave them upon.
' Dr. Gardiner has suggested to me, and I agree, that this paragraph is
not a recommendation, but the thesis of the report. It is the text of the
" reference " to the Sub-Committee by the Council, and the succeeding para-
graphs constitute the report upon it. See supra, p, xlv.
Ixxxiv
hitroduction
" 2. That the danger of seducinge the people of this nation by
their admission in matters of religion is very great.
" 3. That their havinge of synagogues or any publicke meetings
for the exercise of their worship or religion is not only evill in itselfe,
but likewise very scandalous to other Christian churches.
" 4. That their customes and practices concerninge marriage and
divorce are unlawful! and will be of very evill exemple amongst us.
" 5. That principles of not makinge concience of oathes made and
injuryes done to Christians in life, chastity, goods or good name have
bin very notoriously charged upon them by valuable testimony.
" 6. That great prejudice is like to arise to the natives of this com-
monwealth in matter of trade, which besides other dangers here men-
tioned we find very commonly suggested by the inhabitants of the
city of London.
" 7. We humbly represent.
"I. That they be not admitted to have any publicke Judica-
toryes, whether civill or ecclesiasticall, which were to grant them
terms beyond the condition of strangers.
"II. That they be not admitted eyther to speake or doe any-
thinge to the defamation or dishonour of the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ or of the Christian religion.
"III. That they be not permitted to doe any worke or any-
thinge to the prophanation of the Lord's Day or Christian sabbath.
"IV. That they be not admitted to have Christians to dwell
with them as their servants.
"V. That they bear no publicke office or trust in this com-
monwealth.
" VI. That they be not allowed to print anything which in the
least opposeth the Christian religion in our language.
" VII. That so farre as may be not suffered to discourage any of
their owne from uisnge or applyinge themselves to any which may
tend to convince them of their error and turn them to Christianity.
And that some severe penalty be imposed upon them who shall
apostatize from Christianity to Judaisme."
9. Petition of the London Marranos to Oliver Crom-
well (S. P., Dom. Inter., cxxv. 58) : — •
" To His Highnesse Oliver Lord Protector of the Comon-
welth of England, Scotland & Ireland & the Dominions thereof.
" The Humble Petition of The Hebrews at Present Residing in
this citty of London whose names ar vnderwritten
Ixxxv
Introduction
" Humbly shewcth
" That Acknolledging The manyfold favours and Protection yor
Highnesse hath bin pleased to graunt vs in order that wee may with
security meete priuatley in owr particular houses to our Deuosions,
And being desirous to be favoured more by yo^ Highnesse wee pray
with all Humblenesse y"" by the best meanes which may be such
Protection may be graunted vs in Writting as that wee may therew'''
meete at owr said priuate deuosions in owr Particular houses without
feere of Molestation cither to owr persons famillys or estates, owr
desires Being to Liue Peacebly under yo Highnes Gouernement, And
being wee ar all mortall wee allsoe Humbly pray yo"" Highnesse to
graunt vs License that those which may dey of owr nation may be
buryed in such place out of the cittye as wee shall thineke conuenient
with the Proprietors Leaue in whose Land this place shall be, and
soe wee shall as well in owr Lifetyme, as at owr death be highly
fauoured by yo'' Highnesse for whose Long Lyfe and Prosperity wee
shall continually pray To the allmighty God.
Menasseh Ben Israel.
David Abrabanel.
Abraham Israel Caruajal.
Abraham Coen Gonzales.
Jahacob De Caceres.
Abraham Israel De Brito.
IsAK Lopes Chillon.
Oliver P.
Wee doe referr this Peticon
to the Consideracon of y"" Councill.
March ye 24th
i6-'y^. (Endorsement)
Hebrews
ye 25 March 1656
dd by the Lord Presid'
Gentlemen ye 26
June 1656."
10. Petition of Menasseh ben Israel to Oliver Crom-
well, probably written at the end of 1656 (S. P., Dom.
Inter., cliii. 122) : —
"To his Highness the Lord Protector.
" May it please your Highnesse, what modestie forbidds neccs-
sitie (that ingens telum) compells ; that having bene long time very
Ixxxvi
Introduction
sickly (an expensive condition) I make my moan to your Highnesse,
as the alone succourer of my life, in this land of strangers, to help in
this present exigence. I shall not presume to prescribe to your High-
nesse but havinge had great experience of your greatnesse in compas-
sions as well as in majestic, I lay myselfe at your feet, that am your
infinit obliged supplicant & servant
"Menasseh Ben Israel."
1 1. Further petition from Menasseh ben Israel to Oliver
Cromwell. It is endorsed "17 Sep. 1657" (S. P., Dom.
Inter., clvi. 89) :—
"To his Highnesse, the Lord Protector, the humble petition of
Menasseh Ben Israel.
" May it please your Highnesse, my only sonne, being now dead
in my house, who before his departure, engaged me to accompany
his corps to Holland, & I indebted here, I know not which way to
turn mee but (under God) to your Highnesse for help in this con-
dition, emploring your bowells of compassion (which I know are
great & tender) to supply me with three hundred pounds, & I shall
surrender my pension seal & never trouble or charge your Highnesse
any more, I am very sensible considering your great past kindnesse
(which with all thankfullnesse I acknowledge) how highly-bold this
my petition is, but the necessitie of my present exigence & my
experience of your admirable graciousnesse to mee have layd mee
prostrat at your feet, crying. Help, most noble prince, for God's sake,
your most humble supplicant Menasseh Ben Israel."
12. Petition on behalf of the widow of Menasseh ben
Israel, addressed to Richard Cromwell by John Sadler
(S. P., Dom. Inter., cc. 8) :—
"To his Highness the Lord Protector the humble petition of
John Sadler.
"Sheweth that although your petitioner being often pressed to
present petitions in behalf of the Jewes did rather dissuade their
comming hither, yet by some letters of your late royall father &
others of note in this nation some of their synagogs were encouraged
to send hither one of their cheife rabbines, Menasseh Ben Israel, for
admittance & some freedome of trade in some of these ilands. And
when he had stayed heere so long, that he was allmost ashamed to
Ixxxvii
Introduction
returne to those that sent him or to exact their maintenance heere
where they found so Httle success after so many hopes, it pleased his
Highnes & the councell to setle on the said Menasseh a pension of
100;^ a yeare which ere long he offered to resigne for 300^^ for
present satisfaction of debts & other pressures which lay so heavy on
him that at length he submitted to resigne his former pension for a
new grant of loo£^ to be presently paid as the councell ordered.
"But notwithstanding his stay & expense in procuring several
seales, he never gott one penny of the said 200^^ but at length with
his heart ever broken with griefe on losing heer his only Sonne and
his presious time with all his hopes in this iland he got away with
so much breath as lasted, till he came to Midleburg & then he dyed.
Leaving a poore desolate widow (with other relations) who solemnly
professed she had not money enough to lay him in the sepulchres of
his fathers, but for the charity of some that lent or gave them money.
It pleased allso your Highess late father to receive one or 2 of the
same poore widowes letters to your petitioner (whom they both
trusted in that business) & with his owne hands to commit them to
the especiall care of Mr. secretary Thurloe who hath also divers
times minded the same, but your Highness exchequer is so charged
that there is little hope of obteining it there.
" May it please your Highnesse in compassion to the said poore
widow & relations of a man so eminent & famous in his owne &
meny other nations & for the honour of Christian religion with
many other reasons, to order the said 200^^ out of the contingencies
for the councell or some other treasure where it may be speedily
had and without fees allso if it may be according to former orders.
" And your petitioner shall desire to pray."
Ixxxviii
TJocfrithi /lie I'olnif, uoliiitj ACodeyfrn jmmi . p^~^^
^4i7 uo1er/-f i>///tus c/iarta rc-f'Tri' i'/i/L->sl g J^"
Hos oni'/os, /Tirr ora I'u/r. Coniiciut utri/icji/c:S^^ f^
I lid /'//Of L'/lIfl/^S. J/.Xlf. A' ll/i/ J'/U
n
HOPEoTsRAEL
Written
An Hebrew Divine, and
Philofopher.
Newly extant, and Printed at ^tAm-
Jierdam^ and Dedicated by the Author, to
the High Court, the Parliament oi England,
and to the Councell of State,
The fecond Edition correded and amended.
Whereunto are added,
In this fecond Edition ^fome ^ifcourfes
upon the point of the QonDerJion of the
JEWES.
^y Moses Wall.
LONDON
!Printed by !?^. /. for Livewell Chapman at the
Crowne in !Popes-Head Alley, 1652.
TO THE
Parliament, The Supream Court of
England,
zAndto the "^ight Honourable the Coun-
cellofState^ Menaffeh Ben \{r2i&\^ prayes
God to give Health, and all HappineJJe :
T is not one caufe alone (moft renowned Fa-
thers) which ufeth to move thofe, who defire
by their Meditations to benefit Mankind, and
to make them come forth in publique, to de-
dicate their Books to great Men ; for fome,
and thofe the moft, are incited by Covetoufneffe, that
they may get money by fo doing, or fome peece of
Plate of gold, or Silver ; fometimes alfo that they may
obtaine their Votes, and fuffrages to get fome place for
themfelves, or their friends. But fome are moved thereto
by meere and pure friendfhip, that fo they may publick-
ly teflifie that love and affe6lion, which they bear them,
whofe names they prefixe to their Books ; let the one, and
the other, pleafe themfelves, according as they delight in
the reafon of the Dedication, whether it be good or bad;
for my part, I beft like them, who do it upon this ground,
that they may not commend themfelves, or theirs, but
what is for publick good.
As for me (mofl renowned Fathers) in my dedicating
A 2 this
(3)
The Epijlle Dedicatory.
this Difcourfe to you, I can truly affirm, that I am indu-
ced to it upon no other ground then this, that I may gain
your favour and good will to our Nation, now fcattered— -
almoft all over the earth ; neither think that I do this, as if
I were ignorant how much you have hitherto favored our
Nation ; for it is made known to me, and to others of our
Nation, by them who are fo happy as near at hand, to
obferve your apprehenfions, that you do vouchfafe to help
us, not onely by your prayers ; yea, this hath compelled
me to fpeak to you publickly, and to give you thanks for
that your charitable affedlion towards us, and not fuch
thanks which come only from the tongue, but as are con-
ceived by a grateful mind.
Give me leave therefore (mofl renowned Fathers) to
fupplicate you, that you would flil favor our good, and far-
ther love us. Truly, we men doe draw fo much the near-
er to Divine nature, when by how much we increafe, by
fo much we cherifh, and defend the fmall, and weak ones;
and with how much diligence doe you performe this, mofl
renowned Fathers ? who though you feem to be arrived
to the higheft top of felicity, yet you do not only not de-
fpife inferior men, but you fo wifh well to them, that you
feem fenfible of their calamity ; you knowing how accep-
table to God you are by fo doing, who loves to do good to
them who doe good. And truly it is from hence, that of
late you have done fo great things valiantly, and by an un-
ufuall attempt, and things much to be obferved among
the Nations. The whole world ftands amazed at thefe
things, and the eies of all are turned upon you, that they
may fee whither all thefe things do tend, which the great
Governour of all things feems to bring upon the world by
fo great changes, fo famoufly remarkable, of fo many Na-
tions ; and fo all thofe things which God is pleafed to
have
(4)
The Epi/lle Dedicatory.
have fore-told by the Prophets, do, and fhall obtain their
accompHfhment. All which things of neceffity muft bee
fulfilled, that fo Ifrael at laft being brought back to his
owne place ; peace which is promifed under the Meffiah,
may be reftored to the world ; and concord, which is the
only Mother of algood things. Thefe things I handle more
largely in this Treatife, which I dedicate to you (moft re-
nowned Fathers) you cannot be ignorant, that it is not on-
ly not unprofitable, but very ufeful for States and Statef-
men, to fore-fee the iffue (which yet is ever in Gods
hand) of humaine Councells, that fo they may obferve,
and underftand from Divine truth, the events of things to
come, which God hath determined by his Spirit in his
holy Prophets. I know that this my labour will not be
unacceptable to you, how mean foever it be, which I trufl
you will chearfuUy receive, becaufe that you love our Na-
tion, and as part of it, the Author of this Difcourfe. But
I intreat you be certain, that I pour out continual prayers
to God for your happineffe. Farewell, moft renowned
Fathers, and flourifh moft profperoufly.
Menajfeh 'Ben Ifrael.
A 3 Me-
(s)
Menaffeh Ben Ifrael,
To the Courteous Reader.
' Here are as many minds as men, about the originall of'
the people o/America andofthejirjilnhalitantsofthe
new World, andoJ^theWeH \-aAye.%; for how many men
foever ihey were or are,theycame oj" thofe two, Adam,
andKve; andconfequently of Noah, after theFlood,lut
thatnew IVorlddothfeemwhollyfeparatedfroru theold,
therefore it muji he that fame didpqffe thither out of one [at leqft) of
the three parts of the world fc.E.uTope, Aiia,and Africa; but the doubt
is, what people were thofe, and out of what place they went. /Truly,
the truth of that miift he gathered, partly out of the ancient Hyfio-
ries, and partly from conjediures ; as their Habit, their Lan-
guage, their Manners, which yet doe vary according to mens dif-
poftions ; fo that it is hard tofinde out the certainty. Almqji all
who have veiwed thofe Countryes, with great diligence, have been
of different judgements : Some would have the praife of finding out
America, to he due to the Carthaginians, others to i^ePhenicians, or
the Canaanites ; others to the Indians, or people of China ; others
to them of Norway ,otherstothe Inhahitantsof the At\antickl{lands,
others to the Tartarians, others to the ten Tribes. Indeed, every one
grounds his opinion not upon probable arguments, but high conje-
Siures, as will appear e farther by this Booke. But I having curi-
ou/ly examined what ever hath hitherto been writ upon thisfub-
jeSi doefinde no opinion more probable, nor agreeable to reafon, then
that of our Montezinus, who faith, that thefirfl inhabitants of A-
merica, were the ten Tribes of the Ifraelites, whom <Ae Tartarians
conquered, and drove away; who after that {as God would have it)
hid themfelves behind the Mountaines Cordillerae. I alfo fhew,
that as they were not driven out at once from their Country, fo
alfo they were fcattered into divers Provinces, fc. into America,
into Tartary, into China, into Media, to the Sahbaticall River, and
into ^Ethiopia. I prove that the ten Tribes never returned to the
fecond Temple, that they yet keepe the Law of Mofes, and our fa-
cred
(6)
To the Reader.
/cred Rites; and at Iqfl Jhall return into their Land, with the
two Tribes, Judah, and Benjamin; and Jhall he governed by one
Prince, who is Mefliah the Son of David ; and without doubt that
time is near, which I make appear by divers things ; where. Rea-
der, thou Jhalt Jlnde divers Hi/lories worthy of memory, and ma-
ny Prophefes of the old Prophets opened with muchjiudy, and care.
I willingly leave it to the judgement of the godly, and learned, what
happy worth there is in this my Book, and what my own Nation owes
me for my paines : It is called, The Hope of Ifrael ; which name
is taken from Jerem. 14. 8. the hope of Ifrael, the Saviour there-
of. For thefcope of this Difcourfe is, tojhow, that the hope in which
we live, of the camming of the Mejjiah is of a future, difficult, but in-
fallible good, becaufe it is grounded upon the abjolute Promife of the
blejfed God.
And becaufe I intend a continuation of Jofephus his Hi/iory of
the Jewes, our famous Hi/iorian ; I intreat, and befeech all Lear-
ned men, in what part of the world foever they live {to whom I
hope that Jhortly this Difcourfe will come) that if they have any
thingworthy ofpq/ierity,that they would give me notice of it in time;
for though I have colleSied many ASis of the Jewes, and many
HyJioriesoutqfthe}iebTev/es,theAra.hians,theGTe.cia.ns,theLa.tines,
and other Authors of other Nations ; yet I want many things for
this my enterprize, all which I am willing to performe, that I may
pleafe my Nation; but rather to the glory of the bleffed God, whofe
Kingdome is everlqfting, and his Word infallible.
The
(7)
T^he Tranjlator to the "Reader.
His difcourfe of a Jew comming to my hand, and
having perufed it, I thought it not inconvenient
to make it fpeake Engli/h ; for the benefit of my
Country-men, who wait for the redemption of If-
rael; and at the fame time of the Gentiles alfo. That
the Author is a yew, ought to be no fcandall to us (though
fome of us Chriftian Gentiles are ignorant of, and fcandalized at
thejiotion of the converfion of the yewes, as the yewes of old
were, concerning our being converted, and grafted into the true
Stock, as in A6ls ii. 3.) for though God hath rejefted them,
yet not for ever : jRo/?;. 11. 25, 26, And alfo the many prophefies
both in the Old, and New Teftament, which concern their be-
ing received againe to grace, gathered from their difperfion,
and fettled in their own Land ; and their flourifhing efi:ate un-
der, now our, and then their and our Prince, Jefus Chrift the
Meffiah, who will then triumph glorioufly, and all his people
with him ; thefe and many more Promifes would want a ful-
filling (which the God of Truth wil never fufFer) if there fhould
not be the revolution of a time, in which they fhall be conver-
ted, and grace and peace be poured out upon yewes and Gentiles;
though firft upon the yeiv, then the Gentile. But befides this, the
Author exprefleth fo much learning that he deferveth honour
of all ; fo much ingenuity, and (fo far as his light reacheth) fo
great a meafure of the knowledge and fear of God, that he may
wel be fet for a pattern to us Chriftians, who profefs much better
than he, but live much worfe. One thing is very remarkable in
him, that wheras many of us (like them who canot fee Wood for
Trees) though inviorned with mercies in thefe late revolutions,
(I fpeake not to them who meafure mercies only, or chiefly, by
plentiful tables, ful purfes, rich accoutrements, and the like; that
wretched Generation is unworthy of the name of Men, much
more of Chrijlians) yet will unthankfully cry out. What have
we got by all thefe troubles? and what hath been done? fure-
ly
(8)
ly this yew fhall rife up in judgement againft fuch unchriftian
Chriftians; for he in his Epiftle Dedicatory fays. The whole world
Jlands amazed at what the Parliament hath dime; befides he cordially
and openly owns the Parliament, who as far as I know never did
him nor his Nation any further good then to pray for them ;
[thoughwehope, andpray, that their favourmayextendtorealities, to-
wards that people, to whom certainly Godhath made many, and great
Promifes, and Jhortly will give anfweralle performances : ) but
many among us who injoy peace under them, and many other
bleffings, (too many for an unthankfuU Generation) doe re-
fufe to acknowledge them, doe curfe them whom God hath
blefled, and even in their prayers to that God who cannot be
deceived, or impofed upon ; doe vent themfelves againft this
prefent Government, in expreffions fo wilde and falfe, that
fuch Language would be accounted moft unworthy, in our
addrefle to any confiderable perfon, much more then to the
great God. I fhall only adde this,/c. Do not think that I aime'
by this Tranflation, to propagate or commend ludaifme (which
its no wonder if the Author doth fo much favour, efpecially in \
his thirtieth Seftion) no, through Grace I have better learned the
truth, as it is in Jefus, but to give fome difcovery of what appre- ,'
henfions, and workings there are at this day in the hearts of the /
Jewes; and to remove our finfull hatred from off that people, ;
whofe are the Promifes, and who are beloved for their Fathers
fakes; and^ho of Jewes, we fliall hear to be, ere long, reall Chri-
ftians.
B The
(9)
The Authors of other Nations, which are quoted in
this Treatife.
ABrahamus Orte-
lim
Agathias
AugiLftinus
Alexis Vanegas
Alfonfiis Cemedro
Alonfus Augitflianus
Alovfiis de Erzilla
Alonfus Fena'iis
Arias Montanus.
B
Baronius
Berofus
Boterus
Bozius. C
Conftantinus
D
Diodorus Siei/lus
Dion
Duretus. E
Efelius Geradus
EufeUus Cefarienfis.
F
Famianus Strada
Francifcus de Rihera
Francifcus lopex de
Gomara.
G
Garcilajfus dela Fega
Genelrardus
Goropius
Guil. Pojiellus
Guilielmus Blawius
Guil. Schilkardus.
H
Henricus Alangre
Hugo Grotius
J
yacohus Ferus
Joan, de cqftillanos
Joan, de Bairos
Joan. Roman
Joan, de Lael
Joan. Huarte
Jofephus d' Acojia
Joan. Linfchoten.
L
Lefcarhotus
Lucanus.
M
Manuel Sa.
Marcilius Facinus
Marinus.
N
Nicolaus Trigautius.
O
Origines
Orqfius
Oforius Lujltanus.
de
Petrus de Cleza
Plancius
Petrus Simon
Petrus Hernandes
Quires
Petrus Teixera
Pineda
Plato
Plinius
Pomarius
Proclus.
Porphyrins
PoJJevinus
Plutarchus
Picus Mirandulanus
Ptolomceus.
S
Semuel Bochardus
Solinus
Strabo
Suetonius Tranquillus.
T
Tacitus
Thomas Malvenda
X
Xenophon.
Z
Zarate,
The Hebrew Bookes, and Authors.
'T'AlmudHierofolymi
tanum
Talmud Babylonicum
Paraphrafis Chaldaica
R. Simhon ben Johay
Seder holam
Rabot
Jalkot
Tanhuma
Jofeph ben Gurion
R. Sehadia Gaon
R. Mofeh de Egypto
R. Abraham Aben Ezra
R. Selomoh Jarhi
Eldad Danita
R. David Kimhi
R.Benj amin Tudelenlis
R. Mofeh Gerundenfis
(lo)
R. Abraham bar R. Hiya
Don Shac Abarbanel
R. Jofeph Coen.
R. Abraham Frifcoll
R. Mordechay Japhe
R. Mordechay reato
R. Hazarya a-Adomi.
The
(I)
nn TT -p
RELATION
O F
A^ro:]\(T Moij^Ezinxps.
\JS[ the lith. of the Month of EIul: the 5404 year
from the Worlds creation, and according to com-
mon compute, in 1644. Aaron Levi, other wife
called Antonius Montezinus came into this City
Amfterdam, and related to the Sieur Menafleh ben
Ifrael, and other cheifetains of the Portugal Na-
tion, Inhabitants of the fame City, thefe things which follow.
That it was two years and a halfe, fince that he going from
the Port Honda in the Weft-Indies, to the PuplanjurifdiSiion, he
condu6ied fome Mules of a certaine Indian, whofe name was Fran-
cifcus Caftellanus, into the Province of Quity, and that there was
one in company with him and other Indians, whofe name was Fran-
cis, who was called by all Cazicus. That it happened that as they
went over the Mountaines Cordillerse, a great tempe/i arofe, which
threw the loaden Mules to the ground. The Indians being af-
fliSied by the fore tempejl, every one began to count his loffes ;
yet confefjing that all that and more grievous punifhments were but
juft, in regard of their many fins. Bui Francis bad them take it pati-
ently, for that they fhouldfhortlyinjoy refi: the others anfwered,that
they were unworthy of it; yea that the notorious cruelty ifed by the
Spaniards towards them,wasfentofGod,becaufe they hadfo ill trea-
ted his holy people, who wer ofal others the mqjl innocent: now then,
they determined to fiay all night upon the top of the Mountain.
And Montezinus tooke out of a Box fome Bread, and Cheefe,
and yonkels, and gave them to Francis, upbraiding him, that he
had spoken difgracefully of the Spaniards; who anfwered, that he
had not told one halfe of the miferies and calamities in/li6ied by a
B 2 cruell
(")
(a)
cruell, and inhumane people ; hut they Jliould not goe unrevenged,
looking Jor helpe from an unknown people.
After this Conference, Montezinus went to Carthagenia, a City
of the Indians, luhere he being examined, was put in Prifon; and
while he prayed to God,fuch words fell from him ; BlefJ'ed he the
name of the Lord, that hath not made me an Idolater, a Barbarian,
a Black-a-Moore, or an Indian ; but as he 7iamed Indian, he was
angry with himfelfe, and/aid, The Hebrewes are Indians ; then he
camming to himfelfe againe, confeJJ'ed that he doted, and added,
Can the Hebrewes be Indians? which hee alfo repeated a fecond, and
a third time; and he thought that it was not by chance that he had
fo much miftaken himfelfe.
He thinking farther, of what he had heard from the Indian, and
hoping that he fhould find out the whole truth; therefore as foon as
he ivas let out of Prifon, he fought out Francifcus heleeving that hee
would repeat to him againe what he hadfpoken; he therefore be-
ing fet at liberty, throiigh Gods mercy went to the Port
Honda, and according to his defire, found him, who faid; He
rememhred all that he had spoken, when he was upon the Moun-
taine ; whom Montezinus asked, that he would take ajourny with
him, offering him all courtefies, giving him three peeces of Eight,
that he might buy himfelfe neceffaries.
Now ivhen they were got out of the Cily, Montezinus confej/ed
himfelfe to be an Hebrew, of the Tribe of Levi, and that the Lord
was his God ; and he told the Indian, that all other gods were but
mockeries; the Indian being amazed, asked him the name of his
Parents; who anfivered AhTa.ha.m, Ifaac, a«£^ Jacob ,• but faid he,
have you no other Father ? who anfwered, yes, his Fathers name
was Ludovicus Montezinus; but he not being yetfatisfied, I am
glad {faith he) to heare you tell this, for I was in doubt to beleeve
you, while you feemed ignorant of your Parents : Montezinusyk/ea-
ring, that hefpoke the truth, the Indian asked him, if he were not
the Son of Ifrael, and thereupon began a long difcourfe ; who when
he knew that he wasfo, he defred him to profecute what he had
begun, and added, that he fhould viore fully explaine himfelfe, for
that formerly he had left things fo doubtfull, that he did not feem
at all affured of any thing. After that both had fate downe
together, and refrefhed themfelves, the Indian thus began : If you
have a minde to follow me your Leader, youfhall know what ever
you
(12)
(3)
yotc dejire to know, only let me tell you this, whatfoever the journey
is, you miiftfoot it, and you muft eate nothing hut parched Mayz,
and you mu/i omit nothing that I tell you ; Montezinus anfwered
that he would doe all.
The next day being Mtinday, Cazicus came againe, and lid
him throw away what he had in his Knapfack to put onjhooes made
of linnen packthred, and to follow him, with hisjlaffe ; whereupon
Montezinus leaving his Cloake, and his Sword, and other things
which he had alout him, they began the journey, the Indian carry-
ing upon his back three meafures of Mayz, two ropes, one of which
was full of knots, to climbe up the Mountaine, with an hooked fork ;
the other was fo loofe,for to paffe over Marfhes, and Rivers, with
a little Axe, and fhooes made of linnen pack-thred. They being
thus accoutred, travelled the whole weeke, unto the Sabbath Day ;
on which day they re/ling, the day after they went on, till Tuefday,
on which day alout eight a clock in the morning, they came to a Ri-
ver as ligge as Duerus ; then the lndia.i\faid, Here youfhallfee your
Brethren, and making afgne with the fine linnen of Xylus, which
they had about them inftead of a Girdle ; thereupon on the other
fide of the River they faw a great fmoke, and immediately after,
fuch another figne made as they had made before ; a little after
that, three men, with a woman, in a little Boat came to them, which
being come neare, the woman went ajhore, the reji fiaying in the
Boat ; who talking a good while with the Indian, in a Language
which Montezinus underftood not;fhe returned to the Boat, and told
to the three men whalfhe had learned of the Indian ; who alwayes
eying him, came prefently out of the Boat, and embraced Montezi-
nus, the woman after their example doing the like ; after which, one
of them went lack to the Boat, and when the Indian lowed downe to
the feet of the other two, and of the woman, they embraced him
courteoiifly, and talked a good while with him. After that, the
Indian bid Montezinus to be of good coui'age, and not to looke that
they fhould come afecond time to him, till he had fully learned the
things which were told him at thefirfi time.
Then thofe two men comming on each fide of Montezinus, they
_//)oieiwHei'rew,</«e4fA.z'er.q/"Deut.6.SeniahIfrael,adonaiElohenu
adonai chad; that is, Heare O Ifrael, the Lord our God is one God.
Then the Indian Interpreter being asked, how it was in Spanifh,
they fpoke what follow es to Montezinus, making afhort paufe be-
tween every particular. B 3 i Our
(13)
(4)
I Our Fatliers are Abraham, Ifaac, Jacob, and Ifrael, and
they fignified thefe foure by the three fingers lifted up ; then they
joyned Reuben, adding another finger to the former three.
3 We will beftow feverall places on them who have a minde to
live with us.
3 Jofeph dwels in the midft of the Sea, they making a figne by
two fingers put together, and then parted them.
4 They faid (fpeaking faft) (hortly fome of us will goe forth to
fee, and to tread under foot; at which word they winked, and ftam-
ped with their feet.
5 One day we fliall all of us talke together, they faying, Ba, ba,
ba; and we fliall come forth as iffuing out of our Mother the earth.
6 A certaine Meflenger fhall goe forth.
7 Francifms fliall tell you fomewhat more of thefe things, they
making a figne with their finger, that much muft not be fpoken.
8 Suffer us thatwemay prepare ourfelves; and they turningtheir
hands and faces every way, thus prayed to God, DO NOT STAY
LONG.
9 Send twelve men, they making a figne, that they would have
men that had beards, and who are skilfuU in writing.
The Conference being ended, which lafied a whole day, the fame
men returned on Wednefday, and Thurfday, and fpake the fame
things againe, luithout adding a word ; at Iqfi Montezinus being
weary that they did not anfwer what he asked them, nor would
fuffer him to goe over the river, he cq/l himfelfe into their Boat ;
but he being forced out againe, fell into the River, and was in dan-
ger to be drowned, for he could not fwim ; but being got out of the
water, the reft being angry, faid to him ; attempt not to paffe the
River, nor to enquire after more then ive tel you ; which the Indian
interpreted to him, the reft declaring the fame things both by figns,
and words.
You mvfi obferve, that all thofe three dayes the Boat flayed not
in the fame place, but when thofe foure who came went away, other
foure came, who all as with one moiith, repeated all the fore-men-
tioned nine particulars, there came and went about three hundred.
Thofe men are fomewhat fcorched by the Sun, fome of them
weare their haire long, downe to their knees, other ofthemfliorter,
and others of them much as we commonly cut it. They were come-
ly of body, well accoutred, having ornaments on their feet, and
(14)
(5) ,
leggs, and their heads were compqffed about with a linnen cloath.
MontezinusyazVA, that when he was about to be gone, on Thurf-
day evening, they Jhewed him very much courtejie, and brought
him whatever they thought Jit Jor him in his journey, and they
/aid, that themfelves were well provided with all fuch things, (fc.
meats, garments, flocks, and other things) which the Spaniards iii
India call their owne.
The fame day, when they came to the place where they had
re/ied, the night before they came to the River, Montezinus_/aid to
the Indian ; You remember Francis, that my Brethren told me, that
you fliould tell me fomething, therefore I entreat you, that you
would not thinke much to relate it. The Indian anfwered, I will
tell you what I know, only doe not trouble me, and youfliall know
the truth, as I have received it from my fore-fathers ; hut if you
preJJ'e me too much, as youfeeme to doe, you will make me tell you
lyes ; attend therefore I pray, to what IJhall tell you.
Thy Brethren are the Sons of Ifrael, and brought thither by the
providence of God, who for their fake wrought many Miracles,
which you will not beleeve, if Ifhould tell you what I have learned
from my Fathers; we Indians made war upon them in that place,
andufed them more hardly then we now are by the Spaniards; then
by the infiigation of our Magicians (whom we call Mohanes) we
went armed to that place where you faw your Brethren, with an
intent to deflroy them ; but not one of all thofe who went thither,
came back againe ; whereupon we raifed a great yirmy, and fet
upon them, but with the fame fucceffe, for againe none efcaped;
which hapned alfo the third time, fo that India was almoft bereft
of all inhabitants, but old men, and women, the old men therefore:
and the reft who furvived, beleeving that the Magicians ufed
falfe dealing, confulted to deflroy them all, and many of them be-
ing killed thofe who remained promifed to difcover fomewhat that
was not knowne ; upon that they defifled from cruelty, and they
declared fuch things as follow :
That the God of thofe Children oi Ifrael is the true God, that all
that which is engraven upon their ftones is true; that about the end
of the World they fhall be Lords of the world ; that fome fhall
come who (hall bring you much good, and after that they have
enriched the earth with all good things, thofe Children oi Ifrael go-
ing forth out of their Country, fhall fubdue the whole World to
them,
(15)
them, as it was fubjeft to them formerly ; you fhall be happy if you
make a League with them.
Then Jive, of the chief e Indians {whom they call Cazici who
were my Ancejlors, having underjlood the Prophefe of the Ma-
gicians, which they had learned of the Wife men of the Hebrewes,
went thither, and after much entreaty, obtained their defre, ha-
ving frji made knowne their minde to that woman, ivhom you f aw
to be for an Interpreter, {for your Brethren will have no com-
merce ivith our Indians) and whofoever of ours doth enter the
Country of your Brethren, they prefently kill him ; and none of your
Brethren doe pqffe into our Coiintry. Now ly the help of that
Woman we made this agreement with them.
I That our five Cazici (hould come to them, and that alone at
every feventy moneths end.
a That he to whom fecrets fhould be imparted, fliould be above
the age of three hundred Moones, or Months.
3 And thatfuch things fhould bedifcovered tononeinanyplace
where people are, but only in a Defart, and in the prefence of the
Cazici; and fo (faid the Indian) we keep that fecret among our
felves, becaufe that we promife our felves great favour from them,
for the good offices which we have done to our Brethren, it is not
lawfull for us to vifite them, unleffe at the feventy months end : Or
if there happens any thing new, and this fell out but thrice in my
time ; Firft, when the Spaniards came into this Land ; alfo, when
Ships came into the Southerne Sea; and thirdly, when you came,
whom they long wiflied for, and expected. They did much rejoyce
for thofe three new things, becaufe that they faid, the Prophefies were
fulfilled.
j4nd Montezinus alfo faid, that three other Cazici werefent to
him by Francifcus, to Honda, yet not telling their names, till he had
faid, you may fpeake to them freely, they are my fellowes in my
Fun6tion of whom I have told you, the fifth could not come for
age, hut thofe three did heartily embrace him; and Montezinus
being asked of what Nation he was, he anfwered, an Hebrew, of
the Tribe of Levi, and that God was his God, &c. which when
they had heard, they embraced him againe, and faid : Upon a time
youjhallfee us, andjhall not know us; We are all your Brethren, ly
Gods fingular favour ; and againe, they both of them bidding fare-
well, departed, every one faying, I goe about my biifine[fe ; there-
fore
(i6)
(7)
fore none hut Francifciis being left, who fainting Montezinus as a
Brother, then bade him farewell, faying, farewell my Brother, I
have other things to doe, and I goe to vifte thy Brethren, with o-
ther Hebrew Cazici. As far the Country, befeaire,for we rule all
the Indians ; after we have finifhed a bitfineffe which we have with
the wicked Spaniards, we will bring you out of your bondage, by Gods
help; not doubting, but he who cannot lye, xuill help us; according to
his JVord ; endeavour you in the meane while that thofe men may
come.
The Hope of I s r a e l.
Sect, i,
Tishard to fay whatiscertaineamong the fo ma-
ny, and fo uncertaine opinions concerning the
originall of the Indians of the new World. If
you aske, what is my opinion upon the relation
of Montezinus, I muft fay, it is fcarce poffible
to know it by any Art,fince there is no demon-
ftration, which can manifeft the truth of it ;
much lefle can you gather it from Divine, or humaneWritings; for
the Scriptures doe not tell what people firft inhabited thofe Coun-
tries j neitherwas there mention of them by any, til Chriftop. Colum-
bus, Americus, Vefpacius, Ferdinandus, Cortex, the Marquefle
Del Falle, and Prancifcus Pizarrus went thither ; and though hi-
therto I have been of this minde, that I would fpeake only of folid,
and infallible things, (as thofe things are which concerne our Law)
and the obfcurity of the matter, making me doubt, whether it would
be worth awhile for me to attempt it; yet at laftlwas content to be
perfwaded to it, not that I looke to get credit by it, but that my
friends, and all who feeke for truth, that have put me upon this
work, may fee how very defirous I am to pleafe them.
I Ihall fpeake fomewhat in this Difcourfe, of the divers opinions
which have been, and (hall declare in what Countries it is thought
C the
(17)
(8)
the ten Tribes are; and I fliall close, after that I have brought them
into their owne Country, which I fhail prove by good reafons, fol-
lowing the Revelations of the holy Prophets, who I belee ve cannot be
expounded otherwife,whatever fome thinke; yet I intend nottodif-
pute thefethings,butaccordingtomycuftome,{hall lay down fairly,
and faithfully, the opinions of the J ewes only.
SECT. 2.
YOu muft know therefore, that Alexis Fanegas faith, that the
firftColoniesof the West-Indieswere of the Carthaginians,v;ho
firft of all inhabited New-Spaine, and as they encreafed, fpread to
the Ifland Cuba; from thence to the continent oi America; and af-
ter that towards Panama, New-Spaine, and the Ifle of Peru, And
he grounds himfelfe on that reafon, that as the Carthaginians (who
of old did moft ufe the Seas ) fo thofe of Peru, and the Inhabitants of
New-Spaine, did make ufe oC Piftures inftead of Letters.
But this opinion doth not satisfie, becaufe they anciently were
white men, bearded, and civill in converfe; but contrarily thofe of
Panama, St. Martha, and the Ifles in Cuba, and Barlovent, went
naked. Further-more, who can thinke that the language which he
faith, they firft fpoke, fhould be fo foone changed, that it fliould be
wholly another; and there isnoagreement between the oneand the
other. The learned Arias Montanus thinkes, that the Indians of
New-Spaine, and Peru, are the OfF-fpring of Ophir the fonne of
yokton, the nephew of Heber. And he backes his opinion, by the
name Ophir, which by transpofition of letters, is the fame with Peru ;
and he adds, that the name Parvaimia the duall number, doth fig-
nifie the IJtmus between New-Spaine and Peru, which firft was
called Ophir, then Peru ; and that thefe Countries are that Peru,
from whence King Solomon brought Gold, precious Stones, &c. as
in I King. chap. 9. v. 10. & 2 Chron. 9. 21. This opinion feems
more probable than the other, and may be backed by another name of
the River Piru, which according to Gomoras, lyes in the fecond de-
gree from the Equiuoftiall line, from Panama 'i'i%. miles; as alfo
by the name of the Province Jucatan, which may be derived from
Joktan the father of Ophir. But befides that this notation is fome-
what farre fetcht, it crofles what Jofephus Acojia affirmes in I. Hi-
Jior. of Jud. c. 13. who faith, that the name Peru was unknowne to
the /ra(^iawi- themfelves before thofe Spaniards ga.ve thatname. Add
to
(18)
(9).
to this what Garcillajfo de la Vega in the firft part of his Commen-
tary on Peru, c. 4. faith, that when a certaine Spanyard,Bafco Nun-
nez de Balboa, lived in that Country, and asked a Fifher-man, what
was the name of that Province, he anfwered Bern; ( which was the
Fifher-mans owne name, he thinicing that was the queftion) and he
farther faid, that the name of the River where he fiftied, was called
Pelu. Hence you may fee, that Peru is made of both thofe words;
which also many Spanyards befides him, we have mentioned, doe
teftifie. Befides, who can thinke that Solomon negledling the Eq/i-
Indies, a place fo rich, and abounding with all things, fliould fend a
Fleet fo farre off as to the JVeJi-Indies. Alfo we read in i King, 9.
that Solomon made ships in Ezion- Geher on the fhoare of the red
Sea, which alfo yehofaphat did, with Ahaziah, as Ezra faith, in
2 CArora. ao. and it is certaine that thofeof thofe Countries went that
ordinary way to India. And it will not follow, that becaufe the holy
Scripture fometimes faith, that they went to Tarjis,a.nd fonietimes;
thatthey wenttoO/)/i«V, that therefore both thofe places are thefame;
fince that Tarsis is not,as fome thinke Carthage, or Tunes in Africa
for that the Navieof Solomon did not fet fayle ixomyoppa,a port of
the Mediterranean, but from Ezion-Geher, a Port of the red Sea,
from whence they could not fayle to Caj-^Aage, but to the £a5<-/raiie5.
The anfwer oi Ifaac Alarhanel to that argument, cannot be admit-
ted, who faith, that an arme of Nilus did run into the red Sea, and
another arme ran intotheMediterranean, by^/ea;awd»7'a injEgypt;
fince it was never heard, that fhipsof great burden, did fwim in thofe
rivers; and would not he then have built hisNavie in the Portof^-
lexandria? It is more true that Tarfis is the Ocean,or Indian Sea;
and becaufe they cameinto the Ocean, after that they had fayled over
the red Sea, which is but narrow, therefore the Scripture faith, TAey
Sayled to Tarfis. Rahhi Jonathan ben Uziel followes this opinion,
who in his Paraphrafe, for Tarfis, puts ( the Sea.) The fame faith
Francijcus de Ribera,m his Comment. on yo7iah,and a.\{oRabbinus
yofephus Coen, in his Chronology; who afcribe the word Tarfis, to
the Indian Sea; becaufe that Ophir is the fame Country, which of
old is called. The Golden Cherfonefus ; and by Josephus, The Gol-
den Land ; and at this day Malacca ; from whence they brought
Ivory, for the great number of Elephants which are there; none of
which are in the Wefi-Indies, and Solomons Navie flayed in thofe
Ports of India three yeares, becaufe they traded with the Inhabi-
C 2 tants 1
(19)
(lO)
tants 1 I know that learned Grotius, and famous de Laet thinke
differently; as alfo thofe quoted by them; but I fhall not infift
in confuting their opinions becaufe I ftudybrevity. I doe like of,in
part, the opinion of the Spaniards who dwell in the Indies, who
by common consent doe affirme that the Indians come of the
ten Tribes. And truly they are not altogether miftaken, becaufe in
my opinion, they were the first planters of the Indies; as also other
people of the East-Indies came by that Streight which is between
India, and the Kingdome of Anian. But that people, according to
our Montezinus, made warre upon thofe Inhabitants the Ifraelites,
whom they forced up unto the mountaines, and the in-land Coun-
tries, as formerly the Brittaines were driven by the Saxons into
Wales.
SECT. 3.
'"P'He firft ground of that opinion is taken from 2 Efdra. 13. v.
-*• 40. &c. (which we quote as ancient, though it be Apocrj'-
phall ) where it's faid, that the ten Tribes which Salmanqfter car-
ried captive in the reigne of Hofeas, beyond Euphrates, determi-
ned togoe into Countries farre remote, in which none dwelt, where-
bythey might the better obferve their Law. Andasthey pafled over
fome branches of Euphrates, God wrought Miracles, flopping the
course of the Floud, till they had pafled over; and that Country is
called Arfareth, From whence we may gather, that the ten Tribes
went to New-Spaine, and Peru, and poflefl"ed thofe two Kingdoms,
till then withoutlnhabitants. Genebrardus, quoting Efdras concer-
ning that wandring of the ten Tribes, faith, that Arfareth is Tar-
taria the greater, and from thence they went to Greenland, for that
America is lately found to be on that fide farther from Sea, than it is
upon other fides, being almofl an Ifland, and they might pafl^e from
Greenland by the ftreight of Davis into the Country Labrador,
which is now called India, being fifty miles diftant from thence, as
GoOTora^ faith in hisHiflory. Thefamejournyingof the ten Tribes
into India, is confirmed by that which P. Malvenda reports. That
Arfareth is that Promontory which is neare to Scythia, or Tartary,
neare the Sea, called by Pliny, Talis, where America is parted
from the Countryof^wiara bya narrowSea; which alfo on that fide
parts China, or Tartary from America ; fo that there might be an
eafie paflage for the ten Tribes through Arfareth, or Tartary into
the
(20)
the Kingdomes oi Anian, and Qtdvira; which in time might plant
the new world, and firme land ; which in bigneffe equals Europe,
Afia, and Africa put together ; Alonftis Auguslinianus counting
from the flioare of the North Sea, from the Country of Labrador
3928 miles, and from Sur ^000. miles; but Go7na»'a5 counts from
India by the South, and Sur, 9300. miles ; which fpace is bigge e-
nough for the ten Tribes, that they may there fpread in places hitherto
unknowne.
SECT. 4.
HE ftrengthens this opinion, that in the Ifle St. Michael, which
belongs to the Azores, the Spaniards found Sepulchres under
ground, with very ancient Hebrew letters, which Geweirar^Mj hath
Printed, i« lib. i.chro. p. 159. From whence we gather, that in that
infcription there is a miftake of the letter (T.) fo that the fenfe of it
is. How perfect is God. Sehalbin is dead. Know God. Unlefle you
will have them to be proper Names, and to fignifie him that is dead,
and his Father, in which fenfe for (M) you muft read (B) and then
the fenfe will be, Meetabel feal, the Son of Matadel ; such names
ending in (el) are common in Scripture, as Raphael,Immanuel,a.nd
the like. Let it suffice him who is pleafed with neither of thofe con-
jectures, that Hebrew Letters were found there. And though that
Ifland is remote from the Wejl-Indies, yet it might be by accident
that they might put in thither.
SECT. 5.
THat feemes to be to the purpofe which Garcillaffos de la Foga
faith in his Comment, on Peru, lib. 3. c. i. That in Tiahuanacu
a Province of Collai, among other Antiquities, this is worthy of
memory, ( being fcitualed at the Lake which the Spaniards call
Chutuytu ) That among the great buildings which are there, one
was to he feene of a very great pile, which hath a Court 15. fa-
thoms broad ; a wall that compqffeth it, 3 furlongs high ; on one
fde of the Court is a Chamber 45 foot long, and %% broad ; and
the Court, the IVall, the Pavement, the Chamber, the Roofe of it,
the entrance, the pojis of the % gates of the Chamber, and of the en-
trance, are made only of one Jlone; the three fides of the Wall are an
ell thick ; the Indians fay, that that House is dedicated to the
Maker of the World. I conjefture that building to be a Synagogue,
C 3 built
(21)
built by the Ifraelites; for the Authors who writ about the Indies,
tell us, that the Indians never ufe Iron, or Iron weapons. Alfo the
Jwc?/a?«5were Idolaters, and therefore itcouldnot be that they fhould
build an house to God. P. Acojla in lib. 6. hid. Iiiftor. c. 14.
mentions fuch buildings as are in that place; and hereports that he
measured a ftone which was 38. foot long, 18 foot broad, and fixe
foot thick. PelrusCiezain hisfirft part of his Chronicles of PfrM,c.
87. relates. That in the City Gtiamanga,v/hich is fcituated by the ri-
ver Finaque, there is a vaft building, which becaufe then it feemed
almoft ruined by time, it therefore had lafted many yeares. Heask-
ingthe neighbouring /7ic!iaM5,Who built that great Pile? He learnt,
that it was made by a people (who were bearded, and white as the
Spaniards) who came thither a long time before (and ftaid fome
time after) the Indians raigned there; and the Indians faid, that
they had received it from theirFathers by Tradition. ThefameCfe-
za, cap. 10. 5. of the Antiquity of Tiguanac, faith, that what the
Indiansho3& to beveryancient,can by nomeanes be compared with
that Ancient building, and other things. From all which you may
well gather, that the firft Inhabitants of that place were the Ifrae-
lites of the ten Tribes, becaufe they were white, and bearded.
SECT. 6.
TO this opinion adde an argument taken from what Logicians
call ajimili; for he that will compare theLawes and Cuftomes
of the Indians and Hehrewes together, fhall finde them agree
in many things ; whence you may eafily gather. That the Indians
borrowed thofe of the Hehrewes (who lived among them) before,
or after they went to the unknowne Mountaines. The Indians of
Jucalan, and the Jlcuzainilenfes doe circumcife themselves. The
Totones of New Spaine, and Mexicans (as Roman and Gomaza
in thegenerall Hiftoryof the/w^zaw^ teftifie) rend their garments,if
there happen any fudden misfortune or thedeathof any, Gregorius
Gracias in MoJiarchia Ingafonum, an Ifle of Peru, faith, that
Guainacapacus hearing that liis fonne Atagualpa fled for feare of
the Army of his enemy, he rent his garments. The Mexicans, and
Totones, or the Totonacazenfes kept continually fire upon their Al-
tars, as God commands in Leviticus. Thofe of Peru doe the fame,
in their Temples dedicated to the Sun. The Nicaraguazenfes doe
forbid their women who were lately brought a bed, to enter their
Tem-
(22)
(13)
Temples, till they are purified. TheinhabitantsofHi/pawioZathinke
thofe doe fin, who lye with a woman a little after her childe-birth.
And the Indians oinew Spaine doe feverely punish Sodomie. Many
of the Indians doe bury their dead on the Mountaines; which alfo
is iheyewi/h cuftomt; and Garcias faith, the name Chanan isfound
in thofe Countries. You may wonder at this, that the Indians doe
every fifty yeares celebrate a Jubilee,with great pomTp,mMexico,tht
Metropolis of the whole Province. Alfo that on the Sabbath day all
are bound to be prefent in the Temple, to performe their Sacrifices,
and Ceremonies. Theyalfo were divorced from their wives, if they
were not honefl:. The Indians of Peru, New-Spaine, and Guate-
malaAiA marry the Widdowes of their dead Brethren. May not you
judge from thefethings, that the^eifeilived inthofeplaces,and that
the Gentiles learned fuch things of them ? Adde alfo to what hath
been faid,that the knowledge which the Indians had, of the Creati-
on of theworld,and of the univerfall Flood, they borrowed from the
Ifraelites,
^
SECT. 7.
THe fourth ground of this opinion is, that the Indians are of a
browne colour, and without beards ; but in the new world,
white, and bearded men were found, who had never com-
merce with the Spaniards; and whom you cannot affirme to be any
other than Ifraelites; becaufe alfo as they could never be overcome,
fo fhall they never be fully knowne, as appeares by what foliowes.
Petrus Simon a Francifcan, in his Hiftory of finding out the firme
Land,faith,that in thereigneof CAarZe5thefifth,hecommandedone
called Philippus de litre thither, to difcover, and plant thofe Coun-
tries; that he found them unknowne toward the North oi America
about five degrees, in the Province of Omeguas, which is neare the
Province oi Venezuela, z.nA now is called Garracas. And he having
learned of their neighbours, the greatnefle of that people both in
wealth, and in war, he determined to war upon them. Who when
they had marched agood way, at laft found arich City, full of people,
and faire buildings; and not farre oflFtwo Husband-men tilling the
ground; whom they would have made Prifoners, that they might
be their interpreters. Butwhen theyfawthemfelves fet on,theyfled
apace towards the City; but Philippus d'Ufre and his Souidiers
followed them hard on Horse-back, and had almoft taken them ;
where-
(23)
(14)
whereupon the Hufband-men flood ftill, and with their Speares
wounded PAiZi/) in the breaft, piercing through hisBreft-plate made
of wooll tokeepofFArrowes. Hewondering at the dexterity of that
people, judged it a wifer courfe, not to make war upon that Pro-
vince, and people fo expert in warre, and who dared to refift armed
men. Therefore he retreated with his Company. And to this day
none goe to that people, neither is it knowne which way to goe to
them. It is probable that they are Ifraelites whom God preferves
in that place againfl the day of redemption. Alonfus de Erzilla
teftifies the fame thing, in 2,. part, fua Araucanicz. Cant. %-]. where
defcribing thofe places, he thus fpeakes in Spanish.
Some Countries there, Jo populous are seen,
As one continued City; which have been
Never as yet difcovered ; but unknowne
To other Nations ; have laine hid alone ;
Not found by forreigne sword, nor forreigne trade
Doe either fe eke, nor fuffer to he made,
But unacquainted live, till Godjhall pleafe
To manifeft his fecrets : shew us thefe.
SECT. 8.
TOannes Cq/iilianus Vicarius living in the City Pampelona of
■*■ Nova Granada in Peru, faith, that when Gonzalus Pifarrus had
revolted from his people, he fent fome to fearch out new Countries .
of the Indians who lived East-ward, whofe number could never be
knowne, becaufe that ( as fome fay ) their Country is above two
thoufand miles in length, if you compute from the head of the river
Maragnon, which runs neare Andes of Cufco, unto the place where
it runs into the Sea, wheretherefore the River began to benavigable,
Petrus d' Orfna being a Captaine, went by water, and his Souldiers
with him, in Vessels called Canows; which when they were too
fmallfortheforceoftheftreame,hebuiItBrigandines,onthebankeof
the River Gwana^a, which wafhing the Province CAac^apoyas, runs
into Maragnon. He was fcarce gone aboard his Brigandines, when
oneof his own Souldiersnamed^^wirre, aftout man, killed him, who
by common confent fucceeded the flaine. When they had gone a
little way, they found a plaine without a mountaine, where many
houfes flood on each fide of the banke of Maragnon, being built by
the
(24)
<^5)
the Indians. They ftill went on for forty eight houres together^and
fawnothingbuttall,andwhitehoufes, which they feared togoeinto,
becaufe the Inhabitants were numerous, and becaufe they heard the
noyfe of Hammers; forwhichcaufetheythought the Inhabitants to
be Gold-smiths. They went on ftill, and now fayled in the North
Sea, but alwayes neare to the fhoare of the Province of Margareta,
where^quirre was catcht by the Inhabitants and hanged; for they
heard that he had killed his Captaine Petriis de Orfua.
SECT. 9.
CAfpar Bergarenjis ( whom I have oft fpoke with ) went from
the City Laxa, which is in the Province of Qidti in Peru, and
accompanied theColonell Don Diego Facade la Vega going tofeeke
a new Country.
In the yeare 1633. they came to the Province ^ arguafongo,v/hich
had beendifcovered by Captaine SaZmei; and theypafledtheMoun-
taines Cordillerce, where the River Maragnon is not above a ftones
caft over. In the Province of the Inde Mainenfes they built a City,
whofe namewas St.Francifcus deBorja,a.tEfquilache. In his com-
pany were one hundred SpawfardiinCanows.Havingconqueredthofe
Indians,?inA compelling them to fwearefealty totheKingof Spctiwe;
the Colonell being inftructed by the Mainenfes, went to other pla-
ces, after he had putaGarrisonintohisnewCity. Having failed fifty
leagues in the River ( he found fome Cottages of the Indians which
there hid themfelves)byfavourof many Riverswhich there run into
Maragnon. When they had fayled into the River Guariaga,wheTe
Petrus de Orfua had built his Brigandines, and was killed by A-
quirre ; they asked the Indians whom they had taken ( who were
called Guariaga,iTom the Rivers name) what people doe live on the
Rivers side? they told the Colonell, that five dayesjourneyoff,there
live men of tall ftature, comely in prefence,and have as great beards
as the Spa7iiards have, valiant, and warlike, who are not fkilled in
Canowes, though the rest of the Indians ufe no other ; he prefently
returned the fame way he came,
SECT. 10.
IN Farnambuc about forty yeares fince, eight Tabaiares had a
minde to looke out new Countries, and to fee whether the Land
that was beyond, and unknowne, wereinhabited. They having fpent
D foure
(25)
fouremonethsin travelIingWeftward,theycatne to mountaines,to
whofe top they got with difficulty, and found a plaine which a plea-
fant river doth compafle, by whofe banke fide dwelt a people who
loved commerce, they were white, and bearded; and this five of the
Talaires (for three perished by the way, and only five returned)
told to the Brafilians after nine moneths.
SECT. II.
IN our time, under King Philip the third, Captaine Ferdinades
de Queiros being returned out of India (where he had fpent mofl:
of his life) to Rome, he fhewed a Table of Lands yet undifcovered.
From thence he went to Madrid, and five (hips were given him by
the Governour of Panama ( to whom he was fent) to perfeft his
defigne. He began hisjourney,and was fcarcelyentred the South Sea,
but he found Land, which he called, The IJle of Solomon, and Hie-
rz(/a/em,forreafons which he told me. He in his courfeof fayling al-
wayes kept clofe to the fhoare of thofe Iflandsj he faw thofe Iflan-
ders of a browne colour, and took many; others dwelt in greater If-
lands,and more fruitful!; thefewerewhite,andwore long garments
of filk ; and the Pilot beingbid to bring his Ship neare the fhoare, he
fplit his Ship upon a Rock, (and the Iflanders running greedily to the
fight) which being funke,theCaptainewentthence,looking for the
firmeLand, which he found to be forty degrees beyond; and he went
three hundred miles neare the fhoare ; aud when he perceived the
Country to be inhabited by the fmoke which he faw, and would put
intoaPort on the fide of the River, there ran tohimmany whitemen,
of yellow haire, tall like Giants, richly cloathed, and of long beards.
But one of the Vefl^els being wracked in the Havens mouth, he was
forced to put out to Sea; whereupon the Iflanders fent two Cha-
loffi of a browne colour, (as the inhabitants were of the firfl: Ifland)
with fheep,and other provifions,and fruits,butdefiring,and threat-
ningthem,if they did notdepart: The Captaine brought thofe Cha-
loffi into Spaine, from whom the Spaniards could learne nothing but
by fignes ; and infliead of anfwers, ( when they were asked ) would
(hew their beards, as if fuch thofe were, who were their Lords, and
had fent them, and if they were asked about Religion, they would
hold up their fingers to Heaven,implying, that they worftiipped but
oneGod. A little while after, they dyed in S/Jame. The Captaine re-
turned to Panama, having left his two Ships which were wracked ;
and
(26)
(17)
and when theGovernourfuedhim^by meanesof the Senators, who
are over the Indian affaires, he was difinifled, and returned with his
Shipsinto Spame, where heabode two yeares before his matters were
difpatched. But the King created him Marquefle of the Countries
found out by him, and commanded to give him a good Army,
where-with to compafle his defignes. But he scarce got to Panama,
when he dyed, not without fufpition of being poyfoned by the Go-
vernour.
SECT. 12,.
'T'Hat which I am about to tell, fhall ferve for a proofe of that
■*• which I faid of the Wejl-Indians. A Dutch Mariner told
me, that not long fince he was with his fhip in America, feven de-
grees towards the North between Maragnon, and great Para, and
he put into an Harbour in a pleafant River, where he found fomelra-
dians who underftood Spanijh, of whom he bought Meats, and Dy-
woodj after he had flayed there fix moneths, he underftood that that
River extended eighteen leagues towards the Carybes Indians, as far
as the {hip could goe; and that the River is divided there into three
branches, and they fayling two months on the left hand, there met
them white men, and bearded, well bred, well cloathed, and aboun-
ding with gold and filver; they dwelt in Cities enclofed with wals,
and full of people ; and that some Indians of Oronoch went thither,
and brought home much gold, filver, and many precious ftones.
Which he having underftood, fent thither fome Sea-men; but the
Indian dyed by the way, who was their guide, and fo they did not
proceedjbut ftayed there two months,and trucked with the Indians
whowerefixty leagues from Sea. That ProvinceiscalledywZ'ia,and
is subject to Zealand; they have no commerce with the Spaniards,
and the inhabitants travell fecurely every way. I heard that flory
by accident from that Dutch Mafter of the Ship ; whence fome of
us gueflRng them to be Ifraelites, had purpofed to fend him againe
to enquire more fully. But he dyed fuddenly the laft yeare,whence
it feemes that God doth not permit that thofe purpofes ftiould take
any effect till the end of dayes.
Y
SECT. 13.
Et I give more credit to our Montezinus, being a Portingal,
and a Jew of our Order; borne in a City of Portingal, called
D a Fille-
(27)
(i8)
Fillefleur, of honeft and known Parents, a man about forty yeares
olcl,honeft,and not ambitious. Hewentto the 7Mt^jf5,where hewas
put into the Inquif]tion,as thefucceflfor of man v who were borne in
Portingal, and defcended from them, whom the King of Portingal,
Don Manuel forced to turne Chriflians : (0 wicked, and wijust
aSiion, faith Oforius; and a little after, Tliis was done neither ac-
cording to Law, nor Religion,) and yet to this day they privately
keep their Religion, which they had changed, being forced. thereto.
Hebeing freed from the Tnquifition, very diligently fought out thefe
things, and oft fpoke with thofe men, and then was not quiet till he
came hither,and had told us that good newes. Heendured much in
that journey, and was driven to great want, fo that no houfe would
give him food, or give him money for his worke. I my felfew^as well
acquainted with him forfixmonthstogetherthat he lived here; and
fometimes I made him take an Oath in the prefence of honeft men,
thatwhat he had told, was true. Then hewent toFarwamtMc,where
two yeares after he dyed, taking the same Oath at hisdeath. Which
if itbefo,whyfhould noti beleeveaman thatwasvertuous,and ha-
vingall thatwhichmencall gaine. And whoknowesbut that (hortly
the truth of that Prognofiick may appeare, which our Montezinus
learned from th&Mohanes; answerable to that which yacohusVerus
an Aflrologer oi Prague writ after the apparition of the Comet in
Ann. 1618. and dedicated to his Highnefle the Prince Palatine,
where he thus difcourfeth : The Comet going towards the South,
doth intimate thattheCi ties andProvinceswhichGod doth threaten,
are those of the Wejl-Indies, which fhall revolt from the King of
Spafwe,who will finde that lofTe greater then heimagined, not that the
Indians rebel! againft himofthemfelves, but that they are provoked
toitbeingftirred upbyothers. Neitherdid the Comet only fore-tell
that, but the eclipfe of the Sun, which was in that Country the yeare
before. Thusfar the Aflrologer. Our ancient Rabbins fay, though
we doe not beleeve the Aftrologers in ail things, yet we doe not
wholly rejeft them, who fometimes tell truth.
SECT. 14.
THus farre of the WeJl-Indies, of which Ifaiah may be under-
ftood ( becaufe it lyes in the midfl: of the Sea, and alfo hath
many Iflands ) in Ifa. 60. 9. The ifles fhall waitefor me, and I
thejhips of Tarjhijhjirji, to bring their Sons from far, their fiver
and
(28)
(19)
and their gold with them, Jer. 31. 10. Heare the Word of the
Lord ye Nations, and declare it in the ifles afar off, and fay, He
that fcattereth Ifrael will gather him, Pfal. 97. i. The Lord reign-
eth, let the earth rejoyce, and the multitude of ifles he glad.
Where part of the ten Tribes doe dwell unknown to this day.
SECT. 15.
YOu muft know that all the ten Tribes were not carried awav at
the fame time. Pul the King of Jffyria ( as I fhew in the fe-
cond part of my Reconciler) conquered, and carriedaway theTribes
of Reuben, Gad, and halfe Manaffeh, in the reigne of Peka, as you
may fee in i Chron. 5. 26. and fosephus in li. 9. c. 11. Tiglah-
pilefer eight yeares after took Ijon, Ahel-leth-maachah, Hazor-
Gilead, Galilee, all the land of Naphtali, and he carryed away all
the Captives into Assyria, in 3 King. 15. 29. At lafl: Shalmanefer
King oiAj/yria, nine yeares after, in the reign of Hofhea the Son of
£/aA, befieged Samaria three yeares; which being taken, he carried
away. Hq/^ea, with the reft of the Tribes, in 3 King.i'j. 6. Of thofe
three times the Prophet Ifaiah fpeakes, Ifa. 9. i. faying, the firft
captivity was gentle, if you compare it with the lafl:, which was
grievous, and unfiifTerable, when the Kingdome and Monarchy of
Ifrael ceafed.
SECT. 16.
THe ten Tribes being conquered at feverall times, we muft
thinke they were carried into severall places. As we beleeve
they went to the IVefl-Indies by the ftrait of Anian, fo we
thinke that out of Tarto-y they went to China, by that famous wall
in the confines of both. Our argument to prove it, is taken from the
authority of two Jefuites, who erefted their Colledgesin thofe Coun-
tries. Nicholaus Trigantius a Dutch-man in his difcourfe of the
Chrifl:ian expedition under-taken by the Jefuites to Sz'wa, faith, We
findethat informertimetheyewf^cameintothefeKingdomes. And
when that fociety had for fome yeares feated it felfe in the Court of
the Pequinenfes, a certaine few came to P. Matthceus Riccius; he
was borne in Chamfamfu the metropolis of the Province Ho«a«,and
was furnamed Ogay; and now being licenfed to the degree of a Do-
6i:or,he wenttoPe^MJw. But when he read in a certaine Booke writ
by a Dodlor of China, concerning the European affaires, That our
D 3 fathers
(29)
(20)
fathers are not Sai-azens, a.nd know no God but the Lord of Heaven
and Earth ; and would perfwade hinifelfe that ours did profefle the
Law of Mofes, he went into the Church with P. Matthaas Ricci-
us. On an Altar there was the effigies of the Virgin Mary, and the
childe Jefus, whom St. John his fore-runner worfliipped with ben-
ded knees; nowthatday wastheHoly-dayofyoAra theBaptift. The
y^it'thinkingitwas the effigies oi Rehecca,as\A her two Sons,y acoh
and Efau, he bowed also to the Image, but with this Apology, that
he worfhipped no Images, but that he could not but honour thefe
who were the Parents of our Nation. And he aflcing if the foure E-
vangelifts on both fides of the Altar, were not foure of the twelve
fons of Jacob; the Jefuite anfwered. Yes, thinking he had afked of
the twelve Apoftles. But afterward the Jew acknowledged to the
Jefuite that he was an Ifraelite; and he found the Kings Bible, and
acknowledged the Hebrew Letters, though he could not read them.
By this occafion our peoplelearntjthat ten or twelve familiesofi/rae-
lites were there, and had built a very neat Synagogue which coft
ten thoufand Crownes, in which they have kept the five Bookes of
Mofes with great veneration for fix hundred yeares. He alfo affir-
med, that in Hamcheu the Metropolis of the Province Chequiona,
there are farre more Families,with a Synagogue; and elfe-where that
many Families live without a Synagogue, becaufe that by little and
little they are extinguiflied. He relating many things out of the Old
Teftamentjhe differed but little in pronouncing thofe names. He
faid, that fome among them were not ignorant of the Hebrew
Tongue, but that himfelfehad neglefted it,havingfl:udied the China
Tongue from a Childe. For which caufe he was counted almoft un-
worthy of their fociety, by the Ruler of the Synagogue. B ut he chiefly
looked after this, that hemight get to beDoftor. Three yeares after
P. Matth(Bus Riccius fent one of our brethren to that Metropolis,
who found all thofe things true. He compared the beginnings, and
endings of the Bookes which the J ewes keep in their Synagogue,
with our Pentateuch, and fawnodifrerence,thisonly, that thofe had
no pricks. The other Jefuite is Alfonfus Cimedro, who likewife
faith, that there is a great numberof^^ewei in theProvince of Oroera-
fis, on the Wefl: part of China, who know nothing of the comming,
and fuifering of Jefus. ^nd he from thence gathers, that they are of
the ten Tribes, (which opinion I alfo am of) becaufe thofe Chinefes
obferve many yezfj/^RiteSjwhich you may feeinamanufcript,which
the
(30)
thenoh]ey aockimus Wicqfortius hath. And whymight not fomeof
them faile homCkina to iVew-SpaJree, through the ftreight between
China, and j4nian, and Quivira, which doe border upon New-
Spaine ; and from thence they went to the Ifles of Panama, Peru,
and thofe thereabouts. Thefeinmyjudgement are thoi&Chinefesoi
whom Ifaiah fpeakes, Chap, 49. verf. la. ( treating about Ifraels
returne to his Country.) Behold, thefejhall come from afarre, and
thefe from the North, and from the Weft, and thefe from the
Land of Sinim, -^nd fo Ptolomy in lih. 7. c. 3. tab, 11. cais it The
country of Sinim, or Sina ; and this is the true fenfe of the words;
Ahen Ezra therefore is miftaken, who derives it of Sene, a bufli or
wood, which he placeth in jTlgypt.
/ SECT. 17.
I Could eafily beleeve,that thetenTribesastheyincreafed in num-
ber, fo theyfpread into more Provinces before-mentioned, and
into Tartary. For Abraham Ortelius in his Geography of the
World,and Mapof Tartary,hs notes the placeof the£)am<eiwhich
he cals the Hord,w,hich is the fame which the Hebrewymrfa,figni-
fying^ defcent. And lower, he mentions the Hord of Naphtali,
pofleffed by Peroza. in the yeare 476. Schikhardus in his Tarich or
feries of the Kingsof Per^a,amp]ifies the Hiftory of this War, where
ex lib. 4. of Agathias, he thus faith, A little after, whe?i they
were eafed of that Plague, {fc. 7. yeares drought) in the time of
the Emperour Zeno, Firuz made a double warre with Naphtali, in
which at loft he was dejiroyed. For first of all he was brought to the
ftreights of places unknowne ; who then fought for peace upon this
condition ( and obtained it ) that he fhould fweare that he would
never after provoke them ; and that he Oiould doe reverence to this
Conquerour in token of fubj eSiion : which afterward by the coun-
fell of the Magicians he performed craftily, for he bowed towards
the Eqftem Sun, that his owne people might thinke that he bowed
rather to the Sun ( after his Country cii/iom ) then to honour his
Enemy. But he did not truly performe thatfirjl agreement, though
confirmed by Letters Patents ; who becaufe he could not digeft the
difgrace of bowing to his Enemy, he prepared a new Army and
went agairifi them; but afecond time he being entrapped by the
badnej/'e of the Country, he lofi his life ; and many with him, in a
Gulf which the Naphthalites had prepared for him, having dref^ed
it
(31)
it over with reeds, and fome earth throwne a top; they having left
in the middle fome high grounds, and trees where their Scouts
were, that their Jiratagem might not be found, and that the Perfi-
ans might more confidently attempt the ditch. Thus a rajh King
paid for his perfidy, he excelling more in daring, then in counfell,
as Agathias/ai//i. The patent by which peace had been agreed, was
hung upon a speare, and might be feene of him at diftance, that he
might remember his Oath, repent, and defifi from his enterprife ;
but he cared little for that. But when by his zinexpected fall he
faw he Ihould dye, it is f aid that he pulled off from his right eare a
pearle of huge bignefj'e, and whitenef/'e, and leaf any after him
fhouldfinde it [more likely that his corps Jhould not be knowne) he
threw it a great way off. The fame Author aflces, who thofe Naph-
thalitesweve, a.nd by many arguments he provesthat they are there-
licks of the fewes; faith he, / doe ivholly thinke that they are the
relicks of the Je wes of the Tribe q/Naphtali, whom Triglath Pileffer
the Affyrian carried into thofe places, in 2 King. 15. 39. For i. The
name, zre the befl copies of Agathias, ivhich Lewenclavius hath
mended, is the fame fully; in other Bookes it wants nothing but an
{h) now it is fcarce pqffible that in a word of many fyllables that
Jhould fall out by chance. 2. Their countenance difcovers it, for
as Procopious I. C. faith, they are not blacke, or foule in their
countenance, as the Auns are among ivhom they live, but the only
white men of that Country ; that it may evidently appear e that
they came frovi fome other place thither. 3. Their manners a-
gree, for the fame Author faith, that they are not Nomades, as
the Huns wAo are unconstant in their dwelling, and eate up one place
after another ; but they inhabite one certaine place. Befides, theij
obferve Law and equity, as the Romans ; and have pollicy, being
well governed by their Prince: both which is rare among their
neighbour Nations. Alfo they doe not lay abroad their dead, as
the Barbarians doe, but they decently cover them with earth. Lqfi-
ly, their j ornalls doe teftifie that many Jewes live there, efpecially
in the mountaines, who have fearched to the mid-land countries of
Eqjl-Afia., R. Benjamin, f 23. From thence ( the coqft of Perfia )
is 28. dayes journey to the mountaines Nifebor, which are neare the
river Gozan. The Ifraelites which come from thence into Perfia,
fay, that there in the Cities o/" Nifebor, are four Tribes (fc. Dan,
Zebulon, Afor, Naphtali,) ofthefirft captivity, which Shalmanefer
the
(32)
the Aflyrian carried thither, as in 2 King. 17. 6. he brought them
to Habor, and Halah, the river Gozaxi and the Mountaines of
Media. The compaJJ'e of that Country is twenty day es journey; and
they pojfeffe Cities, and Caftles upon the Mountaines, by one fide
of which, runs the river Gozan ; neither are they suhjeSi to the
Nations, but have a Governour over them, by name R. Jofeph
Amarkela a Levite, and there are among them fame who Jiudy
wifdome. They fow, and reap ; yea they wage war to the Coun-
try ofCuth. In the fame place Ortelius adds, in the Coi«i!;ry_T'a-
bor^oZ-HburJ^ which Solinus commends, in c. 49. ) they dwell a
people, who though they have loft the holy writings, they obey
one King, who came into France, in Ann. 1530. and fpoke with
Francis the first, was burnt at Mantua by the command of the
Emperour Charles the fifth, because that he did privately teach
Judaifm to Chriftian Princes,and to theEmperour himfelfe. Bote-
rus faith the fame in his relations of the fartheft part of Tartary.
But both these were deceived ; for Rabbinus Jofephus Cohon, a
man worthy to be beleeved, relates this more truly in his Chrono-
logy, faying, that the yew who came out of that Country, was the
brother of the King of the Ifraelites, was called David the Reube-
nite ; and having feene India in his paflage, he came to Portugal,
where he converted the Kings Secretary to Judaifm, who fled from
thence with him, taking the name of Selomoh Molho ; he in
fliort time was fo well verfed in the Law, yea in the Cabala it felfe,
that he made all Italy admire him. The Secretary together with the
Reubenite, endevoured to draw the Pope, Charles the fifth, and
Francis the firft to Judaifm. Selomoh Molho was taken at Man-
tua, and burnt alivCjin the yearei540. He yet was offered his life,if
he would turne Chriftian. The Reubenite was by Charles the fifth
carried prisoner into Spairae, where he fhortly after dyed. Abraham
FrifolOrchotolamTememherstheReubenite,{aying,FoTty five years
agone David Reubenita, a Prince of the Ifraelites, came from Ta-
bor, a Province of Tartary, into Europe, who faid that two Tribes
are there; and other Tribes a little farther, under their Kings, and
Princes,andalfoanunfpeakablenumberof people. Perhaps the Pro-
vince labor is the fame that Habor; which is mentioned in 2 King.
17. 6. that the ten Tribes were brought by Salmanefer to Habor,
and Halah; now the Hebrew letters [h) and [t) are neere in fa-
fhion. Eldad Danita of the Tribe of Dan,cavae out of thofe Coun-
E tries
(33)
(34)
tries five hundred yearesagone (a letter from whom, which we call
Sephar Eldad Danita, is kept to this day ) and being examined by
theRabbinSjWasfoundanapprovedman. The learned Kahhi David
Kimhi, who lived 450. veares fince, in etymol. fuo in the word Se-
giah, he faith, Rabbi Jonah writes of the name oi Rabbi JudaAben
Karis, that he heard Eldad Danita fay, &c. And fo what I faid is
true, as appeares by the teflimonies produced.
SECT. 18.
PArt of the ten Tribes alfo live in Ethiopia, in thtHabyJJin King-
dome; as divers HaZijr^wi reported at florree. Bo^erwj in his re-
lations fpeakes the same thing,that two potent Nations doeliveneare
Nilus, and that one of them is that of the Ifraelites, who are gover-
ned by a mighty King. A Cofmographer who hath added notes to
Ptolomyes tables, faith thus in his table of New Africa ; that part
of New Africk was unknowne of old, the head of Nilus not being
knowne, which is in the Mountaines of the Moone,as the Ancients
call them ; where there dwels a great number of Ifraelites, paying
tribute toPreJlerJohn. Rabbi Abraham Fr if ol in the Book already
quoted, faith, that in his time fome who had been in thofe Countries,
reported the fame to Hercules the Duke of Ferraria. And without
queftion from hence the Haij{^wjlearnedCircumcifion,theobferva-
tion of the Sabbath, and many more fewifh ritS. Of these Ifaiah
feemes to fpeake, in Ifa, 18. i, a. JVoe to the Land which under
thefhadow of fails doth faile beyond the rivers of Ethiopia, by
whom ( the Prophet faith ) are sent Ambafj'adors infhips of Bul-
ru/hes, ( fuch as the Ethiopians ufe, commonly called Almadice.)
Bring back a people driven out of their Country, and torn, and
more miferable then any among us. Gifts fhal be brought to the Lord
of Sebaoth, in the place where the name of the Lord of Sebaoth is
worfhipped,in themount Sion. The ProphetZepAawy faith the fame,
in Zeph. 3. 9, 10. Then will I give to the people that they speak-
ing a pure language, may all call upon the name of God, whom they
fhallferve with reverence ; from beyond the rivers q/" Ethiopia they
Jhall bring to me for a gift, Hatray the daughter of my difperfed
ones, ( that is, the Nations oi Ethiopia.) Which agrees with that
of Ifa. And your Brethren, ( which are the ten Tribes ) /hall bring
gifts to the Lord.
SECT.
(34)
(25)
SECT. 19.
ANd without doubt theyalfo dwell in Media; from thence they
pafled EupkrateSj'whitheT they were firft brought,as in 2 King.
17. 24 and in the book of Tobit. Josephus alfo fpeakes of them in
the Preface of his Book of the War of they ewe^, that thtJewesAxd
think that their brethren,who dwelt beyond Euphrates, unA farther,
would rebell againft; the Romans. Agrippa in his Oration to the
people oiy erufalem,t\ia.t they would not rebell againft the Romans,
fpeakes thus; What qjjociates doe ye expeSi to joyne with yozi in
your rebellion, and war? doth not all the knowne world pay tribute
to the Romans ? Perhaps fome of ye hope to have help from them,
beyond Euphrates. And in lib. 2. Antiqidt. c. 5. fpeaking of those
who in the time of Ezra returned from Babylon to j^erufalem, he
faith. All Ifrael dwelt in Media ; for two Tribes only dwelt in A-
fia, and Europe, and lived subject to the Romans ; as the other ten
on the other fide Euphrates, where they are fo many, that they can-
not be counted. It is not therefore to be doubted, the people encrea-
fing aftertheir firft tranfportation, they fought out new places,which
we have formerly mentioned.
SECT. 20.
LAftly,all thinke,that part of the tenTribesdwell beyond the ri-
ver Sabbathian, or fabbaticall. Rabbi jfohanan the Author of
the ferufalem Talmud, who lived 160. yeares after the deftruftion
of the fecond Temple, faith in his treatifeof the Sanhedrim,cap.i'j .
That the ten Tribes were carryed intothreeplaces,yc.totheSabbati-
call river, to Daphne the suburbs oi Antioch, and thither where a
cloud comes downe and covers them: And that they fhall be redee-
med from thofe three places; for fo he opens that place oilfa. Cha.
49. 9. That they may fay to the Captives, Goe forth, (fc. to them
who are at the Sabbaticall river) to them that are in darknejfe, Ihew
yourfelves, {fc. to them who are compafled with the cloud ) and to
all, they fhall be refrefhed in the wayes, {fc. to them who live in
Daphne oi Antioch which is in Syria.) Whence you may obferve,
that the learned man P Empereur tranflated it ill, at the fides of
^niioc/jjWhereas Dap^weis the proper nameof a pleafant Grove near
Antioch. Sedar olam makes mention of that cloud, and calls them
mountaines of obfcurity. And in Talmud tractat. Sanhedr. c. 11.
E 2 R Jonathan
(35)
(26)
R. yonathan hen Uziel, who lived a hundred yeares before the de-
ftruftion of the fecond Temple, in Exod. 34. 10, where the Lord
faith, / will doe wonders before all thy people, fuch as was never
done in the whole earth, or in any Nation, &c. and he refers all thofe
things to the tranfportation of the people. Hejhall draw them to
the rivers of Babylon: andjhall carry them to the Sahlaticall ri-
ver, andjhall teach them, that thofe miracles were never performed
to any Nation of the known world.
Our ancient Kak)\nsmBereftRalha{novat&n\>odky\nPerafach,
do fay that Tornunfus asking how it fliould appeare that the day
which we keep.is the feventh day, on which God refted after the cre-
ation of the world ; Rabbi Aquebah ( who lived 52 yeares after the
defi:ru6l;ionofthefecondTemple)anfweredbyanargumenttakenfroin
the ftones of the Sabbatical River, which in the fix dayes are toflfed
up and down with acontinuall motion,but do refi: on the Sabbath day
and move not. The fame is faid in the Babylonian Talmud, traSiat.
Sanhed. c,y.& in Tanuh Perafach. e.g. In eodem Bereft Raba, in
Perafach 37. Rabbi Simon faith. The ten Tribes were carried to the
Sabbaticall river but fuda andBenjamin are difperfed inioall Coun-
trys. In Afrim Raba, the laft verfe of the Song, its faid. Our bed
is flourifhing; that it is meant the ten Tribes, which were carryed
to the Sabbaticall river; and that river running all the week, doth
caufethetenTribes there remaining to be fliut up; for though on the
feventh day the riverdoth reft, yet it is forbidden byourLawto take
ajourney then; and for that reafon they remained theremiraculoufly,
as loft, and concealed from us. So that of Ifa. 49. That they fay to
the prifoners, go forth, is interpreted of them in Jalcut. R.Aque-
bahz-hex the fame mannerexplains that oi Levit.^6.^8.Andye/hal
perifh among the h-eathen. And that of Ifa. 37. ult. And they fhall
come, who were ready to perifh in Affyria. Becaufe they are re-
mote from the reft, therefore another Rabbi in Bamibar Raba
Parafa 16. applyes to them that of Ifaiah 49. 12. Behold them
who come from farre : that fo all thofe Authors mention that
River.
The teftimony of Jofephus is famous, lib. 7. de Bel. Jud. cap. 24.
faying. The Emperour Titus pqjjing between Area, and Raphanea,
Cities of King Agrippa, hefaw the wonderfull river, which though
it be fwift, yet it is dry on every feventh day ; and that day being
pqft, it refumes its ordinary courfe, as if it had no change ; and it
always
(36)
always olferves this order. It is called Sahbaticall ; from the
folemne feq/l of the Jews, lecaufe it imitates their reft every
feventh day. I knowfome do otherwife expound thofewords of 5^o-
fephus,hat they hit not his meaning, as appears by this, that he calls
the River^SabbathiOjOrfabbaticall: which word cannot be derived
but from Sabbath; and who doth not fee that it ceafeth to flow, or
move, on the Sabbath day; and fo Jofephus muft be underftood ac-
cording torn yfenfe. PZirayalfo confirms this opinion, ^ii.i.A^a<./jz/?.
c. a. he faith, In Judea a River lies dry every Sabbath; yet I think
PZmyisdeceivedand ill informed, when hefaith it isaRiverin Judea;
neither is to be found in Judea, but in another place, where many
Jewes live. R. SelomohJ-archi who lived 540. years since mentions
that River in Comment. Talm. faying. The flones, and fand of
thatRiverdocontinually moveall the fixdayesof theweek,until the
feventh. R. Mardochus Japhe in his learned book Jephe Thoar
faith, The Arabians derive Sabbathion from the Sabbath, who ufe
to adde the patteter(ion) to adjectives. The fame faith, that it was
told him of an hour-glafle filled with the fand of Sabbathion, which
ranne all the weeke till the Sabbath. And I heard the fame from
my father; which teflimony laccount asgood,asif Ifawit myfelfe;
(for fathers do not ufe to impofe upon their fons.) He told me that
there was an Arabian at Lisborn, who had fuch an hour-glaffe; and
thatevery Friday atevening he would walkintheftreet called thenew
fl;reet,and fliew this glaffe to Jewes who counterfeited Chriflianity,
and fay. Ye 'Jewes,fhut up your JJiops, for now the Sabbath comes.
Another worthy of credit, told me of another hour-glafle, which he
had fome yearsbefore, before the VorlMysketa. The Cadi,or Judge
of that place, faw him by chance paffing that way, and asked him,
whatitwas? hecommanded ittobetakenaway; rebuking the Ma-
homitans, that by this, they did confirme the Jewifh Sabbath. I
fhould not fpeak of thefeglafl^es, if the authority of fuch a man whom
I have alledged, did not move me ; though I beleeve that God did
not only work that miracle, that hemight keeppartoftheten Tribes
there, but other alfo,as you may fee in Efdras. R.Mofes Gerunden-
_^i a learned Cabalifl:, and Interpreter of the Law in ParafaAazinu,
thinks theRiverSabbathion to be thefame with Gozan, of GM»;,which
fignifies to fnatch away, becaufe except the feventh day, on all the
other, it carryes with it, by its fwiftnefl!e, the very ftones. Of this
there is mention in 2 King, whither the King olAffyria led his cap-
E 3 tives
(37)
"-A
tives ; and fo relates Benjamin Tudelenfis in his journall, that part
of the ten Tribes dwelt at the bank of that River. But I know not
where the River Gozan is. In the year 5394, that is,i5 years agon in
theCityLMim,twoPoZowiawjafterthey had travelled long,they wrot
inDutchabookoftheoriginiali of theSabbaticall River, but the Se-
nate commandedit to be burnt at the Mart of Breflaw,by the perfwa-
fion of the Jefuites. Alraham Frifal in his Orchot 01am. c, 2,6.
will have this river to be in India, he faith, The head of the Sah-
baticall river is in the country of Upper India, among the rivers
of Ganges. And a little after, The Sahhaticall river hath its origi-
nallfrom the other Jide of Kalikout {which lyes far above the bound
of Lawiz^, which heplaceth beyond thefnusBarbaricus)a?id it parts
the Indians from the Kingdome of the J ewes, which river you may
certainly find there, Though he takes Gozan for Ganges, for fome
nearnefleof writing; yetitsnottobedoubted thatinthatplacethere
are many Jewes, witxi&fftf ohannes deBairos in his Decads. Eldad
Dawz^afpeaking of the four Tribes: which heplacethat Goxawfaith,
The SaJjbaticall river is among them. Jofephus faith^ that Titus
faw the Sabbathion between ^rcaandi?apAawea. Whichteftimony
feems thetruer,becaufeitsnot to bethoughtthatyo/epAtw would tela
lie of him, by whom he might be rebuked. I think that ye muft look
for it not far from the Cafpian Sea: and I am notalonein this opini-
on. What ever it be it appeares that this river is fomewhere, and
that part of the ten Tribes are hid there; and I may fay with Mofes
in Deut. 39. 28, 29. And the Lord cq/i them out of their Land in
anger, and in wrath ; Secret things belong to the Lord our God.
For it is not known when they fliall return to their Countrey; neither
can it perfectly befhewed where they are, God fufFering it,as its faid
in Deut. 3a. 2,6. I determined to cqft them forth unto the ends of
the earth, and to make their remembrance ceafe from among men.
Asifhe{houldfay,Iwilcafl;them unto thefurtheftplacesof the world
thatnonemayrememberthem; and thereforethey are truly in Scrip-
ture called imprifoned, and lofi.
SECT. %i.
N Either is there weight in the Argument which fome have
brought to me, if they be in the world, why doe we not know
them better?There are many things which we knoWjand yet know not
their original j are we not to this day ignoran tof the heads of thefour
Rivers
(38)
(39)
B.iveTs,Nilus, Ganges, Euphrates, and Tegris? alfo there are many
unknownCountryes.BefideSjthoughfomelive in knowneand neigh-
bour Countrys, yet they are unknown by being behind Mountains;
fo it happened under the reign of Ferdinand, and Ifahel, that fome
Spaniards were found out by accident,atjBatoeca, belonging to the
Duke oiAlva, which place is diftant but ten miles from Salamanca,
and near to Placentia, whither fomeSpaniards fledj when the Moor^
poflefled Spaine, and dwelt there 800 years. If therefore a people
could lie hid fo long in the middle of Spaine, why may we not fay
that thofe are hid, whom God will not have any perfectly to know,
before the end of days ?
And thefethings we have gathered concerningthe habitations of
the ten Tribes, who, we beleeve, do ftill keep the Jewifli Rites, as in
2 King. 17. a6. when the Ifraelites were carryed captive by Salma-
nefer, and thofe of Cuthah came in their ftead, an Ifraelitifti Prieft
wasfent by theKing,toteachthem,becaufeLyons infefted them,for
that they were ignorant that there was another worfhip ufed in the
land : but when the Prieftfaw that it wasimpoffible to take that people
wholly off from Idolatry, he permitted them to worfhip diversgods,fo
that theywouldackpowIedgeone,tobethemoverof all things. The
fame is alfo fufficiently proved out of all theHiftorieswhichwehave
alledged. And our brethren do keep thelawmorezealoufly out of their
land, then in it, as being neither ambitious, nor contentious (which
hath fometimes happened withthefamilyofZ)a2'irf)bywhichmeans
they might eafily erre in the true Religion, not acknowledge Jeru-
falem, and withdraw that obedience, which is due to the Lord, and
to his Temple.
SECT. 2a.
WEE learne out of the firfi: of E»ira,that none of the ten Tribes
entred the fecond Temple; for it is faid that only fome of the
Tribe oiyudah, and fome oi Benjamin did returne. Ezra alfo faith
the fame in the first of Chronicles, that Salmanefer carryed the ten
Tribes to Hala, Hahor, and Hara,and to the river Goxaw to this day:
fothat youmaygatherthatatthattimethey were there. Solikewife
J-ofephus in Antiq; Ind. lib. 11. c. 5-
Perhaps fome will fay, fince Media and Perjia, are near to Ba-
bylon, why did they not return tojertifalem with the two Tribes? I
anfwer,becaufe fo few of the two neighbouringTribes did return from
thence
(39)
(3°)
thence toyen{/a^em,forthattheywerewel {ea.ted'n\ Babylon; orelfe
becaufe they heard the Prophets fay, that they muft not look for any
redemption butthatwhichwas to beattheendof dayes. How then
can wethinke that they who were more remote, and alfo had learnt
the fame things of the Prophets, fliould leave their place, perhaps to
fufFer new miferies, and calamities ? Befides, we doe not read that
Cyrus gave leave to any to return, butonlyto the twoTribesofywofa
and Benjamin. And alfo it is probable ( as fome Authors affirme )
thattheycould notgoeupfromthence,becaufethey had continually
Wars with the neighbour people.
SECT. 23.
Hitherto we have Ihewed that the tenTribes are in divers places,
as in the fVe/i-Indies, in Sina ; in the confines of Tartary, be-
vond the river Sabhathion, and Euphrates, in Media, in the King-
dome of the Habyffins ; of all which the Prophet Ifaiah is to be
underftood, in Ifa. 11. 11. Itjhall come to paJJ'e in that day, that
the Lord Jhall Jet his hand thefecond time to recover the remnant
of his people, which Jhall be left from KSynn, from Ysgy^t, from
Pathros,yroTOEthiopia,_/ro?wElam,yroraSinear,yromHamath,an(i
from the I/lands of the Sea. From whence you may gather, that it
is meant of thofe places where the ten Tribes dwell. Syria and ^-
gypt fhail be the two places of their generall meeting; as more fully
hereafter.
Pathros, is not Pelnfium, nor Petra, but Parthia, neare to the
Cafpian Sea, wherelthinke, with manyothers, the Sabbaticall river
is. Although there is a Pathros in yEgypt, as the learned Samuel
Bochardus faith in his holy Geography.
Chiis, according to common opinion, is ^S^Aiopia, as is proved
outof ^er, 13. 33. and in this place of ye?ew?/ are meant the Ifrae-
lites, who live in the Country of the AbyJJins.
Elam, is a Province in Perfa, as it appeares in Dan. 8, a.
where are defert places, in which, perhaps, the remnant of the ten
Tribes is.
Shinar, is a Province about Babylon, as in Gen. 10. 10. where
Babel is faid to be in Shinar; and Dan. i. 3. it is faid, that Nebu-
chadnezzar carryed the holy Veflels to the Land of Shinar.
Hama^Ajthereareman yHamaths mentioned in the Scripture,ma-
ny underftand itoiAntioch; but becaufe Geographers reckon upia.
places
(40)
(30
places named ^rah'ocA, therefore we can affirme nothing for certain;
but I thinke, that that is meant, which is placed in Sythia. The fe-
venty Interpreters by Hamath, underftand the Sun, from Hamath
the Sun; and they tranflate it, From the rifing of the Sun; and I
thinke it is no ill tranflation ; for hereby all th&Ifraelitesvfho are in
greater Afia, India, and Sina, may be underftood.
The I/lands of the Sea; fo almoft all tranflate it; but I thinke it
is to be rendred The Iflands of the Weft, for (jam) in holy Scripture
fignifies The IVeJi, a.s in Gen. a8. 14. and in many other places; and
upon this account thofe Ifraelites are implyed, who are Weftward
from the Holy Land, among whom the Americans are.
SECT. 24.
'TpHe Prophet adds in Ifa. 11. i3. And hejhallfet up afignefor
-'■ the Nations, and hejhall affemble the out-cqjis of Ifrael, and
gather together the difperfed of ^ud,ah. from thefoure quarters of
the earth. Where he notes two things; i. That he cals the i/rae-
lites out-cafl:s, but the lewes fcattered; and the reafon is, becaufe
the ten Tribes are not only farre off from the Holy Lan d, but alfo they
live in the extremities and ends of Countries; from whence the Pro-
phet cals them cqft-out. But he doth not fay, that the Ifraelites are
to be gathered from the fourequartersoftheEarth, becaufe theyare
not fo difperfed through the World, as the Tribe oiludah is, which
now hath Synagogues, not only in three partsof the World,butalfo in
America. The Prophet adds in ver. 13, The envy alfo of Ephraim
fhall depart, and the adverfaries of }\xAahJhall he cut off. For then
therefhall be no contention between Iudah,axi d the ten Tribes,which
are comprehended under the name of £/)Aram,becaufe their fi rftKing
feroloam was of that Tribe. And then, as it is in Kzek. 37. aa.
One King fhall he King over them all, and they fhall he no more two
Nations, neither fhall they he divided any more i?ito two Kingdoms.
There (hall be one King to them both, of the ia.mi\yoi David. Alfo
the Lord at that redemption will dry up Nilus, and Euphrates, and
will divide it into feven ftreames ( anfwerable to his drying up the
red Sea when they came out of jEgypt ) perhaps that the feven
Tribes, which are in thofe parts, may goe over it; as they pafle into
their Country, as Ifaiah laith in ch.ay. la, 13. ^rarf it fhall be in that
day,andheJhallJhakeqff'fromthehankoftheriver,{{ome:andeT{isind
Euphrates ) unto the river of Egypt ( Nilus ) and ye, children of
Ifrael,7%aZi he gatheredonehyone. Which was neverdonein the cap-
tivity of Bahylon. F The
(40
(32)
The Prophet Ifaiah faith in chap. 1 1. 1 1. that he will return them
the second time, &c. Now the redemption from Babilon, cannot be
called fuch anone,becaufeallof them were not brought back to their
Country. Buttheredemption{hallbeuniverfalltoalltheTribes,asit
waswhentheywentoutof^g-y/3ijwhichredemptionfhall belikethe
firftin many things,as I fhewed in the third part of my2?^corac27er ; and
fo it maybe called the fecond,in reference to that firfi: irom^gypt.
Whence^ eremiaA faith, Cha. 33.7,8. TAai thenitjhallnot hefaid,He
that brought Ifrael out of Egypt, but from the North, and from all
Countries, whither he had driven them. That they {hall not mention
their departure from ^gypt, for the cause fore-mentioned.
SECT. as.
''T^He fame Prophet, /e. Ifa. 43. 5, 6. faith, I will bring thy feed
"*■ from the Eqft, and will gather thee from the JVeJi: I will fay
to the North, Give up ; and to the South, Keep not back ; bring
my Sons from farre, and my Daughters from the ends of the earth.
For Media, Perfa, and China, lye on the Eaft; Tartary and
Scythia on the North; the Kingdome of theyibyjftns on the South;
Europe on theWeft,from theHoly Land. But when he faith,jBrmg
ye my fons from farre, he underflands America; fo that in thofe
verfes he underftands all thofe places, in which the Tribes are detai-
ned. Alfo in Chap. 49. from ver. 7. to the end of the Chapter, he
faith, that that returne fhall be moft happy. And in ch. 56. verf, 8.
God faith. He that gathers the out-cqfts of Ifrael. And the Pro-
phet Jeremiah, in ch. 33. ver. 16. In thofe dayes fhall Juda befa-
ved,and JerufalemT^aZZ dwell fafely. It is certaine,and J eromesS-
fents to all our Authors, that when fudah is joyned with Ifrael, by
Ifrael the ten Tribes are meant The fame adds in chap. 3 1 . ver. 15.
inthecomfortingofi?acAeZ,whowept forthecarryingawayherfonSj
Jofeph, and Benjamin, the firft by Salmanefer into Affyria, the laft
by Nebuchadnezzar into Babilon, he faith, in verf. 16. Refraine thy
voyce from weeping, and thine eyes from teares,for thy work fhall
he rewarded. And it followcs in Chap. 33. ver. 7. And I will caufe
the captivity 0/" Judah, and the captivity of Ifrael to returne, and I
will build them up as at the firft. Ezekiel faith the fame in Chap.
34. 13. and in Chap. 37. 16. under the figure of two flicks, on
which were written the names oifudah,&ni Ephraim,hy which he
proves the gathering together of the twelve Tribes to be subje6t to
MeJJiah
(43)
(33)
MeJJiak the Son oi David, in ver. 2%. he faith, And one Kingjhall
he King to them all ; according as Hofea faith in Chap. a. So
alfo faith Amos, in chap. 9. verf 14, 15. And I will bring againe
the captivity of my people Ifrael, and they Jhall luild thewqfl Ci-
ties, and inhabite them ; and they Jhall plant vine-yards, and
drink the wine thereof: they Jhall make gar dens, and eate the fruit of
them. And they Jhall Lena more pulled up out of their hand, which
I have given them, faith the Lord thy God. So alfo Mica, in cha.
a. 1 3. 7 willfurely ajfemhle, O Jacob, all of thee, I will gather the
remnant of Ifrael, I will alfo place him as the flock in the sheep-fold.
For that in the captivity oi Babilon all were not gathered together.
The Prophet Zechariah in chap. 8. 7. and in chap. 10. 6. and all the
reft of the Prophets do witnefle the fame thing.
SECT. 26.
DUtwhichwaythatredemptionfliall be,nomancantell; but only
■^^fo farre aswe may gather out of the Prophets. That at that time
theten Tribes fhall cometo^erii/aZemundertheleadingof aPrince,
whom fome Rabbins in the Talmud, and in some places of the
Chaldy Paraphrafe, doe call MeJJiah the Son of Jofeph; and elfe-
where MeJJiah the Son of Epkraim ; who being flaine in the laft
War of Gog and Magog, fhall fhew himfelfe to be MeJJiah the
fonne of David, who (hall be, as Ekekiel, and Hofea fay. The ever-
Iqjling Prince of all the twelve Tribes. Our wife men doe, in many
places, efpecially in the BabilonianYa\Tand, in traSi.fuca. c. 5. make
mention of thatMe^aA the forme of Ephraim; where theyfay,that
he fhall dye in the laft war of Gog, and Magog ; and they fo ex-
pound that of Zach. 12. 10. And they Jhall looke upon me whom
they have pierced, and they Jhall mournefor him, as one mourneth
for his only fonne. They adde alfo, that the foure Captaines, of
whom the fame Prophet fpeakes in chap. 1 1 . are, MeJJiah the fon of
David, MeJJiah the fon of Jofeph, the Prophet Elias, and the high
Prieft; which foure are thofe dignities, which fhall fhew their power
in that blefTed age, Obferve, that fometinie they call MeJJiah the
fon of Ephraim, fometime of fofeph ; for he fhall come out of the
Tribe of Ephraim, and fhall be Captaine of all the ten Tribes, who
gave their name to£/)Arai7n,becaufe that their firft King yeroioam
was of that Tribe. Not without caufe doe they call him the fon of
Jofeph, for he was the true type of the houfe of Ifrael, in his impri-
F 2 fonment,
(43)
(34)
fonment,and future happineffe. Adde to this, that he was fo long hid
from his brethren, that they did not know him: as inHke manner the
ten Tribes are at this day, who are led captive, but hereafter fhall
come to the top of feHcity.in the fame manner a.s fofeph did. That
MeJJiah of Jofeph fhall dye in the battel of Gog, and Magog, and
afterward fhall rife againe, that he may enjoy the dignity, not of a
Kingly Scepter, but the office only of a Vice-roy, as Jofeph in yS-
gypt; for that theEmpireofthehoufeofi/raeZ fell under the reigne
of Hofea the fon ofElah; as the Prophet Amos faith in chap. 5. a.
Therefore the Kingdome of the ten Tribes fliall not be reflored, as
Ezekiel faith in Chap. 37. under the reigne of MeJ/iah the fon of
David, who fliall be everlafting ; and by the death of MeJJiah the
fon of Jofeph, the ten Tribes fhall fee, that God will not that they
fhould have more Kings then one. As its already fpoken.
SECT. 27.
^TpHofeTribes then fliall be gathered fromall quarters of the earth,
"*■ intoCountriesnearetotheHolyLand; namely,into^^?/na,and
^gypt; and from thence they fhall goe into their Country; of
which Ifaiah fpeakes, in chap. 27. 13. And itjhall he in that day,
that the great trumpet Jhall he hloivn, and they who were loJi,Jhall
come into the Land of Affyria ; and they who were cqft out, into
Egypt; and Jhall worjhip the Lord in the holy mount at Jerufalem.
As if he fhould fay, as trumpets found, to call any army together:
fo they fhall come together, who were dead ( that is, difperfed
through all AJia) into AJfyria; and the out-cafts (that is, which
are in America ) fhall come by the Mediterranean Sea to Alex-
andria oi^gypt; and in the like manner thofe who are in Africa,
when Nilus fliall be dried up, and Euphrates {ha.\\ be divided; as
we have alreadyfaid. Andbecaufethegatheringtogetherof thecap-
tivity, fhall begin at thofe who are in America, therefore Ifaiah
faith. The IJlands Jhall trijt in me, and thejhips q/'Tarfis ( that is of
the Ocean) Jirjt of all, that they may hring thy fans from far re, and
with them, their fiver, and gold. They fhall then come with fpeed
from thofe Countries, profl:rating themfelvesatthe mountaine of the
Lord in Jerufalem, as the Prophet Hofea faith of that redemption
in chap. 11. 11. They Jhall come as hirds out of Egypt, and as
Doves out o/Aflyria; fo faith Ifaiah in Chap. 60. 8. IVho are
thofe that fly as a cloud, and as Doves to their nejis? They which
come
(44)
(35)
come firftjfhall alfo partakeofthisjoy,tofee others to come to them
every moment; for which caufe the fame Prophet faith, L?/i!Mp<Airae
eyes round abozil, and lehold them who gather them/elves to thee.
And because the two Countrys of ^ITy'^"' ^n<^ ^Syp^i ^1^11 first
of all kindly receive the people oi Ifrael, and fhall know the truth,
firft of all imbracing the Religion of thejewes,facrificingand pray-
ing to God, therefore the prophet i/aia/j faith, in c.ig. 2,^.BleJjed be
Egypt my people, and AJJyria the worke of my hands; hut Ifrael
is my inheritance. For fo thofe words are to be underftood.
SECT. 38.
ALL thofe are the fayings of the holy Prophets, from whence
doth appeare the returne of Ifrael into their Country. It is
given tonone to know the time thereof, neither is it revealed toRab-
by Simeon ben Johay, the Author of the Zoar j becaufe that God
hathreferved thatmyftery tohimfelf, as Mq/^ifaith. J< w Aic^tf i<A jwe.
And Ifaiah in ch. 63. 4. For the day of vengeance is in my heart,
and the year in which the redemption Jhall come. Which the Rab-
bins thus interpret, / have revelled it to my heart and not to An-
gells : and elfewhere, If any man tell you when MeJJiah fhall
come, beleeve him not. So alfo the Angel faith to Daniel ch. 12.
9. All things are clofed up andfealed to the time of the end. There-
fore all thofe, who fearch after that time, as Rabbi Seadiah, Mofes
Egyptius, Mofes Gerundenjis, Selomoh Jarchi; Abraham bar
Ribi Hi/ah, Abraham Zacculo, Mordehai Reato, and Ifaac A-
barbanel, have been miftaken; for that they would go beyond hu-
mane capacity, and reveale that, which God concealed. And even
to Daniel himfelfe ( to whom was made knowne the fecret of the
change of the four Monarchies ) it was fo revealed to him, that hee
confeffed he did not underftand it. Our Ancients did point at this
from the Letter (m) in Ifa. 9. 7. where he faith, Of the increase of
his government : which(m)in the Hebrew, being fuch an (m)which
they write onely in the end of words, and a clofe letter, yet is put in
the middle of the word, againfi; common praftife: becaufe that the
time of the fifth Monarchy fhall be hid, till the time when it fliall
begin.
F 3 SECT.
(45)
(36)
SECT. 29.
'VT'E^ this lean affirm, that itjhall he almit the end of this age;
-1 and fotheProphetfpeaksof thatageaiozif f/ierado/tfaye^.-and
that aftermanylabours,anda longcaptivity. SojBa/aawprophefies,
Numb. 24. 17. I fee, but not now; I behold, but not near; a Star
Jhall come out of Jacob. Ifa. 24. aa. They Jhall be cqft into prifon,
and they Jhall be vifted after many dales. And Ifa. 49. 14. And
Sion faid, The Lord hath forfaken me, and my Lord hath for-
gotten me. Hof. 3. 4j 5. The children of Ifrael Jhall be many days
without a King, and without a Prince: And after that they Jhall
feek the Lord their God, and David their King. The King and
Prophet complains of that delayjinP/a.44. P/a.69.P/a. 74. P/a. 77.
Pfal. 83. And after that in Pfal. 89. 50. 51. he thus concludes, Re-
member, God, the reproach of thy fervants, who fiiffer fo many
injuries of fo many people : wherewith they have reproached the
Jteps ofthyMeJfiah. As yet at this day it is faid, that ALTHOUGH
THE MESSIAH WERE LAME, HE MIGHT HAVE COME
BY THIS TIME. Though we cannot exaftly (hew the time of
our redemption, yet we judge it to be near. For,
■■ I Wefeemanyprophefiesfulfilled,and othersalfowhicharefub-
fervient to a preparation for the fame redemption; and it appears by
this, that during that long and fore captivity, many calamities are
fore-told us under the four Monarchies. David faith in Pfal. 120.
7. Lord when I fpeake of peace, they fpeake of war. And elfe-
where, IVe areflaine all the day for thy name, and are accounted
forjheep which are Jlain. In Ifa. 53. 7. He Jhall be led as ajheep to
the /laughter, and as a lamb before hisjiiearers : he Jhall be dumb,
andjhall not open his mouth. O howhavewefeenthefe things in the
banifhments oi England, France and Spaine 1 and how have they
proved thofe crimes, which mofi: falfe men have faid that ours did
commit! Behold theyhave flaine them, not for wickednefles,which
they did not commit, but for their riches which they had. O how
have wefeenall thofethingsdoneby divineprovidence,forthat thofe
misfortunesforthemoft part happened on theninth day of the month
Ab, an ominous, and unhappy day, on which the firfl, and fe-
cond Temple were burnt, and the fpies wept without a caufe.
SECT.
(46)
(37)
SECT. 30.
WHat fhall we fay of that horrible monfter, the Spanifli Inqui-
fition, what cruelty hath not daily been ufed againft a com-
pany of miferable ones, innocents, old men, and children, of every
fex and age, who were flaine,becaufe they could not divine who was
theirfecretaccufer? Butletusfee, why in althofe places (in which that
Spanifli tyrannicall Empire rules,)they were flain,who would obferve
the law of Mofes; and by how many, and how great miracles hath
that law been confirmed; and what unrighteousnefle is there in it?
We dailyfee examples of conftancyin ours,worthy of all praife,who
for the fanftifying of Gods name, have been burnt alive. Truly ma-
ny whoareftill living,canwitnefleall thofe things. In the year 1603.
At Lishone, Diogo d'Affiimean, a Monk of 34. years, was burnt
alive, who defended himfelfe in the Inquifition againft fome, who
would have reduced him toChriftianity,who was born a Chriftian,
and made ajew; which all wonder at; thelnquifitorsbeinggrieved
that they had publiflied the reafons which he had alledged, would
have recalled their fentence; but it was then too late; for it was di-
vulged through the world, which I my felfe have by me. Alfo the
LiOrdLopede FerayMacrondeierves the praiseof Martyrdome,who
being born of a noble, and eminent Family,and very learned in the
Hebrew, and Latine tongues, did imbrace our Religion; neither
thought it fufficient to be fuch himfelfe, but difcovered himfelfe to
many others ; thereupon in Ann. 1644 in the twentieth of this age,
he being imprifonedat Falladolid,tho\igh he lived in thedarke, yet
hedifcovered light tomany; neither could the great numberof Do-
lors, nor the greater affliction of his parents, move him from his
enterprife, either by tears or by promifes. He circumcifed himfelf
inprifon(Oftrangea£t,and worthy of all praife!) and named him-
felfe heleeving Judas ; and at laft, as a fecond Ifaac, oflered him-
felfe to the flames, contemning life, goods, and honours, that bee
might obtain immortall life, and good things that cannot perifti; in
the 2^^' yeer of his age. Now though thofe were not of the family
of Ifrael, yet they obtained an immortall glory, which is better then
this life.
Alfowe have many examples of ourown,whichdid equalize them,
of which that is one, which is done in our time, and is worthy to be
remembred ; Ifaac Cqftrenfis Tartas { whom I knew, and fpoke
with)
(47)
(38)
with ) a learned young man, and verfed in the Greek, and Latine;
he being but newly come to Fernambuc, was taken by the Portu-
gefe, and carryed to Lishone, and burnt alive; he was a young man
of 34. years old ; fcorning riches, and honours, which were offered
to him, if he would turneChriftian. They who fay he was a tray tor,
do lye egregioufly; for he did defend that place where he wasGover-
nour, moft valiantly; as ours do deport themfelves in thofe fortified
places which are committed to their charge. The fame Martyrdom
was undergone atLima, hy Eli Nazarenus, in Ann. i6^g.J^ami,2^.
who after he had lived 14 whole years in prifon, all which time bee
eat no flefh, left he (hould defile his mouth ; he called himfelfe by
that name, after he had circumcifed himfelfe. Such a Martyr alfo,
this year, was Thomas Terbinon in the City of Mexico.
SECT. 31.
IF the Lord fulfilled his word in calamities, he will fulfill it alfo in
felicities. Therefore Rabbi Aquibah laughed, when bee faw a
Fox run outof theTemple being deftroyed, though his companions
wept ; he faying. Now is fulfilled that prophecy of Jeremiah,
Lament. 5. 18. And the foxes Jhall run therein; and he added, and
thofe bleflings alfo fhall follow, which theLord hath promifed. We
fee all the curfes of God come to pafle, which are mentioned in Le-
viticus and Deuteronomy ; as well as thofe, which concerne our
beingfcattered totheendsof theearth(whichisPoriMgaZZ)and thofe
concerning the calamities of the Inquifition; and thofe of our ba-
nifliments, as I have opened in my booke, De termino vitce; from
whence it appears, that all the happy prophefies fhall be fulfilled.
And as we have perifhed, fo alfo fhall Bozra (that is, Rome) perifh.
See Ifa. 34. 6.
SECT. 3a.
SEcondly; Theargumentwhichwe bring from our Conftancy un-
der fo many evills, cannot be eluded, that therefore God doth
referve us for better things. Mofes in Levit. 26. 44. faith. Though
they be in the land of their enemies, yet I will not cqft them away,
neither will I abhor them to de/lroy them utterly, and to breake
my covenant with them, for I am the Lord their God. And tru-
ly thefe things are now fulfilled, for that in this captivity, and among
the many reproaches which we Jewes fuffer, yet manv of ours are
ho-
(48 )
honourably entertained by Princes, with a Angular affeftion. SoD.
IJhac Aharlanel, who comes of Davids line, is Counfellor to the
King of SpazW, and Portugall. By thisalfo he hath got agreatname,
for that he compofed the differences,which arofe beene the King of
Portugall, and the Republique of Venice. And from that Family of
Abarbanel ( which I note by the by ) doe proceed my Children, by
my wives fide. And in the houfe of his fonne,D. Samttel Abarbanel,
and oi his wife Benuenida, the L,a.dy Leonorade Toledo,was brought
up at Naples, who is the Daughter of D. Peter de Toledo, the
Vice-roy of Naples; who afterwards was married to the mofl; emi-
nent Duke Cofmus de Medicis, and having obtained the Dukedome
of Tofcani, fhe honoured Benuenida with as much honour, as if fhe
were her mother.
That peace, which the Venetians made with the Emperour Sul-
tan Selim, 75. yeares agone, was made, and ratified by a certaine
Jew Don Selomo Rophe, who was fent Ambafladour to Venice, and
received with great pomp, by the Venetians. At Conftantinople D.
Ben Jaefe, Anaucas, and Sonfinos are of great authority with the
Turk. In jEgypt the J ewes were alwayes Saraph baxas, and alfo
at this day is D. Abraham Alholn. Who knowes not that D. Jofe-
phus Nci/Ji, otherwife called Joamies Michejius, about the 66. yeare
of the former age, was Duke of Naccia, Lord of Milum, and of the
feven Iflands, of whom fee Famian. Strada in Hi/ior. Belgic. part,
i.lib.^. He was raifed to thefe honours by Sw^^ara iSeZim. As alfo.
by Sultan Amurat, Jacob Aben Jaes, otherwife called Alvoro
Mendez, was made Governour of Tyberias; witnefl^e Boierus in
Relation, part. 3. lib. 2. in Barbary, the Lords Rates were always
Governours of Sekes, Phes, and Taradanta. In Ann. 1609. D. Sa-
muel Palaxe was fent Ambafladour to the States, by Mulai Zidan
the King oi Maracco. But he dyed at the Haghe in Anno. 1616.
And the mofb eminent Prince Maurice, and the Nobles, were at his
Funerall. InPer/iawhoknowesnotofwhataccounttheyare.' There,
thirty years fin ce,EZAax;a7- was fecond to theKing,and as it were Go-
vernour. Now David Jan fucceeds him, to whom others alfo being
joyned, they live in the Court. And that muft not be forgot, that
when the mofl: eminent Duke of Holftein fent Otto Burchmannus
Ambaflladour to Perjia, in Ann. 1635. he defired commendatory
letters from our J ewes at Hamburgh, to them, who (as we have
already told you ) doe live there in the Court, that they would
G make
(49)
(40)
make way there,for him that was a ftranger: that he mightdifpatch
his affaires: Which was alfo performed. By which means ours, who
are in Perjia, difmifled Burchmannus, with rich gifts, and with
Letters to the moft eminent Duke of Holftem, which the twelve
Chuzae^orPrinceSjhad subfigned. Acopyof whichLetters themoft
excellent D. Benjamin Mujfapha, one familiar with the Prince hel-
ped me to. Alfo Claudius Duretu enfon threfor des langues,fol.
30a. faith, that there are almoft an infinite nnmhtv oiy ewes'm Afia,
efpecially in India, and that King Cochini is their great favourer.
Yea Linfchotes faith ( where he treats of Cochini ) that they have
Synagogues there, and thatfome of them are of the Kings Counfell.
At Prague, Mordocheas Maifel had Armes given him by the Em-
perour Matthias, who alfo knighted him. Which honour lacol
Bathfehah alfo had, under the Reigne of Ferdinand; and many o-
ther Families are graced with other honours. And inthisvery capti-
vity ( who could thinke it ) they are fo wealthy, that ( Gods provi-
dence favouring them ) they may challenge to themfelves a place a-
mong the mofl Noble.
SECT. i^.
WHo can enumerate the number of ours, who are renowned
by fame, and learning? The learned R. Mofes liar Mai-
mon was Phifician to Saladin the King oi^gypt. Mofes Amon to
the Emperour Sultan Bajafeth. ^lias Montalto to the moft emi-
nent Queen of France, Loyjia de Medicis; and was alfo her Coun-
fellor. At Padua Klias Cretenfis read Philofophy; and R. Alra-
Aomrfei?aZma5, the Hebrew Grammer. And how much honour had
YLlias Grammaticus at Rome? And almoft all the Princes of Italy
honoured him with all kinde of honour, Abraham Kolorni; as ap-
peares by a Letter writ to him by Thomas Garzoni nellafua piazza
univerfale del mundo. Picus Mirandula ( who ufeth to fay. That
he had hut fmall under/landing, who only looked after his owne
things, and not after other mens ) and others, had Hebrew teachers.
David de Pomis dedicated his Book to Pope Sextus the fifth, who
lovingly,and courteoufly received both the Author, and work. So at
this day we fee many defirous to learne the Hebrew tongue of our
men. HencemaybefeenethatGod hath not leftus; for if one perfe-
cute us,another receives us civilly,and courteoufly ; and if this Prince
treats us ill, another treats us well ; if one banifheth us out of his coun-
. . try,
(S°)
(41)
try,anotherinvitesus byathoufand priviledges; as divers Princes of
Jia/yhavedonejthemoft eminent KingofDewOTarie, and themighty
Duke of Savoy in ISIiJfa. And doe we not fee, that thoje Repih-
liques doe flourijh, and much increafe in Trade, which admit
the Ifraelites '
SECT. 34.
MOfes faith in his lafl fong, that God would revenge the blond
of his people who are fcattered. And leremiah faith, in chap.
'2. 3. Ifrael is the Lords holy thing, the Jirjl fruits of his increafe ;
all who devoure himfhall be found guilty ; evill fhall come upon
them, faith the Lord. And that the Hiftories of divers times, even
from Nebuchadnezzar to thefe very times, doe teflifie. Have not
the Monarchies of great Princes been deflroyed ? Confiderwith me
the miferable ends of Antiochus, of Pompey, of Sifibuthus, of Phi-
liptheKingoi France, oiAlonfus the fonne oilohnthe. fecond. And
we mayremember,how King Sebq/iian with his fourth Generation,
and with all his Nobles, was flaine in a battell oi Africa,m that fame
place, in which he had caufed the lews to be banifhed. Ferdinand,
and If abelwere thegreatPerfecutorsofourNation,but howdidboth
he, and fhe dye? as for him his Son-in-law, and his owne Subjects
did perfecutehim; and hisonlyfonne dyed (leaving no ifrue)on his
Wedding-day, beingfeventeenyeares old. Hisdaughter being Heire
of the Kingdome,and of her Fathershatred, would not marry to^'ma-
nuel King of Portugal, unlefle he would compell us to be banifhed,
and change our Religion. But fhe dyed in Child-birth of her Sonne
<Sarag^oc«,andalfo her Son, before he was haifeayeareold; and the
fucceffionwasdevolvedupc^theKingdomeof Spame. Itis not long
fince, that the Spaniards exercifeu upon us^t ^'^antua, what ever
cruelties they could invent ; what fhall we fay of that a^ j.r±adrid
in the yeare 1633, wasdone bytheInquifition,theKing,and Princes
of the Kingdome concurring; but in the very fame month dyed the
Infant Charles,a.nd theirKingdome declined. What wonder is it if
God hathchaftifed divers Kingdomes byfundrywayes: but of this I
treat farther in my HiRovy of the lewes. Let us conclude therefore,
that thatgood, which God hath promifed, will {hortlycome,fincewe
feethatwehavefuflPered thofe evils, which hehaththreatned us with,
by the Prophets.
Ga SECT.
(SO
(42
SECT, zs-
S'y^ 'T^Hefliortneffe of time ( when we beleeve our redemption
_|_ {hall appeare ) is confirmed by this, that the Lord hath
promifed that he will gather the two 'I'ribes, ludah, and
Benjamin, out of the foure quarters of the World, calling them
Nephii/Jim. From whence you may gather, that for the fulfilling of
that, they muftbefcattered through all the corners of the World; as
Daniel faith, Dan. 12. 7. And when the fcattering of the holy peo-
ple Jhall have an end, all thofe things Jhall hefulfilled. And this ap-
peares now to be done, when as our Synagogues are found in '
America.
SECT. 36.
^ly, ' I ''O thefe,let us addethat, which the fame Prophet fpeakes,
JL in ch. 12. ver. 4. That knowledge Jhall he encreafed; for
then the propheciesfhall better be underfl:ood,the meaning
of which we can fcarce attaine to, till they be fulfilled. So after the
Otteman race began to flourifh, we underftood the prophefie of the
two leggs of the Image of Nebuchadnezzar, which is to be over-
throwneby thefifthMonarchy,which fliall beintheWorld. So^e-
remiah after he had handled in Chap. 30. the redemption oi Ifrael,
and J-udah, and of the war of Gog, and Magog (of which Daniel
alfo fpeakes in ch. 1 2. ) when he treats of the Scepter of the Meffiah
the fon oi David, of the ruine of the Nations, of the reftoration of
Judah, of holy yerufalem, and of the third Temple, he adds in ver.
24. Thejlerce anger of the Lord Jhall not returne, till he hath exe-
cuted it, and till he hath performed the intents of his heart ; in
the latter dayesyfi.O'^li, underjland it. From whence followes what
we navt, faid, niat the time of redemption is at hand. And becaufe
Jeremiah in that Chapter makes an abridgement of all things that
fliall be, therefore it is faid in ver. 2. Write thee all the words which
Ihavefpoken to thee in a hook. By this meane making the Prophe-
cie clearer, by relating in a cleare ftyle, whatever the Prophets had
fore-told; imitating Mo/e*, the laft words of whofe fong a,Te,Sing,0
ye Nations, with his people, in Deut. 32. 43. Alfo the laft words
which he fpake,after that he had blefled theTribes,are thek,Happy
art thou, Ifrael: who is like to thee, people? faved hy the Lord,
who is thejheild of thy help, and the fword of thy excellency ; and
thine
(52)
(43)
thine enemies Jhall hefoimd lyars to thee, and thoujhalt tread up-
on their high places, in Deut. 33. 29. From whence it appeares,
that God will revenge the bloud of Ifrael, which had been fhed.
yoel confirmes the fame in ch, 3, 19. ^gypt Jhall he a defolation,
and Kdom Jhall he ajilthy defert,for the violence, and injury offe-
red to the Jewes, and hecaufe they havejhed innocent lloud in their
Land. And as they fhall be punifhed by the jufi: judgement of God,
who wifh us evill : fo alfo God will give bleffings upon them who fa-
vour us. And thofe are the trees of the field which then fhall re-
joyce. So God faith to Abraham, in Gen. 12. 3. 1 will hlejfe them
who llejje thee, and curfe them that ciirfe thee.
SECT. 37.
TPHefearethethingswhichlcouldgatherconcerningthismatter,
■^ which hath not been heretofore handled j from whence thefe
confequences may be deduced.
1. That the Weji-Indies, were anciently inhabited by a part of
the ten Tribes, which paffed thither out of Tartary, by the Straight
of Anian.
2. That theTribes are not inany one placCjbutinmany; becaufe
theProphets have fore-told their return {hall be into theirCountry,
out of divers places; Ifaiah efpecially faith it fhall be out of eight.
3. That they did not returne to the fecond Temple.
4. That at this day they keep the Jewijh Religion.
5. That the prophecies concerning their returne to their Cou ntry,
are of neceffity to be fulfilled.
6. That from all coafts of the World they fhall meet in thofe two
Yt\diccs, fc. Ajfyria, and jEgypt; God preparing an eafie, pleafant
way,and abounding with all things,as l/aiaA faith, ch. 49. and from
thence they fhall flie to yerufalem, as birds to their nefls.
7. That their Kingdome fhall be no more divided; but the twelve
Tribesfhall be joyned together under one Prince, that is under JWi?/'-
Jiahth&Sonoi David; and that they fhall neverbedriven out of their
Land.
I
SECT. 38.
Returne to the relation of our Montezinus, which I prefer before
theopinionsof all others as mofl true ForthatPerafhouldbederi-
ved from the name Ophir, as Ghdielmus Pojielluj, Goropius in Orte-
G 3 litis,
(S3)
(44)
lius, Bozius dejignis Ecclef. lib. % c. 3. Marinus in area Noah, P.
Sa. in ^. Reg. Pomarius in his Lexicon,aLnd Poffevimis lih. i.Bihlith.
c.S.do think, cannot be proved; asPz7zec?ahath welobferved,inyoJj
c. 28. p. 500. for we have faid out of Garcilajfo de la Vega, that that
name was unknown to themofPer?^. OpkirthenisEq/i-India,iivfe
beleeve Jofephus, lih. 8. Antiquit. Judaic, c. 6. & Acojia in HI. i.
Hi/ior. Ind.irom whence Solomon fetched gold, and precious flrones.
Bvit\!vha.tGomarai?ipart 1. hi/i.Ind.fol. 120. and Zarate inprocem.
ki/i.Peru,v/ou\d have,that oursdid pafle over that famous,and much
praifed Ifland ( by Plato in Critia, and Timceus ) oi Atlantis, and fo
went into theneighbour \i\?Md&o{Barlovent,a.nd from thenceto the
firm Iand,aiid at laflto the Kingdom of PerMjandATew- Spam; itisde-
fervedly exploded as fabulous; and Acojia laughs at it, in lih. i.hi/i.
Ind. c. 23. But Marcilius Ficinus in comment, in Timeum, c. 4. £tf
Critia, that he might defend PZa^o, thinkes ( and his Difciples,Por-
phiry, Origen, and Proclus doe follow him ) that all that which is in
Critia, and in Timceus, is to be underflood allegorically. And who
will beleeve Lefcarhotus, who faith that they are the Canaanites,
whofled thither for feare of 5^ q/'Awa? Forlcannotbeperfwaded that
they fought out Countries fo far remote. Theywhowill have them
of Peru to have come out of Norivey, or Spain, may be confuted by
their very form, manilersand the unlikeneffe of theirLanguages.But
that is more falfe, that they are i/raeZ« to, who have forgot circumci-
fion, and their rites. For they areofacomly body, and of agoodwit,as
{aiit\\'Dodi.JohannesHuarte,in his bookwhich iscalled,Ea;amere in-
genior.c.14.. But contrarily all men know that the/«(:?iara5aredefor-
)) med,dul,and altogether rude. And we have abundantlyfhoWn, with
"^1 I ho w great fl:udy,and ZQa\,theIfraelites have kept their Language,and
I \. Religion, out of their Country.
SECT. 39.
MOntezinus then fpeaks mofl: likely; thatas other people forced
the Ifraelites to betake them to the mountains: io America be-
ing firft of all inhabited by the perfecuting Tar/ari, they weredriven
to the mountains of Cordillere, where at lafl they were hid, as God
would have it. Truly, comparing the Ifraelites themfelves,or their
Laws,withother people, I fee notanything that comes nearertruth.
Perhaps alfo America was not of old contiguous to AJia on the
Northfide. Itdothnot feemetomefuch an abfurdity,tofay,thatthe
Ifraelites
(54) '
Ifraelites wentoutof Tariaryinto^/ner/caby land; and afterward,
thatGod,topreferve his,among other miracles, alfo wrought this, to
make that aSea,wherenowis the ftreightof^maw. Yea that might
be don without amiracle,byaccident,asweknowthat more than once,
the Sea byaviolent ftorra hath carryed away the Land, and made I-
{iiLnds.Xeiiophoni/iJuisi:eqtiivoc.mentioQsihemunda.tionso{^gypt,
which happened in the days of Prometheiis, a.ni\ Hercules. Alfo Be-
rofus in lih.^. and Diodorus li. 6. mentions the inundation oi Attica,
in which^^AeTW ftands. Pliny in lib. a. c. 85. & lib. 13. c. 11. Strabo
in l.i.&l. 13. and Plutarch inAlexandr. relate the drowning of the
Ifle Pharaonica; of which Luther fpeaks fo elegantly in lib. ultimo.
Befides,who knows not howmany,and how great Cities have at di-
vers times beenalmoft wholly ruined by feveral earthquakes? Sueton,
in Tiberio, c. 48. writes, that under Tiberius, twelve Cities in u4Jia
havebeenbythismeansruined. Orq/iuslib.'j .c.4.a.ndDionCciffitislib.
57. do afBrm the fame, though they differ about the time. Tacitzis
in lib. 14, and Eufebius in Chron. relate the deftruftion of that
famous and rich City of Laodicea. Origen toJ7i. 28. in Joan and £a-
roniiis torn. 2. Annal, Ecclefiq/l, Ann. 340: do fpeak of other earth-
quakeSjWhich have deftroyed divers,andverymany men, and Cities.
And P. Alonfus in fuo manual, tempor. relates, that the fame
hath happened in our dayes; faith he. In the year 1638. A great
Earthquake happened in the Iflands of the Te^xerce, but efped-
ally in St. Michael, where the Governour dwells; for that un-
heard of Jhaking of the earth, and houjes, /truck fo great terror into
the Inhabitants, that aljled out of their houfes & lived in thefelds,
a little after, two miles from thence, they Jaw the Sea vomit up a-
bundance of fiery matter, which made a very thicke fmoake,
which covered the very clouds; and it cq/i up many great Jiones
which feemed like rocks; part whereof falling downe againe, made
an IJland in the Sea which was halfe a mile over, and fxty fathom
high, &an hundred & fifty fathom deep. That hot exhalation which
that fiery mountain Jent forth, pierced the very waters, andjlifledfo
many fifhes, that two Indiana/hips could not cany them. The fame
Ifland two years after, was fwallowed up again of the Sea.
SECT. 40.
HEE that doth ferioufly weigh thofe things, may (I think) well
gather, that the Sea of the Streight oiAnian was an inundati-
on. By affirming which, this doubt may be anfwered, fc. That af-
ter
(55)
(46)
ter the univerfall Flood, man-kinde encreafed againe,and all beafts,
whichhad beenpreferved inthe Arke. But howcould fomany kinds
of beaftSj ( which come by propagation, and are not bred out of the
earth ) be found in thofe Countries? Some did fwim thither, fome
were brought thither by fome huutfmen, fome were bred out of
the earth, as Aiiftin thinks it happened in the firfl: Creation. But
what Land-beaft can fwim over fo great a Sea? And would Huntf-
men carry Lyonsthither,andotherfuch kind of beafts,oftentimes to
the great hazzard of theirlives? And ifGod would have created thofe
beafts out of the earth, he would not have commanded Noah to have
kept them in the Ark. I am fully perfwaded, that the beafts which
arefound there pafled thatwayinto^mmca; unlefleany thinksthat
this newworld is joyned to the old,onfomeotherfide,asHCTTerabe-
leeves Dec. 3, lil. 11. c. 10.
SECT. 41.
AS for the other things in the relation of our Montezinus, they
fay nothing which favours of falfliood, Fortheirfayingthatthe
SemaA,truly it is the cuftom of our people, in what part foever of the
world theylive; anditistheabridgementoftheconfeffionand religion
of theJewes. That revelation of theMagicians whom theycallMo-
hanes, it agrees with thofe things which in 2 Efdras you may fee,
concerningtheMiracleswhichGodwroughtfortheIfraelites,asthey
pafled over Euphrates, concerningthofe conditions of not revealing
fecrets to any,but fuch an onewho hath feen three hundredMoons,
( which make twenty five years ) it appeares to be true, by what
the famous De Laet tells in many parts of America, that the Indi-
ans do compute their years by Moones. That a fecret muft be told
in the Field,dothnotthatargueayewiy^cuftome, which theancients
have obferved in J acohl who being about to depart from Lalian,he
called his Wives into the field.
I now conclude this difcourfe,inwhich this only was in myinten-
tion, that I might briefly, and compendioufly declare mine, and the
Rabbles opinion, concerning thofe things which I have handled. I
hope that this my indeavor will not be unacceptable,beingdefired by
many men famous both forBirth,andforLearning; not unprofitable,
havingtherein explained therelcitionof Montezinus, with what bre-
vity I could. The Name of God be bleflled for ever. Amen,
CONSI-
(56)
47
CONSIDERATIONS
Upon the Point of the
coj^fet{sio:h^
OF THE
J E W E S:
►OD hath promifed to doe great things in thefe laft
days, as namely, to fubdue all his Enemies, to re-
leive his people, to deftroy all Tyranny and Op-
preflion both civil and ecclefiafticall, and to ampliate
the Bounds of Chrifts Kingdom, by a plentiful! pou-
ring forth of his fpirit,and by convertingthemultitudesbothof Jews
and Gentiles. Herein he doth what the Ruler of the Feaft faid to the
Bridegroome in John a. lo. he keepes the heji wine till the laji;
he makes the laft Aft, the beft part of the Comedy. Whereas the
method of the Devill, and the World, is contrary; reprefented by
Nehuchadnexzars image, whofe head, or beginning, was of gold;
butthefeet,orending,wasof iron,and clay. And of thefe great good
things (we being now upon the borders of the long-looked-f or- Ca-
naan) God hath given us feme earneft (which is a fmall proportion,
with the whole for kind) a bunch of grapes; Og, and the Amorites
fubdued. For he hath in our days arretted the Turks greatnefle; a-
bated the formidablenefle of the German- Aufirian Beaft ; revealed
ingoodmeafurethehypocrifieandliesofthefalfeProphet,whohath
his feat at Rome; and hath brought to light the fubtilties of Satan,
whohadfhiftedhimfeifeintofeveralldrefles of pretended Reforma-
tion. Hee is rifen up like a mighty Gyant, againft his enemies a-
H mong
(57)
48 Conjiderations Jipon the point,
inongus,and elfewhere^and hath pleaded his peoples caufe fo fignally,
that all but thofe whofe judgement it is to be wilfully blind, will
fay, The Lord is on ourjide. He hath alfo fcattered Light,sind Truth
in an unwonted meafure, among all forts of people; he hath given
forth his owne good Spirit more plentifully than formerly (except in
thofe extraordinary primitive times ofChriftianifm;) and hath infla-
ted us intolibertyfor our fpirits; which though too many abufe,and
turneintolicentioufnefle, or a liberty tofinnCj yet that isnodispraife,
but a commendation to the thing; for it is a figne that liberty is ex-
ceeding good initfelfe,feeingthe corruption orabufeof it,isathing
fo bad, but fo hedged in by feverali Fences,as it hath pleafed God in
much mercy to direft the wifdome of our State to, it is a choyfe
mercy, and fuch as is fuitable to our Principles both Humane, and
Chriftian; Thus we have a Day-ftar to tell us that day is at hand;
fomethingprodromousconcerningalmoftall thegreat things promi-
fed,and looked for,as might be more largelyfhowne,if thatweremy
properwork. But yet nothing concerning the returningofthe Shu-
lamite, in Cant. 6. ult. which Mr. Brightman interprets to be the
y^wei turning Chriftian,theclock of their con verfion hath not yetgi-
ven warning; it is as midnight with them ftill, as it was a thoufand
yearesagone. Uponwhich,fomeground thehopelefnefleof theirre-
pentance,butldare not owne that Logick,but rather conclude thus;
That therefore their Converfion fhall be the work of God (of which
more anon) withwhomalldifficultiesarenohinderance; andthough
Ifrael be bond-men in ^gypt, and fealed up to it by the darkneffe
of a midnight, yet let but God fpeake, and they are immediately at
liberty,and fent away without waiting for the comming of the day.
Now we ought much to minde their Converfion, exercifing there-
uponour faith,our prayers, and alfo our enquiries,and that forthefe
following reafons :
Firji, becaufe they have the fame Humane nature with us; from
this ground we fhould wifh well to all men, whether Jew, or Gen-
tile; which is the precept of the Apoftle, in a Pet. i. 7. To adde
love to brotherly kindneJJ'e; that is, not only to love Saints, but to
loveMen(though the Saints with a choyfe, and peculiarlove.) Yea
it is Gods owne praftife, in Mat. 5. 45. There is a ^iXavdpmiria in
God (as Paul faith to Titus) a love to Man-kinde. Plutarch
could obferve that God is not called (ftlXnnroi, he bearesanother man-
ner
(58 )
Of the converjion of the lewes. 49
ner of love tomen^than to horfes; fo oughtweto doe, and even upon
this general! account, to love the Jewijh Nation.
Secondly, becaufe of their extraftion; Their root is holy, though
now the Branches be degenerate and wilde; fo in Rom. 11. verf. 16,
17' Some good turnes are due to the bad children of good Parents
for the Parents fake; and this PawZ exprefly urgeth, ihi?om.ii.38.
that they are helovedfor the Fathers fake; yea the chief root, or head
of their l^i&Uon, Abraham is myftically our subftituted Father, as
in Gal. 4 laft; If ys he Chri/is, then are ye Abrahams /eerf, and
heires according to the promife. The Jewes are children, and
heires of the flefli of Abraham, but we of his faith ; they by the
Bond-woman, but we by the Free; but not^ith&a.nAmg, Abraham
is our common Father, and therefore we fhould love as brethren.
Thirdly, becaufe Gods covenant with th^Jeives is not nulled, or
broken, but only fufpended. It is with them as it was with Nehu-
chadnezzars tree, the leaves, fruit, and boughes were all fcattered
and broken,yet therewasachaine of braffe upon theroot,to referve
that for future hopes; fo though all true fruitfulnefle, beauty, and
fymptoms of life are long fince gone, yet thereis a root,afeed,which
fhall bring forth in Godstime; and thisfeemesamainefcopeof P(Z2/Z
in Rom. 11. To this purpofe may that be alledged of Mat. 24. 2%.
Except thofe dayes Jhould be Jhortned, no flejh Jhould be faved,
hut for the EleSis fake thofe dayes Jhall be Jhortned; that is, fo great
fhall theflaughter oit\\e.Jeweshe.,a.t the deftru6tion oijerufalem,
that if thofe deftroying dayes fhould laft a little longer, their whole
Nation would faiie, and be cut off; which fhall not be, becaufe God
hatheleftonestobeborneof thatPeople infuture times. Hence you
fee, that in their lowefi; ebbe, that is, in the midft of their greateft
guilt,and foreft puni{hments,God hath flill aneyeupon a numberof "(
elecSt ones of that Nation; and Gods Covenant was never fo with ;
them, or with any People, as to take the whole of them for his in- \
heritance. In Jer. 31. 36, 37. Gods Covenant with Ifrael is furer -
than the Lawes of Nature ( which wekno w,remaine un violable to the
Worlds end ) and he faith, that mufl; come to paffe, before he will
caft off the Seed of Ifrael, for all that they have done; yea in Ifa.
54. 9, 10. God confirmes it to Ifrael, not only by the firmeneffe of
the Lawes of Nature, but alfo by an Oath ; now what God ratifies
with anOath,is his abfolute and pofitiveWil, that which makes the
conclufion immutable; asinHei.6. 18. And in this cafe God is ever
H % too
(59)
50 Confiderations upon the point,
tooftrongforallhardneffeof heartjdifobediencejunbeleefe^andany
impediments that can be. See alfo that full place of Levii. 2,6. 42.
44. and ver. 45. for I beleeve that place Propheticall, of times, and
things not yet fulfilled.
Fourthly, We Gentiles were gainers by their calling away, the
whirlwind of Gods wrath that threw them downe, brought us
much profit, even falvation itfelfe, Rom. 11.12. The fall of them be-
comes the riches of the World, ver. 15. The cqfting away of them
is the reconciling of the JVorld; implying, that we Gentiles were
poore,and miferable, till made rich, and happy by the. J ewes {^oy\zi,
whobythismeanesareaswretchedasweformerlyhad been. Which
confideration muft needs move an ingenuous fpirit,to pitty thofe fo
undone. Our Lord faith to a Gentile, in Mark, 7. 47. Let the
Children firfi he filled, for it is not meet to take the Childrens
bread and to cajlit to the Doggs: They were Children, and we were
Doggs,and we Doggs have got the Childrens meat before their bel-
lies were full ; which, as it fliould make us not to be high-minded ;
fo alfo to pitty them, whofe bread being taken away, and given to us,
are brought to a ftarving condition.
Fifthly, We fhall be gainers by their receiving againe; it fliould
be motive sufficient to us, that God (hall be gainer by it, and that
not only by the acceflion of a whole Nation to him, and alfo of that
Nation,whichis asthelofl; Sheep, thefinding of which is a matter of
great joy, Luke 15. But alfo becaufe as it is faid in Pfal. 103. 16.
JVhen the Lord fhall build up Zion, he fhall appear e in his glory.
Now glory is a manifeftation of excellency, and at that time Gods
excellency fhall fhine forth, which is now much hid, and vailed; the
excellency of his mercy, of his truth and faithfulnefi^e, to remember
anancient Covenant madeaboutfourethoufandyearesfince.and his
old friend Abraham, and the Patriarks ; all which have feemed to
be afleepfor many Generations together. So alfo in Ifa. chap. 13.
compared with chap. 11, But not only God ( which might have
been a diftindt reafon) but we alfo fhall receive great advantages
thereby; forthen there (hall benotonlyanenlargement of good to us
GentileSj^s a concomitant and fynchronifm with the^ ewes conver-
fion( the miftakeabout which, hath, and doth caufe black thoughtsin
fome ) as in Apoc. 7. 9. after the fealing of the hundred, and forty,
and foure thoufand ( which relates to the time of the forty two
moneths) a great multitude, and innumerable, of all Nations,
Kindred,
(60)
Of the converfion of the lewes. 51
Kindred, Tongues, and people flood before the Lambe, and were
cloathed with white Robes; nowthefe numbers of all Gentile-Nati-
ons are to be converted at that time 'whe.nthtf ewes are to be brought
home; for it is to be at the founding of the feventh Trumpet. But
befide, the J ewes converfion fhall in fome fort be the caufe of it,
elfe what meanesthe Apoftle ini^om. 11. la,. How muchmorejhall
their fulneJJ'e lie the riches of the Gentiles? and in verf. 15, What
Jhall the receiving of the Jewes le ( to the Gentiles) but life from
the dead? The Apoftle heightens the expreffion of the benefit by
their receiving, to an higher degree than what we got by their fall.
It is obfervable, that the Gofpel did in fome fenfe, firft goe out of
Sion, for the Spirit who enabled the Disciples to preach and propa-
gate it was there given j and Micah speaking of the times yet looked
for, faith in Mic. 4. 2,. The Law Jhall goe forth out q/Sion, and the
Word of the Lord out of f erufalem ; that is, the fulnefle of the
Spirit, and knowledge of Chrifl; fhall ftreame through the Jewes to
the Gentiles. So that as itwasin the firft givingoftheholy Spirit, he
was firft given to the^ew e5,then to the Gentiles; yea by Xh^Jewes
to the Gentiles ; fo fhall it be in the laft dayes, fulfilling what Taul
faith in i?om.2.to \!a&few firft, and alfo to the Gentile, When God
fhall be reconciled toi/raeZ,theircondition wil be greatly changedjfor
they who are now actually the moft accurfed people, then as in Mz'c.
5. 7. The remnant of ^diCoh Jhall he in the midft of many people as
dew from the Lord; as the Jhowres upon the graJJ'e, that tarry not
for man, nor waitefor thefons of men. Dew, and Showers in thofe
hot Countries are Heavens hoxinty , a. cornucopia of all good things;
fuch fhall the Jewes be to the places where they fhall be, when they
fhall owne the Lord Jefus.
Sixthly, They were Gods firft Wife ( as I may fay) for a confi-
derable time they were a faithfull people; and many of them have
beenMartyrs forGod. And thefe things God will thinkeon, though
we may fleight them.
They were Gods firft Wife, Did God ever aflay to take any Na-
tion before them, to be his owne people ? Yea, did he take any be-
fide them, for two thoufand yeares together ? In Ifa. 54. 6. 1 have
called thee as a woman, forfaken,and grieved in fpirit, and a wife of
youth, ivhen thou waji refufed, faith the Lord; and what follows,
verf. 7. For afmall moment have I forfaken thee, hut with great
mercies will I gather thee. And in verfe 8. With everlqfting kind-
H 3 nefe
(61)
5a ConJideratio7is upon the point,
neffe will I have mercy upon thee. We fee God forgets not, though
men may, and doe.
They were a faithfiill people. As great was their unfaithfulnefle;
fo there were times when great was their faithfulnefle. In Jer.l.i.
I remember thee, the kindnejfe of thyyouth, the love of thy efpoti-
fals, when thou wentefi after me in the Wildernejfe, in a Land that
was notfowne. It was fomething to follow God in fuch a Country
forty years; and for fo long a time to expofe themfelves, wives, and
childrendailytoalmoftalforts of deaths; and youfee,God remembers
it in after times; and if he did inj eremiahsi\n\e.,^h&w thofewhoin
perfonhad beenfofaithfuli,had been long dead; and that raceof the
J ewes then were very provoking, and corrupt; why not alfo now, in
this prefent fucceeding generation of them :
They were Martyrs for God. To prove this, read the Hiftory of
the Maccahees, and if we like not fo farre to owne what is Apocry-
phall, turne to Heb. ii. which is a booke of the Jewijh Martyrs, a
Catalogue of them that fufTered under Antiochus, and thofe Syrian
Tyrants. And they were not few that fuffered,but many; nor light
puni{hments,butunfpeakeab1etorments. NowGod takesitfo kind-
ly that we give up our lives to torments, and to death for his Name,
that commonly heowes that perfonagoodturnein his pofterity. And
if upon thefe accounts God hath an eyeuponthem,wealfo(hould be
like minded, and love them too.
Seventhly, It is a duty which we owe to Gods expreffe command,
for fo I take that in the literal] fence, in Ifa. 6a. 6, 7. Ye that make
mention of the Lord, keep not Jilence, and give him no re/i, till he
e/iablifh, and till he make Jerufalem a praife in the earth. This
duty the Prophet himfelfe performed in verf.i. For Sions fake I will
not hold my peace, and for Jerufalems/a^e I will not reft, till the
right eoufneff'e thereof go e forth as brightneU'e, &c. And alfo the
Church in her affliftion, P/a/. 137.5,6. And now that Sion is in the
duft, if we that beleeve among the Gentiles, did pitty her, and com-
pafTionateherin her ruines,itwere an argument that God is aboutto
arife, and have mercy upon her; as may be urged from Pfalme loa.
Lqftly, They minded our converfion to God. This appeares in
the writings of almoft all their Prophets, efpecially in the Pfalmes,
Ifaiah, Jeremiah, Hofeah, Malachi. Now then for us to love
the notion, and in what we may, help forward their returne,
what
(62)
Of the converfion of the lewes. 53
what is it but an honeft and juft retaliation?
Having difpatched theReafons,two things yet remaine about their
Converfion, which I muft fpeake fomewhat to, and thofe are the
Time, and the Manner; as for the time when, the determining of
thatishard, though notimpofsible. I beleevethatitispunftuallyfet
downein Scripture, and God wil be as critical! inlooking after times
as things; but all the difficulty of knowing it is from the darknelTe,
and defe<Stsofourunderfl:anding,andnot from afuppofed uncertainty
in the thing. So that I am equally adverfe as to the common praftife
oi they ewes, who becaufe they are unwilling to owneGodsaccom-
plifhments, doe therefore dif-allow his computations, and exprefly
hold that man accurfed who bufieth himfelfeinthatftudy. So to the
too common opinion of thofe who fay. That oft in fuch computati-
ons God puts a certainenumberforanuncertaine. NOjthereisanin-
fallibility in the fet times of Scripture; only the Well is deep, and
the cord to our Bucket is but fhort 1 yet this difficulty fhould not
caufe defpondency, but quicken our induflry. All that I fhall now
fay to it is this, I judge the time not farre off; this prefent age will
fee thofe things fulfilled which we have waited and prayed for. R.
Maimonides faith of Jefus Chrifl:, That fince Mofes his time none
fo like to the Mefsiah as the Chrifl: of the Chriflians; fo I fay, fince
Chrifl:, no period of time fo like to be that, in which the ^ ewes {ha.\\
be called, as this in which we live. And perhaps it is nearer than we
are aware of, being the more comfortably perfwaded of it, by that
excellent Treatife called. The Revelation revealed, newly pnhMihed
by a Gentleman of an indefatigable Spirit for God and publick good,
Mr.S. HarfZii, in which Apocalypticall computationsareexplained
the mofl: harmonioufly,and clearly, that I have read in any difcourfe
of thatnature. Hefaithpofitively,thatattheendingofthelaft yeare
of 1655. the feventh Trumpet Ihall found; whofe effeft will be as
much good to Gods elefiled ones, whether Jewes, or Gentiles, as
our hearts can wifli for. I fhall adde this. The age in which we live,
hath been eyed by many Generations pafl:, for the time wherein the
lewes (hall be received to mercy; many of their owne Writers, and
alfo of Chrifl:ian Authors have pitched upon it; And I beleeve that
God will be as gracious to them in this their laft,andgreateft refl:au-
ration,as he was to them in that of their returne out oi Baby Ion ; now
concerning that therewere three computations andepochaesof the
beginning(and confequentlyof the ending) of the feventy yeares of
cap-
(63)
54 Confiderations upon the point,
captivity ; and obferve, that thofe feventy yeares ended, and the
lewes returned, not at the lateft computation, but with the firft, for
there were but feventy yeares iromj echoniahs carrying to Balylon,
(which was the firft Captivity) to the releafe by the Proclamation of
Cyrils. And as God ended that Captivity with the fooneft, fo I
hope that he will doe this; efpecially confidering, that fpeaking of
thefe mercies to them, in Ifa. 60. in verfe laft, he faith, I the Lord
will hajlen it in its time ; which he fhould not doe, if he fhould
ftay the longeft calculation, and utmoft period of time. O let us be
Gods Remembrancers to put him in minde of this his promife.
For the manner how, and meanes whereby their converfion (hall
becompaffed; this alfo is a depth equall to the former. And as it is
in things Prophetical!, the event will beftdetermineit; yetlfliall fay
fomething to it, according to what I have attained. That of the or-
dinary way ofChriftianizinga perfon,or people,feemes to me not of
ufe here; which hath been by Difcourfes, written or printed Books,
Preachers, or the will and command of a Conquerour; for all thefe
havehad their efficacy in (at leaft a feeming and out-fide)converfion
of many Nations. Butafterthe application oithtktothty ewes, iov
manyages together, yetwemuftfayas Gehazi did toEZJ/Xa,when he
had laid his ftaffe on the Shunamite her Son, thereby to bring him
to life ; The childe is not awaked. I then conclude, that their con-
verfion fhall be in an extraordinary way, it (hall be the workeof our
Lord Jefus, and of his good Spirit. As Paz^Z was turned by the ap-
pearing of Chrift to him; foftiall they. Hewill manifeft himfelfe to
them eminently, powerfully, and gracioufly, to forme them to be a
people to himfelfe. Whether this his prefence to them fhall be per-
fonall,or only in the Spirit, I will not now fay, but leave the Reader
to make a judgement, as he fees moft caufe, out of the Scriptures
which I bring. Confider that of Mat. 23. 38, 39. Beholdyour houfe
is left unto you defolate, for I fay unto you, ye fhall not fee me
hence-forth, till ye fhall fay, Bleffed is he that comes in the name
of the Lord. Here you have their doome fore-told, their houfefhall
be defolate, the Temple and J erufalem fhall he deflroyed; alfo
their converfion, in thofe words, their faying, Bleffed is he that
comes, &c. the medium to compafl^e it, fc. their feeing lefus
Chri/i;yeJhallnotfeeme,&cc. Intheorderof caufes.Chriftsdifcove-
ring himfelfe to them (hall be firft, and fhall produce their relenting
towardshim. And for afurtherproofe,let thofetwoplacesbejoyned
toge-
(64) ^
Of the converfion of the J ewes. ^^
together, as bearing the fame fence ; that of Mat. 34. 30, 31. and
oi Apoc. I. 7. both which are taken out oi Zechar. 12. 10. And
all three not to be underftood of Chrifts appearing to Judgement;
for here, faving repentance is the effeft of hisappearance; butrepen-
tance will be then too late when the Judge is come ; that fliall be a
night to all finners, in which no worke can be done. Againe, there are
but three grand periods mentioned in Mat. 34. namely, the deftru-
ftion of Jemfalem, Chrifts comming ( when, and whereby the
y ewes {ha.\\ be con verted, who though they haverefifted him, when
he came in the flefli, yet they (hall not, they cannot, when he comes
in the Spirit) and theend of theWorld. Nowthefignesof thefirft
of thefe are in verf 1^,15.21,22. Of thefecond in verf. 29,30,31,
&c. And of the laft, in verf. 36, Sec. So that this of ver. 30/3 i.muft
concerne fome otherthingthanthe endof theWorld. And that the
three fore-named Scriptures are properly to be underftood of the
yews, the texts doe fhow; for that of Zechariak, (from whence the
other two places are taken ) exprefly faith, / will poure upon the
houfe of David, and the inhabitants of Jerufalem, &c. and other
paflages to the fame purpofe in verf. 1 1, 1 2, 13. of Z'^cAar. 12. And in
the two places oiMat. 34. and Apoc. i. it is exprefly applyed to the
fewes; for in Mat. it is. All the Tribes of the earth Jhall mourn,
and fee him; that is, All the twelve Tribes fcattered upon the face
of the whole earth, and thefe fhall be gathered by the Angels from
the foure winds. And that of^^poc. i.7.is clearly to be applyed alfo
to them, for it is faid, They that pierced him,fhall fee him; that is,
th& f ewes; and All the Tribes (for fo the word ^vXal ought to be
rendred) of the earth JhalL^aile ; that is, the twelve Tribes fcatte-
red throughoutall places, ^^owthtmeane'fih&xthy thtkj ewes(ha\\
be converted, is, And they Jhall fee him; that is, Jefus Chrift,
forthofe words arein all the threeScriptures. It fliall be fuchafight,
as the Ifraeliteshud of theBrazen Serpent in the Wildernefle, it was
healing to them. Such a fightas Paul had of Chrift in Heaven, upon
which he faith, that he had feene the Lord. For particularities
about this fight. I fliall leave them, knowing thiLtfecret things doe
belong to God.
And becaufe after that I had publiflied in Englijh, about laft
Autumne, the Booke of Menajfeh Ben Ifrael, called. The Hope
oflfrael, I received a Letter from an Honourable Perfon, concer-
ning that Booke, to which I wrote an Anfwer, and both containe
I fome
(6S)
56 CoTifiderations upon the point,
fome further difcourfe about the Jewes, and their Converfion ;
therefore I thought good to give you them, and they are thefe
which follow.
To the Tranflator oi Menajjeh ; Ben Ifraels
fpes Ifraelis.
SIR:
IDeJire to he acquainted luith you, hecaufe we have loth fallen
upon one Booke, with the fame intentions to convert the Jewes,
though we take not one way; Idefre therefore to conferre with you,
to fee who taketh the right e/i way. You by your Tranflation feeme
to me to prize the learned Jewes writing too much, which will be-
get pride, and not humility in him, without which he will not turne,
repent, and hefaved. Therefore for his good, and alfofor the Chri-
Jiians, and for the credit of us who are Parliamentarians, I would
not fee them too much yeelded unto. You jiiftly perfringe him in
his thirtieth SeSiion, wherein he talkes fo wildly of his goodly
Martyrs, and truly if you marke him in his Difcourfe upon the
Sabatticall River, which where it is he knownes not, you willflnde
him as faidty and dangerous, if we have any of the race of the
Thraskytes left among us; but Sir, in that you thinke that the
Jev/esjhall now be called as a Nation, and not only by particulars,
and would have them have an earthly Kingdome againe ; you doe
more for the ten Tribes then he would have himfelfe, Se6l. 25.
p. 79. 80. and for the other two, q/"Judah, and Benjamin, it is notfo
likely they Jhould have a fecond Call, feeing that Chrijl and his
Apojiles preached to them, and all that were of the Ele6iion were
then converted, as you may fee by many texts, and after their re-
jeSiion of the Gofpell, their Country-men, Paul, and Peter turned
to the Gentiles. Therefore thofe two Tribes who Crucified our
Lord, and perfecuted his Jpoflles, are not fo likely to be called
againe as the ten Tribes who did neither, except fome few who re-
turned into the holy Land ; neither did many of them fo much as
heare of it, you might fee your owne fentence fulfilled then. Firfi,
the
(66)
Of the converfion of the J ewes. ^^
the Jew was called, and then the Gentile. But now looke not for it,
hut for their fugle converfons, though numbers may he called upon
one day, one Sermon as they were heretofore ; hut they mtift not ex-
alt themf elves as a Nation, for they mti/i he ingrafted againe upon
that hranch, or Vine, Chri/i Jefus, and we mti/i have one
Shepheard, and he one flock. See Rom. ii. ver. 31. which you cite.
Through yourmercytheymayalfoobtainmercy; Ihadwrit it{iha.]\)
hut it is only ( may : )fee the place to which this relates, Ifa. 59- v.
19, 30, 2,1. where youjhallfinde that all their hope is in eternalls,
not in temporalis ; and looke upon Rom, 11. 34. concerning the en-
grafting, and clearly, [unlej/e you he a Millenarian) you willfnde
no fuch Nationall glory of the Jewes ; therefore I pray you take
heed you fall 7iot into the fame fnare wherein the Jewes are, to looke
for a temporall reigne, which youfeeme to intimate, and too many
were, and are of that opinion. Affure your f elf e that Chriji will
come to fuch as a theife in the night, though his comming will he
very glorious, yet it will hefuddaine; the learned Jew canfinde no
text punSiuall in all his Booke, hut whatfoever he citeth, the fame
Chapter makes agairift him, and fpeakes not of temporallity, hut of
eternity, and the new J erufalem. I reji, defrous of your friend/hip.
Oaob. 5. 1650. E. S.
Poftfcript.
I Have it from a good hand, that Mqfier Jo. Dury is the
Tranflator of that Booke, and I havefome Arguments to heleeve
it to hefo, hecaufe he fe ernes to he of the fame minde in his Epi/io-
licall Difcourfe hefore Mr: Thorowgoods pious Booke, which I
have gained f nee I wrote this Letter. But truly if it hefo, Imujl
move Mr. Dury hoth to amend his Tranjlation from groffe faults,
and to make fame retraSiions upon that Epi/ile, which upon confe-
rence Ifhall mofi plainely Jhew him, and in the meane time I de-
fire him, that he will read a Booke of a mofl reverend and pious
man, called. The Revelation unrevealed ; and therehy I heleeve he
will he convinced, and not looke for a fifth generall Monarchy up-
on earth ; for Chri/i reignes now, and hath fo done ever fince his
Jfcenfion, andfo (hall to the end of the World, untill he deliver
the Kingdome to the Father.
Oiftob. 35. 1650.
I 3 SIR:
(67)
58 Conjiderations upon the point,
SIR : The anjwer to the Letter.
I Received a Letter direfted, To the Tranjlator of Spes Ifraelis,
which worke thus correfted^as I here-with prefent to you, I con-
feffemine. I left itwith a friend to feeit printed, my felfe going into
theCountryj but his occafions called him from the Cityalfo,when
it fhould have been reviewed; which is the reafon that though there
be many£?Ta;a'5 in theBooke,that they are not gathered up at the
end. At my owne reading of it, I found many, and mended thofe I
found ; and now I know that it hath farre fewer then it had, and may
pafletoJlerably; though neither I, nor what I doe,can befaid fault-
lefle.<{^Concerning your defire of converting the J ewes, it is truly
Chrifi:ian,and a worke thatfhall not loofeits reward. But you fay.
We difagree about the way, that is very poffible, for apprehenfions
are various, and men mufl: thinke, not as others doe, but as them-
felves can, taking what is truth to them, to be their guide. But the
queer e is, Who lights on the beft way. For my part, I pretend not
toany way to convert them, for Iverilythinke that when it dial] be
done, it will be Gods work^ and not mans; as much as Pauls con-
verfion was wholly of God;/which himfelfe makes the type, or pat-
terne of the converfio«-of"Ris Country-men; as Mr. Mede faith up-
on I Tim. I. 16. in his Fragmenta facra, which I know not whe-
ther they be in print, or no. You fay, I prize the learned lewes writ-
ingtoo much, and that itwill begetpridein them ) Sir, pardon me,if
I doe not recant till I fee myerrour; but then I fhall freely doe it. I
confeffe, I doe prize the Learned, whether lew, or Gentile, for
though I am not croi^o';, yet I am <^CK6ao<^o'; and I doe beleeve the
Avithov o{ Spes Ifraelis to be a very learned man; and I haveitfrom
thofe who are acquainted with him, that he is a very ingenuous and
civill man; and others there are, and have been among them, not
wanting a nameforgood learning. Asforthefomentingtheirpride)
truly that vice isfo evill,thatIwouldnotcheri{hit,neitherinmyfelf,
nor in others. But Sir, whether is a more likely way to gaine upon
men, to ufe them civilly, and with the fpirit of meeknefle, or to be
fupercilious and tart towards them ? What got Auftine the Monke
by ufing theBrittainesof 5aw^or fo Lordly as he did? and (to come
to latter dayes) did Mr. Brovghton gaine upon a learned Rabbi, in a
Conference at Dort, where Mr. Forbes was Moderator, by his high
and peremptory language? This he reaped, to fet the Jew at a grea-
ter diflance from Chriftianifme,andanabatingofhisowneefl:eeme,in
the
(68)
Of the converfion of the J ewes. 59
the judgement of wife men. As for Menajfeh's Sabbaticall river, I
know many Authors have faid it, but whether true, or falfe, that is
nothingtotheTranflator;andIamasfarrefrombeleevingthatftory,
aslam from thewildeopinionsof Mr. Thrask. But thefe are of lefle
concernment; you fall upon the maineofyour judgement which re-
lates to them,and pardonme if Ideale as roundlyin myanfwer ; for
I defire to have refpefl: to Truth, and not to man. I doe firmly be-
leeve,and feare not to profefle it; That t\\e.Jewes fliall be called as a
Nation, both Judaha-ni i/raeZ, and fliali returnetotheir owneLand,
and have an earthly Kingdome againe. For the proofe of which, I
could fay much, but fhall now but little; and if poffibly I cite any
thing whichiVfe«q^A Sera T/j-aeZbrings for himfelfe, beleeve me that
I have it not from him, but frommyowneobfervations outof Scrip-
ture, fome yeares fince. There is weight in that place of Mic. 4. 8.
Thefirjl dominion, the Kingdome Jhall come to the daughter offe-
rufalem ; and this is fpoken of times after Chrifts incarnation, and
not yet performed. See that of Zech. 10. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. there is
JtidahsLudEphraimfore-told tobebrought toGilead,a.nA Lebanon,
and they fhall fo encreafe, that they fhall want room. Say not this
wasdoneinthereturne of thofefewfromtheCaptivityofSaiy/ora;
forthofeof the ten Tribesthatthen returned, were but fomegleanings
of them; and ofjudah it felfe, there returned but about one halfe:
now God doth not promife Mountaines, and performe butMole-hils;
yea in verf. 6. God luillfave andjlrengthen the houfe q/"Judah, and
of Jofeph, and they fhall he as though I had not caft them off.
Which,if fince thatProphefie,it hath been madegoodofy2<(faA,yet be
{avenotoij ofeph. And inv.7. They of Ephraim Jhall helikeamigh-
ty man, but fince the captivity of Salmanqffar to this day, what
might hath Ephraim fhown ? yea is he not poore, weak, fcattered,
and unknowne.' And in ver. 8. 1 will gather them, and they Jhall
encreafe as they have encreafed; hath this been fulfilled of Ephra-
im? Where is his fruitfulnefle, which his nameimports.' much lefl"e
hath there been a time fincetheirgreat captivity, in which they have
encreafed to their numbers and ftrength, mentioned in the dayes of
Mofes, Jq/hua,David, Solomon, and under their owne Kings, after
the defeftion from the houfe of David. See that noted place of
Ezek. 37. 16, 17. 22. 34, 25. Sir, in good earnefl:, hath this Scrip-
ture been fulfilled ? hath fudah and Ephraim been hut onejlick
in Gods hand, hut one Nation, fo that they fhall he no more two Na-
I 3 tions,
(69)
6o Confideralions upon the point,
tions,&smvtr.'i2. Surely to this day they have been from their laft
difperfionnotonly two, but many Nations. Neitherwill itbeanan-
fwertofay,ThatnowtheyarenoNation, therefore they are not two;
yes,HiftoriansreportthemmanyNations; though perhapsfcarceaf-
terthejuftrulesof Nations. And that phrafe hath not anegative, but
apofitive fence,notthattheyfliould benothing, but thattheyfliould
be one Nation. 'M.o':t-ovc^v,\\\ve.r.i^.Judaha.nAEphraim\Ne.rt fo to
be one Nation, that Davie? ( that is Jefus Chrift ) was to be King over
them: And when did ^z^daA and T/raeZever to this day, as a Nation
acknowledge the Soveraignty of Jefus Chrift? and he to be their
Prince for ever, as in ver. 35. But I muft not too much enlarge. I
fliall only adde this; That as many places of the 01d,fo many in the
^^NewTeftament agree thereto, as Rom. 11, ver. 12. 15. 25, a6. a8.
/Though this of thei?07Kaw5,£hiefly proves one point,/c. their gene-
rail or Nationall converfion^Give me leave briefly to anfwer your
objeftions. Youfay,Th'ecallofyzfda/tandBe«;'awmis not fo likely,
becaufeChriftand the Apoftlespreached to them already. I anfwer;
that by their preaching,all of thofe living, who were elefted, were con-
verted; but after-ages have anew race,and God hath his number a-
mong them too; yea the words run high, then All Ifraeljhall lefa-
ved. You fay,thofe twoTribes who crucified Chrift,not fo likelyto
be converted. I anfwer, by how much their fin is greater, by fo much
the greater will Gods mercy be; Et Dei novijjima erunt optima, &
maxima. You fay,Their converfionfhall befingle, thatisanfwered
already ; but I adde, that Ifaiak is contrary to it, in Ifa. 66. 7, 8.
which Chapter I doubt not but it points to times afterour Saviour. As
for their being engraffed upon the Vine Chrifl:, or being brought to
onefheep-fold, what doth thathinder but that they may beaNation
of Converts brought to their owne Land? You objeft that oiRom.
II. 31. That through your mercy they may ohtaine mercy. I an-
fwer,that I beleeve the maine of their con verfion will be fromHeaven,
and extraordinary; though the Ge«/i/e^ by provoking them to emu-
lation, and alfo by their gifts and graces, may fome way be auxiliary
to them. After this youarepleafed to put the term Millenarian up-
on me; which, though for what I have writ, I need not owne, yet I
will not difclaime; theyare notNamesthatafFrightme,butreall fal-
fities. The term Chiliq/i, as it congregates the many odde,and falfe
opinions of them of old, I explode; though to beleeve thofe thoufand
yeares in jipoc. 20. to be yet unfulfilled, that, I willingly owne. To
put
(70)
Of the converfion of the Reives. 6i
put that fenfe upon them, as that they imply the thoufand yeares of
etemitVjIcan thinke little lefle of it then to be a contradiftion . Againe,
if the thoufand yeares be the eternity in Heaven, what meanes that in
ver. 3. Till the thoufand yeares be fulfilled, and after that he muft
be loafed for a little feaf on ; I pray, what little feafon is that that is
after eternity? neither doth Chrifts comming fuddenly in the night
a^a /Aej/(?,hinder,but that when he doth come, he may ftay a thou-
fand yeares. Butwhether that time he.ante,in,0T pq/i diemjudicii,is
notmytasketo determine,ormaintaine. As forwhatyouaddeinthe
Poft-fcript,nottolookeforafifthMonarchy,becaufeChriftreignes
now. I anfwer,that though he reignes dejure, yet not defaSto; for
exprefly in Scripture the Devill is called Koa/jLOKpaTap he is the grand
Tyrant, and great Ufurper, and the whole world Kelrai iv -jrh Trovrjpm
yet lam farre from denying toChrifl: a Kingdome now in being, /c.
Spiritual!, andlnvifible,butl looke foravifible one to come. In the
clofe(as alfo at the beginning) you are pleafed todefire myacquain-
tance; but Sir, I look not upon my felf as a Star of fo confiderable a
magnitude, as to prefent my felfe to your eyes; but if I might be fo
happy as to be capable toferveyou really, none fhould bemoredefi-
rous of it (both as you are a Gentleman of Learning, by which you
haveobligedthepublick; and alfo a Member of that Houfe which I fo
much honour ) than Sir,
Novemb. 5. 1650. Yojir moji humble Servant
M. W.
SIR:
I Doe now very highly efieeme of my interefi in your converfation,
and thanke you very much for your kinde viftations, which I
Jhal endeavour to repay, and defre by thefe you will tell me where, if
you be in town; IJhall continue in town till monday noone be pqffed,
and will meet you at the Stationers, or any where elfe youfhall ap-
point; very necejfary, and too urgent occafions hindred my comming
to — untill Iqft night. I havefomewhat thought with my felf of the
faire propqfition of re-printing what concernes Ben Ifrael, the con-
verfion and generall call of the Jewijh Nation, to which I now more
perceive our ferious endeavours and hopes doe encline. But I mji/i
needs fay, that Ben Ifraels Booke gives very f mall hopes of his con-
verfion; Of which notwithftanding neither you nor my felfe ought
to
(71)
62 Confiderations upon the point, &c.
to defpaire,for Saul the learned ^tw from a fever e Perfectitor be-
came a Paul, a holy and remarkable Saint ; IJhall not at prefent
enlarge my felfe unto you, leajl IJhould prove troublefome, or im-
pertinent till things be ripened between us by a conference, but if it
be neceffary youjhould print againe before I fee you, lonly defire this
Letter ofminefhould be printed. For I embrace your candor and
ingenuity as much as you doe mine, and I hope love and knowledge
will Jiill encreafe between us, and I fhall fay with the Pfalmtfi,
Let therighteousfmiteme friendly^and reprove me,but let not their
precious balme breake my head; I have no defire to gaine applaufe
of thofe who are without, or hazard their cenfure in that which
more learned men, but not fo loving, may fay, that I write flight
things, but I had rather firfi fhew them that I can write ferious
things as well as fight, by tran/latio?t of fame part of Peter Gala-
tine & Reuchlin, which is now my travaile, as I in part fhewed
you ; I remaine,
Febr. ai. Your friend in the trueft intereft of
1650, Chriftian love.
FINIS.
Errata maxlmi momentl.
JN the fecond Epift. p. 2.1. 8. dele happy,in the 3 Epift. p. i . 1. 2 8.r.invironed,p.
2.1.3.r.Carthagena,p.3.1.i2.delefo,p.6,1.2i.r.thy,p.i8.1. ig.r.hatingjp.ig.l.
i6.r.awayHofhea,p.22.1.23.r.Hunni,p.23.1.io.r.there,p.26.1.3.r.were,p.40.
1.27.1. honouredj^^rfl^fl»iA'o/i5r«!,withp.44.1.24.r.forthefe,p.46.1. 1 6.delethe,
p. 49. 1. 34. & he faith, thofe muft be nulled before.
(72)
TO
HIS HIGHNESSE
THE
LORD PROTECTOR
O F THE
QO MMO ^jVTEALT H OF
England, Scotland, ^;?^ Ireland.
HUMBLE ADDRESSES
O F
Menasseh Ben Ifrael, a T)ivine^ and
T>oaor of THTSICF^, in behalf e
of the yewijh !?(ation.
(73)
TO
His HighnefTe the Lord Protector
O F THE
Common-wealth of England,
Scotland, and Ireland.
The Humble Addrejjes of Menaffeh Ben Ifrael, a Divine
and Do£lor of Phyjick, in behalf of the lewifh Nation.
Ive me leave, at fuch a jun6lure of time, to
fpeak to your Highneffe, in a ftyle and
manner fitting to us J ewes and our condi-
tion. It is a thing moll certaine, that the
great God of Ifrael, Creator of Heaven
and Earth, doth give and take away Do-
minions and Empires, according to his owne pleafure; ex-
alting fome, and overthrowing others : who, feeing he
hath the hearts of Kings in his hand, he eafily moves them
whitherfoever himfelfe pleafeth, to put in execution his
Divine Commands. This, my Lord, appeares moft evi-
dently out of thofe words of Daniel, where he, rendring
thanks unto God, for revealing unto him that prodigious
Dreame of Nebuchadnezar, doth fay : Thou that remo-
vefl Kings, and fets up Kings. And elfe-where. To the
end the living might know, that the Highefl hath domi-
nion in Mans Kingdome, and giveth the fame to whom he
pleafe. Of the very fame-minde are the Thalmudi/ls like-
wife, affirming that a good Government, or Governor,"?
is a Heavenly Gift, and that there is no Governor, but j
is firft called by God unto that dignity : and this they
prove from that paffage oi Exodtis : Behold I have called
Bazalel by name, &c. all things being governed by
Divine Providence, God difpenfing rewards unto Ver-
tues, and punifhment unto Vices, according to his owne
A 2 . ■ good
(7S)
{
good Will. This the Examples of great Monarchs make
good ; efpecially of fuch, who have afflifted the people
of Ifrael : For none hath ever afiflidled them, who hath
not been by fome ominous Exit, moft heavily punifh-
ed of God Almighty ; as is manifeft from the Hiftories
of thofe Kings, Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezar, Antiochus,
' Epipkanius,Pompey,dLndoi\\&YS. Andonthecontrary,none
ever was a Benefa6lor to that people, and cherifhed them
in their Countries, who thereupon hath not prefently be-
gun very much to flourifh. In fo much that the Oracle
to Abraham (I will blej/e them that bleffe thee, and curfe
them that curfe thee) feemeth yet daily to have its accom-
plifhment. Hence I, one of the leaft among the Hebrews,
fince by experience I have found, that through Gods great
bounty toward us, many confiderable and eminent per-
fons both for Piety and Power, are moved with fmcere
and inward pitty and compaffion towards us, and do com-
fort us concerning the approaching deliverance oi Ifrael,
could not but for my felf, and in the behalf of my Coun-
trey men, make this my humble addreffe to your Highnefs,
and befeech you for Gods fake, that ye would, according
to that Piety and Power wherein you are eminent beyond
others, vouchfafe to grant, that the Great and Glorious
Name of the Lord our God may be extolled, and folemn-
ly worfhiped and praifed by us through all the bounds of
this Common-wealth ; and to grant us place in your Coun-
trey, that we may have our Synagogues, and free exercife
of our Religion. I nothing doubting, but that yourClemen-
cy will eafily grant this moft equitable Petition of ours. Pa-
gans have of old, out of reverence to the God of Ifrael;
&the efteem they had to his people, granted moft willingly
free liberty, even to apoftated J ewes ; as Onias the High
Prieft, to build another Temple in their Countrey, like
unto that at Jerufalem : how much more then may we,
that are not Apoftate or runagate lewes, hope it from your
Highneffe
(76)
Highneffe and your Chriftian Councill, fince you have fo
great knowledge of, and adore the fame one onely God of
Ifrael, together with us. Befides, it increafes our confidence
of your bounty towards us, in that fo foon as ever the ru-
mour of that moft wifhed-for liberty, that ye were a think-
ing to grant us, was made known unto our Countrey-men ;
I, in the name of my Nation, the lewes, that live in Hol-
land, did congratulate and entertaine their Excellencies,
the Ambaffadors of England; who were received in our.
Synagogue with as great pomp and applaufe, Hymns and
cheerfulneffeof minde,as ever any Soveraigne Prince was.
For our people did in their owne mindes prefage, that the
Kingly Government being now changed into that of a
Common-wealth, the antient hatred towards them, would
alfo be changed into good-will : that thofe rigorous Laws
(if any there be yet extant, made under the Kings) againft
fo innocent a people, would happily be repealed. So that
we hope now for better from your gentlenefs, & goodnefs,
fince, from the beginning of your Government of this
Common-wealth, your Highneffe hath profeffed much re-
fpeft, and favour towards us. Wherefore I humblyentreat
your Highneffe, that you would with a gracious eye have
regard unto us, and our Petition, and grant unto us, as you
have done unto others, free exercife of our Religion, that
we may have our Synagogues, and keep our own publick
worftiip, as our brethren doe in Italy, Germany, Poland,
and many other places, and we fhall pray for the happi-
neffe and Peace of this your much renowned and puiffant
Common-wealth.
A 'X A
(77)
i
"S^Qlfe
1
A DECLA RATION
TO THE
Common-wealth of England,
BY
"^bbi Menajfeh "Ben Israel, {hewing
the Motives of his coming into England.
Avingfome yeares Jince often perceived that
in this Nation, God hath a People, that is
very tender-hearted, andwell-wijhing to our
fore-affliBed Nation ; Yea, I my felfe ha-
ving fome Experience thereof, in divers
Eminent perfons, excelling both in Piety and
Learning: I thoughtwithmy-felf Ifhoulddonofmallfervice
to my owne Nation, as alfo to the People and Inhabitants oj
this Common-wealth, if by humble addreffes to the late Ho-
nourable Parliament,! might obtaine afafe-Condufl once to
tranfport my felfe thither. WhichI having done, and accor-
ding to my defire, received a mofl kinde andfatisfaBory An-
fwer, I now am come. And to the end all Men m,ay know the
true Motives and Intent of this my coming, I fhall briefly
comprehend and deliver them in thefe partictilars.
Firfl and formoft, my Intention is to try, if by Gods
good hand overme, I m,ay obtaine here for m,y Nationthe Li-
bertyof afreeandpublickSynagogue,whereinwe may daily
callupon the Lord our God,that once he may be pleafed to re-
member his Mercies and Promifes done to our Forefathers,
forgiving
(78)
forgiving our tre/paffes, and rejloring us once againe into
our fathers Inheritance; andbefides tofue alfo for a bleffing
upon this Nation, and People <7/'England,yi?;' receiving us
into their bofomes, and comforting Sion in her d^ref/e.
My fecond Motive is, becaufe the opinion of manyj
Chriflians and mine doe concurre herein, that we both be- \'
lieve that the refloringtimeofour Nation into their Native
Countrey, is 'very neer at hand; I believing more par-'
ticularly, that this rejlauration cannot be, beforethefe words
^Daniel, Chap. 12. ver. 7. be firfl accomplifhed, when he
faith, And when the difperfion of the Holy people fhall
be compleated in all places, then fhall all thefe things be
compleated -.fignifyingtherewith, that before allbefulfilled, \
thePeopleofGodm,uJlbefirfidifperfedintoallplaces &Coun-
treyes of the World. Now we know, how our Nation at the
prefent is fpread all about, and hath its feat and dwelling in
them,oftflourifhingpartsofalltheKingdomes,andCountreys
of the World, as well in America, as in the other three parts
thereof; except onely in this confiderable and mighty Ifland. ;
And therefore this remains onely in my judgement, before j
the Messia come andreftore our Nation, thatfirjl we muH'
have our feat here likewife.
My third Motive is grounded on the profit that I conceive
this Common wealth is to reap, if it fhall vouchfafe to receive j
us; for thence,! hope, there will follow a great blefjing from |
God upon them, and a very abundant trading into, and from \
all parts of the World, not onely without prejudice to the En- j
glifh Nation, but for their profit, both in Importation, and '
Exportation of goods. Yet if any fhall doubt hereof, Itruft ,
their Charity towards the people of God, willfatisfie them,
efpecially when they fhall reade the enfuing Treatife. -
The fourth Motive of my coming hither, is, myfincereaf-
fe^lion to this Common wealth, by reafonoffomany Worthy,
Learned, and Pious men in this Nation, whofe loving kind-
nefie and Piety I have experience of: hoping tofinde the like
affe£lion
(79)
affe£lion in all the People generally ; the more, becaufe I al-
wayes have, both by writing and deeds, prof ejfed much incli-
nation to this Common-wealth; and that I per/wade myfelfe
they will be mindfullof that Command of the Lord our God,
whofo highly recommends unto allmen the love of ftrangers;
much more to thofe that profeffe their good affeBion to them.
For thisi defire all may be confident of, that I am not come to
make any di/lurbance, or to move any difputes about matters
of Religion ; but onely to live with my Nation tn thefeare
of the Lord, under the fhadow of your protection, whiles we
expert with you the hope of Ifrael to be revealed.
(80)
Fol. I
How Profitable
The Nation of the lewes are.
Hree things, if it pleafe your Highneffe, there
are that make a ftrange Nation wel-beloved a-
mongfl the Natives of a land where they dwell :
(as the defedl of thofe three things make them
hatefull.) viz. Profit, they may receive from'
them ; Fidelity they hold towards their Princes;
and the Noblenes and purity of their blood.
1
Now when I fhall have made good, that all thefe three things are
found in the lewijh Nation, I fhall certainly perfuade your High-
neffe, that with a favorable eye, (Monarchy being changed into a
Republicq) you fhall be pleafed to receive again the Nation of the
lews, who in time paft lived in that Ifland : but, I know not by
what falfe Informations, were cruelly handled and banifhed.
Profit is a mofl powerfull motive, and which all the World pre-
ferres before all other things : and therefore we fhall handle that
point firft.
It is a thing confirmed, that merchandizing is, as it were, the pro-
per profeffion of the Nation of the lews. I attribute this in the firft
place, to the particular Providence and mercy of God towards his
people: for having banifhed them from their own Country, yet not
from his Proteftion, he hath given them, as it were, a naturall in-
ftin6l, by which they might not onely gain what was neceffary for
their need, but that they fhould alfo thrive in Riches and poffef-
fions; whereby they fhould not onely become gracious to their
Princes and Lords, but that they fhould be invited by others to
come and dwell in their Lands.
Moreover, it cannot be denyed,but that neceffity flirrs up a mans
ability and induftry ; and that it gives him great incitement, by all
means to trie the favour of Providence.
A Befides,
(8i)
Befides, feeing it is no wifedome for them to endeavour the
gaining of Lands and other immovable goods, and fo to impri-
fon their poffeffions here, where their perfons are fubje6l to fo ma-
ny cafualities, banifhments and peregrinations ; they are forced to
ufe marchandizing untill that time, when they fhall returne to their
own Country, that then as God hath promifed by the Prophet Za-
chary, Their Jhall be found no more any mar chant am-ong/l them in
the Houfe of the Lord.
From that very thing we have faid, there rifeth an infallible Pro-
fit, commodity and gain to all thofe Princes in whofe Lands they
dwell above all other ftrange Nations whatfoever, as experience
by divers Reafons doth confirme.
I. The lews, have no oportunity to live in their own Country,
to till the Lands or other like employments, give themfelves wholy
unto merchandizing, and for contriving new Inventions, no Na-
tion almoft going beyond them. And fo 't is obferved, that where-
foever they go to dwell, there prefently the Traficq begins to flo-
rifti. Which may be feen in divers places, efpecially in Ligorne,
which having been but a very ignoble and inconfiderable City, is
at this time, by the great concourfe of people, one of the mofl fa-
mous places of Trafique of whole Italy.
Furthermore, the Inventor of the famous Scala de Spalatro (the
moft firme and folid Traficq of Venice^ was a lew, who by this his
Invention tranfported the Negotiation from a great part of the Le-
vant into that City.
Even that very fame is feene likewife at this day in Nizza and in
other innumerable places more, both in Europe and Afia.
II. The Nation of the lews is difperfed throughout the whole
World, it being a chaftifement that God hath layd upon them for
their Idolatries, Deut. 28,69. Ezech. 20,23. Nehem. 1,8. Pf. 107,27.
and by other their finnes their families fuffer the fame fhipwrack.
Now in this difperfion our Fore-fathers flying from the Spanifh
Inquifition, fome of them came in Holland, others got into Ita-
ly, and others betooke themfelves into Afia; and fo eafily they cre-
dit
(82)
3
dit one another ; and by that meanes they draw the Negotiation
where-ever they are, where with all of them marchandifing and
having perfe6l knowledge of all the kinds of Moneys, Diamants,
Cochinil, Indigo, Wines, Oyle, and other Commodities, that
ferve from place to place ; efpecially holding corfefpondence with
their friends and kinds-folk, whofe language they underfland; they
do abundantly enrich the Lands and Countrys of ftrangers, where
they live, not onely with what is requifite and neceffary for the life
of man ; but alfo what may ferve for ornament to his civill condi-
tion. 'Df which Traficq, there arifeth ordinarily Five important be-
nefits.
1 . The augmentation of the Publiq Tolls and Cuflomes, at their
coming and going out of the place.
2. The tranfporting and bringing in of marchandifes from re-
mote Countries.
3. The affording of Materials in great plenty for all Mechaniqs ;
as Wooll, Leather, Wines; Jewels, as Diamants, Pearles, andfuch
like Merchandize.
4. The venting and exportation of fo many kinds of Mani-
fa6lures.
5. The Commerce and reciprocall Negotiation at Sea, which
is the ground of Peace between neighbour Nations, and of great
profit to their own Fellow-cittizens.
III. This reafon is the more ftrengthened, when we fee, that
not onely the lewifh Nation dwellingin Holland and Italy, trafificqs
with their own flock, but alfo with the riches of many others of
their own Nation, friends, kinds-men and acquaintance, which not-
withftanding live in Spaine, and fend unto them their moneys and
goods, which they hold in their hands, and content themfelves with
a very fmall portion of their eftate, to the end they may be fecure
and free from danger that might happen unto them, in cafe they
fhould fall under the yoke of the Inquifition ; whence not onely
their goods, but oftentimes alfo their lives are endangered.
IV. The love that men ordinarily beare to their own Country
A 2 and
(83)
4
and the defire they have to end their lives, where they had their be-
gining, is the caufe, that moft ftrangers having gotten riches where
they are in a forain land, are commonly taken in a defire to returne
to their native foil, and there peaceably to enjoy their eftate; fo that
as they were a help to the places where they lived, and negotiated
while they remained there; fo when they depart from thence, they
carry all away, and fpoile them of their wealth : tranfporting all into
their own native Country : But with the lews the cafe is farre diffe-
rent ; for where the lews are once kindly receaved, they make a
firm refolution never to depart from thence, feeing they have no
proper place of their own : and fo they are alwayes with their goods
in the Cities where they live, a perpetuall benefit to all payments.
Which reafons do clearly proove, that it being the property of Cit-
tizens in populous and rich countries, to feeke their reft and eafe
with buying lands and faire poffeffion of which they live; many of
them hating commerce, afpire to Titles and Dignities : therefore
of all ftrangers, in whofe hands ordinarily Trafique is found, there
are none fo profitable and beneficiall to the place where they trade
and live, as is the Nation of the lews. And feeing amongft the peo-
ple of Europ, the chiefeft riches they poffeffe, fom from Spain, thofe
neighbour Nations, where the lews ftiall finde liberty to live accor-
ding to their own ludaicall Laws, they fhall moft eafily draw that
benefit to themfelves by means of the induftry of our Nation, and
their mutuall correfpondance.
From hence (if it pleafe your Highnes) it refults, that the lewifh
Nation, though fcattered through the whole World, are not there-
fore a defpifable people, but as a Plant worthy to be planted in the
whole world, and received into Populous Cities : who ought to
plant them in thofe places, which are moft fecure from danger ;
being trees of moft favory fruit and profit, to be alwayes moft fa-
voured with Laws and Priviledges, or Prerogatives, fecured and
defended by Armes\ AnExampleof this we havein our times. His
Majefty, the Illuftrious King of Denmark, invited them with fpe-
ciall Priviledges into Geluckftadt : the Duke of Savoy into Nifa of
Pro-
(84)
5
Provence ; and the Duke of Modina in Retio, allowing them fuch
conditions and benefices, as like never were prefented unto them
by any other Prince, as appeareth by the copy of thofe Priviledges,
which I have in my hands. But fuppofing it would be a matter of
too large extention, if I fhould make a relation of all the places un-
der whofe Princes the lews live, I will onely fpeake briefly of the
two Tribes ludah and Benjamin. Thefe in India in Cochin have
4 Synagogues, one part of thefe lews being there of a white co-
lour, and three of a tawny; thefe being mofl favoured by the King.
In the year 1640. dyed Samuel Caftoel, Governour of the City,
and Agent for the King, and David Cafloel his fonne fucceeded
in his place. In Perfia there is a great number of lews, and they live
indifferent freely : there are alfo amongfl them that are in favour
and great refpe6l by the King, and who live there very bravely.
Some years paft, there was Elhazar Huza, the Viceroy, and now
there is David Ian; if yet he be living. In the year 1636. the Saltan
Amarat took in Bagdad, and puting all to the fword, he command-
ed that they fhould not touch the lews, nor their houfes, and befides
that, he freed them from one half of the tribuit they were wont to
pay to the Perfian.
But the chiefeft placewhere the lews life, is the Turkifh Empire,
where fome of them live in great eftate, even in the Court of the
Grand Turke at Conftantinople, by reafon there is no Viceroy, or
Governour, or Baffa, which hath not a lew to manage his affaires,
and to take care for his efhate : Hence it cometh that in fhort time
they grow up to be Lords of great revenues, and they moft frequent-
ly bend the minds of Great ones to moft weighty affaires in go-
vernment.
The greateft Viceroy of whole Europe is the Baffaof Egypt; this
Baffa always takes to him, by order of the Kingdome, a lew with
the title of Zaraf- Baffa ( Threfurer) viz. of all the Revenues of that
government, who receaves purfes full of money, feals them, and
then fends them to the King. This man in a fhort time grows very
rich, for that by his hands as being next to the Baffa, the 24 Go-
vern-
(8s)
vernments of that Empire are lould and given, and all other bu-
fineffes managed. At prefent he that poffeffeth this place, is cal-
led S"'. Abraham Alhula. The number of the lews living in this
Kingdome of the Great Turke, is very great, and amounts to ma-
ny Millions. In Conftantinople alone there are 48 Synagogues,
and in Salaminque 36, and more then fourefcore thoufand foules
in thefe two Cities alone.
The firft King gave them great priviledges which they enjoy
untill this day : for befides the liberty, they have every-where, of
trading with open fhops, of bearing any Office and poffeffing of
any goods, both mooveable and immooveable, he yet graunted
them power to judge all Civill caufes according to their own Laws
amongfl themfelves. Moreover they are exempted from going to
Warres, and that fouldiers Ihould be quartered in their houfes, and
that Juflice fhould take no place upon the death of any one that left
no heir to his Eftate.
"Tn all which they are preferred before the naturall Turks them-
felves. For which caufe they pay in fome Cittys to the King three
Patacons, and in others two and a half by the pole.
In this eflate fome of the lews have grown to great fortunes; as
Jofeph Nafino, unto whom Amatus Lufitanus dedicated his fifth
and fixth Centuriae, was by Sultan Solime made Duke of Maccia,
Earleof Andro, Seignorof Millo, and thefeaven Iflands: And Ja-
cob Ben-Iaes by Sultan Amurat, was made Governour of the Ti-
beriades : fo likewife otherswere exalted to very great and Eminent
Dignities : as was that Selomo Rofe, that was fent for Ambaffador
at Venice, where he confirmed the laft Peace with Amurat. In Ger-
many, there lives alfo a great multitude of Jews, efpecially at Prague,
Vienna and Franckfurt, very much favoured by the moft mild and
moft gracious Emperours, but defpifed of the people, being a Na-
tion not very finely garnifhed by reafon of their vile cloathing : yet
notwithflanding there is not wanting amongft them perfons of
great quality. The Emperour Matthias made Noble both Mardo-
chai Mairel, and Ferdinando Jacob Bar Seba.
But
(86)
7
But yet a greater number of lews are found in the Kingdome of
Poland, Pruffia and Lethuania, under which Monarchy they have
the Jurifdi(5lion to judge amongfl themfelves all caufes, both Cri-
minal and Civil; andalfo great and famous Academiesof theirown.
The chief Cities where the Nation liveth, are Lublin and Cracow,
where there is a lew, called Ifaac lecells, who built a Synagogue,
which flood him in one hundred thoufand Francs, and is worth ma-
ny tonsof gold. There is in this placefuch infinite numberof lews;
that although the Cofaques in the late warres have killed of them
above one hundred and fourefcore thoufand ; yet it is fuflained that
they are yet at this day as innumerable as thofe were that came out
of Egypt. In that Kingdome the whole Negotiation is in the hand
of the lews, the refl of the Chriftians are either all Noble-men, or
Ruftiques and kept as flaves.
In Italy they aregenerally protected by all the Princes: their prin-
cipall refidence is in the mofl famous City of Venice ; fo that in that
fame City alone they poffeffe about 1400 Houfes; and are ufed
there with much courtefy and clemency. Many alfo live in Padoa
and Verona ; others in Mantua, and alfo many in Rome it felf. Fi-
nally they are fcattered here and there in the chief places of Italy, and
do live there with many fpeciall priviledges.
In the Government of the great Duke of Tufcany, they are by
that Prince moft gracioufly & bountifully dealt with, having power
from him graunted, to have their Judicatory by themfelves, and
to judge in all matters, both Civill and Criminall ; befides many
other Priviledges, whereof I my felf have the Copies in hand. The
rich and illuflrious families that flourifhed in thefe Countries are
many, viz. The Thoraces, who being three Brethren, fhared betwixt
them above7oo thoufand Crpwns. In Ferrarawere theViles,whofe
flock was above 200 thmjfand Crowns. The Lord Jofeph de Fano,
Marquis de Villepefldf; was a man much refpe6led of all the Prin-
ces in Italy, and was called by them. The Peace-maker and ap-
peafer of all troubles ; becaufe he, by his authority and entremife,
was ufed to appeafe all troubles and flrife rifmg amongfl them.
Don
(87)
8
Don Daniel Rodrigues, becaufe of his prudency and other good
qualities, was fent in the year 1589 from the mofl Excellent Senat
of Venice into Dalmatia, to appeafe thofe tumults and fcandals
given by the Vfquoquibs in Cliffa : which he moft manly effefted,
and caufed all the women and children, that were kept|cloofe pri-
foners, to be fet at liberty, brought alfo to an happy iffue many
other things of great moment, for which he was fent. Alphonfo 1 1,
the Duke of Ferrara, fent alfo for his Ambaffador to the Imperiall
Majefly, one Abraham de Bondi, to pay and difcharge Invefli-
ture of the States of Modena and Reggio. The Prince of Safol and
the Marquis of Scandia likewife, had to their Fa6lors men of our
Nation.
In the Kingdome of Barbary, their lives alfo a great number of
lews, who-ever cruelly and bafely ufed by that Barbarous Nation,
except at Marrocco, the Court and Kings houfe, where they have
their Naguid or Prince that governs them, and is their fudge,
and is called at this day, Seignor Mofeh Palache: and before him
was in the fame Court, that Noble family Ruthes, that had power
and lurifdiftion of all kinde of punifhment, onely life and death
excepted.
- In the Low-Countries alfo, the lews are received with great Cha-
rity and Benevolency, and efpecially in this moft renowned City
of Amfterdam, where there are no leffe then 400 Families ; and
how great a trading and Negotiation they draw to that City, ex-
perience doth fufficiently witnefs. They have there no leffe then
three hundred houfes of their own, enjoy a good part of the Wefl
andEafl-IndianCompagnies; and befides have yet tofetforth their
Trafiq fuch a ftock. that for fetting a fide, onely one duit of every
pound Flemifh for all kind of commodities that enter, and again as
much for all what goes out of this town, and what befides we pay
yearly of the rents we get from the Eaft-Indian Compagnie to the
reliefe and fuftenance of the poore of our Synagogue, that very
money amounts ordinarily every year, unto the fumme very neare
of 1 2000 Franks; whereby you may eafely conceive what a migh-
ty
(88)
9
ty flock it is they trade with, and what a profit they needs muft
bring into this City.
In Hambourg likewife, a moft famous City of Holface in Ger-
many, there lives alfo a hundred families, protedled by the Magi-
flrat, though molefled by the people. There refides Sir DuarteNu-
nes d'Acofla, Refident for his Majefty the King of Portugal : Ga-
briel Gomes, Agentfor his Majefty the Kingof Danemarck.- David
de Lima,aIeweller,forthefamehisMajefty; and Emanuel Boccaro
Rofales, created by the Emperour a Noble-man and a Count Pala-
tin.
In all thefe places the lews live (in a manner) all of them Mer-
chants, and that without any prejudice at all to the Natives: For the
Natives, and thofe efpecially that are moft rich, they build them-
felves houfes and Palaces, buy Lands and firme goods, aime at
Titles and Dignities, and fo feek their reft and contentment that
way : But as for the lews, they afpire at nothing, but to preferre
themfelves in their way of Marchandize; and fo employing their
Capitals, they fend forth the benefit of their labour amongft many
and fundry of the Natives, which they, by the trafick of their Ne-
gotiation, do enrich. From whence it's eafy to judge of the profit
that Princes and Common-wealths do reap, by giving liberty of
Religion to the lews, and gathering them by fome fpeciall privi-
ledges into their Countries: as Trees that bring forth fuch excellent
fruits.
So that if one Prince, ill advifed, driveth them out of his Land,
yet another invites them to his; & fhews them favour: Wherein we
may fee the prophecy of lacob fulfilled in the letter : Thejlaffe {to
fupport him) Jhall not depart from Jacob, untill Meffias Jhall come.
And this fhall fufifice concerning the Profit of the lewifh Nation.
B How
(89)
lO
How Faithfull
The Nation of the lewes are.
f^^SHe Fidelity of Vaffals and Subje6ls, is a thing that Princes
|moft efteem off: for there-on, both in Peace and Warre,
I depends the prefervation of their eftates. And as for this
point, in my opinion, they owe much to the Nation of the
lews, by reafon of the faithfulneffe and loyalty they fhow to all Po-
tentates that receive and protefl them in their Countries. For fet-
ting afide the Hiftories of the Ptolomies, Kings of Egypt, who did
not trufl the Guard of their perfons, nor the keeping of their Forts,
nor the mofh important affairs of their Kingdome to any other Na-
tion with greater fatisfa6lion then to the lews; the Wounds of An-
tipaterfhewed to luliusCaefar in token of his loyalty, and the brafen
Tables of our Anceftours amongft the Romans, are evident wit-
neffes enough of their fidelity fhewed unto them.
In Spaine the lewsof Burgos; as the Chronicles do declare, moft
generoufly fhewed the very fame fidelity in the times of Don Hen-
rique; who having killed his Brother, the King, Don Pedro de
Cruel, made himfelf Lord of all his Kingdomes, and brought un-
der his obedience all the Grandees and people of Spaine: Only the
lews of Burgos denyed to obey him, and fortified themfelves with-
in the City, faying, That God would never have it, that theyjhould
deny obedience to theirNaturallLordDonPedrofirto his rightfullfuc-
cejfours. A confhancy that the prudent King, Don Henriques, very
much efteemed of, faying, that fuch Vaffals as thofe were, by Kings
and great men, worthy of much account, feeing they held greater
refpe6l to the fidelity they ought to their King, although conquered
anddead, thantothe prefent fortune of the Conquerour: And a while
3.{t&r,r:tc&WmgveYy honourable conditions,tkey gavethemfelves over.
InSpainalfo(as5'oumayfeein Mariana) many lewes forthefame
fidelity were appointed Governours of the Kingdome, and Tu-
tors
(90)
1 1
tors of Noble-mens children, jointly to others of the Nobility up-
on the death of their Parents.
The Chronicles of the Xarifes, dedicated to King Philip the fe-
cond, King of Spaine, alleagues for an example of great fidelity and
vertue, how the rifing of the Xarifes againft the Morines, their kil-
ling and fpoyling them of the Kingdome, was fuch a great grief un-
to Samuel Alvalenfi, one of thofe banifhed out of Spaine, and much
favoured by the King of Fez, defcended from the houfe of the Mo-
rines; that joyninghimfelf with other Magiftrates,andfubje6i;sof the
Morines, arming fome fhips and going himfelf Captain over all, he
came fuddenly with 400. men, and fell by night upon the Army of
the Xarifes, that were more then 3000. men, befieging Copta, and
without lofmg one man, killed of them above 500. and caufed
them to raife the (lege.
Many the like Examples may be brought of times paft; but for
our prefent; and modern times there is noExemple fo evident, as in
the befieging of Mantua for the Emperour in the year 1 630, where
the lews fought moft valiantly, and refcued it from the Natives. As
likewife in the Seignory of Brafil, where the fame thing was done:
for oneof the fame Nation, a Dutchman, having delivered the Cape
unto the Portugals, there was found in our Nation there not only
loyalty, but alfo fuch difcretion, that had they taken their advife,the
bufinefs had not fo proceeded.
This may be feen more clearly yet in their being banifhed out of
Caflile, in the dayesof Ferdinand & Ifabella. Their number at that
time was fuppofed to have been half a Milion of men, amongfl
whom were many of great valour, & courage (as Don Ifaac Abar-
banel, a Counfellor of State, doth relate) & yet amongft fo great a
number, there was not found any one man, that undertook to raife
a party to free themfelvesfrom that moft miferable banifhment. An
evident fign of the proper and naturall refolution of this Nation,
and their conflant obedience to their Princes.
The fame affe(5lion is confirmed by the inviolable cuflome of
all the lews wherefoever they live : for on every Sabbath or fefli-
B 2 vail
(91)
12
( vail Day, they every where are ufed to pray for the fafety of all
1 Kings, Princes and Common-wealths, under whofe jurifdidlion
[they live, of what profeffion-foever : unto which duty they are
bound by the Prophets and the Talmudifts ; from the Law, as by
leremie chap. 29. verf. 7. Seek the peace of the City unto which I have
made you to wander : and pray for her unto the Lord, for in her Peace
youfhall enjoy peace. H e fpeaks of Babylon, where the I ews at that
time were captives. From the Talmud ord. 4. traft. 4. Abodazara
pereq. i . Pray for the peace of the Kingdome,for unleffe there were
feare of the Kingdome, men would fwallow one the other alive, &c.
From the continuall and never broken Cuftome of the lews
wherefoever they are, on the Sabbath-Day, or other folemn Feafts;
at which time all the lews from all places come together to the Sy-
nagogue, after the benedi6lion of the Holy Law, before the Mini-
fler of the Synagogue bleffeth the people of the lews; with aloud
voice he bleffeth the Prince of the Country under whom they live,
that all the lews may hear it, and fay, Amen. The words he ufeth
are thefe, as in the printed book of the lews may be feen : He that
givethfalvation unto Kings, and dominionunto Lords, he that delive-
red his fervant David from thefwordoftheEnemy, he that made a way
intheSea,andapathintheflrangewaters,bleffeandkeep,preferveand
refcue, exalt and magnify, and lift up higher and higher, our Lord.
[And then he names, the Pope, the Emperour, King, Duke, or any
other Prince under whom the lews live, and add's : ] The King of
kings defend him in his mercy, making him joy full, &free him from all
dangers anddiflreffe. The Kingof kings, f or hisgoodnefsfake, raifeup
and exalt his planetary fiar, & multiply hisdayesover his Kingdome.
The King of kings forhismercies fake, put into his heart, andinto the
heart of his Counfellers, (^thofethatattendandadminifiertohim, that
he may fiew mercy unto us, & unto allthe people oflfrael. Inhisdayes
and in our dayes, letludah befafe, andlfrael dwell fecurely, and let the
Redeemer come to \frael, andfo mayitpleafeGod. A men. Thefeare the
very formalities fet down word for word, which the lewes, by the
command of God, received from the Talmud, do ufe in their pra-
yers
(92)
13
yers for Princes, under whofe government they refide. And there-
fore wife Princes are wont to banifh from their Courts falfe re-
ports. And moft wife i?. Simon Ben-lochai, inhis excellent book cal-
ledZoarin Sarafa Pecudi, relates, thatzVwa Traditionreceivedfrom
Heaven, that the Kings of the Nations of the world. Princes, Gover-
nours, that protect the lews in thisworld, ordothem any good, that the
fame fhall enjoy certain degrees of glory, or eternall reward; as on the
other fide, they that do to the Nation of the lews any harm, that they
fhallbe punifhedwith fame particular eternal punifhment. As ap-
peareth alfo out of Efa. the laft chapter.
Thus you fee the Fidelity of the lews to wards their Gover-
nours clearly proved. Now, that no man may think that their ba-
nifhment out of Spaign & Portugal, proceeded from any fufpition
or faults of theirs, I fhall clearly rehearfe the reafon of fo fudden a
determination, and what the thoughts of many Chriftian Princes
have been there-upon. The bufmefs was thus : Ferdinand and Ifa-
bella, Governours of Caflile, having gained the Kingdome of Gra-
nada, of which they took poffeffion on the fifth of lanuary, they re-
folved to thruft out all the lews that lived in their Kingdomes, and
fo on the laft of March, they made an Edi6l in the fariie City, in
which they expreffed : That feeing the lews in their Countries drew
manyChriflians to turn lews, and efpeciallyfome Noble-men of their
Kingdome of Andaluzia,that for this caufetheybanifhedthemunder
mofi heavy penalties, &c. So that the caufe of their banifhment was
not any difloyalty at all.
Now what amongft many others in all Chriflendom, one famous
Lawyer in Rome, and Oforius an excellent and moft eloquent Hi-
florian have thought, I fhall here relate. I n the year 1 49 2 ('faith the
Lawyer^ Ferdinand, called the Catholick, being King of Spain,
drove out of his Country all the lews that were living there from
the time of the Babylonian and Roman Captivity, and were very
rich in houfes and goods : and that upon pain, if they went not a-
way within the term of fix moneths, that all their houfes and
goods fliould be confifcated unto the Exchequer, which as
B 3 we
(93)
14
we have faid, were very great. Whereupon they leaving the King-
dome of Caftile, they went over many of them into Portugal, as be-
ing the neareft place. Inthe year 1497, there being an Alliance con-
tradled between the Kings of Caftile and Portugal; the Jews at the
requeft of the faid King Ferdinand, were banifhed out of Portugal;
but it being againft the will of Emanuel, King of Portugal, to have
them banifhed out of his Country, he refolved to oblidge them to
become Chriftians, promifing never to moleft them, neither in
Criminall matters, nor in the loffe of their goods; and exempted
them from many burdens, and Tributs of the Kingdome. This E-
manuel being dead, John III, fucceeded in his place in the King-
dome of Portugal, who beingexcitedby others, faid, That what his
Father Emanuel had done, concerning the not-troubling them, was
of no valew, becaufe they lived not as was convenient, & that with-
out the authority of the Pope of Rome, his father could not graunt
any fuch thing : for which caufe he would that for thofe that lived
amiffe, they ftiould be proceeded againft, as againft the Mores in
Caftile: And fending to Rome to difanull the faid promifes, it was
not onely not graunted to him, but moreover they reprooved his
appearance there, and praifed and approoved the promifes made
by his Father Emanuel to the Jewes,publiftiingagenerall pardon to
all that were taken, which were about 1 500, and they all were fet
free. Which Bull was graunted by Clement VII. by the interven-
tion of all the Confiftory of Cardinals. Afterwards the faid king
John fent once again to defire the former Licence with fo many re-
plications and triplications, that at length the Pope granted it: But
a few dales after it was revoked again with a generall Pardon to all
that were taken, which were 12000, with fuch a determination,
that thefame Licence fhould never be graunted, as being againft all
right and reafon. This troubled Don John the King very much,
and withall the Cardinal his brother, who came in thefe laft dayes
to be King of Portugal himfelf. Great Paul III, of the houfe of
Farnefia, fucceeding to Clement the VII. there was a requeft ren-
dred to the Pope for power to bring in the Inquifition into this
King-
(94)
15
Kingdome. The Pope would not graunt it, faying : He could not,
and that it was a thing againft reafon and luflice, but on the con-
trary confirmed the promifes made by the King Don Emanuel, his
Father ; and pardoned all the delinquents fmce the time of vio-
lence unto that day. Don lohn feeing this, fent an Embaffadour
meerly for that bufineffe to the Pope, but could obtain nothing at
all : for which caufe King lohn refolved to entreat the Emperour
Charles the V. then paffmg for Rome, as Conquerour over the
Turks, having wonn Tunis and Goleta, that in this his Triumph
he would take occafion to defire this favour from the Pope, that
the King of Portugal might fet up the Inquifition in his Kingdome,
it being an old cuftome that thofe that triumphed, fhould aske
fomethingof the Pope that they moft defired. The Emperour than
having defired this, the Pope anfwered him, that he could not do
it by reafon of the agreement made, and the promifes of the King
Don Emanuel ; which he had found by an Apoftolicall Nuntio in
Portugal in the year 1497, at which time the lewes were forced
and compelled to become Chriftians. The Emperour replyed. Let
that finne fall on him, and the Prince his fonne, the Apoftolicall
feat fhall be free from it. So the Pope graunted it ; becaufe the Em-
perour Charles the V. was brother in law to King Don lohn of
Portugal; andbefides they treated atthat time to enterfurther inaf-
finity, and to marry their children, which fince was effefted. After
Paul the III. graunted this, there was a new Pardon given in gene-
rail to all that were taken unto that time, amounting the Number
unto 1800. But the King refufing to obey the Pardon, and to
free the Prifonners, the Pope tooke it very ill, and fent for this
onely bufineffe for his Nuntio, one Monfegnor Monte Palici-
ano, who fince was Cardinal of the Church of Rome. And
the King for all this not obeying, the Pope made the Nuntio to
fix the Pardon upon the doores of the Cathedrall Churches,
and the Nuntio caufed the Prifons to be opened, and there were
fet free about 1800 prifoners. He that follicited this bufineffe
at Rome was one Seignor Duarte de Paz, a Cavallier of the Order
of
(95)
i6
of St, lohn: whom to fearch out there were appointed at Rome ten
men difguifed ; thefe having found him, gave him fifteen wounds,
and left him for dead : thus wounded, he was carried to the houfe
of Seignor PhiHp Eftrozi : This being reported to the Pope,
Paul the III. he caufed him to be carried to the Caftle of S. Ange-
lo, where he gave order to have him nobly cured. That fame Sei-
gnor was by the Pope, by all the Cardinals and the whole Court in
great refpe6l. At the fame time that this man was hurt, the Empe-
rour Charles the V. was at Rome with his Army, On the time
when he began to treat of this bufineffe with Clement the VII, fee-
ing the Kings importunity, he made a Bull and gave licence to all
the Portugals of that Nation of the lews; that they might go and
live in the Church- Dominions, & whofoever will come in the faid
Dominions, that he fhall have freedom to live, as at the firft, in his
lewifh profeffion, and that at no time they fhould be enquired into,
but after the fame manner as they were wont to live in Portugal, fo
they fhould live there. The faid Bull paffed all the Confiflory ; and
being confirmed and received by the faid Portugals, they began
fome of them to depart to live in Ancona, being a fea-port more
commodious then others: which being known by the King and
Cardinal of Portugal, they caufed to be proclaimed in all the King-
dome, that upon paine of death, and loffe of all their goods, no
man fhould dare depart the Kingdome. Clement being dead, in his
place fucceeded (as we havejaid) Pope Paul the III. who confir-
med the fame Privil edges: Afterwards in the year 1550. Paul the
III. died, and Julius the III. fucceeded, who ratified the fore-men-
tioned Priviledges given by his Predeceffours,and the whole Apo-
flolikeSeatinviolably. Inthofetimes therewere many Dodlors that
wrote on this matter, amongft whom the chiefefl were Alciat, and
the Cardinal Parifius in 2&2iP^^^^ ConJiliorumproChriftianis no-
viter converjis; fhewing by reafon and law, that confidering they
were forced and not converted willingly, that they had not fallen
nor do fall under any Cenfure. Thefe reafons being confidered of
by the Princes of Italy, they graunted likewife thefame Priviledges:
viz.
(96)
viz. Cofmo the Great, Duke of Florence, and Hercules, Duke of
Ferrare,and within few years Emanuel Felibert, Duke of Savoye;
and were by all his fucceffours confirmed. In the year 1492, when
they were baniflied from Caftile, we read in the Chronicles of that
Kingdome, that the Lords of that place did complain that their Ci-
ties and Towns were deftroyed and dis-inhabitated ; and had they
believed any fuch thing, that they would have oppofed the Kings
decree, and would never have given their confent to it. That
was the caufe, that Don Emanuel of Portugal, feeing on the one
fide apparent dammage, fhould he let them depart his King-
dome ; and on the otherfide, not being able to break his pro-
mife made to the King of Caftile, he caufed them to be com-
pelled to the Faith, upon paine of Death, that they fhould not
depart out of his Dominions. The Catholiq King was blamed
of all Chriftian Princes, and efpecially by the Senate of Ve-
nice, (as Marcus Antonius Sabellicus doth write) for having bani-
flied a Nation fo profitable to the Publicq and Particular good,
without any kind of pretence. And fo the Parliament of Paris like-
wife did extreamly wonder at fuch a determination. And truely
good reafon there was to wonder; for we fee fince, what the Senat
of Venice hath done, who never deliberats or puts into execution
any thing, without great judgement >^aving the advantage of all
Republicqs in their Government and leaving behind them
the Romans, Carthagenians, Athenians, and moft learned La-
cedemonians, and that Parliament of Paris, which in the Go-
vernment of affaires was alwayes moft prudent. Moft of thofe
that were baniflied paffed to the Levant, who were embraced by
the Ottoman-family! all the fucceeding Kings wondring at it, that
the Spanjards, who make profeffion to be a politiq Nation, fhould
drive out of their kingdomes fuch a people.X. Moreover Sultan
Bajazet, and Sultan Soliman, received them exceeding well, the
coming of the lews to them being very acceptable: and fo did like-
wife all their fucceffours, confidering of how great a profit and be-
nefit their refiding in their Dominions was. /And in the year 1555.
C Paul
(97)
i8
Paul the IV. being chofen Pope of Rome, who before was called
Cardinal de Chiefi, an intimate to the Cardinal of Portugal, cau-
fed the lewes to be held in Ancona, & other places of the Church,
according to the Priviledges graunted to them by the Popes, his
Predeceffours in the name of the Apoftolical Roman feat. Licur-
gus, Solon and Draco, and all Founders of Commonwealths, gave
counfell that ftfangers ought to be loved and much made of, as in
the Difcourfes of Se. in 7 deLegibusdeRep. is amply to be feen. And
by the Divine Law (as Mofes commanded us) we ought not to
trouble a flranger, but he fayes. Remember you werejlrangers in the
Land of Egypt.
In fumme, to the fame purpofe might be brought many other
and more powerfull reafons, but becaufe they are out of our confi-
deration, we paffe them over. And here to declare fome particu-
lars, worthy to be known for advife and example, that befell our
Nation in thofe bitter banifhments; part whereof Hieronymus O-
forius recites more at large, in the firfl of his elegant two Books de
Rebus Emanuelis. The firfl title he giveth to thofe miferable fuc-
ceffes, is this, which he puts for a Poflil in the margent of his booke,
ludcBorum L iberipervim. adChristianifmumpertraSii: and than re-
hearfes, how that in the year 1496 the King decreed, that all the
lewes and Mores, that dwelt in his Kingdome, and would not be-
come Chriftians, fhould depart his Dominions in a fhort time ;
which being pafl, all that fhould be found in his Kingdome, fhould
loofe their liberty, and become flaves to the King. The time being
now at hand (as Oforius proceeds) in which the lewes, that would
not turne Chriftians, were to depart the Kingdome, and all of them
as many as they were, had with all their power provided, and taken
a firme refolution to be gone: which the King feeing, and not able
to endure it, thought upon a bufineffe (as he iaxxki) fa£lo quidem i-
niquam & injujiam, which to do was really wicked and unjuft, and
that was to command that all the children of the Ifraelites, that
were not above 14 years old, fhould be taken out of the power of
their own Parents ; & when they had them, they fhould force them
to
(98)
19
to become Chriftians; a new thing that could not be done without
a wonderfull alteration of their minds : for it was (as Oforius fpeaks)
a horrid and miferable fpeftacle, to fee the tender Infants wreftled
out of the arms and brefts of their lamenting mothers, to dragge a-
long their poore fathers that held them faft, and to give them
many wounds and blows to draw them out of their handes ; to hear
their cryes that afcend to heaven, their groanes, lamentations, and
complaints every-where, fo that this cruelty was the caufe, that
many of thofe diftreffed Fathers threw their children into wells,
and others killed themfelves with their own hands, that they might
notfee fo bitter a thing with their eyes. Thecruelty of Emanuel en-
ded not here, but going on with compulfion and revilings, gave
caufe to his owne Chronographer to make the fecond title or po-
flil, with thefe words ; Vis& Dolus\udcBisillata : That is, The force
and deceit ufed towards the I ewes. And fo he goes on, declaring
how he had promifed in the condition they had made, that he
would affigne them three Ports in his Kingdome to embarque at,
viz. Lisbon, Setuval, and Puerto : and nevertheleffe he forbad them
afterwards to embarque themfelves in any place but Lisbon : for
which caufe all the I ewes of the Kingdome came to that City, from
whence befides a thoufand moleftations and extortions, he drove
them (as Vafquo faith) as fheep in the ftalls, and there forced
their afBifted bodies to counterfeit, that which their foules and
thoughts never meant nor approoved of Works, of which his
own Chronologer faith, Fuit hoc quidem neque ex Lege, neque ex
religionefaSlum. That is. This was done neither according to Law,
nor Religion. Let men of clear mind, and free from paffion con-
fider for Gods fake, if fuch violences can work any good impref-
fion or chara6ler in men : or what Law, either Humain or Divine,
National or Modern, can bear, that the fouls of men f'which the
Moft High hath created free^ be forced to believe what they be-
lieve not, and to love what they hate ? This cruelty was reproved
and cenfure of many Princes of the world and learned men. And
his own Chronologer reprehends it with a new poftil, and fpeaks
C 2 freely ;
(99)
20
freely ; Regis in Xudceos facinorum reprehenjio. That is, A cenfure
of the Kings wickedneffe againft the lews. Truely with juft reafon
doth Oforius call the works, which the King did unto us, Iniqui-
ties andinjujlices, deceitfull violences, and wicked attempts : and fo
goes on, reproving them with moft elegant Reafons,
Further what happened to the lews under other Princes in other
Kingdomes and Countries, is notorious and enough known to
all the world, and therefore not neceffary here to relate. So farre
concerning their Bannifhment.
Now, I will not conceale to fay, but that alwayes there
have bene found fome calumniators, that endeavouring to
make the Nation infamous, laid upon them tAree mojl falfe re-
ports, as \{they were dangerous to the Goods, the Lives, and withall
to the very Souls of the Natives. They urge againfl them their ufu-
ries, ^& flaying of infants to celebrate their Paffe-over, and the
inducing Chriflians to become lews. To all which I ftiall anfwer
briefly.
I. As for ufury, fuch dealing is not the effential property of the
lews, for though in Germany there be fome indeed that praflife
ufury; yet the moft part of them that live in Turky, Italy, Holland
and Hamburg, being come out of Spaigne, they hold it infamous
to ufe it ; and fo with a very fmall profit of 4. or 5, per Cent, as Chri-
ftians themfelves do, they put their money ordinarily in Banco :
for to lay out their money without any profit, was commanded on-
ly toward their brethren of the fame N ation of the I ews ; but not to
any other Nation. And however by this Charity is not hurt : for
it flands in good reafon, that every on fhould gain and get fome
advantage with his money, to fuftaine his own life : and when any
one to fupply his own wants, doth take fome courfe of Marchan-
dife, by which he hopes to gaine by other mens moneys taken up
on trufl, 'tis no inhumanity to reckon and take from him
ufe : For as no man is bound to give his goods to an other; fo is
he not bound to let it out, but for his own occafions and profit,
and not to leave himfelf deftitute of the profit he could make
of
(100)
21
of the monyes. Onely this rnuft be done with moderation, that the
ufury be not biting and exorbitant, which theChriftians themfelves
ufe, amongft themfelves; as even in the Mounts of Piety at Padua,
Vicenza and Verona is to be feen, where they take 6 par Cent, and
elfewhere yet much more. This in no manner can be called Robbe-
ry, but is with confent and will of the Contra6ler; and the fame Sa-
cred Scripture, which allows ufury with him that is not of the fame
Religion, forbids abfolutely the robbing of all men, whatfoever
Religion they be of. In our Law it is a greater fmne to rob or de-
fraud a ftranger, than if I did it to one of my own profeffion : be-
caufe a Jew is bound to fhew his charity to all men: for he hath a
precept, not to abhorre an Idumean, nor an Egyptian; and that he
fhall loveandprote6laftranger that comes to live in his land. If not-
withftanding there be fome that do contrary to this, they do it not
as lewes limply, but as wicked lewes, as amongft all nations there
are found generally fome Ufurers.
2. Asior killingofiheyoungckildrenofChri^ians;i\.isa.mniaX[ih\Q
truth what is reported of the Negros of Guinea and Brazil, that if
theyfee anymiferable man that hath efcapedfrom the dangerof the
fea, or hath fallen or fuffered any kind of ill-fortune, or Shipwrake,
theyperfecute and vex himfo much the more, faying, Godcurfethee.
And wee that live not amongft the Blacke-moors and wild-men,^
but amongft the white and civilized people of the world, yet wee
find this an ordinary courfe, that men are very prone to hate and
defpife him that hath ill fortune; and on the other fide, to make
much of thofe whom fortune doth favour. Hereof the Chriftians
themfelves have good experience ; for during the timesof their fup-
preffion and perfecution under the Roman Empire, they were falfe-
ly flandred of divers Emperours and tyrannicall Princes. Nero
accufed them, that they had fet Rome on fire ; Others, that
they were Witches and Conjurers ; and others againe that
they flew their children to celebrate their Ceremonies, as wee
find in divers Authors. Even fo likewife it is with the Jewifti
Nation, that now is difperfed and afflidled, though they have
C 3 mo-
(101)
22
moneys : There is no flander nor calumny that is not call upon
them, even the very fame ancient fcandall that was call of old upon
the innocent Chriftians, is now laid upon the Jews. Whereas the
whole world may eafely perceive, it is but a meer flander, feeing
it is known that at this day, out of Jerufalem, no facrifice nor blood
is in any ufe by them, even that blood which is found in an Egg is
forbidden them, how much more mans blood ? Moreover I could
produce divers memorable examples which out in our own times
in Araguza to a Jew : how he was accufed of this fame wickednefs,
and not confeffing it, how they imprifoned him betwixt to walls,
and being in that dillreffe, how he cited before God all the Judges,
to anfwer there for what they did ; and how within a year after,
many of the ludges died.and thofe that lived, fearing the like might
befall them, and loofe their lives, fet him free : But I mufl not be too
prolix ; it may fuffice to fay, that by the Pope himfelf it was defined
in full Counfell the accufation to be falfe; and fo likewife judged
all the Princes of Italy; as alfo Alphonfo the Wife, King of Spain,
and that it was onely a meer invention to drink the blood, and to
fwallow up the goods of the harmleffe lews.
3. As for the third Point, I fay, that although Ferdinand & I fa-
bell, giving colour to fo indifcreet a determination, faid, that they
induced the Nobles to become lews, yet truely this cannot be faid,
but by fome falfe informations. For if fo be, amongft thofe diffi-
culties and impoffibilities, it may happen, that fome of the Se6l of
the Papifts, of a better mind, embrace the lewifh Religion; it can-
not therefore be prefumed, that they were induced thereunto by
the lews ; feeing the lews do not entice any man to profeffe their
Law : But if any man of his own free-will come to them, they by
their rites & Ceremonies are obliged to make proof of them, whe-
ther they come for any temporall intereft, and to perfuade them to
look well to themfelves what they do : that the Law unto which
they are to fubmit themfelves, is of many precepts ; and doth ob-
lige the tranfgreffor to many fore punilhments. And fo we follow
the example of Nahomi, cited in the Sacred Scripture, who did
not
(102)
23
not perfuade Ruth to go along with her; but faid firft to her: Orpa
thyjyierreturnedto her Nation and her Gods ; go thou and follow her.
But Ruth continuing conftant, then at length {he received her.
Befides this, the lews indeed have reafon to take care for their
own prefervation ; and therefore will not go about by fuch wayes
to make themfelves odious to Princes and Common-wealths, un-
der whofe Dominions they live.
Now, becaufe I beleive, that with a good confcience I have dif-
charged our Nation of the lews of thofe three flanders or calum-
nies, as elfewhere I have more at large written about it; I conceive
I may from thofe two qualities, of Profitableneffe and Fidelity con-
clude, that fuch a Nation ought to be well entertained, and alfo be-
loved and protected generally of all. The more, confidering they
are called in the Sacred Scriptures, the Sons of God; and 'tis faid
by all the Prophets, that they who fhall wrong them, fhall be mofl
feverely punifhed ; and that he that toucheth them, toucheth the
apple of Gods eye. And at leaf!;, it was alwayes the opinion of Au-
guftine, as he made it appear in his works Libr. de DoSlrina Chri-
Jiianacap. 28. where he faith. Quod omnes homines ceque diligendi
funt. That all men are equally to be beloved.
Now,having proved the two former Points. I could adde a third,
viz. of the Nobility of the lews : but becaufe that Point is enough
known amongfl all Chriflians, as lately yet it hath been moft
worthily and excellently fhewed and defcribed in a certain Book,
called, The Glory of lehudah andlfrael,dedica.ted to our Nation by
that worthy Chriftian Minifter Mr. Henry lejjey, f'1653. in Duch)
where this matter is fet out at large : And by Mr. Edw. Nicholas
Genleman, in his Book, called. An Apologiefor the Honorable Na-
tion of the lews, and all theSonsof Ifraeli^ 1 648. in Englifh.) There-
fore I will here forbeare, and reft on their faying of our King Salo-
mon, the wifeft on earth. Let another mans mouth praife thee, and
not thine own. Which is the clofe of Rabbi Meneffe Ben-lfrael,
a Divine, and Dodlor in Phylick, in the Strand over againfl the
New-Exchange in London.
FINIS.
(103)
V I N D I C I tE
JUDiEORUM,
O R A
LETTER
In Anfwer to certain Queftions propounded by
a Noble and Learned Gentleman, touching
the reproaches caft on the Nation of the
Jewes; wherein all objections are
candidly, and yet fully cleared.
'By Rabbi Menafleh Ben Ifrael a Divine
and a ^hyjicyan.
Printed by !?^. Z). in the year 1656.
(i°S)
(1)
Moji Nolle, and Learned Sir,
Have received a letter from your worfhipj which
was welcome to me ; and I read it, becaufe yours,
with great delight ; if you will pleafe to allow for
the unpleafantnefle of the fubjeft. For I do af-
fure your worfhip, I never met with any thing in
my life which I did more deeply refent, for that it
reflefteth upon the credit of a nation, which amongft fo many
calumnies, fo manifeft, (and therefore fhamefull) I dare to pro-
nounce innocent. Yet I am afraid, that whilft I anfwer to them,
I (hall offend fome, whofe zeal will not permit them to confider,
that felf vindication, as defenfive armes, is naturall to all ; but to
be wholly filent, were to acknowledge what is fo falfly objefted.
Wherefore that I may juftifie my felf to my own confcience, I
have obeyed your worfhips commands : for your requeft muft
not be accounted leffe, at leafl: by me. I prefume your worfhip
cannot expeft either prolix, or polite difcourfes upon fo fad a
fubjeft ; for who can be ambitious in his own calamity ? I have
therefore difpatcht onely fome concife, and brief relations, bare-
ly exceeding the bounds of a letter; yet fuch as may fuffice you,
to inform the Rulers of the English nation, of a truth mofl: reall,
and fincere ; which I hope they will accept in good part, according
to their noble, and Angular prudence and piety. For innocencie
being alwayes mofl: free from fufpefting evil, I cannot be per-
fwaded, that any one hath either fpoken, or written againfl; us,
out of any particular hatred that they bare us, but that they ra-
ther fuppofed our coming might prove prejudiciall to their e-
fliates, and intereftsj charity alwayes beginning at home. Yet
notwithfl:anding I propounded this matter under an argument of
profit (for this hath made us welcome in other countries) and
A a there-
(107)
(a)
therefore I hope I may prove what I undertake. However, I have
but fmall encouragement to expedi: the happy attainment of any
other defign, but onely that truth may be juftified of her
children. I fhall anfwer in order to what your worfliip hath pro-
pofed.
THE FIRST SECTION.
ANd in the firft place, I cannot but weep bitterly, and with
much anguifh of foul lament that ftrange and horrid ac-
cufation of fome Chriftians againft the difperfed, and affli-
&ed lewes that dwell among them, when they fay (what I tremble
to write) that the lewes are wont to celebrate the feaft of unlea-
vened bread, fermenting it with the bloud of fome Chriftians,
whom they have for this purpofe killed : when the calumniators
themfelves have moft barbaroufly and cruelly butchered fome
of them. Or to fpeak more mildly, have found one dead,
and caft the corps, as if it had been murdered by the lewes, into
their houfes or yards, as lamentable experience hath proved in
fundry places: and then with unbridled rage and tumult, they ac-
cufe the innocent lews, as the committers of this mofl: execrable
fa6l. Which deteftable wickedneife hath been fometimes perpe-
trated, that they might thereby take advantage to exercife their
cruelty upon them ; and fometimes to juftifie, and patronize their
maflacres already executed. But how farre this accufation is
from any femblable appearance of truth, your worfliip may judge
by thefe following arguments.
I. It is utterly forbid the lewes to eat any manner of bloud
whatfoever, Levit. Chapter 7. 2,6. and Deuter. la. where it is ex-
prefly faid DT b'2^, Avd ye shall eat no manner of bloud, and in obe-
dience to this command the lewes eat not the bloud of any ani-
mal. And more then this, if they find one drop of bloud in an
egge, they caft it away as prohibited. And if in eating a piece of
bread, it happens to touch any bloud drawn from the teeth, or
gummes, it muft be pared, and cleanfed from the faid bloud, as
it evidenely appeares in Sulhan Haruck and our rituall book.
Since then it is thus, how can it enter into any mans heart to be-
lieve
(108)
(3)
lieve that they fhould eat humane bloud, which is yet more de-
teftable, there being fcarce any nation now remaining upon
earth fo barbarous, as to commit fuch wickednefle ?
a. The precept in the Decalogue Thou shalt not kill is of gene-
rail extent ; it is a morall command. So that the lewes are bound
not onely, not to kill one of thofe nations where they live, but
they are alfo oblig'd by the law of gratitude, to love them. They
are the very words of R. Mofes of Egypt in lad a Razaka, in his
treatife of Kings, the tenth Chapter, in the end. Concerning the na-
tions, the ancientshave commanded us tovijit their Jick and to hury their
dead, as the dead of Ifrael,and to relieve, and maintain their poor,aswe
do the poor of Ifrael, iecaufe of the wayes of peace, as it is written,
God is good to all, and his tender mercies are over all his works. Pfal.
145. 9. And in conformity hereto, I witneffe before God blef-
fed for ever, that I have continually feen in Arnfierdam where I re-
fide, abundance of good correfpondency, many interchanges of
brotherly affeftion, and fundry things of reciprocall love. I
have thrice feen when fome Flemine Chriftians have fallen into
the river in our ward, called Flemhurgh, our nation caft them-
felves into the river to them, to help them out, and to deliver
their lives from death. And certainly he that will thus hazard
himfelf to fave another, cannot harbour fo much cruell malice,
as to kill the innocent, whom he ought out of the duty of huma-
nity to defend and proteft.
3. It is forbidden Exodus 31. ao. to kill a ftranger; If a man
fmite hisfervant, or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he
shall fur ely be punished,notwith/ianding, if he continue aday or two, he
shall not l>e punished, for he is hismoney. The text fpeaks of a fervant
that is one of the Gentile nations, becaufe that he onely is faid to
be the money of the lew, who is his mafter, as Ahen Ezra well notes
upon the place. And the Lord commands, that if he die under
the hand of his mafler, his mafter fliall be put to death, for that as
it feems, he flruck him with a murderous intent. But it is otherwife
if the fervant dies afterwards, for then it appeares, that he did not
ftrike him with a purpofe to kill him ; for if fo, he would have killed
him Out of hand, wherefore he fhall be free, and it may fuffice for
punifliment that he hath loft his money. If therefore a lew cannot
A 3 kill
(109)
(4)
kill his fervant, or (lave that is one of the nations, according to
the law, how much lefle fhall he be impowred to murder him
that is not his enemy, and with whom he leads a quiet and a pea-
ceable life? and therefore how can any good man believe that
againfi: his holy law, a lew (in a flrange countrey efpecially)
fhould make himfelf guilty of fo execrable a fa£i: ?
4. Admit that it were lawfull (which God forbid) why fliould
they eat the bloud ? And fuppofing they fhould eat the bloud,
why fhould they eat it on the Paffeover ? Here at this feaft, eve-
ry confeftion ought to be fo pure, as not to admit of any leaven,
or any thing that may fermentate, which certainly bloud doth.
5. If the leives did repute, and hold this aftion (which is never
to be named without an epethite of horrour) neceflary, they
would not expofe themfelves to fo eminent a danger, to fo cru-
ell and more deferved punifhment, unlefle they were moved to
it by fome divine precept; or at leaf!:, fome conftitution of their
wife men. Now we challenge all thofe men who entertain this
dreadfull opinion of us, as obliged in point of juflice, to cite the
place of Scripture, or of the Rabbins, where any fuch precept, or
doftrine is delivered. And untill they do fo, we will aflume fo
much liberty, as to conclude it to be no better then a malicious
flander.
6. If a man, to fave his life, may break the Sabbath, and tranf-
grefle many of the other commands of the law, as hath been
determined in the Talmud ; as alfo confirmed by R. Mofes of E-
gypt, in the fifth Chapter of his treatife of the fundamentalls of
the law ; yet three are excepted, which are, idolatry, murther, and
adultery ; life not being to be purchafed at fo dear a rate, as the com-
mitting of thefe heinous fins : an innocent death being infinitely
to be preferred before it. Wherefore if the killing of a Chrifl:ian,
as they objeft, were a divine precept, and inflitution, (which far
be it from me to conceive) it were certainly to be null'd and ren-
dred void, fince a man cannot perform it, without indangering
his own life ; and not onely fo, but the life of the whole congre-
gation of an entire people; and yet more, fince it is dire£tly a vi-
olation of one of thefe three precepts, Thou shall do no murder :
which is intended univerfally of all men, as we have faid before.
7. The
(no)
(s)
*]. The Lord, blefled for ever, by his prophet leremiak Chap.
39. 7. gives it in command to the captive Ifraelites that were di-
fperfed among the heathens, that they fliould continually pray
for, and endeavour the peace, welfare and profperity of the city
wherein they dwelt, and the inhabitants thereof. This the lewes
have alwayes done, and continue to this day in all their Syna-
gogues, with a particular bleffing of the Prince or Magiftrate, un-
der whofe proteftion they live. And this the Right Honourable
my Lord St. lohn can teftifie ; who when he was Embafladour to
the Lords the States of the united Provinces, was pleafed to ho-
nour our Synagogue at Arn/ierdam with his prefence, where our
nation entertained him with mufick, and all expreffions of joy and
gladneffe, and alfo pronounced a bleffing, not onely upon his
honour, then prefent, but upon the whole Common-wealth of
England, for that they were a people in league and amity ; and be-
caufe we conceived fome hopes that they would manifeft towards ^
us, what we ever bare towards them, viz. all love and aifeftion.
But to return again to our argument, if we are bound to ftudy,
endeavour, and follicite, the good and flourifliing eflate of the
city where we live, and the inhabitants thereof, how fhall we then
murder their children, who are the greateft good, and the moft
flourifliing bleffing that this life doth indulge to them,
8. The children of Ifrael are naturally mercifull, and full of
compaffion. This was acknowledged by their enemies. Kings i,
20, 31. when Benhadad King of Affyria was difcomfited in the
battel, and fled away, he became a petitioner for his life to King
Ahal, who had conquered him ; for he underftood that the Kings
of the houfe of Ifrael were mercifull Kings ; and his own experience
confirmed it, when for a little affeftion that he pretended in a
complement, he obtained again his life and fortunes, from which
the event of the warre had difentitled him. And when the
Giheonites made that cruell requeft to David, that feven of Sauls
fons who were innocent, fliould be delivered unto them, the pro-
phet faies, now the Giheonites were not of the children of Ifrael, Sam,
a. ai, a. as if he had faid, in this cruelty, the piety of the Ifra-
elites is not fo much fet forth, as the tyranny, and implacable rage
of the Gentiles, the Giheonites. Which being fo, and experience
with all
(III)
(6)
withall declares itj viz. the fidelity which our nation hath invio-
lably preferved towards their fuperiours, then mod certainly it
is wholly incompatible, and inconfiftent with the murdering of
their children.
9. There are fome Chriftians, that ufe to infult againft the lewes,
as Chriftian homicides, that will venter to give a reafon of thefe
pretended murtherous praftifes. As if the accufation were then
moft infallibly true, if they can find any femblance of a reafon
why it might be fo. As they fay, that this is praftifed by them in
hatred and deteftation of Jefus of Nazareth. And that therefore
they Ileal Chriftian Children, buffeting them in the fame manner
that he was buffetted ; thereby to rub up, and revive the memo-
ry of the aforefaid death. And likewife they imagine that the
lewes fecretly fteal away erofles, crucifixes, and fuch like graven
images, which Papifts privately and carefully retein in their hou-
fes, and every day the lewes mainly ftrike, and buffet, fhamefully
fpitting on them, with fuch like ceremonies of defpight, and all
this in hatred of Jefus. But I admire what they really think, when
they objeft fuch things as thefe, laying them to our charge. For
furely we cannot believe, that a people, otherwife of fufficient pru-
dence, and judgement, can perfwade themfelves into an opinion
that the lewes fhould commit fuch praftifes, unlefTe they
could conceive they did them in honour and obedience to the
God whom they worfhip. And what kind of obedience is this
they perform to God blefTed for ever, when they direftly fin a-
gainft that fpeciall command Thou shall not kill ? Befides, this can-
not be committed without the imminent, and manifeft peril! of
their lives aud fortunes, and the necefTary expofing themfelves to
a juft revenge. Moreover, it is an Anathema to a lew to have any
graven images in his houfe, or any thing of an idol, which any of
the nations figuratively worfhip, Deut. 7. 36.
10. Matthew Paris p. 53a. writes, how that in the year 1340.
the lewes circumcifed a Chriftian child at Norwich, and gave him
the name lurnin, and referved him to be crucified, for which caufe
many of them were moft cruelly put to death. The truth of this
ftory will evidently appear upon the confideration of its circum-
ftances. He was first circumcifed, and this perfeftly conftitutes
him
(112)
(7)
him a letv. Now for a lew to embrace a Chriftian in his armes,
and fofter him in his bofome, is a teftimoiiy of great love and
affeftion. But if it was intended that fhortly after this child
fhould be crucified, to what end was he firft circumcifed ? If it
fhall be faid it was out of hatred to the Chriftians, it appears ra-
ther to the contrary, that it proceeded from deteftation of
the lewes, or of them who had newly become profelytes, to em-
brace the lewes religion. Surely this fuppofed pranck (ftoried
to be done in popifh times) looks more like a piece of the reall
fcene of the Popifh Spaniards piety, who firft baptiz'd the poor
Indians, and afterwards out of cruel pity to their fouls, inhumane-
ly butchered them ; then of ftrict-law-obferving lewes, who dare
not make a fport of one of the feales of their covenant.
II. Our captivity under the Mahumetans is farre more bur-
denfome, and grievous then under the Chriftians, and fo our an-
cients have faid, itisletter to inhabit under Edom thenIfmael,{oT they
are a people more civill, and rationall, and of a better policie, as
our nation have found experimentally. For, excepting the no-
bler, and better fort of lewes, fuch as live in the Court of Con/ian-
tinople, the vulgar people of the lewes that are difperfed in other
countries of the Mahumetan Empire, in .d/ia and Africa, are treat-
ed with abundance of contempt and fcorn. It would therefore
follow, that if this facrificing of children be the produft and re-
fult of hatred, that they fhould execute and difgorge it much
more upon the Mahumetans, who have reduced them to fo great
calamity and miferv. So that if it be neceflary to the celebration of
the Pafleover, why do they not as well kill a Mahumetan ? But al-
though the lewes are fcattered, and difperfed throughout all
thofe vaft territories, notwithflanding all their defpite againft us,
they never yet to this day forged fuch a calumnious accufation.
AVherefore it appeares plainly, that it is nothing elfe but a flander,
and fuch a one, that confidering how the fcene is laid, I cannot ea-
fily determine whether it fpeak more of malice, or of folly^ cer-
tainly Sultan Selim made himfelf very merry with it, when the
ftory was related him by Mofes Amon his chief Phyficyan.
13. If all that which hath been faid is not of fuflScient force to
wipe off this accufation, becaufe the matter on our part is
B purely
("3)
(8)
purely negative, and fo cannot be cleared by evidence of wit-
nefles, I am conftrained to ufe another way of argument, which
the Lord, blefled for ever, hath prefcribed Exod. aa. which is an
oath ; wherefore I fwear, without any deceit or fraud, by the moft
high God, the creatour of heaven and earth, who promulged his
law to the people of Ifrael, upon mount Sinai, that I never yet to
this day faw any fuch cuflome among the people of Ifrael, and
that they doe not hold any fuch thing by divine precept of the
law, or any ordinance or inftitution of their wife men, and that
they never committed or endeavoured fuch wickednefle, (that I
know, or have credibly heard, or read in any Jewifh Authours)
and if I lie in this matter, then let all the curfes mentioned in Le-
viticus and Deuteronomy come upon me, let me never fee the blef-
fings and confolations of Zion, nor attain to the refurreftion of
the dead. By this I hope I may have proved what I did intend, and
certainly this may fuffice all the friends of truth, and all faithfull
Chriftians to give credit to what I have here averred. And in-
deed our adverfaries who have been a little more learned, and
confequently a little more civill then the vulgar, have made a halt
at this imputation. lohn Hoornheek in that book which he lately
writ againfl: our nation, wherein he hath objefted againfl: us, right
or wrong, all that he could any wayes fcrape together, was not-
withftanding afliamed to lay this at our door, in his Prolegomena
pag. 26. where he fayes, An autem verumjitquod vulgbinhiftoriislega-
tur, &c. i.e. whether that be true which is commonly read in hiflio-
ries, to agsravate the lewes hatred againfl: the Chrifl;ians, or ra-
ther the Chrifl:ians againfl: the lewes, that they fhould annually
upon the preparation of the Pafleover, after a cruell manner fa-
crifice a Chriflian child, privily ftollen, in difgrace, and contempt
of Chrifl:, whofe paflion, and crucifixion the Chrifl:ians celebrate,
I will not afl^ert for truth; as well knowing, how eafy it was for
thofe times wherein thefe things are mentioned, to have hap-
pen'd, (efpecially after the Inquifition was fet up in the Pope-
dome) to forge, and fain ; and how the hiftories of thofe ages, ac-
cording to the afleftion of the writers, were too too much addi-
61:ed, and given unto fables and figments. Indeed I have never
yet feen any of all thofe relations that hath by any certain ex-
periment
(114)
(9)
periment proved this faft, for they are all founded ; either upon
the uncertain report of the vulgar, or elfe upon the fecret accufa-
tion of the Monks belonging to the inquifition, not to mention
the avarice of the informers, wickedly hanquering after the Jeives
wealth, and fo with eafe forging any wickednefle. For in the firft
book of the Sicilian conftitutions tit. 7. we fee the Emperour
Frederick faving, Sivero hideeus, vel Saracenus Jit, in quihusproutcertb
perpendimtis Chriftianorum perfecutio minus ahundat adprcefens, but
if he be a lew or a Saracen, againfl: whom, as we have weighed,
the perfecution of the Chriftians do much abound, ^c. thus
taxing the violence of certain Chriftians agaiiift the \ewes. Or if
perhaps it hath fometimes happenetl, that a Chriftian was kill'd
by a lew, we muft not therefore fay that in all places where they
inhabit, they annually kill a Chriftian Child. And for that which
Thomas Cantipratenjis lib. a. cap. 23. affirms, vi%. that it is certainly
known, that the \eujes every vear, in every province, caft lots w hat
city or town fhall afford Chriftian bloud to the other cities. I can
give it no more credit then his other fictions and lies where-
with he hath ftufFed his book. Thus farre \ohn Hoornbeek.
13. Notwithftanding all this, there are not wanting fome hi-
ftories, that relate thefe and the like calumnies againft an afflifted
people. For which caufe the Lord faith, He that toucheth you touch-
eth the apple of my eye, Zach. a. 6. I fhall curfoiarily mention fome
paflages that have occurred in my time, whereof, I fay not that I
was an eye witneiTe, but onely that they were of generall report
and credence, without the leaft contradiction. I have faithfully
noted both the names of the perfons, the places where, and the
time when they happened, in my continuation of Flavins ]ofephus,
I (hall be the lefTe curious therefore in reciting them here. In (Vi-
enna the Metropolis oi Auftria, Frederick being Emperour, there
was a pond frozen, according to the cold of thofe parts, wherein
three boyes (as it too frequently happens) were drowned, when
they were miffed, the imputation is caft upon the ^ewes, and
they are incontinently indifted, for murthering of them, to cele-
brate their Paffeover. And being imprifoned, after infinite pray-
ers and fupplications made to no effeft, three hundred of them
were burnt, when the pond thawd, thefe three boyes were found,
B 2 and
(lO)
and then their innocency was clearly evinc'd although too late,
after the execution of this cruelty.
In Araguza about thirty yeares ago, there was a Chriftian wo-
man, into whofe houfe there came a little girle (of eleven yeares
of age, daughter to a neighbouring gentleman) richly adorned
with jewels : this wretched woman, not thinking of a fafer way to
rob her, then by killing her, cut her throat, and hid her under
her bed, the girle was prefently mift, and by information they
underftood that fhe was feen to go into that houfe, they call a
Magiflrate to fearch the houfe, and find the girle dead, flie con-
fefl: the faft, and as if fhe fhould have expiated her own guilt by
deftroying a lew, though never fo innocent, fhe faid, flie did it
at the inftigation and perfwafion of one Ifaac Jeshurun, for that
the Jewes wanted bloud to celebrate their feafi: : (he was hang'd,
and the Jew was apprehended, who being fix times cruelly tor-
tur'd, they employing their wits in inventing unheard of, and in-
fufFerable torments, fuch as might gain Perillous the efl:imation
of mercifull and compaffionate, ftill cryes out of the falfhood of
the accufation, faying, that that wickedneffe which he never com-
mitted, no not fo much as in his dreams, was malicioufly imputed
to him, yet notwithflanding he was condemned to remain clofe
prifoner for twenty yeares, ( though he continued there onely
three, ) and to be fed there through a trough, upon the bread
and water of affliction, being clofe manacled, and naked, within
a four fquare wall, built for that purpofe, that he might there
perifh in his own dung. This mans brother Jofeph Jejhtirun is now
living at this time in Hamlorough. This miferable man calling up-
on God, befeeching him to fhew fome fignall teflimony of his
innocencie, and citing before his divine tribunal! the Senatours
who had with no more mercy, then juflice, thus grievoufly and
inhumanely afflicted him ; the blefl!ed God was a juft Judge,
for the Prince died fuddenly at a banquet, the Sunday next en-
fuing the giving of the fentence, and during the time of his im-
prifonment, the aforefaid Senatours by little and little dropt a-
way, and died, which was prudently obferved by thofe few that
yet remain'd, wherefore they refolved to deliver themfelves by
reftoring him to his liberty, accounting it as a particular di-
vine
(ii6)
(II)
vine providence: this man came out well, pafled throughout all
Italy, where he was feen, to the admiration of all that had cog-
nizance of his sufferings, and died a few yeares fince at Jerw-
falem.
14. The aft of the faith (which is ordinarily done at Toledo)
was done at Madrid, Artno 1632, in the prefence of the King of
Spain, where the Inquifitors did then take an oath of the King
and queen, that thev fhould maintain and conferve the Catho-
lick faith in their dominions. In this aft it is found printed, how
that a family of our nation was burnt, for confefling upon the
wrack the truth of a certain accufation of a maid fervant, who,
( provoked out of fome difguft ) faid, that they had fcourged,
and whip't an image, which by the frequent lafhes, ifflied forth a
great deal of bloud, and crving with an out ftretched voice, faid
unto theiti, why do vou thus cruelly fcourge me? the whole no-
bility well underftood that it was all falfe, but things of the in-
quifition all muft hufh.
15. A very true ftory happened at Lislon, Anno 1631. A certain
Church miffed one night a filver pixe or box, wherein was the
popifli hofts. And forafmuch as they had feen a young youth of
our nation, whofe name was Simao pires folis, fufficiently noble,
to pafl!e by the fame night, not farre from thence, who went to vi-
fit a Lady, he was apprehended, imprifoned, and terribly tortured.
They cut off his hands, and after they had dragged him along the
ftreets, burnt him. one year pafled over, and a thief at the foot
of the gallowes confefled how he himfelf had rifled and plunder-
ed the fhrine of the hoft, and not that poor innocent whom they
had burnt. This young mans brother was a Frier, a great Theo-
logift, and a preacher, he lives now a Jew in Arn/ierdam, and calls
himfelf Eliazar de folis.
16. Some perhaps will fay, that men are not blame worthy for
imputing to the ]ewes, that which they themfelves with their own
mouthes have confeft. But furely he hath little underftanding of
wracks, and tortures that fpeaks thus. An Earle oi Portugal, when
his Phvficvan was imprifoned for being a }ew, requefled one of the
inquifitors, by letter, that he would caufe him to be fet at liberty,
for that he knew for certain that he was a very good Chriftian, but
B3 he
(117)
(la)
he not being able to undergo the tortures inflifted on him, con-
fefled himfelf a lew, and became a penitentiary. At which the
Earl being much incenft, feins himfelf fick, and defires the in-
quifitor by one of his fervants, that he would be pleafed to come
and vifit him. when he came, he commanded him that he fhould
conleffe that himfelf was a lew, and further, that he fhould put it
down in writing with his own hand, which when he refufed to do,
he charges fome of his fervants to put a helmet that was red hot
in the fire, (provided for this purpofe) upon his head; at which,
he not being able to endure this threatned torment, takes him
afide to confeffe, and alfo he writ with his own hand that he was a
lew: whereupon the Earl takes occafion to reprove his iiijuftice,
crueltv, and inhumanity, faying, in like manner as you have con-
fefl:, did my Phvficyan confeffe. Befides that, you have prefently,
onely out of fear, not fence of torment, confefi; more. For
this caufe in the Ifraelitifh Senate, no torture was ever infli-
cted, but onely every perfon was convifted at the teflimony of
two witnefles. That fuch like inflruments of cruelty mav enforce
children that have been tenderly educated, and fathers that have
lived delicioufly to confeffe that they have whipt an image, and
been guilty of fuch like criminall offences, daily experience may
demonflrate.
17. Others will perchance alledge, thefe are hiflories indeed,
but they are not facred, nor canonicall. I answer. Love and ha-
tred fayes Plutarch, corrupt the truth of everv thing, as experi-
ence fufficiently declares it ; when we fee that which comes to
paffe, that one and the fame thing, in one and the fame citv, at
one and the fame time, is related in different manners. I my felf
in my own Negotiation here have found it. For it hath been ru-
moured abroad, that our nation had purchafed S. Pauls Church
for to make it their Synagogue, notwithflanding that it was for-
merly a temple confecrated to the worfhip of Diana. And many
other things have been reported of us that never entred into the
thoughts of our nation ; as I have feen a fabulous Narrative of
the proceedings of a great Council of the lewes, afTembled in
the plain oi Ageda in Hungaria, to determine whether the MefKah
were come or no.
18. And
(118)
(13)
i8. And now, fince that it is evident that it is forbidden the
lewes to eat any manner of bloud, and that to kill a man is direft-
ly prohibited bv our law, and the reafons before given are con-
fentaneous and agreeable to every ones underftanding, I know it
will be inquired by many, but efpecially by thofe who are more
pious, and the friends of truth, how this calumnie did arife, and
from whence it derived its firft original!. I may anfwer, that
this wickednefle is laid to their charge for divers reafons.
Firft, Ruffinus the familiar friend of S. Hierome in his verfion of
lofephu^ his fecond book that he writ againft Apion the Gramma-
rian ( for the Greek text is there wanting ) tells us how Apion in-
vented this flander to gratifie Antiochus, to e.xcufe his facriledge,
and juftifie his perfidious dealing with the lewes, making their
eftates fupply his wants. Propheta vero aliorum est Apion &c. Apion
is become a Prophet, and faid th&t Antiockus found in the temple,
a bed, with a man lying upon it, and a table fet before him, fur-
uiflied with all dainties both of fea and land, and fowles, and that
this man was aftonifhed at them, and prefently adores the en-
trance of the King, as coming to fuccour and relieve him, and
proftrating himfelf at his knees, & ftretching out his right hand,
he implores liberty; whereat the King commanding him to fit down
and declare who he was, whv he dwelt there, and what was the caufe
of this his plentifuU provifion ? the man with fighs and tears, la-
mentably weeps out his neceiBty : and tells him that he
is a Grecian, and whilft he travelled about the province to get
food, he was fuddenly apprehended, and caught up by fome
flrange men, and brought to the temple, and there fliut up, that
he misht be feen bv no man, but be there fatted with all man-
ner of dainties, and that thefe unexpefted benefits wrought in
him at the firft joy, then fufpicion, after that aftonifhment, and
laft of all, advifing with ihe Minifter that came unto him, he un-
derftood that the lewes every year, at a certain time appointed
according to their fecret and ineffable law, take up fome Greek
ftranger, and after he hath been fed delicately for the fpace of a
whole year, they bring him into a certain wood, and kill him.
Then according to their folem rites and ceremonies, they facri-
fice his body, and every one tafting of his intrails, in the offer-
ing
("9)
(H)
ing up of this Greek, they enter into a folemn oath, that they
will bear an immortall feude and hatred to the Greeks. And then
they caft the reliqiies of this perifhing man into a certain pit. Af-
ter this Apion makes him to fay, that onely fome few dayes remain-
ed to him, before his execution, &; to defire the King that he, fear-
ing and worfhipping the Grecian gods, would revenge the bloud
of his fubjefts upon the lewes, and deliver him from his ap-
proaching death. This fable ( faith lofephus ) as it is moft full of
all tragedy, fo it abounds with cruel! impudence, I had rather
you fhould read the confutation of this flander there, then I to
write it in this place, you will find it in the Geneva edition of lo-
fephus, pag. 1066.
Secondly, The very fame accufation and horrid wickednefle
of killing children, and eating their bloud, was of old by the an-
cient heathens, charg'd upon the Chriflians, that thereby they
might make them odious, and incenfe the common people a-
gainfi; them, as appeares by Tertullian in his Apologia contra gentes,
lu/iin Martyr in apologia %. ad Anton. Euf eh ius Ccefareerifis 1. 5. cap. i.
&4. Pineda in his Monarchia Ecclejiaftica 1. 11. c. 53. and many
others, as is known sufficiently. So that the imputation of this
cruelty, which as to them continues onely in memory, is to the
very fame purpofe, at this day charged upon the lewes. And as
they deny this faft, as being falfly charged upon them, fo in like
manner do we deny it, and I may fay perhaps with a little more
reafon, forafmuch as we eat not any manner of bloud, wherein
they do not think themfelves obliged.
Now the reafon of this flander was alwaves the covetous ambition
of fome, who defiring to gain their wealth, and pofleffe them-
felves of their eftates, have forg'd and introduc'd this enormous
accufation, to colour their wickedneffe, under a fpecious pretence
of revenging their own bloud. And to this purpofe, I remember
that when I reproved a Rabbi (who came out of Poland to Am-
Jierdam) for the excefle of ufurie in Germany, and Poland, which
they exafted of the Chriftians, and told him how moderate they
in Holland and in Italy were, he replyed, we are of neceffity con-
fl:rained to do fo, becaufe they fo often raife up faife witnefles
againft us, and levie more from us at once, then we are able to
get
(lao)
(15)
get again by them in many yeares. And fo, as experience
(hews, it ufually fucceeds with our poor people under this
pretext and colour.
19. And fo it hath been divers times; men mifchieving the
lewes to excufe their own wickedneffe ; as to inftance one pre-
cedent in the time of a certain King of Portugal. The Lord,
bleffed for ever, took away his fleep one night, (as he did from
King Ahashuerus ) and he went up into a belcony in the palace,
from whence he could difcover the whole city, and from thence
{ the moon fliining clear ) he efpyed two men carrying a dead
corps, which they caft into a lew's yard. He prefently difpatches a
couple of fervants, and commands them, yet with a feeming care-
lefnefle, they (hould trace and follow thofe men, and take notice
of their houfe; which they accordingly did. The next day there
is a hnrly burly and a tumult in the city, accufing the lewes of
murder. Thereupon the King apprehends thefe rogues, and they
confefle the truth ; and confidering that this bufmeffe was guided
by a particular divine providence, calls fome of the wife men of
the lewes, and asks them how they tranflate the 4. verfe of the
121 Pfalm, and they anfwered. Behold, he that keepeth Ifrael will
neither Jlumher norjleep. The King replied, if he will not {lumber
then much lefle will he fleep, you do not fay well, for the true
tranflation is,Behold,the Lord doth notjlumler, neither will hejuffer
him that keepeth Ifrael to fleep. God who hath yet a care over you,
hath taken away my fleep, that I might be an eye witnefle of that
wickednefle which is this day laid to your charge. This with
many fuch like relations we may read in the book called Scehet
lehuda, how fundry times, when our nation was at the very brink
of defliruAion, for fuch forged flanders, the truth hath difcover-
td k felf for their deliverance.
^o. This matter of bloud hath been heretofore difcufled and
difputed before one of the Popes, at a full councell ; where it
was determined to be nothing elfe but a mere calumnie: and
hereupon gave liberty to the lewes to dwell in his countryes,
and s;ave the princes of Italy to underfland the fame, as alio
Alfonfo the wife King of Spain. And fuppofe any one man had
done fuch a thing, as I believe never any lew did fo, yet this
C were
(121)
(i6)
were great cruelty to punifh a whole nation for one mans
wickediiefle.
ai. But why fliould I ufe more words about this matter, fee-
ing all that is come upon us, was foretold by all the prophets?
Mofes, Deut. 28. 6i. Moreover, every Jicknejfe and every plague which
is not written in the book of this law, them will the Lord bring upon
thee, S^c. becaufe thou hq/i not hearkned to the voice of the Lord thy
God. David in the 44. Pfalm make a dolefull complaint of thofe
evils, and ignominious reproaches, wherewith we are invironed
round about in this captivity, as if we were the proper center of
mifery, faying. For thy fake are we killed all the day long, we are
counted asfheepfor the /laughter. The fame he fpeaks Pfalm 74. and
in other Pfalms.
Ezekiel more particularly mentions this calumnie; God, blefled
for ever, promifing Chap. 36. 13. that in time to come the de-
vouring of men, or the eating of mans bloud fhall be no more
imputed to them, according to the true and proper expofition of
the learned Don Ifaac j4barbanel. The blefled God, according to
the multitude of his mercies, will have compaflion upon his peo-
ple, and will take away the reproach of Ifrael from off the earth,
that it may be no^more heard, as is prop.hefied by Ifaiah, and let
this fuffice to have fpoken as to this point.
THE SECOND SECTION.
YOur worfhip defired joyntly, to know what ceremony, or
humiliation the lewes ufe in their Synagogues, toward
the book of the Law ; for which they are by fome igno-
rantly reputed to be idolaters, I Ihall anfwer it in Order.
Firft, the lewes hold themfelves bound to ftand up when the
book of the Law written upon parchment, is taken out of the
desk, untill it is opened on the pulpit, to fliew it to the people,
and afterwards to be read. We fee that obferved in Nehemias,
cap. 8. 6. where it is faid, And when he had opened it, all the people
food up. and this they do in reverence to the word of God, and
that facred Book.
For
(122)
(17)
For the lame caufe^ when it pafleth from the desk toward the
pulpit, ail that it palTeth by, bow down their heads a little, with
reverence j which can be no idolatry for thefe following
reafons.
Firft, it is one thing adorare, viz. to adore, and another venerari,
viz. to worjhip. For Adoration is forbidden to any creature, whe-
ther Angelicall, or Earthly; but JVorJhip may be given to either
of them, as to men of a higher rank, commonly ftiled worjhip-
full. And fo Alraham, who in his time rooted out vain idolatry,
humbled himfelf, and alfo proftrated himfelf before thofe three
guefts, which then he entertained for Men. As alfo lofuah the holy
Captain of the people, did proftrate himfelf to another Angel,
which with a fword in his hand, made him afraid, at the gates of
lericho. Wherefore if thofe were juft men, and if we are obliged
to follow their example, and they were not reprehended for it,
it is clear, that to worfhip the Law in this manner as we do, can be
no idplatry.
Secondly, The \ewes are very fcrupulous in fuch things, and
fear in the leaft, to appear to give any honour or reverence to
images. And fo it is to be feen in the Talmud, and in R. Mofes of
Egypt in his Treatife of idolatry: That if by chance any Ifraelite
fhould paffe by a Church, that had images on the outfide, and at
that time a thorn fhould run into his foot, he may not ftoop to
pull it out, becaufe he that fliould fee him, might fufpeft he bow-
ed to fuch an image. Therefore according to this ftriftnefle, if
that were any appearance of idolatry to bow to the Law, the lewes
would utterly abhorre it; and fince they do it, it is an evident
fign that it is none.
Thirdly, to kiffe images is the principall worfhip of idolatry,
as God faith, in the i of Kings 19. 19. Yet I have left me /even thou-
fand in Ifrael, all the knees that have not bowed unto Baal, and every
mouth that hath not kijfed him. But if that were fo, it would follow,
that all men, who kifle the Teftament after they are fworn, fliould
be idolaters. But becaufe that is not fo, fince that aft is but a fim-
ple worfliip, by the fame reafon it will follow, that to bow the
head, cannot be reputed for idolatry.
Fourthly, Experience flieweth, that in all Nations the cere-
C 2 monies
(123)
(i8)
monies that men ufe mutually one towards another, is to bow
the head; And alfo there are degrees thereof, according to the
quality of the perfon with whom they fpeak ; which fhew that in
the opinion of all nations, it is no idolatry, and therefore much
leffe, to reverence the Law with bowing of the body.
Fifthly, In AJia ( and it is the fame almoft in all the world ) the
people receiving a decree, or order of the king, they take it, and
kifTe it, and fet it upon the head. We owe much more to Gods
word, and to his divine Commandments.
Sixthly, Ptolomeus Philadelphus, receiving the 7a Interpreters
with the book of the Law, into his prefence, he rofe from his feat,
and proftrating himfelf feven times, worfliipped it, ( as ArificBUS
affures us.) If a Gentile did this to a law which he thought did
not oblige him, much more do we owe reverence to that Law
which was particularly given unto us.
Seventhly, The Ifraelites hold for the Articles of their Faith, that
there is a God ; who is one in moft fimple unity; eternall, incorpo-
real!; who gave the written Law unto his people Ifrael, by the hand
oi Mofes, the Prince, and chief of all the Prophets; whofe Provi-
dence takes care for the world which he created ; who takes no-
tice of all mens works, and rewardeth or punifheth them, Laft-
ly, that one day Mefsias fliall come to gather together the fcat-
tered Ifraelites, and fhortly after fliall be the refurreftion of the
dead.
Thefe are their Doftrines, which I believe contain not any idola-
try; nor yet in the opinion of thofe that are of other judgements ;
For, as a moft learned Chrifl:ian of our time hath written, in a
French book, which he calleth the Rappel of the lewes ( in which
he makes the King of France to be their leader, when they fliall
return to their country, ) the \ewes, faith he, fliall be faved, for
yet we expeft a.fecond coming of the fame Mefsias; and the lewes
believe that that coming is the first, and not the fecond, and by
that faith they fliall be faved ; for the difference confifts onely
in the circumftance of the time.
THE
(124)
(19)
THE THIRD SECTION.
Sir, I hope I have given fatisfadlion to your worfhip, touching
thofe points. I {hall yet further inform you with the fame
fincerity, concerning the reft. Sixtus Senenjis in his Billio-
tliceca, lib. a. Titulo contra Talmud, and others, as Biatenfis, Ordine
I. TraSi. i. Titulo Perachot. averre out of the Talmud, cap. 4.
"that every lew, thrice a day, curfeth all Chriftians, and prayeth
" to God to confound, and root them out, with their Kings and
" Princes. And this is efpecially done in the Synagogue, by the
" lewes Priefts, thrice a day. I pray let fuch as love the truth,
fee the Talmud, in the quoted place ; and they fliall find nothing
of that which is objefted : onely there is recited in the faid fourth
Chapter, the daily prayer, which fpeaks of Minim, that is, Here-
ticks, ordained in Table, ( that is a town not farre from lerufa-
lem, between Gath and Gazim, &c. ) the Talmud hath no more.
Hence Sixtus Senen/is by diftillation, draws forth the forefaid ca-
lumnie, whenas, what the Talmud rehearfeth briefly, to be made
onely by the wife men in the faid Town, he faith, was a confliitu-
tion in the Talmud long after.
Now let us fee what was done by thofe wife men in the faid
Town; and let us examine, whether that may juftly offend the
Chriftians.
There is in the daily prayers a certain Chapter where it is thus
written, la-Mumarim, &c. that is, For apostates, let there
he no hope, let all Hereticks he dejiroyed, and all thine enemies,
and all that hate thee, let them perish. And thou shalt root out the
kingdome of pride forthwith, weaken, and put it out, and in our dayes.
This whole Chapter fpeaketh nothing of Chriftians originally,
but of the lewes, who fell in thofe times, to the Zaduces, and Epi-
cureans, and to the Gentiles, as Mofes of Egypt faith, Traft. Tephi-
la. cap. a. For by Apoftates and Hereticks are not to be under-
ftood all men, that are of a diverfe religion, or heathens, or
Gentiles, but thofe renegado lewes, who did abrogate the whole
C 3 Law
(20)
Law of Mofes, or any Articles received thence; and fuch are pro-
perly by us called Hereticks. For according to the Law of Chri-
ftians, he is not properly an Apoftate, or Heritick, who is origi-
nally bred a fcholler and a candid follower from his youth of a
diverfe law, and fo continueth : otherwife native lewes and Haga-
rens, and other Nations that are no Chriftians, nor ever were,
fhould be properly called Apoftates, and Hereticks in refpeft
of Chriftians, which is abfurd, as it is abfurd for the lewes to
call the Chriftians Apoftates, or Hereticks. Wherefore it fpeak-
eth nothing of Chriftians, but of the fugitive lewes, that is, fuch
as have deferted tlie ftandard, or the facred Law.
2. Laftly, neither the kingdomes, nor kings that are Chrifti-
ans, or Hagarens, or followers of other Sefts are curfed here, but
namely the kingdome of Pride. Certain it is that in that time
( wherein, our wife men added to the daily Prayers the forefaid
Chapter ) there was no kingdome of Chriftians. what therefore
that kingdome of pride was, ftiould any man ask, who can plainly
ly fhew it."" So much as we can conjecture by it, it is the king-
dome of the Romans which then flouriftied, which did rule over
all Nations tyrannically and proudly, efpecially over the lewes.
For, after that, Vefpqfian, with his fon Titus, had diffipated all lu-
dea. And though fom Roman Emperours after that became Chri-
ftians, or had a good opinion of Chriftianity, yet the kingdome
of the Romans was heathenifli, and without diftinftion, was proud,
and tyrannical!. And however the lewes repeated the fame words
of the prayer when the Prince was very good, and they lived un-
der a juft government, that they did, onely of an ancient cu-
ftome, without any malice to the prefent government. And now
truly in all their books printed again, the forefaid words are want-
ing, left they fliould now be unjuftly objedled againft the lewes;
and fo for Apoftates and Hereticks, they fay, fecret accufers,or betray-
ers of the lewes. And for the kingdome of pride, they fubftitute
all Zedim, that is, proud men.
3. After this manner, to avoid fcandall, did the 73 Inter-
preters, who coming in Leviticus, to unclean beafts ; in the place
of Arneleth which fignifies the Hare, they put SaaviroBa, that is,
rough foot ; leaving the Name, and keeping the fenfe. They would
not
(126)
(21)
not retein the Hebrew word Arneleth, as they have done in fome
other appellatives, left the wife of Ptolomy whofe name was Jrjie-
let, ftiould think that the lewes had mocked her, if they fhould
have placed her name amongft the unclean beafts. Neither would
they render it \a7a)oj//a^oow,or\a7w /ago7z, which in the Greek lan-
guage fignifies a Hare, left Ptolomij himfelf who was the fon, and
nephew of the Lagi, fhould be offended, to fee the name of his
family regiftred among the creatures that were unclean. Befides,
Plutarch records, how that it was deeply refented, as a very
high affront, and contempt, when one asked Ptolomy, who was
Lagus his father, as if it fcoffingly reflefted upon his obfcure ex-
traftion and defcent.
4. The very like calumnie fell out concerning the very fame
Chapter of our Prayer, when Mulet Zidan reigned in Morocco.
A certain fugive lew, to fhew himfelf conftant in the Mahume-
tan Religion, and an enemy to his own Nation, accufed the lewes
before this king, faying, that they prayed to God for his deftru-
(Stion, when they mention in their prayers all Zedim, as though
they would have all the Family of Zidan deftroyed. They excu-
fed themfelves with the truth, and affirmed, in praying againft
Zedim, that they prayed onely againft prowd men, (as that word in
their Hebrew language properly fignifieth ) and not againft his
Majefty. The King admitted of their excufe; but faid unto
them, that becaufe of the equivocation of the word, they fhould
change it for another.
5. For certain, the lewes give no occafion, that any Prince,
or Magiftrate fhould be offended with them ; but contrariwife,
as it feems to me, they are bound to love them, to defend, and
proteft them. For, by their Law, and Talmud, and the inviolable
cujiome of the difperfed lewes, every where, upon every Sabbath
day, and in all yearly folemnities, they have prayers for Kings
and Princes, under whofe Government the lewes live, be they
Chriftians, or of other Religions, I fay by their haw, as lere-
miah ch. 39. commandeth, viz. Seek ye the peace of the city, whi-
ther I have caufedyou to he carried away captives, and pray for them,
unto the Lord, &c. By the Talmud ord. 4. Tra6t. 4. Abodazara.
cap. I . there is a prayer for the peace of the Kingdome, from ai/iome,
never
(127)
(aa)
never intermitted of the lewes. Wherefoever they are on the
Sabbath day, and their annuall folemnities, the Minifter of the
Synagogue before he blefleth the people of the lewes, doth with
a loud voice, blefle the Prince of the country under whom they
live, that all the lewes may hear it; and they fay Amen. You
have feen the Form of the prayer in the book entitled The hum-
ble Addrefles.
6. In like manner the ancients obferve, that whereas God com-
mands in Numbers 29. 13. that feventy bullocks fhould be fa-
crificed upon the feven dayes of the feaft of tabernacles, that this
was in refpeft of the feventy nations (who fhall one day come up
to lerufalem, year after year, to keep this feaft of tabernacles,
Zechar. 14. 16. ) for whofe confervation they alfo facrificed. For
they fay, that all the nations of the earth shall he llejjed in Abraham,
and inhisfeed, notonelyfpiritually, and in the knowledge of the onefirji
caufe, but alfo that at this time theyjhall enjoy temporall, and earthly
blefsings, by vertue of that promife. And fo in the time of the fecond
temple, they offered up facrifice for their confederate nations, as
may appear by thefe enfuing ihftances.
In Megilat Tahanit. cap. 9. it is reported, that when Alexander
the great, at the inftigation of the Samaritans, that inhabited
mount Gerizim, went with a refolution to deftroy the temple,
Simeon the jufl: met him in the way, and amongfl: divers reafons
that he urged to divert him from his purpofe, told him, this is the
place,where we pray unto God for the welfare of your f elf , and of your
kingdome, that it may not be defroyed, and fhall thefe men perfwade
you to de/iroy this place ?
The like we find in the firft book of the Maccabees, cap. 7. 33.
and in lofephus his Antiq. lib. 1%. cap. 17. when Demetrius had fent
Nicanor the Generall of his army a-gainU ^erufal em, the Priefts, with
the Elders of the people went forth to falute him, and to fhew
him the facrifice which they offered up to God for the welfare of
the King.
In the fame hiftory lib. 2. 3. and in }ofephus Gorionides lib. 3.
cap. 16. we may read, that Heliodorus Generall to Selencus, came to
lerufalem with the fame intent, Onias the High-prieft, befought
him, not to deftroy that place, where they prayed to God for
the
(128)
(23)
the profperity of the King, and his iflue, and for the conferva-
tion of his kingdome.
In the firft Chapter of Baruch, the difciple of 'Jeremiah, we
find that the lewes, who were firft carried captive into Babylon
with \echonias, made a colleftion of money, according to every
ones power, and feut it to Jemfalem, faying, Behold, we havefent
you money, wherewith ye shall buy offerings, and pray for the life of
Neluchadnezzar, and for the life of Baltafar his fonne, thai their dayes
may he upon earth as the dayes of heaven, and that God would give us
Jirength,'and lighten our eyes, that we may live under their shadow,
that we may long do them,fervice, and find favour in their fight.
The lewes in ^fia did the fame, as is reported by Jofephtis Gori-
onides, lib. 3. cap. 4. they fent letters, with a prefent to Hircanus
the High-prieft, defiring that prayers might be made for the life
of Augit/ius Ccefar, and his companion Marcus Antonius.
Philo Judcmis, in the book of his Embaflage to Cuius, making
mention of a letter which Caius fent, requiring his ftatue to be fet
up in the facred temple, and Agrippa's anfwer thereupon, unto
the faid Emperour, reports, that there were thefe words in it, viz.
The lewes facrifice for the profperity of your Empire, and that not
onely upon their folemn feq/is, but alfo every day.
The like is recorded by Jofephtis, (lib. 3. cap. 9. De hello Judaico)
the lewes faid to Petronius General! to the Emperour Caius, we
daily offer up burnt offerings unto God, for the peace of the Emperour,
and the whole people of Rome. And in his fecond book againft Api-
on, he fa yes, we Hebrews have allwayes acciiftomed to honour Empe-
rour s with particular facrifices.
Neither was this fervice ever entertained unthankfully, as ap-
pears by the decree of Cyrus, Ezra 6. 3. where alfo Darius com-
mands, that of the Kings goods, even of the tribute, expences should be
forth-with given unto the Elders of the lewes &c. and that which they
had need of, both young bullocks, and rammes, and lambs for the burnt-
offerings of the Lord of heaven, and wheat, fait, wine, and oyl, &c. that
they might offer facrifices of afweet favour, unto the God of heaven,
and pray for the life of the King, and of his foiines.
The fame alfo was commanded afterwards by Artaxerxes, who
alfo conferred liberally many large gifts, as well towards the
D build-
(129)
(34)
building of the temple, as the maintaining of the facrifices. As
for Mexander the great, he lighted down out of his chariotj and
bowed himfelf at the feet of the High-prieft, defiring him to offer
up facrifice to God on his behalf. And who can be ignorant of
Ptolomy Philadelphus, how richly he endowed the temple, as is re-
corded by Arijleas ? Nor did Antiochus king of the Greeks unlike
this, when by a publick edidt, he forbid that any fir anger should
enter the temple, to prophane that place, which the Hebrews had con-
fecraled to religion, and divine worfiiip. (Jofephus lih. la. cap. 3.)
Demetrius did the like, {jofephus lib. 13. cap. 5. 6.) To which may
be added, that when they of lerufalem contended with them of
Samaria, about the honour and dignity of the temple, before
Alexander the great, the lerufalem Priefl in his plea, urged, that
this templewas ever had in great reverence by all the Kings of AG^a, and
by them enrichtwithfundryfplendid and magnificent gifts. In the fe-
cond book of lofephus againft Apion, we read, that Ptolomy Euerge-
^^5, when he had conquered Syria, offered up Eucharifiicall facri-
fices, not to idols, and falfe Gods, but to the true God, at lerufa-
lem, according to the manner of the lewes. Pompey the great, as
is mentioned by lofephus de bello ludaico ( lib. i. cap. 5- ) durfi: not
fpoyl, no nor fo much as touch the treafures of the temple, not
becaufe ( as Tully in his Oration for Plancius fuppofeth, to whom
Augiiftine in his book de civitale Dei aJJ'entos ) he feared lefl: he
might be thought too avaritious; for this feems in comparifon,
very ridiculous, and childifh ; for military law would foon have
acquitted him for this; but becaufe of the reverence to the place
with which his mind was fo affefted. Philo ludceus, (p. loa. 6.)
relates a letter oiAgrippa's, where he writes, that Augifius Cafar had
the temple in fo great reverence, that he commanded a facrifice
of one bullock, and two lambs, to be offered up every day out
of his own revenues. And his wife lulia Augufia, adorn'd it with
golden cups, and bafons, and many other coftly gifts. Neither
did Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, fall fhort of her liberallity. Ti-
berius throughout the aa years of his Empire, commanded fa-
crifices to be offered up unto God, out of his own tribute. The
like did Nero, till the unadvifed rafhneffe of Eleazar in refufing
his facrifice, alienated the mind of the Emperour, that he became
the caufe of a bloudy perfecution. And
(130)
(25)
And by all this, we may the better interpret that ii verfe of the
I. chap, of Malachy) who flourifht in the fecond temple,) The
words are, From the rifing of the fun, even unto the going down of the
fame,myname shall he greatamongthe Gentiles, arid in every placein-
cenfe shall be offered unto my name, andapure offering; for my name
shall he great among the heathen, faith the Lord ofhqfis. For befides
that the heathens termed the temple the houfe of the great God,
{Ezra 5. 8.) they and their Monarchs, and Emperours, both of
Perfia, Grece, and Rome, deiired, as we have heard, to have facrifi-
ces, and incenfe, offered for them in Gods name.
9. And let the reader, be pleafed further to obferve, that the
leives were accuflomed, not onely to offer up facrifices, and pray-
ers to God, for the Emperours, their friends, confederates, and
allyes, but alfo generally for the whole world. It is the cuftome
{ iaith Agrippa to Caius according to Philo p. 1035.) for the High-
prieft, at the day of attonement, to make a prayer unto God, for
all mankind ; befeeching him to adde unto them another year,
with blefling and peace. The fame Philo ludceus in his fecond book
of ikfowarcAy faith, Thepriefls of other nations pray unto Godonelyfor
the welfare of their own particular natioiis, hut our High-prie/ipr ayes
for the happineffe and profperity of the whole world. And in his book
of facrifices, p. 836. he faith. Some facrifices ar e_offeredup for our
nation, andfome for all mankind^ For the daily facrifices, twice a day,
viz. at morning, and evening, are for the obtaining ofthofe good things,
which God the chief good, grants unto them, at thofe two times of the
day.
And in like manner, lofephus in his fecond book againft Apion
faith, IVefacrifice, and pray unto the Lord, in thefrji place, for the
whole world, for their profperity, and peace, andafterwards more par-
ticularlyfor our f elves, forafmuch{as we conceive) that prayer which
isfirflextendeduniverfally,andisafterwardsputupmoreparticiilarly,
is very much acceptable unto God. Which words are alfo related by
Eifehius Ccefareerifis, in his Prceparatio Evangelica, lib. 8. cap. 2.
10. 'Tis true, that no outward materiall glories are perpetu-
all ; and fo the temple had its period, and with the pafchall lamb, all
other facrifices ceafed : But in their fl:ead, we have at this day
prayer, and as Hofeah fpeaks Cap. 14. a. For bullocks, we render
D a the
(131)
{26)
the calves of our lips. And tliree times every dny, this is our hum-
ble fupplication, and requeft to God, Fill the whole world, Lord,
with thy lleJJiiigs;Jor all creatures are the works of thy hands; as it is
written, the Lord is good to all, and his tender mercies are over all his
works Pfal. 145. 9.
II. Yea further, we pray for the coiiverfion of the nations,
and fo we fay in thefe moft excellent prayers, upon Rof a fana
and the day of attonement, Otir God, and the God of our Fathers,
rei<rn thou over the whole world in thy glory; and be thou exalted over
all the earth,inthine excellency; caufe thy influence to defcend upon all
the inhabitants of the world, in the glorious majefiy of thy ftrength;
and let every a'eature know that thou haft created him; and let every
thing that is formed, underftand that thou hqfl formed it; and let all
that have breath in their nq/irillsfay, the Lord God oflfrael reigneth,
a7id his kingdome is over all dominions. And again. Let all theinhabi-
tants of the earthknow, and fee,thatunto thee every knee shall bow, and
every tongue fw ear; before thee, Lord our God, let them bow, and
proftrate themf elves; let them give honour to the honour of thy name,
arid let them all take upon them the yoak of thy kingdome, &c. And
ao-ain, Piit thy fear, Lord, our God, upon all thy works, and thy
dread upon all that thou haft created; let all thy works fear thee, and
let allcreaturesbow downbefore thee and let them all make themf elves
one handfull, (that is, with joynt confent) to do thy will with aper-
feSi heart, Sec. A mofl worthy imitation of the wife King Solo-
mon, who after he had finiflied the building of the Temple, in
that long prayer King. i. 8. was not unmindfull of the Gentiles,
but V. 41. he faith. Moreover, concerning aftr anger, that is not of thy
people oflfrael, but cometh out ofafarre country, for thy names fake,
for theyfhall hear of thy great name,andofthyftrong hand,andofthy
Jlretched-out arm, when hefhall come, and pray towards this houfe,
hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place, anddo accordingto all that the
ftranger calleth to thee for, that all people of the earth may know thy
name, to fear thee, as do the people oflfrael, and that they may know
that thy name is called upon this hotife which I have builded. Where
it may be obferved, that when the Ifraelite comes to pray, he
faith, ag. and give every man accordijig to his wayes; but upon the
prayer of a ftranger, he faith, and do according to all that the ftran-
ger
(132)
(27)
Jlranger calleth to thee for. And this diftinftion is made to this
end, that by the evident, and apparent return, and anfwer of their
prayers, all Gentiles might efFeftuaily be brought in to the
truth, and knowledge, and fear of God, as well as the Ifra-
elites.
12. Moreover, fince the holy prophets made prayers, and fup-
plications for all men, as well for the nations, as the Ifraelites,
how fhould not we do the fame, for the nations, among whom we
inhabit, as ingaged by a more efpeciall obligation, for that we
live under their favour and proteftion? In Deuteronomy 23. 7.
God commands Thou shalt not abhorre an Egyptian, notwithftand-
ing the heavy burthens they afflicSted us with, onely lecaufe thou
waft a Jlranger in his land, becaufe that at the firfi:, they entertain-
ed, and received us into their country.
As on the- other fide, Ezek. 23. 11. he faith, ^s I live, faith the
Lord God, I have no pleafure in the death of the wicked, lut that the
wicked turn from his way and live. We ought therefore to imi-
tate his aftions, and not to hate any man, upon the mere account
of religion, but onely to pray to the Lord for his converfion ;
and this alfo, without giving offence, or any kind of moleftation.
rTo deleft, or abhorre thofe, to whom we owe that profperity
which we enjoy, or who endeavour their own falvation, is a thing
.very unworthy, and ill becoming; but to abhorre their vices,
and fins, is not fo. It was a very excellent obfervation, of a moft
wife, and vertuous Lady, Beruria, who (as it is recorded in the
Talmud, Berachot cap. i. when her husband R. Meir was about to
pray to God, to deftroy fome of his perverfe, and froward neigh-
bours, that had no lefl"e grievoufly, then malicioufly vexed, and
molefted him, gave him this feafonable admonition, that fuch a
thing ought not to he done inlfrael; hut that he should rather make his
prayer, that they might return, and Ireak off their finnes hy repentance,
alledging that text, Pfal. 104. 35. hetfin he confumed out of the earth;
it is not faid finners, but finnes ; and then the wicked shall he no
more.
13. We have now in this Seftion fhewn, that it is a mere calum-
nie to imagine, that we lewes fhould pray to God, fo as to give an
offence to the Chriftians, or caufe fcandall, by any thing in
D 3 our
(133)
(28)
our prayers, unlefle it be that we are not Chriftians, we have de-
clared to the contrary, how we daily pray for them. As alfo that
during the temple, we offered up facrifices, for nations confede-
rate with us, and how all Emperours defired this. Yea, and we
offered facrifices, not onely for particular princes, but for all
mankind in general!. How, fince facrifices ceafed, with the tem-
ple, we at this day, do the fame in our prayers, and how we be-
feech God for their falvation, without giving any fcandall, or
offence in refpeft of religion; and how we think our felves obli-
ged to perform all this, by the facred Scripture. By all which
layed together, I hope I have fufficiently evidenced the truth,
of that I have afferted.
THE FOURTH SECTION.
BY confequence, the accufation of Buxtorphius, in his Biblio-
theca Rabbinorum, can have no appearance of truth, concer-
ning that which he puts upon us, viz. that we are blafphe-
mers. I will fet down the Prayer it felf.
"We are bound to praife the Lord of all things; to magnifie
" him, who made the world, for that he hath not made us, as the
" Nations of the earth ; nor hath he placed us as the families of
" the earth ; nor hath he made our condition like unto theirs, nor
"our lot, according to all their multitude. For they humble
"themfelves to things of no worth, and vanity, and make their
" prayers to gods that cannot fave them ; but we worfhip before
"the King of kings, that is holy, and bleffed ; that ftretch-
"ed forth the Heavens, and framed the Earth; the feat of his glo-
" ry is in heaven above, and his divine ftrength in the higheft of
"the Heavens; He is our God, and there is no other; He is tru-
"ly, our King, and befides him, there is no other; as it is writ-
"ten in the Law. And know this day, and return into thine own
" heart, becaufe the Lord is God, in Heaven above, and upon the
" Earth beneath, there is no other.
Truly, in my opinion, it is a very fhort, and moft excellent
prayer,
(134)
(29)
prayer, and worthy of commendation. The Sultan Selim,
that famous conquerour, and Emperour of the Mahumetans,
made fo much account of it, that he commanded his Doftor Mo-
fes Amon, (who tranflated the Pentateuch into the Jrahian and Per-
Jian languages) that he fhould tranflate our prayers. And when
he had delivered them to him in the Turkish Tongue, he faid to
him, what need is there of fo long prayers ? truly this one might
fuffice, he did fo highly efteem and value it. This is like an other
prayer which was made at that time, viz.
"Blefled be our God, who created us for his honour, and fe-
" parated us from thofe that are in errours, and gave unto us a
"Law of truth, and planted amongfl; us eternall life. Let him
" open our hearts in his law, and put his love in our hearts, and
"his fear, to do his will, and to ferve him with a perfeft heart,
"that we may not labour in vain, nor be^et children of perdi-
"tion. Let it be thy will, O Lord our God, and God of our Fa-
" thers, that we may keep thy ftatutes, and thy laws in this world,
"and may deferve, and live, and inherit well, and that we mavat-
" tain the bleffing of the world to come, that fo we may fing
" to thy honour, without ceaGng. O Lord my God, I will praife
" thee for ever.
But neither the one, uor the other is a llajphemy, or maledi-
6lion againft any other Gods, for thefe reafons following.
I. It is not the manner of the lewes by their law to curfe other
gods by name, though they be of the Gentiles. So in Exod.
cap. 22. 27. Thou, shalt not revile the Gods. Heb. mH^N, that is
Gods, or God, as Philo \udcetis in lihro de Mo/iarchid,doth interpret,
and not Judges, as Ojikeltis and Jonathan tranflate in their Chald.
Paraphr. Where Philo addes this reafon, which is, lefl: they hearing
their own Gods blafphemed, fhould in a revengefull way of reta-
liation, blafpheme the true God of Ifrael. And we have examples
enough, how the idolatrous heathen ufed to revile, and defame
each others Gods, both in Cicero, and Juvenal.
And in that fenfe Flavins Jofephus in his book written againft
Apion, faith thefe words : " As it is our praAife to obferve our
" own, and not to accufe, or revile others ; fo neither may we de-
"ride, or blafpeeme thofe, which others account to be Gods.
" Our
(135)
(3°)
" Our Law-giver plainly forbad us thatj by reafon of that com-
"pellation, Gods. According to this, by our own religion,
we dare not do that which Buxtorjius chargeth us with. And upon
this account the Talmudifts tell us, that we ought to honour, and
reverence, not onely the Kings of Ifrael, but all kings, princes,
and governours, in generall, forafmuch as the holy Scripture gives
them the ftile of gods, in refpedl of the dignity of their
office.
2. The time wherein thefe, as alfo the other prayers were com-
pofed, and ordered, was in the dayes of Ezras, who, with i2o
men, amongft whom were three Prophets, Haggai, Zechary, Mala-
chy, compofed them, as we have it in the Talmud. Wherefore he
cannot fay, that there is any thing intended againft honour, or
reverence of Chrift, who was not born till many yeares after.
Moreover, the lewes, fince that calumny was firft raifed, (thouh
that was fpoken of the Gentiles, and their vain gods, humMing
themf elves to things ofjio worth, and vanity) becaufe they defire to
decline, and avoid the leafl: occafion of fcandall, and offence, have
left off to print that line, and do not in fome books print any
part thereof. As ]ohi Hoornheek alfo witnefTes, in his fore-men-
tioned Prolegomena, and William Dorjiius, in his obfervations upon
R. David Gawz, p. 269. and Buxtorf in his book oi Ahhreviatures.
And perhaps it will be worthy our obfervation, that all thefe three
witnefTes fay, that it was firfl made known to them, by one. Ant 0-
nius Margarita, who was a lew, converted to the Chriftian faith.
That this part of the prayer was intended Contra idola Papains,
againft the Popish idols, which they therefore, as by a necefTary
confequence, interpret, as againft Chrift; but how juftly, let the
unprejudiced and unbiafed reader judge.
3. If this be fo, how can it be thought, that in their Synagogues,
they name him with fcornfull fpitting, ( farre be it from us.)
The Nation of the lewes is wife, and ingenius. So faid the Lord,
Deut. cap. 4. 6. The Nations Jhall fay, fur ely this is a wife, and an un-
derjlanding people. Therefore, how can it be fuppofed, that they
ftiould be fo bruitifh in a ftrange land, when their Religion de-
pendeth not upon it? Certainly, it is much contrary to the pre-
cept we fpake of, to fhew any refemblance of fcorn. There was
never
(136)
(30
never any fuch thing done, (as it is well known) in Italy, and
Holland, where ordinarily the Synagogues are full of Ckrijiians ;
which with great attention, fland confidering, and weighing all
their afitions, and motions. And truly they fhould have found
great occafion to find fault withall, if that were fo. But never was
any man heard thus to calumniate us, where ever we dwell and in-
habite, which is a reafon fufficiently valid, to clear us. Where-
fore, I fuppofe, that I have fufficiently informed you, concerning
our prayers, in which we purpofe nothing, but to praife God, and
to ask fpirituall, and temporall bleffings, and by our fervice,
and worftiip, implore the divine benevolence, protection, and
defence.
THE FIFTH SECTION,
BUt forafmuch as it is reported, that we draw, and feduce o-
thers to our religion, ^c.
I. Never unto this day, in any part hath this been fuf-
pefted, where the \ewes are difperfed ; nor can it find place here.
Truly, I have held friendfliip with many great men, and the wi-
feft, and moft eminent of all Europe; and alfo they came to fee
me, from many places, at my houfe, and I had many friendly dif-
courfes with them, yet did not this give occafion to make us fuf-
pefted of any fuch things. Yea, Gafpar Barleus, the Virgill of our
time, and many others, have written many verfes in my commen-
dations, which I mention not, for vain glory (farre be it) but for
vindication of my innocent repute.
a. By our rituall books we are clear of this feducing. For if any
man offer to become a \ew, of what Nation foever he be, before we
receive him, and admit him as a member of our Synagogue, we are
bound to confider, whether he be moved by neceflity to do it, or
if it be not for that he is in love with fome of our nation, or for
any other worldly refpeft. And when we find no reafon to fufpeft
him, we have yet another obligation upon us, which is, to let him
know the penalties he fubjefts himfelf unto, if he breaketh the
E Sab-
(137)
(33)
Sabbath, or eateth bloudj or fat, which is forbidden Levil. 3. I'J.
or difannulleth any precept of the Law, as may be feen in the
Targum upon Ruth. And if he (hew himfelf conftant, and zealous,
then is he admitted and protefted. Wherefore we do not feduce
any one, but contrarily, avoid difputing with men, concerning
rehgion, not for want of charity, but that we may as farre as it is
poffible, avoid fcandall, and hate ; and for this caufe we refufe to
circumcife them that come to us, becaufe we will give no offence.
Yea, I have known fome, that for this caufe have circumcifed
themfelves. And \i Ferdinand and Ifabella, King and Queen of Ca-
ftile did make an order to expell the lewes, becaufe they feduced
many Chriftians, and fome of the Nobility to become lewes, this
was but a pretence, and colour for their tyrannyAnd onely, as it
is well known, having no other thing to objeft againft us. Truly,
I do much commend that opinion, not onely of Oforius, de rebus
Immanuelis, but of our Flavins lofephus, the mofl: famous of all
Hiftorians, which he relates in his hiftory of his own Life.
" At that time ( faith he ) there came unto me, two Noble men,
"of the Trachomiles, fubjefts of the king; bringing with them
" horfemen, with arms, and money. Thefe, when the lewes would
"compell to be circumcifed, if they would live amongft them;
" I would not fuffer them to trouble them ; maintaining that eve-
"ry man ought to ferve God, of his own freewill, and not be for-
" ced thereto by others. For, fhould we do this thing ( faith he )
" it might make them repent, that ever they fled unto us. And fo
" perfwading the multitude, I did abundantly afford unto thefe
"men, their food, according to their diet.
Truly, this was an aftion worthy of a noble, and wife man, and
worthy of imitation, for defending common liberty, leaving the
judgement, and determination to God alone. The Spanish In-
quijitions, with all their torments, and cruelties, cannot make any
lew, that falls into their power, become a Chri/lian. For unrea-
fonable beafts are taught by blowes, but men are taught by rea-
fon. Nor are men perfwaded to other opinions, by torments, but
rather, on the contrary, they become more firm, and conftant in
their Tenet.
THE
(138)
(33)
THE SIXTH SECTION.
HAving thus difcufled the main exceptions, I will now pro-
ceed to fmaller matters, though leffe pertaining to my fa-
culty, that is to bufinefle of Merchandife. Some fay, that
if the lewes come to dwell here, they will draw unto themfelves
the whole Negotiation, to the great damage of the naturall Inha-
bitants. I anfvver, that it hath been my opinion alwayes, ( with
fubmiffion to better judgements) that it can be no prejudice at
all to the Englifli Nation : becaufe, principally in tranfporting
their goods, they would gain much, by reafon of the publick pay-
ments of cuflomes, excife, <5'c.
Moreover, they would alwayes bring profit to the people of the
land, as well in buying of commodities, which they would tranf-
port to other places, as in thofe they would trade in here.
And if by accident, any particular perfon fhould lofe by it, by
bringing down the price of fuch a commodity, being difperfed
into many hands; yet by that means the Commonwealth would
gain in buying cheaper, and procuring it at a lefler rate.
Yea, great emolument would grow to the naturall Inhabitants,
as well in the fale of all provifion, as in all things elfe that con-
cern the ornaments of the body. Yea, and the native Mecha-
nicks alfo would gain by it, ( there being rarely found among us,
any man that ufeth any fuch art.)
2. Adde to this, that as our nation hath failed into almoft all
parts of the world, fo they are alwayes herein profitable to a na-
tion, in a readinefle to give their opinions, in favour of the peo-
ple amongft whom they live. Befide that, all ftrangers do bring
in new merchandifes, together with the knowledge of thofe for-
-reign Countries wherein they were born.
And this is fo farre from damnifying the natives, that it con-
duces much to their advantage; becaufe they bring from their
countryes new commodities, with new knowledge. For the great
Work-Mafter, and Creatour of all things, to the end, to make
E 2 com-
(139)
(34)
commerce in the earth, gave not to every place all things, but
hath parted his benefits amongft them ; by which way, he hath
made them all wanting the help of others. This may be feen in
England, which being one of the moft plentifull countries that are
in the world, yet wanteth divers things for shipping ; as alfo, wine,
oy], figs, almonds, raifins, and all the drougs of India, things
fo neceflary for the life of man. And befides, they want many o-
ther commodities, which are abundant in other countries, with
more knowledge of them ; though it be true, that in my opinion,
there is not in the world, a more underftanding people, for moft
Navigations, and more capable of all Negotiation, then the En-
glish Nation are.
3. Farther, there may be companies made of the natives, and
ftrangers, (where they are more acquainted) or elfe Faftors. All
which, if I be not deceived, will amount to the profit of the na-
tives. For which, many reafons may be brought, though I can-
not comprehend them, having alwayes lived a fedentary life, ap-
plying my felf to my ftudies, which are farre remote from things
of that nature.
4. Nor can it be juftly objeAed againft our Nation, that they
are deceivers ; becaufe the generality cannot in any rationall way,
be condemned for fome particulars. I cannot excufe them all,
nor do I think, but there may be fome deceivers amongft them,
as well as amongft ail other nations and people, becaufe poverty
bringeth bafenefle along with it.
5. But if we look to that which we ought by our Religi-
on, the morall precept of the Decalogue, Thou shall notjleal, it
belongs in common to all lewes, towards all Gentiles. As may be
feen in Rab. Mofes of Egypt, Tra6t, Geneha, cap. i. and Gazela.
cap. I. It is ajinne, (faith he) to rob any man, though he he a Gentile.
Nor can that be alledged out of the facred Hiftory, concerning
the Jewells and houfhold ftuff, of which the Israelites fpoiled the
Egyptians, as I have heard it fometimes alledged by fome, to fome
men; becaufe that was a particular difpenfation, and a divine pre-
cept for that time. So it is recorded in the Talmud, in the Tra6i of
the Sanhedrim, cap. 11. that in the time oi Alexander the great,
thofe of Alexandria accufed the lewes for being thieves, and they
de-
(140)
(35)
demanded reftitutioii of their goods. But Guebia Ben Pefria an-
fwered them, our Fathers went down into Egypt but feventy fouls,
there they grew a numerous nation, above 60000. and ferved
them in bafe offices, for the fpace of aio yeares, according to
this, pay us for our labour, and make the accounts even, and you
fhall fee you are yet much in our debt. The reafon fatisfied Alex-
ander, and he acquitted them.
6. By confequence, the lewes are bound not to defraud, nor
abufe in their accounts, negotiation, or reckonings, any man
whatfoever, as it may be feen exprefly in R. Mofes of Egypt, and
R. Mofeh de Kofi in Samag.
7. Yea, they farther fay, that by reftitutions, there is a refult
to the praife of God, and the facred Law. whence that holy, and
wife man, R. Simeon Ben Satah, having bought an afle of a Gentile,
the head flail whereof was a Jewell of great value, which the owner
knew not of, afterwards he found it, and freely, and for nothing,
he reflored it to the feller, that knew not of it, faying, I bought
the afle, but not the Jewell. Whence there did accrue honour to
God, and his Law, and to the nation of the lewes, as Midras Raha
reports in Parafot Hekel.
8. After the fame manner they command, that the oath which
they fhall make to any other nation, mufl: be with truth, and ju-
flice, and muft be kept in every particular. And for proof there-
of, they quote the hiftory of Zedekias, whom God puniflied, and
deprived of his kingdome, becaufe he kept not his word, and
oath, made to Neluchadnezzar, in the name of God, though he were a
Gentile, as it is faid, 2, of Chronicles, cup. ^6.1^. And he alfo rebelled
againfi Nebuchadnezzar, who made himfwear by God.
9. Thefe are the laws and obligations which the lewes hold.
So that the Law that forbids the lewes to kill any Gentiles, forbids
them alfo tofteal from them. Yet every one mufl: look to it, for
the world is full of fraud in all Nations. I remember a pretty fto-
ry of what pafled in Morocco, in the Court of the king of Mauri-
tania. There was a lew that had a fort of falfe ftones, &c. — He
making a truck with a Portugal Chriflian, for fome Verdigreafe
that he had, which was much fofifticated, ( as they are wont to
do there) being all falfified with Earth; one of the Portugals friends
E 3 laughed
(141)
(36)
laughed at him, faying, the lew fitted thee well ; he anfwered, If
the lew hath ftoned me, I have buried him. And fo they ordina-
rily mock one another.
This I can affirm, that many of the \ewes, becaufe they would
not break with other mens goods, were very poor at Amfterdam,
lived very poorly, and thofe that did break with other mens goods
by neceflity, became fo much the more miferable, that they were
forced to live on almes.
And whereas in the time of K. Edward i. the lewes were accu-
fed of clipping the Kings coin ; it appears that this accufation
drew its original! mainly from the fufpicion and hatred the Chri-
ftians bare againft the \ewes, as appeares in the ftory, as it is fet
forth by Mr. Prynne, \n his fecond part of a Short Demurrer to the
lewes &c. p. 82. where quoting Clauf. 7. E. i. n. 7. Define recipi-
endo a ludceis, brings in the King, writing to his Judges in Latine,
in thefewords. Rexdile6iis,&JidelibusfuisSttpha.nodePentece{ieT,
Waltero de Helyn. (S'Th. de Cobham liifticiariis ad placita traiif-
grejjionis monetcB audienda, falutem. Quia omnes Judaei nuper rec-
tati, & per certamfufpicionem indiSiati de retonfura monetcB nqjlrce,
&■ inde conviSli aim ultimo fupplicio puniuntur ; & quidam eorum
eadem occajione, omnia bona, & catalla fua fatisfecerunt, &• inprij-
ona nq/ira liberalantur, in eadem ad voluntatem nqfiram detiiiendi.
Et cum accepimus, quod plures Chrijiiani ob ODIFM Judseorum,
propter difcrepantiamjidei Chri/iiance, & ritus Judaeorum, &• diverfa
gratia minus per ipfosjudseos Chri/iianis haSienus illata,poJlquam]\i-
dceos nondum reSialos in indiSiatos de tranfgrefsione monetcz, per
levas, & voluntarias accufationes accufare, & indiSiare de die in diem
nituntur, & proponunt, imponendas eis ad terrorem ipforum, quod
de ejufmodi tranfgrejjione culpabiles exi/iimt fuper ipfos Judaeos
faciendiE, &Jic per minas hujufmodi accufationis, ipjis Judaeos metu
incutiant, & pecuniam extorqueant ab eijdem; Ita quod ipji Judaei
fuper hoc, ad legem fuamfcspe ponu?itur in vitee face periculum mani-
feflum. Folumusquod omreei Judaei qui ante primum diem Mali proxi-
mo prceterit, indiSiati, vel per certamfufpicionem re6lati nonfuerunt
de tranfgrefsione monetce prediSies, & qui facer e voluerintjinemjuxta
difcretionem Fejiram,ad opusnofirumfacere pro fie, quod nonoccafior-
entur, &c. hujufmodi tranfgrefsionibusfaSiis ante primum diem Maii
prop-
(142)
(37)
propternovas accufationes Chriftianorum pq/i eundem diem indefaBas
71071 molestentur, fed pacem inde haheant infuturum. Provijo, quod
Judaei iiidictati,velpercertamfufpicionem,re&:ati delmjufmodi tranf-
grefsione ante prcBdi&um diem Maii, ludicium fuleant coram vobis,
juxtaformam prius inde ordiTiatam & provijam. Et idea volts mane-
amus, quod fines hujufmodi capiatis, & pramiffa Heri, & olfervari
faciatis 171 forma pmdiSio. Teste Rege apud Cantuar. 8. die Maii.
THE SEVENTH SECTION.
ANd now by this time, I prefume (moft noble Sir) I may have
given abundant satisfaftion, (fo farre as the nature of an
epiftle will permit) to all your objeftions, without gi-
ving juft ground of offence, or fcandall to any. And forafmuch
as you are further defirous to know fomewhat, concerning the
ftate of this my expedition, and negotiation at prefent, I fhall
now onely fay, and that briefly, that the communication and cor-
refpondence I have held, for fome yeares fince, with fome eminent
perfons of England, was the firft originall of my undertaking this
defign. For I alwayes found by them, a great probability of ob-
taining what I now requefi: ; whiift they affirmed, that at this time
the minds of men flood very well affefted towards us; and that
our entrance into this Ifland, would be very acceptable, and well-
pleafing unto them. And from this beginning fprang up in me a
iiemblable affeftion, and defire of obtaining this purpofe. For,
for feven yeares on this behalf, I have endeavoured, and follici-
ted it, by letters, and other means, without any intervall. For I
conceived, that our univerfall difperfion was a neceffary circum-
ftance, to be fulfilled, before all that fhall be accompliflied which
the Lord hath promifed to the people of the lewes, concerning
their reftauration, and their returning again into their own land,
according to thofe words Daw.i a. 7. When he shall have accomplished
tofcatterthepowerofthe holy people, all thefe things shall be finished.
As alfo, that this our fcattering, by little, and little, fliould be a-
mongft all people, from iheoneend of the earth even unto the other; as
it is written Deut. 38. 64. 1 conceived that by the end of the earth
might be underftood this I/land. And I knew not, but that the
Lord
(143)
(38)
Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have defign'd,
and made choice of me, for the bringing about this work. With
thefe propofalis therefore, I applyed my felf, in all zealous afFe-
ftion to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty
which at this day they enjoy, together with their profperous
peace. And I entituled my book named The hope of Ifrael, to the
firft Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall decla-
red my intentions. In order to which they fent me a very favour-
able paffe-port. Afterwards I directed my felf to the fecond, and
they alfo fent me another. But at that junfture of time my co-
ming was not prefently performed, for that my kindred and
friends, confidering the checquered, and interwoven viciffitudes,
and turns of things here below, embracing me, with preffing im-
portunity, earneftly requefted me not to part from them, and
would not give over, till their love conftrained me to promife,
that I would yet a while ftay with them. But notwithftanding all
this, I could not be at quiet in my mind, ( I know not but that it
/" might be through fome particular divine providence) till I had
anew made my humble addrefles to his Highnefle the Lord Pro-
testor (whom God preferve.) And finding that my coming over
would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with thofe great
hopes which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my houfe,
my friends, my kindred, all my advantages there, and the coun-
try wherein I have lived all my life time, under the benign prote-
£tion, and favour of the Lords, >the States Generall, and Magi-
ftrates oi Am/ierdam ; in fine (I fay) I parted with them all, and
took my voyage for England. Where, after my arrivall, being ve-
ry courteoufly received, and treated with much refpeft, I prefent-
ed to his moft Serene Highnefle, a petition, and fome defires,
which for the mofl; part, were written to me by my brethren the
letues, from feverall parts of Europe, as your worlhip may better
underflrand by former relations. Whereupon it pleafed his High-
nefl^e to convene an Aflembly at Whitehall, of Divines, Lawyers,
and Merchants, of different perfwafions, and opinions. Whereby
mens judgements, and fentences were different. Infomuch, that
as yet, we have had no finall determination from his mofl Serene
Highneffe. Wherefore thofe few Zetfes that were here, defpairing
of
(144)
(39)
of our expefted fuccefle, departed hence. And others who defi-
red to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken them-
felves fome to Italy, forae to Geneva, where that Commonwealth
hath at this time, moft freely granted them many, and great pri-
vlledges.
Now, O moft high God, to thee I make my prayer, even to
thee, the God of our Fathers, Thou who haft been pleafed to ftile
thy felf the keeper of Ifrael; Thou who haft gracioufly promifed,
by thy holy Prophet /eremiaA, ( cap. 31. ) that thou wilt not caji off
all the feed of Ifrael, for all the evill that they have done ; thou who
by fo many ftupendious miracles, didft bring thy people out of £-
gypt, the land of bondage, and didft lead them into the holy land;
gracioufly caufe thy holy influence to defcend down into the
mind of the Prince, ( who for no private intereft, or refpefl: at all,
but onely out of commiferation .l Q_aat_afflictiQn. hath inclined
himfelf to proteft, and flielter us, for which extraordinary hu-
manity, neither I my felf, nor my nation, can ever expeft to be a-
ble to render him anfwerable, and fufficient thanks,) and alfo into
the minds of his moft illuftrious and prudent Council, that they
may determine that, which according to thine infinite wifdome,
may be beft, and moft expedient for us. For men ( O Lord ) fee
that which is prefent, but thou in thy omnifciencie feeft that
which is afarre off".
And to the highly honoured nation of England, I make my moft
humble requeft, that they would read over my arguments impar-
tially, without prejudice, and devoid of all paflion, effeftually
recommending me to their grace and favour, and earneftly be-
feeching God that he would be pleafed to haften the time promi-
fed by Zephaniah, wherein we ftiall all ferve him with one confent,
after the fame manner, and fliall be all of the fame judgement, that
as his name is one, fo his fear may be alfo one, and that we may all
fee the goodnefle of the Lord, blefled for ever, and the confolatir
ons of Zion. Amen, and Amen.
From my ftudy, in London, April the 10, in the year from the cre-
ation 5416, and in the year, according to the vulgar ac-
count, 1656.
F As
(145)
(4°)
As to give fatisfaftion to your worfliip, being defirous to
know what books have been written, and printed by me, or elfe
are almoft ready for the prefle, may you pleafe to take the names
of them in this Catalogue.
A Catalogue offuch looks as have been published by Menafleh Ben
Ifrael, in Hebrew.
Nlfmachaim, four Books, concerning the Immortality of the
foul, wherein many notable, and pleafant Queflions are
difcuffed, and handled, as may be feen by the Arguments
of the particular Chapters, prefixed to the book, in Latine, dedi-
cated to the then Emperour Ferdinand the third.
Pene Rahba, upon Rabot, of the Ancient Rabbins, in Latine and
Spanish.
Conciliatoris pars prima in Pentateuchum.
De RefurreSiione mortuorum libri tres.
Problemata de creatione.
De termino vitce.
Defragilitate Humana, ex lapfu Adami, deque divino in bono opere
auxilio.
Spes Ifraelis. This is alfo in Englifh.
Orationes panegyricce, quarum una ad Illuftrifsimum princi-
pem, Aurantium, altera ad ferenifsimam reginam Sueciorum, in
Spanish onely.
C the fecond part, upon the firft Prophets.
Conciliator -l the third part, upon the later Prophets,
(.the fourth part upon the Hagiographa.
Humas, or the Pentateuch, with the feverall precepts in the mar-
gin-
Theforo de los dirim five books of the rites and ceremonies of
the lewes, in two Volumes.
Humas the Pentateuch, with a commentarie.
Piedra pretiofa, of Nebuchadnezzar's image, or the fifth Monar-
chy.
Laus orationes del anno, the lewes prayers for the whole year,
tranflated out of the originall.
Books
(146)
(-11)
Books ready for the Prefle.
De cultu Imaginum contra Pontificios Latine,
Sermois, Sermons in the Portugal tongue.
Loci communes Omnium Midrafim, which contains the divinity of
the ancient Rabbins, in Hebrew.
Bihliotkeca Rahhinica, together with the arguments of their
books, and my judgement upon their feverall editions.
Phocylides in Spanish verfe ciim Notis.
Hippocratis Aphorifmi in Hebrew.
Flaviuslofephus adverfus Apionem,m Hebrew, ejufdemMonarchia
rationis in Hebrew.
Refutatio libri cut titulus Pr<eadainitce,
Hiftoriafive continuatio Flavii Jofephi ad hcec ufque tempora.
De divinitate legis Mofaicce,
De fcientia Talmudi/iarum, in Jlngulis facultatibus.
Philofophia Rabbinica.
De disciplinis Rabbinorum.
Nomenclator Hebraius & Arabiais.
I have alfo publiftied, and printed, wfith my own preffe, above
60 other books, amongft which are many bibles in Hebrew, and
Spanish, with all our Hebrew prayers correfted, and difpofed in
Kood order.
F I U^I S.
(147)
NOTES
(P=page; l=lme)
PORTRAITS OF MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL
(Frontispiece, and pp. i and 105)
PococK, in his biographical introduction to the English translation of
Menasseh ben Israel's "De Termino Vitas" (Lond., 1700), gives the
following pen-picture of the author derived from the recollections of
English Jews who remembered the days of the Whitehall Conferences : —
" He was of middle stature and inclining to fatness. He always used his
own hair, which (many years before his death) was very grey ; so that his
complexion being pretty fresh, his demeanour graceful and comely, his habit
plain and decent, he commanded an awful reverence which was partly due to
so venerable a deportment. In short, he was un iomme sans passion, sans
legierete, mats helas ! sans opulence" (p. viii).
This description agrees with the portraits of Menasseh. Three of
these portraits are extant. Two of them are by Rembrandt, and one is
by a Jewish line-engraver, Salom Italia. Curiously enough, although far
inferior in artistic merit to the Rembrandts as a portrait, Menasseh prized
the Italia engraving highest. He sent a copy to the Silesian mystic
Frankenberg in 1643, and he writes in the Bonum Nuncium Israeli : —
" Abr. a Frankenberg. . . . effigiem meam, aeri incisam raisissem, ubi
ad symbolum meum Perigrinando Quarimus, cui ab uno latere Hominis
Peregrinantis, ab altero candelse embleraa adscriptum cum hoc dicterio
TOrt ■'hi-b -1: sic praefatur" (p. 92).
The shield in the left-hand comer of this portrait was used by Men-
asseh as a trade-mark in his printing-office. It has for this reason been
reproduced on the title-page of the present work. Salom Italia's portrait is
often found bound up with the first Latin version of the "Hope of Israel,"
and was roughly copied in the Spanish edition published at Madrid in 1881.
Rembrandt belonged to the distinguished circle of Menasseh' s personal
friends. He illustrated the Piedra Gloriosa published by Menasseh in 1655,
and he etched one portrait of the Rabbi, and painted another. The
etching, of which a mezzotinted reproduction is presented on the frontis-
piece of the present work, was produced in 1636 when Menasseh was
(149) G
Notes
thirty-two years old. Tiie painted portrait which is in the Hermitage at
St. Petersburg is of doubtful authenticity as relating to Menasseh, but I am
inclined to regard it as genuine. It represents the Rabbi at a much more
advanced age than the etching. The grey hair agrees with Pocock's de-
scription of his appearance in 1656, while the sorrowful expression and full
beard may be accounted for by his troubled experiences in London, and
especially by the death of his son. When he returned to Middleburg in
1657, he was mourning for his son, and hence his beard would be unshaved.
It is not at all improbable that Rembrandt, his old friend of twenty years,
saw him at this tragical moment, and that the portrait is a reminiscence of
the prematurely aged and broken-hearted Rabbi, then tottering on the verge
of the grave.
THE HOPE OF ISRAEL
(pp. 1-72)
Bibliographical Note
The title is taken from Jeremiah xiv. 8 (see p. 7).
The first edition (pp. xiii, 126, izmo) was in Spanish, and bore the
following title : —
^XX'* rTipIO / ^^'^ ^'' / Esperanga / de Israel./ Obra con suma
curiosidad conpuesta / por / Menasseh Ben Israel / Theologo, y Philosopho
Hebreo./ Trata del admirable esparzimiento de los diez / Tribus, y su
infalible reduccion con los de / mas, a la patria : con muchos puntos, / y
Historias curiosas, y declara- / cion de varias Prophecias, / por el Author
rectamen- / te interpretadas./ Dirigido a los senores Parnassim del K.K. /
de Talmvd Tora./ En Amsterdam./ En la Imprension de / Semvel Ben
Israel Soeiro./ Ano. 5 410.
It was dedicated to the Wardens of the Theological School (Talmud
Torah), Josseph Da Costa, Ishak Jessurun, Michael Espinosa, Abraham
Enriques Faro, Gabriel de Rivas Altas, Ishak Belmonte, and Abraham
Franco. The dedication is dated Shebat 13, 5410 [ = Jan. 15, 1650],
and is headed with the significant quotation in Hebrew of part of verse i
of Isaiah Ixi. : " To preach good tidings unto the meek ; he hath sent me
to bind up the broken-hearted." This dedicatory epistle is only to be
found in the Spanish edition. In the Latin and English translations it
is replaced by an address " To the Parliament, the Supream Court of
England."
The Latin edition (pp. xii, ill, 12 mo), which was printed very shortly
after the Spanish, bore the following title : —
^KltJ''' nipD / Hoc est, / Spes / Israelis / Authore / Menasseh Ben
Israel / Theologo ?c Philosopho Hebraeo / Amstelodami / Anno 1650.
(•50)
Notes
It is doubtful whether Kayserling (Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. i6 and
note 76), following Castro, is correct in his conjecture that this translation
is the work of Menasseh himself. There are too many misunderstandings
of the Hebrew names and quotations to admit of this viev/. The de-
viations from the original suggest that it was hurriedly executed from a
first draft of the Spanish version, which was afterwards revised by the
author, who omitted to perform the same service for tlie Latin text.
The English version (pp. xiv, 90, i2mo) was based on the Latin, and
reproduced all its faults. It appeared in London towards the end of 1650.
The title-page runs as follows : —
The / Hope of Israel : / Written / By Menasseh Ben Israel, / an
Hebrew Divine, and Philosopher./ Newly extant, and Printed in /
Amsterdam, and Dedicated by the / Author to the High Court, the /
Parliament of England, and to the / Councell of State./ Translated into
English, and / published by Authority./ In this treatise is shewed the
place where the ten / Tribes at this present are, proved, partly by / the
strange relation of one Antony Monte- / zinus, a Jew, of what befell him
as he tra- / veiled over the Mountaines Cordillasre, with / divers other
particulars about the restoration of / the_ Jewes, and the time when./
Printed at London by R. I. for Hannah Allen, / at the Crown in Popes-
head / Alley, 1650.
The only respect in which this version differs from the Latin is that it
contains on pp. xi-xiv an address from " The Translator to the Reader.
The name of the translator is not given, but the work was subsequently
acknowledged by Moses Wall in a correspondence with E. S. (Sir Edward
Spencer) ; see pp. 66-72.
A second edition, " corrected and amended," sm. 4to, was published
in 165 1 and reprinted in 1652. It is the latter which is reproduced in the
present volume on account of its convenient format, and of the Appendices
which throw light on the motives by which the publication in England
was actuated.
The following is a list of other editions and translations : —
1659. Spanish by Jedidjah Ibn Gabbai (Smyrna).
1666. Dutch by Jan Bara (Amsterdam).
1 69 1. Judeo- German by Mardochai ben Moses Drucker (Amster-
dam).
1697. Hebrew by Eljakim ben Jacob (Amsterdam).
1703. Ibid.
1712. Judeo-German (Frankfort) reprint of 169 1 edition.
1723. Spanish (Amsterdam) reprint of original edition.
1792. English by Robert Ingram (Colchester).
1836. Hebrew (Wilna) reprint of 1703 edition.
1850. English (London) reprint of 1650 edition.
1 88 1. Spanish, by Santiago Perez Junquera (Madrid), reprint of
original edition.
{'50
Notes
The Epistle Dedicatory
P. 4, 1. 9. " Not onely by your prayers." This, no doubt, refers to the
protection extended by the Government to the Marranos in
London. (See Introduction, p. xxx.)
To THE Courteous Reader
P. 6, 1. 21. ^'Others to the Ten Tribes." There is a very voluminous
literature of the Ten Tribes, a bibliography of which has long been
promised by Mr. Joseph Jacobs. Bancroft in his " Native Races of
the Pacific States of North America " discusses the theory of the
Hebrew origin of the Americans (vol. v. pp. 77-95). Santiago
Perez Junquera in his Spanish reprint of " Esperanza de Israel "
gives a bibliography of Spanish writers who have dealt with the
problem of the Ten Tribes. The Jewish legends on the subject,
none of which admit the American theory, have been summarised
by Dr. A. Neubauer in the Jewish Quarterly Revietu (vol. i. pp. 14,
95, 185, 408). See also M. Lewin, "Wo waren die Zehn Stiimme
Israels zu suchen " (1901).
The following selections from the vast literature of the Ten Tribes,
especially in its relation to Menasseh ben Israel, may be recommended to
investigators of this curious craze : —
Enquiries touching the Diversity of Languages and Religions through the
chief parts of the world, written by Edw. Brerewood. London, 1635.
Thos. Thorowgood — Jews in America, &c. 1650.
John Dury — Epistolary Discourse to Mr. Thomas Thorowgood. 1650.
Sir Hamon L'Estrange — Aniericans no Jews. 1652.
Thos. Thorowgood— Jews in America [^with] an accurate discourse
[by] Mr. John Eliot. t66o.
Theophili Spizelii — Elevatio Relationis Montezinianas de repertis in
America tribubus Israeliticis. Basle, 1661.
Account of the Ten Tribes of Israel being in America, originally
published by Menasseh Ben Israel, with observations thereon. By
Robert Ingram, M.A. Colchester, 1792.
The Ten Tribes of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of
the Western Hemisphere. By Mrs. Simon. London, 1826.
The Hope of Israel, presumptive evidence that the aborigines of the
Western Hemisphere are descended from the ten missing tribes of
Israel. By Barbara Anne Simon. London, 1829.
The Remnant Found, or the place of Israel's hiding discovered, being
a summary of proofs showing that the Jews of Daghistan on the
Caspian Sea are the remnant of the Ten Tribes. By the Rev.
Jacob Samuel. London, 1841.
(152)
Notes
The Thorn Tree, being a history of thorn worship of the Twelve
Tribes of Israel, but more especially of the Lost Tribes and House
of David. By Theta. London, 1863.
Falaorama. Oceanisch-Amerikanische Untersuchungen und Aufklarun-
gen. Erlangen, 1868.
Ireland, Ur of the Chaldees. By Anna Wilkes. London, 1873.
Ueber die Abstammung der Englischen Nation. Von D. Paulus
Cassel. Berlin, 1880.
P. 6, 1. 29. " Cordillerit," Spanish. A mountain chain, sometimes, as
here, applied in a specific sense to the Andes.
P. 6, 1. 32. "The Sabbatkall River," or Sambation, a river mentioned
in the Midrash as flowing during the first six days of every week and
drying up on the Sabbath. (Neubauer, " G6ographie du Talmud,"
pp. 33-34> 299; Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie des Juden-
thums," vol. H. p. 1071 ; see also "Hope of Israel," infra, p. 35.)
P. 7, 1. 15. "/ intend a continuation of Josephus." No trace of this
work has been found. From a passage in the Vindiciie there is
reason to believe that it it was completed in MS. (see p. 115 and
note thereon, infra, p. 167).
The Relation of Antony Montezinus
P. 1 1 . An earlier translation of this affidavit was published by Thomas
Thorowgood in "Jewes in America," pp. 129, 130. (See Intro-
duction to present work, p. xxv. )
P. 1 1, 1. 13. " Port Honda," now Bahia Honda, an inlet at the north-
eastern extremity of Colombia, in 12° 20' N. and 50° W. It was
first visited by Ojeda in 1502, and named by him Puerto de Santa
Cruz. There is a town named Honda in the interior, and a bay of the
same name on the northern coast of Cuba, 60 miles west of Havana.
P. 11,1. 15. "Province of Quity," modern Quito, originally a presi-
dency of the Spanish viceroyalty of Peru, afterwards a division of the
Republic of Colombia, and in 1831 organised with thedistrictsof Asuay
and Guayaquil into a new republic, under the name of Ecuador.
P. 11,1. 17. " Cazicus," modern Cacique or Cazique, used in Spanish to
designate an Indian chief. The word is of Haytian origin. An
early Spanish writer derives it from the Hebrew. (Kayserling,
" Christopher Columbus," p. 154.)
P. II, 1. 29. " Joniets," junket, from Italian giuncata, a cream-cheese,
so called because served on rushes [giuncoa — a rush):
" And beare with you, both wine aai jumates fit
And bid him eat."
— Spenser, F. Q,., V. iv. 49.
" With stories told of many a feat,
How faery Mab thejuniets eat."
— Milton, L' Allegro, jyz.
(153)
Notes
p. 12, 1. 3. " Carthagenia" : modern Cartagena, a fortified maritime
city of the United States of Colombia, on the Caribbean Sea.
P. 12, 1. 5. " Blessed be the name of the Lord that hath not made me an
Idolator, a Barbarian, a Black-a- Moore, or an Indian." This is an
extension of a blessing said in the Hebrew morning service. The
original blessing, however, only speaks of " idolator." There is
another blessing said on seeing "negroes and redskins," and this,
curiously enough, is discussed in the same section of the Talmud as
that in which the recital of the blessing in regard to heathens is
enjoined (see Schwab, " Le Talmud," vol. i. p. 158).
P. 13,1. 17. '■' Duerus" : the river Douro or Duero in Spain. Mr.
Wall does not seem to have taken the trouble to delatinise the
name. In the Spanish edition it appears, of course, " Duero."
P. 13, 1.18. " Making a sign luith the Jine linen of Xylus." This is a
misunderstanding of the original Latin, which says, "factoque ex
duabus Xyli syndonibus." The word "Xyli" here is intended for
the genitive of Xylon = cotton. The passage should read, "and
making out of two pieces of cotton cloth." The original Spanish
says, " y haziendo vandera de dos panos de algodon." What
Montezinos and his companion did was to construct a flag out of
their two cotton waistbands.
P, 14, 1. I. Curious mistake overlooking the identity of Jacob and
Israel.
P. 14, 1. 22. " Mohanes ": American-Indian medicine men. (See
infra, p. 56.)
The Hope of Israel
P. 17, 1. 21. For Jewish aspects of the early voyages to America see
Kayserling, " Christopher Columbus, and the participation of the
Jews in the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries" (Lond., 1894);
also the same author's " The First Jew in America," in the John
Hopkins University Studies for 1892.
P. 18, 1. 32. " Gomoras" = Francisco Lopez de Gomara.
P. 18, 1. 18. "Tunes" = Tnms.
P. 18, 1. 22. "Isaac Abarbanel," Jewish statesman and theologian
(1437-1509), served Alphonso V. of Portugal, Isabella of Spain,
and Ferdinand of Naples ; author of numerous Bible commentaries
and philosophical essays. Headed the emigration of the Spanish
Jews at the time of the expulsion (Graetz, Geschichte d. Juden,
vol. viii. pp. 316 et seq. ; Kayserling, Juden in Portugal, pp. 72,
100). The Abarbanels, whose descendants are numerous in
Europe, claimed descent from King David. Menasseh ben Israel's
wife was an Abarbanel (see "Hope of Israel," p. 39). Mr.
Coningsby Disraeli is a descendant on his mother's side.
(154)
Notes
p. 19, 1. 30. "Rabbi Jonathan ben U%ieL" The author of a free
Aramaic paraphrase (Targum) to the Hebrew Prophetical Books.
His date is about the beginning of the Christian era. A Targum to
the Pentateuch is wrongly ascribed to him; this is properly the
Targum Yerushalmi or Jerusalem Targum (see Zunz, "Die Got-
tesdienstlichen Vortrage der Juden," pp. 66 seq.).
■f- I9> '• 33- '■'■ Ralb'mus Josephus Coen in his Chronology'" (see Bial-
loblotzky, " The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Meir the Sphardi,"
Lond., 1835). Joseph Cohen was born 1496 and died 1575.
P. 2 1, Sect. 4. The Hebrew in the first case is ^^ y^ p^ n^^j;,^, ^^ ^^ ^y,
the t3 in the second word being regarded as a mistake for n- In
the second case the Hebrew is ^xV^nD p W^' ^X2DnD (see
" Esperanga de Israel," pp. 26, 27).
P. 21, 1. 32. " Co&; " = Callao.
P. 22, 1. 7. " Petrus Ciexa" = ?ti:o Ciega de Leon.
P. 22, 1. 8. " Guamanga" : modern Ayacucho.
P. 23, 1. 30. " Garracaj " = Caracas.
P. 24, ]. 9. " Alonsus de Erzilla " = Alonzo d'Ercilla y Zuiiiga
(1530-1595). The quotation is from "La Araucana," the
most famous of Spanish Epics.
P. 24, 1. 27. " Maragnon " = Maranon, another name for the Amazon.
P. 24, 1. 35. " /arnijm^ac " = Pernambuco.
P. 26, 1. 14. "The Isle of Solomon and Hierusalem" — Mendaiia landed
on Isabel Island in 1 568, and named the group Solomon, and Bougain-
ville rediscovered the islands in 1768. H. B. Guppy, "The
Solomon Islands and their Natives" (Lond. 1887). C. M. Wood
in "Proceedings R. Geog. Soc," 1888, pp. 351-76, and 1890,
pp. 394-418, with map (p. 444), on which are given the original
Spanish as well as the modern names of the islands.
P. 28, 1. 7. " To this day they privately keep their Religion." The Mar-
ranos. See supra, pp. xii— xiv.
P. 29, 1. 9. " My Reconciler." " Conciliador " Segda Parte. Amster-
dam, 1641. This work was translated into Latin by Vossius
(1687), and into English by Lindo (1842).
P. 29, Sect. 16. A bibliography of the Jews in China has been published
in French by Henri Cordier. A useful summary of our know-
ledge of the Hebrew Settlements in China, brought down to the
most recent date, has been written by Mr. Marcus Adler (Jeiv.
Quart. Rev., vol. xiii. pp. 18-41).
P. 33, 1. 20. "David the Reubenite." David Reubeni, an Oriental
Jew, who visited Europe in 1524, alleging himself to be an envoy
from the Ten Tribes. He was received with distinction by the
Pope and the King of Portugal, and made a great commotion among
the Marranos and Jews (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 244
et sea. ) .
(155)
Notes
p. 33, 1. 23. "Selomoh Mohho." A Mairano disciple of David
Reubeni. His name was originally Diogo Pires. He migrated to
the East and became a learned Cabbalist. He died a martyr's death
in 1532 (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 251 et seq.).
P. 33, 1. 30. "Abraham Frisol Orchotolam." A mistranslation for
Abraham Frisol in his book entitled, " Orhat Olam." Abraham
Farisol or Peretsol (1451-1525) was a Hebrew geographer, author
of "Orchat Olam" (The Path of the Universe), which was edited
with a Latin translation by Thomas Hyde (Oxford, 1691). For
life of Farisol see Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 46 et seq.
P. 33, 1. 38. "The Hebreiu letter (A) and (/) are neere in fashion."
The letters referred to are H and H.
P- 33> '• 39- " EUad Danita." Eldad the Danite lived in the ninth
century. His career was similar to that of David Reubeni ( Epstein,
" Eldad Ha-Dani," Pressburg, 1891).
P. 34, 1. 2. " Sephar Eldad Danita," ty^-^ ll^K 11BD* -^^ edition with
a French> translation was published by Carmoly (" Relation
d'Eldad le Danite." Paris, 1838). The best editions are those
of Epstein and D. H. Miiller.
P. 34, 1. 3. " Rabbi David Kimhi." Famous Hebrew exegete, gram-
marian, and lexicographer (d. 1232). The work referred to as
" etymol sua " is " The Book of Roots " (oitj^iKTl "IBd)-
P. 34, 1. 5. " Of the name of Rabbi Juda Aben Karis." Should be, "in
the name of Rabbi Judah ben Koraisch." Rabbi Judah (fl. circa
870-900) was a Karaite philologist ; lived in North-West Africa.
He met Eldad in Morocco (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. v. p. 261).
P. 34, 1. 9. '■^ Part of the Ten Tribes also live in Ethiopia." The
Falashas of Abyssinia are here referred to (Halevy, " Travels in
Abyssinia"; Mis. Heb. Lit., yo\. ii. pp. 175 et seq. There are
also reports on the Falashas in the Annual Reports of the Alliance
Israelite and Anglo- Jewish Association).
P. 35, 1. 22. "Rabbi Johanan, the Author of the Jerusalem Talmud.^'
Rabbi Jochanan, son of the Smith, was a disciple of Rabbi Judah
the Prince, compiler of the Mishna. He was one of the most famous
Hebrew teachers of the third century. The tradition that he was
author of the Jerusalem Talmud rests only on the assertion of
Maimonides. Modern critics reject it, and date the Jerusalem Tal-
mud in the seventh century. (Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie,"
sub voc. " Jochanan " and " Talmud.")
P. 35, 1. 34. " The learned man V Empereur." Constantine I'Empereur,
an Hebraist of the seventeenth century (d. 1648), who translated
into Latin some tractates of the Mishna and other Hebrew works,
including the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela.
P. 35, 1. 36. " Sedar Olam." The name of two Hebrew Chronologies
(see Hamburger, "Real-Encyclopadie," sup. vol., pp. 132, 133).
('56)
Notes
P- 35> '• 37' "•^'' Talmud tractat, Sanhedr." " Sanhedrin " is the
name of a treatise of the Talmud, the fourth in the fourth book of
the Jerushalmi, and the fifth in the fourth book of the Babli.
Excerpts have been translated into Latin with elaborate notes by
Job. Coccejus (Amsterdam 1629).
P. 36, 1. 9. «' Bereslt Rabba." The first part of the " Midrash Rabboth,"
the chief collection of Hagadic or homiletic expositions of the
Scriptures. As its name implies, it deals with Genesis (Zunz,
" Gottesdienstlichen Vortrage," pp. 184 et seq., 1892.)
P. 36, 1. 9. " In Perasach" should be " in Parashah 11" (see original
Spanish "Esperanga," p. 66). The misprint occurs in the Latin.
" Parasha" means section. There are 100 sections in the Bereshith
Rabba.
P. 36, 1. 10. " 7ornan/"Hj " = Turnus Rufiis.
P. 36, 1. 12. "Rabbi Aquebah." One of the greatest of the Tanaim or
compilers of the Mishna. He became an adherent of the Pseudo-
Messiah Bar Cochba, who rebelled against the Romans during the
reign of Hadrian, and was put to death after the fall of Bethar.
His career has passed into legend (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. iv.
pp. 53 etseq.).
P. 36,1. 20. "Asirim Rabba" = Shir Ha-Shlrim Rabba. Midrashic
exposition of the Song of Songs {^supra, " Beresit Rabba ").
P. 36, 1. 27. " Jalcut." A collection of Midrashim covering the
whole of the Scriptures, and compiled in the eleventh century by R.
Simeon b. Chelbo, whence it is called the Yalkut Shimeoni (Zunz,
" Gottesdienst," pp. 183 and 3C9).
P. 36, 1. 31. " Bamibar Rabba": misprint for Bamidbar Rabba, the
Midrashic exposition of Numbers.
P. 37, 1. 12. " R. Selomoh Jarchi." Solomon b. Isaac of Troyes,
called Rashi (1040-1 105), the most eminent Hebrew Bible com-
mentator of the Middle Ages. The name Jarchi was erroneously
given to Rashi by Raymund Martini, Munster, and Buxtorf, who
imagined that he was a native of Lunel {■^■yi = luna). Menasseh ben
Israel was the first Jewish scholar to adopt this blunder (Wolf,
"Biblio. Heb." vol. i. 1057, &c. ; Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. vi.
pp. 77 rf leq. ; Wolf, "The Treves Family in England").
P. 37, 1. 15. " R. Mardochus Japhe." Bohemian Rabbi (1530-1612)
(Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 465-467).
P. 37, 1. 26. "Another worthy of credit." In the original Spanish,
Menasseh gives his name as Senor H. Meyr Rophe. This is
omitted from both the Latin and English editions.
P. 37, 1. 34. " R. Moses Gerundensis." Moses ben Nachman (1200-
1272), also called Nachmanides, and Ramban. Christian scholars
sometimes speak of him as Gerundensis from his birthplace,
Gerona. The greatest Talmudic authority of his day, author of a
{157) "
Notes
Bible commentary. His public disputation at Barcelona with Pablo
Christiani in 1263 is famous (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. vii. pp.
131-136, Schechter "Studies in Judaism," art. " Nachmanides ").
P. 38,1. I. "^sn/aminTudi'/fnjij-," Benjamin b. Jonah of Tudela, famous
Jewish traveller (see Itinerary by, translated by A. Asher. Lond.,
1840).
P. 38, 1. 4. " The City Luh'in " : misprint for Lublin.
P. 45, 1. 14. " Raiiy Simeon ben Johay, the author of the Zo/ir."
Rabbi Simeon was a famous doctor of the Mishna and disciple of
Akiba. He laid the foundation of the Sifre, the Halachic, or legal
exposition of Numbers and Deuteronomy. He figures in Jewish
legend as the greatest master of the Cabbala. He was not the
author of the Zohar. Internal evidence stamps that work as a
product of the thirteenth century, and its authorship is now ascribed to
Moses ben Shemtob de Leon (Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie,"
arts. Simon b. Jochai, Sifre, and Sohar).
P. 45, 1. 22. "Rabbi Seadiah" = QAad]a. ben Joseph or Saadja Gaon
(892-942). The most celebrated of the Geonim, who were the
chiefs of the schools of Sura and Pumbaditha, and the ecclesiastical
counterparts of the Exilarchs. Saadja was one of the most prolific
and versatile writers Judaism has produced (Graetz, "Geschichte,"
vol. V. pp. 302 et seq.'j.
P. 45, 1. 23. " Moses Egyptius" = Moses Maimonides.
P. 45, 1. 24, " Abraham bar Ribi Hijah " = Abraham ben Chijah ha-Nasi
of Barcelona (1065-1136), Jewish astronomical and geometrical
writer ; was Minister of Police during the Moorish domination in
Spain (Graetz, "History," vol. iii. p. 320).
P. 45, 1. 24. "Abraham Zacculo" : misprint for Zaccuto (d. f. 1515).
He was a Jewish astronomer employed at the Court of Manuel of
Portugal. His works influenced Columbus (Kayserling, "Christo-
pher Columbus," pp. 9, 13, 14, 46-51, 112, 113).
P. 45,1. 30. "The le.ter (m) in Isa. ix. 7." The reference is
to the sixth verse of Isaiah ix., in the first word of which,
n^ICi?, the second letter, which should be 0, is written in its final
form C3.
P. 47,1. 13. ^' Diogo d^Assumean" ; misprint for Diogo da Asuntjao
(Graetz, "History," vol. iv. p. 711; Kayserling, "Juden in
Portugal," pp. 282, 292).
P. 47, 1. 20. " The Lord Lope de Veray Alacron " = Don Lope de
Vera y Alarcon. His martyrdom is the subject of a poem by
Antonio Enriquez Gomez, " Romance al diuin Martir Juda Crey-
ente" (Kayserling, " Biblioteca Espanola," p. 50; Graetz,
"Geschichte," vol. x. pp. loi, 197).
P. 47, 1. 38. " haac Castrensis Tartas " = Is3a.c de Castro Tartas
(Graetz, "History," vol. v. p. 33).
('58)
Notes
p. 48, ]. 9. "Eli Nazarenus." His real name was Francisco Mel-
donado de Silva ("Publications of the American Jew. Hist. Soc,"
vol. iv. p. 113).
P. 48, 1. 13. "Thomas Terblnon." Doctor Thomas (Isaac) Trebino de
Sobremente ("Pub. Amer. Jew. Hist. Soc," vol. iy. pp. 124-161).
P. 48, 1. 25. "My booke, De Termino Vitx" (English edition by
P. T. (^Thomas Pocock]]. Lond., 1700).
P. 49, 1. 8. "His viife Benuenida " = BienTienidii Abravanela (Kayser-
ling, "Die Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 77 ei seg., ui).
P. 49, 1. 16. "Don Selomo Raphe." Rabbi Solomon ben Nathan
Aschkenazi, surnamed Rophe, or the Physician, was a diplomatist in
the Turkish service who secured the election of Henry of Anjou to
the throne of Poland. (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 396,
399' 438, 580; Levy, "Don Joseph Nasi," pp. 8 et seq.).
P. 49, 1. 1 8. " D. Ben Jaese, Anancus, and Sonsinos, are of great
authority with the Turk." These are the names of Jewish families
who played an important part in Turkey in the sixteenth century.
This is a chapter of Jewish history on which the historians have as
yet shed little light. The materials are chiefly in manuscript, and
the present author proposes dealing with them in a communication to
the Jewish Historical Society. On the Ben Jaese (Ibn Jachya)
family, the reader may provisionally consult Carmoly, " Chronica
Familix Jachya," and on the Soncinos, Mortara, " Indice Alfa-
betico."
P. 49, 1. 20. " Abraham Alholn " : misprint for Alhulu, treasurer to
the Pasha of Egypt. (See infra, p. 86.)
P. 49,1. 21. "Don Josephus Nassi." A wealthy Jew, nephew and
son-in-law of Donna Gracia Nasi (see note, infra, p. 163). He
was in the service of the Sultan, and conquered Cyprus for the Turks.
In addition to the sources indicated by Menasseh, see Levy, " Don
Joseph Nasi, Herzog Von Naxos" (Breslau, 1859), and Graetz,
" Geschichte," vol. ix. passim.
P. 49, 1. 25. "Jacob Aben Jaes." He is sometimes referred to as Don
Solomon. He was of the Ibn Jachya family, and was uncle to
Joseph Nasi. For a time he was in the service of Queen Elizabeth,
and corresponded with her physician Rodrigo Lopez, to whom he
was related. The Sultan created him Duke of Mytilene. (MS.
materials.)
P. 49, 1. 29. " D. Samuel Palaxe." (See Henriques de Castro, " Keur
Van Grafsteenen," pp. 91, 94.)
P. 50, 1. 6. " D. Benjamin Mussaphia." Dionysius Mussaphia (1605-
1674), physician and philologist, court physician to Christian IV. of
Denmark, afterwards Rabbi in Amsterdam (Graetz, " Geschichte,"
vol. X. pp. 24, 26, 202, 227, 243, 244; Kayserling, "Juden in
Portugal," p. 298.)
(159)
Notes
p. 50, ]. 9. " K\ng Cochm'i." A mistranslation ; should be " King of
Cochin." The Jews of the Malabar coast settled there in the
fifth century. Local tradition gives the colony a much greater
antiquity. Menasseh gives further particulars of them in his
"Humbler Addresses," infra, p. 85 (Graetz, " Geschichte,"
vol. iv. pp. 470-472 ; Satthianadhan in the Church Missionary
Intelligencer, 1 87 1, pp. 365 <?/ -f^y.)
P. 50,1. 12. " Mardocheas Maisel." Mordecai Meisel (1528-1601).
The first Hebrew capitalist in Germany. Created an Imperial
Councillor by the Emperor Rudolph. His charities were on a
princely scale. He built two synagogues at Prague (Graetz,
"Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 477, 478.)
P. 50, 1. 14. " Jacob JBathsebah." Jacob Basevi Schraieles (1580-
1634), an influential Bohemian Jew, ennobled by the Emperor
Ferdinand, receiving the title of Von Treuenburg and a grant of
arms. (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 41-47 ; Wolf, "Jewish
Coats of Arms.")
P. 50,1. 22. "Moses Avion" (1490-1565). Physician to Solymon
n. Translated the Bible and Hebrew Prayer-Book into Arabic,
and was employed by the Sultan on diplomatic missions (Levy,
"Don Joseph Nasi," pp. 6-8).
P. 50, 1. 23. " Elias Montalto." Felipe Montalto, or Eliahu de Luna
Montalto, brother of Amato Lusitano. Portuguese physician. Prac-
tised in Italy, and afterwards was appointed physician-in-ordinary
to Maria de Medicis ; died at Tours 1616, and buried in the Jewish
Cemetery at Amsterdam (Kayserling, "Biblioteca Espanola," pp.
72, 73). Montalto was also known as Don Philipe Rodrigues.
Among his descendants is Prof. Raphael Meldola (MS. materials).
P. 50, 1. 25. "Elias Cretensis." Better known as Elia del Medigo
(1463-1498). Lectured publicly on philosophy in Padua, and
arbitrated in a dispute between the professors and students of the
university at the request of the Venetian Senate. Pico di Mirandola
was one of his pupils. He was a prolific writer (Graetz, "Ge-
schichte," vol. viii. pp. 240-247).
P. 50, 1. 26. " R. Abraham de Balmas" (d. 1521). Physician,
philosopher, and grammarian. Like Del Medigo, he lectured in Padua,
and was one of the Hebraists whose teaching influenced the Refor-
mation. Daniel Bomberg, the famous Venetian printer, was one of
his pupils, and translated his poems into Latin (Graetz, "Ge-
schichte," vol. ix. p. 215).
P. 50, 1. 27. "Elias Grammaticus." Better known as Elia Levita
( 1498-1 549). A German Rabbi who taught in Padua, Venice, and
Rome, and who exercised a strong influence on the Hebrew studies
which produced the Reformation. Scaliger describes him as " the
greatest Hebrew scholar of his age." Among his pupils were the
(160)
Notes
Cardinal Egidio de Viterbe, the French bishop and ambassador
George de Selve, and the theologians Munster and Fagius (Giinsburg,
" Masoreth Hamasoreth " ; Karpeles, " Geschichte d. JUd. Lit.,"
pp. 855 j/jf^.).
P- S0> !• 33- "I^avidtlePomis." Physician, lexicographer, and theo-
logian (1525-1588), translated Koheleth into Italian. Author
of "De Medico Hebraeo" (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. ix. p. 483 ;
Karpeles, " Gesch. Jiid. Lit.," pp. 880-881). There is a curious
tradition that De Pomis was residing in Hull in 1599 (Symons,
"Hull in ye Olden Times," Hull, 1886, pp. 82, 83).
Considerations upon the Point of the Conversion
OF THE Jewes
■Pp- 5 7-7 2- This Appendix is, as will be seen, by the English translator,
Moses Wall. It does not appear in the first edition, and it is printed
here as throwing light on the motives of the English supporters of
Menasseh ben Israel.
P. 67, 1. 21. "E. S." Sir Edward Spenser, M.P. for Middlesex.
See Introduction, p. xxvii.
P. 68, 1. 36. " Did Mr. Broughton galne upon a learned Rahbi." See
Broughton, " Ovr Lordes Famile" (Amst., 1608), and "A
Reqvire of Agreement " ( 1 6 11 ) .
THE HUMBLE ADDRESSES
(pp. 73-103)
Bibliographical Note
jFor the origin of this tract, and the probable date and circumstances of
its preparation, see Introduction, pp. xxxviii-xxxix.
There are two editions, neither of which bears any imprint or date.
Both are 4to, but one has 26 pp. and the other 23 pp. It is difficult to say
whether, and which, one of these two versions is a revision of the other, as
the only difference between them is that the following sentence is added at
the end of the 23 pp. text: "Which is the close of Rabbi Menesse Ben-
Israel, a Divine, and Doctor in Physick in the Strand over against the New-
Exchange in London." The British Museum copy of this edition is dated
in MS. "Novemb. 5th (London), 1655." This edition must have been
printed after Menasseh's arrival in London, and it is probable that the other
is the Libellus Angl'icus of which he speaks in his letter to Felgenhauer in
February 1655, and which, consequently, we may assume was printed in
Amsterdam.
(161)
Notes
The latter was reprinted in Mi;lbourne in 1868, with an introduction by
the late Rev. A. F. Ornstien : —
"To / His Highnesse / the / Lord Protector / of the / Commonwealth
of / England, Scotland and Ireland / the Humble Addresses / of / Menasseh
Ben Israel, a Divine, and / Doctor of Physic, in behalfe / of the Jewish
Nation / 1655. / Reprinted by H. T. Dwight, / Bookseller and Pub-
lisher, Bourke Street East, Melbourne. / 1868.
English reprints of the 2 3 pp. text have been published in the Jewish
Chronicle, Nov.-Dec. 1859, and in Kayserling's "Lite of Menasseh ben
Israel," with annotations in 1877 [Miscellany of Hebrew Literalure, Second
Series, pp. 35-63). According to Barbosa Machado ("Biblioteca Lusi-
tana," vol. iii. p. 457), a Spanish translation was published in London simul-
taneously with the first English edition. Its title is given as follows : —
" Las Humildes suplicaciones En nombre de la Nacion de los Judios a
su Alteza el Senor Protector Oliver Cromwell de la Republica de Inglaten a,
Scocia, y Yrlandia. Traduzido del Original Ingles. En Londres, 1655."
A copy of this translation in MS. existed in the library of Isaac da
Costa of Amsterdam (Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. 84). Kayserling first
translated the tract into German, and published it in his " Menasse ben
Israel, sein Leben und Wirken " (Berlin, 1861).
A very large number of the historical references in this tract are taken
without acknowledgment from Iraanuel Aboab's "Nomologia" (Amst.,
1629) and Daniel Levy de Barrios's "Historia Universal Judayca."
Kayserling has given many of the original passages in his notes to his " Life
of Menasseh ben Israel" (Misc. Heb. Lit., Series II.).
To His Highnesse, &c.
P. 77,1. 9. "The Ambassadors of England." The St. John Mission
(see Introduction, pp. xxx-xxxi, and Vindicia, p. III).
P. 81,1. 19. " Merchandizing is . . . the proper profession of the Nation
of the Jews." In so far as this implies that the Jews have an inborn
genius for commerce this is a vulgar error (see Loeb, " Le Juif
de I'Histoire et le Juif de la Legende," pp. 7-14).
P. 85, 1. 7. " These in India in Cochin." See note, supra, ^^. 159-160.
P. 85,1. 21. "In the Turkish Empire." See Nicolas de Nicolay,
" Navigations, Peregrinations et Voyages faicts en la Turquie,"
Anvers, 1576, pp. 243 et seq.
P. 86, 1. 20. " In this estate some of the Jews have grown to great
fortunes." The Jewish notabilities referred to in this paragraph are
also mentioned in the " Hope of Israel." See note,'supra, p. 1 59.
P. 87, 1. 6. " Isaac lecells." Jessel or Joesel is a diminutive of Joseph.
The person referred to is probably Asher ben Joseph of Cracow
(see Steinschneider, " Bibl. Bodl.," p. 751).
P. 87, 1. 9. " The Cosaques in the late warres." The rising of Chmiel-
nicki, i64a-i('i49. (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 52-82.)
(162)
Notes
p. 87, 11. 22 el scq. The references to Jewish families in this paragraph
are taken from Aboab and De Barrios. See notes 201-204 'o
Kayserling's " Menasseh ben Israel" [Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. 88).
P. 88, 1. 17. "Seignor Moseh Palache." See De Castro, " Keur
Van Graafsteenen," p. 93; " Cal. State Papers, Dom.," 1654,
p. 91. On the Jews of Morocco, see Jew. Quart. Rev., vol. iv.
pp. 369 et seq.
P. 89, 1. 5. " Sir Duarte Nmes a' Jcosta." See Da Costa, " Adellijke
Geslachten onder de Israelieten."
P. 89, 1. 8. "Emanuel Boccaro Rosales," See p. Ixxx (Menasseh's
letter fo Felgenhauer) ; Kayserling, " Sephardim," p. 209 ; " Bib-
lioteca Espanola-Portugueza-Judaica," pp. 95-96.
P. 90, 1. 16. " As the Chronicles do declare.^' This paragraph is
almost literally translated from Aboab's " Nomologia," p. 290. The
story does not appear in the earlier Jewish chronicles, such as Schevet
Jehuda, Emek Habacha, and Zemach David, although the events of
the reign of Pedro the Cruel and Don Enrique so far as they affect
the Jew are fully dealt with in them. The "Chronicle" referred
to by Menasseh is probably that of Pedro Lopez d'Ayala, which is
the original authority for the story.
P. 91, 1. 27. "Don Isaac Abarbanel." See note, supra, p. 154.
P. 92, 1. I. "They e-uerywhere are used to pray." See Singer, "The
Earliest Jewish Prayers for the Sovereign " [Jewish Chronicle, Feb.
22, 1901 ).
P. 92, 1. 18. ^^ He that giveth salvation unto Kings." This is the first
English translation of the Prayer for the Sovereign. See Singer,
preceding note.
P. 93, 1. 3. " R. Simon Ben-Iochai in his excellent book called Zoar."
See note, supra, p. 158.
P. 93, 1. 26. "One famous lawyer in Rome, and Osorius." The whole
of this, and the following paragraphs relating to the expulsion from
Spain, is taken from Aboab's "Nomologia." Osorius (Hieronymo
Osorio, 1 506-1 580) was author of a history of the reign of King
Emanuel, which was translated into English by Gibbs (Lend.,
1752). See notes to Kayserling's "Menasseh" for parallel
passages from Aboab.
P. 99, 1. 22. "As Vasquo saith." For Vasquo read Usque. Menasseh is
quoting from the " Consolacam as Tribvlacoens de Ysrael," by Samuel
Usque (Ferrara, 1552), see pp. 198-200. Samuel Usque was one
of three brothers, all distinguished Marranos. He fled from the
Portuguese Inquisition and settled at Ferrara, whence he emigrated
to the Holy Land. He was a protege of Donna Gracia Nasi (see
Note on "Don Josephus Nassi," supra, p. 159; also Kayserling,
"Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 80-86).
P 100,1. 5. The narrative as pirated from Aboab's "Nomologia"
('63)
Notes
ends here. For fuller details of the Portuguese persecutions, see
Kayserling, " Juden in Portugal," pp. 1 20 et seq.
P. 101,1. 17. " As for klUing of the young children of Christians." See
infra, notes on " Vindicise Judseoruni," pp. 165-167.
P. 102,1. 9. "In ^raf aza " = Ragusa. For a fuller version of this
story see infra, " Vindiciae Judseorum," pp. 116-117.
P. 102, 1. 20. "As for the third point." Menasseh himself was largely
responsible for the charge of proselytising, inasmuch as in the " Hope
of Israel " (^supra, p. 47) he had boasted of the converts made by
the Jews in Spain. There can be no doubt that these conversions
were very numerous, but they were probably due in a larger measure
to the oppressive policy of the Inquisition than to any active prose-
lytising on the part of the Jews.
P. 103, 1. 33. "In the Strand." For a full discussion of the place of
Menasseh's abode while in London, see Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc.,
vol. iii. pp. 144 et seq.
VINDICI.E JUDtEORUM
(pp. 105-147)
Bibliographical Note
For the origin of this tract see Introduction, pp. Ixii-lxiv.
It has often been reprinted and translated, especially on occasions of
Jewish persecution. In 1708 it reappeared in the second volume of "The
Phoenix ; or a Revival of Scarce and Valuable Pieces." In 1743 it was re-
printed as an independent pamphlet (Lond., 8vo, pp. 67). Ninety-five
years later it was again reprinted by M. Samuels in the prolegomena to
his translation of Moses Mendelssohn's "Jerusalem" (Lond., 1838, vol. i.
pp. 1-73), together with a translation of Mendelssohn's introduction to the
German edition (pp. 77-116).
On the Continent it was first published in 1782 in connection with the
Mendelssohnian movement for Jewish emancipation, which was participated
in by Lessing and Dohm. The fact that it should have been considered
by Moses Mendelssohn worthy to stand by the side of Lessing's Nathan der
Weise is a striking tribute to its merits. The Mendelssohnian issue is more
famous than the original English edition, for in its German form the work
became a classic of national Jewish controversy, whereas in English it was
only associated with the local history of the British Jews. The following
is the full title of the German edition (pp. Iii, 64, sm. 8vo) : —
Manasseh Ben Israel / Rettung der Juden / Aus dem Englischen
iibersetzt / Nebst einer Vorrede / von / Moses Mendelssohn./ Als ein
Anhang / zu des / Hrn. Kriegsraths Dohm / Abhandlung : / Ueber / die
(164)
Notes
biirgerliche Verbesserung / der Juden./ Mit Konigl. Preussischer allergna-
digster Freyheit./ Berlin und Stettin / bey Friedrich Nicolai / 1782.
This translation is said to have been made by Dr. Herz, the husband of
the famous Henrietta Herz (Kayserling, "Moses Mendelssohn sein Leben
und seine Werke," p. 354), but it was probably done by his wife, who knew
English so well that during her widowhood she was engaged to teach it to
the daughter of the Duchess of Courland. (See "Life" by Fiirst, also
Jennings's " Rahel," pp. 19 £/ seq.) The imroduclion supplied by Moses
Mendelssohn fills fifty-two pages, and is as famous as the Vtndktie itself.
^ Besides being reprinted in Mendelssohn's collected works, the German
edition of the Vindicia was republished in 1882, in connection with the
Anti-Semitic agitation, under the title " Gegcn die Verleumder," and again
in 1890.
The following editions have also appeared : —
1813. Hebrew by Bloch (Vienna).
1818. „ with a preface by Moses Kunitz (Wilna).
1837. Polish by J. Tugenhold (Warsaw).
1842. French by Carmoly (Brussels, Revue Orlentale, ii. pp. 491
et seq.).
1883. Italian by Nahmias (Florence).
The First Section
P. 108, 1. II. " The Je'uis are •wont to celebrate the feast of unleavened
bread, fermenting it luith the blood of some Christians." This accusa-
tion, now known as the Blood Accusation, has been for many centuries
the favourite superstition of the Jew-haters. It was revived by
Prynne and Ross during Menasseh's sojourn in London. During
the residence of the Jews in England previously to 1290, it played a
conspicuous part in their persecution. (See Joseph Jacobs' "Little
St. Hugh of Lincoln," Jew. Hist. Sac. Trans., vol. i., especially pp.
92-99. "The Blood Accusation, its origin and occurrence in the
Middle Ages," reprinted from the Jewish Chronicle, 1883.) There is
a very voluminous literature of the Blood Accusation (see especially
Zunz's " Damaskus, ein Wort zur Abwehr," Berlin, 1859), but it
has not hitherto been noticed that during the period the Jews were
banished from England (1290-1655) the superstition continued to
haunt the public mind. We have a curious instance of it in 1577.
When John Foxe, the raartyrologist, baptized a Moorish Jew named
Nathaniel Menda, on April i of that year, at All Hallows, Lombard
Street, he adopted the Blood Accusation in the address he delivered
to celebrate the occasion. " Moreover, if he (Abraham) had scene
your unappeaceable disorder without all remorse of mercy in persecut-
ing his (Jesus' s) disciples ; your intolerable scorpionlike savageness,
so furiously boyling against the innocent infants of the Christian
(165)
Notes
Gentiles: . . . would he ever accompted you for his sonnes." To
which the printer's gloss runs thus : " Christen men's children here
in Englande crucified by the Jewes, Anno 11S9 and Anno 11 41 at
Norwiche, &c." (John Foxe, " A Sermon at the Christening of a
certaine lew at London," London, 1578 ; p. E. iii.) This sermon,
originally delivered in Latin, was translated into Engli-ih and published
in extenso, together with the confession of Nathaniel Menda, in i 57^-
It was dedicated to Sir Francis Walsingham, Principal Secretary of
State to Queen Elizabeth.
Thomas Calvert, " Minister of the Word at York," was the next
to lend his name to the superstition, and to give vigorous expression
to it in his " Diatraba of the Jews' Estate." This was a preface to
" The Blessed Jew of Marocco ; or A Blackmoor made White, by
Rabbi Samuel, a Jew turned Christian; wiitten first in the Arabick,
after translated into Latin, and now Englished" (York, 164!^.
The British Museum copy is dated in MS. "July 25, 1649.")
His exact words are as follows : —
" So much are they (the Jews) bent to shed the blood of
Christians, that they say a Jew needs no repentance for murdering a
Christian ; and they add to that sinne to make it sweet and delectable
that hee who doth it, it is as if he had offered a Corban to the Lord,
hereby making the abominable sin an acceptable sacrifice. But beyond
all these they have a bloody thirst after the blood of Christians. In
France and many kingdoms they have used yearly to steale a Christian
boy and to crucifie him, fastning him to a crosse, giving him gall and
vinegar, and running him in the end thorow with a spear, to rub their
memories afresh into sweet thoughts of their crucifying Christ, the
more to harden themselves against Christ and to shew their curst
hatred to all Christians" (pp. 18-19).
John Sadler stands out conspicuously for dissociating himself
from this baseless prejudice. When he wrote his " Rights of
the Kingdom," in 1649, '''^ summed up the matter in a happy and
pithy manner : " Wee say, they (the Jews) crucified a child, or more.
They doe deny it: and we prove it not" (p. 74). Undaunted by
Sadler's championship of the Jews, James Howell followed Calvert,
and in the Epistle Dedicatory to his pirated edition of Morvyn's transla-
tion of Joseph ben Gorion, " The wonderful and deplorable history
of the latter times of the Jews" (London [June 2], 1652), he
thus insinuated the truth of the charge: —
" The first Christian Prince that expelled the Jews out of his
territories, was that heroik King, our Edward the First, who was
such a sore scourge also to the Scots ; and it is thought divers families
of those banished Jews fled then to Scotland, where they have propa-
gated since in great numbers, witness the aversion that nation hath
above others to hog's flesh. Nor was this extermination for their
(.66)
Notes
Religion, but for their notorious crimes, as poysoning of wells, counter-
feiting of coines, falsifying of seales, and crucifying of Christiaii children,
with other villanies."
Sadler was not the only English contemporary of Menasseh ben
Israel who threw doubt on the Blood Accusation. Prynne himself
relates in the preface to his " Demurrer " that he met Mr. Nye by
the garden wall at Whitehall, when he was on his way to the Con-
ference on the Jewish Question. « I told him," writes Prynne,
" the Jews had been formerly clippers and forgers of money, and had
crucified three or four children in England at least, which were principal
causes of their banishment, to which he replied, that the crucifying
of children was not fully charged on them by our historians, and
would easily be wiped off." (Preface, p. 4.)
It is curious that, as Menasseh himself points out, the Jews were
not alone at this period as sufferers from the Blood Accusation. ■
("Humble Addresses," p. 21.) Apart from the instance quoted
by Menasseh, a similar charge was levelled at the Quakers, who
were accused of the ritual murder of women. An illustrated tract
on the subject will be found in Historia Fanaticorum. (See " Historia
von den Wider-Tauffern," Cothen, 1701.)
The Blood Accusation did not again make a conspicuous appear-
ance in Anglo-Jewish history, but it is not improbable that the
Damascus trials in 1840 produced a serious effect in retarding the
progress of the struggle for emancipation. On the Continent, and in
the Levant, it has frequently reappeared during the last thirty years.
P. 109, 1. 8. "/n lad a Ra%aka." Misprint for Tad Hachazaka
("The Strong Hand"), also called Mishneh Torah, an exposition
of Jewish law by Moses Maimonides, written (in Hebrew) 1170-
1180.
P. Ill, 1. 7. '■^ A particular blessing of the Prince or Magistrate"
See note, supra, p. 163.
P. 112, 1. 16. " And every day the Jeiues mainly strike.'^ The belief
that Jews habitually desecrated the sacramental wafer runs parallel
with the Blood Accusation. A curious echo of it was heard in
1822, and the published account of the case was illustrated by George
Cruikshank (" The Miraculous Host tortured by the Jews," Lond.,
1822).
P. 114, 1. 4. "Wherefore I swear." This oath is famous in Jewish
history, and has been over and over again quoted and reiterated on
occasions of the revival of the Blood Accusation (see e.g. Trans.
Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 38).
P. 114, 1. 20. "John Hoornbeeh in that booh which he lately writ."
The work referred to is De Convertendis Judais, 1655.
P. 115, 1. 28. "In my continuation of Flavins Josephus." In the
"Hope of Israel" [supra, p. 7), Menasseh announced his intention
(167)
Notes
of writing this work. From this passage it seems that he had now
completed it, and that he had the MS. with him in London. It
was never printed, as none of it has survived. It is curious that
Menasseh does not mention it among his " Books ready for the
Presse," of which he gave a list at the end of the Vindicin (see
p. 147). V-r<^ c^eer- sfcc p. \«r7 t-'ve 1'2.
P. 116,1. 13. "One Isaac Jeshurun." An account of his persecution
was written in Hebrew by Aaron de David Cohen of Ragusa, and
translated into Spanish under the title. Memorable relacton de Tshac
Jesurun. The work is in MS. ; a copy was in the Almanzi Library.
P. 118, 1. 30. " That our nation had purchased S. PauTs Church." See
Introduction, p. xli.
P. 118, 1. 34. " A fabulous narrative." Brett, "A Narrative of the
Proceedings of a Great Councel of Jews assembled on the plain of
Ageda" (Lend., 1655; reprinted in "The Phoenix," 1707, the
" Harleian Miscellany," vol i., 1813, and in pamphlet form by
Longmans & Co., 1876).
P. 121, 1. 27. "The book called Scebet /f^ad'a," mm'' D365' nSD, by
Solomon Aben Verga, a Jewish chronicle of the sixteenth century.
See German translation by Wiener (Hanover, 1856). The story
related by Menasseh ben Israel will be found on pp. 77-78. It is
not told of a " King of Portugal," but of a Ring of Spain.
P. 121, 1. 32. " Before one of the Popes, at a full Councell." For Papal
Bulls on the Blood Accusation see " Die Blutbeschuldigung gegen
die Juden von ChristJicher Seite beurtheilt," Zweite Auflage
(Vienna, T883). Strack's " Blutaberglaube " (several editions) is
the classical work on the subject.
The Second Section
P. 124, 1. 16. "Tie Israelites hold." This paragraph is a summary of
the Thirteen Articles of Faith first drawn up by Moses Maimonides
in 1 168, and now incorporated in the Synagogue liturgy. Menasseh's
summary, though admirably succinct, is not altogether perfect, and
was apparently drafted with a view to the susceptibilities of the
English Conversionists. A full translation of the thirteen creeds
had, however, already appeared in England (see Chilmead's trans-
lation of Leo Modena's " The History of the Rites, Customes, and
Manner of Life of the Present Jews," Lond., 1650, pp. 246-249).
P. 124, 1. 28. "A French booh which he calleth the Rappel of the Jewes"
laac la Peyr^re " Rappel des Juifs."
The Third Section
The subject matter of this section, the alleged cursing of Gentiles, is,
like the Blood Accusation, an obstinate delusion of the anti-Semites. It is
(168)
Notes
the burden of a very voluminous literature. See, among recent publications,
Jellitiek, "Der Talmudjude " (Vienna, 1882); Daab, " Der Thalmud "
(Leipzig, 1883) ; Hirsch, " tjber die Beziehung des Talmuds zum Juden-
thum" (Frankfort, 1884) ; and Hoffmann, "Der Schulchan Aruch unddie
Rabbinen iiber das Verhaltniss der Juden zu Andersglaubigen " (Berlin,
■^'' I27»I' 3I- " Prayers for Kings and Princes." See note, j«/ra, p. 163.
, P. 128, 1. 6. "The form of prayer in the book entitled The Humlle
Addresses" supra, p. 92.
P. 133, 1. 25. " Wise and vertuous Lady Bertiria." The most famous
of the women mentioned in the Talmud. She was the daughter of
Rabbi Chanina ben Tradjon, and wife of Rabbi Meir (Kayserling,
"Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 120-124).
P. 133, 1. 26. " R. Meir." A distinguished pupil of the great Rabbi
Akiba, and one of the most famous of the authors of the Talmud.
He lived in the second century (Levy, " Un Tanah," Paris, 1883 ;
Blumenthal, « Rabbi Meir," Frankfurt, 18B8).
The Fourth Section
P. 134, 1. 14. " Buxtorphius." Johann Buxtorf the Elder (1564-1629),
the greatest Christian Hebraist of his day. Professor of Hebrew at
Basle.
P. 136, 1. 22. " R. Da-vid Gaivz." David Gans (i 541-163 1), a
Jewish chronicler, mathematician, and astronomer, author of Zemach
David. He lived in Prague, and was a friend of Tycho Brahe and
Keppler (Klemperer, "David Gans's Chronikartige Weltgeschichte,"
Prague, 1890).
P. 136, 1. 25. " Antonius Margarita" His name was Aaron Margalita.
He was an ignorant Polish Jew, who became converted to Christianity
and placed his services at the disposal of the Jew-haters (Graetz,
" Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 313-314).
The Fifth Section
P. 137,1. 1 8. " I have held friendship ivith many great men." Menasseh's
circle of Christian friends was large and distinguished. His intimacy
with Rembrandt has already been referred to {supra, pp. 149-150).
Among his other friends were Hugo Grotius, the learned family of
Vossius, Episcopius,Vorstius, Meursius, Cunasus, Blonde!, Chr. Arnold,
Bochart, Huet, Sobierre, Felgenhauer, Frankenberg, Mochinger, and
Caspar Barlasus.
P. 137, 1. 23. ^^ Many verses in my commendations" The poem by
Barlxus here referred to was prefixed to Menasseh's treatise " De
Creatione" (Amsterdam, 1636), together with congratulatory
(,69)
Notes
sonnets by Himanuel Nehamias, Mosseh Pinto, Jona Abravane],
and Daniel Abravanel. It ran as follows : —
EPIGRAMMA,
IN
PROBLEMATA
Clarissimi •viri Manassis Ben-Israel,
De Creatione.
Qvae cceIos terrascj; manus, spatiosaq ; Nerei
^quora, & immesas, quas habet orbis opes,
Condiderit, mersuniq ; alta caligine mundum
lusserit imperijs ilicet esse suis :
Disserit Isacides. Et facta ingentia pandit ;
Et nondum exhaustum contrahit arte Deum.
Hie atavos patres^ ; suos & verba recenset,
Sensaq ; Thalmudicas relligiosa Scholas.
Vera placet, placet egregijs conatibus author,
Et pietas fidei disparis ista placet.
Cunctorum est coluisse Deum. Non unius sevi,
Non populi unius credimus, esse pium.
Si sapimus diversa, Deo vivamus amici,
DoctacJ ; mens precio constet ubi^ ; suo.
Haec fidei vox summa mese est. Haec crede Menasse.
Sic ego Christiades, sic eris Abramides.
C. Barleys.
The Seventh Section
144, 1. 37. " Wherefore those few Jetues that were here, despairing of our
expected successe departed hence." This can only refer to Menasseh's
companions on his mission. With two exceptions all the Marranos
in London at the time of Menasseh's arrival remained in the country.
145, 1. 34. " From my study in London." See Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc,
vol. iii. pp. 144-150.
(170)
INDEX
Abarbanel, David, Ixxxvi
Abarbanel, Ephraim, Ixix
Abarbanel family, claimed descent
from King David, xxxiii, 154
(notes)
Abarbanel, Isaac, Jewish statesman,
councillor to King of Spain and
Portugal, 19, 45, 49, 91, 154 (notes),
163 (notes), cited, 122
Abarbanel, Samuel, 49. {See also
Abravanel)
Abel-beth-maachah, 29
Aben Ezra, 109
Aben Jaes, Jacob =Alvaro Mendez,
47 i^see Jachya, Ibn)
Aben Karis, Rabbi Juda, 34
Aboab, Imanuel, cited, 162, 163
(notes)
Abravanel, Daniel, 170 (notes)
Abravanel, Jona, 170 (notes)
Abravanela, Bienvenida = Benuen-
ida, 49, 159 (notes)
Abyssinia, Falashas of, 156 (notes)
Abyssins, country of the, 40 ; king-
dom of the, 42
Acosta, cited, 54
Acosta, Sir Duarte Nunes d', 89, 163
(notes)
Acosta, josephus, 18
Acosta, P., cited, 22
Acuzainitenses, 22
Adler, Rev. Dr. H., xxiii (cited), >i.,
xxvii, n.
Adler, Marcus, 155 (notes)
Admiralty Commissioners, Ixv
Africa, 6, 21, 44, 113 ; battle in, 51 ;
North-West, 156 (notes)
Agathais, cited, 32
Ageda, 118; Council of Jews as-
sembled on the Plain of, 167
(notes)
Agrippa, 129, 130, 131 ; cities of
King, 36
Agrippa's Oration, 35
Akiba, Rabbi, 169 (notes)
Alacron, Lord Lope de Veray, turned
Jew, was burnt by Inquisition, 47
Alciat, 96
Alexander the Great, 128, 130, 140,
141
Alexandria, 19, 44 ; people of, accuse
Jews of being thieves, 40
Alholu, D. Abraham, 49, 86, 159
(notes)
Allen, Hannah, 151
Almadise, see Ethiopian ships, 34
Alonsius, son of John II., 51
Alonsus, P., cited, 55
Alphonso II., Duke of Ferrara, 88
Alphonso v., of Portugal, 154
(notes)
Alphonso the Wise, King of Spain,
declares Blood Accusation false,
102 ; gave liberty to Jews to dwell
in his country, 121
Atlas, Gabriel de Rivas, 150 (notes)
Alva, Duke of, 39
Alvalensi, Samuel, 91
Amarat, Sultan, 85
Amarkela, R. Joseph, 33
America, Ixxviii, 18, 20, 23, 27, 42,
44> 55i 56 ; fii'St inhabitants of,
54; Jews in, 152 (notes), 153
(notes) ; people of, 6 ; South,
xxiv ; Synagogues in, 52 ; " Ten
Tribes of Israel in, Account of,"
52 (notes) ; Williams founds com-
munity in, xix
American Indians, .xxiv
Americans, 41 ; origin of, 152 (notes)
Americus, 17
Amon, Moses, physician and trans-
70
Index
lator of Pentateuch into Persian
and Arabian, 113, 135, 160 (notes)
Amorites, 57
Amsterdam, xiii, xxxiii, xxxvi, Ixviii,
Ixxi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, 88, 109, 117, 120,
150 (notes), 161 (notes); English
converts to Judaism, xxi ; Jews of,
Ixxiii ; Jewish cemetery of, 160
(notes) ; Jewish merchants of, xxx,
xxxi ; Magistrates of, xvii, 144 ;
Marrano congregations, xiv ; Men-
asseh becomes acquainted with
Dury, xxiv ; Menasseh's printing
office at, xxxvii n.; Montezinos
relates his story before Synagogue,
XXV (see Mussaphia), 159 (notes);
Rabbinate at, xxxii ; Separatists,
xviii, xix ; " Spes Israelis," xxii ;
Synagogue at, xxv ; visited by
Lord St. John, iii
Amurat, Sultan, 47, 86
"An Apologie for the Honourable
Nation of Jews," 103
Anaucus, 49, 1 59 (notes)
Ancona, 96, 98
Andalusia (Andaluzia), xii, xxxiii,
93
Andes of Cusco, 24
Andro, Earl of, Joseph Nasino, 86
Anian, 31 ; kingdom of, 20, 21 ; Sea
of the Strait of, 55 ; Strait of, 29,
S3, SS
Anjou, Henry of, elected King of
Poland, 159 (notes)
Anti-Jewish Petition, Ixxi, Ixxii
Anti-Semitic pamphleteers, Ivii
Anti-Semites, xlii, Ix, Ixii, Ixv, Ixxiv
Antipater, 90
Antioch, 40 ; Daphne of, 35
Antiochus, 62, 76, 119, 130 ; the end
of, 51
Antonius, Marcus, 129
Antwerp, Hebrew bankers of, xv ;
Marrano Jews of, xiv
Apion, 120, 129, 130, 131, 135 ; and
the Blood Accusation, 119
"Apologia Contra Gentes," 120
Apostolical Roman Church, xxxiv
Apostolical Roman Seat, 98
Appeal to the English nation, xxxvii
Aquebah, Rabbi, one of the com-
(I
pilers of the Mishna, 36, 157
(notes) {see Akiba)
Aquibah, Rabbi, 48 [see Aquebah)
Aquirre, killed Petrus d'Orsna, 24 ;
killed at Margareta, 25
Arabians, 7 ; derivation of Sab-
bathion, 37
Aragon, xiii
Aragon, Catherine of, xv
Araguza = Ragusa, 102, 116, 164
(notes)
" Araucana, La," 155 (notes)
Area, 36, 38
Aristseus = Ansteas, cited, 124, 130
Armada, xv
Arnebet, wife of Ptolomy, 127
Arnold, Chr., 169 (notes)
Arsareth, 20
Artaxerxes, 120
Aschkenazi, Rabbi Solomon ben
Nathan = Don Selonio Rophe, 49,
159 (notes)
Asher, A., cited, 158 (notes)
Asia, 6, 21, 35, 41, 44, 54, 55. 82,
113, 124; East, 32; Jews in, 50,
129 ; Kings of, 130
"Asirim Rabba" = Shir Ha-Shirim
Rabba, 36, 157 (notes)
Asor, Tribe of, 32
Assembly at Whitehall, 144
Assumean, Diogo d' = Diogo da
Asungao, turned Jew, burnt by
Inquisition, 47, 158 (notes)
Assyria, Ixxviii, 29, 36, 40, 42, 44, 45,
53; Benhadad of, iii ; King of,
37 {see Pul, 29)
Astrologer of Prague {see Jacobus
Verus), 28
Asuay, 153 (notes)
Asungao, Diogo da {see Assumean)
Atagualpa, 22
Athens, 55
Athenians, 97
Atlantic Islands, 6
Atlantis, 54
Attica, inundation of, 55
Augusta, Julia, wife of Augustus
Cffisar, 130
Augustine, cited, 103, 130 {see
Austin)
Augustinianus, Alonsus, 21
72)
Index
Augustus Cassar, 129, 130
Auns, 32
Austin, cited, 56
Austine the Monk, 68
Austria, 115
Ayacucho = Guamanga 155 (notes)
Ayala, Pedro Lopez d', 163 (notes)
Azahel, Rabbi Jacob ben, xxxvii n.
Azores, 21
"Babli, The," Talmud, 157 (notes)
Babylon, 35, 39, 40, 42, 64, 92 ; cap-
tivity of, 41, 43, 93 ; redemption
from, 42 ; rivers of, 36
Babylonian Talmud, cited, 36, 43,
157 (notes)
Bagdad, 85
Bahia Honda = Port Honda = Puerto
de Santa Crus, 153 (notes)
Bairos, Johannes de, 38
Bajaseth, Bajazet, Sultan, 50, 97
Baiker, Richard, Ixxi n.
Balaam, 46
Balboa, Basco Nunez de, 19
Balmas, R. Abraham de, 50, 160
(notes)
BaJtasar, 129
" Bamibar Raba " = Bamidbar Rabba,
36, 157 (notes)
Bancroft, cited, 152 (notes)
Banishments from England, France,
Spain, 46
Baptist, John the, 30
Baptists, xviii
Bar Cochba, the Pseudo - Messiah,
157 (notes)
Bara, Jan, 157 (notes)
Barbadoes, xxxi, xxxvii
Barbary, 49 ; Kingdom of, 88
Barcelona, Disputation of Grundensis
at, 157 (notes)
Barleus, Caspar, i37 = Barteus, Cas-
par, 169 (notes)
Barlovent, Isle of, 18 ; Islands of, 54
Barlow, cited," I, liv
Barrios, Daniel Levy de, cited, 162,
163 (notes)
Baruch, cited, 129
Basle, 169 (notes)
Bathsebah, Jacob = Jacob Basevi
Schmieles, received title von Treu-
enburg, 50, 160 (notes)
Batueca, 39
Bazalel, 75
Beleeving Judas, 47 {see Alacron)
Belmonte, Ishak, 150 (notes)
Benhadad, King of Assyria, in
Ben Jaefe, D., 49
Benjamin, tribe of, 7, 36, 39, 40, 52,
66, 70, 85
Benjamin, R., cited, 32
Benjamin of Tudela, 156 (notes)
Benn, William, xlviii
Benuenida, wife of Samuel Abarba-
nel, 49, 159
" Beresit Rabba," 36, 157 (notes)
Bergarensis, Caspar, 25
Berkshire, Earl of, Ixxiv
Bermuda Company, xlvii
Beruria, daughter of Rabbi Chanina
ben Tradjon, wife of Rabbi Meir,
133, 169 (notes)
Bethar, 157 (notes)
Bialloblotzky, cited, 155 (notes)
" Bibliotheca Rabbinica," 134, 147
Biddle, xl
Blake, xl
Blood Accusation, 108, 165 (notes),
166, 167 (notes) ; the Pope de-
clared false, in full Council, 102
" Bloudy Tenent of. Persecution,"
xix
Blumenthal, cited, 169 (notes)
Bochardus, Samuel, 40
Bochart, 169 (notes)
Bodleian Library, xli
Bohemian Jews, Ixx
Bomberg, Daniel, famous Venetian
printer, 160 (notes)
Bondel, 169 (notes)
Bondi, Abraham de, Ambassador for
Alphonso II., 88
Bordeaux, Ixxi
Borja, St. Franciscus de, 25
Boterus, 33 ; cited, 34, 49
Boyle, Robert, 1 k.
Bozara, 48
Bozius, 54
Brahe, Tycho, 169 (notes)
Brasil, Seignory of, 91
Brazil, xxxiii, xxxvii ; Negroes of, loi
73) K
In da
X
Brazilians, 26
Breiewood, Edw., 153 (notes)
Breslau, Mart of, 38
Bridge, William, xlviii
Brightman, 58
Brito, Abraham Israel de, Ixxxvi
Brittaines of Bangor, 68
Broughton, 68 ; cited, i6i (notes)
Bruges, Ixviii, Ixxiii
Biilkeley, 1
Bulls on the Blood Accusation,
Papal, 168 (notes)
Burchmannus, Otto, Ambassador to
Persia, 49, 50
Burgos, Jews of, 90
Busher, Leonard, xix, xxi ; " Reli-
gious Peace," xviii
Buxtorfius = Buxtorphius, 134, 136,
157, 169 (notes)
Cabala, The, 33
Caceres, Jahocob de = Simon de
Caceres, xxxvi, xxxvii, Ixvii, Ixxiii,
Ixxxvi
Cadiz, xiv, Ixxi
Ctesar, Augustus, 129, 130
Ca;sar, Julius, 90
Cajsarensis, Eusebius, cited, 131
Caius, Emperor, 129, 131
Callao = Collai, 155 (notes)
" Calling of the Jewes, The," xxi
Calvert, Thomas, 166 (notes)
<-'alvinists, xviii
Cambridge University, xlviii
Canaan, 57
Canaanites, 6, 54
Cantipratensis, Thomas, cited, 115
Captivity of Babylon, 41 , 43 ; First, 64
Captivity, Roman, 93
Caracas = Garracas, 155 (notes)
Caribbean Sea, 154 (notes)
Carlyle, xxix n, Ixiv «
Carmoly, 156 (notes); cited, 159
(notes)
Caiter, John, xlviii
Carthage, 19
Carthaginians, 6, 18, 97
Carthegenia = Cartagena, 12, 154
(notes)
Cartwright, Ebenezer, xx
Cart Wright, Johanna, xx
(>
Cartwright Petition, xxi
Carvajal, Antonio Fernandez = Abra-
ham Israel Carvajal, xxxv, Ixii,
Ixvii, Ixxiii, Ixxxvi
Carybes Indians, 27
Caryll, John, xlviii, 1.
Caspian Sea, 38, 40, 152 (notes)
Cassel, D. Paulus, 153 (notes), xliii
Cassius, Dion, cited, 55
Castellanus, Franciscus, 1 1 «.
Castile, 91,93, 94, 97, 138
Castoel, David, 85
Castoel, Samuel, 85
Castro, Balthasar Orobio de, xiii
Castro, de, xv «., xxi, 151 ; cited,
163 (notes)
Castro, Henriques de, cited, 159
(notes)
Catherine of Aragon, xv
Cazici, 16 ; Hebrew, 17
Cazicus, Francis, 11 ?/., 12, 13, 14,
15, 16, 17, 153 (notes)
Chachapoyas, Province of, 24
Chaldy Paraphrase, 43 ; Tar-
gum {q.v.)
Chalossi taken to Spam by de
Quiros and died there, 26
Chamfanfu, 29
Chanan, 23
Chanina ben Tradjon, Rabbi {see
Beruria)
Chanut, xli n.
Charles I., xx, xxiii
Charles II., Ixx ; re-entered London,
Ixxi ; under obligation to Jews,
Ixxiii, Ixxiv
Charles V., Emperor, 23, 33, 95, 96
Charles, Infant, 51
Chequiona, 30
Chersonesus, the Golden, 19
Chiefi, Cardinal de, 98
Child, Sir Josiah, Ixxv, Ixxvi
Chili, xxxvii
Chiliast, 70
Chillon, Isak Lopes, Ixxxvi
Chilmead, xlii ; cited, 168 (notes)
China, 20, 29, 31, 42 ; Hebrew
settlements in, 155 (notes); Jews
in, 15s (notes); people of, 6;
tongue, 30
Chineses, 30
74)
hidi
ex
Chmielnicki, 162 (notes)
Christian!, Pablo, 158 (notes)
Christological Oath, Ixvii
Chudworth, xlvii
Chus, 40
Chutuytu, Lake, 21
Cicero cited, 135
Cieza, Petrus = Pedro Ciega de Leon,
cited, 22, 155 (notes)
Cimedro, Alfonsus, a Jesuit, 30
Civil War, xxiii, xxiv
Clement VII., 94, 96
Cleopatra, 130
Clissa, 88
Cobham, 142
Coccejus, Joh., 157 (notes)
Cochin, 162 ; Jews in, 85
Cochini, King = King of Cochin, 50,
159 (notes)
Ccen, Rabbinus Josephus = Rabbi
Joseph ben Meir the Sephardi =
Cohon, 33, 155 (notes)
Cohen, Aaron de David, 168 (notes)
Coimbra, Marrano Archdeacon of,
xiii
Colchester, xxi, 151 (notes)
Collai = Callao, 21, 155 (notes)
Collier, xliii n.
Colombia, Republic of, 153 (notes);
United States of, 154 (notes)
Columbus, Christopher, xii, 17, 158
(notes)
Commonwealth of England, xv,
xxxii, xli, III ; appeal to, in
" Humble Addresses," xxxviii ;
commercial interests of, xxxiii ;
end of, Ixx, Ixxi ; notable gather-
ing, xlvii ; Scotland, Ireland, 162
(notes) ; declaration to the, 78
" Conciliator," 146
Conference, Whitehall {see White-
hall Conference)
Constantinople, 49 ; Jews in, 85,
113 ; Synagogue of, 86
Conversion of the Jews, considera-
tions upon the point of the, 57,
161 (notes)
Conversionists, xl, xlii ; English,
xxii, 168 (notes)
Copley, xliii n.
Copta, 91
Cordier, Henri, 155 (notes)
Cordilleras, xxiv, 6, 11 «., 25, 54, 153
157 (notes)
Cordova, Gonsalvo de, xiv
Coronel, Augustin, xli, Ixxiii ;
knighted, Ixxv
Cortez, 17
Cosaques killed Jews, 87
Gosmo the Great, Duke of Florence,
97 . . .
Costa, da, xiv «., xli, 163, cited (notes) ;
Isaac, 162 (notes) ; Joseph, 150
(notes) ; Mendez, Ixxiii
Council of Army Officers, xx
Council of Mechanics, xix
Council of State, xxi, xxxiv, xxxv, xiv,
xlvi, xlvii, liv, Iv, Ixi, Ixv, Ixvi, 157
(notes) ; " Hope of Israel" dedi-
cated to, 3, 144 ; Menasseh's peti-
tion sprung on, xlvi ; received
copies of " Humble Addresses,"
xliv ; receives Robles's petition,
Ixiv
Council of State's report, Ixxxiv
Council of Trent, Ixxxi
Cracow, Jews in, 87
Craddock, Walter, xlviii
Crawford, xxix n.
Crequi, Marshal de, xiii
Cressett, xlvii
Cretensis, Elias = Elia del Medigo,
50, 160 (notes)
Critia, Plato's, 54
Cromwell, Oliver, xvi, xx, xxxii, xxxiii,
xxxv, xxxvi, xl, Ixvi ; action of,
lii, Ivi ; adds members to the Con-
ference, 1 ; adherents of, xlviii ; ad-
mits Jews as citizens of one of the
colonial dependencies of Great
Britain, xxxvii ; assures London
Marranos of his protection, Iviii ;
best speech of, liii ; brings petition
before Council, xliv ; campaign
of, Ixxv ; dismisses conference, liv ;
favours Jewish question, xiv, xlix ;
gives monetary help to Menasseh,
Ixix ; intentions of, lix ; laid down
programme of proceedings at Con-
ference, xlviii ; Menasseh's mission
to, Ixxiii
Cromwell, Henry, li, liv n.
75)
Index
Cromwell, Richard, Ixxi, Ixxxvii
Cromwell's Council issue invitation to
Whitehall Conference, xlvi, Ixxxiv ;
negotiations with Marranos, Ixii
Crouch, lii
Cruikshank, George, 167 (notes)
Crypto-Jews, Ixv {^see Marranos)
Cuba, 18, 153 (notes)
Cunteus, 169 (notes)
Cusco, Andes of, 24
Customs, Commissioners of, Ixi
Cuthah, 39
Cyprus conquered by Nassi for the
Turks, 159 (notes)
Cyrus, 40 ; decree of, 129 ; proclama-
tion of, 64
Daab, cited, 169 (notes)
Daghistan, Jews of, 151 (notes)
Dalmatia, 88
Damascus trials, the, 167 (notes)
Dan, tribe of, 32
Danita, Eldad = Eldad the Danite,
33, 38, 156 (notes)
Danites, 31
Daphne of Antioch, 35
Darius, 129
Davis, Israel, cited, Ixvii
Davis Strait, 20
"De Civetate Dei Assentos," 130
" De Cultu Imaginum contra Ponti-
ficus Latine," 147
" De disciplinus Rabbinorum," 147
" De divinitate legis Mosaicas," 147
" De fragilitate humana," 146
"De Medico Hebrseo," 16 r (notes)
" De Resurrectione mortuorum libri
tres," 146
"De Termino Vitas," 48, 146, 149
(notes), 159 (notes)
Demetrius, 128, 130
" Demurrer," Ivii
Denmark, King of, xxxvi, 51, 84, 89
Dethick, xlvii
Diana, 118
" Die Jiidischen Frauen," 159 (notes)
{see Benuenida)
Diodorus, cited, 55
Disraeli, Coningsby, descendant of
Abarbanels on mother's side, 154
(notes)
(«
Domus Conversorum, xi
Dormido, David Abarbanel = Manuel
Martinez Dormido, xxxii, xxxiii,
xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xliv, xlv, Ixvii
Dormido, Solomon, Ixvii
Dorstius, William, cited, 136
Dort, Conference at, 68
Dover, xiv
Draco, 98
Drucker, Mordechai ben Moses, 1 5 1
(notes)
" Du Rappel des Juifs," Ixxx
Duerus = Duero = Douro, 13, 154
(notes)
Duretu, Claudius, cited, 50
Dury, John, xxii, xxiv, xxv «., xxvi «.,
xliii «.; at Cassel, xliii ; distributes
Latin edition of " Hope of Israel"
among leading Puritans, xxvii ;
corresponds with Menasseh ben
Israel, xxvi ; received Thorow-
good's treatise, xxv, 67, 152
(notes)
Dutch, xxx, xxxiii
Dutch East India Company, xxx
Dwight, H. T., 162 (notes)
Dyke, Daniel, xlviii
East India, 54
East India Company, Ixxv, Ixxvi, 88
East India Company, Dutch, xxx
East Indies, 19, 20
Ecuador, 153 (notes)
Edom, 53, 113
Edward I., xi, Ivii, 142, 166 (notes) ;
Edict of banishment of Jews, xv
Edwards, author of " Gangrena," xix
Egypt, Ixxviii, 40, 42, 44, 45, 49, 53,
87; inundations of, 55; Joseph in,
44 ; kings of, 90 ; pasha of, has
Jewish treasurer (see Alhulu), 1 59
(notes) ; river of, 41 ; Saladin,
King of, 50
Egyptian, loi
Egyptius, Moses = Moses Maimoni-
des, 45, 158 (notes)
Ehrentheil, cited, xiii n.
Elah {see Hosea or Hoshea), 29, 44
Elam, 40
"Eldad Ha-Dani," 156 (notes)
Eleazar, 130
76)
Ii2di
ex
Elhazar, 49
Eliezer, David ben, xxxvii n.
Eliot, John, xxiv, 152 (notes), 166
Elisha, 64
Elizabeth, Queen, xiv, xv, 159 (notes),
166 (notes)
Emanuel, King of Portugal, 51, 94,
95, 97, 163 (notes) ; cruelty of, 99
Embassies in London, xl ; in Hol-
land, xl
"Emek Habacha," 163 (notes)
I'Empereur, Constantine, 35, 156
(notes)
England, banishments of, 46
Enrique, Don, 163 (notes)
Ephraim, 41, 42, 69, 70; Tribe of,
43
Epicureans, 125
Epiphanius, 76
Episcopius, 169 (notes)
Epstein, cited, 1 56 (notes)
Erzilla, Alonsus de = Alonzo d'Ercilla
y Zuniga, 24 ; cited, 155 (notes)
" Esdras," 37 ; cited, 56 ; quoted by
Genebrardus, 20
" Esperanza de Israel," 1 52 (notes) ;
cited, 155 (notes), 157 (notes)
Espinosa, Michael, 150 (notes)
Esquilache, 25
Essex, Earl of, xiv
I'Estrange, Sir Hamon, 152 (notes)
Estrozi, Seignor Philip, 96
Ethiopia, 6, 34, 40 ; Ten Tribes, 156
(notes) ; Ethiopian ships, 34 {^see
Almadise)
Eucharistical sacrifices, 130
Euphrates, 20, 35, 39, 40, 41, 44,
56
Eurgetes, Ptolomy, 130
Europe, 6, 21, 35, 42, 82 ; Menasseh
has friendships with eminent men
of, 137
Eusebius, cited, 55
Evelyn, John, Ivi
Everard the Leveller, xxi
Expulsion of Jews, Ivii, 154 (notes) ;
from England, xi ; from Spain,
xiv, 163 (notes)
Ezion-Geber, 19
Ezra, Aben, cited, 109
Ezras, 136
(I
Fagius, 161 (notes)
Fairclough, Samuel, xlviii
Fairfax, Lord, xx
Falashas of Abyssinia, 156 (notes)
Famian, 47
Fano, Lord Joseph de, Marquis de
Villependi, 87
Farisol or Peretsol, Abraham = Ab-
raham Frisol Orchotolam, author
of "Orchat 01am," 156 (notes)
(see Frisol)
Famambuc = Pernambuco, 25, 28, 48,
155 (notes) (see Fernambuc)
Farnesia (see Paul IIL), 94
Faro, Abraham Enriques, 1 50 (notes)
Felgenhauer, xxv, xxxviii, xxxix,
Ixxix, 161 (notes), 169 (notes)
Felibert, Emanuel, Duke of Savoy,
97
Ferdinand, xi, 51, 91, 93, 102, 138;
King, 94 ; Bathsebah knighted
under reign of, i6o ; of Naples, 154
(notes) ; Emperor, 160 (notes) ;
of Spain, 39
Ferdinandus, 17
Ferrara = Ferrare = Ferraria, 87 ;
Alphonso IL, Duke of, 88 ; Her-
cules, Duke of, 34, 97, 163 (notes)
(see Usque)
Fez, King of, 91
Fifth Monarchy men, xv, xxi
Finch, Sergeant, xxi
Finicus, Marcilius, cited, 54
P'irth, cited, xx n.
Firuz, 31
" Flavins Josephus adversus Apio-
nem," 147
Flemburgh, log
Florence, Duke of (see Cosmo the
Great), 97
Forbes, 68
Founders of the Protectorate, xlvii
Foxe, John, 165 (notes) ; cited, 166
(notes)
" Fragmenta Sacra," 68
France, xxix, Ixii, Ixxiii, Ixxx, 33, i66
(notes) ; banishments of, 46 ; King
of, 124 ; Philip of, 51 ; Loysia de
Medici, 50
Francis L of France, 33
Franciscus de Borgia, St., 25
77)
Inc/ex
Franco, Abraham, 1 50 (notes)
Frankenberg, Abraham, a Silesian
mystic, Ixxx, 149 (notes), 169
(notes)
Frankfort, Franckfurt, 151 (notes);
Jews in, 86
Frederick, Emperor, cited, 115
Frisol, Rabbi Abraham, cited, 34, 38
{see Farisol)
Fullana, Nicholas de Ohver y, xiii
Fuller, xxi n., xxii, xxvii
Gabbai, Jedidjah Ibn, 151 (notes)
Gad, tribe of, 29
Galatine, Peter, 72
Galilee, 29
Ganges, 38, 39
Garcias, 23
Gardiner, xxix, xxx, Iviii, Ixxxiv
Garracas, 23
Garzoni, Thomas, 50
Gath, 12s
Gawz, R. David = David Gans, 136,
169 (notes)
Gazim, 125
Gehazi, 64
Geluckstadt, 84
Genebrardus, 20, 2 1
Geneva, xvii, xviii ; Jews go to, 145
" Geographic du Talmud," 153
(notes)
Gerizim, Mount, 128
German- Austrian Beast, the, 57
Germany, Jews in, 77, 86 ; usury in,
120
Gerona, birthplace of Gerundensis,
157 (notes)
Gerundensis, R. Moses = Moses ben
Nachman = Nachmanides = Ram-
ban, 157 (notes) ; cited, 37, 45
Gibbs, 163 (notes)
Gibeonites, the, 1 1 1
Gilead, 69 ; Hazor-Gilead, 29
" Glory of Jehudah and Israel, The,"
Ixxx, 103
Glynne, Sir John, xlvii, xlix
Gog, Battle of, 44 ; War of, 43, 52
Golden Chersonesus, the, ig
Golden Land, the, 19
Goleta, 95
Gomara, cited, 54 {see Gomoras)
Gomaza, 22
Gomez, Antonio Enriquez, 1 58 (notes);
Gomez, Gabriel, agent for King of
Denmark, 89
Gomoras = Francisco Lopes de Go-
mara, 20, 21, 154 (notes)
Gonzales, Abraham Coen, Ixxxvi
Goodwin, xlvii, 1
Gorion, Joseph ben = Gorionides, 1 28,
129, 166 (notes)
Goropius, 53
Gozan, 37-38 ; river, 32, ^2, 38, 39
Gracias, Gregorius, 22
Graetz, cited, xii, xiii, xiv, xxiii, xxvii,
xxxvii, xxxix, lix, Ixx, 154-162
(notes), 169 (notes)
Grammaticus, Elias = Elias Levita,
50, 160 (notes)
Granada, 93
Grecians, 7
Greece, Monarch of, 131
Greenland, 20
Grotius, Hugo, 20, 169 (notes)
Guainacapacus, 22
Guamanga, 22
Guariaga= Indians living near river
of that name, 25 ; River, 24, 25
Guatemala, Indians of, 23
Guayaquil, 153 (notes)
Guinea, negroes of, loi
Giinsburg, cited, 161 (notes)
Guppy, H. B., cited, 155 (notes)
Guz, 37
Habor, 33, 39
Habyssins, 34; kingdom of the =
Abyssinia, 34, 40
Hadrian, 157 (notes)
Hagarens, the, 125
Haggai, 136
Haghe, the= Hague, the, xxiv, xxxi,
49
Halah, 33, 39
Hal(5vy, cited, 156 (notes)
Hamath, 40, 41
Hamborough, 116
Hamburg, 89, 100 ; Bank, xxx ; Jews
at, 49 ; Marranos founded congre-
gations at, xiv
Hamburger, cited, 153 (notes), 156
(notes), 158 (notes)
78)
I7idt
ex
Hamchen, 30
Hara, 39
Hartlib, Samuel, 63
Havana, 1 53 (notes)
Hazor-Gilead, 29
Hebrseus, Jacobus Resales, Ixxx
Hebraism of English religious
thought, XV
Hebrew Cazici, 17
Hebrew tongue, the, 47
Hebrews, 7 ; laws and customs of
the, 22
Heliodorus, 128
Henrique, Don, 90
Henry Vni., XV
Hercules, Duke of Ferraria, 34, 55, 97
Herrera, Alonzo de, xiv ; cited, 56
Heschel, Rabbi Joshua ben Jacob,
xxxvii n.
Heseah, cited, 131
Hierome, S., iig
Hierusalem, 26
Hijah, Abraham bar Ribi = Abraham
ben Chijahha-Nasi of Barcelona,
45, 158 (notes)
Hindostan, Jewish settlers in, xii
" Hippocratis Aphorismi," 147
Hircanus, High Priest, 129
Hirsch, cited, 169 (notes)
Hispaniola, 23
" Historia sive continuatio Flavii
Josephi," 147
" History of the Jews," 5 1
Hoffmann, cited, 169 (notes)
Holland, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, Ixii,
Ixxiii, 82, 100, 120, 137 ; embassies
in, xl ; Jews of, 77, 83 ; Royalist
spies in, xviii
Holmes, Nathaniel, xxv, xxvi, Ixxx,
Ixxxii
Holstace, 89
Holstein, Duke of, 49, 50
Holy Land, 41, 42, 66, 163 (notes),
{see Usque)
Holy Mount at Jerusalem, 44
Holy Office, Tribunals of, xiii
Honan, 29
Honda, 11 «., 12, 16; Port, 153
(notes) {see Bahia Honda)
Hoornbeek, John, 114; cited, 136, 167
(notes)
(I
" Hope of Israel, The," xvii, xviii,
xxvi, xxxix, Ixxviii, 7, 17, 65, 144,
149-154 (notes), 157 (notes), 164
(notes), 167 (notes) ; translated
into Dutch, Spanish, Judeo-Ger-
man, Hebrew, 151 (notes)
Hord-Jerida, 31
Hord of Naphtali, 31
Howell, James, 166 (notes)
Huarte, Johannes, 54
Huet, 169 (notes)
" Humas," 146
" Humble Addresses, The," xxxvi,
xxxviii, xl, xlii, xliv, xlv, 73, 75,
128, 160, 162, 167 (notes); cited,
169 (notes) ; Bibliographical note,
l6i (notes)
Hungaria, 18
Huns, 32
Huza, Elhazar, 85
Hyde, Thomas, 156 (notes)
"I AD A RAZAKA" = "Yad Hacha-
zaka" = Mishneh Torah, 109, 167
(notes)
laes, Jacob ben, Governor of Tiberi-
ades, 86 {see Jachya, Ibn)
Ian, David, 85
Idumean, loi
lecells, I saac = probably Asher ben
Joseph of Cracow, 87, 162 (notes)
Ijon, 29
Inde Maienses, Province of, 25
Independents, xix, xlviii ; extreme,
XX ; Messianic beliefs held by,
xxi ; rise of, xviii
India, 15, 19, 20, 21, 26, 33, 41, 50,
162 (notes); Jews in, 85 ; Upper,
38
Indian, 154 (notes)
Indian Company, West, xxx, 88
Indian Sea, 19
Indians, 6, 17, 22, 28, 38, 54, 56;
American, xxiv; Carybes, 27 ;
countries of the, 24 ; first baptized
and then murdered by Spaniards,
113; forced to swear fealty to King
of Spain, 25 ; of Guatemala, 23 ;
of Jucatan, 22 ; of New Spain and
Peru, 18, 23 ; of Oronoch, 27 ; of
Peru, 23
79)
Indt
ex
Indies, East, 19, 20 ; Inquisition in
the, 28 ; Spaniards dwelling in
the, 20
Indies, West, xxxvi, 19, 40, 53 ;
cities and provinces of, 28
Ingrarn, Robert, 151, 152 (notes)
Inquisition, The, xii, xxxiii, xxxiv,
Ixiv, Ixv, Ixxiii, Ixxviii, 51, 83, 94,
95, 114, 164 (notes); calamities of
the, 48 ; in the Indies, 28 ; Portu-
guese, 163 (notes) ; Spanish, 47,
82, 138
Inquisitors make King and Queen
of Spain take an oath to up-
hold the Catholic faith in their
dominions at an "act of the faith,"
117
Isabel, 51
Isabel Island=Isle of Solomon, 155
(notes)
Isabel of Spain, 39
Isabella, xi, 91, 93, 102, 138, 154
(notes)
Isaiah, Paul, xlii
Islands of the Sea, 40, 41
Islands of the West, 41
Ismael, 113
Israel, 69 ; redemption of, 52 ; return
of to their country, 45
Israel, Menasseh ben(j^tfMenasseh)
Israel, Samuel ben, Ixix
Israelites of the Tribe of Reuben,
xxiv
Israelitish Senate, 118
Italia, Salom, Jewish line-engraver,
executed portrait of Menasseh ben
Israel, 149 (notes)
Italy, xvii, 33, 82, 87, 100, 117, 120,
137 ; Jews go to, 145 ; Jews in,
77, 83 ; Princes of, 50, 51, 96, 121 ;
Princes of Italy declare IJlood
Accusation false, 102
Jachya, Ibn = Ben Jaese, 159 (notes)
Jacob, Eliakim ben, 155 (notes)
Jacobs, Joseph, 152 (notes), cited;
165 (notes)
Jaes, Jacob Aben, Duke of Mytilene
= Alvaro Mendez = Don Solomon,
uncle of Joseph Nasi, 47, 159
(notes) {see Jachya, Ibn)
(I'
Jaese, D. ben, 49, 159 (notes)
Jalcut, 36, 157 (notes)
Jamaica, xxxi, xxxvii
James I. imprisons publisher of
" The Calling of the Jews," xxi
Jan, David, 49 {see Ian)
Japhe, R. Mardochus, cited, 37, 157
(notes)
Jarchi, Selomoh = R. Solomon b.
Isaac of Troyes = Rashi, cited, 37,
45, 157 (notes)
Jarguasongo, province of, 25
Jechoniah, 64
Jechonias, 129
Jellinelc, cited, 169 (notes)
"JepheThoar,"36
Jerida=Hord, 31
Jeroboam, King of the Tribe of
Ephraim, 43
Jerome, 42
Jerusalem, 39, 40, 42, 43, 52, 53, 61,
62, 64, 76, 102, 125, 128, 129, 130 ;
daughter of, 69 ; destruction of,
59, 65 ; Holy Mount at, 44 ; Isaac
Jeshurum died at, 117; New, 67 ;
people of, 35 {see Agrippa's Ora-
tion)
"Jerusalem Talmud," 35
"Jerusalem Targum," 155 (notes)
" Jerushalmi, The," 157 (notes)
Jeshurun, Isaac, tortured and im-
prisoned on Blood Accusation, 116,
150, 168 (notes)
Jeshurum, Joseph, brother of Isaac,
116
Jessey, Henry, xxii, xxviii, xli, xlviii,
xlix, hi, liii «., Ixxx, Ixxxi, 103
Jessop, xliv
Jesuits, xii, 38 ; erected colleges in
Tartary and China, 29
Jewish Quarterly Review, c\ied, 152,
155, 163 (notes)
Jewish question, xxx, xxxi, xxxii,
xxxiii, xlvi, li, Ixix, Ixxii ; nation, 84,
loi ; nation in Holland and Italy,
83 ; Sabbath, 37
Jews, admission of, as citizens of one of
the colonial dependencies of Great
Britain, xxxvii ; at Hamburg, 49 ;
cemetery, petition signed, Ixvii ;
emigration of Spanish, 154 (notes) ;
o)
Index
fidelity of the, 93 ; in Persia, 49,
50, 85 ; in Spain, 164 (notes) ;
kingdom of tlie, 38 ; of Morocco,
163 (notes)
Jisbia, 27
Jochai, R. Simon ben, cited, 93 {see
Johay)
Jochai, R. Simon ben, 163 (notes)
Johanan, Rabbi, cited, 35, 156 (notes)
Johay, Rabbi Simeon ben, author of
"Zoar," disciple of Akiba, 45, 158
(notes)
John, Don, 95
John II., 51 (see Alonsius)
John III., 94
John, Oliver St., xlvii, 1 1 1 ; mission,
XXX, xxxi, xxxviii
Joktan, father of Ophir, 18
Jonah, Rabbi, 34
Jonathan, cited, 135
Jones, Colonel, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixv
Joppa, 19
Joseph, House of, 69
Josephus, 7, 19 ; cited, 29, 35-39 ;
54, 119, 120; 128-131 ; 135, 138
" Josephus Flavius," Menasseh's con-
tinuation, 115
Jucatan, 18 ; Indians of, 22
Judah, House of, 69 ; tribe of, 7, 36,
29-42, 52, 66, 69, 85
Judah, Rabbi, the Prince, 1 56 (notes)
{see Rabbi Johanan)
Judaical Sects, xxi, xxii
Judaisers, xxix
Judas, Beleeving, 47 {see Alacron)
Judea, 126
Julius III., 96
Junquera, Santiago Perez, 151 (notes),
152 (notes)
Jurnin, 112
Juvenal, cited 135,
Kalicout, 38
Karis, Rabbi Judah Aben = Rabbi
Judah ben Koraisch, 34, 1 56 (notes)
Karpeles, cited, 161 (notes)
Kayserling, xiii «., xxiii «., xxvii «.,
lxix«. ;cited,isr,i53, I54,'.i58,i59.
160, 162, 163, 164, 169 (notes),
cited
Kiffen, William, xlvii
Kimhi, Rabbi David, cited, 34, 156
(notes)
Klemperer, cited, 169 (notes)
Knevett, Francis, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixv
Knight of San Miguel, xiii {see
Marranos)
"Koheleth," 161 (notes)
Kolomi, Abraham, 50, 72
Kosi, Rabbi Moseh de, cited, 141
" La Araucana," 155 (notes)
Laban, 56
Labrador, 20, 21
Lacedemonians, 97
Lacto, de, 20, 56
Lagus, Ptolemy's father, 127
Lambert, John, xlvii, 1
Lamik, 38
Laodicea, city of, 55
Latins, 7
" Laus Orationes del Anno," 146
Lavcrence, Henry, xlvii, 1, Ixxxiv
Lebanon, 70
Lee, S. L., xiv n.
Leghorn, Ixxi ; Hebrew bankers of,
XV
Leon, Pedro Cie9ade = Petrus Cieza,
155 (notes)
Leopold, Emperor, xiii
Lescarbotus, 54
Lethuania, Jews in, 87
Levant, xiv, 82, 97, 167 (notes) ;
Jewish settlers of, xii ; trade of,
XXX
Levellers, xxi, xxix
Levita, Elias = Elias Grammaticus,
1 60 (notes)
Levy, Aaron = Antonio de Monte-
zinos, xxiv
Levy, cited, 159, 160, 169 (notes)
Levy, Rev. S., cited, 1 n.
Lewenclavius, 32
"Libellus Anglicus," 161 (notes)
Licurgus, 98
Ligorne, 82
Lima, 48
Lima, David de, 89
Linschotes, cited, 50
Lisbon, Ixxi, 47, 48, 99, 117
Lisborn, 37
Lisle, John, xlvi, xlvii
I)
I?ide>
Lloyd, li
" Loci Communes Omnium Mid-
rasim," 147
Loet, cited, 162 (notes)
London, xxxi ; City authorities of,
Ixvii ; Embassies in, xl ; Jews in,
Ixxiii ; Judaical sects in, xxii ;
Mananos of, xi^■, xxx, xxxv, xxxvi,
Iviii ; Menasseh's arrival in^ xxxvii ;
Menasseh's son sent to persuade
him to come to, 36 ; merchants
of, Ixxvi ; return of Charles II.
to, Ixxi ; " Vindiciae Judaeorum "
written in, 145
Lopes, Roderigo, xiv, xv, 159 (notes)
Lord President, xlvii
Lost Tribes, the, xxiv, 153 (notes),
(j^^ "Thorn Tree")
Low Countries, 88
Lubin = Lubhn, 38, 158 (notes)
Lublin, xxxvii n. ; Jews in, 87
Lunel, 157 (notes)
Lusitano, Amatus, brother of Elias
Montalbo, 86, 160 (notes)
Luther, cited, 55
Luxa, 25
Maccabees, first book of, cited,
128 ; history of the, 62
Maccia, Duke of= Joseph Nasino,
86
Machado, cited, 162 (notes)
Madrid, 26, 51, 117, 151 (notes)
Magog, battle of, 44 ; w;ar of, 43, 52
Mahomitans, 37 ; Jewish captivity
under the, 113
Maimon, R. Moses bar = Maimon-
ides, physician to Saladin of Egypt,
50 ; wTote "Yad Hachazaka," cited,
63, 156 (notes), 167 (notes), 168
(notes)
Mainenses, 25
Mairel, 86
Maisel, Mardocheas or Mordecai,
knighted by Emperor Matthias,
50, 160 (notes)
Malvenda, 20
Manasseh, tribe of, 29
Manton, Thomas, xlviii
Mantua, 33, 51 ; the besieging of,
91 ; Jews in, 87
(I
Manuel, Don, King of Portingal, 28 ;
of Portugal, 158 (notes)
J\Iaragnon = Maraiion = Amazon, 24,
25> 27, 155 (notes)
Margareta, province of, 25
Margarita, Antonius = Aaron Mar-
galita, 136, 169 (notes)
Maria de Medicis, 160 (notes)
Maria, Infanta, xiii
Mariana, 90
Marianus, cited, 54
Marracco, King of, 49
Marrocco, 88
Marranos = New Christians or Cryp-
to-Jews ; derivation of name un-
certain, probably a conuption of
"Maranatha"; remain in Spain
after expulsion of Jews ; influence
on the history of Europe, xii, xiii,
xxxiii, xxxvi, Ix, Ixii, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixviii ;
aim against privileges of, Ixi;
London, xxxv, 1, lii, Iviii, Ixviii ;
London Marranos's petition, Ixxxv ;
petition for burial-ground, Ixvi ; of
Portugal, xxxix ; reach England,
xiv, sign Robles's petition, Ixv ;
of Spain, xxxix ; some London,
known to Cromwell, xxx, 152, 155,
170 (notes)
Mart of Breslau, 38
Martha, St., 18
Martyr, Justin, cited, 120
Matthias, Emperor, 50, 86
Maurice, Prince, 49
Mauritania, 141
Mede, cited, 68
Media, 6, 35, 39, 40, 42 ; mountains
of>.33
Medicis, Duke Cosmus de=Duke
of Toscani, 49
Medicis, Loysia de. Queen of France,
50
Medicis, Maria de, 160 (notes)
Medigo, Eha del = Elias Cretensis,
160 (notes)
Mediterranean, 19 ; Jewish refugees
on coasts of, xi ; Sea, 44
Meetabel, son of Matadel, 21
Meir, R., 133, 169 (notes), {see
Beruria)
Melbourne, 162 (notes)
2)
Index
Meldola, Prof. Raphael, 160 (notes)
Menasseh ben Israel, Rabbi of
Amsterdam, author of " Spes
Israelis" and other works; son
of Marrano of Lisbon ; educated
under care of Rabbi Isaac Uziel ;
became Rabbi at age of eighteen ;
accomplished linguist, writer, and
preacher ; married into the Ab-
arbanel family, xxii, xxiii, xxxiii,
xlv, Ixviii, Ixxxvi, 6, 69, 71,
157 (notes), 161 (notes), 169
(notes) ; arrives in London, xxxvii ;
campaign of, Ixxv ; catalogue of
books of, 146 ; Christian friends
of, 169 (notes) ; connection with
members of the St. John Mission,
xxxi ; contemporary with Sadler,
167 (notes) ; death of, Ixix ; De-
claration to the Commonwealth of
England, 78 ; " De Creatione,"
169 (notes) ; demands presented
to Cromwell, Ixxxiii ; " De Ter-
mino VitK," 149 (notes); for-
mally opens negotiations with the
Government of the Common-
wealth, xliv ; " Hope of Israel,"
xxvi, 65 ; dedication of " Hope of
Israel " to Parliament and Council
of State, 3 ; " Humble Addresses "
printed, xxxviii, 73, 75, 162 (notes) ;
close of " Humble Addresses,"
103 ; invited to England by Crom-
well, xxxvi ; letter, Ixxvii ; letter
to Duiy, Ixxviii ; letter to Felgen-
hauer, Ixxix, 163 (notes) ; Mission
to Cromwell, xvi, Ixxiii ; motives
of his English supporters, 161
(notes) ; negotiations with Thur-
loe, xxxii ; petition not favoured
by the clergy, xlvi ; petition sprung
on Council, xlvi ; petition to Crom-
well, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii ; his portraits,
149 (notes) ; Menasseh 's proposals
read, xlviii ; Menasseh's reply to
Prynne and Ross, " Vindicias
Judaeorum," Ixiii ; sends Dormido
to England, xxxiii ; signs petition,
Ixii ; Menasseh's sojourn in Lon-
don, 165 (notes) ; Menasseh's
summary of the Thirteen Articles
of Faith, 168 (notes) ; Menasseh's
"Vindicia: Judffiorum," 105 ; wife
of, 1 54 (notes) ; with relation to
the Ten Tribes, 152 (notes)
Menda, Nathaniel, 165 (notes), 166
(notes)
Mendana, 155 (notes)
Mendez, Alvaro = Jacob Aben Jaes, 49
Mercado, Abraham de, xxxvi, xxxvii
Mercado, Raphael de, xxxvii
Messiah, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, Ixxviii,
Ixxix, 7, 45, 46, 52, 53, 63, 79, 118,
124 ; son of David, 43, 44 ; son
of Ephraim, 43 ; son of Joseph,
43, 44 ; Bar-Cochba, the Pseudo,
157 (notes)
Messianic beliefs, xxi, xxviii
Meursius, 169 (notes)
Mexico, 22, 23, 48
Michael, Isle of St., 21, 55
Michesius, Joannes = D. Josephus
Nassi, 49
Middelburg, Ixix, i 50 (notes)
Middlesex, E. S., xxvii n.
Middleton, General, Ixxviii
" Midras Rabba," cited, 141
" Midrash, The," cited, 153 (notes)
Millenarians, xxiii, xxv, xxvii, xxix,
xl, 67, 70
Millennium, xxxi, xxxiii
Milum, Lord of=D. Josephus Nassi,
49
Mirandola, Pico de, 50, 160 (notes)
" Mishna, The," 156 (notes)
Mochingerius, Joh., Ixxx, 169 (notes)
Modena, Leo de, xHi, 168 (notes)
Modena, State of, 88
Modina, Duke of, 85
Mohanes = magicians = American-
Indian medicine men, 28, 56, 154
(notes)
Molho, SeIomoh = Diogo Pires, 33,
156 (notes)
" Monarchia Ecclesiastica," 120
Monarchia Ingasonum, 22
Monarchies, The Four, 45, 46
Monarchy Men, Fifth, xv, xxi
Monk, xl, Ixxiii
Montalto, Elias = Felipe Montalto =
Eliahu de Luna Montalto = Don
Philipe Rodrigues, 50, 160 (notes)
83)
Index
Montanas, Arias, 18
Montezinos, Antonio de = Aaron
Levy, xxiv, xxvii, 6, 12, 15, 17, 20,
27, 28, 54, 56, 151, 153, i54(notes) ;
goes with Cazicus, 13 ; relates his
story, 1 1
Montezinos, Ludovicus, 12
Montfort, Marquis of, xiii
Moorish domination in Spain, 158
(notes)
Moors, 39
Mores, the, 94, 98
Morines, 91
Morocco, 127, 141, 156 (notes)
Mortara, cited, 159 (notes)
Morvyn, 166 (notes)
Moses, R., of Egypt, 109, no, 123,
125, 140 ; cited
Miinster, 157 (notes), 161 (notes)
Mussaphia, D.Benjamin = Dionysius
Mussaphia, physician and Rabbi,
50, 159 (notes)
Mysketa, 37
Naccia=D. Josephus Nassi, 49
Nachman, Moses ben, 157 (notes),
{see Gerundensis)
Nahomi, 102
Naphtali, Hord of, 31 ; war with
Zeno, 31
Naphtali, tribe of, 32
Naphtalites, 32 ; war with Zeno, 31
Naples, 49
Nasi, Donna Gracia, 159, 163 (notes)
Nassi, Don Josephus = Joannes
Michesius, nephew and son-in-
law of Bienvenide Abravanela, 49,
86, 159 (notes)
Nation of the Jews, 90
National Conference, xlvi
Navigation Act, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xli,
Ixxiii
Naylor, James, xl
Nazarenus, Eli = Francisco Meldo-
nado de Silva, turned Jew, was
burnt at Lima, 48, 158 (notes)
Nebuchadnezzar, 40, 42, 51, 76, 129,
141 ; dream of, 75 ; image of, 52,
57
Nebuchadnezzar's tree, 59
Nehamias, Himanuel, 170 (notes)
(•
Nephussim, 52
Nero, Id, 130
Netherlands, xxx, xxxiii
Neubauer, Dr. A., cited, 152 (notes),
153 (notes)
Neve, Le, Ixxv
New Africa, 34
New Christians or Marranos, xii
New Exchange, xxxvii
" New Model," xix
New Spain, 18, 22, 31, 54 ; Indians
of, 18, 23 ; Ten Tribes in, 20
New World, xiv ; inhabitants of, 6
Newcomen, xlviii, xlix
Nicanor, 128
Nicaraguazenses, 22
Nicholas, Sir Edward, xxii, xli ; cited,
103
Nicolay, Nicholas de, cited, 162
(notes)
Nieupoort, cited, xli «., Ix n.
Nile, The, 19,34,39,41,44
Nisa, 84
Nisebor, 32
" Nismachaim," 146
Nizza, 82
" Nomenclator Hebraius and Arabi-
cus," 147
" Nomologia," 163 (notes)
North Sea, 21
Norway, 6, 54
Norwich, 112, 166 (notes)
Nova Granada, 24
Novae Angliae, Ixxxi
Nuevos Christianos {see Marranos),
lix, Ixi
Nye, Philip, xlviii, xlix, 1
Og, 57
Ogay, 29
Ojeda, 153 (notes)
Omeguas, 23
Onias, the High Priest, 76, 128
Onkelos, cited, 135
Ophir, 19, 53, 54 ; son of Jokton, 18
" Orationes Panegyricae," 146
" Orchot 01am," 38, 156 (notes)
Orchotolam, Abraham Frisol = Abra-
ham Farisol or Peretsol, author of
" Orchot Olam," 33, 1 56 (notes)
Origen, 54 ; cited, 55
84)
Index
Ornstein, Rev. A. F., 162 (notes)
OrcEnsis, 30
Oronoch, the Indians of, 27
Orosius, cited, 55
Orpa, 103
Orsna, Petrus de, killed by Aquine,
24,25
Oitelius, 31 ; cited, 33, 53, 54
Osorius, Hieronymus, 28 ; cited, 98,
99, 100, 138, 163 (notes)
Otteman race, 52
Ottoman family, 97
Owen, Dr., xxix, xlviii
Oxford University, xlviii
Pack, Sir Christopher, xlvii, li
Padua, 50, 160 (notes) ; Jews in, 87 ;
Mounts of Piety at, 101
Palache, Seignor Moseh, 88, 163
(notes)
" Palaorama," 1 53 (notes)
Palatine, Prince, 28
Palaxe, Samuel, 49, 159 (notes)
Paliciano, Monsegnor Monte, 95
Pampelona, 24
Panama, 18, 31
Para, Great, 27
" Parasa Aazinu," 37
Paris, Matthew, cited, 112
Paris, Parliament of, 97
Parisius, Cardinal, cited, 96
Pariiament, of England, 157 (notes) ;
dedication of " Hope of Israel " to,
3, 144 ; dedication of Latin edi-
tion of " Hope of Israel " to, xxvi ;
Long, Iviii ; pamphlet, probably
read in, xxvii ; of Paris, 97
Parthia, 40
Parvaim, 18
Pathros, 40
Paul III. of the House of Farnesia,
94, 9S> 96
Paul IV., Pope of Rome, 98
Paul's, St., Cathedral, xli ; Church,
118
Paz, Enriquez de, xiii
Paz, Seignor Duarte de, 95
Pedro the Cruel, Don, 90, 163 (notes)
Pckft 20
Pelham's "Jew Bill," xx
Pelu, 19
Pelusium, 40
" Pene Rabba," 146
Pequin, 29
Pequinenses, 29
Perasach, 36
Pernambuco, xxxiii, xxxvii
Peroza, 31
Persia, 32, 39, 40, 42 ; Kings of, 31 ;
Monarch of, 131
Persians, 32
Peru, 18, 20, 22, 24, 25, 31, 53, 54,
153 (notes); Indians of, 23;
chronicles of, 22
Pesria, Guebia ben, 141
Peters, Hugh, xix, xxviii, xl, xliii, 1, lix
Petition, for burial-ground, Ixvi ; to
repeal " Statute of Banishment "
against Jews, xx
Petra, 40
Petronius, 129
Peyrfere, laac la, 168 (notes)
Pharaoh, 76
Pharaonica, Isle, 55
Phenicians, 6
Phes, Governors of, 49 (see Rutes)
Philadelphus, Ptolomeus, 124, 130
Phihp II., King of Spain, 91
Philip III., 26
Philip, King of France, 51
Philo, 129; cited, 130, 131, 135
" Philosophia Rabbinica," 147
" Phocylides," 147
Pickering, Sir Gilbert, xlvi, xlvii
" Piedra Gloriosa," 149 (notes)
" Piedra Pretiosa," 146
Pineda, Thomas de, Marrano Jesuit
Father, xiii ; cited, 54, 120
Pinto, Mosseh, 170 (notes)
Pires, Diogo {see Molcho), 156 (notes)
Pisarrus, Gonzalus, 24
Pizarrus, Franciscus, 17
Placentia, 39
" Plain Dealing," Ixvi
Plancius, 130
Plato, 54
Pliny, 20; cited, 37, 55
Plutarch, 55, 58; cited, 118, 127
Pocock, cited, 149 (notes), i59(notes)
Poland, xxxix ; Jews in, xlv, Ixx, 77,
87 ; King of, Henry of Anjou
elected, 159 (notes) ; usury in, 120
85)
Index
Polonians, 38
Pomis, David de, 50, 160 (notes)
Ponipey, 76, 1 30 ; end of, 5 1
Pope, the, 33, 94 ; receives Reiibeni,
155 (notes) ; declares Blood Accu-
sation false, 102 ; Paul IV., 9S ;
Sextus \'., 50
Porarius, 54
Porphiry, 54
Port Honda (see Bahia Honda), 153
(notes)
Portingal = Portugal, 27 ; King of, 28
Portugal, xii, xiii, xxxvii, Ixi, Ixxiii,
33, 48, 94 ; banishment of Jews
from, 93 ; Cardinal of, 98 ; Earle
of, 117 ; Inquisition in, Ixiv ; Jews
in, xlv ; King of, xxv, xxxiv, 49, 95,
121, 168 (notes) ; King of, receives
Reubeni, 155 (notes) ; King Em-
anuel of, 51, 97 ; trade of, xxix
Portugals, 91, 96
Portuguese, Ixi, Ixv, 48 ; alliance,
xxix ; conquer Pernambuco, xxxiii
Possevimus, cited, 54
PosteUus, Gulielmus, 53
Prague, xxxvii ti., 50, 169 (notes) ;
astrologer of (jtv \'crus), 28 ; Jews
in, 86 ; Synagogues at, 160 (notes)
" Prelate of the Commonwealth " (sec
Manton)
Presbyterians, xix
President, Lord, Ixii
Prester John, 34
" Pride's Purge," xix
Prince of the Twelve Tribes, 43
Privy Council, Ix, Ixxv
" Problemata de Creatione," 146
Proclamation by Privy Council, Ix
Proclus, 54
Procopius, cited, 32
" Prolegomena," 114, 136
Prometheus, 55
Protector, the, xvii, xxxi, xxxiv,
XXXV, xxxvi, xli, xlvi, Iv, Ixiv, Ixvi,
162 (notes) ; death of, Ixxi ; expects
report on Menasseh's petition, xlv ;
Menasseh guest of, xxxiii ; petition
to, from Marranos, Ixii ; receives
Robles's petition, Ixi
Protectoi-'s speech, liii ; threat, Ivii
Provence, 85
(I
Prussia, Ixxx ; Jews in, 87
Prynne, xlii «., xliii//., xlix «., li, Ivii,
Ixiii ; cited, 142, 165 (notes)
Psuedo-Messiah, Bar Cochba, 157
(notes) ; Sabbethai Zevi, xi
Ptolomies, Histories of, 90
Ptolomy, 127
Ptolomy, Philadelphus, 124, 130
Ptolomyes tables, 34
Puerto, 99
Puerto de Santa Cruz [sa Bahia
Honda), 153 (notes)
Pul, King of Assyria, 29
Pumbaditha, School of(jr« Seadiah),
158 (notes)
Puritans gratified by Menasseh's
praise, xxvii ; rise of, xviii
Quakers, the, 167 (notes)
Queiros, Ferdinades de, 26
Quity, Province of = Quito, 11,25, 153
(notes)
Quivira, 21, 31
RAGUSA = Aragusa, 164 (notes), 168
(notes)
Raphanea, 36, 38
" Rappel des Juifs," 168 (notes)
Raguenet, xxxvii 11.
Readmission of the Jews, xxx, xxxi,
xxxii, xxxiv, xxxix, xl, xliv, xlvi, lii,
liv, hx
Reato, Mordehai, 45
" Rebus Emanuelis, de," 98
Recife, xxxvii
" Reconciler," 29, 42
Recusancy Acts, Iviii
Red Sea, 19, 41
Redemption from Babylon, 42
Reformation, the, xv, xviii, 160
(notes)
"Refutatis libri cui titulus Pncada-
mitaa," 147
Reggio, State of, 88
Religious liberty, xx, xxi, Ixxvi {see
Cromwell's policy, xxviii) ; pro-
gress of, xix ; restricted fomi of,
xviii
Rembrandt, Ixix ; friend of Men-
asseh, 169 (notes) ; painted two
portraits of l^Ienasseh, 149 (notes)
86)
htdi
ex
"Remnant Found, The," 152 (notes)
Republican Government, xix, Ixxiv,
xxvii ; triumph, xxiii
Resettlement, petition, xxxv ; ques-
tion, Holmes's treatise on, xxvi
Restoration, Ixx ; Cromwell's mari-
time and commercial policy carried
out after, Ixxiii
Retio, 85
Reuben, tribe of, 29
Reubenita, David, 33
Reubenite, David the {see Reuben-
ita) = David Reubeni, 33, 155
(notes)
Reuchlin, 72
" Revelation Revealed, The," 63
" Revelation Unrevealed, The," 67
Revolution, xx
Ribera, Franciscus de, 19
Ricaut, Ixxiv
Riccards, Alderman, xlvii
Riccius, P. Matthasus, 29, 30
Richardson, Samuel, Ixvi
"Rights of the Kingdom," 166
(notes)
Rios, Amador de los, xiv
Robles, Don Antonio Rodrigues, Ix,
Ixi, Ixii, Ixiii ; Robles's petition to
the Protector, Ixiv ; reinstated, Ixvi
Rocamora, Vicente de, xiii
Rodriques, Don Daniel, 88
Rofe, Selomo, ambassador to Venice,
86 {see Rophe)
Roman, 22 ; empire, loi
" Romance al diuin Martir Juda
Creyente," poem by Gomez, 158
(notes)
Romans, 32, 35, 90, 97 ; Bar Cochba
rebelled against the, 1 57 (notes) ;
the kingdom of the, 126
Rome, xiii, 26, 48, 50, 57, 95, 96, 160
(notes), 163 (notes) ; a famous
lawyer of, 93 ; Habyssins at, 34 ;
Jews in, 87 ; monarch of, 131 ;
Paul IV. of, 98; people of, 129;
Pope of, 94
Rophd, Seiior H. Meyr, 1 57 (notes)
Rophe, Don Selomo {see Rofe) =
Rabbi Solomon ben Nathan Asch-
kenazi, 49, 1 59 (notes)
Resales, Immanuel Bocarus Frances
y, a Count Palatin, Ixxx, 89, 163
(notes)
Ross, Alexander, xiii, xliii, Ivii, Ixiii,
165 (notes)
Rothschild, Baron Lionel de, Ixxvi
Rous, Francis, xlvii
Rowe, Owen, xlvii
Royalists, xl, xli, Ixxi ; letter, lix ;
spies, Ix ; spies in Holland, xviii ;
treat with Jews, Ixxiii
Rudolph, Emperor, 160 (notes)
Ruffinus, 119
Rupert's Horse, xiii
Rutes, the Lords, 49
Ruthes, 88
Rycaut, xv n., liii n.
Sabbath, 37 ; Jewish, 37
Sabbathion or Sabbathian River, 35,
37, 38, 40 {see Sabbatical River)
Sabbatical River, 35-38, 66, 69, 153
(notes)
Sabellicus, Marcus Antonius, cited,
97
Sadler, John, contemporary of Men-
asseh ben Israel, xxii, xxvii, xl,
xliii, Iviii, Ixii, Ixiii n., 166, 167
(notes)
Sagredo, xli
Saladin, King of Egypt, 50
Salamanca, xiv, 39
Salamanque, Synagogues of, 86
Salines, Captain, 25
Salmanassar, captivity of, 69 ; Sal-
manaster, 20 ; Salmaneser, 33, 37,
42 . .
Salvetti, xli n., lix
Samaria, 29, 130
Samaritans, 128
Sambation, 153 (notes), {see Sabbati-
cal River)
Samuel ben Israel, xxxvi
Samuel, Jacob, 152 (notes); Rabbi,
166 (notes)
Sanhedrin, 35, 156 (notes)
Saracen, 115
Saragoci, grandson of Ferdinand
and son of Emanuel, 5 1
Saragossa, xii
Saraph baxas, Jews as, in Egypt, 49
Sarazens, 30
87)
Index
Sasal, Prince of, 88
Sasportas, Jacob, xxxvii n.
Satah, R. Simeon ben, 141
Satthianadhan, cited, 160 (notes)
Savoy, Duke of, 51, 84, 97 {see Feli-
bert)
" Scala de Spalatro," 82
Scaliger, cited, 160 (notes)
Scandia, Marquis of, 88
"Scebet Jehuda," 121, 168 (notes)
Schemtob de Leon, Moses ben, 158
(notes)
Schikhardus, cited, 31
Schmieles, Jacob Basevi, 160 (notes),
{see Bathsebah)
Schwab, cited, 154 (notes)
Scythia, 20, 42
Seadiah, Rabbi = Saadja ben Joseph
= Saadja Gaon, 158 (notes)
Seba, Fernando Jacob ben, 86
Sebastian, King, 51
Second Temple, 46, 53
" Sedar Olam," 35, 156 (notes)
Seignor of Millo = Joseph Nasino, 86
Sekes, Governors of, 49 {see Rutes)
Selencus, 128
Selim, Sultan, 49, 113, 135 ; peace
with Venetians, 49
Selve, George de, 161 (notes)
Senensis, Sixtus, cited, 125
Separatists, xviii, xix
"Sepher Eldad Danita," 34, 156
(notes)
"Sermois," 147
Setuval, 99
Seven Islands, Lord of the, 49
Seville, xii
Sextus v.. Pope, 50
Shalmaneser, King of Assyria, 29, 32
Shinar, 40
"Shir Ha-Shirim Rabba " = " Asirim
Rabba," 157 (notes)
Shulamite, 58
Shunamite, the, 64
" Sicilian Constitutions," cited, 1 1 5
" Sifre," 1 58 (notes), {see Johay)
Silesia, Ixxx
Silva, Don Francesco Meldonado
de = Eli Nazarenus, a Marrano
{see Marquis of Montfort, 158
(notes), 1 59 (notes)
Simeon the Just, 128
Simon, Barbara Anne, 152 (notes)
Simon, Rabbi, cited, 36
Simon, Petrus, cited, 23
Sina, 29, 40, 41
Sinai, Mount, 114
Sinear, 40
Sinim, Land of, 31 {see Sina)
Singer, Rev. S., cited, 163 (notes)
Sion, 46, 61, 62
Sisbuthus, the end of, 5 1
" Smectymnuus," xlviii
Smyrna, xv, 151 (notes)
Sobierre, 169 (notes)
Soeiro, Semvel ben Israel, 150 (notes)
{see Samuel Ben Israel)
" Sohar" = "Zohar" = "Zoar," 158
(notes)
Soliman, Sultan, 97
Solime, Sultan, 86
Solinus, cited, 33
Solis, Eliazar de, 117
Solis, Simao Pires, 117
Solomon, Isle of = Isabel Island,
115 (notes)
Solomon and Hierusalem, 155
Solon, 98
Solymon II., 160 (notes)
Sonsinos, 49, 1 59 (notes)
Southern Sea, 16
South Sea, De Quieros enters, 26
Spain, xi xii, xiii, 51, 54, 84, 90, 154 ;
banishments of, 46 ; banishment of
Jews from, 93 ; cruelties to Jews
in, xlv; Inquisition in, Ixiv; In-
dians compelled to swear fealty to
King of, 25 ; Jews in, 83 ; King
of, Ixi, 28, 49, 91, 93, \l\~-see
Alfonso, 168 (notes) ; see King
Alphonso the Wise of, 102 ; King
of, present at an " act of the faith "
at Madrid, 117 ; Papistry of, xxix ;
struggle with Elizabeth, xv ; trade
of, XXX ; war with, Ix ; when pos-
sessed by the Moors, 39
Spaniards, 17, 18; in America, 25 ;
baptized Indians and then mur-
dered them, 113; cruelty of, to
Indians, 11 ; dwelling in the Indies
affirm that the Indians come of the
Ten Tribes, according to Menas-
88)
Indi
ex
seh ben Israel, 20 ; find sepulchres,
21 ; first come to America, 16 ;
found by accident, who had re-
mained hidden eight hundred
years, 39; in India, 13
Spanish, cruelties, 51 ; Inquisition,
47 ; nationality, Ixiv
Spence, liii n.
Spencer or Spenser, Sir Edward,
xxvii, xxviii, 151 (notes), i5i
(notes)
" Spes Israelis," xxii, 68, 146
Spinoza, xxxvi
Spizelli, Theophili, 152 (notes)
States General, xvii, 144.
Steele, William, xlvii, xlix
Steinschneider, cited, 162 (notes)
Sterry, Peter, 1
Strabo, cited, 55
Straus, Oscar, xix n.
Strickland, xxxi, xlvii
Stuarts, Ixviii ; enemies of the, Ixx
Sueton, cited, 55
Sura, schools of {see Seadiah), 158
(notes)
Surinam, xxxvii
Sweden, Jews in, xlv ; Queen of,
xxxvi
Sydenham, William, xlvii
Syria, 35, 40, 130
Syrian tyrants, 62
Sythia, 41
Tabaiares, 25, 26
Tabis, 20
Tabne, 125
Tabor, a province of Tartary, 33
Tacitus, cited, 55
Talmud, cited, no, 125, 127; cited,
133; cited, 136; cited, 140, 157
(notes) ; Babylonian, cited, 36, 43 ;
Jerusalem, 35 ; Rabbins in the,
43
Talmudists, 75, 92
Taradanta, governors of, 49 {see
Rutes)
" Targum " — see Onkelos, 1 35 (notes) ;
Uziel, 155 (notes)
"Targum upon Ruth," cited, 138
"Targum Yerushalmi," 155 (notes)
Tarshish, 28
Tarsis, 19, 44
Tartarians, 6
Tartaria the Greater, 20 (j^« Arsareth)
Tartars, 54
Tartary, 6, 20, 29, 31, 33, 40, 42, 53,
55
Tartas, Isaac Castrensis= Isaac de
Castro Tartas, burnt at Lisbon,
47, 1 58 (notes)
Tartyri, Ixxxi
Tegris, 39
Temple, first, 46 ; second, 6, 36, 39,
46, 53; third, 52
Ten Tribes, the, xxvi, Ixxviii, 6, 20,
22, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40,
41, 42, 43, 66, 6g, 151 (notes), 152
(notes), 155 (notes) ; habitations of
the, 39 ; in Ethiopia, 1 56 (notes) ;
in Spain, 20 ; Kingdom of the, 44
Terbinon, Thomas = Thomas (Isaac)
Trebino de Sobremente, 48, 159
(notes)
Terceras, Islands of, 55
Tertullian, cited, 120
"The Thorn Tree," 153 (notes)
"Thesoro de los dinim," 146
Theta, 153 (notes)
Thompson, Sheriff, xlvii
" Thoraces, The," 87
Thorowgood, Thomas, xxiv, xxv «.,
Ixxviii, 67, 152 (notes), 153 (notes);
treatise of, xxv
Thraskytes, the race of, 66
Thurloe, xxxi, xxxii, xxxix «., xl, xli n.,
li, liv «., Ix «., Ixi, Ixxxviii
Thurloe's advice to Menasseh, xxxviii
Tiahuanacu, a province of Collai, 21
Tiberiades, Governor of {see Jacob
Jaes), 86
Tiberius, 55
Tibur, 33
Tiglath-Pileser, 29
" Tiguanac, Antiquity of," 22
Timasus, Plato's, 54
Titus, Emperor, 36, 126
Tobit, Book of, 35
Toledo, xii, 117
Toledo, Lady Leonora de, daughter
of D. Peter de Toledo, 49
Toledo, D. Peter de. Viceroy of
Naples, 49
89) M
Index
Toleration movement, xxii ; Owen's
scheme of, xxix ; religious, xxxi
Tornunfus, 36 = Turnus Rufus, 157
(notes)
Torquemada, xii
Toscani, Duke of = Duke Cosmus de
Medicis, 49
Totonacazenses, 22
Totones of New Spain, 22
Tours, 160 (notes)
Tovey, xli
Trachomites, the, 138
Trask, 69
Trent, Council of, Ixxxi
Treuenburg, von {see Bathsebah)
Tribes, the Ten {see Ten Tribes) ;
the Twelve {see Twelve Tribes) ;
the Two {see Two Tribes)
Trigantius, Nicholaus, 29
Triglath Pilesser, 32
Tuckney, Anthony, xlviii
Tudela, Benjamin of = Tudelensis,
38, 156 (notes), 158 (notes)
Tudelensis {see Tudela)
Tully, cited, 130
Tunes = Tunis, 19, 95, 154 (notes)
Turk, the, 49 ; the Grand, xv ; Jews
at Court of the Grand, 85 ; king-
dom of the Great, 86
Turkish Empire, 162 (notes) ; Jews
in, 85, 113
Turks, 57 ; conquered by Emperor
Charles V., 95
Turkey, 100 ; Jewish families play
important part in, 1 59 (notes)
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, lix, 87
Twelve Tribes, the, of Israel, 153
(notes), {see "Thorn Tree); Prince
of the, 43
Two Tribes, the, 52, 53, 70, 85
Tyberias, Governor of {see Jacob
Aben Jaes), 49
Tyril, Ixxi
Upper India, 38
"Ur of the Chaldees," 153 (notes)
Usque, Samuel {see Vasquo), 163
(notes)
Utre, Philip d', 23, 24
Uziel, Rabbi Jonathan ben, author
of "Targum," ig, 36, 155 (notes)
(I
Valladolid, 47
Valle, Marquis del, 17
Vanega, 18
Vasquo = Usque, 163 (notes); cited,
99
Vega, Don Diego Vaca de la, 25
Vega, Garcillasso de la, 19 ; cited, 54
Venetian Senate, 160 (notes)
Venetians make peace with Selim, 49
Venezuela, 23
Venice, 86, 87, 160 (notes) ; Republic
of, 49 ; Senate of, 88, 97
Veray, the Lord Lope de {see
Alacron), 158 (notes)
Verga, Solomon Aben, 167 (notes)
Verona, Jews in, 87 ; Mounts of
Piety at, loi
Verus, Jacobus, astrologer of Prague,
28
Vespacius, 17
Vespasian, 126
Vicarius, Joannes Castilianus, 24
Vicenza, Mounts of Piety at, 10 1
Vienna, iij ; Jews in, 86
Villefleur, 28
Villepende, Marquis de = Lord
Joseph de Fano, 87
Viles, the, 87
Vinaque, River, 22
" Vindicise Judaeorum," xvi, Ixiii,
Ixiv, Ixxvii, 105 ; cited, 164
Violet, Thomas, xlii «., Ixvii «., Ixxi,
Ixxii
Viterbo, Cardinal Egidio di, pupil of
Elias Grammaticus, 160 (notes)
Voga, Garcillassos de la ; cited, 21
Vorstius, 169 (notes)
Vossius, the family of, 169 (notes)
Vsquoquibs, the, 88
Wales, Judaical sects in, xxii
Wall, Moses, xxvii, 151 (notes),
154 (notes), 161 (notes)
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 165 (notes)
War of Gog and Magog, 43, 52
Webb, Ixxv n.
West Indian Company, xxx
West Indians, 27
West Indies, xxxvi, 11, 19, 21, 29;
first Colonies of, 18 ; inhabitants
of, 6
90)
Index
Westminster Assembly, xlviii
Whitchcote, xlviii
Whitehall, xvii, xliv, xlvi, xlvii ;
meeting of Council of Mechanics
at, xix
Whitehall Assembly, xvii, Ivii, 144
Whitehall Conference, xix, xlviii, 1 «.,
li, hi, liii, Iviii, lix, Ixvi, Ixxxiv,
149 (notes); adjourned, xlix;
meeting between Nye and Prynne
at, 167 (notes)
Whitelock, xxi n., xli
Wicofortius, Jaochimus, 31
Wiener, cited, 168 (notes)
Wilkes, Anna, 153 (notes)
Wilkinson, Henry, xlviii
Williams, Roger, xix, xxii, xl
Wilna, 151 (notes)
Wolf, Lucien, cited, xii «., xv «.,
xix n., xxxiii, xxxviii, Ixxv, Ixxvi,
157 (notes), 160 (notes)
Wolseley, Sir Charles, xlvi, xlvii
Wood, C. M., cited, 155 (notes)
Xarites, 91
Xenophon, cited, 55
Xylus, 154 (notes)
Yad Hachazaka=Iad a Razaka,
167 (notes)
York, Marrano settlements in, xiv
Zacculo, Abraham = Zaccuto, 45,
158 (notes)
Zaduces, 125
Zarate, cited, 54
Zealand, 27
Zebulon, tribe of, 32
Zeeland, Ixix
"Zemach David," 163 (notes), 169
(notes)
Zeno, Emperor, 31
Zevi, Sabbethai = Pseudo-Messiah,
XV
Zidan, Mulai or Mulet=King of
Maracco, 49, 127
Zion, 60, 114, 145
" Zoar " = " Zohar " = " Sohar," 45, 93,
158 (notes), (see Johay), 163 (notes)
Zuniga, Alonzo di Ercilla y {see
Erzilla), 155 (notes)
Zunz, cited, 155 (notes), 157 (notes),
165 (notes)
THE END
Printed by Ballantvne, Hanson df Co.
Edinburgh dr* London
LMMHiMM»k)OROWHid4«HHMw«iinBikKMnJMbo0WwwefxwUUfb(M mtlnnlri nnt wknt iflnlthfrtnnjMqMWMHm »ti cWm Artf vwrirtm UnfiHf th trtTirthtinnhJirirth rirtirtfif
MnMwlabU(Nn4a4M
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11